a message from a committee of both houses of parliament, to the spanish ambassador, to make stay of ships at dunkerk, intended for the supply of the rebels in ireland. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82886 of text r209774 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[45]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82886 wing e1648 thomason 669.f.3[45] estc r209774 99868636 99868636 160603 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82886) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160603) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[45]) a message from a committee of both houses of parliament, to the spanish ambassador, to make stay of ships at dunkerk, intended for the supply of the rebels in ireland. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) february 18. london, printed for joseph hunscott, [london] : 1641 [i.e. 1642] with engraved border. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1600-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -foreign relations -spain -early works to 1800. a82886 r209774 (thomason 669.f.3[45]). civilwar no a message from a committee of both houses of parliament, to the spanish ambassador, to make stay of ships at dunkerk, intended for the suppl england and wales. parliament. 1642 216 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tudor rose scottish thistle a message from a committee of both houses of parliament , to the spanish ambassador , to make stay of ships at dunkerk , intended for the supply of the rebels in ireland . the lords and commons have commanded us , to intimate to the spanish ambassador , the advertisement that they have received of certain ships lying in dunkerk , layded with ammunition ready , to take sale , intended for the relief of the rebels of ireland : this they hold contrary to the articles agreed upon , in the treaties of peace between the two crowns ; and therefore the ambassador is to be moved from both houses , to send speedily to dunkerk , and to all other his majesties dominions , and unto the king his master , to make stay of those , and all such ships , as may carry any supply of men , victuals , money , or any other ayd to his majesties subjects , that at this present are in rebellion in ireland ; which otherwise will be understood to be a breach of the treaties , between the crowns of england and spain , and so resented by the parliament . february 18. london , printed for joseph hunscott . 1641. die jovis 24⁰ iulii, 1645. ordered by the commons assembled in parliament, that in regard those souldiers taken prisoners by sir thomas fairfax, which have cheerfully listed themselves for the service of the parliament against those bloudy and barbarous rebels of ireland, ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83778 of text r212451 in the english short title catalog (thomason e261_6). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83778 wing e2659 thomason e261_6 estc r212451 99871069 99871069 159305 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83778) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 159305) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 44:e261[6]) die jovis 24⁰ iulii, 1645. ordered by the commons assembled in parliament, that in regard those souldiers taken prisoners by sir thomas fairfax, which have cheerfully listed themselves for the service of the parliament against those bloudy and barbarous rebels of ireland, ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1644] place of publication from wing. signed: hen. elsyng. cler. parl. d. com. calls for contributions to help support the soldiers. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a83778 r212451 (thomason e261_6). civilwar no die jovis 24⁰ iulii, 1645. ordered by the commons assembled in parliament,: that in regard those souldiers taken prisoners by sir thomas fa england and wales. parliament. 1644 311 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die jovis 24o . iulij , 1645. ordered by the commons assembled in parliament , that in regard those souldiers taken prisoners by sir thomas fairfax , which have cheerfully listed themselves for the service of the parliament against those bloudy and barbarous rebels of ireland , could not possibly be yet transported into that kingdome , have for their necessary sustenance all that charitable benevolence collected for them , by vertue of the order of the commons assembled in parliament of 27o . junij , 1645. that upon sunday next , being a day of thanksgiving and great rejoycing , for severall blessings bestowed upon this kingdome ; that all the ministers of the severall churches and chappels within the cities of london and westminster , lines of communication , and the weekly bils of mortality , be especially desired , both in the fore-noon and after-noon of the next lords day , to move effectually their respective congregations , to contribute their charity towards the relief and transportation of those souldiers , which are willing to adventure their lives in so pious and honourable imployment . and all such monies as shall be collected by the respective officers and churchwardens for this service , shall be paid over on monday next , to alderman bunce , alderman kenrick , and the rest of the treasurers appointed to receive the fourscore thousand pounds upon the late ordinance for ireland . and the committees for the adventurers for ireland , sitting at grocers-hall , are desired to give their best assistance for the advancing of this charitable contribution , which shall be issued out for the relief of the said souldiers , in such manner as by warrant from the committee of prisoners shall be from time to time directed . hen. elsyng . cler. parl. d. com. a declaration of the general convention of ireland expressing their detestation of the unjust proceedings against the late king, in a pretended high court of justice in england. ireland. general convention. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46020 of text r43284 in the english short title catalog (wing i379). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46020 wing i379 estc r43284 27131408 ocm 27131408 109988 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46020) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109988) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:24) a declaration of the general convention of ireland expressing their detestation of the unjust proceedings against the late king, in a pretended high court of justice in england. ireland. general convention. 1 sheet ([1] p.). imprinted at dublin by william bladen, [dublin] : anno domini 1660. "i. of may 1660 ordered that this declaration be forthwith printed and published. mat. barry cl. of the general convention of ireland." reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649. ireland -politics and government -17th century. ireland -history -1649-1660. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660. a46020 r43284 (wing i379). civilwar no a declaration of the general convention of ireland, expressing their detestation of the unjust proceedings against the late king, in a prete ireland. parliament 1660 407 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-02 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ¶ a declaration of the general convention of ireland , expressing their detestation of the unjust proceedings against the late king , in a pretended high court of iustice in england . whereas by the contrivances of some self designing persons , a sinful and unexemplary force was put upon the parliament of england in the year 1648. those persons having cause to despair of the parliaments compliance with their horrid and destructive principles , though never so artificially and plausibly heldforth : vvhich single act in it self though it was a transcendent violation of that kingdomes birth right , yet it seemed too cheap & vile a sacrifice to their ambition , except they mingled with it the blood of their and our lawful soveraign ; in order whereunto , they presumed to erect a court called by themselves a high court of justice , where , by an ugly and execrable sentence they condemned him to death , which was executed under all the circumstantial aggravations of barbarisme . since which time , the people of this kingdome having not had opportunity of assembling themselves in ireland untill the meeting of this general convention ; and being by the blessing of god now met , vve judge it our duty to declare , and do hereby declare to the whole vvorld our unsained and hearty detestation of , and our protestation against those most inhumane , unparalelld and barbarous proceedings against the late king : which by true protestants can be termed no other , then the foulest murther , and highest assassination that sacred or profane story hath recorded : being perpretated by the said persons in a kingdome where the true reformed religion eminently flourisht , and being contrary to that solemn league and covenant which they themselves had taken , and all this countenanct under a pretext of publick iustice . and vve heartily beg of god , that he would silence the cry of that innocent blood , and not further punish these nations for the same , by continnueing them in confusions and unsettlements , but in the riches of his mercy restore them to peace upon the sure foundations of truth and righteousness . 1. of may 1660 ordered that this declaration be forthwith printed and published . mat. barry cl. of 〈◊〉 general convention of ireland . imprinted at dublin by william bladen anno domini 1660. his majesties answer to a message sent to him by the house of commons, concerning licences granted by him to persons to go into ireland. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78634 of text r209824 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[59]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78634 wing c2100 thomason 669.f.3[59] estc r209824 99868680 99868680 160617 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78634) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160617) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[59]) his majesties answer to a message sent to him by the house of commons, concerning licences granted by him to persons to go into ireland. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majesty: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641 [i.e. 1642] with engraving of royal seal at head of document. in this edition the imprint has 2 lines; line 1 ends: kings. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. a78634 r209824 (thomason 669.f.3[59]). civilwar no his majesties answer to a message sent to him by the house of commons, concerning licences granted by him to persons to go into ireland. england and wales. sovereign 1642 353 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tudor rose c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms scottish thistle ❧ his majesties answer to a message sent to him by the house of commons , concerning licences granted by him to persons to go into ireland . his majestie hath seen and considered the message presented to him by the lord compton and master baynton , the 19th of march , 1641. at york , touching such persons as have been licensed by his majestie to passe into ireland . though he will not insist upon what little reason they had to suspect that some ill-affected persons had passed into ireland , under colour of his majesties licence ( inferences being slender proofs to ground belief upon ) yet he must needs avow , that for any thing that is yet declared , he cannot see any ground why master pym should so bouldly affirm before both houses of parliament , that since the stop upon the ports by both houses against all irish papists , many of the chief commanders now in the head of the rebells , have been suffered to passe by his majesties immediate warrant ; for as yet there is not any particular person named that is now so much as in rebellion ( much lesse in the head of the rebells ) to whom his majestie hath given licence ; and therefore according to his majesties reply upon that subject , his majestie expects , that his house of commons publish such a declaration , whereby this mistaking may be cleared , that so all the world may see his majesties caution in giving of passes ; and likewise , that his ministers have not abused his majesties trust , by any surreptitious warrants . and lastly , his majestie expects , that henceforth there be more warinesse used , before such publike aspersions be laid , unlesse the grounds be beforehand better warranted by sufficient proofs . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641. whereas the parliament stands prorogued untill the three and twentieth day of this instant september, and whereas for sundry causes and considerations we have thought fit and convenient and necessary further to prorogue the said parliament untill the five and twentieth day of october next ... by the lord deputy, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. 1664 approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46183 wing i917 estc r36945 16159476 ocm 16159476 104935 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46183) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104935) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:53) whereas the parliament stands prorogued untill the three and twentieth day of this instant september, and whereas for sundry causes and considerations we have thought fit and convenient and necessary further to prorogue the said parliament untill the five and twentieth day of october next ... by the lord deputy, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. ossory, thomas butler, earl of, 1634-1680. 1 broadside. printed by john crooke ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1664. title from first 7 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council-chamber in dublin the 12th. day of september, 1664." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland. -parliament. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the lord deputy . c2r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ossory , whereas the parliament stands prorogued untill the three and twentieth day of this instant september ; and whereas for sundry causes and considerations ; we have thought it fit and convenient and necessary further to prorogue the said parliament untill the five and twentieth day of october next ; we do therefore will and require all persons to whom it doth or shall appertain to take due notice thereof , to the end that in the mean time they may repair to their houses or otherwise apply themselves about their private affairs at their pleasures , and then to give their attendance here again , at the day and time aforesaid , in the usual place appointed for that intended service , whereof they may not fail . given at the council-chamber in dublin , the 12th . day of september , 1664 . god save the king . dvblin , printed by john crooke , printer to the kings most excellent majesty and are to be sold by samuel dancer in castle-street , 1664. whereas the parliament stands prorogued until the third day of august next, and whereas for sundry causes and considerations, we have thought it fit and convenient and necessary further to prorogue the said parliament until l the seventh day of september next ... by the lord deputie, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. 1665 approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46189 wing i926 estc r36950 16162036 ocm 16162036 104940 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46189) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104940) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:58) whereas the parliament stands prorogued until the third day of august next, and whereas for sundry causes and considerations, we have thought it fit and convenient and necessary further to prorogue the said parliament until l the seventh day of september next ... by the lord deputie, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. ossory, thomas butler, earl of, 1634-1680. 1 broadside. printed by john crook ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1665. title from first 6 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin, the four and twentieth day of july, 1665." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland. -parliament. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord deputie . ossory . whereas the parliament stands prorogued until the third day of august next : and whereas for sundry causes and considerations , we have thought it fit and convenient , and necessary further to prorogue the said parliament until the seventh day of september next : we do therefore will and require all persons to whom it doth or shall appertain , to take due notice thereof ; to the end that in the mean time they may repair to their houses , or otherwise apply themselves about their private affairs at their pleasures ; and then give their attendance here again , at the day and time aforesaid , in the usual place appointed for that intended service , whereof they may not fail . given at the council chamber in dublin , the four and twentieth day of july , 1665 . god save the king . dvblin . printed by john crook , printer to the kings most excellent majestie , and are to be sold by samuel dancer , bookseller in castlestreet , 1665. his maiesties message to both houses of parliament, upon his removall to the city of york. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78904 of text r229061 in the english short title catalog (wing c2471a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78904 wing c2471a estc r229061 45097620 ocm 45097620 171227 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78904) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171227) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2568:18) his maiesties message to both houses of parliament, upon his removall to the city of york. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.). imprinted at york by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill., [york] : 1642. reproduction of original in the william andrews clark memorial library. eng england and wales. -parliament. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. broadsides -england -17th century. a78904 r229061 (wing c2471a). civilwar no huntington 15. martii. 1641. his majesties message to both houses of parliament, upon his removall to the city of york. england and wales. sovereign 1642 611 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms huntington 15. martii . 1641. ❧ his majesties message to both houses of parliament , upon his removall to the city of york . his majestie being now in his remove to his city of york , where he intends to make his residence for some time , thinks fit to send this message to both houses of parliament . that he doth very earnestly desire , that they will use all possible industry in expediting the businesse of ireland , in which they shall finde so cheerfull a concurrence by his majestie , that no inconvenience shall happen to that service by his absence , he having all that passion for the reducing of that kingdom , which he hath expressed in his former messages , and being unable by words to manifest more affection to it , then he hath indeavoured to do by those messages ( having likewise done all such acts as he hath been moved unto by his parliament ) therefore if the misfortunes and calamities of his poor protestant subjects there shall grow upon them ( though his majestie shall be deeply concerned in , and sensible of their sufferings ) he shall wash his hands before all the world , from the least imputation of slacknesse in that most necessary and pious work . and that his majestie may leave no way unattempted , which may beget a good understanding between him and his parliament , he thinks it necessary to declare , that as he hath been so tender of the priviledges of parliament , that he hath been ready and forward to retract any act of his own , which he hath been informed hath trencht upon their priviledges , so he expects an equall tendernesse in them of his majesties known and unquestionable priviledges ( which are the priviledges of the kingdom ) amongst which , he is assured it is a fundamentall one , that his subjects cannot be obliged to obey any act , order , or injunction , to which his majestie hath not given his consent : and therefore he thinks it necessary to publish , that he expects , and hereby requires obedience from all his loving subjects , to the laws established , and that they presume not upon any pretence of order , or ordinance ( to which his majestie is no partie ) concerning the militia or any other thing , to do or execute what is not warranted by those laws , his maiestie being resolved to keep the laws himself , and to require obedience to them from all his subiects . and his maiestie once more recommends to his parliament the substance of his message of the twentieth of january last , that they compose and digest , with all speed , such acts as they shall think fit , for the present and future establishment of their priviledges ; the free and quiet enioying their estates and fortunes ; the liberties of their persons ; the security of the true religion now professed in the church of england ; the maintaining his maiesties regall and iust authority , and setling his revenue ; his maiestie being most desirous to take all fitting and iust wayes , which may beget a happy understanding between him and his parliament , in which he conceives his greatest power and riches doth consist . ¶ imprinted at york by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1642. we the lord lieutenant and council, do order, command and proclaim publick humiliation, fasting and prayers to be observed in all the parts and parishes within this kingdom, that is to say, in the city of dublin and suburbs thereof on wednesday the twentieth day of this moneth of june, and on wednesday the seven and twentieth day of the said moneth, in and throughout the whole kingdom ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) 1666 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46087 wing i678 estc r36853 16143592 ocm 16143592 104837 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46087) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104837) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:43) we the lord lieutenant and council, do order, command and proclaim publick humiliation, fasting and prayers to be observed in all the parts and parishes within this kingdom, that is to say, in the city of dublin and suburbs thereof on wednesday the twentieth day of this moneth of june, and on wednesday the seven and twentieth day of the said moneth, in and throughout the whole kingdom ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. j. crooke, [dublin : 1666] title from first 9 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint suggested by wing. "given at the council chamber in dublin, the eighth day of june, 1666." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . ormonde . we the lord lieutenant and council , do order , command and proclaim , publick humiliation , fasting and prayers to be observed in all the parts and parishes within this kingdom ; that is to say , in the city of dublin and suburbs thereof on wednesday the twentieth day of this moneth of june , and on wednesday the seven and twentieth day of the said moneth , in and throughout the whole kingdom : and therefore we will and require , that the ministers and parishioners of every parish within this kingdom , do duly repair to the cathedral or parish church on every of the said days as aforesaid , to divine service and sermons : vpon which days the minister is to call upon the people , that they abstain from labour , and from pleasure , and from the ordinary works of their callings , and dedicate themselves on those days to humiliation , fasting , prayer , works of charity and devotion , bewailing as well their own sins , as the great and known sins of the kingdom , and supplicating almighty god of his mercy and goodness , to bless and prosper all his majesties councils , and all his armies and fleets by land and by sea , and particularly his present expedition : and we will and require every archbishop and bishop to call upon his clergy for the diligent and due performance thereof . given at the council chamber in dublin , the eighth day of june , 1666. mich. dublin . canc. cork . roscommon . meath . anglesey . dungannon . j. temple . paul davys . robert forth . ja. ware. rob. meredith . theo. jones . whereas the commissioners appointed for rating and assessing the several subsidies granted to his majestie by the parliament, lately sitting in this kingdom, have in several counties neglected to make returnes of the estreates of the said subsidies into his majesties court of exchequer ... by the lord lieutenant and council, j. roberts. ireland. lord lieutenant (1669-1670 : radnor) 1669 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46176 wing i895 estc r36931 16157112 ocm 16157112 104920 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46176) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104920) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:48) whereas the commissioners appointed for rating and assessing the several subsidies granted to his majestie by the parliament, lately sitting in this kingdom, have in several counties neglected to make returnes of the estreates of the said subsidies into his majesties court of exchequer ... by the lord lieutenant and council, j. roberts. ireland. lord lieutenant (1669-1670 : radnor) radnor, john robartes, earl of, 1606-1685. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : [1669] title from first 7 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. date of publication suggested by wing. "given at the councell chamber in dublin the 29th day of october 1669." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng taxation -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . j. roberts . whereas the commissioners appointed for rating and assessing the several subsidies granted to his majestie by the parliament , lately sitting in this kingdom , have in several counties neglected to make returnes of the estreates of the said subsidies his majesties court of exchequer , accordingly , as by the several acts for granting the said subsidies they were required ; and whereas also several collectors of the said subsidies , have likewise failed in finishing their accompts of the said subsidies and in paying into his majesties treasury the several sums of money that have grown due within the limits of their collection although the time limited for the payment of the last of the said subsidies be long since elapsed ; we have therefore thought fit by this our proclamation to require the commissioners appointed for the rating and assessing the said subsidies in such counties where there hath been any failer in returning into the exchequer the estreates of any of the said subsidies , that they make returns of such estreates before the twentieth day of november next ; and we do also strictly charge and command all persons who have been at any time employed as high collectors of any of the said subsidies within any of the counties of this kingdom , that they compleat their accounts of the several sums grown due for any of the said subsidies within the respective limits of their collection , and do also pay into his majesties treasury such sums of money as upon their respective accompts shall appear to be due and owing from them before the third day of december next . and the barons of his majesties court of exchequer are hereby required as soon as the said several dayes shall be elapsed , forthwith to issue out the usual process of that court against such of the said commissioners and high collectors as shall be negligent , or shall make default in what is hereby required from them . given at the councell chamber in dublin the 29th day of october 1669. ja. armachanus . mich. dublin canc. roscomon . drogheda . conway and kilulta . ranelagh . dungannon . r. coote . jo. bysse . paul davys . god save the king. dublin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , and are to be sold by samuel dancer bookseller in castlestreet . colonell fitz-waters his petition to the honourable house of commons assembled in parliament desireth auxiliary forces for the assistance of our poore brethren in ireland : who being there resident was both a partaker and an eyewitnesse of their miseries : whereunto is added the lamentable estate they are like to fall into without some sudden supply of men for their defence against the rebells. fitzwaters, colonel. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a39619 of text r1601 in the english short title catalog (wing f1105). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a39619 wing f1105 estc r1601 12497206 ocm 12497206 62551 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39619) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62551) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 249:e131, no 28) colonell fitz-waters his petition to the honourable house of commons assembled in parliament desireth auxiliary forces for the assistance of our poore brethren in ireland : who being there resident was both a partaker and an eyewitnesse of their miseries : whereunto is added the lamentable estate they are like to fall into without some sudden supply of men for their defence against the rebells. fitzwaters, colonel. [2], 4 p. [s.n.], london : 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -sources. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a39619 r1601 (wing f1105). civilwar no colonell fitz-vvaters his petition to the honourable house of commons assembled in parliament: desireth auxiliary forces for the assistance fitzwaters, colonel 1642 863 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion colonell fitz-waters his petition to the honourable house of commons assembled in parliament : desireth auxiliary forces for the assistance of our poore brethren in ireland . who being there resident , was both a partaker , and an eye-witnesse of their miseries . whereunto is added the lamentable estate they are like to fall into , without some sudden supply of men for their defence against the rebells . in domino confido printer's or publisher's device london printed . 1642. colonell fitz-waters his petition to the honourable house of commons assembled in parliament . right honourable , there are two manifest instigations which importune the sequell of my words . first , the equity of your proceedings hitherto , giving me bouldnesse and courage . secondly the ground and principall motives instigating me to this my proposition and request . for i behold in all your intendments a singularity of proceedings grounded upon discretion and goodnesse , your consultations being steered and ballanced as well by charity and compassionate lenity towards the reflecting sorrowes of others miseries , as extremity of justice towards delinquents . and my wishes are and shall be for the continuance of this wisdom , which redounds to the glory of god and unexpressible joy of the subject . but not to digresse too farre from the matter i intended to speake of , hopeing that your this dayes resolution concerning my intended motion will prove as happy as i conceive : the proposition which now moves me to speake is seasonable and necessary . the order of your noble favour and gratious aspect to such as have been formerly petitioners unto you , together with the importunity of the subject , hath given me so much confidence in your honours as to solicite an extention of the last and late mentioned petition for the poore protestants in ireland who are persecuted , massacred , and miserably distressed by the rebells there , whose malice extends not onely to the takeing of any one particular towne or county , nor content to dispossesse the poore inhabitant protestants taken by them , but pursuing them with unheard of severity , to the imbrewing their murderous , and most wicked hands in their blood , endeavouring by all meanes to embesill his majesties regall authority by using their chiefest cruelty to his majesties most true and loyall subjects . my desire and humble petition to your honours therefore is , that there may be some speedy and sudden course taken for the expediting and dispatching of some more auxiliary forces towards the assistance of our aforesaid brethren . your honours cannot upon sage and mature consideration but conceive the conveniency , necessity and pitifull extremity they are , and will dayly be more and more plunged into without it . as for my part , i that have formerly engaged my selfe for my king and countreys good , am now ready , nay more willing then ever , to adventure both life , estate , liberty , and whatsoever else i may tearme mine , for the good of the kingdome and advancing of his majesties honor against any forrain or civill enemy , under the pleasing shade of whose crown we have ever gathered the fruits of justice , and upon whose happinesse the welfare of the whole common-wealth principally depends , our hopes principally consisting in his royall pleasure , and you who are his graund counsell to determine of things for the benefit of the common-wealth and advancing of his honours . this of irelands derogating and rebelling against his majestie , persecuting his subjects , it must needs be a poynt of great indignity and dishonour to our realme of england , who may well be taxed with cowardise , in that we are so tardie , slow and disrespectfull of our poore distressed brethren ; so patient and favourable , as not to assist and revenge their wrongs ere they had come to so high a head ; and so forgetfull , as to endanger the losse of his majesties prerogative , and our owne credit by their unrepelled insurrection , who now exalt themselves through their strength , and give glory to their arme of flesh , but i hope that i am really and verily perswaded that their joy will be soon extinct , and their sacrilegious pleasures will prove but momentany , and of no continuance . it is in your pleasures to crown my expectation with a joyfull reply to this my indigent though indulgent petition . it is you that onely can , and i hope will stand their friend in this their sorrowfull and deplorable extremity . yea , upon you are their eyes fixt , their hearts grounded , and on your mature and sage consideration their principall , yea onely hopes depend , who ( both i and they ) with such forces as your honours shall be pleased to grant as auxiliaries , shall be ready to venter life and limbe for regaining of our lost honour , and the maintenance of true religion and vertue . finis . by the generall assemblie of the confederate catholiques of ireland this assembly taking seriously into consideration that owen mac arte o neill, late generall of ulster, & emer lord bishop of clogher, being traiterously disaffected ... confederate catholics. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46077 of text r43288 in the english short title catalog (wing i654). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46077 wing i654 estc r43288 27132620 ocm 27132620 109992 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46077) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109992) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:28) by the generall assemblie of the confederate catholiques of ireland this assembly taking seriously into consideration that owen mac arte o neill, late generall of ulster, & emer lord bishop of clogher, being traiterously disaffected ... confederate catholics. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [kilkenny : 1648] other title information from first lines of text. imperfect: cropped and tightly bound with loss of text." "given at kilkenny, the thirtieth day of september anno domini, 1648." reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng o'neill, owen roe, 1590?-1649. jones, henry, 1605-1682. ireland -history -1625-1649. a46077 r43288 (wing i654). civilwar no by the generall assemblie of the confederate catholiques of ireland this assembly taking seriously into consideration that owen mac arte o n confederate catholics 1648 851 32 0 0 0 0 0 376 f the rate of 376 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the generall assemblie of the confederate catholiqves of ireland . this assembly taking seriously into consideration , that owen mac arte o neill , late generall of vlster , & emer lord bishop of clogher being traiterously disaffected to his maiesties intrest , and the quiet of this land , have contrary to their ligaments of faith , and loyalty , and the oath of association solemnly in●●●●uted by this house , opposed themselves to the government of the confederate catholicks , proposing to them●●●ves under a feigned and popular pretence of propagating religion to invest them , or one of them , or some other ●●mesticke or forreigner , even in the regall government of this land ; and to countenance and compasse such their ●●godly and disloyall designes , have by specious fictions seduced , mislead and perswaded divers innocent catho●●●ks as well natives of the province of vlster , as of other provinces of this kingdome to take armes , and enter into 〈◊〉 and actuall rebellion and hostillity against his majesty , and the confederate catholiques ; and considering ●●vise that the said owen mac arte , and the bishop of clogher , to lead blindfold the said abused multitude , doe ●●om time to time with great industry conceale from , or misrepresent to the said mislead persons the benigne and in●●lgent intentions of this house ; wherefore to rescue and set at liberty the understanding of such persons restrained 〈◊〉 the skill of the said incendiaries . it is ordered , published and declared , that all such persons , be they of vlster , or 〈◊〉 other province of this kingdome , or any of them who heretofore did take armes , or now are in armes , or actu●● hostillity against this assembly , or the government established by the last assembly ; and who before the five & ●●entieth day of this present moneth of october shall come in , lay downe their armes , and submit to this house , or ●●e government , which on recesse thereof shall be by it established shall be from thenceforth remitted , pardoned & ●●rgiven his or their crime , fault , or transgression aforesaid , and that such person and persons submitting as aforesaid 〈◊〉 from thenceforth have the same freedome , immunity and capacity to all intents and purposes , as if he or they ●●d not fallen into the said defection , except the said colonell owen mac arte o neill , the said emer lord bishop of ●logher , and except edmond reilly priest vicar generall to the lord archbishop of dublin , thirlagh duffe mac donnogh ● brien , iohn ô kennedy of dunally ; arte alias arthur cavanagh of ballynloghan , captain donnogh ô connour mac hugh , ●aptaine richard bourke mac david of partry , alderman dominicke fanning of lymericke . and for further manifestation of the indifferent and iust care which this house hath of the security & conservati●n of the nobility & gentry of the province of vlster , & their intrest equall with those of any other part of this king●ome . it is published & declared , that in any peace , cessation or accommodation which shall be hereafter concluded ●r agreed , betweene this house , or the authoritie thereof , and any other person or persons on his maiesties behalfe ●quall advantage and benefit shall be insisted upon for the said nobility & gentry conforming themselves as afore●●id , as for any other person or persons of the confederate catholicks of any other part of this kingdome in like ●ases respectively except the persons before excepted , it being not intended hereby , but such as are in armes against the government shall be , unto a submission , prosecuted . and whereas the time hereby limitted is a competent time ●f deliberation to such persons as aforesaid . it is therefore ordained , published , and declared , that all such person & ●ersons , confederats , their adherents , a betters and comforters , relievers , and maintainers , who have taken armes or ●id enter into , or are in actuall hostillity against this house , or its authority upon what pretence soever , & who within the time aforesaid shall not come in , lay downe armes , and submit to this house , or the government which shall be ●stablished upon recesse thereof , shall be from thenceforth , and immediatly after the expiration of the said five and ●wentieth of this instant october , wilfull and obstinate rebells and traytors , and as such to all intents and purposes ●●emed , prosecuted and dealt with . given at kilkenny , the thirtieth day of september anno domini 1648. and in the ●●ure and twentieth yeare of the raigne of our soveraigne lord charles , by the grace of god , king of england , ●reland , fr●nce , and scotland , &c. god save the king ▪ the last and truest intelligence from ireland being a true relation of the taking of a castle from the rebels, called the castle of the knights of the elms, on the river of limbrick, by the souldiers of the englishe fleet, who took in the castle 1000 bushels of wheat, 4000 weight of butter, with great store of barley, malt, and salted beefe, septemb. 28 : also the taking of a french ship on the river of limbrick which brought ammunition and other provision from s. mallos to assist the rebels : wherein the english fleet took 120 barrels of powder, ammunition for 500 men, 35 butts of sack, with great store of salt : set forth in the true copie of a letter / sent to m. barnet, pewterer in fanchurch street, lon. from m. owen cox ... cox, owen. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a34845 of text r18083 in the english short title catalog (wing c6709). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a34845 wing c6709 estc r18083 12437550 ocm 12437550 62045 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34845) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62045) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 248:e122, no 28) the last and truest intelligence from ireland being a true relation of the taking of a castle from the rebels, called the castle of the knights of the elms, on the river of limbrick, by the souldiers of the englishe fleet, who took in the castle 1000 bushels of wheat, 4000 weight of butter, with great store of barley, malt, and salted beefe, septemb. 28 : also the taking of a french ship on the river of limbrick which brought ammunition and other provision from s. mallos to assist the rebels : wherein the english fleet took 120 barrels of powder, ammunition for 500 men, 35 butts of sack, with great store of salt : set forth in the true copie of a letter / sent to m. barnet, pewterer in fanchurch street, lon. from m. owen cox ... cox, owen. [2], 6 p. printed for a. wildgoose, [london] : october 17, 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649. a34845 r18083 (wing c6709). civilwar no the last and truest intelligence from ireland: being a true relation of the taking of a castle from the rebels, called the castle of the kni cox, owen 1642 1087 1 0 0 0 0 0 9 b the rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the last and truest intelligence from ireland : being a true relation of the taking of a castle from the rebels , called the castle of the knights of the elms , on the river of limbrick , by the souldiers of the english fleet , who took in the castle 1000. bushels of wheat , 4000. weight of butter , with great store of barley , malt , and salted beefe , septemb. 28. also the taking of a french ship on the river of limbrick which brought ammunition and other provision from s. mallos to assist the rebels , wherein the english fleet took 120. barrels of powder , ammunition for 500. men , 35. butts of sack , with great store of salt . set forth in the true copie of a letter sent to m. barnet pewterer , in fanchurch street lon. from m. owen cox master of one of the ships for the irish expedition called the arkelles . dated , septemb. 29. printed for a. wildgoose . october 17. 1642. the truest and last intelligence from ireland : being a true relation of the taking of a castle on the river of limbrick from the rebels , by the souldiers of the english fleet , wherein they took 1000. bushels of wheat , 4000. weight of butter , besides great store of barley , malt , and salted beefe , septemb. 28. m. barnet ▪ it was my promise to let you understand the proceedings of this our expedition , but finding no convenient opportunity to write , nor conquest worth the writing till now , i hope i may the better be excused . what hath been done since our fleet came together , you shall understand . on the 9. day of august we arrived before galloway , which is the strongest towne they have , except limbrick , and there laid siege to it : so the lord of of clenrikard came downe and conferred with our lord forbes , and the merchants of the towne : they strongly replied , and said , that they were the kings loyall subjects , and had not offended in the least thing , but that the souldiers in the kings fort had done them wrong : but had the king sealed to our commission , we should have found enough against them , that we might truly have made an onset upon the towne : wee were so neere the towne with our garrison , that we could heare them plainly call our parliament rogues , parliament-dogs , and puritan-dogs : so you may very well conceive what subjects they are . on the third and fourth day we re-fetcht aboard our souldiers , and the sixth day wee set saile from gallaway to go to limbrick , and on the ninth day we arrived in limbrick river , and on the two and twentieth day we laid siege to the knights of the elmes castle , that is to say in english , the knights of the valley ; the which castle we plaid upon two dayes and two nights with two demi-canons : so the second day we entred the castle , slaying all we found alive : but when we came to burie them we found but eighteene or twentie , the rest made an escape and got into the woods : there came a great army of the irish within sight of the castle ; there marched out betwixt four and five hundred , and when they began to approach , the irish men fled , and durst not stand : we tooke in this castle a thousand bushels of wheat , three or foure thousand vveight of butter , besides barley , malt and salt beefe : this castle vve took on the three and tvventieth of september vvith the losse of five men , a trouper and a footman in the pursuit after the first landding , and three other after vve came under the castle vvals , tvvo common souldiers , and the master of captaine thompsons ship : after they vvere under the castle vvals , they vvent off againe , and so vvere shot from the castle out of one of the lovver holes : but vvhen vve entred the castle , vve lost never a man : and for their men , vve knovv not the number vve slevv before the castle vvas taken , for they buried their dead out of our sight . we had a very hard siege of it by reason of the foulenesse of the vveather , i think they did set all the divels they serve to vvorke ; for it did raine and blovv all the time ; vve vvere in the cold exceedingly , and in that regard my lord hath given us ten days to rest our selves , and then to goe to some other castle upon this river . a true relation of the taking of a french ship which came from s. mallos with provision to assist the rebels on the river of limbrick with 120. barrels of powder , ammunition for 500. men , and 35. butts of sack . as we passed along the foresaid river of limbrick , we took on the river a french ship that came from s. mallos , vvhich had in it an hundred and tvventie barrels of povvder , and armes for foure or five hundred men , as muskets , pikes , and such like , besides thirty and odd butts of sack , and great store of falt , vvhich hath been very helpfull unto us . m. barnet , i do intreat you that you would be pleased to remember me in your prayers , for god hath been very mercifull unto me in giving mee my life , for i was at push of pike with them in the castle an houre and an halfe before i entred in , and then was faine to enter in at a small hole , as much as i could do to creep in at with my armes , and had no harme at all , i praise god for it . thus hoping you will not be unmindfull of me , i rest , from the river of limbrick , septemb. 29. 1642. yours , &c. owen cox. finis . the earle of craford his speech before the parliament in scotland october the 25, 1641 upon his examination by the lords concerning the late conspiracie against the marquise hamilton, earle of argile, lord lowden and divers others of the nobility in scotland. speech before the parliament in scotland, october the 25th, 1641 crawford-lindsay, john lindsay, earl of, 1596-1678. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a48594 of text r8767 in the english short title catalog (wing l2324). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a48594 wing l2324 estc r8767 12993991 ocm 12993991 96379 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48594) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96379) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 259:e199, no 19) the earle of craford his speech before the parliament in scotland october the 25, 1641 upon his examination by the lords concerning the late conspiracie against the marquise hamilton, earle of argile, lord lowden and divers others of the nobility in scotland. speech before the parliament in scotland, october the 25th, 1641 crawford-lindsay, john lindsay, earl of, 1596-1678. [6] p. printed for john thomas, london : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng argyll, archibald campbell, -marquis of, 1598-1661. hamilton, james hamilton, -duke of, 1606-1649. loudoun, john campbell, -earl of, 1598-1663. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -sources. ireland -history -1625-1649 -sources. a48594 r8767 (wing l2324). civilwar no the earle of craford his speech before the parliament in scotland, october the 25. 1641. upon his examination by the lords, concerning the l crawford, ludovic lindsay, earl of 1641 1139 4 0 0 0 0 0 35 c the rate of 35 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the earle of craford his speech before the parliament in scotland , october the 25. 1641. upon his examination by the lords , concerning the late conspiracie against the marquise hamilton , earle of argile , lord lowden , and divers others of the nobility in scotland . 〈…〉 the lord crafords speech before the parliament in scotland , vpon his examination concerning the late conspiracie , octob. 25. 1641. my lords , it is the part of him accused so farre as conscience shall give leave , and equity permit , to make answere for himselfe . j am arraigned here as a traytour , which title to a noble spirit ▪ j know cannot well be degested , neither is it so to my selfe , where is that man that striveth to live most uprightly in this world , that hath not many enemies , which j apply to my selfe , but patience is the commendablest of all the cardinall vertues , which j freely embrace . my lords , j present my selfe , nay humble my selfe to you all , insomuch as humility becomes a prisoner , but yet no further then j have beene criminous , your clemency j have found by the lycense which hath been freely given unto me , now here at this time to scatter some few words , which shall be as briefe , as spoken from a loyall subject . long live king charles our true and loyall soveraigne , long live queene mary our gracious queen , and his majesties royall spouse , long live prince charles , the comfort of wales , and hope of scotland , and the like j wish to all the rest of his majesties royall off-spring , and to all which are true and loyall subjects to our king . hitherto my lords in speech i hope i have not been prolixious , nor erroneous , for it shall be my care , as j doe my endeavour to defend my selfe , so that j offend none of this honourable assembly . now my lords , j come to my owne purgation , that j as a chiefe agent in the matter of the marquisse hamilton , and divers others , was committed , your commands i obeyed , and freely yeelded up my body , not making of the least disturbance , yet i cannot but admire , why i should be suspected to be a traytor to those from whom j never received the least of wrong or injury , why should the land-lord disturbe the tenant , during the time which he hath his rent duely pay'd him , why should two kingdomes arise & take up armes one against another , no occasion being given on either side ? why should the lawyer sue him for fees , which was never a clyent unto him ? or why should j plot their deaths , which were never envious to my life , but as j said before , the best man breathing , lives not without his adversaries , neither doe i , not knowing whom they be , or for what cause they should thus persecute me , but the divell hath his wicked instruments , who are th' encendiaries and disturbers of kingdomes and common-wealths , like so many judasses , that studyes nothing but how to betray their masters , these are those wicked hamans that to advance their owne power and greatnesse , will seeke to destroy and roote the poore mordecaies out of the land . jt is reported that caesar being shipwrackt , was forced to leape out of the ship into the sea , where hee did swimme for his life , and yet managed his sword in one hand , and kept his booke , wherein hee writ all his victories in the other hand , even so my lords , although my soule be as it were shipwrackt within my body through too much griefe of heart , and vexation of mind , yet before either my honour shall be stained , or my conscience over-burthened , j will couragiously yeeld my selfe to charons boate , really to enjoy a happy elizium . it is a common saying , and as true , that ill-will never speakes well , i have beene one , which in many affayres , have beene very obstinate , not being willing to subscribe to that , which others have agreed unto , ( for why ) because it could not bee profitable to the common wealth ; and for this doe j deserve hatred , have j not beene vigilant and carefull to defend our friends , and offend our foes , and for this doe j deserve hatred ; then j , who was more willing to have a peace concluded betweene this kingdome and england , and for this doe j deserve hatred ; my lords j petition that my accusers may be produced , and he which is not found to be more guilty of treachery then my selfe , let him cast the first stone at me , j am fully perswaded that if they thought themselves as sure to be examined as my self , there would scarce be one of them dare show ther heads , magna vis est conscientia , let them have a care least by their intents to destroy my body , they doe not ruine ther owne soules , as yet my lords i hope , my words being rightly judg●d off , can give no distaste , for whatsoever j speake is ( 〈…〉 e defendendo ) and for that i was brought at this present time before your lordships . as concerning my lord lowden , that i should seeke to destroy him , methinks cannot be conceived by any one to be truth , insomuch as he is one , which my very sovle hath always affected , for rather then a hayre of him showld be diminished by my meanes j would first prove my owne destroyer , i see my adversaries are at hand , being ready as it were to justifie their black accusations , which unjustly they have imposed upon me , but i am prepared for patience , deferring all to your lordships considerations , i doubt not , but that in this most honorable senate , justice shall brightly shine , and i at last shall be found immaculate , in despight of all those which seeke my destruction , at first i promised brevity and doe so intend , being ready as farr as god shall inable me to answer vnto all those particulars which shall be obiected against me . finis . newes from london-derry in ireland, or, a true and sad relation of the deplorable and lamentable estate of london-derry which is much distressed by reason of the rebels neare approaches unto it : and the menaces and treats they daily send unto them to make them deliver up their city : also how they burnt the towne of strabam with many people in it / related in a letter from one mr. william griffin to one mr. iames humphry of stuke in berkshire gent. febr. 20. 1641. griffin, william, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a42136 of text r15479 in the english short title catalog (wing g1985). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a42136 wing g1985 estc r15479 12598265 ocm 12598265 64076 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42136) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64076) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 250:e136, no 25) newes from london-derry in ireland, or, a true and sad relation of the deplorable and lamentable estate of london-derry which is much distressed by reason of the rebels neare approaches unto it : and the menaces and treats they daily send unto them to make them deliver up their city : also how they burnt the towne of strabam with many people in it / related in a letter from one mr. william griffin to one mr. iames humphry of stuke in berkshire gent. febr. 20. 1641. griffin, william, 17th cent. [2], 5 p. printed for william ley, london : 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. londonderry (northern ireland) -history. a42136 r15479 (wing g1985). civilwar no nevves from london-derry in ireland: or, a true and sad relation of the deplorable and lamentable estate of london-derry, which is much dist griffin, william 1642 1171 1 0 0 0 0 0 9 b the rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion newes from london-derry in ireland : or , a true and sad relation of the deplorable and lamentable estate of london-derry , which is much distressed by reason of the rebels neare approaches unto it , and the menaces and threats they daily send unto them , to make them deliver up their city . also how they burnt the towne of strabam , with many people in it . related in a letter from one mr william griffin , to one mr iames humphry of stuke in berkshire , gent. febr. 20. 1641. london , printed for william ley 1642. newes from london-derry in ireland ; or , a true and sad relation of the deplorable and lamentable estate of london-derry . my beloved cousen , i hope my last letters of ianuary 14. sent by a scotch gentleman , are come in safety unto your hands ; for i perceive that by meanes of our sending into scotland , and from thence by post or such assured speedy conveyance unto london , ( if life and safety here permit , ) you may sometimes understand the passages here . by my last letters , i intimated my being here in london-derry , and that i have been here since december ; and i mentioned unto you the most inhumane cruelty and bloody practices that the rebels have inflicted upon the poor protestants here ; how they have dealt with our ministers , worse than the turkes doe by their mutes and eunuchs ; how barbarously they have dealt with ladies and modest gentlewomen , as others of that sex ; how many children they have burnt , taken by the heels and dasht out their braines : and of that diabolicall and unchristian-like practice , when they have by menacing perswasions prevailed upon the weaknesse of some protestants , to goe to their masse and partake of their sacrament , and then cause that they be hanged with scoffings , that they are fitted and prepa●ed for death . i did also let you know the present distresse that wee then were in , and yet are , here within this city of london-derry ; you shall understand that within these wals are above foure thousand persons , which never heretofore endured such misery and hardnesse ; sweet dispositioned vertuous ladies , and gentlewomen of singular quality , many of them ready to famish , some without cloaths , all without money , and what is necessary for their sustenance , but that wee share in common upon hopes of reliefe from england , if wee bee not wholly forsaken ( as the rebels say we are . ) this is a very strong city , and may hold out for our safety and the good of all this kingdome , if it be speedily supplied as is necessary , with victuals , men , armes and ammunition ; without which we have no hopes to subsist , but must bee made a prey to the mercilesse rebels . o , that england would lay it to heart and consider our distresse ! although we are a particular , yet very considerable , as well for the generall good as for the preservation of us miserable abjects ; ( if not objects of pitty : ) we had not been exposed to this misery , had not that divellish invention defeated the city of london from their just possessions , or surely wee had ere this beene comforted in some measure : o , as i said formerly , wee are wholly deserted and left , as a people not worthy the mentioning ; and in truth if it hold thus for a while longer , you may be assured of our utter destruction ; for the rebels have vowed , and by their messages threatned , that unlesse wee render unto them , they will not spare either man , woman or childe : and truly for us to accept their conditions is as dangerous ; for they hold no faith with any . they shew themselves of an infinite number upon a hill over against the ferry , and have possest themselves of all the boats from a place called ballakelley , to strabam , burnt the town of strabam , where they destroyed many in the fire , and took from us there one great piece of ordnance ; and they have another , which they got further in the countrey , with which and their force they may beat downe all the houses in this towne ; for wee have in strength of men and armes to oppose them now , but foure pieces of ordnance great and small ; this towne doth need at least twenty pieces of ordnance , and a thousand men . good cosen proclaime our distresses farre and neere . wee have sent to dublin twice , and no remedy , but our last messengers returne with this ; that our former are gone for england , but what they doe there , god knoweth ; we can heare of no comfort or reliefe from thence . o-neale , mac-guyrr , mac-gennes , and o-gallows are joyned in one body of at least a thousand men , to assaile us : connaught hath advanced above so many more to their assistance : we expect them every day to assault us , and wee are in admiration that they shew themselves , and no way as yet assault us , although very neere unto us . i did formerly write of the great losse at garvagley , above two hundred of our men were staine , in which master rayley and master canning were lost : great men are in this rebellion ; the irish , make new lawes and statutes amongst themselves , and yet they say they are true and loyall subjects : they plough and seeme to be absolute and secure amongst themselves , and vow never to suffer the english againe amongst them . in this little city are many families , some famished , others grievously pined and annoyed ; so that as i believe the rebels policy is , that without blowes the place must bee forsaken although the people bee exposed to death or more barbarous cruelty . are we not of england very flesh and very bone , and shall we thus suffer for want of help ! we hear that that arch-rebell mac-maghon is taken , and o-relly hanged at dublin : but all lemster is so strong of rebels , that dublin , droghedaugh and youghall is in aparent danger : all vlster is lost , excepting london-derry , colraine and carric-fergus . i shall not bee more tedious at this present , pray for us all , amongst which you cannot forget your distressed poore kinsman , wil . griffin . february , 20. 1641. finis . trve intelligence from ireland being two letters sent from dublin by men of good repute the 25 of aprill 1642, by the last post : vvherein is related the victorious proceedings of the protestants against the rebells in ireland. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a64890 of text r19818 in the english short title catalog (wing v3). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a64890 wing v3 estc r19818 12607827 ocm 12607827 64285 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64890) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64285) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 251:e145, no 12) trve intelligence from ireland being two letters sent from dublin by men of good repute the 25 of aprill 1642, by the last post : vvherein is related the victorious proceedings of the protestants against the rebells in ireland. e. v. lynne, m. 8 p. printed for john sweeting, london : the second of may, 1642. the first letter signed: e.v. the second letter signed: m. lynne. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a64890 r19818 (wing v3). civilwar no true intelligence from ireland. being two letters sent from dublin by men of good repute the 25 of aprill 1642. by the last post. vvherein i [no entry] 1642 1305 5 0 0 0 0 0 38 d the rate of 38 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion trve intelligence from ireland . being two letters sent from dublin by men of good repute the 25 of aprill 1642. by the last post . vvherein is related the victorious proceedings of the protestants against the rebells in ireland . london : printed for john sweeting , the second of may . 1642. sir , at the going downe of our armie into the counties of kildare , carlow , kings and queenes counties , under the command of the earle of ormond , lievtenant generall , and sir charles coote , these things happened at their comming to typper , they blew up halfe the castle , with a priest in it ; it was master nicholas suttons ; they marched downe to atly , releeved the castle , and hanged the governour , with some of the best of the towne , and marched to garlo , and releeved it , so to mariborow in the queenes countie , releeved it , so to the byror in kings countie , releeved it , which is fifty-five miles from dublin ; and so came to athy , from thence they marched homewards to kill●ush , in the countie kildare , where they had a skirmish on friday the sixteenth of aprill with the rebells , the lord montgarret , lord viscount ekerion , baron of dunboyne , richard bu●ler , the earle of ormonds brother , sir morgan cavanaugh , collonell burne , collonell fits gerald , collonell talbot , being the head commanders , besides captaines , our army killed five hundred and odde men , with the losse of sixe of ours , and have brought from thence the head of collonell cavanaugh , and the lord montgarrets second sonne edmond butler with them , and tooke from the rebells seven colours , and hath placed a garrison of fifteene hundred foote , and three hundred horse at the na●s , and returned to dublin the 18 of aprill , 1642. vvee have newes that rathgogan castle is releeved , and quite defeated the rebells before it , where there was to the number of fifty slaine ; in their retreat they were incountred by some companies from millwalocke , but they were quite routed by our forces , slaying about an hundred and fifty , with the losse of none . the lord muskeys army is routed from that quarter by my lord inchequid and colonell vavasor , with onely two troopes of horse and three hundred musquetiers . the maine body of the lord muskeys forces consist of 36 colours ; they sent out some to give us skirmish , but presently packt up their baggage and fled . our men pursued them two or three miles , charging fiercely upon their reare , and routed the whole army ; there were slaine about two hundred of their men , without the losse of a man . seven hundred horse are safely landed here from you , some upon friday , saturday , sunday and munday , and the lord lile landed here , and lord digbie on tuesday from holy-head . vpon munday one master ask his man was taken with powder going to the rebells , who was that night put upon the wracke , but was not stretcht ; the next morning alderman bey was committed , as it is supposed , about that businesse : that night another was taken with powder , and one james cleare was committed for buying of powder in chester a little before this plot was discovered ; but it was not brought over , so when the newes was come to chester , the man that sold it sent for it backe from warmingham ; this was not well carried , for it was not knowne till now . this day one james talbot was brought in , who was at the first of this rebellion a great favourite with the state , and made sheriffe of a countie ; but in stead of executing that office made himselfe a captain with the rebells . many other pretty things might i write , but it were not worth relating ; the souldiers are very unruly , and discontented for want of their pay , and wee are much burthened , for their being so much out of order , without wee have speedy ayd and money , all things will not goe right . i pray god send us as good newes from you , as you have from us , and grant that all things may be setled for the best . you may perceive how gods providence is to us in delivering so few from such a multitude of these rebellious rogues . this day my lord lile went out to leislipe , a house of sir nicholas whites , there was none with him but onely a troope of horse , the rogues let them come within a musquet shot of the house or thereabouts , a hundred musquetiers came out some private way , and were like to compasse them round , then the rogues out of the house did appeare when they thought the rest had gone behinde our horse , so upon that they were faine to retreate , but in their turning lievtenant colonell munke was like to be lost , for a bullet came through his coate , and as neare to sir richard greenfeild . my lord lile was like to have an ill welcome to ireland . farewell till the next post , i remaine your loving friend e. v. from dublin 25 aprill 1642. from the apothecary of the armie in dublin to his kinsman mr john lynne , gentleman to the earle of danby . good cosen ; god be praised , wee are still living though made beggars ; the lord hath blest our armies , and given us divers victories ; and such hopes , that those rebel●s may easily be vanquished , if succour in any competent time be supplied : wee have lately given them a great overthrow , our armie being but 3500 foote and horse , encountred their armie , being eight thousand , and made them run to their bogges and woods , and slaughtered eight hundred of them . the lord hath blessed us beyond expectation , given us great victories over our enemies ; wee have been besieged that we durst not stirre out a mile from towne , now wee are able to march fortie miles with our armie . last sunday being the 17 of aprill , our armie came home with victory attending them , having entertained a pitched battell with the rebells . in our marching home , being weary , having been out 12 dayes , flying up and downe the countrey , met with ten thousand of the enemy , who got the ground , winde , and all advantages of us ; yet it pleased the lord to give us victory , our number being not 4000 men , sir thomas lucas son the major of the horse , gave the charge with his horse , after the ordnance had played divers times , & within an houre their army was routed , and we slew some six hundred of them , some thinke a thousand : the lord be blessed for this extraordinary victory ; they had resolved to have killed every man of us , had we been beaten . the lord prosper us , and goe out with our armies , and bring us home againe . your loving kinsman till death m. l●n●● . 25 of aprill from dublin castle . finis . exceeding happy newes from ireland being a true relation of many passages of great consequence very joyfull and delectable to all true hearted protestants : wherein is declared five severall matters of great consequences : 1. that the earle of corke is gone into the north of ireland, putting all to fire and sword, 2. that information is given by certaine frenchmen who declared that the rebels had received certaine armes from france by stealth, but at this present there was no fleet at sea of any nation that way bound, 3. a true declaration of what victories have lately been obtained by the lord don luce, earle of antrim, 4. an information that philomy oneale is secretly fled, 5. that the earle of astry is desirous to lay downe his armes and yeeld to the kings mercy, and curses those that advised him first to rise in rebellion / being the copies of two letters sent from ireland,the one from mr. william brookes ... to his wife ... the other letter sent to mr. hunt now resident in london ... brookes, william. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a29670 of text r33272 in the english short title catalog (wing b4917). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a29670 wing b4917 estc r33272 13117999 ocm 13117999 97777 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29670) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97777) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1545:3) exceeding happy newes from ireland being a true relation of many passages of great consequence very joyfull and delectable to all true hearted protestants : wherein is declared five severall matters of great consequences : 1. that the earle of corke is gone into the north of ireland, putting all to fire and sword, 2. that information is given by certaine frenchmen who declared that the rebels had received certaine armes from france by stealth, but at this present there was no fleet at sea of any nation that way bound, 3. a true declaration of what victories have lately been obtained by the lord don luce, earle of antrim, 4. an information that philomy oneale is secretly fled, 5. that the earle of astry is desirous to lay downe his armes and yeeld to the kings mercy, and curses those that advised him first to rise in rebellion / being the copies of two letters sent from ireland,the one from mr. william brookes ... to his wife ... the other letter sent to mr. hunt now resident in london ... brookes, william. r. h. [8] p. printed by t.f. for i.r., london : june 16, 1642. "read in the honourable house of commons, and ordered to be printed. hen. elsinge, cler. parl. d. com." second letter signed at bottom: r.h. reproduction of original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. ireland -history -1625-1649. a29670 r33272 (wing b4917). civilwar no exceeding happy newes from ireland. being a true relation of many passages of great consequence very joyfull and delectable to all true hear brookes, william, justice of peace 1642 1257 2 0 0 0 0 0 16 c the rate of 16 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-09 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion exceeding happy newes from ireland . being a true relation of many passages of great consequence very joyfull and delectable to all true hearted protestants . wherein is declared five severall matters of great consequence . 1. that the earle of corke is gone into the north of ireland , putting all to fire and sword . 2. that information is given by certaine frenchmen , who declared that the rebels had received certaine armes from france by stealth , but at this present there was no fleet at sea , of any nation that way bound . 3. a true declaration of what victories have lately been obtained by the lord don luce , earle of antrim . 4. an information that philomy oneale is secretly fled . 5. that the earle of astry is desirous to lay downe his armes and yeeld to the kings mercy , and curses those that advised him first to rise in rebellion . being the copies of two letters sent from ireland , the one from mr. william brookes a justice of peace , to his wife an inhabitant in ratcliffe . the other letter sent to mr. hunt now resident in london . read in the honourable house of commons , and ordered to be printed . hen. elsinge , cler. parl. d. com. london , printed by t. f. for i. r. june 16. 1642. exceeding joyfull newes from ireland . louing wife , i have not at this present to write at large of newes we have it now more calmer weather , since the ships and souldiers arrived then formerly , god be thanked , and the rebels are quelld , muskrey the great rebell is gone for limbricke , thinking there to have a place of refuge , that citty stands out , and the castle , the only strength of it is in danger , in that the boneadventure , and other ships have bin there to relieve the castle , my lord president being at corke as j heare intends to march into the country , being now by the comming of the two last regiments reasonable well provided , but the tardencie of their comming , will cost thrise as much as if they had come 2. moneths past , the reason is as i conceive , that the protraction of time . i confesse the rebels are all one , but increase of armes comming over from france in barques , and by that meanes every moneth commeth armes to furnish their naked and formerly unprovided rebels . we have hope that galway will be gained , for we feare no forraigne aide , for by all the examinations , taken of french , dunkirkes , and others , i could not find the least breath of any thing by them , neither of fleet from france or spaine , that are intended this way , but of one fleet that was in the beginning of aprill at brest , and so in other examinations , that they met them southwest off the seames tenne leagues , and the other fleet in normandy ; likewise that the lord muskrey curseth the popish priest that advised him to take up armes . many thousands of the rebels are slaine , and hanged , here is no quarter , but fire and sword our towne of brandon hath done many brave exploits against the rebels , and have taken many castles . our townesmen are now besieging kilbrittane mr. chartis castle , ( god blesse and prosper their designe ) i doubt that will not be taken without great losse of men , the castle being strong and full of men . your sonne robert hath been a trooper in warres , and none so forward as he but i took him off , by reason that i wanted him aboard , and two dayes past he was at the taking of sheriffe longs castle in oyster haven , the bearer hereof informed me that brandon men had kil'd 16. hundred of the rebels , and lost not above 8. men , onely some few men maimed . likewise i am informed that upon the landing of the last forces sent from england the rebels fell upon them and slew 200 of them , but afterward they in requitall slew almost a thousand of them , putting the rest to flight . the lord donluce earle of antrim , behaves himselfe very valiantly , but at the ●●st he not putting himselfe forward , nor ●●sing the power he had in his owne tenants against the rebels , was termed a newtrall by the english souldiers , which he hearing , desiring to quit himselfe from such an ignominious slander , and to give a testimony to the contrary , desired the earle of ormond , lord lievtenant generall of his majesties forces , that he would grant him the command of a regiment , to which he would add such horse and foote as he could raise among his tenants , promising upon his honour , to imploy them with the best advantage both to prejudice them , and preserve his owne men , which honourable request was granted , which command he hath imploy'd so nobly , that he hath taken many prisoners of note , and done the rebels more mischiefe then any man of that kingdome of late . likewise j am informed , that the generall of the rebels philomy oneale , is privately fled from his army , but of the truth i cannot speake , onely so it is rumoured here . the earle of astry doth determine to lay downe his armes and to submit himselfe to the kings mercy , which makes us hope that we by gods assistance shall quickly quell the rebels . this is all the newes that j have at this time to send to you , onely j would intreat you to be solicitous in my businesse to the parliament . so j rest . your loving husband . william brooke . kingsale this 10. of june , 1642. a letter sent from ireland , and read in the house of commons . sir , the earle of corke and colonell monro hath given the rebels another great overthrow , hard by kingsaile , and hath taken two castles from them , but the rebels increasse abundance , and receive ayd and ammunition from forreign parts daily , and commit most vild and cruell outrages upon the poore protestants , wheresoever they come . the last munday the lord moore and sir henry titchburne sallyed out of the town , and fell upon the enemies , and drove them out of their trenches , and rais'd their siege , slew above 100 of their men , and tooke many of their chiefe officers , and have relieved themselves bravely , and tooke 150. of their muskets , and great store of pikes , we having lost , as some affirme , few men . here are some of our captaines come by land , so that this newes is true , &c. with my true love , i rest , your loving friend . r. h. ordered that this be printed and published . h. elsinge , cler. parl. d. com. finis whereas his majesty, under his royal signet, and sign manual, bearing date at his court at whitehall, the sixth day of september 1672, hath signified unto us the lord lieutenant and council, that his majestie by letters patents, under his great seal of england, bearing date the eighth day of may, in the thirteenth year of his reign, hav[e] nominated, constituted and ordained his trusty and well-beloved john ogleby esq., master of the revels and masques in this kingdom, and by his said letters patents impowered the said john ogleby, or his lawful deputy or deputies, to ereu [sic] and keep an office, to be known and called by the name of the revells office ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1673 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46141 wing i797 estc r36881 16146759 ocm 16146759 104866 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46141) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104866) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:24) whereas his majesty, under his royal signet, and sign manual, bearing date at his court at whitehall, the sixth day of september 1672, hath signified unto us the lord lieutenant and council, that his majestie by letters patents, under his great seal of england, bearing date the eighth day of may, in the thirteenth year of his reign, hav[e] nominated, constituted and ordained his trusty and well-beloved john ogleby esq., master of the revels and masques in this kingdom, and by his said letters patents impowered the said john ogleby, or his lawful deputy or deputies, to ereu [sic] and keep an office, to be known and called by the name of the revells office ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1672 [1673] title from first 7 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council-chamber in dublin, the seventh day of february 1672 [1673]. and in the five and twentieth year of his majesties reign." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ogleby, john. actors -legal status, laws, etc. -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2006-12 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . essex . whereas his majesty by his letters , under his royal signet , and sign manual , bearing date at his court at whitehall , the sixth day of september 1672. hath signified unto us the lord lieutenant and council , that his majestie by letters patents , under his great seal of england , bearing date the eighth day of may , in the thirteenth year of his reign , had nominated , constituted and ordained his trusty and well-beloved john ogleby esq master of the rebels and masques in this kingdom , and by his said letters patents impowered the said john ogleby , or his lawful deputy or deputies , to erect and keep an office , to be known and called by the name of the revells office , impowring the said john ogleby , or his assigns , to tolerate and admit any other person or persons , by his or their order under hand and seal , to travel and go , to act and shew all tragedies , comedies , opera's and interludes whatsoever , in all cities , burroughs , towns corporate , and other place and places whatsoever , within this his majesties kingdom of ireland . provided the said comedies , tragedies opera's interludes , or other shews whatsoever be decent , or becoming , and not prophane , or obnoxious ; ; and that his majesty by the said letters patents did strictly charge and command all mayors , sheriffs , bayliffs , head-burroughs , and all other his officers and ministers within this kingdom , to suppress from time to time all playes and interluds whatsoever , that should be presented , contrary to the meaning and intent of his majesties said letters patents , and also that all mayors &c. should be aiding , helping and assisting to the said john ogleby , his heirs and assigns , in the suppressing thereof , and the apprehending of all such common players and others , as shall presume to act any stage playes or interludes whatsoever , without licence as aforesaid . and whereas his majestie in and by his said letters , hath further signified unto vs , that complaint hath been made unto his majestie by the said john ogleby , that several persons of good behaviour , travelling with monsters , motions , shews , and other playes and interludes in and through this kingdom , ( notwithstanding they are licenced in pursuance of his majesties said letters patents ) upon their application to the mayors , soveraigns , bayliffs , provosts , portreeves , and other chiefe magistrate or magistrates of the cities , towns , burroughs , and other places within this kingdom , they the said magistrates have , and still do persist in imprisoning the said persons during their pleasure , notwithstanding the said persons are licenced as aforesaid , and that afterwards the said mayors , soveraigns , bayliffs , provosts , portreeves , or other the chief magistrate or magistrates in contempt of his maiesties prerogative , and the power by his maiestie , given to the said master of the revels , do of themselves tolerate , allow , and iustifie the same persons with the same monsters , shewes , opera's , interludes , and playes , and countenance and encourage dancers on the ropes , and others , to act , play , and shew in the cities , towns , burroughs and other places in this kingdom , without being examined and licenced by his majesties said master of the revels , or his assigns as aforesaid , to the prejudice of his majesties royal prerogative , and loss of the advantages and benefits intended by his maiestie , to the said master of the revels . and whereas his maiestie in and by his said letters , have thought fit to will and require vs , forthwith to issue out a proclamation to all cityes , towns , burroughs , and other places , requiring all mayors , sheriffs , bayliffs , portreeves , and other officer or officers whatsoever to be aiding and assisting unto ●he said master of the revels , or his assigns , and not infringe or trespass on his priviledges and authority , according to his majesties said letters patents . these are therefore in his majesties name , according to the tenor of his majesties royal will and pleasure signified unto vs , in and by his majesties said letters , to command and require all mayors , sheriffs , bayliffs , porteeves , soveraigns , and other magistrats , officers , and ministers whom it may concern , to take due notice of his maiesties royall will and pleasure herein made known to them , and that they be aiding and assisting to he said master of the revels , or his assigns , and do not infring or trespass upon any the piviledges or authorities granted unto him , in and by his majesties said letters patents , as they will answer the contrary at their perils . given at the council-chamber in dublin , the seventh day of february 1672 . and in the five and twentieth year of his majesties reign . thomond . h : ingoldesby . theo : jones . a. chichester . mau : eustace . char : meredyth . god save the king . dublin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde . bookseller in castle-street , 1672. victorious newes from ireland being a battail fought by the lord of ormond, the nineteenth day of june, to the losse of two thousand of the rebels, ten miles beyond limbrick, sent in letter to master thomas flinge, burgine, darby. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a30299 of text r1696 in the english short title catalog (wing b5733). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a30299 wing b5733 estc r1696 12688702 ocm 12688702 65800 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30299) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65800) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 252:e154, no 19) victorious newes from ireland being a battail fought by the lord of ormond, the nineteenth day of june, to the losse of two thousand of the rebels, ten miles beyond limbrick, sent in letter to master thomas flinge, burgine, darby. ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. warwick, robert rich, earl of, 1587-1658. 7 [1] p. printed for marmaduke boat, ... london : iuly 8 [1642] signed: darby burgine. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649. a30299 r1696 (wing b5733). civilwar no victorious newes from ireland, being a battail fought by the lord of ormond, the nineteenth day of june, to the losse of two thousand of the burgine, darby 1642 1511 2 0 0 0 0 0 13 c the rate of 13 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-09 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion victorious newes from ireland , being a battail fought by the lord of ormond , the ninteenth day of june , to the losse of two thousand of the rebels , ten miles beyond limbrick , sent in letter to master thomas flings , now resident in covent garden . and many other remarkable passages in that kingdom . as also a letter that was sent from the right honourable robert earl of warwick , admirall of the sea , to master iohn pym , esquire , and presented to both houses of parliament , july 6. 1642. die mercurii , 6 iulii , 1642. ordered by the lords in parliament , iohn brown , cler. parl. july 8. london , printed for marmaduke boat . worthy sir , i know you do much desire to hear from your friends especialy having left them in this distracted kingdom ; yet it hath pleased god to blesse your friends with health , and your uncle mac shane , and your coufen dermot . the 13 day of this month the earl of ormond marched towards munster with an army of 7000. men , which when sir phelim oneal had intelligence , marched towards him with an army of 14000. men , some ten miles beyond limbrick , where they had as famous a pitchs battle as hath been since these troublesome times begun ; these rebels and their forces continued for the space of two dayes , untill sir patrick weams , and some other english commanders , with two pieces of ordnance , made an assault upon them the 16 day of this month , about two of the clock in the morning ( they not expecting any such thing ) which being so suddenly performed , did so distract the rebells , that they all seemed to be men without life , and speedily provided every one for himself by flight ▪ yet for all this their haste , there were slain and wounded on the rebells part to the number of 2000 men , we losing but 40 or 50 at the most . thus we daily see by experience how mightily god doth fight for us ; to whom be praise and glory for evermore . after the flight of these miserable people , the whole spoil of the camp was taken , and a great part of it divided amongst the souldiers , to encourage them , and the rest is kept for the relief of our men . the rebells have since assembled , which when sir patrick weams heard of , did march towards them , but could not cause them to stay , nor durst they fight , the fear which the last skirmish had stricken them into being still in them , and the want of arms and powder , which if they had , they would soon be with us . we want men and money extraordinarily ; for had not god blessed us with this little pillage to relieve our men , we had been in a miserable condition , but we hope , and daily expect both from england : which if a speedy course be not taken , it will much endanger the losse of this kingdom , and the lives of many poor distressed protestants : for there is scarce an irish gentleman , but is turned to the rebells ; for they call themselves the holy catholique camp , and do daily expect supplies from some forraigne enemies . your friends hope to see you shortly : your wife and children are all well , and remember you daily in their prayers . so , till i see you , and ever , i shall remain your assured loving friend , darby bargine . from the fort of leas , this 19 of june , 1642. m. pym , before these shall come to your hand , i make no doubt but m. nicbolls of the house of commons hath made both houses a relation of what hath passed here since i received his majesties letters for the discharging me of the command of the fleet wherewith i was entrusted , how i called a councell of warre , and acquainted them with his majesties letters , and likewise with the ordinance of parliament , sent from the houses for me to continue my charge : i confesse it was a great streight that i was put in , between two commands that have so much power over me : but when i consider the great care which i have ever observed in the parliaments of this kingdom for the good and safety of the king and kingdom , and every mans particular in them ; and that they are that great councell by whose authority the kings of england have ever spoken to their subjects ; and likewise that the trust of his fleet for the defence of his majesty and the kingdoms was committed to me by them ; and knowing the integrity of my own heart to his majesty and parliament , i resolved not to desert that charge committed to my trust , wherein god ( blessed be his name for it ) hath made me hitherto so successefull , but to continue it untill i shall be revoked by that authority that hath entrusted me with it : which having declared to my captains at the councell of warre , all of them unanimously and cheerfully took the same resolution , excepting five , which was the rere-admirall , captain fogge , captain barley , captain slings by , and captain wake , all which five refused to come upon my summons , as having no authority over them , and got together round that night to make their defence against me , onely captain burley came in and submitted to me . whereupon in the morning i weighed my anchors , and caused the rest of my ships so to do , and came to an anchor round about them , and besieged them ; and when i had made all things ready , i summoned them : sir john mennes , and captain fogge came in to me ; but captain slingsby and captain wake stood out : whereupon i let fly a gunne over them , and sent them word i had turned up the glasse upon them , if in that space they came not in , they must look for for me ab●ord them . i sent to them by my boat , and most of the boats in the fleet ; their answer was so peremptory , that my masters and saylors grew so impatient on them , that although they had no arms in their boats at all , yet god gave them such courage and resolution , as in a moment they entered them , took hold on their shrouds , and seized upon these captains , being armed with their pistolls and swords , and struck their yards and top masts , and brought them both in to me ; the like courage and resolution was never seen amongst unarmed men , so as all was ended without effusion of blood , which i must attribute to the great god of heaven and earth onely , who in the moment that i was ready to give fire on them , put such courage into our men to act it , and so saved much blood . i hope the parliament will think of some course for all our indempnities , and especially for the officers of the navy , and principall for the surveyor of the navy , my vice-admirall , a very able and good man , for my self , i doubt not but they that put me in this employment , will preserve me for serving them faithfully . i pray you sir be a means to sir robert pye , and m. green , that some money may be sent us ; for it hath been often promised , but hear not of it . the weather continuing stormy so long together , that we spend our masts , and top masts , or some detriment or other falls upon us daily , so that we are in great extremity for want of money . thus , having nothing else to trouble you for the present , onely that you will be pleased to acquaint your house of commons with our proceedings here , i bid you fare well , and rest , your assured friend to serve you , warwick . from aboard his majesties ship the james , on the downs ; this 4 of july , 1642. die mercurii , 6 iulii , 1642. ordered by the lords in parliament , that this letter beforth with printed and published . jo brown , cleric . parliamentorum . finis . whereas robert robinson late of clanculgg, in the county of fermanagh, yeoman, john irwin alias john irwin powshane of the same in the same county yeoman, archibald noble junior late of lisnaskea in the same county yeoman, [and 19 others] have of late committed several burglaries, roberies and stealths, in several parts within this kingdom, besides divers other outrages ... by the lord deputy and council, arran. ireland. lord deputy. 1683 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46165 wing i863 estc r178865 16156496 ocm 16156496 104910 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46165) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104910) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:44) whereas robert robinson late of clanculgg, in the county of fermanagh, yeoman, john irwin alias john irwin powshane of the same in the same county yeoman, archibald noble junior late of lisnaskea in the same county yeoman, [and 19 others] have of late committed several burglaries, roberies and stealths, in several parts within this kingdom, besides divers other outrages ... by the lord deputy and council, arran. ireland. lord deputy. arran, richard butler, earl of, d. 1686. [2] leaves. printed by benjamin took and john crook ... and are to be sold by mary crook and andrew crook ..., dublin : 1683. title from text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council chamber in dublin the second day of july, 1683."--leaf [2] broadside in [2] leaves. imperfect: faded, with loss of print. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng brigands and robbers -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit ▪ honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord deputy and council . arran ▪ whereas robert robinson late of clanculgg , in the county of fermanagh yeoman , john irwin alias john irwin bowshane of the same in the same county yeoman , archibald noble junior late of lisnaskea in the same county yeoman , arthur noble late of the same in the same county yeoman , tirlagh oge mac shane mac guire of desternan in the same county yeoman ▪ kuogher mac shane mac guire of the same yeoman , robert graham of legin in the same county yeoman , arthur graham of the same yeomam , hubert terr●●l late of ballanenagh in the county of cavan yeoman , walter bourk late of the same yeoman , william armstrong alias neddies will , late of the same yeoman , rory duff mac guire of bally mac illchony in the county of fermanagh yeoman , cahill mac rory oge mac guire of the same yeoman , donn mac guire of the same yeoman , phelemy mac gawran of carne in the same county yeoman , tirlagh mac hugh of the same yeoman , flertagh mac guire late of garrison in the said county yeoman , rory keigh mac gowan late of sleiverosiell in the said county yeoman , donoghy mac ●igea late of the same yeoman , laughlin mac murry late of the same yeoman , lodowig irwin alias lodewick irwin of lisnaskea in the county of fermanagh yeomen , cormuck mac cormuck late of the same yeoman , and john jemison of the same yeoman , have of late committed several burglaries , roberies and stealths , in several parts within this kingdom , besides divers other outrages , to the terror and annoyance of his majesties loyall and good subjects , and to the disturbance of the peace of the kingdom , upon which misdemeanors and crimes , being pursued by some of his majesties good subjects , they the aforesaid persons , are fled to the woods and mountaines , where they stand upon their keeping , so as they are not answerable or ameasnable to law , but wilfull contemners of the same ; and for asmuch as the actors of these disorders and offences , cannot as yet be apprehended whereby they may be punished by the ordinary course of law , whence we may justly be moved according to the former vsage and custome in this kingdom , in cases of like nature , to cause them to be forthwith proclaimed revels and traytors , yet in mercy to them we think fit hereby to charge and command t●●m upon 〈◊〉 duty and allegiance to his majesty , that they and every of them 〈◊〉 the first day of august next , render their persons to any of his majesti●s iustices of the peace , and submit themselves to his majesties iustice , to be tryed for their offences according to the laws of the land , wherein if they or any of them do fail , we do hereby publish and declare ▪ that he or they so failing are from , and immediatly after the said first day of august next to be called , reputed and taken for notorious rebels and traytors against his majesty , and accordingly to be prosecuted by all his majesties loving and good subjects in all hostile manner , and we declare farther that whatsoever person or persons shall comfort relieve or abet them , or any of them , they are and shall be reputed , deemed and adjudged traytors in like degree with the fore named rebells and traytors themselves , and to be proceeded against according to law ; and we do in his majesties name straightly charge and command all his majesties loyal subjects upon their duty of allegiance to his majesty , not only to forbear to receive or relieve the persons aforesaid or any of them , but also to make diligent search and enquiry , in what place or places the said persons shall from time to time lurk or be relieved , and by all means possible to prosecute , apprehend and take the bodies of them , and them to bring or cause to be brought under safe custody unto the high sheriffs of the respective counties where any of them shall be apprehended , to be by such sheriffs kept in strict and safe custody till we upon notice thereof , shall give further direction concerning them or resisting or refusing to be taken to kill them or any of them . and we ●o hereby declare that whosoever shall after the said first day of august next b●ing unto any sheriff the body of the said robert robinson john irwin alias john irwin bowshane , archibald noble junior , arthur noble , tirlagh oge mac shan mac guire , knogher mac shane mac guire , robert graham , arthur graham , hubert terrill , walter bourk william armstrong alias neddies will , rory duff mac guire , cahill mac rory oge mac guire , donn mac guire , phelemy mac gawran , tirlagh mac hugh flertagh mac gaire , rory teigh mac gowan , donoghy mac ligea , laughlin mac murry , lodowick irwin alias lodowick irwin of lisnaskea , cormuck mac cormuck and john j●mison , or any of them alive , or kill any of them and bring his head to the sheriff of the county where he shall be killed , to be by such sheriff set up in some publick place in that county , shall have for his reward for each person so brought in or his head , ten pounds , for payment whereof we will give warrant as occasion shall require , and whosoever of the said proclaimed persons or any other shall after the said first day of august next ▪ apprehend and being unto the high sheriff of the county where such person shall be apprehended , or resisting shall kill any of the said rebells and traytors particularly named as aforesaid , he shall together with his said reward , receive his pardon and towards the speedy effecting of this service , all commanders of horse and foot , and all other his majesties officers and loving subjects are to be aiding and asisting as they and every of them will answer the contrary at their perils , given at the council chamber in dublin the second day of july 1683. grenard : longford : lanesborough ▪ ed : brabazon : ol : st : george . john keating , he : hene . ric ▪ reynells , theo. iones . god save the king dvblin , printed by benjamin took and john crook printers to the kings most excellent majesty and are to be sold by mary crook and andrew crook at his majesties printing-house one ormond-key , 1683. famous battel of the catts, in the province of ulster, june 25, 1668. denham, john, sir, 1615-1669. 1668 approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a35650 wing d1001 estc r15057 11719788 ocm 11719788 48328 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a35650) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48328) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 528:13) famous battel of the catts, in the province of ulster, june 25, 1668. denham, john, sir, 1615-1669. [2], 11 p. printed by t. newcomb ..., in the savoy, [london] : 1668. satire in verse. attributed to sir john denham. cf. blc. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1660-1688 -anecdotes 2002-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-09 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2002-09 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the famous battel of the catts , in the province of ulster . june 25. 1668. in the savoy , printed by t. newcomb in the year , 1668. the famous battel of the catts in the province of vlster , june 25. 1668. what wild fanatick broke his cage ? the valiant catti to engage , into this more then civil rage ? alass , i need not question that , it was the egyptian god , the ratt , trapan'd the poor vltonian catt . though ireland of no venome boasts , supplanters plant ( in mighty hosts ) reforming ratts on all her coasts : these vermin soon together get , and being all on mischief set , form'd in a dark assembly , met . one goodly ratt above the rest , since he was biggest , would be best , stood forth , ( his paw upon his breast . ) this ratt was hee , a ratt of fame , who all things but himself o'recame , and rattamountain was his name : he all the rules and tricks could show , both arts of war , and peace did know , to cheat a friend or spoil a foe . the chair , the chair , they cry'd ( whereat he smil'd at first , and then down sate this over-undertaking ratt . then they began , since i alone must speak , what e're i touch upon , shall be cleer demonstration ; they made us golden gods , and then , ador'd us at our shrines , but when saw ye one ratt that worship't men ? did not our troops devoure all thrace , not only beasts , but human race , and left them neither name , nor place ; and did we not neer mentz devour , their prelate ( maugre all his power ) whence still 't is call'd the rattin tower . and having slain one bishop prince , princes and bishops ever since , we into popular classes mince . did we not since destroy and spoile in one short night , bermudas isle ? and eat up all the planters toil . in all records our honour lives , but the vile cat ( who 'gainst us strives ) from th' alchoran his birth derives : the lyon , ( if that legend's true ) did sneeze , and from his nostrels threw a catt , which instantly cry'd mew . since catts the lyon's nature share , we for the great as little care ; who rampant passant , guardant are . how long shall they devour us thus ? ye know one whittingtonian puss slew legions of the best of us ; no mortal power could us annoy , if unity we could injoy , we our destroyers should destroy , then let 's unite , and break their pride , make catts against the catts to side , ( those may command , who can divide : ) all weaker states that would surprise the stronger , prudently advise how to make parties , and allies . i now a people shall make known , who under like oppression groan , whose interest and ours are one . i know you 'll quickly smell a ratt , ( then this is it i would be at ) ingage the mouse against the catt . our cause , when they to us resort , three strong militia's shall support , from city , countrey , and from court. though millions in a battle dy , our race with their infinity will us with fresh recruits supply . the anti-gresham stagyrit says he beheld with great delight this strange superfoetatious sight . a female of the persian ratts brought forth at once full sixscore bratts ; nay more , ( now look about you catts . ) the young were big with young , before their birth , with many hundreds more , and she her childrens children bore . george pine , to us thou art an ass , one year thy hundred did surpass , amongst thy four , shew one such lass : thy island in a hundred years , ( as on thy own account appears ) but only twice six thousand bears . and now to make your grandure rise form into assemblies your supplies , to rescue your old liberties : no petifoggers shall set traps , by nusance stop our holes , and gaps , nor quacks , with arsnick give us claps , nor no owl-constable by night , shall seize the less , or greater fright , though they have bills , yet we can bite . now let us close in joynt consent , that with the mice we are content to share the spoil and government : and when our common-wealth prefers their members , we will be the peers , and honest mice the commoners : and when this order's rattifi'd , they on our honours may confide , the deans and chapters to divide . pardon this boldness , nor seem nice , ( for when we have to do with mice , ) quibble and witt bear equal price . to shew i am a ratt of sense , all my proposals i commence , from reason and experience . i 'le all in one advice give in : if from the english catts you 'll win trophies , with ireland first begin . thus rattamountain , then they call , that the word might be , have at all , in vlster they will stand and fall ; their agitator then they name , active mac-ratt , who ( swift as fame ) on crooked errands went and came . who straight from ireland answer made , that he had their commands obey'd , and all the trains of mischief laid . so lull'd asleep the catti were , his arts had them secur'd from fear , but what did from themselves appear , yet all that rattamountain knew , or diligent mac-ratt could shew , was vain , to that which did insue . soon as the moon in cancer rose , into the tiberts brains she throws such rage , as all their plots out-goes . three hundred catts on vlsters shore each with nine lives ( that 's nine times more ) into the field their colours bore . the field , a gutter which did run blood , ( which the name of field may own , as iambah that of islington . ) long time the fight so equal was , the greater half fell on the place , nor quarter given in the chace ; but their most hideous catterwaule , with the allarm it gave , did all th' vltonian ratts together call . lest they should no interment have , to the departed catts , a grave the ratts in their own bowels gave . they at bonratty , ( so says fame ) to rebels bodies did the same , ( this place and that may bear one name . ) now the staggs duel's out of door , the cause was great , the effect was poor , i saw two savage lice do more . staggs are not so , t' whom grass gives food , but catts and lice , who feast on blood , for savage beasts are understood . two staggs militia's were but four , nothing to what the tiberts bore , for each having nine lives , had more . mac-ratt is now return'd , t' invite those ratts , who scap'd by londons light , to march through scotland in the night ; and with the highland ratts t' agree to pass dunbartons narrow sea , to accomplish this cattastrophe . the isle of ratts when they those boggs shall dispossess of irish froggs , will goe beyond our isle of doggs . there shall we see the new rais'd throne , of rattamountain in his own metropolis , high't rattisbone . some irish bard thy skill bequeath , to charm our english poets breath , like thee to rhime our ratts to death ; else we are sou'st in our old pickle , for now or never we must stickle , when playhouse turns to conventicle . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a35650-e70 the same that the hessi . a castle yet standing upon the rhine . stow's annals of london . aristotle in his history of animals . parturiunt montes , anglice , rattamountain . midsummer moon . where the rats eat all the dead bodies of the rebels army . at gresham-colledg . a new letter from london-derry giving a farther account of the late good success, obtain'd by the protestants in ireland, against the french and irish papists: with the speech of that reverend divine, and protestant champion, mr. vvalker, to the soldiers of that garrison, before they made that last great sally upon the enemy. 1689 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52931 wing n652 estc r224182 99834533 99834533 39034 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52931) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 39034) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1817:14) a new letter from london-derry giving a farther account of the late good success, obtain'd by the protestants in ireland, against the french and irish papists: with the speech of that reverend divine, and protestant champion, mr. vvalker, to the soldiers of that garrison, before they made that last great sally upon the enemy. walker, george, of londonderry. 1 sheet ([2] p) printed by w. downing, london : 1689. printed in two columns. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -history -war of 1689-1691 -early works to 1800. londonderry (northern ireland) -history -early works to 1800. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ●ew letter from london-derry : giving a farther account of the late good success , obtain'd by the protestants in ireland , against the french and irish papists : with the speech of that 〈◊〉 divine , and protestant champion , mr. walker , 〈◊〉 soldiers of that garrison , before they made that last great sally upon the enemy . licensed , and enter'd according to order . 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 our last fortunate and truly ●ictorious sally upon the enemy , 〈◊〉 action that must ever resound 〈◊〉 of our valiant and no less pi●●●mander , that truly christian 〈◊〉 , mr. walker our governour , 〈◊〉 little of present moment more to 〈◊〉 , by reason that the 〈◊〉 of the french and irish from 〈◊〉 walls , with the intire ruining 〈◊〉 works , and indeed the whole 〈◊〉 ( which god be praised ) we have 〈◊〉 them , has so disabled them , that 〈◊〉 at present in great quiet and rest , 〈◊〉 all our business now is only our 〈◊〉 preparation for the welcome 〈◊〉 of major general kirk , with his gallant english succours , whose approach is here the subject of vniversal joy within our walls of london-derry , and possibly of as much terrour without them . however , sir , as the glory of that heroick action , and indeed the whole conduct , courage , and gallantry of this small , but formidable town , will remain a lasting and recorded monument to the fame of our valiant leader ; so his generous and noble speech to the soldiers , that not a little contributed to our conquest , by animating that resolution that gain'd it , will be no disacceptable present to you , which i have here sent you , being as faithfully taken , as the hurry at the delivery of it would permit . the speech . gentlemen , and fellow-soldiers , as so extraordinary an occasion has at this time invited me to summon you together , i shall not consult the ordinary methods of ancient or modern gene●●ls , so much to instruct you in all the criticisms 〈◊〉 marshal discipline , as to inflame your hearts to a chearful resolution , and to incourage humility , vigilance , and constancy in your undertakings ; and being by several late proofs , convinc'd of your steady inclinations to live and die for that cause , which by god's signal providence , and our endeavours , we have with advantage hitherto maintain'd , i thought it a double duty incumbent on me , both as your pastor and captain , to lay before you those motives ●hat might at once enlighten your understanding , and excite your perseverance . how far we are obliged by the common principles of nature , and self-preservation , to defend our selves against all manifest and intended injuries against our persons and just interest , i need not here repeat : ( the meanest beast either by flight or resistance demonstrating their fixt aversion to all manner of hurt , and injurious dealing ; ) but when persons that are circumscrib'd , and ought to be protected by the just institution of laws , and the solemnity of oaths , promises , and conditions , are enchroach'd upon , and mark'd out as sacrifices to an arbitrary and unlimited power ; then i say , the laws of nature and of god , do warrant our resistance , and not only our country , but our consciences exact our utmost resolutions . what ? are we christians , protestants , and english-men , and shall we doubt to defend our religion , our country , and our liberties ? see how our numerous foes insult , and laugh , and please themselves with our destruction : hark! how they divide our lands , and cast lots for our proper habitations : mark but their faith to our distressed country-men , and see what usage we are like to trust to ; england was scarce secure , tho' ten to one against them ; can we then trust their power , being now not one to an hundred ; they broke through the sacred tyes that could be m●de by man to them ; and can we hope for faith in their performance ? what , has their new french piety , mixt with their irish punick faith and clemency , encouraged us to wear their well-known easie yoak ? are we so destitute of honest morals , as that we need to be dragoon'd into civility ? no , dear country-men , we know their ways , and are not now to be cajol'd into destruction ; scarce forty years are yet expir'd since we had pregnant proofs of their humanity : some mothers even in this town are living yet that now afresh lament the loss of fathers , husbands , brothers , children , not kill'd in heat of battel or assault , but in cold blood , and upon quarter given . possession of an horse , a cow , a coat , a piece of money , was crime enoug● exact the poor offenders life ; nay , when 〈◊〉 avarice could ask no more , tortures and 〈◊〉 have been apply'd for sport , and infants 〈◊〉 from their lamenting mothers breasts , have 〈◊〉 seen dangling on their cowards swords 〈◊〉 make the brutes diversion : cowards , 〈◊〉 country-men , we well may tearm them , 〈◊〉 they stood an equal combate , ( or 〈◊〉 now our great encouragement ) maintain'd a 〈◊〉 and rightful cause : 't is truth , they boast 〈◊〉 numbers and their strength , but we have 〈◊〉 and justice on our sides : god , that with 〈◊〉 small handful of men , hath baffled all their co●●sels and their force . let us therefore with courage and constan● dear brethren , go on and make answerable 〈◊〉 turns to that peculiar providence that hath hith●●to protected us : let us now raise the glory this little town , and prove it the worthy 〈◊〉 of our great patroness : england will ●●●tainly , and with speed assist us , nor will 〈◊〉 gracious sovereigns forget us , their goodnes● 〈◊〉 well as interest are engaged for us , and they 〈◊〉 soon make us rejoyce in our deliverance ; 〈◊〉 wants as yet are no way desperate , and we 〈◊〉 hitherto rather seen than felt the miseries 〈◊〉 hard seige ; when we think , fit we beat th●● from our walls , and often in our sallysclear 〈◊〉 trenches ; we have look'd their bugbear ge●●ral in the face , and broke their boasted 〈◊〉 into peices ; we have laugh'd at their 〈◊〉 granadoes ; their pretended almighty bombs 〈◊〉 not affright us ; our consciences are clear in 〈◊〉 we do , and the almighty god will to the 〈◊〉 defend us ; keep up your valiant hearts 〈◊〉 dear fellow-soldiers , if you have any 〈◊〉 for your wives , your children , your 〈◊〉 your liberties : but above all , if you have 〈◊〉 hope to enjoy that holy reform'd religion you 〈◊〉 , take courage : 't is for that chiefly we 〈◊〉 hunted and persecuted ; and 't is for that 〈◊〉 we shall , to the last , glory to suffer , and 〈◊〉 in the mean time , to the last drop of blood , ma●●tain and defend . so help us god. at which , all the garrison , wit● loud acclamations , cry'd amen london , printed by w. downing , 1689. exceeding good newes againe from ireland, or, a true relation of the great overthrow which the english gave the rebels before trobeda, sent in a letter to sir robert king knight, at cecill house in the strand, bearing date february 28, 1641, printed by order from the parliament, hen. elsing cler. parl. dom. com. : whereunto is added the copie of a letter written from bruxels by the rebels agent there, unto the lord montgarret in ireland, february, 24. 1641, which letter was taken by the scout-watch of sir richard grenvil. cherrey, mack me. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a38984 of text r5162 in the english short title catalog (wing e3735). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a38984 wing e3735 estc r5162 12580195 ocm 12580195 63729 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a38984) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63729) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 960:12) exceeding good newes againe from ireland, or, a true relation of the great overthrow which the english gave the rebels before trobeda, sent in a letter to sir robert king knight, at cecill house in the strand, bearing date february 28, 1641, printed by order from the parliament, hen. elsing cler. parl. dom. com. : whereunto is added the copie of a letter written from bruxels by the rebels agent there, unto the lord montgarret in ireland, february, 24. 1641, which letter was taken by the scout-watch of sir richard grenvil. cherrey, mack me. [8] p. printed for john thomas, london : [1641] reproduction of original in cambridge university library. signed on p. [6]: mack me cherrey. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. a38984 r5162 (wing e3735). civilwar no exceeding good newes againe from ireland, or, a true relation of the great overthrow which the english gave the rebels before trobeda, sent cherrey, mack me 1641 1729 7 0 0 0 0 0 40 d the rate of 40 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion exceeding good newes againe from ireland or , a true relation of the great overthrow which the english gave the rebels before troheda , sent in a letter to sir robert king knight , at cecill house in the strand , bearing date , february 28. 1641. printed by order from the parliament . hen. elsing cler. parl. dom. com. whereunto is added the copie of a letter written from bruxels by the rebels agent there , unto the lord montgarret in ireland , february , 24. 1641. which letter was taken by the scout-watch of sir richard grenvill . london , printed for john thomas . the copie of a letter written from bruxels to the lord mountgarret in ireland , february , 24. 1641 my deare lord , i hope that i have obtained at last , the ayme of my employment , from my lord cardinall of richleu , to the perfect contentment of all your lordships , sworne to the maintenance of the catholique league , and for the good of my deare countrey . the said cardinall by the meanes and continuall intercession of his confessor . ( our right faithfull patron ) hath granted and assigned us 7. ships already , to set sayle ( under pretence it is given forth ) for portugall , but i trust your lordship and co-partners shall find them nearer home , laythey be not onely with victuals but arms of all sorts viz. 1500 muskets , 2000 pikes , 500 bills and halberts , 600 barrels of powder , 3. tonne of match 9. demy sakers , but also with great quantity of french coyn , which the friers of our nation haue beg'd of all the nobility and gentry , yea of all people whatsoever of abillitie through out france , for the maintenance of the catholique cause , with 2. thousand crownes of his excelencies owne guift , the colledge of the fathers of the order of iesus , at antwerpe , have likewise made a most charitable collection , and have intrusted it in the hands of dominickc galloway , our agent there for that designe , so that i hope , nay assuredly beleeve , that your lordship shall have money enough to pay your poore soldiers the arrerages , and to let them have 3. moneths pay beforehand , i have likewise dispatched an able messenger to his hollinesse , beseeching him in all humillity to lend somewhat out of the stocke of the church , towards the raising of succours for the advancement of the catholique cause , and his owne interest , according as his holinesse shall find convenient and requisite , the gonor of dunkirke hath beene shewed a way ( and i trust intends to follow it , whereby he will let let our ships laden with our soldiers and armes at ease depart ) & yet keepe his credit both with the governor of dunkirke , and my lord his master , and to answer in any poynt of breach of league , the french gennerall mounsiur de boys , hath promised upon the word of a catholique , that he will doe his best to arive with his ships in the haven of dublin , by the twentieth of march , new-stile and those of dunkirke ( if possible ) shall as neere as wee can about the same time put in at corke , under the conduct of collonell roach , and young patricke co●piager our coutryman , god almighty and the blessed queene , of heaven , at the intercession of our deare saint , st. patricke , guide conduct , defend , and prosper them , so that they may find enough to doe for our enemies , so that our native conntry may be delivered from more then turkish slavery of all heritikes , as well english as scots , i intreate you and all my couragious lords , to be in a readinesse , and well appointed for the entertainment of this so able and considerable asistance , and auxiliary forces of our friends , so that we may obtaine the top of our desires , and once be masters of of the metropolitan , of our native realme , which if it shall come to passe , assure your selfe my lord that our country entire through the asistance of the mother of god ( our blessed sheild ) and eternall queene of heaven ) shall speedily be in your possesion , and that all all strangers and heritikes either be chased out or destroyed , and that which they have most unjustly and cruely refused to grant us by our right humble suplications thereto desired , they shall be forced to give us ( yea and more too we trust ) by the puissance of our armes , and justice of our cause . j understand for certaine from those that wish us well in england , that it is impossible that the new livetenant liecester , with his army , should be ready to take shipping before easter , if therefore wee shall have wonne the garland , before he imbarkes , the english shall be discouraged , your soldiers fleshed with victory and enriched with spoyle , all our catholique friends are encouraged to send us more plenty of ayde , you therefore my lord with all your noble and resolute fellowes , and valiant and couragious countrimen follow my advice in this affaire , set aside all enterprizes but this , and wholy endeavor and force and that obtained , all is yours , without it nothing long , for the happy , wished , and joyfull carrying of which city , all your country-men that are persons religious here abiding , and other well-wishers , offer their hearty vowes , prayers most incessant , and desires most ardent , day and night , at the foote of the altar , and at the sacrifice of the blessed masse , in the presence of all saints both of men and women , and my selfe principally . yours honours most affectionate and faithfull servant and minister , and of all the true catholique league till death . mack me cherrey . bruxels , this present , feb. 24. 1641. new stile . joyfull newes from ireland , or , a true relation of the great overthrow which the english gave the rebels before droheda , &c. noble sir , in my last letter to you , i signified to you the difficulties which were like to befall us by the relieving of droheda , but god by his infinite mercy hath freed us ( i may say miraculously ) from that hazard , for when our men there were driveu to that extremity to eat horse-flesh ; 〈…〉 y tichbourne sallied out of the towne with 〈…〉 ●orty mus●●●iers , and forty horse , and beat off 〈◊〉 ●undred of the enemies , killed above threescore of them , recovered fourescore cowes and oxen , and two hundred sheepe , burned foure townes , and brought home two of their coloures ; besides , i must relate unto you gods aboundant goodnesse unto us , in that the night before the reliefe and succours which we sent by sea from dublin to them , should have entred into the harbour of troheda ) which was strongly fenced over with a chain and severall boates ) there happened a storme which broke their chainer , and gave our men so free a passage , as with little difficulty they came safely to the towne . the rebels were gathered at kilshalgham within seven myles of dublin , above two thousand men , where they were settled in a very strong wood , my lord of ormond carried out part of our army , and beat them out of that great strength ( for they would not come into the champaine ) and killed above a hundred of them , without any considerable losse of our side , onely captaine iames rochfort , a most gallant and couragious gentleman . this was an act of great bravery , wherein sir charles coote did , ( as he doth alwayes ) beyond expectation , exposing his person to as much danger as any man living could ; and in truth he is a gallant man , full of courage and good affections , and deserves great incouragement from that side . our souldiours are in great want of money , which c●uses a generall want of all other necessaries , yet notwithstanding god hath infused such courage into them ( for vndoubtedly it is his worke ) that they thinke there is no danger so great , but they may attempt it . colonell munke is arrived here with my lord lievtenants regiment of fifteen hundred foot ; and sir richard grenvill with nere foure hundred horse , which puts much heart into us , and makes us looke big upon our neighbours , yet we grieve we cannot be able to relieve our friends in other parts ; but i hope when our full succours shall come , we shall not only defend this place , but adde comfort to our poore distressed friends abroad . the enemy though their numbers be very great , even beyond beliefe , yet their hearts begin to faint , and i beleeve they repent their furious madnesse . if my brother be in london , i pray you impart this letter to him , i would have written to him , but that i thought he was at chester , or on his way thither ; by the next he shall heare from me at large , and i shall likewise trouble you . i must now only tell you , that i thanke you for your care of those things which concerne me , and that i am , sir , your most affectionate servant . ed. loftus , feb. 27. 1641. martii . 7. it is this day ordered forthwith ; that this letter be published in print . h. elsing cler , p. d. com. finis . irelands misery since the late cessation: sent in a letter from a gentleman in dublin, to his brother in law, now residing in london, sometime living in the county of cavan in that kingdome. wherein is set forth the great cruelty and horrible massacres, committed upon the english protestants in severall castles and places which they have taken since. with divers other remarkable passages of great consequence concerning the affaires of both kingdoms. harrison, richard, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a87165 of text r12429 in the english short title catalog (thomason e30_12). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a87165 wing h907 thomason e30_12 estc r12429 99859280 99859280 111352 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a87165) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 111352) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 6:e30[12]) irelands misery since the late cessation: sent in a letter from a gentleman in dublin, to his brother in law, now residing in london, sometime living in the county of cavan in that kingdome. wherein is set forth the great cruelty and horrible massacres, committed upon the english protestants in severall castles and places which they have taken since. with divers other remarkable passages of great consequence concerning the affaires of both kingdoms. harrison, richard, 17th cent. [2], 6 p. printed for henry shephard, at the signe of the cradle in corne-hill, london : january 26. 1644. caption title, p. 1: a letter from mr. richard harrison in dublin, to his brother mr. r. tuke, now resident in london, &c. reproduction of the original in the british library. annotation on thomason copy: the 4 in imprint date is crossed out and altered to 1643. eng ireland -history -1625-1649. a87165 r12429 (thomason e30_12). civilwar no irelands misery since the late cessation:: sent in a letter from a gentleman in dublin, to his brother in law, now residing in london, some harrison, richard 1644 1979 4 0 0 0 0 0 20 c the rate of 20 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 megan marion sampled and proofread 2008-09 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion irelands misery since the late cessation : sent in a letter from a gentleman in dublin , to his brother in law , now residing in london , sometime living in the county of cavan in that kingdome . wherein is set forth the great cruelty and horrible massacres , committed upon the english protestants in severall castles and places which they have taken since . with divers other remarkable passages of great consequence concerning the affaires of both kingdoms ❧ ❧ london , printed for henry shephard , at the signe of the cradle in corne-hill . january 26. 1644. a letter from mr. richard harrison in dublin , to his brother mr. r. tuke , now resident in london , &c. sir , i have written to you severall times of our great and prosperous victories against our enemies formerly : but now i must write unto you of the fearfull tragedies acted against our poore countrey men , by the barberous irish , since the unluckie cessation , our forces being drawne away from hence daily , and our victuals exhausted through the great and daily concourse of the irish to this miserable city , we being left as a prey to the enemy , expecting daily and hourely to be massacred and murdered in our beds , being strongly conceited so , through the manifold outrages and slaughters committed upon our poore brethren , in their severall castles and garrisons , as in that of catherlow , malohon , racoffie , and divers other places , which the irish have taken , contrary to their pretended truce since the bloody cessation , having cruelly murdered all our men , women , & children that recided in them : they at this present manage all the affaires in the city , the castle excepted , where our lords , justices , and councel ▪ keepe themselves close , fearing to be surprized . our condition is very lamentable , we are as sheepe appointed for the slaughter , our wives & children swooning in the streets for want of bread , and our wofull eyes made spectators of their cruell insolencies , in setting up their idolatrous masses in all our churches , whereof they have taken possession , and banished our best divines ; the lord for our sinnes having already begun a great famine of the word amongst us ; neither are we suffered to depart the kingdome , but are exposed to the mercilesse cruelty of hunger , cold and famine , as also the ending stroke of grizly death which we hourly expect . oh our miseries are unspeakable , but like to increase if not prevented by sudden ( but i hope in the lord ) a provided death . but our only woe is , that you are like to suffer with us , and that very soone , if some speedy course be not taken for the stopping of the great multitude of irish papists which daily flock from hence into this kingdome , under pretence to assist his majestie against the puritans . i do beleeve that this shall be the last that ever i shall write unto you ( my deer brother ) but in regard of my duty and loyalty which i owe to my countrey ▪ i will to my best endeavour set down in briefe according to my own knowledge how this plot or misery contrived and still acted in both kingdomes , hath been a working these sixteen yeares , to establish popery both here and in england , to the intent that my deer native countrey men may be the more cautious in not falling into their mercies as we have done . about the yeare 1630 , the earle of cork and my lord chancellour loftus , being lords justices of this kingdom , the said earle being zealous of gods worship , did put in execution the statute against recusants , which took such effect here , that the common sort of irish came daily to our english churches for two moneths and more : in the meane time the earle of westmeaths , sir richard barnewall of crickstow , are imploid as agents to the queen , in the behalfe of all the irish . i cannot tell how the businesse is carried , but the kings letters of favour are obtained to the lords justices , commanding them not to molest his good subjects the irish , in their former liberty of conscience , which was accordingly obayed . afterwards the earle of strafford succeeded in this governement , ( who being a cunning man to get wealth ) threatned the subversion of popery ( though by him never attempted , the irish being mightily terrified ) imployed westmeath and barnewall the second time to the queen : these agents fall cunningly to work , and compounded with his majesty to afford him a mighty sum of money throughout the whole kingdome , if so be they might enjoy their former liberty . presently they obtaine his majesties letters againe to the earle of strafford , commanding as they desired , then all things go well with them : but that the money is not gathered , warrants are issued out , and none so deeply taxed as the poore protestants in purchasing the freedome of the papists who afterwards cut their throats and dashed their children in pieces : well the money is collected , the papists take courage , they build abbies and couvents in every corner of the land , the locusts flock in daily to this miserable city , they build their masse houses in every street ▪ and increase in three year to the number of fifteen hundred priest , jesuits fryers , and monks , as is here still extant by the computation of paul harris , one of their owne seminary priests : the high commission is set up for the suppressing of our honest ministers , and it is made court of justice for seminary priests to pleade and sue for parishes for themselves , as may appear by this story following ; the said paul harris being seminary priest in the back lane , was to be put out of his parish by the titular romish arch bishop of doublin , and one patrick cale appointed in his place : haris appeals to our high commission court , and cites cale to answer his suit , which he accordingly did : after long pleading harris was adjudged to keepe the parish , he having formerly obtained a letter of favour from sir george ratliffe to our godly bishops to that intent , to proceed further in the plot : strafford disarmes all our english , and raises an army of the papists to the number of eight thousand , and sends them to the north against the poore scotch , allowing every regiment as many masse priests as they please to use . but what is all this to the many insolencies and approbrious words used against us , by tearming us traitors to the crowne and dignity , affirming ( they having the kings commission for their warrant in murdering and destroying an hundred and fifty thousand soules . and great likelyhood there is of a strong party they were assured of in england : their agents nicholas plunket and the rest of his confederates being all that summer before the rebellion with his majestie at court , and waiting upon his person to scotland , from whence they posted into ireland , and proclaimed openly the kings authority to handle in that wofull manner you often heard of . i have sent unto you for your better satisfaction , the speech made at granarde in the county of longford , by edmond o bealy , the titular romish primate , the 27 of august , 1641 , before the rest of his fraternity . it was found in latin about anthony o lork , a franciscan fryar , slaine at the battell of clodeum mill , in the county of cavan : but afterwards translated into english by archdeacon watson , for the better satisfaction of all honest men . edmond o healy , his speech to the rest of the romish bishops at granarde , the 27 august . 1641. we doe not presume most reverend fathers in god , through any preheminence of our place or calling , to make our selves the mouth of the sacred assembly ; neither do we confide in the small value of either our learning or eloquence , wherein we know our selfe to be inferiour to the meanest capacity here assembled : but the zeale of the catholick cause hath eaten us up : the waves of ungodlinsse having overwhelmed our holy mother , the church . s. peters ship was never so neer sinking , when he cryed perimus , as it is now . it s not unknowne to you reverend bishops , how the factious puritan parliament of england , endeavour to root out our holy church in the three kingdomes : how our king and gracious queene are slighted by these aforesaid wicked hereticks ; and how all hope of her godly assistance is frustrated : all these passages you are certified by our agents from court , but there is hopes that all is not lost , have not we a blessed hester to pacifie ahafuorus ? have not we a strong party to joyn with us both in england and scotland ? and which is more to be considered , are not we fully certified of mighty combustions to ensue in england , our king and queen are blamelesse in this persecution intended , whose clemencie we have tasted these many yeers past , therefore right reverent fathers lend your helping hands for to build an ark to save us from this deluge , let us be couragious as ( we are directed ) to destroy all the hereticks of this land , they are but a handfull to us , that we may be able to serve our own turn in england in assisting the king against o●● enemies , go to i beseech you in the name of the blessed virgin mary of the holy apostles peter and paul , and of all the saints and angels in heaven , all whose blessing we implore in these meritorius proceedings . amen . sir , you see how our woes begun and what encouragement the irish had to use us as they did , or do you think that these inhumane butchers will fight for the protestant religion , the professours thereof being so odious to them , that they digged all the bones and carcases out of their graves in every church throughout the land because forsooth , they would not say masse there as long as they had any hereticke bone within the church , and here they swear too that they fight for the protestants religion , but you shall here their equivocation , they say that it is the protestation that makes the protestant and if they protest to fight against the gospel , their protestation makes the protestant , and as they say themselves , they may be lawfully tearmed so . you see their cunning trickes in striving to overthrow our religion , i beseech the lord to preserve england from their tyrannie though i my self never hope to see it or to escape their crueltie , hoping to meet you in heaven i rest . your loving brother r. harrison . dublin 2 january , 1643. copia vera , iohn dodd . newes from the west of ireland relating what hapned to captain weldon and captain aston after their passage from bristol to the fort of duncannon in the mouth of the river of waterford : with many particular enterprises performed against the rebels in those parts to the terrour of our enemies, the glory of god, and the honour of all brave english commanders : with a letter sent fom the maior of waterford to captain aston in excuse of his rebellious designes : with captain astons sharpe and worthy reply sent in a letter to the said maior. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a26106 of text r21275 in the english short title catalog (wing a4080a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a26106 wing a4080a estc r21275 12616474 ocm 12616474 64405 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26106) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64405) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 251:e142, no 4) newes from the west of ireland relating what hapned to captain weldon and captain aston after their passage from bristol to the fort of duncannon in the mouth of the river of waterford : with many particular enterprises performed against the rebels in those parts to the terrour of our enemies, the glory of god, and the honour of all brave english commanders : with a letter sent fom the maior of waterford to captain aston in excuse of his rebellious designes : with captain astons sharpe and worthy reply sent in a letter to the said maior. aston, thomas, captain. briver, francis. 8 p. printed for william wright ..., london : 1642. at head of title: april 2. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng aston, thomas, -captain. weldon, anthony, -sir, d. 1649? duncannon (wexford) -history. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a26106 r21275 (wing a4080a). civilwar no april 2. newes from the vvest of ireland: relating what hapned to captain weldon and captain aston after their passage from bristol to the f aston, thomas, captain 1642 2154 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion april 2. newes from the west of ireland : relating what hapned to captain weldon and captain aston after their passage from bristol to the fort of duncannon in the mouth of the river of waterford , with many particular enterprises performed against the rebels in those parts , to the terrour of our enemies , the glory of god , and the honour of all brave english commanders . with a letter sent from the maior of waterford to captain aston in excuse of his rebellious designes , with captain astons sharpe and worthy reply sent in a letter to the said maior . published by the consent of a worthy member of the house of commons . london , printed for william wright dwelling in distaffe-lane , 1642. a briefe relation of all the passages that happened unto us , captaine anthony weldon , and captaine thomas aston , in pursuance of his majesties designe for ireland , sithens our departure from the citie of bristoll . shrove-monday the 20. of february wee departed out of bristoll with 200. proper men well armed , and colours flying , and shipped them aboard , in the good ship called the lambe of bristoll . tuesday the 21. we set sayle from king-roade , neare bristoll , for ireland , having with us for our convoy , the good ship called the fellowship of bristoll , a man of warre . tuesday night , and wednesday all day , we kept company together at sea . wednesday night the winde being contrary , ere thursday morning our ship and convoy were separated . thursday about noone we descried land , and in the evening we arrived before the fort of duncannon , in the mouth of the river of waterford . friday and satterday we landed our men safely within the fort , wherein we found the noble old lord esmond governour thereof , with 100. men resident for the defence thereof ; the enemie laying within musket shot thereof . the enemies commanders under their generall the lord mongarret , are colonell butler , lieutenant colonell maylor , and serjeant major butler . the enemie before our landing had made a truce or cessation of armes with his lordship for five dayes , which was expired the sunday following our arrivall : during the time of the truce , a parley was fought by serjeant major butler ; the effect whereof was , that the evnemie might be admitted to bring into the fort as many men of theirs as his lordship had therein , upon pretense to strengthen the same : if this might bee granted , they would lay downe their armes , but his lordship would not embrace any of their treacherous propositions . at the time of the parley his lordship demanded restitution for the wrongs and injuries done unto his majestie , and his highnesse subjects , the poore protestants in ireland ; answer was made by the enemie , they could doe nothing in that particular without conference with their generall . before their first truce was ended , the enemie desired a second for 14. dayes , but his lordship would not condescend thereunto . munday the last of february , colonell butler sent a letter unto his lordship , perporting a further cessation of armes , as also a parley with foure of our best men of quality , and then with eight men ; and by and by a messenger sent from colonell butler , to desire private conference with his lordship in person , which his lordship refused ; for that he would have no conference at all with any one of them , without publique notion to my selfe and captaine weldon . wednesday the 2. of march , we sallyed forth upon the enemies quarters with 60. musketiers , intending to have fired their quarters , and bring away such necessaries for lodging as we could get , for lodging for our souldiers : our men came bravely on , and exchanged divers bullets with the enemy ; but by extraordinary numbers of men encreasing upon us , ( being but an handfull ) occasioned by the sudden intelligence sent unto the neighbouring garrisons , as by burning of furzes , setting beacons on fire , &c. we retreated into our fort without losse of any man , onely one man received a small hurt in his shoulder . friday the 4. of march , we sallyed forth againe upon the enemie , removed their centinels , forced them to retreat from their quarters , and brought away their court of guard , made of deale boards , which served very well to make our souldiers huts , lodging being somewhat scarce within the fort . this day also wee brought our men safe off , onely one man shot in the face , but not mortall . this day likewise our convoy , together with a pinnace , came into the harbour . sunday morning the 6. of march we sallyed forth againe , intending to have some further bandying of bullets with the enemie ; but marching up their quarters , we found they had raised their siedge , and were gone we knew not whether ; of which opportunity wee taking advantage , presently fired divers of their houses , neare adjoyning unto the fort , and brought away divers small stackes of corne , to our no small comfort , and then retreated ( to give god praise ) into the fort , resolving to sally forth againe in the afternoone . sunday in the afternoone we sallyed forth againe , and then marched forth with some 150. men , about a mile and halfe distant from the fort , where we fired diverse other houses , there being good store of corne , goates , sheepe , and swine ; some sheepe , goats , and swine wee brought away , but could not bring any corne : first , in regard the day was almost spent ; and secondly , for that the enemie was discovered drawing to a place of ambush , that was betweene our men and the fort ; but some of our men remaining behinde in the fort , perceiving their drift , prevented their comming ; and presently some 50. musketiers were commanded to march thither , and make good the same against the enemie , untill our men should come off , which was done accordingly ; the enemie not daring to approach any further , but were forced to retreat with shame . sunday night , his lordship , my selfe , and captain weldon resolved together with the captain of the man of war , that on munday morning by the break of day , the ship together with the pinnace , should go up the river about two miles distant from the fort , and there lie between a town called passage , and another small town called ballyhacke , opposite against passage , the one having a fort with four gunnes in it , the other a strong castle , but no artillery in it . munday morning the seventh of march , i went up my selfe in the man of war together with the pinnace , and lay betweene those two townes , the fort of passage shot thrice at us , then our ship shot one shot into the fort , and presently the fort hanged forth a flag of truce ; whereupon , and for that there were divers of the poor english protestants prisoners within the town , we made no more shots , but wholly intended our battery against the castle of ballyhacke , being the onely convenient place of rendevous and garison for all the rebellious crue , that besiege the fort of duncannon ; our ship lay before it most part of the day , sending many shots to the castle , but could make no breach therein , then i commanded some 20. musqueties to go on shore , and set fire on one side of the town , which they did landing at one end thereof , where they set a fire one house , thinking the rest of the houses on that row would have taken fire by degrees . all this while the rebels from the castle played upon our men with their small shot , very thicke ; our men retreated into the boates , and came aboard againe all safe , onely one man at the first landing was shot through the shoulder . but finding the fire not to take effect , i commanded the boates to be manned forth againe , and to land our men on the other side of the towne , and set that on fire : our men being landed , marched up very boldly to the towne , in despight of the castle , ( which still played upon our men with their small shot ) and fired the most part of the town , and came off bravely , onely one other man ( one of the ships company ) received a shot into his belly , but none of our men mortally wounded . a true copie of the letter which was sent me from the maior and recorder of waterford , at the time when i lay before ballyhacke . m. aston , i understand , you are come with ships to the haven of waterford , the king hath granted the port protection , and jurisdiction of it to our corporation , and i would be glad you would give us an account , why you come so far to the port , and what your intent is , and why you would not acquaint me with your purpose before you came , and sought not my license , i desire an accompt rather , that i am informed you offer battery , and offence to the kings subjects , i writ an answer to my lord esmonde , what the reason is the english went not down , and infer the effect was their faults , not ours , i would desire to know by what commission you come , as well as the rest , waterford , march 7. 1641. francis briver , major of waterford . iohn leonard , recorder . a copy of my answer to the maior and recorders letter . m. maior , & m. recorder , i have received your letter dated the 7. of march instant , wherein you desire an accompt from me , why we come so far to the port , and what our intent is , and why you should not be acquainted with our purpose , before our comming , and wherefore your licence had not been first sought , and further you desire an accompt the rather for that you are informed , battery and offence are offered to the kings subjects , and for countenancing of these your peremptory demands , you infer his majesties grant of the protection and jurisdiction of the port unto your corporation , in all which particulars i shall render an accompt , not as you desire , but deserve ? first , admit you had his majesties grant as aforesaid , i do aver the same to be ( by your revolt ) annihilated and made void , and whereas you say we offer battery and offence against his majesties subjects , i utterly deny that honourable stile to be appropriated unto any one of them , who have in pursuance of the breach of their fidelity and loyalty , to his majesty and the crown of england , most insolently and rebelliously taken up armes , and in defiance of his majesty and the crown of england , advanced themselves against his majesties fort of duncannon , and against my lord esmond , his majesties true and loyall subject , governour thereof ; and whether they can justly or at all deserve the denomination of his majesties subjects , when as they have so rebelliously demeaned themselves as aforesaid , i refer my selfe to his majesties proclamation , which i have sent you herein inclosed , the like whereof hath been delivered unto colonell butler , the tenour whereof , i do intend , ( by the grace of god ) fully to observe , and prosecute with effect , which you may assure your selfe of , by the example of ballyhacke , this is the accompt you may expect from your loving friend if his majesties subject you shall really demonstrate your selfe to be thomas aston . duncannon fort , march 8. 1641. nevves from ireland. vvherein is related these particulars following. ... sent in 2 letters, one to mr. roger cole ... from his brother, m. cole, marchant [i.e. merchant] in dublin, and the other from a scotch gentlewoman to her husband ... cole, robert, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a33718 of text r18365 in the english short title catalog (wing c5026). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a33718 wing c5026 estc r18365 12212616 ocm 12212616 56337 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33718) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 56337) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 22:13) nevves from ireland. vvherein is related these particulars following. ... sent in 2 letters, one to mr. roger cole ... from his brother, m. cole, marchant [i.e. merchant] in dublin, and the other from a scotch gentlewoman to her husband ... cole, robert, 17th cent. glencorse, jane. 8 p. printed for f. coles, london : 1641 [i.e. 1642] the first letter, dated from dublin, 23 february 1641, is from robert cole to his mother; the second, dated from irewine in scotland, 27 february 1641, is signed: iane glencorse. reproduction of original in yale university library. (from t.p.) 1. a proclamation from the rebels -2. the marching of 30,000 rebels into the province of munster, under the command of six great lords -3. the siege of kingsale and bandon-bridge -4. diverse skirmishes with the rebels neere dublin -5. two severall overthrows of the rebels, given by the scots and the english, the one at london-derry, the other at newry. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a33718 r18365 (wing c5026). civilwar no nevves from ireland. vvherein is related these particulars following. 1. a proclamation from the rebels. 2. the marching of 30000 rebels int cole, robert 1642 2346 1 0 0 0 0 0 4 b the rate of 4 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-08 jason colman sampled and proofread 2006-08 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion nevves from ireland . vvherein is related these particulars following . 1. a proclamation from the rebels . 2. the marching of 30000 rebels into the province of munster , under the command of six great lords . 3. the siege of kingsale , and bandon-bridge . 4. diverse skirmishes with the rebels neere dublin . 5. two severall overthrows of the rebels , given by the scots and the english , the one at london derry , the other at newry . sent in 2 letters , one to mr. roger cole in iremonger-lane , from his brother , m. cole , marchant in dublin , and the other from a scotch gentlewoman to her husband , now resident in shoe lane . london , printed for f. coles . 1641. nevves from ireland . from dublin the 23. february . 1641. most deare mother , after my humble duty remembred , &c. i wrot to you the last weeke by a friend bound for london , inclosed to my brother roger cole , and inclosed a proclamation set forth by the lords justices and councell here , shewing the names of divers of the capitall rebels , and what reward shall be given unto him that shall bring in the heads of them or kill them , although they shall not be able to bring in their heads , yet a different reward to be given the doers of it , and since which time , sir phelom o neale and the lords of the english pale , viz. the antient english inhabiting divers counties about dublin , bestowed on them by the kings of england , of whom i wrot the names in my former letters , have made a proclamation on their parts , that whosoever shall bring unto them the head of the earle of ormond our generall , of sir charles coote , sir simon harcourt , and other collonels and captaines of ours , shall have a very great reward , and the fine of each is expressed in the proclamation , as yet they dare doe any thing , for if we count the arme of the flesh to be strength , they are neere 20 to one against us . there is of them gon into the province of munster above 30000 men , and some report they are compleat in armes , and the commanders are the lord montgarret , l. dunboyne , l. of icharin , l. kihare , l. brittis , and lord of upper ossery , and some affirme that my lord of muzgrave is generall , they have driven the lord president into corke , and 14 or 1500 men with him , and have laid siege to bandon-bridge , & kingsale , of which we have certaine newes , but what mischiefe they have done to our english in all the countrey there about , we know not , but doe grieve to thinke upon . all the province of connaght is likewise in rebellion , and gallaway taken by them , onely we understand that the fort there is on our side , but hour long they can subsist without provision we know not , that is the most dangerous place in the kingdom , because it is a good harbour and lyes open to spaine , and you know that spain hath ever bin a harbour of rebels against england , their religion teacheth men so to be . i wrot you formerly that if wee have not shipping in all the ports of this kingdome , to prevent the comming in of armes to the rebels , that all the ayd england can send will doe us little good , for you may please to consider the difference betweene their souldiers and ours , setting their commanders a part : our men are for the most part poore men and weake in many respects , for he that is of any great meanes and great breeding in england , will not come over to be common souldier here , and those that are here they are ( many of them ) poore pilledg'd people , the better sort are gon for the most part into england : they are the most wise able and active men of this kingdome , and in battle they have a very great advantage against us , for they commonly place themselves heare unto some great bog , and if they be put to the worse in 500 yards running they will get into the bogs , where no horse can come neare them , neither are our foot skilfull to follow them : if it were possible there to compassd them in , it were to the purpose , but to meet with them on the other side of the bog , it may be will cost our men ( as in many places ) 20 or 30 miles march , and by that time they will be far from our army . the rebellion is so generall , and their men so many , that if our army here , which with my lord lieut. regiment now landed , and the 4 or 500 horse now come ( as is reported ) will make hardly 8000 men , 1000 whereof are inhabitants , and most of them householders , marchants and tradesmen of this city , and their servants , who may not leave this citty without great danger . i have two servants in the kings pay , and i stand with my owne armes upon any service that shall be required , and will god willing , adventure my hearts blood for the cause in hand ; i say if our army here should adventure farre into the countrey against them one way , they will escape our army many wayes , and come upon dublin , which would indanger the losse of the whole kingdome , for all depends upon this place : for although wee have no intelligence out of the north , whereby to write you of it , yet you may please to conceive , that where the rebellion began , they will make sure something for themselves : i thinke there are none but scots inhabitants , very few english left to oppose them , wee have no certaine intelligence thence of the landing of any out of scotland , but what we heare out of england ; i wrot you of the going away of shipping from hence with provision for to relieve our souldiers in tredath ( or droghedath ) and was in hope that they had got in safe , but on saturday we understood that they were not then gotten in , that the rebels had sunck many boats and chained them together , and that captaine bartlet of the kings pinasse ; intended to try the breaking of the chaine , or if the spring-tyde would bring water enough to carry them over the chaine , and that captaine bartlet had taken one vessell loaden with herrings , and sunck another being come from wexford , thither with provision for the rebels , i trust to heare good newes from thence . we heare that there are two priests at nantz in france , buying of powder and armes for the rebels , i am much affraid that this south wind hath brought them in unto vvexford , for that towne is in their owne custody , i cannot heare whether youghall and dungarven be taken by them or not ; but they have a very great army gon that way ; we are here in a very bad case for want of mony , and we have had good hope to have had store out of england this wind , but there is not mony to pay the souldiers that are now come over . we have great joy for the blessed agreement betweene the king and the parliament . god who is the author of peace and unity , keepe the divell and his instruments ; the sower of sedition , and his children , from disturbing the same , that the king may be happy , god glorified , his religion established , that truth and honesty may be in fashion , and superstition and lyes may be put away from our land , and the father of lyes and antichrist utterly banisht . we have reported here , that my lord masgrave hath great forces apart , besides the army that is with my lord mountgarret , but i thinke it is all one army , and i marvell from whence they have their armes , except france should furnish them , brought into vvexford . i have written you what conflicts wee have had about us with the rebels , i thinke that in severall battles ; viz. at glasnemoccy ( so much reported of in the english currants ) was not above 6 men poore rogues found in houses without fight , at the grange 6 miles from this , i thinke were some 70 men slaine , and many armes taken , at sheourd 4 colours were taken , and about 100 slaine of them , and there we lost sir luciu● cary , brother to the lord viscount fawkland in england , hee was lieutenant collonell to sir charles cootes regiment ; at racoole there was about 50 men slaine of them : at fingles , about some 30 of them slaine ; and wee lost but one ordinary souldier , and what men have beene slaine at tredath , or droghedah , wee heare that this last voyage , wee were like to lose a great boat loade of provision , that went downe to relieve the towne , by being grounded , but that they had a piece of ordnance aboord , which secured them till the tyde came againe , and slew many of the rebels both horse and foot , of which i shall write more the next opportunity ; in the meane time i humbly commend you to god , and rest , your dutifull sonne , robert cole . the true copy of another letter that was sent from irevine , the twenty seventh of february , 1641. most loving husband , my love remembred to you , i doe much wonder that since you went to london , i never received any letter from you but one , which i wonder of you , being so long in london . your brother henry the writer hereof is come over with good newes blessed be our god , for there hath beene two great battels fought betweene the rebels and our scotchmen , the one at london-derry , the other at the nenry , where the lord hath given great victory ; above 15. or 16 , hundred slaine of the enemies in both the battels , captaine ellis with his company of 300. hath banisht them from the band-fide , and captaine cunnighame met him at ballachy , in march from the towne of coulraine , and with him and captaine play , 500. so that they are we hope from these three counties , for we have intelligence by your brother , that there is brave commanders beyond , as colonell lestie , major lestie , that went from this towne , lieutenant colonell brothwike , and captaine hamilton , who hath beene very valorous , there hath beene no losse on our side this great while , onely one robert jake , and john carfell , two of captaine ellis souldiers slaine at the towne , and your cousin john vernet is hurt , and one that kept sir john's land in the grange , the lord of antrims country is silent now , but a while agoe they made great stir as you writ , that glenram and enver was burnt , but it is not so , they are safe , murno did not stay in carikfergus above 48. houres after he landed , but marched towards belfast , and from thence to drummore , and as we heare by your brother of a certaine , gave battell to one patricke , mac cartane , and one mac geere , where he did kill many of them , being accompanied with my lord of ardes and his forces , with the losse of 14. men , and your brother sayes they are beaten from the newrie , and the north part somwhat quieter then it was , blessed be our good god ; we heare that england is like to be in a wofull case , and yet you never touch it in your letter , i pray you doe not so any more , we suspect the generall himselfe will goe over shortly if he had commission : men are levying very fast heere . thus to obey your desire , to write younewes , as you doe not the like to me , but you may thanke the clarke , i wrot , one to you before as well as i could , your father and mother remembers them , you and all your friends : your father is going over againe , if he heare any further of any settling , your brethren that is with master iames catwarthy are all well , alexander your brother is newly come over , but is going backe in all haste , he came for more armes , i pray you hast you home as soone as possible you can , and let me heare from you by every post , i commit you to the lord , and rest , your loving wife , iane glencorse . irewine in scotland , the 27. of feb. finis . the most blessed and truest newes from ireland, shewing, the fortunate successe of the protestants, and gods just vengance on the rebels. with a list of the protestant commanders, and the chief of the rebels commanders, and the townes that the protestants have relieved. with the humble petition of the baronets, esquires, ministers, gentlemen, freeholders, and others peacably affected in the county palatine of lancaster, to the kings most excellent majesty. with his majesties answer thereunto. barry, john, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a51446 of text r2626 in the english short title catalog (wing m2869). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a51446 wing m2869 wing b973_incorrect estc r2626 12630192 ocm 12630192 64727 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a51446) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64727) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 252:e148, no 21 or 1861:26) the most blessed and truest newes from ireland, shewing, the fortunate successe of the protestants, and gods just vengance on the rebels. with a list of the protestant commanders, and the chief of the rebels commanders, and the townes that the protestants have relieved. with the humble petition of the baronets, esquires, ministers, gentlemen, freeholders, and others peacably affected in the county palatine of lancaster, to the kings most excellent majesty. with his majesties answer thereunto. barry, john, 17th cent. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 6, [2] p. printed for t.w. and g.h., london, : 1642. "blessed newes from ireland" signed: john barry. item at reel 1861:26 incorrectly identified as wing b973. reproductions of original in thomason collection, british library. eng england and wales. -army -registers. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. lancashire (england) -history -sources. a51446 r2626 (wing m2869). civilwar no the most blessed and truest newes from ireland, shewing, the fortunate successe of the protestants, and gods just vengance on the rebels. wi barry, john 1642 2190 16 0 0 0 0 0 73 d the rate of 73 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the most blessed and truest newes from ireland , shewing , the fortunate successe of the protestants , and gods just vengance on the rebels . with a list of the protestant commanders , and the chief of the rebels commanders , and the townes that the protestants have relieved . with the humble petition of the baronets , esquires , ministers , gentlemen , freeholders , and others peaceably affected in the county palatine of lancaster , to the kings most excellent majesty . with his majesties answer thereunto . london , printed for t. w. and g. h. 1642. a list of the protestant commanders , and the chiefe of the rebels commanders , and the towns th●t the protestants ●ave releeved . the protestant commanders lord ormond . lord brabason . earle of baramore . lord lisly . earle of kildare . s. george wentworth captain armstrong lord pore . s. thomas lucas . lord thomond . sir rich. greenvile . colonell monk . captain scout . lord lambart . lieut. col. loftus , sir iohn sherlock . serj. major wa●●●n . serj. major paget . serj. ma. willoughby the chiefe rebels . earle of care . l. vis . mountgarret l. vis . herne . lord dunsane . l. bar. of dunbony . l. bar. of logmoe . earle of wickloe . earle of waxford . ear . of catherlaugh lord muskre . lord l●●●●●● . lord d●lvin . lord arkin . col. fitz. gerard . captaine demsey . col. hugh birne . tow●● re●●ved by the protestants . athy . killtrush . drogheda . cast . tippar . castle catherlaugh . cloughgrenan . wi●glee . ballilenon . cast . rebon . stradbally . ballin●kill . dent . knockardnegurrath . burr●s . knocknemease . o duns . 〈…〉 int. clogham . kingsale . blessed newes from ireland . sir , since many idle rumours are divulged among you , concerning the present condition of ireland , some of which are improbable , other are so doubtfull , that men have just cause of suspition not to believe . my purpose is therefore at this time intended perfectly to resolve you of the truest affaires , and most reall estate of all ireland . the lord ormond , the earle of kildare , the lord br●ha●●n , cap. armstrong , quarter-master generall of the horse , and sir george wentworths troupe , under the command of captaine herman , every one with their severall forces overcame the castle tippar , which the rebel had possest , taking from thence great stone of ammunition , who marching onwards with great courage to kiltullin , burned by the way many villages of the rebels ; and from thence marching to athy , burnt the castle and towne of ki●●●sh , belonging to the rebellions colonel fitz-gerald ; from thence they took great store of provision , which the rebels before had taken from the english . then sr. patrick wymes bringing us a fresh supply of souldiers , consisting of 500. foot , and 100. horse , the english army marched to the castle of catherlagh , where the lord ●●l●in , earle of west-meath , the lord mountggarrat , the lord lo●pon , resisted them with strōg forces , but our men had undaunted spirits , and feared them not in the least respect , and wee having the advantage of them , being on a hil , gave them three vollies of shot , before they came within shot of us , and continuing very eager with them , we took the l. muskgroo prisoner , & slew about nine score more , then they fled & yeelded up the castle . from thence we marched to cloughgrenan , a castle of great strength , and conquered that also ; but the rebels perceiving their approach , fired the towne ; but captain harman knowing that part of the countrey very well , followed them , and slew a great number of them , and relieved 5 hundred protestants , exceedingly distressed there . then we marched on , and relieved captaine george grehams castle called , ballilenon ; and by the help of the lord lievtenants , and sir thomas lucas troups , castle rebon and pert were removed . marching to stradbally , we slew many passing over the river barron , where the rebels are encamped ; and marching to his majesties fort of mary-borough , by the helpe of the lord lislyes forces , they relieved ballynekill : marching onwards , wee killed threescore rebels at knockardnegurrah , the other fled , and yeelded up the towne . the lord lievtenant , the earle of baramore , the lord poore , earle of alentia , the lord thomond , sir thomas lucas , sir richard grenvile , captaine armestrong , and captaing scout , with their severall troups & forces , relieved burros , the duke of buckinghams castle , and passing the river noare , neere unto florence , fitz-patrick , there was a stone cause-way over a bog , and passing thereby , we killed many rebels , and relieved three hundred english prisoners . then they relieved knocknemease , and in the morning burr , and put foure or five hundred english therein , who had endured a long siege by the rebels . in their returne back they burnt the country of o duns , till they came to castle-ruffe , and by the help of colonell monke , and captaine treswel , the one commanding the lord generals , and the other the lord lislyes horse-troops , slew foure hundred at the p●ssage of portnehint , possest by the rebels . s. patricke relieved the english in ballynekill , who were in great distresses for want of victuals , sending the eighty barrels of wheat and beere belonging to dempsey , a notorious rebell : all whose villages they burnt , especially the territory of clanmaleero . foure miles from athy at the bridge of magainy , were about seven thousand foot , and two hundred horse of the rebels , conducted ( as the prisoners taken told us ) by viscount mountgarrat , the lord viscount ikerin , the earle of care , the lord dunsane , the lord astry , the lord baron of dunbony , the baron of loghmoe , and most of the principall rebels , of the counties of wickloe , vvexford , catherlaugh , kildare , kilkenny , and queens county , who drew up part of their forces to pankardstown , neere grang mellon . by the directions of the lord generall , corner butler , and cornet magrah , were sent to discover the rebels , and their forces being understood to be so great , a councell of of warre was called , and it was debated what resolution was fittest to be taken . it was concluded , that two thousand foure hundred foot , and foure hundred horse should be raised against them , and put into this order of marching : first , cornet pollard , with thirty horse and forty firelocks , as a vantcurriers , and forlorne hope . then the baggage belonging to the horse . in the next place six troops of horse led by sir tho. lucas , comissary generall for the horse in two divisions . then followed the baggage of the foot vieres . next captain edmund matthew , the lord pillon , son to the earle of roscommon , the lord brabason , sonne to the earle of meath , sir robert farrer , collonell john barry , serjeant major john oagle , every one in the severall ranks and orders . then followed foure divisions of foot , each consisting of three hundred . the artillery and ammunition followed . then two troops of horse by sir richard greenvile , after him lievtenant devalier . and the lord ormund marched in the reere . on the left hand there lay of the rebels , the lord mountgarrat , earle of care , and colonell hugh birne : against them marched sir iohn sherlocke , lieutenant collonell of the lord lambarts regiment , lievtenant collonel lofins , serjeant major vvarren , serjant maior pageat , seriant maior vvilloughby and encountred very sharply with them , and slew three hundred and seventy rebels , and the rest fled . they have taken waterford , arkloo , washford , and some other towns , but we hope to recover them very suddenly . and when more happy fortune , and convenient successe shall be given us , i will transport the truth thereof unto you . in the meane time , i beseech you to accept the affectionate love of , from athy , may 14. 1642. your most indulgent friend , john barry . the humble petition of the baronets , esquires , ministers , gentlemen , freeholders , and others peaceably affected in the county palatine of lancaster . shewing to your sacred majesty , ovr heart-breaking sense and sorrow for the unhappy rents and dstractions in your majesties dominions , especially in the session of so grave and godly an assembly , ( most graciously conveened by your majesty ) endeavouring the glory of almighty god in the reformation of religion , and the honour and weale of your majesty , and your realms , in setling and securing your royall throne in plenty & peace . but perceiving the long and remote distance of your majesty from that honourable assembly , to have distracted the hearts of your good subjects , and animated the popish and malignant party amongst us , and fearing it may expose us to the danger and fury of a forraigne foe , retard the setling of the weighty affaires in our land , and the subduing of the rebels in ireland ; and finding your majesties late resolution for that expedition , to threaten danger to your royall person , farre more worth then ten thousand of us . we therefore your majesties most loyall subjects out of our zeale to gods true religion , your majesties honour and safety , and the peace and welfare of your dominions ; and out of the deepe sense and apprehension of our interest in the same , do in all humility present and prostrate our selves , and supplication at your royall feet , beseeching your majesty to return to your great councell ( there presentative body of your kingdome ) in whom this nation hath so farre confided , that they have intrusted them with their lives , liberties ; and in which multitude of counsellours there is health and stedfastnesse , and whereby the royall throne may be established in righteousnesse , and we with the rest of your faithfull subjects shall continually praise and pray for your prosperous and happy raigne over us . at the court at , yorke the 10 of may , 1642. his majestie hath expressely commanded me to give you this his answer to your petition . that this petion , as some others of this nature is grounded upon mis-information , and being grieved and highly essended to see how his good people have been and are abused by the false rumors and intelligences , which have procured , causlesse feares and apprehensions , referres the petitioners to the answers hee hath given to the declaration presented to him at now market , and to the petition presented to him the 26. of march last at yorke , wherein his majesty saith , you will clearely perceive , that he is not gone , but driven from his parliament : his majesty likewise , for your further information of his proceedings and intentions , recommends to your view and consideration , his two messages , and declaration concerning hull , and his message touching the reasons of his refusall to grant the militia , all which , when they shall be fully represented to the rest of your county , he doubts not , but that you will rest very well satisfied of his consent and resolution for the maintaining of , and governing his people by the law of the land , his unmoveable resolution for the maintenance and defence of the true protestant profession , and the suppression of the barbarous irish rebellion , and his majesty saith , that he believes you may then finde reason to petition the parliament to comply with his majesties just desires , and gracious offers , which is the only way safely and speedily to cure , the present distractions of this kingdom , and with gods blessing to put a happy end to the irish rebellion : for the effecting whereof , as his maiesty hath often said , he will neither spare paines , nor decline any hazzard of his person or fortune . edward nicholas . finis . by the king. a proclamation for putting the laws against popish recusants in due execution. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78996 of text r209820 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[57]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78996 wing c2593 thomason 669.f.3[57] estc r209820 99868676 99868676 160615 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78996) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160615) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[57]) by the king. a proclamation for putting the laws against popish recusants in due execution. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641 [i.e. 1642] with engraving of royal seal at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78996 r209820 (thomason 669.f.3[57]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for putting the laws against popish recusants in due execution. england and wales. sovereign 1642 320 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit ❧ by the king . ❧ a proclamation for putting the laws against popish recusants in due execution . the kings most excellent majestie , having been formerly moved by his parliament , for putting the laws in execution against papists , whereto he hath from time to time still given his gracious answers , expressing his willingnesse thereunto : but now finding , that no such proceedings against them have been yet had , as might answer his majesties expectation : his majestie therefore , out of his princely and pious care , as well for maintaining the true protestant religion established in this kingdom , as for suppressing by lawfull wayes , all increase and growth of popery ; hath thought fit to publish his royall pleasure therein ; wherefore his majestie doth hereby straitly charge and command , all and every his iudges and iustices of assize , sheriffs , iustices of peace , and other his officers and ministers whatsoever , whom it doth any way concern , that they , and every of them , according to the duties of their severall offices and places , do forthwith , and without further delay , put in due and effectuall execution the laws and statutes of this realm , provided and made against popish recusants , and that without favour or connivence ; as they tender his majesties just and royall commands , the good of this church and kingdom , and will answer for neglect of their duties herein . given at his majesties court at stanford the sixteenth day of march , in the seventeenth yeer of his reign . ❧ god save the king . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barket , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641. a letter sent from dr. barnard, a reverend divine, and parson of tredagh to sr. simon harcourts lady in westminster, london march 18, 1641 and printed by the appointment of the right worshipfull sr. francis knowles knight a member of the honourable house of commons : wherein more particularly is contained divers very memorable passages twixt the kings armies and the rebels in the towne of tredagh and the countrey round about : which may give comfort and satisfaction to all his maiesties good subiects here in england to see the powerfull finger of the almighty in perserving and giving victory to, as it were, a handfull of men against a multitude of bloud-thirsty rebels. bernard, nicholas, d. 1661. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a27496 of text r19792 in the english short title catalog (wing b2011). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 14 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a27496 wing b2011 estc r19792 12607777 ocm 12607777 64282 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a27496) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64282) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 250:e140, no 15) a letter sent from dr. barnard, a reverend divine, and parson of tredagh to sr. simon harcourts lady in westminster, london march 18, 1641 and printed by the appointment of the right worshipfull sr. francis knowles knight a member of the honourable house of commons : wherein more particularly is contained divers very memorable passages twixt the kings armies and the rebels in the towne of tredagh and the countrey round about : which may give comfort and satisfaction to all his maiesties good subiects here in england to see the powerfull finger of the almighty in perserving and giving victory to, as it were, a handfull of men against a multitude of bloud-thirsty rebels. bernard, nicholas, d. 1661. [2], 6 p. printed for nathanael butter, london : 1641 [i.e. 1642] year of publication from thomason coll. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng knollys, francis, -sir, d. 1643. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a27496 r19792 (wing b2011). civilwar no a letter sent from dr. barnard, a reverend divine, and parson of tredagh to sr. simon harcourts lady in westminster, london march 18. 1641. bernard, nicholas 1642 2530 16 0 0 0 0 0 63 d the rate of 63 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter sent from dr. barnard , a reverend divine , and parson of tredagh to sr. simon harcourts lady in westminster , london march 18. 1641. and printed by the appointment of the right worshipfull sr. francis knowles knight a member of the honourable house of commons . wherein more particularly is contained divers very memorable passages twixt the kings armies , and the rebels in the towne of tredagh and the countrey round about . which may give comfort and satisfaction to all his maiesties good subiects here in england to see the powerfull finger of the almighty in preserving and giving victory to , as it were , a handfull of men , against a multitude of bloud-thirsty rebels . london , printed for nathanael butter , 1641. an abstract of newes since our releife , ianuary 11. to the 20. of february , drogedagh feb. 23. 1641. after much miserie wee were releived by the pinnace with some bisquet and ammunition , extremitie of want drawing on of both , that it was not , vnobserved that it came iust as wee returned from church , where wee had beene solemnely praying for it . the rebels h●d sunke a barque in the channell , but two or three dayes before the wind and tide had driven her out to sea , they had hoysted an iron chaine but that hindered not their passage over it neither ; 1000. of shot were sent from either side the river , and had double returnes from ours , yet not one man of ours lost , with what ioyfull acclamations , the pinnace and her shallop were received within the bay , what mutuall salutations of shot were given , and answered , how the streets rang againe with thanks and prayers to god , from all sorts , those who were eye and eare witnesses can never forget . at this releife the countenances of the townesmen apparantly fell , till vpon ●econd thoughts ▪ towards night they seemed to bee very glad , and for an expression were very kinde to the souldiers , offering them drinke upon every guard upon free cost , which the poore men ( not used to receive so liberally , and without their officers knowledge ) tw●● parts of the watch were drunke about midnight ▪ 〈…〉 sleepe ▪ a breach was made in the wall in an 〈◊〉 orchard betweene st. iames gate and the water , in which as was confessed , ( by one hanged the next day ) an officer had a cheife hand in , about three of the clocke 500. entred , and continued an houre or two vndiscovered , till being marched vpon the key they shouted ; which was either in assurance of victorie , or to invite the towne to their promised assistance , some of them had adventured vp to the mill mount , and killed the first sentinell , others had entred upon the bridge ; this shout being our first allarme , the governour run out vnarmed , and was the first that caused a drumme to beate , and in that haste was compelled to take the main guard , who were his owne company , and commanded men from by guards , these were his present strength , first posted down some pikes commanded by the ensigne to make good the bridge untill the musquetiers could make readie , we met the enemy upon their first entrie , and finding them resisted by a guard of ours , charged home and soone compelled them to retreat . the governour immediately releeved his ensigne with musquetiers , who mette not farre from the bridge an other company of the rebells , but being in the darke tooke them by their answer to bee friends , untill hee found the contrarie by a shot made at him , which went through the brimmes of anothers hat next him , assoone as we gave fire it proved so effectuall , that they instantly scattered and were chased through the streets , leaving their dead bodies , as stumbling blocks in our way ; and now my lord moore with what horse hee could make readie came to the assistance , who chased the residue of them up the hill where they dropped apace , but where the breach was could not yet be found till they directed us by their flight , through which 100. escaped and now each captaine had got together force , and invironed them in each quarters , and with ease laid them on heapes in every corner , so that the slaine within the walles and prisoners taken without were 200. this deliverance the worst of men acknowledged to be the hand of god , for had they marched to the next port , and cut the guard off there , who were most sleeping ; a thousand of their owne men were there ready to enter and wee had beene lost . 't was gods hand that their shouts gave us the first alarme to our safety and their destruction . in this hot skirmish wee lost few , the most being but cheqed them at their first entrance unarmed , to prevent their giving notice , onely three were lost in fight . this was the only night ( of any neglected ) which the joy of the present releife occasioned , but for the future , doubled our watches , fourty horse in severall divisions still riding the round , and by their often visits , a sentinell had scarce time to winke . my lord moore one night , and the governour another , ( as supervisours of the whole ) have not failed constantly since to watch in their owne persons . the enemy without on the south side of the towne , seemed to bee about 3000. who in severall bodies stay'd an houre or a after day , beleeving the towne to be taken , expecting the opening of a port , which wee perceiving , and having taken a piper of theirs , caused him to play very merrily upon one of the plat formes , and to call out in irish that the towne was theirs ; it was good sport to see them shorten the way by leaping ditches , and running themselves out of breath , who should bee first taken , and so were brought in by tennes . this extraordinary blessing deserved a speciall solemne thanksgiving , which wee performed two dayes after . a faire wind inviting the pinnace next day to returne , past with as many prayers for safety , by the souldiers on the walles , as shee had beene received with prayses ; but a small fisher boate , as a iust iudgement of god for the former nights worke , by unskilfulnesse of the pilat ranne a ground , and that night , was taken by the enemy with 14. prisoners . also about 3. miles of at mormame towne the pinnasse fel into the like hazard being most falsely left by the shallops to the mercy of the enemy , who played upon her on both sides , 100. of the rebels under the shelter of cart loads of furse , desperately approached so neere that they got under the sterne , and with crowes and pick-axes beganne to bulge her , where neither pike nor musquet could offend them . in this straight captaine studvild , ( who hath much deserverved ) in the adventure of releiving us twice threw some granadoes amongst them , they endured the breaking of six , but when the seaventh was cast , they runne away , and never attempted their designe after , the number of the slaine is uncertaine , but by the mighty streame of bloud , it is conjectured to bee about 60. whil'st wee saw this danger wee ceased not in publique to pray for her safety , whose losse was likely to bee our ruine ; this night , shee was freed into the poole , and on the monday morning , with a faire wind , bad us farewell . wee had an other friggat , which assisting the pinnasse in the burning of some barques , ranne the same casualtie , and lay under the same advantage to the enemy , who having made 〈◊〉 brest-worke played upon her all night , but returned without any harme , save the losse of one man ; many drummes were sent by the rebels for exchange of prisoners , till theirs here being spent , they were forced to send for more to aragh , and yet wee have more still , who have beene cherished by the towns men as if they were martyrs , they giving them good victuals caddoes and caps , so that they make no suite to bee released ▪ in 14. dayes , our former supplies were wasted , and a gre●● scarcity beganne to grow upon us ; the whole designe of the rebels wee saw , was to starve us , by burning all the corne and hay within two miles of us ; they drew often nigh us in the darke nights , and in mockery askt our sentinels , if wee had yet eaten up our cabbadge stalkes and horse hides : and indeed , famine was such at length with the common souldiers , that horses , dogges , and cats , were good meat ; some provisions ( by searching ) were found hid in cellers ; this sufficed not ▪ but wee were forced to sally out , which was always blest with some releife , and without the losse of any souldier . february the 7. wee sallied out 40. musquetiers and 25. horse to secure others appointed to bring in , who were unexpectedly set upon by 400. newly come out of the north , wee instantly charged them , killed 80. tooke two of their cullours , killed a lievetenant and an ensigne , and tooke an other , and 9. prisoners , one died as so one as hee came to towne , and being unbuttoned , hee was begert with a saint francis girdle next his skinne , not one of our men being hurt : an other time we marched out 100. foote , and a troope of horse , wee were set upon by 500. but wee hauing notice by some of their owne party of their intention , wee made a faire retreat through them and killed many of them , of ours not one hurt , one was shot through the dubblet and shirt , and had onely his skinne rased . at length , our sto●e failed , so that from the hartiest , nothing could bee heard , but intentions of desperate 〈◊〉 ▪ our friggats and our agents had beene long in 〈◊〉 b●● heard nothing of their returne , and by the continuance of contrary winds , our hopes wee saw , were dashed from thence . also in this extreamity ( besides our ordinary meetings on wednesday ) wee appointed the next friday as a day extraordinary , onely to begge our bread of god ; for my subject , i tooke the fourth petition of the lords prayer , that day wee continued in the church from morning to evening , which was blest with much affection and teares , wherein some confident passages fell , in assuring some present extraordinary answere , might have seemed to have beene without warrant . but see the event , that very night the wind in●●ned , and the next morning suddenly changed to as faire a wind and weather , as wee could wish , and so continued . that evening we receiving notice , that our supply approached , on sunday morning wee met at church earlier then wee used in the continuance of the same subject and petition , and at the conclusion of the sermon , a messinger came into the church with the glad tidings of our releife within the barre , it being so received in gods house , wee tooke it as from god himselfe , and so with thanks giving to him , from whom every good guift descendeth , wee went and saw the salvation of god . i must not forget an other deliverance , the same sunday morning , the enemy about 4. a clock with their whole strength , made a bold attempt with scaling ladders to the walles ; 2. or 3. were fixed in one place , and some were gotten up , the sentinell missing fire at one , knockt him downe with the butt end of his musket , and crying out to the guard , who was nigh my chamber window : i was the first that heard him , and the clattering of the ladders , wee instantly gave them their fill of shot , and they left their ladders with some of their bloud , the number of the slaine is uncertaine , they having drawne them away , but an english boy taking his opportunity escaped from them , said , hee saw three lying dead in one ditch , by which may bee conjectured what were slaine of them ; on our part not one hurt , so that in the words of the psalmist , psalm . 136. 24. verse . wee may praise god for that one day , who gives food to all flesh , and who delivers us from our enemies for his mercy endureth for ever . and yet a further deliverance , wee are now quitting the towne of the papists , who have beene the cause of all this evill ; some of the aldermen are parting , some have offered to goe 〈◊〉 to church , but it is thought with the same affection as the c●pernaites for the loaves . an inventory of all their goods 〈◊〉 taken , and such of men and women , as have beene suspected to side with the rebels , have their dayly passes to them , save sober soules , and of good fashion have desired to bee informed i● which worke i shall bee glad to bee imployed all day and every day . a prize was also taken by the pinnasse , laden with herring , bisquet , and other provision , which hath added somewhat to our score , wee have 4. companies more , so that wee are in all 2000. foote and neere 200. horse , more i could have writ , but the unexpected haste of the pinnasses returne , who is now ready to weigh anchre causes mee to breake of and pleads my excuse , for what is here confusedly written . finis . whereas by proclamation dated the fifth day of may, 1684, we the lord deputy and council, did for the reasons therein exprest, restrain the transportation of all sorts of corn, meal and mault, out of this kingdom, unto any place whatsoever beyond the seas untill michaelmas next ... by the lord deputy and council, arran. ireland. lord deputy. 1684 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46121 wing i747 estc r36845 16141638 ocm 16141638 104829 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46121) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104829) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:15) whereas by proclamation dated the fifth day of may, 1684, we the lord deputy and council, did for the reasons therein exprest, restrain the transportation of all sorts of corn, meal and mault, out of this kingdom, unto any place whatsoever beyond the seas untill michaelmas next ... by the lord deputy and council, arran. ireland. lord deputy. arran, richard butler, earl of, d. 1686. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin took ... and are to be sold by mary crooke ..., dublin : [1684] title from first 7 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 21th. day of june, 1684." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng grain trade -law and legislation -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-02 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal english blazon or coat of arms by the lord deputy and council . arran . whereas by proclamation dated the fifth day of may , 1684. we the lord deputy and council , did for the reasons therein express , restrain the transportation of all sorts of corn , meal and mault , out of this kingdom , unto any place what soe her beyond the seas until michaelmas next . and whereas we have since received information from several parts of the kingdom , that there are great quantities of corn , remaining of the last years harbest , as yet undisposed , more than will be necssary to supply the occasion of the subject until next harbest , which is now near approching so as there can be no apprehension of the fear of any scarcity or deatth at this time , we therefore think fit hereby to take off the said restraint prohibiting the transportation of corn , meal and mault , as aforesaid , until we shall declare our further pleasure therein . and hereof we require the commissioners for management of his majesties revenue , and all his majesties officers in the several and respective ports in this kingdom and all others whom it may concern , to take notice . given at the council chamber in dublin the 21th . day of june , 1684 . mich : armach , c● franc. dublin , longforde char. meredith w m. davys jo n. davys . rich : reynell . god save the king dublin , printed by benjamin took , printer to the kings most excellent majesty and are to be sold by mary crooke , at his majesties printing-house on ormonde key . a letter sent from sr. simon harcourt, to a worthy member of the house of commons. vvith a true relation of the proceedings of the english army, under his command, to this present march. whereunto is added the many miraculous deliverances, in the relieving and defending of the city of tredagh, by the providence of god. exactly related, by the minister of the same town, who was an eye witnesse thereof, and is still resident there. harcourt, simon, sir, 1603?-1642. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a87085 of text r212747 in the english short title catalog (thomason e140_2). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a87085 wing h695 thomason e140_2 estc r212747 99871323 99871323 156533 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a87085) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 156533) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 25:e140[2]) a letter sent from sr. simon harcourt, to a worthy member of the house of commons. vvith a true relation of the proceedings of the english army, under his command, to this present march. whereunto is added the many miraculous deliverances, in the relieving and defending of the city of tredagh, by the providence of god. exactly related, by the minister of the same town, who was an eye witnesse thereof, and is still resident there. harcourt, simon, sir, 1603?-1642. [8] p. printed for joseph hunscott, london : 1641. signatures: a⁴. at head of title: march 18. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. a87085 r212747 (thomason e140_2). civilwar no a letter sent from sr. simon harcourt,: to a worthy member of the house of commons. vvith a true relation of the proceedings of the english harcourt, simon, sir 1641 3043 19 0 0 0 0 0 62 d the rate of 62 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion march 18. a letter sent from sr. simon harcourt , to a worthy member of the house of commons . with a true relation of the proceedings of the english army , under his command , to this present march . whereunto is added the many miraculous deliverances , in the relieving and defending the city of tredagh , by the providence of god . exactly related , by the minister of the same town , who was an eye witnesse thereof , and is still resident there . london , printed for joseph hunscott . 1641. a letter . sir , i hope by this time , you are fully satsfied by the receipt of my letters , that i have made it my care to uphold my selfe in your good opinion , which i shall ever value at a high rate : therfore i will never prove so great an enemy unto my selfe , as to loose by the neglect and omission of the tender of my due respects , which shall on all oppertunities attend you in a most affectionate manner . and now give me leave to give you a briefe accompt of a piece of service which hath lately bin acted on the rebels , at a place called killshaughall , some seven or eight miles from dublin , where lodged neere upon 2000. as we had intelligence . the scituation of the place as naturally strong as i have seen any castle in ireland , having moorish an● boggy ground on the one side , the other invironed with thick woods , quick-set heages , high bancks , and deep ditches ( inaccessible ) but as we forced our way by pyoners ( under the favour of our musquetiers ) in the middle of which woods stood the castle , which had but one aveneu unto it ; on that side we approached it , on which they had 〈…〉 a reverse or barricadoe , which we beate them from . that done , i sent capta●ne congrave with 100. musquetiers , to fall on them in the , church-yard in which they were 〈◊〉 and stood opposite unto the castle gate , he found the● 〈…〉 all resc●t●ce ; and then in great disorder fledde , taking their way ( 〈…〉 ) unto the bogge ground ; those which betooke themselves unto the 〈…〉 borlasles troop in chase of them , who had the cutting of some 60 or 70 ; of 〈…〉 and about as many more were killed in the in the w●●● by the 〈◊〉 . the castle was maintained against us ( some of their best men have 〈…〉 o●fer sanctuary . ) and we having no pieces of battery , were forced to leave it . in this expedition was my lord of ormond , the lord lambert , in charles coote , and my selfe having with us 500. foote , and 300 horse , 〈◊〉 lest one captaine rochford , who led the forlorne hope , being of sir charles coote his regiment , with some five or six of my rigiment , and as many bu● . and this is all that for the present i can acquint you with , only that to morrow we make a visit unto the lords and gentry of the pale with 3000. foot , and between , 5. and 600 horse , and this we are forced to doe for the reliese of our souldiers who have bin kept this tenne weekes upon a meane allowance of salt beef , and herring , which had caused great sicknesse and mortality amongst them ; but i hope that your care of this poore army here , wil be such , that the may be speeddy supplyed with m●ney clothes and victuals for them . i speake of their misery as briefly as i can , but the lord iustices better will more 〈◊〉 informe you . i am confident you will doe all the friendly offices ( in your power , 〈◊〉 souldiers here , whereby you shall ing●ge t●em and me , most faithfully and affectionately to remain , dubl●n 6. martii . 1641. sir , your humble servant , harcourt . an abstract of newes since our reliefe ianuary . 11. to the 20th of february . after much misery we were relieved by the pinnace with some bisquet and ammunition , extremity of want drawing on of both , that it was not unobserved , that where we had bin solemly praying for it . the rebells had sunck a barque in the channell , but two or three daies before the winde and tide had driven her out to sea , they had hoysted an iron chaine , but that hindred not her passage over it 1000 shot were sent from either side the river , and had double returnes from ours , yet not one of our men lost , with what joyfull acclamations the pinace and her shallope were received within the bay , what mutuall salutations of shot were given and answered ; how the streets rang againe with thanks and prayers to god from all sorts , those who were eye and eare witnesses can never forget , at this reliefe the countenances of the townesmen told asmuch , upon second thoughts towards night , they seemed to be very glad , and for an expression were very kinde to the souldiers , offering them drinke upon every guard on free cost ; the poore men not using to receive so liberally without their officers knowledge , two parts of the watch were drunke , about mid-night , ( most being asleepe ) a breach was made in the wall , in an our orchard betwixt st. james gate , and the water , in which , as was confessed by one hanged the next day , an officer had a chiefe hand in ; about 3 of the clock 500 entred and continued an houre or two undiscovered , till being marched upon the key they shouted , which was either for asureance of victory , or to invite the towne to their promised assistance , some of them had adventured up to the millmount , and killed the first centinell , others had entred the bridge . this shout being our first allarum , the governour ran out unarmed , and was the first that caused a drum to beat , and in that hast , was compelled to take the maine guard , who were his owne company , and commanded men from by-guards , these were his present strength , first posted downe some pikes commanded by his ensigne , to make good the bridge , untill the musqueteeres could make ready ; we met the enemy upon the first entry , and finding them resisted by a guard of ours charged home , and soone compelled them to retreate , the governor immediatly relieved his ensigne with musqueteeres , who met not farre from the bridge , another company of the rebells , but being in the darke , tooke them by their an swere to be friends , untill hee found the contrary by a shot made at him , which went throw the brims of anothers hat next him . as soon as we gave fire it proved so effectuall , that they instantly scattered & were chased through the strees , leaving their dead bodies as stumbling blocks in our way . and now my lord moore with what horse he could make ready , came to his assistance , who chased the residue of them up the hill , where they dropped a pase , but where the breach was , could not yet be found , till they directed us by their flight , through which 100 escaped : and now each captaine had got together forces , and environ'd them in each quarter and with ease layd them on heapes in every corner , so that the slain within the walls and prisoners taken without , were 200. this deliverance the worst of men acknowlege to be the hand of god , for had they marched towards the next port , and cut the guard off there , who were most sleeping : one thousand of their owne men were there ready to enter , and we had bin lost . 't was gods hand that their shouts gave us the first allarum to our safety and their destruction . in this hot skirmish we lost but few , the most being butcher'd by them at their first entrance unarm'd to prevent their giving ●ice , only three were lost in fight . this was the only night ( of any neglected ) which the joy of the present reliefe occasioned , but for the future doubled our watches , forty horse in severall divislons still riding the rounds , and by their often visits , a sentinel hath scarce time to wink . my lord moore one night , and the governor another ( as supervisors of the whole ) have not failed since , constantly to watch in their owne persons . the enemy without , on the south-side of the towne , seemed to be about 3000 who in severall bodies stayd one houre or two after day , believing the towne to be taken , expecting the opening of a port , which we perceiving , and having taken , a piper of theirs , caused him to play very merily on one of the plat-formes , and to call out in irish , that the towne was theirs . it was good sport to see them shorten the way by leaping ditches , and runing themselves out of breath , who should be first taken , and so were brought in by tens . this extraordinary blessing , i conceive , deserv'd a speciall solemne thankes-giving , which wee performed two daies after . a faire winde inviting the pinnace next day to returne , past with as many praiers for safety by the soldiers on the walls , as she had bin received with praises . but a small fisher-boate , as a full judgement of god for the former nights worke , by the unskillfulnesse of the pilate , ranne aground , and that nigh● was taken by the enemy , with foureteene prisoners : also about three miles off , at alermine towne , the pinnace fell into the like hazard , being most falsely left by the shallopes , to the mercy of the enemy , who played upon her on both sides , 100 of the rebells , under the shelter of carre-loads of furs , desperatly approached so neere , that they got under the sterne , and with crowes and pike-axes began to bulge her , neither pike nor musquet could offend them : in this streight captaine stutvile ( who hath much deserv'd ) in the adventure of relieving us twice , threw some granadoes amongst them ; they indured the breaking of six , but when the seventh was throwne , they ranne away and never attempted their designe after . the number of the slaine is uncertaine , but by the mighty streame of blood it is conjectured 60. whilst we saw this danger we ceased not in publique to pray for her safety , whose losse was likely to be our ruine : that night shee was freed into the poole , and one the munday with a faire wind bid us farewell ; we had another friggat which asisting the pinnace in burning some barques ranne the same casualitie and lay under the same advantage to the enemie . who having made a brest worke played on her all night , but returned with our any harme save the losse of one man . many drums were sent by the rebels for exchange of prisoners , till theirs here being spent , they were forced to send for more to amagh , who have beene cherished by the townes-men . as if they had beene martyrs . they giving them good victuals caddoes and capps , soe that they make no sute to be realeased . in 14. dayes our former supplies were wasted and a great scarcitie began to grow among us : the whole designe of the rebels we saw was to starve us , by burning all the corne and hay within two miles of us , they drew often nigh us , in the darke nights , and in mockerie asked our sentinall , if we had yet eaten up our cabidge stalks , and horse hides , and indeed the famine was such at length with the common souldiers that horses , catts and dogs were good meat . some provisions by searching were found hid in cellors this sufficed not but we were forced to sallie out which was alwaies blest with some releife and without the losse of any souldiers february the 7th . we sallied out 40. musqueteers and 25. horse to secure others , appointed to bring in provision , who were unexpectedly set upon by 400. newly come out of the north ; we instantly charged them , kild 80. tooke two of their cullors kil'd a lieutenant , and on ensigne and took another , and 9. prisoners , one dyed as soone as he came to towne , and being unbuttoned he was begirt with a saint . francis girdle next his skin , not one of our men being hurt : another time we marched out 100. foot and a troope of horse , we were set upon by 500. but we having notice by some of their owne partie , of their intention , we made a faire retreate through them and killed many of them , of ours not one hurt , one was shot through the dublet and shirt and had his skin rased : at length our store failed us , so that from the hartiest nothing could be heard but intentions of desperate courses , our friggatts and our agents had beene long in dublin but heard nothing of their returne , and by the continuance of contrary winds our hopes wee saw were dashed from thence , also in this extremity ( besides our ordinary meeting on wensday ) wee appointed the next friday as a day extraordinary onely to begg our bread of god for my subject i tooke the 4th . petition of the lords prayer , that day we continued in the church from morning till evening , which was blest with much affection and teares , wherein some confident passages fell in assuring some present extraordinary answer , it might have seemed to have bin without warrant , but see the event : that very night , the winde inclined , and the next morning suddenly changed to as fair a wind and weather as we could wish and so continued , that evening we received notice that our supplie aproached on sunday morning we met at church earlier then we used in the continuance of the same subject , aad petition and at the couclusion of the sermon , a messenger came into the church with the glad tidings of our releif within the barre ; it being so received in gods house we tooke it as from god himselfe : and so with thankes given to him from whom every good gift descendeth , we went and saw the salvation of god , i must not forget another deliverance the same sunday morning , the enemy about foure a clock with their whole strength made a bold atempt with scaling ladders to the wals , 2 or 3 were fixed in one place and some were gotten up the sentinall missing fire at one , knockt him downe with the butt end of his musket , and crying out to the guard who was nigh my chamber window i was the first that heard him , and the clattering of the ladders , we instantly gave them their fill of shot , and they left their ladders with some of their blood , the number of the slaine is uncertain they having drawn them away , but an english boy taking this opportunity escaped from them : said he saw 3 lying in one ditch , by which may be conjectured , what was slaine of them , on our side not one hurt , so that in the word of psalmist , psalmes . 136. verse 24. wee may praise god for that one day , who gives food to all flesh , and who delivers us from our enemies , for his mercy endureth for ever . and get a farther deliverance , we are now quitting the towne of the papists , who have bin the cause of all this evill , some of the aldermen are parting , some have offered to go to church , but it is thought with the same affection as the capernaites ( for the loaues ) an inventory of all their goods are taken and such of men and women as have bin suspected to side with the rebells , have their dayly passes to them , some sober soules , and of good fashion have desir'd to be inform'd , in which worke shall be glad to be employed all day , and eyery day . a prize was also taken by the pinnace laden with herring , bisquets , and other provisions , which hath added somewhat to our store , we have 4. companies more so that we have in all 2000. foote and 200. horse more i could have writ but the unexpected haste of your pinnaces returne , who is now ready to weigh anchor causes me to breake off . finis . a new remonstrance from ireland declaring the barbarous cruelty and inhumanity of the irish rebels against the protestants there : also an exact discoverie of the manners and behaviour of the irish renegadoes here in emitie, thomas. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a39385 of text r4904 in the english short title catalog (wing e712). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 17 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a39385 wing e712 estc r4904 12415793 ocm 12415793 61645 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39385) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61645) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 248:e124, no 10) a new remonstrance from ireland declaring the barbarous cruelty and inhumanity of the irish rebels against the protestants there : also an exact discoverie of the manners and behaviour of the irish renegadoes here in emitie, thomas. [2], 6 p. printed for george tomlinson, london : 1642. signed: thomas emitie. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649. a39385 r4904 (wing e712). civilwar no a new remonstrance from ireland: declaring the barbarous cruelty and inhumanity of the irish rebels against the protestants there. also an e emitie, thomas 1642 3248 1 0 0 0 0 0 3 b the rate of 3 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-11 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a new remonstrance from ireland : declaring the barbarous cruelty and inhumanity of the irish rebels against the protestants there . also an exact discoverie of the manners and behaviour of the irish renegadoes here in england , with infallible notes whereby they may be knowne and distinguished , together with the places they usually frequent , and many other things remarkable . london , printed for george tomlinson . 1642. a remonstrance of the manners and behaviour of the irish renegadoes , with many other passages very remarkable . the irish renegadoes go not without the company of women , whom they call their wives , but where they were married , or by whom , or when , god knoweth : but instead of a ring , they put a cord about their middles , and so it is concluded on very ridiculously . their travelling here is most commonly by their false passes , which they make good in this manner . when they are in ireland , they know that wheresoever they land , they shal be fitted with a scribe to make them any writing to fit them for any parts of england , go they where they will , and commonly most of them are for london , quickly getting acquaintance of noblemens footmen , and such like , and then they are sure to be provided of any bodily sustenance ; and these kind of people doe rob the poore and the lame of all such provision as they should have given them at the gates . now when these renegadoes have beene so long in london , that they have gotten store of money and good cloaths , then downe they come about s. james tide to bristoll in their old cloaths , and false passes made at london , because they will beg by the way , and send their other cloaths by the carriers , and when they are at bristoll , away go the old cloaths , and put on their new , and then have they a false landing briefe , from minhead or some other landing places neer adjoyning , and other false writings , as if it came from some great man of authority in ireland , which shall certifie their great losses there , as if they were of the gentry indeed , when as they never lay in a bed of their own in all their lives . they are exceeding prevailing by reason of the smoothnesse of their language , and get great store of money ; for the countrey-gentlemen and gentlewomen are soon won by them , giving them freely of any thing their house affords , when the distressed people of our owne nation shal be sent empty away , with ill words , and many times stripes most cruelly . these kinde of people live at great expences : i have heard the hostesse of their inne in bodminster parish declare to some the last s. james tide , that five of these begging rogues in six dayes spent seventeen pound at her house : and for their better sort of apparell , it is not mean , but of rich skarlet and gold lace : it may be thought , that they play the parts of gipsies , or juglers , and break shops in london for their costly things , which are of no small price , but as one of them said , his suit of apparell was not so little worth as 35 pound . in the time of gondamores being here in england , he made great use of these , and sent them into all parts of the kingdome for spies , giving them money to buy perfumes and other trinkets ; and by this means they as men of trades ranged all the kingdome over , and were so perfect in the height and strength of all our forts , and also in knowing the shelves and depth of all ports , that there was not any shipping , of what burden soever , but they knew well where such and such a ship of any burden might arrive , and where not . they are wonderfull intelligencers , and give great advantage to the enemy : for not long since an english souldier being taken prisoner in spaine , and questioned before the dons and other great ones appointed for the time and place , they asked him how high the hoe at plimmouth was , and he told them it was very high ; nay said one of them , who had a writing in his hand , it is no higher then a man may well leap over with a staffe : now there were behind him two irish friers who had given this noble-man this writing , with divers others the like , who had been anywhere in our kings dominions for the advantage of the king of spaine their master , as they affirmed . m. scot , a worthy divine , and the preacher appointed to the english companies in vtright in holland , having declared in three books the damnable plots and devices of gundamore whiles he was in england , gundamore vowed his death , and gave good store of money to one of these renegadoes , absolved him of all his sins ( as this animall thought ) and sent him into holland to murder this good man : this villaine having been in holland a whole yeer and a halfe to that purpose , at length came upon him unawares in a place where he meditated nigh the wals of the city under pine trees , with his sword thrust him through the body , supposing he had kild him , and ran away with his sword naked in his hand ; some souldiers being nigh at hand , met him , and held him , whilest others went to finde out the businesse ; and when they found m. scot groveling on the ground , they asked him how it was with him , and who had done this villanous mischief unto him ? he answered , he did not know : then they brought this man to him , who , when he saw that he was not dead , was much vext , and said , art thou yet alive ? and he said , yea ; and art thou he that hast done this unto me ? he said , yea : m. scot said , wherefore hast thou done it ? and he said , if i have slaine thee , i am saved ; if not , i am damned : so m. scot prayed god to forgive this murderer , and to forgive him , and so died : and the other being executed , repented not at all , but declared privately to some wherefore he did it . an englishman coming to dublin , and being landed , he asked if he might have any good lodging nigh at hand , an irish man in a mantle hearing it , told him , if he would go along with him , he should have good ; the party went with him to a victualling-house , and sitting down in a chaire , called for some tobacco ( the hostesse being a widdow , and not within ) the irish man told him he should have it presently : the english man drew his purse , wherein was good store of coyne , and putting his hand therein to draw out some money , the irish man standing by , stabbed him with his skeane in divers places of the body , snatcht his purse from him , ran away , and threw his skene all bloudy over a chamber doore where an english man being drunk lay asleep . the hostesse coming in and seeing a man sitting in the chair as though he were asleep , went nigh him , and perceiving the blood run from him in abundance , cried with a lowd voice to her neighbours , and said , see here , the man is wounded , and they coming in , the man presently died , but none could tell how : the officers searching the house found an english man on a bed sleeping , and the skene in his chamber which the man was kild withall , and they caried him to prison , and this innocent man was executed for the irish mans fact , as afterward the villain confessed . this irish man travelled toward waterford , and went into an english mans house on the way side not foure miles from waterford , and staid there two dayes : his manner was to sleep all day , and drink all night : it being market day on the saturday at waterford , it happened that a tanner rode by which knew the man of the house , and he called to him , asking him how he did ; the host answered , he thanked god , very well , and made him drink ; so away went the tanner towards the market , promising to ca●l there again at his return : all this while the murderous villain lay listening on his bed , supposing that the tanner would receive money at waterford , and come there with it , thinking if he could get him to drink with him by any wile , he should pay deerly for it before they parted . now it came to passe as he returned that he drank with him , and they were merry , and the irish man kept him there till night , so that he was fain to lodge with him : towards midnight , the tanner being soundly asleep , this villain cut off his head , and wrapped straw about his body and it , and having a candle , and every body asleep in the house , he set the straw on fire , and away he went , and took the tanners money , cloke , and horse in the field , and rode to waterford towards the morning , and harboured himselfe in an irish ale-house : all this while the house burnt , the host , his wife and daughter slept , untill the straw in the beds burnt their feet , and did not know how to help themselves , but all the house being burnt , they thought that the tanner and their murderous guest had been likewise burnt : but when they searcht , there was nothing to be found but the tanners bones , and his head severed from his body : then they suspected this villain , who took away the tanners horse , and were confident of the trechery . now some irish neighbours and a constable came and apprehended the host and his daughter , and said , that they had robbed the tanner of great store of money , and burnt the house of purpose ; and so led them away to waterford , and put them in prison , by the command of the maior : but by great friendship they got liberty for their daughter to beg food for them , and to seek for this villain , and it happened , that as the maid was at the kay , prying to finde him out , that he came ( with the tanners cloke on his back ) unto a master of an english bark , to agree for his passage for england , and the maid knowing him by the cloke , cryed out alowd , and said , this is the man that hath burnt my fathers house , and this is the tanners cloke : the villain hearing this , ran through a long street with his sword drawn , and no irish man would stirre to take him : but a souldier ran on him , and threw him down , and other souldiers did help to aid him ; and being brought before sir george flowre , he confest the burning of the house , and on the gallowes , the other murder at dublin , and he was hanged and quartered for this petty treason . the rebels lately took an english minister , and put him to wonderfull torments . first they did saw his legs off in the middle , and then after about the middle of the thighs , and then his arms above the wrists , and also above the elbow , and then cut two slices from his brests , alwayes charging him to alter his religion , which he would not do for all their tortures ; then they took a hot iron and pierc'd it to his heart , and so he died . the late bishop of limrick , doctor web , a wiltshire man , a great scholler , and a worthy house-keeper , being in the castle of limrick as long as the castle held out , unto foure dayes , for he being buried in linnen , as fit as the time and place required , after the yeelding up of the said castle , when it was in the rebels hands , they took him out of his grave , and unstript him out of his linnen , and abused his body very basely , in a most barbarous manner , without all christianity or humanity . my lord esmond , who commands the fort of dungarvan , and hath done worthily in these late wars in ireland , having one onely son , who before the wars was thought to be a good protestant , but is now quite revolted , and sides with the rebels , and sent his father word , that if he could at any time come within reach of him , he would sheath his sword in his bowels : his father receiving this answer , was much grieved at it , having no more sons . since this his message to his father , he being then and always among the rebels , who know not well what to judge of him , sent word to his father , that if he would not yeeld up the fort of dungarvan unto them , they would hang up his son : well , said my lord , and i pray you do it ; for if you do it not , if ever i take him , i will . this is according to the scripture ; for in the latter age shal be the father against the son , and the son against the father . i pray god be mercifull to us all . there was at s. james tide last an irish man which came newly from ireland , and went into bristoll , and a warder that kept the gate , with some others , took notice of him , and followed him ; the irish man went boldly where the maior was in the tolsie , and delivered him his landing briefe , hoping for a reward ; it happened , that at the instant that there was an english gentleman in the tolsie which came newly from ireland also , who beholding well this irish mans countenance , at length took hold of him , and said , gentlemen , this is the man which rifled me in ireland , and took from me any money and my cloaths , and thereupon i will take my oath , and so he did , and they committed him to prison till the sessions . many of the irish that are lately come over into england , and have robbed and undone many good english men , deny themselves to be irish , and say they are scots : that ye may the better discover them , observe these directions following . 1. cause them to pronounce any word which hath the letter h in it , as smith , faith , &c. which they cannot do , not one among an hundred , but pronounce smith , smit ; and faith , fait . 2. to know their religion , cause them to say their prayers , as the pater noster and the creed , in english , which they cannot well do . 3. vncover their bosomes , most of them weare crucifixes , especially the women . 4. concerning their false passes , separate them asunder , and so examine them . captain george courtney , a man of great discent , son unto sir william courtney , of the house of pawdra in devonshire , dwelling at newcastle in munster in ireland , a man of great authority there , and chiefe constable of limrick castle and askeiton , with many other castles under his command , being a man of other great revenues , and a noble house-keeper , and one that delighted to see his tenants thrive , hath lately had a sharp and bitter time of his being in the castle of limrick , for he held out long after the city was in the enemies hands , and though there was a great want of victuals and ammunition , so that many were starved , yet had it not beene more for their sakes which were ready to starve then otherwise , he would never have come thence upon any condition or quarter ; he is a man of an undaunted spirit , and nobly minded , and religiously affected in the true way of a protestant : the shallownesse of my capacity is not able to give him the least part of his well-deservings , but being a warder formerly to the castle of limrick ; i presumed to write part of his worth , not forgetting the valiant minde of his eldest son sir william courtney , who lately hath adventured himselfe with a few in battell , against a multitude , and had a great victory of the rebels . of the barbarous cruelty of the irish ye heare daily , being people of no religion , but as heathens , and cannot yeeld any account of their faith , therefore let us think of them as they are ; and so i leave them , villanous and faithlesse for the most part . there are two or three towns in ireland , waterford , washford and dungarvan , very perillous for the advantage of the rebels there , for of late the dunkerks have brought thither great store of powder and other ammunition , especially at dungarvan , and those dunkerks arrive daily out of those parts , and take barks both of the english and scots , and bring in there , and the poore men of those barks are prisoners , and in great misery . these things here inserted , being of truth , and not false , are the better worth observing , wherefore , gentle reader , affoord me your good opinion , and i shal be beholden unto you . thomas emitie . whereas information is given unto us the lords justices and council, that divers great summes of money have been of late secretly conveyed, and transported out of this kingdom, contrary to the laws and statutes now in force prohibiting the same, to the great impoverishing of the realm, and final consumption to the treasure thereof, if not speedily prevented ... by the lords justices and council, mich. dublin, c., art. forbese. ireland. lords justices and council. 1675 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46155 wing i835 estc r226926 16150459 ocm 16150459 104882 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46155) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104882) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:35) whereas information is given unto us the lords justices and council, that divers great summes of money have been of late secretly conveyed, and transported out of this kingdom, contrary to the laws and statutes now in force prohibiting the same, to the great impoverishing of the realm, and final consumption to the treasure thereof, if not speedily prevented ... by the lords justices and council, mich. dublin, c., art. forbese. ireland. lords justices and council. boyle, michael, 1609?-1702. granard, arthur forbes, earl of, 1623-1696. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1675. title from first 8 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council-chamber in dublin the six and twentieth day of july, 1675." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng money -law and legislation -ireland. monetary policy -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lords justices and council : mich : dublin . c. art : forbese . whereas information is given unto vs the lords iustices and council , that divers great summes of money have been of late secretly conveyed , and transported out of this kingdom , contrary to the laws and statutes now in force prohibiting the same , to the great impoverishing of the realm , and final consumption of the treasure therof , if not speedily prevented : now we the lords iustices , and council , taking the same into our consideration , have thought fit to will and require , and do hereby strictly charge and command , that all and every the laws , statutes , and ordinances heretofore made for keeping the coyns of this realm within the same , be from henceforth duely and inviolably observed , according to the tenor of them , and that no person or persons whatsoever , shall hereafter attempt to convey , carry , or send , or cause to be conveyed , carried , or sent out of this realm any moneys whatsoever currant within this realm , nor any plate , bullion , gold or silver wrought or unwrought , without the licence of vs the lords iustices , and council , excepting onely so much as shall be necessary for his , and their reasonable expences , which he , and they shall be bound to confess and discover , whensoever they shall be thereunto warned or charged by any of his majesties searchers , under pain of incurring the forfeitures in , and by the said laws and statutes , limited and appointed , the same being the forfeiture of the value of the money so carried out of the realm , whereof the discoverer is by the said statutes to have one fourth part in such manner , as in the said statutes is expressed , which we shall take care for their incouragement , shall be duely satisfied accordingly : and we do hereby further require , and strictly charge and command all searchers of his majesties ports in this realm , and all others his majesties officers and ministers to whom it shall appertain , that they and every of them be careful and vigilant in , and about the full and due execution of all and singular the laws , and statutes , now in force in this kingdom , against such as shall export any gold or silver out of this realm , against the purport and tenor of the said statutes , and that they endeavour to bring them to condign punishment for the same , as they tender their duty to his majesty , and will answer the contrary at their utmost peril . given at the council-chamber in dublin the six and twentieth day of iuly , 1675. donegall . arran . blesinton . hen : midensis . r : fitz. gerald r : booth . j : temple . w m gore . theo : jones . w m flower . god save the king . dvblin ; printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde bookseller in castle-street , 1675. by the generall assemblie of the confederate catholiques of ireland whereas colonell owen o neill, coming into this kingdome, under pretence of serving his majestie and his faithfull subiects the confederate catholicks ... confederate catholics. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46130 of text r43297 in the english short title catalog (wing i763). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46130 wing i763 estc r43297 27137845 ocm 27137845 110001 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46130) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110001) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:37) by the generall assemblie of the confederate catholiques of ireland whereas colonell owen o neill, coming into this kingdome, under pretence of serving his majestie and his faithfull subiects the confederate catholicks ... confederate catholics. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [dublin : 1648] other title information from first lines of text. imprint suggested by wing. "given at kilkenny the thirtieth day of september, anno domini, one thousand six hundred fourty and eight ..." reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng o'neill, owen roe, 1590?-1649. ireland -history -1625-1649. a46130 r43297 (wing i763). civilwar no by the generall assemblie of the confederate catholiques of ireland whereas colonell owen o neill, coming into this kingdome, under pretence confederate catholics 1648 916 4 0 0 0 0 0 44 d the rate of 44 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the generall assemblie of the confederate catholiqves of ireland whereas colonell owen o neill , coming into this kingdome , under pretence of serving his majestie , and his faithfull subiects the confederate catholicks , hath been by the supreme councell in anno one thousand six hundred fourty and two , advanced unto the places of generall and governor of the province of vlster , and upon receiving of his pattent of those imployments of great honour , trust & command , solemnely tooke the oath of association usually taken by the confederate catholicks . and also an oath to discharge those places with that sincerity to the publicke , and obedience to the government , as became a person so highly intrusted . neverthelesse the said owen o neill , in breach of the said trust , having proposed unto himselfe by the force of the army under his command , to destroy the present , and to introduce a new and tyrannicall government over the lives , estates and liberties of his maiesties faithfull subiects , and to alienate them from their loyalty to the crowne of england , hath without warrant or authority contrary to the lawes of the land , and the establishments of all assemblyes of the confederate catholicks made and appointed commanders in chiefe , severall lieutenant generalls , colonells , and other inferiour commanders throughout the kingdome , to raise horse and foote ; gathered and assembled together , all such as hee thought inclined to his wayes of destruction , to whom for their better encouragement hee gave them libertie of plunder , and pillage , who did accordingly , actually pillage , plunder , and rob his maiesties subiects in the provinces of leinster , mounster , and connaght , and possessed himselfe and his party , of their castles and holts as by woefull experience these five years past , the inhabitants of the said provinces have found . and in pursuance of his wicked , and trayterous designes , and to the end to bring the same to a full period , being thereunto encouraged through the want of due and timely punishment for his past offences and high misdemeanors , hath this present yeare shaked off , all manner of obedience to the government established among the confederate catholicks ; ioyned with colonell jones , a parliamentary , and adverse to his maiesty , and the said confederate catholicks ; and in an hostile and rebellious manner marched with his said army , killing , burning , pillaging , plundering & destroying his maiesties faithfull subiects , besiged and tooke by force of armes divers of his maiesties castles , forts , and strong holts , committed and perpetrated all other acts of hostility and treason . and notwithstanding that all wayes , and meanes possible tending to the safety and quiet of the kingdome , have been used by the supreme councell entrusted with the goverment for the reducing and reclaiming of the said owen o neill , and his complices from those his wicked , mallicious , and trayterous acts . yet so farre was hee fixed upon those his resolutions , as hee would not admit any addresse to bee made unto him , as by burning of the councells letters sent to him and others the said commanders of his army , and menaces to hang the messenger if he had come with any more messages to that purpose , and other proofes appeareth , much lesse give care or agree to any manner of accommodation , other then such as must of necessity prove destructive to religion , king , and countrey , as by an exact accompt given to this assembly by the supreme councell of their proceedings , and by the severall other proofes & testimonies , otherwise knowne to this assembly plainely and manifestly appeareth . wherefore it is this day ordered , decreed adiudged & established by the said assembly , that the said owen o neill is hereby , and shall be from henceforth declared a traytor , and rebell , against our soveraigne lord the king , the fundamentall lawes of the land , and a common disturber of the peace , tranquillity , and quiet of this kingdome , and a manifest opposer of the established government of the confederate catholicks , contrary to his said oath . and the said assembly doth hereby strictly charge and command , all generalls and governors of provinces , magistrats , high-sheriffs , governors of garrisons or forts , holts , and castles commanders , and all other officers civill and martiall , and all other his maiesties faithfull subiects aswell within liberties , and corporat townes , as without under the command of the confederate catholicks , to proceede against and destroy the said owen o neill , as an enemy , and traytor , on paine of being proceeded with themselves in case of their wilfull neglect herein as culpable of the said treasons & capitall offences aforesaid . given ●t kilkenny , the thirtieth day of september , anno domini one thousand six hundred fourty and eight and in the foure ●●d twentieth yeare of the raigne of our soveraigne lord charles , by the grace of god , king of eng●●●● , ireland 〈…〉 and scotland , &c. god save the king by the lord lieutenant and council, a proclamation concerning passes for shipps ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1677 approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46066 wing i609 estc r39301 18367752 ocm 18367752 107374 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46066) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107374) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1636:36) by the lord lieutenant and council, a proclamation concerning passes for shipps ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. [2] leaves. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1676 [i.e. 1677] caption title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council chamber in dublin the tenth day of january 1676--leaf [2]. broadside in [2] leaves. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ship registers -ireland. ireland -history -1660-1688. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi soit qvi mal y pense diev · et · mon · droit royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . a proclamation concerning passes for shipps , essex . whereas his majestie with the advice of his privie council of england , hath thought fitt to require us by proclamation to publish and declare , that all passes for ships entred out for the west indies , or the parts of affrica beyond cape verde , which were granted before the date hereof shall determine upon the return of the said shipps , and their being unladen in some port of ireland , and that all passes by vertue of any other treaties than those with algiers , tunis , and tripoli , for shipps entred out for the mediterranean seas or tradeing there granted before the 25th . day of march 1676. shall determine at michaelmas 1677. and that all such passes for such shipps granted after the said 25th . day of march 1676. and before the date of this proclamation shall determine the 25th . day of march 1678 , and that if any of the said shipps shall be in any port of the kingdom of ireland , or in any other member or creek thereof at the time of the publication of this proclamation , their passes shall be then void , and if any of the said shipps shall happen to come into any port of ireland , after the publishing of this proclamation , and before the expireing of the said periods and unlade , their passes shall thereupon determine , and also that all passes granted to shipps entered to any other parts of the world , or coast-wise such passes shall determine on the last day of april one thousand six hundred seventy seven . and whereas wee are further by his majesties speciall command required to publish and make known , that all passes in pursuance of his majesties treatie with denmarke , for all ireland , england , and scotland , and the rest of his majesties dominions , are to bee under his majesties royall signature to be procured by his majesties principle secretary of state and that all passes , or sea breifs , in pursuance of the treaties with algiers , tunis and tripoli are to be had for all ireland england and scotland , and the rest of his majesties dominions from the lords commissioners for executing the office of lord high admirall of england sitting at darby-house , and that all passes in pursuance of the treaties with spaine and the united provinces , and in pursuance of the treaty with sweaden , are to be had viz. for the port of dublin , and that district from the lord mayor of the citty of dublin , the extent of which district is from skerries inclusive to wicklow , inclusive ; for the port of wexford and that district from the mayor of wexford the extent of which district is from the port of waterford , exclusive to wicklow exclusive , for the port of waterford and that district including the port of ross , from the mayor of the city of waterford , the extent of which district is from the port of wexford exclusive to dongarvan exclusive , for the port of yougha●l and that district from the mayor of youghall , the extent of which district is from dongarvan inclusive to the port of cork exclusive , for the port of cork , and that district which is onely to extend to that port from the mayor of the city of cork , for the port of kinsale , & that district from the soveraign of kinsale the extent of which district including the port of baltimore , is from the port of cork exclusive to bantry inclusive , for the port of lymerick , and that district from the mayor of the city of lymerick , the extent of which district is from bantry exclesive including the port of dingle to the port of galway exclusive , for the port of gallway , and that district from the mayor of galway the extent of wich district is from the port of lymerick exclusive to the port of sligoe inclusive , for the port of londondery and that district from the mayor of the city of londondery , the extent of which district is from sligoe exclusive including the port of kilabeggs unto the port of colerane inclusive , for the port of carregfergus and belfast , and that district from the mayor of carregfergus , the evtent of which district is from the port of colerane , exclusive including the ports of donaghadee and strangford unto carlingford exclusive , for the port of drogheda , and that district from the mayor of drogheda , the extent of which district is from carlingford inclusive , including the port of dundalk to skerries exclusive . and in regard that such passes as are to be made in pursuance of the treaties with denmark , are to be under his majesties royall signature , and that the passes , or sea briefs , in pursuance of the treatie with algiers , tunis , and tripoli , are to be had from the lords commissioners for executing the office of lord high admirall of england , sitting at darby-house . we do hereby further publish and make knowne , that as to such of his majesties subjects of this kingdom , as shall have occasion to make use of any passes in pursuance of the treaty with denmarke , or of any passes or sea briefes , in pursuance of the treatie with a●giers , tunis , and tripoli , that care shall be taken upon their applications to vs the lord lieutenant , that they shall be readily furnished with such passes . all which in obedience unto his majesties said speciall commands , we doe hereby publish and make known , & require all persons who are therein any way concerned , to take notice of the same at their perills . given at the council chamber in dublin the tenth day of january 1676. ja : armachanus . lanesborough . hen : midensis . char : meredith . i : povey . ro : booth . jo : bysse . ric : gethin . vvm : flower . tho : newcomen . ja : cuff. god save the king. dublin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the kings most excellent majestie and are to be sold by joseph wilde booke seller in castlestreet . 1676 a letter from his grace james, duke of ormond, lord lieutenant of ireland in answer to the right honourable arthur, earl of anglesey, lord privy-seal, his observations and reflections upon the earl of castlehaven's memoires concerning the rebellion of ireland : printed from the original, with an answer to it by the right honourable the earl of anglesey. ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1682 approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a53438 wing o449 estc r41464 31355396 ocm 31355396 110441 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a53438) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110441) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1751:4) a letter from his grace james, duke of ormond, lord lieutenant of ireland in answer to the right honourable arthur, earl of anglesey, lord privy-seal, his observations and reflections upon the earl of castlehaven's memoires concerning the rebellion of ireland : printed from the original, with an answer to it by the right honourable the earl of anglesey. ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. anglesey, arthur annesley, earl of, 1614-1686. letter from the right honourable arthur, earl of anglesey, lord privy-seal, in answer to his grace the duke of ormond's letter of november the 12th, 1681. 4, 7 p. printed for n.p., london : mdclxxxii [1682] "a letter from the right honourable arthur earl of anglesey, lord privy-seal, in answer to his grace the duke of ormond's letter of november the 12th 1681 ..." has special t.p. and separate paging, and has been filmed and cataloged separately, as wing a3172, at reel 444:17. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng anglesey, arthur annesley, -earl of, 1614-1686. -letter from a person of honour in the countrey written to the earl of castlehaven, being observations and reflections upon his lordship's memoires. castlehaven, james touchet, -earl of, 1617?-1684. -memoirs of james, lord audley, earl of castlehaven. ireland -history -1625-1649 -sources. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -sources. ireland -history -1649-1660 -sources. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from his grace james duke of ormond , lord lieutenant of ireland , in answer to the right honourable arthur earl of anglesey lord privy-seal , his observations and reflections upon the earl of castlehaven's memoires concerning the rebellion of ireland . printed from the original , with an answer to it , by the right honourable the earl of anglesey . london , printed for n. p. mdclxxxii . a letter from his grace james duke of ormond , &c. my lord , it is now , i think , more than a year since i first saw a little book written by way of letter , called , observations and reflections on my lord of castle-haven 's memoires : wherein , though there are some things that might lead the reader to believe that your lordship was the author yet there were many more i thought impossible should come from you : for it affirms many matters of fact positively , which are easily and authentically to be disproved : and from those matters of fact , grosly mistaken , it deduces consequences , raises inferences , and scatters glances injurious to the memory of the dead , and the honours of some living : among those that by the blessing of god are yet living , i find my self worst treated ; twenty years after the kings restauration , and forty after the beginning of the irish rebellion , as if it had been all that while reserved for me , and for such times as these we are fallen into , when calumny , ( though the matter of it be never so groundless and improbable , ) meets with credulity ; and when liberty is taken to asperse men , and represent them to the world under the monstrous and odious figures of papists , or popishly affected : not because they are so thought by those that employ the representers , but , because they are known to be too good protestants , and too loyal subjects , to joyn in the destruction of the crown and church : besides , the treatise came forth , and must have been written , when i had but newly received repeated assurances of the continuance of your friendship to me , wherein , as in one of your letters , you are pleased to say , you had never made a false step ; for these reasons i was not willing to believe that book to be your lordships composing , and hoped some of the suborned libellers of the age had endeavoured to imitate your lordship , and not you them ; but i was in a while after , first by my son arran , and afterwards by the bearer , sir robert reading , assured your lordship had owned to them that the piece was yours , but profest the publication to be without your order , and that you did not intend to do , or think that you had done me any injury or prejudice : if your lordship really thought so , the publication might have been owned as well as what was published : but then let the world judge , whether pen , ink , and paper are not dangerous tools in your hands ? when i was thus assured your lordship was the author , it cost me some thoughts how to vindicate truth , my master the late king , my self , my actions and family , all reflected on , and traduced by that pamphlet ; i found my self ingaged in the service of our present king , and that in a time of difficulty and danger , and in such times for the most part it has been my lot to be employed in publick affairs ; and though i had not been so taken up , yet i well knew that writing upon such occasions is no more my talent , than it is my delight : and to say truth , my indisposition to the exercise might help to perswade me , that the book , though honoured with your lordships name , would , after it had performed its office in coffee-houses , and served your lordships design in that conjuncture , expire ; as writings of that nature and force usually do : and herein i rested , without troubling my self , or any body else , with animadversions upon your lordships mistakes , which are so many , and so obvious , that i wonder how you could fall into them . i will add to this , that i have been in expectation that by this time your compleat history would have come forth , wherein , if i may judge by the pattern , i have just cause to suspect that neither the subject or my self will be more justly dealt with , than in that occasional essay , and i would have been glad to have seen all my work before me , in case i should think fit to make a work of it . the delay of your publishing that history , and the consideration of your lordships age and mine , are the occasions of this letter , whereby i inform you , that as no man now alive is better able than i am to give an account of the principal transactions during the rebellion in ireland ; so no man is possessed of more authentick commissions , instruments , and papers ; all which , or transcripts of them , you might have commanded , before you set forth your reflections : but possibly to have stayed for them , might have lost you a seasonable opportunity of publishing your abhorrence of the irish rebellion , and your zeal against popery : what your lordship might then have had , you may yet have , because i had rather help to prevent than detect errours , but then i must first know to what particular part of your history you desire information , and how you deliver those parts to the world and to posterity . if after this offer your lordship shall proceed to the conclusion and publication of your history , and not accept of it , i must before-hand appeal from you , as from an incompetent judge of my actions , and a partially engaged and an unfaithful historian . my lord , your lordships most humble servant , ormond . dublin , 12. nov. 1681. a letter from the right honourable arthur earl of anglesey lord privy-seal , in answer to his grace the duke of ormond's letter of november the 12 th . 1681. about his lordships observations and reflections upon the earl of castle-haven's memoires , concerning the rebellion of ireland . london , printed for n. p. 1682. a letter from the right honourable arthur earl of anglesey , &c. my lord , your graces of the 12 th of november , i received towards the end of that month , and was not a little surprized , after being threatned above a year with your graces answer to the observations and restections on my lord castle-haven 's memoires , which your grace takes notice you had seen above a year before ; to find them only most satyrically burlesqued , and my intentions in the writing of them most unnaturally misinterpreted and misjudged , without giving instance of any one particular , which could so much transport your grace , or interest you to judge of a letter of mine to another , with so invective heat and mistake . your graces letter therefore consisting only of generals , i can no otherwise adapt my answer , ( after a most serious revision of my book upon this occasion ) but by giving the reverse of your graces strain'd and erronious affirmatives by my plain and true negatives , till your grace shall administer occasion , by communicating the particular animadversions your grace hath been ( as i hear ) so long about . the reasons leading your grace to believe it impossible i could be the author of that discourse , i cannot admit , though they import a fair opinion of me ; and that in the beginning of your letter your grace had better thoughts than when your hand was in and heated . i do therefore absolutely deny that i affirm any matters of fact positively in that book , which are easily or authentically ( or at all ) to be disproved . or that from those matters of fact , grosly mistaken , it deduces consequences , raises inferences , and scatters glances injurious to the memory of the dead , and the honour of some living ; among which your grace finds your self worst treated . this being so , your graces unjust inferences from the time of its writing , and the misjudging the design of the author , give no countenance or occasion to your graces rhetorical character of the times , though i joyn in all , but the opinion your grace seems to have taken up that there is a plot , ( other than that of the papists ) to destroy the crown and church ; a discovery worthy the making , if your grace knows , and believes what you write ; but how i am concerned to have it mentioned to me , i know not , your grace can best tell what you intend to insinuate thereby . these are your graces reasons why you were not willing to believe that book to be of my composing , yet you cannot leave me without a sting , in your expressing the hopes which succeeded them , viz. that some of the suborned libellers of the age had endeavoured to imitate me , and not i them . whether i should imitate suborned libellers , or they me , would be all one for my reputation ; because i were grosly criminal in the first , and must have been so before in your graces opinion , or they could not imitate me in the second : your grace will want instances in both , except this of your own making ; and therefore there must be some other reason why your grace did not believe ( if really you did not ) that discourse to be of my composure . but this admitted for truth ( as it is undoubtedly ) your grace in the next place calls the world to judge whether pen , ink , and paper , are not dangerous tools in my hands . i remember the times , when they were serviceable to the kings restoration , and constant service of the crown , or craved in aid by your grace , that you did not account them so ; and it is much to my safety that they are not so in your graces hands , though i find them as sharp there as in any mans alive . your grace being at length assured i was the author , your next care was to spend some thoughts to vindicate truth , the late king , your self , your actions , and family , all reflected upon , and traduced ( as your grace is pleased to fancy ) by that pamphlet . but your grace had no cause to trouble your thoughts with such vindications , unless you could shew where in that book they are reflected upon and traduced , no such thing occurring to me ( upon the strictest revisal ) nor ever shall be objected to me with justice and truth . after your grace hath brought it to the coffee-houses , ( where i believe it never was till your grace prefered it to that office ) and where you have doomed it to expire , as writings of that nature and force use ( you say ) to do ( for which i shall not be at all concerned ) you rested without troubling your self or any body else with animadversions upon my mistakes , which your grace is pleased to say are so many and so obvious ( though you name none , nor do they occur to others ) that you wonder how i could fall into them . if your grace believe your self in this , you seem to have forgot the long time you spent in considering and animadverting upon that despicable pamphlet , with your labours whereon i was threatned by some of your graces relations for many months ; and your grace hath redeemed the delay , by the virulent general reflections you have now sent me , which yet i doubt not will evaporate or shrink to nothing , when your grace shall seek for instances to back them , whereof if you can find any , i claim in justice they may be sent me . your grace adds , that you have been in expectation that by this time my compleat history would have come forth ; wherein ( if you may judge by the pattern ) your grace saith , you have just cause to suspect , that neither the subject nor your self will be more justly dealt with than in that occasional essay ; and therefore offer me all the helps of authentick commissions , transactions and papers your grace is possessed of , whereof you inform me none hath more . this is an anticipating jealousie , which no man living can have ground for ; and when my history shall be compleated ( which is now delayed for those assistances your grace is so well able , and so freely offers to afford me ) though my weakness may be exposed , my integrity and impartiality shall appear , and your unjust suspicion will , i doubt not , cease , if truth may be welcome to you , and not accounted one of the dangerous instruments in my hand ; by which having incurred your anger and enmity in the first essay , i have slender hopes to be more acceptable in the second ; though i resolve to hold to the first approved law of a good and faithful historian , which is , that he should not dare to say any thing that is false ; and that he dare not but say any thing that is true , that there be not so much as suspicion of favour or hatred in his writing . and this might give a supersedeas to your graces unseasonable appeal , before a gravamen ; though i never intended , by relating the truth of things past , to become a judge of your graces or any other mans actions , but barely res gestas narrare , for the information , correction , and instruction of this age and posterity . your grace desiring to know to what particular parts of my history i would have information , i shall at present only mention these . the intrigues of the cessation , and commissions for them and the two peaces of 1646. and 1648. forced upon the king by the rebellious irish . the grounds and transactions about depriving sir william parsons from being one of the lords justices , and then dismissing him , sir adam loftus vice-treasurer , sir john temple master of the rolls , sir robert meredith chancellor of the exchequer , &c. from the council-table . the mystery of glamorgan's peace , and his punishment . the several ungrateful expulsions of your grace by the confederate roman catholicks . the passages concerning the parliaments present of a jewel to your grace . the battles , reliefs , seiges , and chief encounters in your graces time . the proceedings between your grace and the roman catholick assembly of the clergy in 1666. with the commission for their sitting . the plot for surprizing the castle of dublin , in which warren and others were , with the examinations , and what offenders were executed , &c. and any thing else your grace judgeth of import to have conveyed to posterity . other parts of the history shall be proposed to your grace in my progress , and before i put my last hand to it , with a resolution , that though i may have been sometimes mistaken in judgment : yet as i never did promote the report of a matter of fact which i knew to be false , so i never would . which i am induced the rather to mention , because your grace saith , you had rather help to prevent , than to detect errors . my lord , your graces most humble servant anglesey . his majesties message sent by the lord chamberlain to the house of peers, the 28. of december. 1641. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78881 of text r209721 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[28]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78881 wing c2435 thomason 669.f.3[28] estc r209721 99868588 99868588 160586 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78881) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160586) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[28]) his majesties message sent by the lord chamberlain to the house of peers, the 28. of december. 1641. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majesty: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641. with engraving of royal seal of charles i at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. a78881 r209721 (thomason 669.f.3[28]). civilwar no his majesties message sent by the lord chamberlain to the house of peers, the 28. of december. 1641. england and wales. sovereign 1641 184 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit . ❧ his majesties message sent by the lord chamberlain to the house of peers , the 28. of december . 1641. his majestie being very sensible of the great miseries and distresses of his subjects in the kingdom of ireland , which go daily increasing so fast , and the blood which hath been already spilt by the crueltie and barbarousnesse of those rebels , crying out so loud ; and perceiving how slowly the succours designed thither go on : his majestie hath thought fit to let your lordships know , and desires you to acquaint the house of commons therewith , that his majestie will take care , that by commissions which he shall grant , ten thousand english voluntiers shall be speedily raised for that service , if so the house of commons shall declare that they will pay them . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majesty : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641. whereas the commissioners and chief governors of his majesties revenue (being the persons and officers duly authorized by themselves, substitutes, agents or servants for the receiving, collecting and answering the duty arising by hearths, firing-places, stoves and publick ovens and kilns) have desired that all our due care may be taken, that no certificates be unduly granted by the justices of the peace unto such persons who by the acts for setting the said duty on his majesty are uncapable thereof ... by the lord deputy and council, arran. ireland. lord deputy. 1683 approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46177 wing i896 estc r36936 16157460 ocm 16157460 104925 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46177) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104925) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:49) whereas the commissioners and chief governors of his majesties revenue (being the persons and officers duly authorized by themselves, substitutes, agents or servants for the receiving, collecting and answering the duty arising by hearths, firing-places, stoves and publick ovens and kilns) have desired that all our due care may be taken, that no certificates be unduly granted by the justices of the peace unto such persons who by the acts for setting the said duty on his majesty are uncapable thereof ... by the lord deputy and council, arran. ireland. lord deputy. arran, richard butler, earl of, d. 1686. [3] leaves. printed by benjamin tooke and john crooke ... and are to be sold by mary crook and andrew crook ..., dublin : 1682 [1683] title from first 11 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 15th day of january 1682" [i.e. 1683]--leaf [3] broadside in [3] leaves. imperfect: faded, with loss of print. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng hearth-money -ireland. taxation -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et · mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord deputy and council . arran , whereas the commissioners and chief governors of his majesties revenue ( being the persons and officers duly authorized by themselves , substitutes , agents or servants for the receiving , collecting and answearing the duty arising by hearths ▪ firing places , stoves and publick ovens and kilns ) have desired that all due care may be taken , that no certificates be unduly granted by the iustices of the peace , unto such persons who by the acts for setling the said duty on his majesty are uncapable thereof ; and wheras in the first act for setling the said revenue , there is a proviso contained , that in case any two iustices of the peace , shall in writing under their hands , yearly certifie their beleif that the house wherein any person doth inhabit within such country wherein they are iustices of peace , is not of greater value than eight shillings per annum upon the full improved rent ; and that neither the person so inhabiting , nor any other using the same mesuage hath , useth , or occupieth any lands , or tenements of their own , or others of the yearly value of eight shillings per annum , nor hath any lands , tenements . goods or chatles , of the value of four pounds in their own possession , or in the possession of any other in trust for them , then in such case upon such certificate made to the iustices of the peace of such county , at any of their quarter sessions to be held for the same county , & allowed by them , for which certificate and allowance no fees shall be payed , the person on whose behalf such certificate is made , shall not be returned by the constables , or other persons to be assistant to them as aforesaid , and the said house is thereby for that year discharged of , and from all duties by this act imposed , any thing thereto contained to the contrary notwithstanding . which said last proviso by the additional act for the better ordering and collecting the revenue arising by hearth-mony is declared shall be construed , to extend only to such widows as shall produce such certificates as are therein mentioned , and as to all other persons whatsoever , the said clause is thereby absolutely repealed . and forasmuch as it is enacted by the said additional act , that it shall and may be lawful for the lord lieutenant , lord deputy , or other chief governor , or governors , and council of this kingdom , for the time being , from time to time , to appoint such persons , as they shall think fit , to do , execute and perform all , and every the matters and things which by the said former act , or the said last act are to be done , executed or performed by any iustice of the peace , or clerks of the peace of this kingdom , and from and after such appointment all other persons not thereby appointed shall be and are thereby discharged from doing , executeing , and performing any matter or thing relating unto the premises , any thing in the said former act , or the said last act , to the contrary notwithstanding . and whereas we have thought fit hereby to nominate , and appoint the several persons in and for the several counties herein after mentioned , being all iustices of the peace , that is to say , in and for the county of catherlagh , sr. thomas butler , baronet , sr. john devillier kt. henry barkeley , marmaduke taylor , and wm ; creiehly , esqs for the county of dublin , sr. thomas newcomen , kt. sr. robert reading , bar. sr. walter plunket , and sr. thomas wors●op , kts. dr. patrick grattan , richard forster , & robert mouldsworth , esqs for the county of kildare , robert fitzgerald , henry brenne , thomas hewetson , francis leigh , and maurice keating esqs for the county of kilkeny , richard coote esq sr. henry pansonby , bartholomew fowke , harvy mortis , george bishop and bryan manser , esqs for the kings county sr. francis blundel , and sr. laurence parsons baronets , john baldwin , samuel rowle , and richard barry , esqs for the county of longford , sr. thomas newcom●n , baronet , sr. john edgeworth , & sr. john parker kts ; wm ; kenedy , & nicholas dowdall , esqs for the county of lowth , sr. james graham , sr. wm ; tichborne and sr. thomas fortescue kt ; and nehemiah donnelan esq for the county of meath , doctor robert gorges , james stopford , arthur dillon , thomas loftus , george peppard , charles meredith and stafford lightburne esqs for the queens county , walter warenford ; thomas piggot of disert john weaver , and peryam poell , esqs for the county of westmeath , sr. henry peirce baronet , wm ; hancocke , george peyton , james liegh , robert cooke edward terrelí and edward barry esqs for the county of wexford , sr. nicholas loftus kt. patrick lambert , christian bor , and francis harvy , esqs for the country of wicklow , henry temple , roger west , robert hasse●s , phillip packenham , john stockton and humphry bagge●y , esqs for the county of clare , sr. samuel foxen , benjamin lucas , do●agh o bryan , samuel burton henry jvers , symon purdon , and henry leigh esqs for the county of corke sr. richard aldsworth and sr. boyle maynard kts ; john st. leger , redmand bary richard hull , anthony stoell , bartholomew purdon , richard travers , richard townsend , john grove , richard beer , bryan wade , wm ; supple and james manser , esqs for the county of kerry , sr. thomas crosby , baronet sr. francis brewster kt. thomas brown , richard chute , anthony raymond , edward denny , and frederick mullin ; esqs for the county of lymercik sr. wm : king , sr. george ingoldsby , and sr. samuel foxen , kts ; drury wrey and richard maguire , esqs for the county of tipperary sr. robert cole , solomon camby , charles blunt , francis legg , simon finch , nicholas southcoate , the mayor of clonmel for the time being , the mayor of cashel for the time being bartholomew fowks , john harrison , isaac walkden , thomas fullwar , charles alliock and oliver latham esqs ●or the county of waterford , beverly usher , henry nichols , andrew lynn ; , james mutlow , nicholas osborn , tho. fitzgerald , john power , leo : gorstellow ; william bradley , john dalton , tho. osborn ; wiliam hibbart and robert cooke esqs for the county of gallaway tho ; caulfeild esq sr. henry waddington sr. george s. george , and sr , john parker kt. charles holcroft , john eyre , tho. cuff and , edward eyre esqs for the county of leytrim sr. w m. gore , james king henry croston & bryan cuningham esqs for the county of mayo , sr. henry bingham , and sr. arthur gor● bar. owen vaghan . robert miller and thomas brent esqs for the county of roscomon sr. robert king bar. arthur s. george , robert sands and edmond donellan esqs for the county of sligo tho ; griffith , edward cooper , charles collis phyllip ormsby and roger smyth esqs for the county of antrym sr. robert colvill , w m leisly of prospect , richard dobb of castledobb . michael harison , hercules davys , francis stafford and robert thelwe● esqs for the county of ardmagh sr : toby poin●ze , sr. george atkinson , edward richardson and arthur bromlow esqs for the county of cavan samuel townly , humphery parrett & thomas newbury esqs for the county of donnegall sr. albert cuningham , francis cary , henry vaughan , william dutton geo. brooks john nisbet , john farwood and grey bingley esqs for the county of down sr george rawdon sr. robert ward james lesly wm. brett tho. smith & john farrar esqs for the county of fermanagh sr , gerald irwyn , sr. john hume john curry james summerwel james curry charles belfoure & lancelot lowther esqs for the county of londonderry john gage of moygillegan geo ; phillips john wilison and raphel whistler esqs for the county of monaghan , wm. barton , nicholas owens , and mathew anktill esqs for the county of tyrone john chichester and henry mervin esqs the provost of dungannon and strabane for the time being , william moore and mathew combe esqs to be the persons for granting of certificates to poor widows , according to the true purpose and intent of the said last mentioned act , which we do hereby authorize them or any two or more of them , and no other person , or persons whatsoever within the said respective counties to give accordingly , and further for the county of the city of dublin , we appoint the mayor , and recorder of the said city for the time being , sir joshua allen , and alderman enoch reader , or any two of them , for the county of the city of kilkenny the mayor , or recorder thereof for the time being , for the county of the town of drogheda the mayor , or recorder of the town of drogheda for the time being ; for the county of the city of cork , the mayor or recorder of the said city for the time being . for the county of the city of lymrick the mayor , or recorder of the said city for the time being , for the county of the city of waterford the mayor , or recorder of the said city for the time being , for the county of the town of galway , the mayor , or recorder of the said town for the time being , for the county of the town of carrickfergus the mayor or recorder of the said town for the time being , & we require all the aforesaid persons to be very circumspert & careful in the granting of these certificates which are to be allowed publickly at the quarter-sessions unto none but such as are fitly qualified and not unto women who are not widows , nor to one and the same widow for several houses , nor to widows for the houses of their sons , or their brothers , or relations though the same were heretofore done ; and we do hereby further declare that francis earl of longford , lemuel kingdon , william dickinson , william strong , and robert bridges , esqs and such other person and persons as we upon the humble suit of them , or anly three or more of them shall from time to time nominate , and appoint are and shall be the only commissioners . officers and persons whom we have , and shal be think fit to authorize and appoint to do , execute and perform all and every t●●d matters and things other then granting of such certificates which by the say● former act , or the said last act are to be done , executed and performed by a●● iustices of the peace , or clerkes of the peace of this kingdom ; and we do hereby further declare that all and every the powers in and by the said acts , or either of them given to any iustices of the peace or clerks of the peace , other than such as are herein appointed to the purposes aforesaid , shall be , and are hereby uacated ; and we do hereby strictly charge and command all and every iustice , & iustices of the peace , mayors , sheriffs , bailyffs , constables , headboroug●s clerkes of the peace and all other officers whatsoever within every county , borrough , town , or corporation , barony , parish . or place , and all other his majesties officers and ministers . and all other subjects whatsoever , that they and every of them shall from time to time or aiding and assisting to the said commissioners , and cheif governors of his majesties revenue , and to their collectors , surveyors , and other officers which are or shall be appointed by them , or any three or more of them as aforesaid , upon pain of our displ●asure , and such pains and imprisonments as by the laws and statutes of this realm can or may be inflicted upon them for their negligence , or contempt , in that behalf , as they will answear the contrary at their utmost peril . and we do hereby further publish & declare that all duties or moneys arising or growing due or payable to his maiesty by , for or upon hearths , firing-places , stoves and publick ovens and kilns upon the tenth of this instant january for the year preceding is to be accounted and paid to the commissioners and cheif governors of 〈◊〉 majesties revenue afore-named , or to such as they shall authorize thereun●● and to no other person or persons whatsoever , of which all persons concerned are to take notice , and to pay the same accordingly . given at the council chamber in dublin the 15th day of january 1682. mich , armach , c. lanesborough . char. feilding : r : reynell . franc , dublin , anth , midensis , john keatinge , tho : newcomen . barrymore . vvm : kildare . h. hene . ardglase . ca. di●lon : john davys , god save the king. dublin printed by benjamin tooke , and john crooke , printers to the kings most excellent majestie , and are to be sold by mary crook , and andrew crook , at his majesties printing-house 1682. irelande your maiesties most humble and loyall subiect baptista boazio ; grauen by renolde elstrack. boazio, baptista. 1600 approx. 0 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a16245 stc 3171.8 estc s1207 21655709 ocm 21655709 24797 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a16245) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 24797) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1724:15) irelande your maiesties most humble and loyall subiect baptista boazio ; grauen by renolde elstrack. boazio, baptista. elstracke, renold, fl. 1590-1630. 1 map ... are to be sould in the popes head alley, by mr. sudbury, [london] : [1600?] date of publication suggested by stc (2nd ed.). relief shown pictorially. scale from nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -maps -to 1800. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-10 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion irelande an interpretation in english of some proper irish names contained in this description of irelande for the better vnderstanding of the readers . glyn can carick knock slew b●●… bale kill●… lough enis m ● m c o to the most sacred and renowned my gratious soueraigne elizabeth by the grace of god of englande france and ireland qveene . defendresse of the true christian faith 〈…〉 in this generall discription or chart of irelande , particularlye is showne theise contentes heerafter folowinge . first by the round priked 〈◊〉 the diuision or boundes of the 4 provinces the on from the other viz mounster , conaght , lenoster , and vister . also the diuision of eueri countrye by smaler pricked lynes distinguished in their seuerall coulours . counties names , rivers , baies , headlandes , pointes , barres , rockes , sandes , islandes , & loughes , bishopriese , monasteries , cheife townes , villages , castels , mountaines , hills , 〈◊〉 , and paces all in their proper and seuerall names . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 names & contrie names of euery particular place either of any counte or generally thorought the whole kingdome of ireland . dilligently and truly collected & partly 〈◊〉 by baptista boazio a proclamation against importing of irish cattel, or resetting thereof scotland. privy council. 1698 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05457 wing s1590 estc r183330 53299260 ocm 53299260 179994 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05457) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179994) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2810:19) a proclamation against importing of irish cattel, or resetting thereof scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1694-1702 : william ii) 1 sheet ([2] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson ..., edinburgh, : anno domini 1698. caption title. imperfect: torn, dark with slight loss of text. reproduction of original in: national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng animal industry -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. foreign trade regulation -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -foreign economic relations -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -foreign economic relations -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 scott lepisto sampled and proofread 2009-01 scott lepisto text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation against importing of irish cattel , or resetting thereof . william by the grace of god , king of great britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith : to _____ macers of our privy council , messengers at arms our shireffs in that part conjunctly and severally , specially constitute greeting : forasmuchas , by the fourteenth act of the parliament holden in the year one thousand six hundred eighty six , it is expresly enacted and ordained , that no horse , mare or cattle whatsomever shall be imported from ireland to this kingdom , under the pain and penalty of forefaulture of the horse , mares or cattel that shall be imported , and further of paying the sum of one hundred merks scots for each beast , that shall be so imported , the one half of both the beast and fines , to belong f●… the seizer and discoverer , and the other half to his majesty , as likewise , that no person within this kingdom reset or buy any horse , mares or nolt , that they know to be imported out of ireland , under the pain of one hundred merks scots , for each beast , besides the forefaulture of the beasts themselves , the one half to belong to the discoverer , ( he alwise pursuing and instructing the importation within six moneths after ) and the other half to his majesty : and we being resolved , that due and exact obedience shall be given to the foresaid act of parliament for the time to come , and that the same shall be execute , with all rigour against such as transgress the same . therefore , we with the advice of the lords of our privy council in pursuance of , and conforme to the foresaid act of parliament , strictly prohibite and discharge the importing of any horse , mares , cows or other cattel from ireland into this kingdom , either by the natives thereof or inhabitants in ireland , or any other forraigners whatsomever , and all persons to buy or reset any horses , mares or nolt , that they know to be imported out of ireland , after the day and date hereof under the pains above-mentioned respective , contained in the foresaid act of parliament , for importing buying or resetting any horse , mares or nolt imported from ireland contrary thereunto . likeas , we with advice foresaid for the more effectual execution of the premisses , require and command all collectors , surveyers , waiters or others imployed in uplifting and collecting our customs and forraign excise , at the several sea-ports of this kingdom , and all officiars of the law whatsomever , to seaze upon all horse , mares and cattel whatsomever imported from ireland after the date hereof , or bought or reset by whatsomever person or persons within this kingdom who knew the same , to have been imported , and to detain and confiscat the same , comform to the foresaid act of parliament , and to pursue and exact from the several persons who shall import , buy or reset , any horse , mares or any other cattle imported from ireland contrair to the foresaid act of parliament , the sums and penalties respectively above-mentioned , incurred by them through the foresaid transgression , the one half thereof to be applyed for his majesties use , and the other half to be detained by themselves , in manner specified in the said act. our will is herefore , and we charge you straitly and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and to the mercat crosses of the several head-burghs and sea-port-touns within this kingdom , and make publick intimation thereat of our pleasure in the premisses , that none may pretend ignorance . and ordains these presents to be printed ; and our solicitor to transmit copies thereof to the shireffs of the several shires and stewarts of the stewartries , their deputs or clerks , and to the magistrats of the several sea-port-tounst , to be by them published accordingly . given under our signet at edinburgh the eleventh day of may one thousand six hundred ninety and eight years , and of our reign the tenth year . per actum dominorum secreti concilii gilb . eliot , cls. sti. concilii god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to the king' 's most excellent majestay , anno. domini 1698. die martis scilicet xvj die novem[b]. anno dom. 1641 annoq. regni regis dom. nostri caroli, [xv]ij whereas sundrie persons have traiterously and rebel[liou]sly taken armes in vlster ... ireland. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46174 of text r43301 in the english short title catalog (wing i887). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46174 wing i887 estc r43301 27140335 ocm 27140335 110005 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46174) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110005) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:41) die martis scilicet xvj die novem[b]. anno dom. 1641 annoq. regni regis dom. nostri caroli, [xv]ij whereas sundrie persons have traiterously and rebel[liou]sly taken armes in vlster ... ireland. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [dublin : 1641] place of publication suggested by wing. other title information from first lines of text. listed at end of sheet: earle of antrym, earle of fingall [24 others]. imperfect: creased, with loss of text. reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng antrim, randal macdonnell, -earl of, 1609-1683. ireland -history -1625-1649. ireland -politics and government -17th century. a46174 r43301 (wing i887). civilwar no die martis scilicet xvj die novem[b]. anno dom. 1641 annoq. regni regis dom. nostri caroli, [xv]ij whereas sundrie persons have traiterously ireland. parliament 1641 498 25 0 0 0 0 0 502 f the rate of 502 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms die martis scilicet xvjo . die novem●●● anno dom 1641. annoque regni regis dom. nostri caroli , ●ijo . whereas sundrie persons have traiterously and rebel 〈…〉 sly taken armes in vlster , and by their petition to the right honou●●●le the lord iustices of this kingdome , have prayed that their ( ●●vances might be removed by the advice of the present parliament is ordered by the lords spirituall and temporall and commons i●●arliament assembled , that the persons under-named they first receiv● his majesties directions and authoritie , or the directions and auth●●●●y of the chief governour or governours , and councell of this king ●●…ne therein , shall have power to send forth , & to confer withall the p 〈…〉 s now in armes in vlster , and other parts of this kingdome , and 〈…〉 or any of them , wherefore they have presumed to take up arme●●nd touching such other matters , as they shall be authorized and directed , as aforesaid , during whic●●●e , the said persons now in armes , and all other his majesties subjects of this kingdome are ●●●eby commanded to forbeare all acts of hostilitie , or entring upon any other his majesties castle●● forts , or marching , or comming into any other the parts of this kingdome , and during the said 〈…〉 ference , the persons who shall be trusted therein of either side , and their necessarie attendants , are 〈◊〉 ●●ve safe conduct , until the said conference be concluded , or broken off , and foure dayes after . ar 〈…〉 further ordered , that the said persons under-named , or any three , or more of them of the lords 〈…〉 , with any five or more of them of the house of commons , shall have full power from time to ti●● 〈◊〉 make knowne to his majestie , or the chiefe governour or governours , and counell , and the par●●●●●nt of this kingdome , all such matters as shall be propounded at the said conference , and to proc●●●●herein according to his majesties good pleasure , or the direction of the said chiefe governour or go●●●●nours , and councell of this kingdome . earle of antrym . earle of fingall . viscount gormanston . viscount moore . viscount baltinglas . lo. bishop of kilmoore . lo. of slane . lo. of dunsany . lo. lambert . sir charles coote knight and baron sir pierce crosbie knight and baro● sir richard barnewell baronet . nicholas plunket esquire . sir james dillon th'elder knight . sir christopher bellew knight . john bellew esquire . bryan ô neale esquire . sir john dougan knight and baron thomas bourke esquire . tibbot taaffe esquire . richard belling esquire . sir luke fitz gerald knight . patricke barnewell of kilbrue●…ire . hugh rochford esquire . sir robert forth knight . sir lucas dillon knight . capt. john piggot . the irish colours displayed in a reply of an english protestant to a late letter of an irish roman catholique : both address'd to his grace the duke of ormond ... orrery, roger boyle, earl of, 1621-1679. 1662 approx. 32 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a53467 wing o485 estc r22100 12362905 ocm 12362905 60294 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a53467) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60294) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 218:8) the irish colours displayed in a reply of an english protestant to a late letter of an irish roman catholique : both address'd to his grace the duke of ormond ... orrery, roger boyle, earl of, 1621-1679. [3], 17 p. [s.n.], london : 1662. attributed to roger boyle, earl of orrery. cf. nuc pre-1956; wing. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholics -ireland. ireland -history -17th century. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-05 john latta sampled and proofread 2003-05 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the irish colours displayed , in a reply of an english protestant to a late letter of an irish roman catholique . both address'd to his grace the duke of ormond lord lieutenant of his majesties kingdome of ireland . similis in prole resurgo . london , printed in the year , 1662. the irish colours displayed , in a reply of an english protestant to a late letter of an irish roman catholique . both address'd to his grace the duke of ormond lord lieutenant of his majesties kingdome of ireland . similis in prole resurgo . my lord , it was yesterday my chance to meet a letter newly printed , though pretended by the title to have been given your grace about the end of october 1660. [ desiring a just and merciful regard of the roman catholiques of ireland ] wherein though i confesse much is spoken and little said , yet because the author of it seems to have been both a bold man in setting your graces name to it , and a wise man in not setting his own , i thought it fit to be taken notice of , and shall follow his example in both , though ( i fear ) neither that nor his precepts in any thing else . the contention lying ( as it ever has done , and i fear ever will , ) between his majesties british protestant subjects , and his irish roman catholique in the kingdome of ireland , i imagin'd it would become us ill , who never refus'd to fight them in the field upon the extremest disadvantage , if we should now avoid to do it in the presse upon the greatest advantages , that the justice of our case , the mercy of our king , your graces patronage , and the favour of heaven express'd in all these circumstances can allow us ; and therefore since they have drawn so much of our blood , i shall never grudge them a little of our ink , being i confess well enough pleas'd to see us both now at length putting on the same colour , whereas for so long together the black has been ours , and the crimson theirs . the matter of this pamplet is indeed so difficult to find , and so easie to answer , that i am a little loath to begin the search , being much of the same nature with that of a brass penny in a heap of rubbish , that before you find it almost puts out your eyes , and after you have it , 't is hardly felt in your hand ; and therefore before i quest after that little game it affords me , i shall give your grace some account of a word or a fear , which just now fell from me , that the contention between the two parties in ireland will never have an end , which may both startle your grace with the difficulty of your charge , whose chief end and task is to disprove this opinion ; and shock many others as an uncharitable thought , who are apt to believe the quiet of that countrey ; may be wrought out by tempering of interests , extinguishing feuds , by inducing a general oblivion of the past and security of future times ; and in a word , that a golden age may arise in that kingdome , out of one of iron that has lasted some hundreds of years , just as a fair and gentle morning does sometimes at sea after a long furious storm , without any reason for one or for t'other , but onely , that a general composure of minds happens at times like a calm sett of weather ; and no man the wiser though all men the happier for it . my lord , i wish i could be of this belief , i confess i am not , though i may justly say my temper and fortune both dispose me to it , the one giving me fear of losing a little , and the other despair of gaining the least by tumults and wars . i have long accounted the peace of my countrey to be like the health of my body ; without which all that men call pleasures turn sowre , or lose all their rellish at least . i will not say to make good my opinion , that saturn , mars , and mercury are the onely planets that influence that climate , though the sullen and angry genius , as well as the cunning , busie , chaffering vein of the inhabitants might help me out , nor that the kindly rays of venus and iupiter are too gentle to pierce a thick air that is accus'd so often to obscure the sun , and fully the moon among them ; but i must needs say , when i consider the rise of these two parties in that kingdome , which was the descent of our victorious ancestors among them , who at first held their lands from their swords , though our kings title to the whole was afterwards strengthned by alliances , by submissions as well as ( if they please to take notice of it ) by an absolute grant of that whole island from pope adrian the fourth to henry the second . when i consider that upon this original quarrel the natives of the countrey have ever since lock'd upon the english name , as that of usurpers and intruders upon their lands and inheritance , and the english planted there , upon the irish ; as enemies , for so they were styl'd in all publique acts for a long course of time . when i consider that these two parties have for above foure hundred years , been bred up , as i may say in mutual slaughters , and rapines , and wars , every age , begun by the irish , upon pretences of recovering their liberty and countrey , and return'd by the english , in defence of their king , their kindred , and the lands they had purchas'd by their ancestors blood , or by their own treasure . when i consider that these bloody animosities were constant and hereditary to them , so long before any division between them in matters of religion , and withal how much they have been sharpned by that accident , which has been so powerful as most unhappily to engrafft such numbers of old english families into the irish stock and interest upon this last rebellion ( for to that we must needs attribute it rather than to their long habitudes among them . ) when i consider how much of the irish lands have been given in a lump into the hands of british planters upon forfeitures in king iames his time , what quantities must now be disposed of , though the greatest tendernesse imaginable should be us'd in the adjudging their new forfeitures now in question , besides how perpetuall a memory the irish retain of these esteemed injurys , as i could give instances to amazement , and as severall of their articles in forty eight in some measure discover by their returning so far back and resolutions even in cold blood to unravel the settlements of ages past . when i consider that similitude of customes and manners is the common sodder of all friendships and good intelligences among men , and withall how strange a difference in both these as well as habit and language is between these two nations , unlesse it be where by long abode of few among many , either the civility of the english has corrected theirs , or the barbarousnesse of the irish has infected ours . when i consider among many others of the kind , that one old custome of theirs , in celebrating their funeralls after their savage manner , where the praises of the dead use to be rais'd and rehearsed , from no other vertue or prowess then the number of english slain or murtherd by him or his ancestors , either as souldiers in war , or as woodkernes or tories in peace , which is elegantly described by spencer in his short discourse of ireland , and i have been assur'd is still us'd in many of the wilder parts in the north , where upon such occasions they have no witnesses but themselves . when i consider the common conversation of the vulgar of both parties upon all the least occasions breaking out into terms of malice , suspition , revenge , and contempt , besides the strange ignorance of the common irish that subjects the whole conduct of their lives to the guidance of their priests and friers , which makes them all spanish papists , as the common tearm goes , and as i think indeed all roman catholiques living in protestant dominions throughout europe are in great degree ; and to this onely i can attribute that senselesse opinion among the vulgar irish , that the kingdome of ireland lawfully belongs to the crown of spain , and that his majesties title to it is like that of the english to their lands by usurpation and force . when i consider that , upon this present conjuncture , though his majesty has been pleased to exempt many of the roman catholique nobles and gentlemen from the stain and punishment of their common original guilt in the last bloody rebellion , by restoring them fully to their honours and estates , upon the amends they seem to have made by their personall services to his majestie abroad , yet not a man of them is content to save his own stake to break from the herd , or leave stickling in the patronage and defence of the common party , as if they valu'd not their estates without their dependances , and had something more in aime then what they pretend to in their ordinary clamors and complaints ; this i confesse is the onely thing which lessens many of them in my value , whom otherwise i should esteem very much as persons of good breeding , good meene , good wits , and good humour , and fit for the eye and for the service of their prince . and lastly , when i consider that all this cannot be attributed to the force of any constellation above , or conjunction here below , but rather to the common course of humane nature , and the passions incident thereunto , and that this implacable enmity of the irish to the english , springs from the same root with that of all other subjected people to their conquerors , till by time and prevailing number , wearinesse of mutuall fears , policy of laws and governours both come at length to be blended into one masse . that consequently the late unparallel'd massacres , though far greater in number then any upon record of story , yet had no newer cause or occasion then that of the roman citizens in the lesser asia , that of the french in scicily , that of the danes in england , and the frequent ones of europaean colonies in the indies ; till time and experience taught them to provide for their safety and so they have done , my lord , all wiser nations to secure their conquests , though it has ever yet been the reproach of the english government , that in so long a tract of time they have never been able to free themselves from a vast expence of blood and treasure upon an island which seems by nature to have been intended so much for the greatness of his majesties imperiall crown , by the mighty accesse of those two great strengths , money and able bodies of men , arising from the incredible fertility of the soil in all rich native comodities , aswel as the increase of people ; when all these thoughts i say run thorough my head , i cannot hope to live so long as to hear [ iam cuncti gens una sumus ] plaid by the irish harp , though i know it was sung by some english in their discourses about the beginning of the late kings reign , but never i think by any irish , and with how sad notes it then ended in the close some men i hope may still have leave to remember . now my lord , if all this be but vision and false imagery , rais'd up only by my own spleen or passions , i may possibly passe for a fanatique , or some malicious envious person , none of which i thank god i have yet ever done nor i hope ever shall upon any other score . for i have often deplor'd that my birth or my fotunes should cast me into an age or a countrey , where men cannot live together more like the sons of one father , the subjects of one prince , the servants of one god , then i see we are like to do . but if it be a true representation of the quarrel in that kingdome , of the disposition of the parties , and complexion of the climate ; then i think it will concern his majesty to secure his crown and his subjects peace in that kingdome , by the same arts of government that have been us'd in the same cases , with respect to such differences as circumstances may make , and whatever become of lands never trust our lives again in the power of a generation whose game and prey they have been , and whose design they must ever be unlesse my almanack fails , t is but a carelesse and will be but an unfortunate shepherd that quits his guard and suspicion , and neglects his flock because the old wolf has broke his teeth , though he can never lose his nature nor yet break the law of [ similis in prole resurgo . ] what those arts of government are , i shall not in the least presume to discourse of , all stories and all times are full of them , and the observations upon them very instructing , and no person able to make better use of them , and to improve them more than your grace under his majesties favourable influence , and in concurrence with so great , so wise , and so renowned a councellor to his majesty and friend to your grace as my lord high chancellour of england , whose justice and favour to us we must ever own , and shall endevour to acknowledge , with that devotion becomes us as true servants both of his virtues and fortunes . besides , my opinions in this point i confesse may be a little out of the common way , and i am so too in not being the least fond of giving them light without a direct occasion , and therefore shall make no inquiry here into the usuall wayes of securing acquisitions either by out numbring the natives , by introducing conformity of lawes , language , habit , custome , religion , by interchangeable removall of their seats , as in charlemain's time , of saxons into flanders , and of flemish into saxony , by assuming their lands and giving them a new dependancy , by entertaining feuds between themselves , by forts and standing armies according to the modern policy , or by distinct colony's according to that of the old graecian and roman states , i should only beg if my prayers were of any regard , that his majesty might but esteem this a matter worthy his care and thought , and then i should no way doubt of the successe ; and that you may judge it so the more , i shall onely be your remembrancer that as the onely good effect of such infinite slaughters and murthers as have hitherto infam'd that kingdome , and discouraged the plantation , has been the producing of this conjuncture wherein his majesty hath gain'd an occasion of setling it upon lasting foundations which has been so much desired by his ancestors , but the like never attain'd either in respect of power , justice , or honour . so whatever mischeifs or miscarriages shall ever happen in that kingdome in times to come , will by posterity be laid to the charge of this generation , but how to be answer'd i believe the next must tell . now my lord , how great a part of this care and conduct must needs fall to your graces share , i shall not need put you in mind , finding one among your titles that sufficiently does it , but in case you fall into the same opinion i professe to be of , that the peace and safety of that kingdome cannot be provided for by balancing interests between english and irish , but by boying up one or other of them out of danger of sinking again , i shall then offer to your thoughts , whether as duke of ormond as well as his majesties lieutenant of ireland , both your duty and your interest does not evidently lead you to the support , protection , and encouragement of the english who in that kingdom will come under your charge . and here i must begin to take notice of our secretary and his letter , the scribling of which gave me the occasion of mine , the greatest design of the whole draught seems by cogging and clawing , by professions of kindnesse and confidence , by terms of relation and good intelligence , to endear their cause and persons to your grace , and to work upon your affections where they despair to do it upon your judgement . he sayes they have been [ your constant beleivers , your passionate sticklers , their hopes of delivery have been by you , begs a demonstration of that justice and favour you intended them in forty eight , threatens your failing will lessen your esteem and dependencies among them , and at last compares you to joseph , and calls you the saviour of your brethren ] on purpose sure to put you in mind how your brethren sold and betray'd you , for how the irish came to be your brethren upon any other kindred i cannot imagine . on the other side , my lord , we are bold to claim and challenge you for ours , and upon many good tokens , by the birth of your ancestors and your own , by their and your unshaken loyalty to the crown of england , by your constancy to the old protestant religion , by your personal commands against the irish , and glorious victories over them the first two years of the rebellion , and which no question had continued had not your royall masters affairs at that time received a change there , by the fatall necessity of his others in england , and forc't you to a conjunction , where you had ever before been at defiance . if i may descend to lighter circumstances , we challenge you for ours by your breeding , by your person by your speech , by your disposition , by your lady and your children , in the mid'st of all which who ever should see you , let him be never so much a stranger to all our disputes , i durst trust him to judge whether you are english or irish , and dur'st dye for it , if one man in a hundred that was not stark blind would ever give you from us . as for our affections to you , our confidence in you , our dependence upon you in this occasion and upon all to come , we cannot give place to our adversaries , as knowing our own hearts , and that 't is well if any else knows theirs . if our hopes or our trusts have ever been estranged from your grace , it has been owing to those unhappy revolutions that have forc't you to a seeming good aspect upon them , but now that the occasion and necessity of that is all blown over , we return and throw our selves into your armes , with the same kindnesse and confidence that lovers would do into those of a mistress whose forced or feigned smiles to a rival , had for a while entertained them in sullen aking jealousies , which serve to make way for a kinder reconcilement , and now my lord , deceive us if you can , no , we know you are too wise , too loyal , and too generous . besides as to your personall interest , ( for as for that of your masters it 's too evident which way it must incline you ) you are arriv'd in command , in dependence , in estate to the heighth of what you can aim at in ireland without being too much envied and something fear'd , so that all the game that lies before you ought in prudence to be pursued in england , by preserving his majesties favour , gaining his subjects affections , preferring your children and increasing your fortunes , in a place where they may lye for a record of your honour and merit , and be both a testimony and a pawn of your families loyalty , if in ages to come your posterity should grow too great , or meet with a more suspicious master then now you have the happinesse to serve . and my lord , i need not tell you how much your countenance to the english in ireland would endear you to the nation here , nor how much that might be estranged from you , by your favour to the irish. for beleive me , my lord , we have here in england bled and paid too deep , and too often upon their occasion to be presently friends , and the horridnesse of this last rebellion , has too far reach't heaven with it's cry , and stain'd the earth with it's colour to be suddenly either forgiven in heaven or forgotten upon earth . the next thing i can observe in the letter i begun with , is a comparison it insists upon , between the roman catholique irish , and his majesties protestant subjects in the three kingdomes , [ many thousand of whom were he sayes far more hainously criminall , who have as little contributed or intended towards his majesties restauration as they . ] if any comparisons are odious they are those of mens vices and guilt , rather then of their vertues and innocency , which makes me unwilling to pursue this any further , yet i cannot but observe the offences of the irish sprung from a more generall quarrell , which was without comparison more generally infus'd through the hearts of the people , pursu'd by far more bloody courses , and which is remarkable began where other quarrells use to end , that is with slaughter and fury , whereas all others swell first in expostulations and manifestoes , ripen in threats , warning , and preparations , break at length in fair and open arms . but this irish rebellion clasht out like a sudden storm of lightning and thunder , defacing houses and fields , wasting countries , destroying man and beast , and giving an essay of what it meant in the end by the cold and treacherous murthers of so many thousand innocent souls in the first two moneths , before men were enough themselves to know almost from whence their danger came ; which number encreasing to that of above two hundred thousand in the first two years , makes the massacre unparallel'd , and excuses all cruelties may have been return'd by the english in the heat of the war. whoever imagins a troop of souldiers , among whom is hardly a man , but has lately lost a wife , a brother , a parent or a child by the butcherly hands of inveterate enemies , will not wonder to see them fierce in their assaults or furious in their executions . for the horrid murther of his late majesty of blessed memory , which this writer would throw into the ballance as a crime diffused thorough many thousands of the protestant subjects in the three kingdomes , i look upon it as a bold slander , and which is no more to be imputed to the protestants here , then the assassin of henry the fourth of france , to the roman catholiques there , this having been contriv'd by ravilliack , and perhaps half a dozen jesuites his complices , and that by cromwell , ireton , and perhaps half a dozen more , whose power , and name , and artifices , had at that time stun'd the nation into a sufferance of that impious fact , and inchanted the army into an outward complyance with what i am confident not one man in ten thousand throughout the three kingdomes but abhorr'd in his soule . for what he sayes of [ their having as little contributed or intended towards the kings restoration as the irish did ] because 't is modestly spoken he shall e'en go away with it , though no man i am sure , no not the birds nor the flies contributed lesse to it then the roman catholique irish , whereas there seem'd an universal conspiration towards it in the protestants of the three kingdomes , which past for some amends of their faults , and earnest of their pardons so graciously allowed them . and for their bare intentions they may best judge themselves , for by their former actions we should be apt to judge ill , and besides i have heard an unlucky proverb , that hell is full of good intentions . but we plead not our innocence neither here nor in ireland , we stand not upon articles , we claim his majesties grace held forth in the act of indempnity , and question not but the same reasons which then induc'd his majesty both to grant it us and deny it them , continue still , and will do so to both our posterities , unless we lose our memories , and change our religions , we grow to own dependence upon the pope , and they upon the king in all ecclesiastical matters , which , say what men will , draw civil after them . the next thing pleaded in this letter is that [ they fought for his majesty till over-power'd by multitudes , through gods unsearchable judgements , desertion by friends abroad , and home divisions , they lost both themselves and their country . ] that they fought so long for the king , or were overpower'd by multitudes , i cannot allow , for the quarrel persu'd by the long-parliament , and by the following tyrannous power , against the irish , was not for their show of adherence to the king , which was known to be the next covert they shrunk under for shelter , but it was for being murtherers and rebels against the english nation and government , and what advantages accrued to the rebellious arms in england , from the pretence of this national war and revenge upon the rebells of ireland , i need not enlarge ; i may safely say , that as the miseries of these nations began to break out with violence and blood , first in that kingdome , so they were fomented and heightned all along by the ill effects and ill colours of that irish rebellion . those who indeed so long and so bravely fought for his majesty in ireland , and were so violently pursued by the usurpers and their powers , we know well were those gallant and loyal troops of english , assembled under your graces command , and made up either of the first english army , or such constant subjects to his majesties interest in england , who after the ruine of their hopes here , went over into ireland , preferring the hazard of their lives once more before the servitude of their country : these are commonly comprehended under the name of such as serv'd his majesty in the war of ireland , before 49. and are a noble vital part of that body , i mean by the english interest in ireland ; and how well these were assisted and treated by the roman irish catholicks , i may safely leave to your graces remembrance . [ the over-powering them with multitudes , ] i before never heard , nor can any believe , who knows their numbers in proportion to ours much to the contrary ; i have heard and could tell , but that i love not to reproch men who have lost their arms , though cruelty and valour have been ever esteem'd , and are indeed by nature so little a kinne , that whoever knows much of the one cannot believe much of the other . for the rest of that paragraph it is so ingenuous , i must needs joyn with him in the acknowledgement [ that through the unsearchable wisdome of god , desertion by friends abroad , and home divisions , they have lost both themselves and their country . ] for matter of their articles in forty eight , which the writer of this letter presses to be observ'd that of trasplantation , corporations , and the disposal of the irish lands according to his majesties declared will , and the present pursuit of his english protestant subjects , they are particulars i shall not meddle with , as having heard that they all have , or will fall in debate before his majesty at council , where your lordship must needs be acquainted with all that can be argued upon those subjects , though in case i find need of more publick satisfaction , i shall not refuse to come once more into the presse upon that occasion , and question not to satisfie all unbias'd persons , concerning his majesties resolutions of setling the kingdome of ireland , upon the foundation of a protestant strength and interest , and make it evident he has taken them up upon grounds of piety , justice , prudence , and honour , not out of any [ fear from the power of the english army there as this letter would insinuate . ] whereas i am confident never any prince was better serv'd and obey'd then his majesty will be by his protestant subjects in ireland , whom i look upon all as one body . another shred of this work i am taking in pieces , consists of some well couch'd threatnings , [ how much the hearts of the roman catholiques in ireland , will be estrang'd both from his majesty and your grace ] if they are defeated of their hopes . i must agree with him again and acknowledge he tells you a great truth , and that he might have told you another in saying they are so already , past all means of firm reconciling , since they who aim at the whole , will never be contented with a part . i shall only desire your grace to take the warning they give you ; to trust and favour those who take themselves to be oblig'd by you , never those who think themselves offended . nor for ought i know will any man blame them so much for seeking their revenge , as us for not providing our defence , since in all like cases the same nature uses to imprint both the one and the other . all the rest of this pamphlet consists in quotations of scripture , from which its author [ exhorts to imitation of god in not destroying the righteous with the just , and denounces judgements against breakers of articles , from the example of saul and the gib●onites . ] i shall not pursue the parallel in those cases between the sins of sodome and those of the irish , nor between the scarcity of the innocent in the one , and the other of these nations ; nor shall i observe that the judgements of god were not sent down upon israel , for making the gibeonites hewers of wood and drawers of water , but as the text runs for saul and his bloody house , because he slew the gibeonites ; in which case we desire no paralell , but should as earnestly intercede for the lives of the irish , though yet in that case unpardon'd , as we must always sollicite for the safety of our own , in such a settlement as we hope to see atchiev'd by his majesties gracious care , and your lordships diligence in the execution of it . for the rest i will not go about to answer him at this weapon ( though it might easily be done ) as having i confesse an aversion from the late custome of our age , for every private hand as it serves its one occasion , to draw all stories and expressions of scripture into consequence , for the conduct of our lives and the framing our opinions ; i have observ'd this use to be of mischievous effect , and destructive in a great measure to the respect and obedience we owe civil authority . i revere the scriptures , but esteem them given us for other use then to fortifie disputes concerning state affairs out of every part of them , i know how apt we are to be deceiv'd with the likenesse of examples or precepts , in the unlikenesse of times and persons , and lawes and mannors , and constitutions and other circumstances , therefore i shall here leave him to his devotions , and betake my self to mine , a part of which are my hearty wishes and prayers , that all his majesties councells may be guided with that wisdome which will end in his own glory , and the prosperity as well as peace of all his kingdomes , and that your graces conduct in this great employment , may be as eminent as the rest of your fortunes , and enlightned with a clear sight of what is the true interest both of his majesty at present , the crown of england in all ages , and your own too in the present settlement and future government of that unhappy kingdome ; and because i both am , and desire to appear in charity with all men , i shall end my discourse as the roman catholique does his , with hearty wishes that you may be in your station [ the saviour of your brethren and your country . ] for my self , what i am as to my temper and opinions , must be referr'd to this paper , who i am is no matter , if that speaks either sense or truth , or successefully to the ends i intend it , which i am sure are fair and honest , as well as the professions sincere of my being your graces most humble servant . the letter of master alexander williams in ireland to his father here resident in london. williams, alexander, fl. 1642. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a96585 of text r211831 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.6[11]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a96585 wing w2640 thomason 669.f.6[11] estc r211831 99870523 99870523 160872 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a96585) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160872) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f6[11]) the letter of master alexander williams in ireland to his father here resident in london. williams, alexander, fl. 1642. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for richard lowndes and are to be sold at his shop next without ludgate, london : 1642. contains two letters, the first dated: "from dublin, 1642. may third"; the second headed: "another from dublin, this 30. of aprill, 1642.". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history, military -17th century -early works to 1800. a96585 r211831 (thomason 669.f.6[11]). civilwar no the letter of master alexander williams, in ireland to his father here resident in london. williams, alexander 1642 963 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-11 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the letter of master alexander williams , in ireland to his father here resident in london . i doe beleeve you doe expect some newes , which in briefe i will relate unto you . i had beene out with the rest of our company diverse times to finde some rogues , but could not meet any till at last going to a castle where wee found it very strong and guarded with two hundred and fiftie rebels which we put all to the sword , with the losse of some three men , and two great commanders , and at another castle a mile beyond that , the very same day was i shot with a bullet in the shoulder , which will seeme to you very miraculous , for the bullet made a hole in my cloake , and a hole in my shirt , and wounded my shoulder , yet never made a hole in my coate , but a dent which shoulder now is well . on friday , wee killed some fiftie at another castle , and on the very next day following the rogues armie marched the whole day of one side of us being tenne to one against us , displaying their colours in a most glorious way , making themselves sure of the victory , having cast lots the day before for our garments . our field peeces , and our wagons marched so farre with us , that we could march no farther , without giving them battle in the field , which we did and in a moment , put them to flight , being twelve thousand , and we scarce three thousand . and we killed of them that day some eight hundred , or very nigh one thousand , but it was god that did fight our battell for us . wee have fired above an hundred irish townes . it is for truth . from dublin , 1642. may third another from dublin , this 30. of aprill , 1642. since my last , of the last weekes post , i have received yours of the twelfth present , and have answered as by the inclosed . for the affaires in generall , god be praised , they goe prosperously forward , from youghall this weeke letters came unto conne , that the rebbels came up to the walls of korke , and drove away the pray of the towne , but my lord eusequeene and sir charles uaverson , my lord president yet being sick , followed them , recovered the cattell , and kild eighty of them , that the young lord brahal , the youngest son of the earl of kork , made a road into roaches countrey , and there kild 400. or 500. of the rebels . that the second son , the lord killinmekey , being at band sent out a squadron of horse , upon some designe up into carbory , the rebels laid an ambush and tooke 14. of them upon quarter , but no sooner possessed of their bodies , but they cut their throats under their tongue rootes , and pulled out their tongues thorough it , othersome they pulled their eyes out , no sooner was this barbarous crueltie committed , but upon notice given to my lord tillinmequie , he presently sallied forth , with the strength he could make , the rebels fled to some great castle , and he pursued them , broke in , and kild 400. of them , and muskerry himselfe as it is advised escaped from them , with great difficultie . that the count of kinsale is revolted , and that those english that were in it are all butchered . from the north we heare the scots are landed 4000. strong and are marching to the newry , and sir henry tishbourne on foot , with his armie towards the navon , where it is said the rebell makes great head . this day , thankes be unto god , part of our army in this towne , which marched out yesterday morning with two great pieces of ordnance , a demicannon and demiculverin are all safely returned from a castle called loisleipe , being one sir nicholas whites who hath beene these two moneths in the castle of dublin , there the rebel had made himselfe very strong , being but six miles off us , and accounted to be one of the greatest castles for strength in our parts , and accommodated with a most advantagious helpe of wood and river adjoyning unto it , yet neverthelesse after discharge of some forty great shot in the darke of the night by the helpe of severall advantages , our men not being able to hinder their flight , they all stole away and left us the castle , which is made a garrison , fifty souldiers left there , sir charles coot still at the nasse , and hath done severall services there abouts since our armies comming home , one day last week the rebell tooke a bog , his men stript themselves of their breeches , and followed the rebels into the bog , there kild an hundred of them , as i was credibly told by a lieutenant yesterday that was in that skirmish , and they recovered that time 300. head of cattell , the almighty god prosper and continue these happy progressions ; i remaine with my prayers for the establishment of true peace , and setled unitie amongst them . london , printed for richard lowndes , and are to be sold at his shop next without ludgate . 1642. to the honourable knights, cittizens and burgesses, of the commons house of parliament. the humble petition of the lords knights and gentlemen of the kingdome of ireland now in towne, ... this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a94461 of text r210821 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.4[53]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a94461 wing t1420 thomason 669.f.4[53] estc r210821 99869578 99869578 160675 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a94461) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160675) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f4[53]) to the honourable knights, cittizens and burgesses, of the commons house of parliament. the humble petition of the lords knights and gentlemen of the kingdome of ireland now in towne, ... loftus of ely, adam loftus, viscount, 1568-1643. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed, london : anno dom. 1641 [i.e. 1642] signed at end: adam viscount loftus [and 20 others]. gives an account of the destruction of 40 years' labours and of the urgent need of immediate succour. urges that the 10,000 scots be sent at once to ulster. -steele. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. a94461 r210821 (thomason 669.f.4[53]). civilwar no to the honourable knights, cittizens and burgesses, of the commons house of parliament. the humble petition of the lords knights and gentlem loftus of ely, adam loftus, viscount 1642 1016 1 0 0 0 0 0 10 c the rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-08 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the honovrable knights , cittizens and burgesses , of the commons house of parliament . the humble petition of the lords knights and gentlemen of the kingdome of ireland now in towne , hvmbly shewing , that your petitioners have received many and particular advertisements from all parts of the kingdome of ireland , which set forth the universall desolations made in such plantations of the british , both english and scotch , wheresoever the barbarous irish rebels have come , to the utter destruction both of the persons there inhabiting , and extirpating of the reformed protestant religion there set up , through the royall care and piety of king iames of blessed memory , and his majesty that now is , and prosecuted by the great industry and pious endeavours of neer 40 yeares travell by those who have spent their whole lives in reducing that kingdome to civility , which is now utterly desolated , by the proceedings so matchles●ely cruell , that no age nor story can parallell their inhumanities ; some whereof your petitioners are informed have beene touched upon , by advertisements already brought to this honourable house , whereof there is so great variety , that volumnes were but little enough to containe the particulars ; many thousands of men women and children , lying mangled on the face of the earth , crying loud to god and their neighbour kingdomes for reliefe against those monsters , whose conspiracy is now so universall , that small aides will be not onely inconsiderable to effect the worke , but a meanes to lengthen the warre , with the losse not onely of the treasure applyed therein , but also of the persons imployed , who being but few will be in danger to be given up to the cruelties of the rebels , by that meanes ( which god prevent ) will they gaine not onely great accesse to their number , but ( which is much more considerable ) that experience in warre and use of armes , as may render them infinitely more able to make resistance against the hereafter supplies ; these particulars your petitioners , out of the deepe sence they have , of the calamities incumbent to that , and in danger to fall on this kingdome , with all humility crave leave to present ; most humbly desiring , that in pursuance of the zeale and fervency already shown to the glory and worship of god , of the honour and renown of his most excellent maiesty ( both which are now strongly assaulted and pusht at ) and out of the tender commiseration already exprest for the reliefe of that bleeding kingdome ; that this honorable assembly will represent such prevalent arguments to his sacred maiesty , and the house of peeres , that the ten thousand men tendred by the kingdome of scotland and accepted of by this honourable assembly , may be speedily ordered to resort into vlster : not but that we doe also desire there may be as great a proportion of souldiers sent out of this kingdome , as soone as they can be prepared , if so it may please his maiesty and both houses of parliament , the contagion of rebellion in ireland having spread it selfe over so many other parts of the kingdome , and yet daily more and more increasing , as will require the service of those who shall be sent out of england , for the subduall of the rebels , and comfort of his maiesties good subiects in the other provinces . but forasmuch as your petitioners many of whose whole estates , and some of whose wives , children , and neerest kindred and friends are already in the hands and possession of those barbarous and bloudy rebels of vlster , and that they may have more then ordinary cause to feare , that the remayning protestant party , together with the important townes of caricfargus , london-derry and colerane , being the chiefe bulwarks and fortresses of that province , may for want of speediest reliefe be surprised and destroyed , and by that meanes the rest of the kingdome extreamely indangered , to the irrepairable dammage and discomfort of his maiesty , and all his good and loyall subiects of all his dominions ; therefore your petitioners doe most instantly supplicate this honourable assembly , to indeavour the hastning thither with all possible expedition the tenne thousand men out of scotland , whose assistance being within three houres saile , may be soonest conveyed , and whose constitutions will notably match with the rebels , being well able ( as many of these petitioners have knowne by former experience ) to follow them through the bogges and moorish places ( frequent in those parts ) during the winter season , which other supplies possibly may not be so fit for at present ; this number added to those raised and to be raised in those parts ( through gods blessing ) may soone checke these insolencies , and contribute much for reducing that kingdome to due obedience , and yeeld unspeakable comfort , and reliefe to many thousand disconsolate bleeding protestant soules , who have long languished in expectation of aide from that and this kingdome , the longer retarding whereof will carry loud cries to heaven against those who cause the same . and your petitioners shall pray , &c. adam viscount loftus . thomas lord folliot . henry lord blayney . robert lord digby . theodore lord docwra . francis lord mountnorris . sir george blundell baronet . sir edward loftus knight . sir faithfull fortescue knight . sir iohn clattworthy knight . sir robert king knight . sir robert parkhurst knight . arthur annesley esquire . robert wallop esquire . richard fitz-gerald esquire . arthur iones esquire . iohn moore esquire . nicholas loftus esquire . ralph whisteler esquire . richard perkins . iohn davis . london printed , anno dom. 1641. die lunæ, 29 novemb. 1647. ordered by the commons assembled in parliament, that on the next lords day being the fifth day of december, publique thanks be given to almighty god ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83785 of text r210690 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.11[100]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83785 wing e2669e thomason 669.f.11[100] estc r210690 99869464 99869464 162752 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83785) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162752) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f11[100]) die lunæ, 29 novemb. 1647. ordered by the commons assembled in parliament, that on the next lords day being the fifth day of december, publique thanks be given to almighty god ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for edward husband, printer to the honorable house of commons, london : decemb. 1. 1647. signed: h: elsynge, cler. parl. d. com. lord's day, 5 dec., to be a day of thanksgiving in london, &c. for lord inchiquin's victory over lord taaff on 13 november in munster (dec. 19 in the provinces). a collection to be taken for the relief of the poor protestants driven out of ireland -cf. steele. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng inchiquin, murrough o'brien, -earl of, 1614-1674 -early works to 1800. carlingford, theobald taafe, -earl of, d. 1677 -early works to 1800. public worship -great britain -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a83785 r210690 (thomason 669.f.11[100]). civilwar no die lunæ, 29 novemb. 1647. ordered by the commons assembled in parliament, that on the next lords day being the fifth day of december, publi england and wales. parliament. 1647 402 2 0 0 0 0 0 50 d the rate of 50 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die lunae , 29 novemb. 1647. ordered by the commons assembled in parliament , that on the next lords day being the fifth day of december , publique thanks be given to almighty god by the respective ministers within the cities of london and westminster , and liberties and parts adjacent within the late lines of communication , for his great blessing upon the parliament forces in munster in ireland , under the command of the lord inchiquine , against a force of the rebels under the command of the lord taaff ▪ obtained the thirteenth of this present november ▪ 1647. and that on the next lords day come fortnight the nineteenth day of december , publique thanks be likewise given in all the churches and chappels of england and dominion of wales , by the respective ministers thereof , for the same blessing upon the said forces : it is further ordered , that upon the said respective lords days of the fifth and nineteenth of december , there be a collection in the said churches and chappels , for relief of the poor english protestants driven out of ireland ; and that the moneys that shall now be collected , be added to the sum formerly collected upon a late ordinance of parliament which directs a collection for relief of such poor english protestants ; and that the said moneys now to be collected , be paid in the same maner to the same treasurers appointed in that ordinance , and be disposed by order of the same committee . it is further ordered , that the lord major do give timely notice of this order for a thanksgiving on the next lords day , to all the ministers within the cities of london and westminster , and late lines of communication : and the respective knights of the shires , and burgesses of the several cities and places , are required to send copies of this order to the several counties , cities and places ; and the ministers in the several places are required to move and stir up the people to a chearful contribution in acknowledgement of their thankfulness for this great and seasonable blessing . h : elsynge , cler. parl. d. com. london : printed for edward husband , printer to the honorable house of commons . decemb. 1. 1647. victorious newes from ireland brought over aug. 24 wherein is declared three victorious battels, obtained by these worthies, namely, the lord moore, the lord inchqvid, and colonell vavasork neere the city of trim and dungarvan, wherein was slain above 200 of the rebels, and not above 200 of the protestant partio : likewise another famous victory obtained by the lord moore against the rebels, with the number of those that were slain on both sides : which happy tidings was read in the house of commons, and immediately ordered to be printed. johnson, thomas, volunteer in the lord dungarvan's troope. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46973 of text r2131 in the english short title catalog (wing j853). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46973 wing j853 estc r2131 12576771 ocm 12576771 63610 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46973) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63610) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 962:27) victorious newes from ireland brought over aug. 24 wherein is declared three victorious battels, obtained by these worthies, namely, the lord moore, the lord inchqvid, and colonell vavasork neere the city of trim and dungarvan, wherein was slain above 200 of the rebels, and not above 200 of the protestant partio : likewise another famous victory obtained by the lord moore against the rebels, with the number of those that were slain on both sides : which happy tidings was read in the house of commons, and immediately ordered to be printed. johnson, thomas, volunteer in the lord dungarvan's troope. [2], 6 p. printed for i. rider, [s.l.] : 1642. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. attributed to thomas johnson. cf. nuc pre-1956. signed at end: tho. johnson. eng vavasour, charles, -sir, d. 1644. moore of drogheda, charles moore, -viscount, 1603-1643. ireland -history -1625-1649. a46973 r2131 (wing j853). civilwar no victorious newes from ireland brought over aug. 24 wherein is declared three victorious battels, obtained by these worthies, namely, the lor johnson, thomas, volunteer in the lord dungarvan's troope 1642 1116 1 0 0 0 0 0 9 b the rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion victorious newes from ireland brought over , aug. 24. wherein is declared three victorious battels , obtained by these worthies , namely , the lord moore . the lord inchqvid . and colonell vavasor . neere the city of trim and dungarvan , wherein was slaine above 200. of the rebels , and not above 20. of the protestant partio . likewise , another famous victory obtained by the lord moore against the rebels , with the number of those that were slain on both sides . which happy tydings was read in the house of commons , and immediately ordered to be printed . hen. elsyng , cler. parl. d. com. aug. 27. printed for i. rider . 1642. good newes from ireland . vpon our returne i have sent you a relation of what hapned on the march upon the 10. of august there went about 2000. foot with some horse towards trim , upon tuesday following we marcht after them , the second day we lay 4. miles short of trim , where we heard the van of our army , with some forces out of the garrison in trim , had taken in the castle knock , lying 4. miles to the left hand , wee lost 30. men , for they stood it out to the last man . upon friday all the army met two miles beyond trim , wee had 51. colours flying and about 1000. horse , wee marcht to the castle of baramore , which is the nighest way 42. miles from dublin , and never saw an enemy , onely the enemy made us returne and goe more upon the left hand by burning a bridge , so that we could not passe that way , there was another bridge the wayne marcht , and a pretty towne , but forsaken and burnt by us , as we did all other townes and castles all the way we went , the enemy has left the townes , but their goods they have hid in the bogges , or else conveyed them into the county of weekley ; the rebels had made a very strong breast worke against the bridge , and were 500 men to man it , but in the morning forsooke it : the castle of baramore where wee rested one day before our returne is a place naturally fortified with a great bogge , only one way to come to it , where they had made strong workes , yet durst not make them good ; from thence my lord jones and sir michael earnely their two regiments went alone , which is ten miles further , and are to keepe garrison in canaught and thereabouts . the next day wee marcht straight for dublin with the remainder of our army , finding no opposition , onely one day we past by one of the enemies castles , which wee could not stay to take in , by reason we wanted pieces of battery and bread for our men if wee should stay ; when the reare of our army was past which wee had upon our march that day ▪ some quantitie of the enemies horse very well mand came rushing out of a wood , which caused us when wee were over the bogge to fall about and make a sudden stand , expecting that they would have charged us , but they onely staid for straglers , the next day we was to passe a morasle , where there was but a narrow causey , which way the enemy thought we would have marcht from dublin , and had therefore made a strong breast work , and to hinders us had made a double ditch , halfe pike deepe , and cast all the loose earth in the midst , which did hinder us in respect we wanted timber , and the ground was so base , as it was long ere the carriages durst venture over ; that night we marcht to kilcock a very pretty towne 12. miles from dublin , the onely towne wee left unburnt , it was lately built by the english ; all the way of our march what persons soever , as men , women , or children that our souldiers met , they gave no quarter they were so enraged that the enemy would not fight . i never saw finer countries in all my life then we were thorow , store of corn growing , and that spetiall in all parts , and after the two first dayes march wee wanted not for good beefe , and excellent cheese , but not a drop of drinke for 3. or 4. dayes together , and then but a little by chance for the officer . i never in my life time in england knew greater and colder raines in winter then we had every day but one with us , i protest i doe verily think we did not come 3. nights all the march to our quarter but our men were wet to the skin , and then the good earth was our lodging , and we came usually so late as the men had scarce time to help themselves , and to get rest , for wee was to march by 4 or 5. in the morning ; it had bred much sicknesse amongst our fresh souldiers , wherein i have a part , being brought to extreame weaknesse with the countrey disease , for which i this day take physicke . i had much adoe to finish my letter , i will conclude with the tender of my duty to your selfe and my mother , with my prayers for your happy preservation . my humble service to my lady alesbury with the rest of that worthy family , my cousin lowing and his wife , my love to my brother with the rest of my friends , so i rest , your obedient sonne , tho. johnson . dublin 19. augu. 1642. my service to my cousin tucker , and i pray let him see this letter , that hee may know the just reason i doe write to him by this post , but he may by this understand all the newes , i know onely thus much more , we have no pay , nor have little hopes , by reason of the manifold troubles with you . ordered that this be printed and published , h. elsyng , cler. parl. d. c. finis . by the lord lieutenant, a proclamation appointing the time for putting in of claims ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) 1662 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46063 wing i601 estc r36842 16141349 ocm 16141349 104826 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46063) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104826) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:36) by the lord lieutenant, a proclamation appointing the time for putting in of claims ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. printed by john crook ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1662. "given at his majesties castle of dublin, the 23. day of september, 1662." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng priorities of claims and liens -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant . a proclamation appointing the time for putting in of claims . ormonde . where 's by an act of this present parliament [ intituled , an act for the better execution of his majesties gracious declaration for the settlement of his kingdom of ireland , and satisfaction of the several interests of adventurers , souldiers , and other his subjects there , ] it is enacted , that all persons , bodies politick and corporate , who have not already put in their claims before the commissioners heretofore appointed for execution of the said declaration , do put in the same within the space of one and thirty days next and immediately after the day which shall be appointed by a proclamation made or caused to be made in the city of dublin by the lord lieutenant , or other chief governour or governours of ireland for the time being ; and that after the said time shall be expired , no claim shall be received , but the parties left without remedy , and debarred for ever , without his majesties special order in that behalf , upon accidents or emergencies where justice shall require the same : in pursuance of the said act , we do by this proclamation appoint munday the sixth day of october , one thousand six hundred sixty and two , to be the day next and immediately after which , all and every the said persons are to put in their claims according to the tenor of the said act , before his majesties commissioners for the execution of the said act , at the kings inns dublin , whereof all persons concerned are to take notice , to the end they may within the space of one and thirty days next after the said sixth day of october aforesaid , put in their respective claims accordingly . given at his majesties castle of dublin , the 23. day of september , 1662. god save the king . dvblin , printed by john crook , printer to the kings most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by samuel dancer book-seller , in castle-street , 1662. a copy of coll. wosely's letter, to his grace duke schonberg wolseley, william, 1640?-1697. 1690 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b06682 wing w3316ba estc r186810 52529125 ocm 52529125 179280 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b06682) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179280) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2782:4) a copy of coll. wosely's letter, to his grace duke schonberg wolseley, william, 1640?-1697. 1 sheet ([1] p.) [s.n.], printed at london ; and re-printed at edinburgh : 1690. caption title. under title: licens'd, february 28. 1690. concerns the defeat of the duke of berwick in an engagement at cavan in ireland. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -war of 1689-1691 -campaigns -early works to 1800. great britain -foreign relations -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -foreign relations -great britain -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a copy of coll. wosely's letter , to his grace duke schonberg . licens'd , february 28. 1690 . may it please your grace , i send this to give your grace an account of a fight i had yesterday with the enemy at cavan . on munday at four a clock in the afternoon , i left this place , with a detachment of 700 foot , and 300 horse and dragoons ; i passed the river about twelve at night , within two miles of ballibays , where were two of the enemies scouts , who gave the signal of our motion , by firing several musquets down the river , and making a fire on a high hill. i carried all my men over about one a clock , and intended to be at cavan an hour before day ; but the miles were so much lorger than i expected , and the way so dirty , and the difficulties so many , that i got not thither until half an hour after day break ; and when i came there , i found what i did not expect : the duke of berwick who came there the night before with 2500 men , with which , and the men of the garrison , made a body of 4000 men ; all drawn up in very good order before the town , and near the fort. as soon as i disposed my men as the ground would give me leave , i charged them , and after an hours dispute , we beat the in all out of the field into the fort : the duke had his horse shot under him , and be in the thigh . coll. o riely , who was governour of the town , was killed on the place , with two lieutenant-collonels , one a french-man , the other one geogbagan an irish-man , in great esteem with them . most of our m●n unhappily fell on the plunder , both on the field , and in the town , so that we were in the greatest confusion imaginable , which the enemy seeing from the fort , made a very strong sally upon us , and came on so briskly , that i thought all had been loss : i went with all the speed i could to a place where i had placed some detatchments of foot , at the beginning of the fight , who had not been engaged at all , and as providence had ordered , found them all there , being about 250 ; with those , and about 80 horse and dragoons , i opposed the enemy , whom i judged to be about 1500 ; and about the same time , seeing it impossible to get our men out of the town , i sent an officer with a party of horse , and ordered him to fire the town , which was immediatly done , and by that means the soldiers were forced to quit it , and having joyned those that were fighting , we drove , the enemy like sheep into the fort ; which being a strong place , and full of men , and our men fatigued with marching all night , i did not think fit to attacque it . in this first action , those that were engaged , behaved themselves very well ; it was very unfortunate to us , that the soldiers falling on the plunder , put me udder a necessity of burning the town ; for there was as much provision in it as would have served this garis ; on six months , all the houses being full of bread , meal , and wheat , and vast quantities of oats and beans . the prisoners give an account , that the d. of berwick was to command a body at cavan of 10000 men , which were to be made up out of a detatchment out of the whole army ; and the first place he was to attacquc was this : which was to be done this day . this , i believe , was the army your grace had so frequent intelligence of ; but i suppose the neck of the design is now quite broke , we having destroyed all their provisions both for horse and man : and what , i believe , is a greater loss to them ( we having blown up ) their ammunition which was in town . as soon as my men are refreshed , i 'le have another bout with them for the fort , which , i believe , they will quite of themselves , for they have no provisions or cover for their men ; and i do not see bow they can well keep it , now the town is destroy'd . i have receiv'd your grace's instructions about the fortifications and garison , which shall be carefully observed ; i prefume your grace will send another engineer , for cap , blood was shot yesterday in the side , and i do not know how long it will be before he will be in a condition to go abroad . i do not find we have lost above twenty men , and i think the enemy lost not above two or three hundred men. our greatest lost fell on my regiment ; for my major , and two of the best captains i had , were killed ; that is , capt. armstrong , and cap. mayo . we have taken of the enemy , prisoners , four captains , five lieutenants , two ensigns , and a quarter-master . printed at london , and re-printed at edinburgh , 1690. irelands tragical tyrannie sent over in two letters, by a speehlesse [sic] damzell, which landed at miniard upon the 18 day jan. 1642 : wherein is plainly and truly shown, what cruelty hath possess the irish rebels hearts, and how barbarously they have dealt with her : first how they defloured her body, and after tore the haire from her head, and lastly how they cut out her tongue and one of her hands for resisting them : also, how the wolves destroyed mr. thomas adams, his wife and children, to the number of fourteen persons in one night, being constrained to forsake their habitation : with a true relation of other remarkable passages performed by the blood-thirsty rebels / these letters were sent from the damzels father out of ireland, to her uncle robinson, who liveth neere unto miniard in summerset-shire. robinson, john, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a57457 of text r11135 in the english short title catalog (wing r1694). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a57457 wing r1694 estc r11135 12645332 ocm 12645332 65114 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57457) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65114) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 250:e135, no 14) irelands tragical tyrannie sent over in two letters, by a speehlesse [sic] damzell, which landed at miniard upon the 18 day jan. 1642 : wherein is plainly and truly shown, what cruelty hath possess the irish rebels hearts, and how barbarously they have dealt with her : first how they defloured her body, and after tore the haire from her head, and lastly how they cut out her tongue and one of her hands for resisting them : also, how the wolves destroyed mr. thomas adams, his wife and children, to the number of fourteen persons in one night, being constrained to forsake their habitation : with a true relation of other remarkable passages performed by the blood-thirsty rebels / these letters were sent from the damzels father out of ireland, to her uncle robinson, who liveth neere unto miniard in summerset-shire. robinson, john, 17th cent. [7] p. printed for t.l., london : 1642. letters signed john robinson. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng adams, thomas, d. 1642? ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a57457 r11135 (wing r1694). civilwar no irelands tragical tyrannie: sent over in two letters, by a speechlesse damzell, which landed at miniard upon the 18. day jan. 1642. wherein robinson, john 1642 1623 9 0 0 0 0 0 55 d the rate of 55 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion irelands tragical tyrannie : sent over in two letters , by a speehlesse damzell , which landed at miniard upon the 18. day jan. 1642. wherein is plainly and truly shown , what cruelty hath possest the irish rebels hearts , and how barbarously they have dealt with her : first how they defloured her body , and after tore the haire from her head , and lastly , how they cut out her tongue ; and one of her hands for resisting them . also , how the wolves destroyed mr. thomas adams , his wife and children , to the number of fourteen persons in one night , being constrained to forsake their habitation . with a true relation of other remarkable passages , performed by the blood-thirsty rebels . these letters were sent from the damzels father out of ireland , to her vnkle robinson , who liveth neere unto miniard in summerset-shire . london , printed for tl , 1642. a copy of the first letter which was sent by the speechlesse damzell to her uncle , from her father . deare and loving brother with weeping eyes , and bleeding heart , i am inforced to write unto you the cause of my unparallel'd heavinesse : i have before this time sent you three several letters ; to the which you sent me back answer that you could not beleeve that which was written to be true . but alas brother , the world is now grown to such a passe , that men will not believe any thing to be true , unlesse it be done upon their own persons , or in their own houses . therefore for your further satisfaction , i have sent you my only daughter , with two letters , that you may with a lamenting heart behold her sorrow : there may you see the body of her , whom the villains abused : there may you see in what manner her hair was torn from her head , because she would not yeeld to their lust : there may you discern how her hair was cut off , because she sought to resist their tyrannicall cruelty : there may you also perceive , how her tongue was cut out of her mouth , because she would not blaspheme against her maker . this woful spectacle have i sent unto you , that when you have seen her perplexity that she is in , you may bewaile her calamities : and these letters haue i sent by her , because her tongue is cut out , that she cannot expresse her mind . so hoping that you will with patience peruse 〈◊〉 lines , and the other letter . i remain your faithfull brother , till death gives end to my life , iohn robinson ▪ from london derry ▪ jan. 18. 1642 ▪ the copie of the second letter which was sent to the speechlesse damzell . vpon the eighth day of this present month of jan. a great part of the irish rebels , being seven score in number , came to the house of mr. thomas adams an english man who had long time lived in feare of their comming , and having in readinesse provided a way out of his back-doore : whereby that himself and the rest of his houshold might escape the enemies fury . on the backside of the house there was a running river , over which they had placed a draw-bridge , that they might at any time weigh up and down , according as their need required . on the fore-part of the house they had framed a goodly prospect , that they might the better descern the enemies approach ; in the house was ammunition , powder and shot , muskets , and other weapons sufficient to furnish 30. men . about the house were four goodly ricks of wheat , with two great barns full of other grain , besides in the stables there were 12. stout horses some that belonged to the plow , and some for other uses , and four yoak of oxen at the staul with abundance of victuall , and all manner of good houshold stuffe , all which was consumed in a moment of time by the rebellious irish , as you shall hear in the following discourse . now for the better safeguard of the house , and family , mr. adams , alwayes kept one on purpose to watch through the prospect , but the rebels being grounded in villany , had by some meanes learned where the house stood , and how it was furnished , and therefore went about the number of twenty first , and came within sight of the house , which when the watch-man had taken view of , hee m●de his master acquainted with the same , who presently gave command that every man in the house should prepare for battell ; for why , said he , j see there are but twenty in sight of the rebels , and we are thirty in number : let it never be said , that we will flee from them , and forsake all that ever we have for fear of them that cannot hurt us . you know that one stroke from the hand of a true man , gains more victory then the force of theeves . therefore let us approve our selves to bee bold hearted englishmen , a●d fight for our countries honour against these papisticall enemies of truth . at which manly resolution , every one of his men-servants betook himself to his musket , and liking so well of their masterr forwardnesse , eve●y man seemed so couragious , as if they had no fear of death at all : by tha● time the treacherous rebels were come within gun shot of the house , they marched 4 abrest , and five in rank , and made an assault upon the house . whereupon the master of the house and his men , having their muskets charged in readinesse , gave fire upon them out at the windows , and slew sixe of the twenty at the first valley of shot ; the other sixscore of the rebels which lay in ambush , hearing the guns make such a ratling noise , knew that their fellowes were in hot service , made all speed that might be towards the house , who were presently descry'd by the watch-man , which cryed out with a loud voice , o master now seek to save your self , or else we are all dead men . when the master and his men perceived themselvs in such a grievous streight , they kept fast the fore doors , and fled out at the backe door , and some over the draw-bridg , together with the mistris and her children , and the maid-servants all in generall , hoping thereby to save their lives . but see how they ran out of one danger into another , the men because they were constrained to help the women kind , cast away all their armes , that the enemy might not overtake them in running , and so for succour they ran into a wood to hide themselves from their following foes , and having gathered together a deale of ferne , they made them lodging under the trees : in which miserable night the mistris was delivered of a man-child in that desert place . but here comes the griefe of all , it chanced so that in the dead time of the night , a wolfe that had bin chased the day before , comming neere unto the place where these distressed people lay , and having scented them came to them , and ceised upon one of the maids , and bit her by the arm , and by the left breast , before shee could make any means to shift for her self . at last , crying out for help , one of the men which had a sword , drew it to save the maids life , the subtle wolf , finding himself like to be over-matcht , ran straightways to asleep hill , and sat thereon , and therwithall made such a howling noise , that hee called such a number of wolves together , that all the power they had was not able to resist them , some that had swo●ds fought for themselves , and some that could climbe got upon trees , the rest were torn in pieces by the ravening wolvs , to the number of 14. amongst the rest , the tender mother and her new-born infant served to suffice the hungry maws of the devouring monstrous wolves . the next day went forth of the town of london-derry 500. ●rmed men , thinking to have met with the rebels , but they were too swift of foot for them : but as they passed through the wood , they beheld what was done by the wolves . there might they see the bloud of christians which was spilt by means of wolves and cany bals . their hearts , livers , and entrails torn in pieces with other wofull objects . thus gentle brother have i sent you the cause of my delay in my mournfull letters , hoping that the next time that i write to you , to send you better newes , otherwise would i might never live to write more . your distressed brother john robinson . finis . a copy of a letter vvhich master speaker is ordered by the commons house of parliament, to send to the members of that house, that are now residing in their severall counties, to further the advancement of the adventure for ireland. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a80498 of text r210460 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[5]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a80498 wing c6166 thomason 669.f.5[5] estc r210460 99869258 99869258 160718 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a80498) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160718) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[5]) a copy of a letter vvhich master speaker is ordered by the commons house of parliament, to send to the members of that house, that are now residing in their severall counties, to further the advancement of the adventure for ireland. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by t.p. for t.b., printed at london : [1642] date of publication from wing. includes: a copie of a letter vvhich master speaker is ordered by the commons house of parliament, to send to the severall sheriffs of this kingdome. acquaints him that great sums of money have been underwritten to advance the settlement of the irish rebellion ... he is to enlist the help of the best men in his county, and to persuade them to contribute if they would be counted friends to the house. -steele. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -finance -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a80498 r210460 (thomason 669.f.5[5]). civilwar no a copy of a letter vvhich master speaker is ordered by the commons house of parliament, to send to the members of that house, that are now r england and wales. parliament. 1642 721 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a copy of a letter vvhich master speaker is ordered by the commons house of parliament , to send to the members of that house , that are now residing in their severall counties , to further the advancement of the adventure for ireland . sir , by the appointment of the house of commons , i am to let you know , that they have sent unto the sheriffe of your county , both the acts concerning the speedy reducing the rebels in ireland , and likewise the names of such members of this house , as have subscribed here in london to this adventure , and the summes they have adventur'd ; requiring him together with the justices of peace of the same county , to communicate the same with the best advantage in the severall divisions , and that no encouragement might be wanting to a worke so pious in it selfe , so necessary to the peace of both kingdomes and to the establishing and assuring the true protestant religion therein , and so beneficiall to such well-affected persons as shall adventure . they have commanded me to require you to repaire to the sheriffe , and to assist him the best wayes you can , to encourage and advance this worke , and not doubting of your publike affections , they assure themselves , that you apprehend the necessitie and consequence of the worke so neerely , that you will with such alacritie , as becomes a businesse of this nature ; propound your owne example to the gentry , and other well-affected persons of your county , and subscribe to the adventure in such a proportion , as may best stand with your owne occasions ; not having more to say , but that the house will expect an account from you herein , i rest . i. aprill , 1642. a copie of a letter vvhich master speaker is ordered by the commons house of parliament , to send to the severall sheriffs of this kingdome . sir , by order of the house of commons , i am directed to giue you notice that divers well affected persons to the publque good have under-written great summes of monie for the speedy reducing of the irish rebels to their obedience to his majestie , and the crowne of england , and for the advancing of a businesse of so generall concernment , and tending not only to the common good of both kingdomes , & the setling of the true protestant religion there , but to the particular advantage of the adventurers ; the house doth hold fit to leave no way omitted , that may advance and further so good a worke . and for that purpose have commanded me herewith to send you two articles of parliament made for the stating of the rebels lands upō the adventurers according to the proportion of their respective adventures . and likewise the names of such members of the house who have already subscribed to this adventure , and the summes they have adventured , which they have done to the intent you should communicate the same for the better encouragement of others for following their pious examples , and therefore they have commanded me to recommend it unto your best care , that you together with the justices of peace ( to whom you are to give notice of this letter ) may in your seuerall devisions communicate the same to men of the best qualitie of your countie , and use your best diligence to perswade them to contribute to so necessary a worke , which ( with gods assistance ) is not only a most ready and likely way to reduce the rebels , and secure the peace and safetie of this kingdome , but to retribute an ample benefit to the adventurers . and you are likewise to signifie unto them that who shall subscribe and interest themselves in this adventure , they are conceived by the house of commons to be persons heartily affected to the publique weale . sir , your carefull endavours in this service will bee very acceptable to the house , and so i rest . printed at london by t. p. for t. b. whereas we are informed, that to the disadvantage of his majesties service, divers officers of his majesties army in this kingdom do absent themselves from their respective quarters, without license of his grace the duke of ormonde lord lieutenant general, or of us the lord deputy of this kingdom ... by the lord deputy general of ireland, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. 1664 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46201 wing i968 estc r36957 16163763 ocm 16163763 104948 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46201) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104948) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:66) whereas we are informed, that to the disadvantage of his majesties service, divers officers of his majesties army in this kingdom do absent themselves from their respective quarters, without license of his grace the duke of ormonde lord lieutenant general, or of us the lord deputy of this kingdom ... by the lord deputy general of ireland, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. ossory, thomas butler, earl of, 1634-1680. 1 broadside. printed by john crooke ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1664. title from first 6 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at his majesties castle of dublin the first day of october, 1664." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -army. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2 r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord deputy general of ireland . ossory , whereas we are informed , that to the disadvantage of his majesties service , divers officers of his majesties army in this kingdom do absent themselves from their respective quarters , without license of his grace the duke of ormond lord lieutenant general , or of us the lord deputy of this kingdom : and whereas since his graces late going into england , we have been pleased in his absence upon necessary occasions of several officers of the said army , and more especially to the end that such of them as were concerned in the harvest might have opportunity to look after the saving and bringing in their corn and other provisions , ( in that season to be cared for ) to grant them license to be absent from their quarters for some time ; and now we thinking fit that all and every the officers aforesaid return to their quarters and there attend their several and respective charges , we hereby require and command every of the said officers which are absent from their charges without license from his grace the said lord lieutenant , or from us , forthwith to repair to their several garrisons and quarters ; and every of the said officers who are absent by license from us or the said lord lieutenant , and are now in this kingdom , to return to their several garrisons and quarters within ten days next after publication hereof , notwithstanding such license . and we do also order and command , that not any of the officers aforesaid shall depart from their respective commands or quarters , without license first to be obtained from the said lord lieutenant , or in his absence , from us. and we do hereby declare , that if any of the said officers shall neglect to repair to their respective commands and duties , as aforesaid , or shall afterwards depart from the same but by such license , as aforesaid , such officer shall be dismissed from his imployment in his majesties army : whereof we require all persons whom it may any way concern to take notice . given at his majesties castle of dublin the first day of october , 1664. god save the king . dvblin , printed by john crooke , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , and are to be sold by samuel dancer in castle-street . 1664. the speech of the right honourable the lord chancellor of ireland made as he was one of the lords justices in their name and behalf of the opening of the parliament there, the 8th of may 1661. eustace, maurice, sir, ca. 1590-1661. 1661 approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a38752 wing e3428 estc r11130 12425534 ocm 12425534 61832 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a38752) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61832) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 938:15) the speech of the right honourable the lord chancellor of ireland made as he was one of the lords justices in their name and behalf of the opening of the parliament there, the 8th of may 1661. eustace, maurice, sir, ca. 1590-1661. 12 p. printed for abel roper ..., london : 1661. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. attributed to sir maurice eustace. cf. bm. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1660-1688. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2007-02 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the speech of the right honourable the lord chancellor of ireland made as he was one of the lords justices in their name and behalf of the opening of the parliament there , the 8 th . of may 1661. london , printed , for abel roper at the sun in fleetstreet , over against st. dunstans church . 1661. the lord chancellors speech . my lords and gentlemen , we the lords , justices , who have the honour to represent his majesties most royal person this day in parliament , are glad after so great disorders , tumults , and confusions which have been for many years pasts in all parts of this kingdom to see this goodly appearance , and assembly met together in this orderly and beautiful manner . to see the most reverend fathers of our church settled in their former stations , and remitted to their ancient and undoubted right : to behold our judges as at the first , and our councellors as at the beginning . i am sure if the wisest daniel amongst us had two years since foretold us of this day , and of those great things which our eyes have seen , and which we have heard with our ears , which are now come to passe , and that our captivity should be so soon at an end , we should have given little credit unto him : nay , i doubt me if an angel had been sent to proclaim these glad tydings unto us , whether we should have believed him ; for the things we see fulfilled this day before our eyes are above humane reason , they are mirabilia dei , the wonders of god almighty , and ought to be marvellous in our eyes . adde unto this which is the height and complement of the solemnity of the day , that we do not represent this day the person of a tyrant or usurper as some of late have done , but the person of our natural lord and king , charles the second , by the grace of god of england , scotland , france and ireland king , and that you are by a legal power , derived from him , called together to advise with him , de arduis & urgentibus regni negotiis we are also glad to see the general convention of ireland turn'd to a parliament , and the mortallity of the one swallowed up in the immortality of the other , and why so ? because though the general convention of ireland for the time it contained , acted very worthily , yet it could not do the work which is intended , for neither the convention , nor his majesties gracious declaration , nor any thing but a parliament could compleat the great work which is to be done . it is true that the convention had excellent conceptions tending to the good of the kingdom , and brought many of them to the birth , but it wanted strength to bring forth , and therefore it was one of their humble desires by their commissioners unto his majesty , that a parliament might be called with convenient speed for the putting of several things ( which they presented to his majesty ) into laws for the good of this kingdom , and thus this phoenix was contented to be consumed with the ardent affection which it bore to its countrey , that out of the ashes thereof another more excellent then it self might spring , as it is at this day . this might serve in general for a reason why this parliament was called , but i shall in a more particular manner give you the reasons of it , and that very briefly , summa sequar vestigia rerum , and leave the fuller declaration thereof to my lord primate of ardmagh , appointed speaker of the house of peers pro tempore . the main and fundamental occasion of calling you together at this time , is to settle every mans meum & tuum , which are are the great concernments of this world , in such a way as every man may know which is his meum & tuum . you well know that these are the things which accasion most differences in this world , this is made most commonly the ground of war betwixt princes , and of all differences in civil societies , and how hard a thing it is to do this you cannot but apprehend , when as at present there is that incertainty of mens estates in this kingdom , as hardly can any man say this or that land is mine own ; and uncertainty we all know is the mother of contention , and mens mindes are seldome quiet untill their estate be settled : the law saith , that the freehold cannot be in abeyance , except in one only case ; but as the condition of affaires now is in this nation , the freehold is in abeyance in most mens cases : what is that namely , as the great master of our law saith , in consideratione legis , in consideration of the law , and must be settled by a law ( there being first , matura consideratione habita ) before there can be any settlement . the first sort of men who ought to be secured and settled in their just possessions are the adventurers . i say just possessions , for if the foundation which is now to be laid be not right , the superstructure cannot be firm or lasting , except the lord build the house , they labour in vain that build it ; and certainly there is all the reason in the world that these men should be secured in their just possessions , for these were adventurers indeed , for when there was no visible means for the relief or recovery of almost lost ireland , when the northern rebels were rampant in the field , and like a land-flood carried all before them , when the town of tredah , which was the only bulwark left betwixt us and them , was besieged with twenty thousand of them , when dublin the metropolitan city of this kingdom was threatned with a siege , and the whole land as it were in a flame round about us ; when we could heare nothing but the ratling of drums , the found of trumpets , the neighing and trampling of horses , and the noise of cannons ; when a common destruction threatned every english man in this kingdom ; when we could hear in every place the word of command given , kill , kill , &c. and no difference made of age or sex , then did these noble adventurers open their purses , and sent relief unto us , when all was in a manner lost , and ought not these men to be performed with in a fitting way , according to the solemn undertaking in the statute of xvii . caroli . no man will or can in reason speak against it . the next sort of men that are to be provided for , are the souldiers , and these were adventurers indeed , for they carried their lives in their hands , and adventured themselves and all they had in our quarrel , and for our preservation , and amongst these those worthies commonly called the fourty nine men , who stood in the breach , and made good their ground until they were seconded out of england by those forces which came from thence ; these must not be postpon'd as they were in the usurpers time , but special regard must be had of them , as of those who did undergo the brunt and fury of the rebels . the adventurers without these could do little , and the souldiers without the adventurers purse would not do much , for who goeth to war at his own charge , but the adventurer and souldier joyning together , did carry on this great work , and ought to be satisfied in a reasonable and fitting manner . there is another sort of people who are not to be forgotten , namely , the old protestant and innocent papist , whose right is to be inquired into , for it is a maxime in our law , that androit ne poit morier , an ancient right cannot die . if naboths vineyard should fall unto any mans lot , it had been better for him to be without it , we must not rob peter to pay paul , as the common saying is . you are now made judges of this matter , and in a word your work is suum cuique tribuere , which is the highest work of justice , and it is for this end you were called together , and if that you will follow those heavenly rules given by the most reverend father in god , the lord bishop of downe , in his warning sermon , which i wish were imprinted in all your hearts , you cannot do amiss . his majesty hath in his great wisdome shewn you by his declaration the way to go thorow this great work , which if he had not done you would find it a most difficult work , and bills are in preparation for you to that purpose : god grant you wisdom and understanding to do that which becometh wise and sober men . his majesties gracious declaration must be the corner stone of this great structure , but this stone must be polished , squared and fitted for the building , for nihil est ex omne parte perfectum . and now that i have in brief declared unto you the reasons of calling this parliament , i should leave it to my lord primat of ardmagh to be further amplyfied and so to conclude ; but in breif let me put you in mind of some of those great things which his majesty hath done for us , since his most happy restauration . first , whereas the general convention of ireland did by their commissioners present unto his majesty three and twenty humble requests for the welbeing of church and common-wealth in this kingdom , his majesty denied them none of their requests , but either granted them in terminis , or what he did not , his majesty referr'd to his lords , justices and council to grant . secondly , when the convention had all they desired thus granted to them , his majesty hath held out unto us by his most gracious declaration much more then the general convention of ireland desired . thirdly , his majesty hath left the disposing and distributing of all his royal escheats and forfeited lands in ireland , which i am confident are more then all his predecessors , kings and queens of england have had since the conquest , to be distributed by honourable commissioners , secundum equum & bonum , which i pray god they may do to the satisfaction of all interests ; his majesty hath reserved none of those lands to himself , no not so as for forrests , chases , parks , or like uses , which he might justly and lawfully do . fourthly , his majesty hath been graciously pleased to grant us a parliament to begin as on this day , which if that he had denied us , all his concessions to the convention , all his grants comprised in his declaration , and that vast and unparralled concession of all his forfeited lands in this kingdom had fallen to the ground and come to nothing , for none of those could be setled but by parliament , wherein we are to observe the circumstance of time , when our parliament was to begin , namely on the very day when the parliament in england was to begin , as if his majesty had an equal care of both kingdoms , like royal queen dido , who said to enaeas , tros teriusque mihi nullo discrimine agitur , or did conceive that the parliament of england could not settle the businesse of ireland , as indeed it cannot . fifthly , his majesty hath given us all his revenue in this kingdom , certaine and casual , and whatsoever may be called his towards the maintenance and keeping of the army in ireland ; this his majesty could do without a parliament , and therefore ex gratia speciali has done it . lastly , his majesty , notwithstanding so great debts contracted by in him forraign parts abroad during his banishment , hath sent us very lately out of his own private purse twenty thousand pounds at one time , and thirty thousand pounds at another time to pay part of the army for our ease , whereby his people here might be eased of part of the charge of the army , and if his majesty could have done more , he would have done it . will you know what hath been done by the lords justices in order to this , truly it is very fit that you should be made acquainted with it , and therefore i shall in brief give you an account thereof . the army is now modelled according to the establishment sent by his majesty out of england ; and in order thereunto they have in the first place disbanded an entire or whole regiment of dragoons and officers . secondly , they have reduced fourty troops of horse to thirty . thirdly , the officers of one hundred and six foot companies are reduced to sixty six . and lastly , they have disbanded 1650. private soulders which will be a very great ease to the country , but i must tell you withal that there are twenty three months arrears due to the army , whereof eight moneths since his majesties restauration . and now it is time for us to recollect our selves , and to consider , quid retribuimus ; what return shall we make to his majesty for all this his goodness , you know whose saying it is ; that to whom much is given , from them much is expected . and now i confess i am at a stand : his majesty hath given us more then i can express , and forgiven to us more then i can set forth unto you , but whether he hath given or forgiven most i cannot determine with my self , only this , that in forgiving he hath given , and if he had not forgiven first , he could not have given , nor were we persons capable to receive . hath he not past by the greatest wrongs that could have been committed against a sacred majesty , even rebellion of all sides , which is as the sin of witchcraft ; nay hath he not rewarded many of his open and known enemies in a high measure , to the amazement of the world , and the great regreat of his best and most loyal subjects , hath he not forgiven you these great arreares of rent due unto him during his banishment , for the payment made by you to usurpers hands , could be no discharge unto you of what was justly due to the lord paramount , as my lords the judges will tell you ; all that you have , your lives and estates were very lately at the kings mercy , and you could not call any thing your own : if you should give him all you have , you give him but what was his own before , but his mercy hath triumphed above his justice , and blessed be god for it , therefore let your hearts be enlarged , and remember in due time to give to our royal caesar the things which are caesars , and be sure to give unto god the things that are gods , remove all heresies and profanenesse out of the church for except the church which is the pillar of truth be placed right , the whole structure will inevitably come to the ground ; but i fear that i am entring upon the province of another man whose proper work is to inlarge himself on this subject , and to begin where i leave ; i mean my lord primate of ardmagh , who is appointed by his majesty to be speaker of the house of peeres pro tempore . which i shall leave ( with the dismisse of you to your own house to chuse a speaker ) to his lordship . finis . an account of the affairs in ireland, in reference to the late change in england with a declaration of several officers of the army in ireland, on behalf of themselves, and those under their commands; holding forth their stedfast resolution to adhere to the parliament, in defence of its priviledges, and the just rights and liberties of the people of these nations, as men and christians. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a75207 of text r3345 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.22[40]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a75207 wing a229 thomason 669.f.22[40] estc r3345 99872353 99872353 163623 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a75207) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163623) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f22[40]) an account of the affairs in ireland, in reference to the late change in england with a declaration of several officers of the army in ireland, on behalf of themselves, and those under their commands; holding forth their stedfast resolution to adhere to the parliament, in defence of its priviledges, and the just rights and liberties of the people of these nations, as men and christians. waller, hardress, sir, 1604?-1666? 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed at dublin by special order: and re-printed at london, for nath. brook, at the angel in cornhil, [london] : 1659. signed and dated: signed in the name and upon the desire of the said council of officers, har. waller. dublin, 14 of december, 1659. annotation on thomason copy: "xber [i.e., december] 29 29". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -army -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a75207 r3345 (thomason 669.f.22[40]). civilwar no an account of the affairs in ireland, in reference to the late change in england: with a declaration of several officers of the army in irel waller, hardress, sir 1659 1040 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an account of the affairs in ireland , in reference to the late change in england : with a declaration of several officers of the army in ireland , on behalf of themselves , and those under their commands ; holding forth their stedfast resolution to adhere to the parliament , in defence of its priviledges , and the just rights and liberties of the people of these nations , as men and christians . sir , the diligence of sir hardress waller , and theophilus jones hath been admirable here , for the parliamentary interest : for by their great wisdom , and indefatigable industry , it hath been here settled , as followeth . on the 13. of decem. 1659. about six at night , a party of horse and foot approached the city of dublin ; some of which foot drawing towards a small pass-port on the back-side of the castle , surprised the centinels , and entered the same . hereupon , three muskets being fired from the tower , caused the remnant of the whole party to enter ; which were disposed of , some to the castle-gate , and some to the custome-house . then they surprised col. john jones , and two other commissioners , who were dismissed , upon their promise to act for the parliament . and all this brought to pass with so much care and discretion , that no bloodshed either accompanied or ensued the same . most of the chief cities and towns here declare for the parliament ; as , galloway , limerick , youghal , kilkenny , clonmel , bandon , drogheda . &c. affairs here being reduced to this chanel , the inclosed declaration was published for satisfaction of the people . whereas by divine permission ( either for the punishment of the high provocations of these sinful backsliding nations , or for the discovery and prevention of the disturbers of the peace of this our israel , god thereby making way to settle his people upon foundations of holiness , righteousness and peace ) a new interruption hath been put upon the parliament , by some officers of the army in england , notwithstanding their solemn engagements to the contrary , to the amazement of the people of these three nations , the hazard of publick peace , the discouraging and sadning the hearts of the godly and well-affected , the obstructing of reformation , the giving advantage to forraign and domestick enemies , and the exposing the lives , estates and liberties of all , to blood , rapine and slavery : we , upon a sad sence of present threatning calamities , having sought the lord in trembling and much fear , do finde it our duty to declare ; and we do , through the grace and strength of god ( we trust ) conscientiously resolve , i. that through the lords assistance , we will , in all simplicity of heart remain firm in our obedience to the trust reposed in us by the parliament of the commonwealth of england , scotland and ireland , so sinfully interrupted heretofore , so solemnly of late restored again , by our brethren of the army in england ; and to whom we have , as it were but yesterday , by his excellency lieutenant general ludlow , our commander in chief , professed our obedience by promises , subscriptions , and other sober acknowledgements ; which ( as we own there is a god in heaven ) we take our selves deeply obliged to pursue . ii. that we shall not suffer our selves to be any manner of way divided one from another , or from any of our brethren of the army , that shall continue their faithfulness to the trust reposed in them by the parliament ; or from any that shall return to yeild obedience thereunto ; for which , in much love and tenderness towards them , we shall use our utmost endeavours . iii. that we shall by all good means , labour the setling and maintaining of a godly , learned and faithful ministry in these three nations ; with due encouragement to the universities and schools of good literature ; that they may be nurseries of piety , learning and godliness . iv. that we will , as god will enable us , use our utmost endeavours to detect and suppress all enemies at home and abroad , that shall attempt to disturb the peace of this , or of the other nations , either by introducing and setting up the interest of any single person whatsoever ; or , through turbulency of spirit , shall foment any confusions to the endangering the peace of this commonwealth . v. that it is not our intent to impose upon any tender consciences , being otherwise found in the fundamentals of religion . and lastly , vve do declare , that we shall , to our utmost , protect all such , who do at present adhere unto us ; and shall also endeavour that due encouragement may be given to such , whether officers or souldiers , formerly of the army , who either have , or shall joyn with us in this undertaking . dated at dublin-castle , the 14 of december , 1659. har. waller , w. more , john bridges , edw. warren , maurice fenton , abel warren , john warren , tho. dancer , john jeoner w. warden , theo. sandford , john cole , theo. hen. whalley , nic. kempston , dan. lisle , edin . temple , james hand , jo. thompson , tho. hopkins , rich. nun , rob. cook . ordered by the council of officers , met at dublin castle the day above written , that the foregoing declaration be forthwith printed and published . dublin , 14 of december , 1659. signed in the name and upon the desire of the said council of officers , har. waller . printed at dublin by special order : and re-printed at london , for nath. brook , at the angel in cornhil . 1659. the true state and condition of the kingdom of ireland sent to the house of commons from their committee there whose names are signed thereto viz. robert reynolds, robert goodwyn, both members of the said house : also the true relation of the great victory the protestants in that kingdom lately had against the rebels there : sent in a letter by sir richard greenvill to the said committee who hath since commended it to the house of commons : together with a letter from sir john chicester of great consequence, to sir john clotworthy a member of the said house / all which are appointed by the house of commons to be printed to prevent false copies : and for the true satisfaction of all his majesties loving subjects. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a70933 of text r19051 in the english short title catalog (wing r1322 t3103). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 27 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a70933 wing r1322 wing t3103 estc r19051 13052948 ocm 13052948 96966 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70933) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96966) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 266:e246, no 31 or 1558:44) the true state and condition of the kingdom of ireland sent to the house of commons from their committee there whose names are signed thereto viz. robert reynolds, robert goodwyn, both members of the said house : also the true relation of the great victory the protestants in that kingdom lately had against the rebels there : sent in a letter by sir richard greenvill to the said committee who hath since commended it to the house of commons : together with a letter from sir john chicester of great consequence, to sir john clotworthy a member of the said house / all which are appointed by the house of commons to be printed to prevent false copies : and for the true satisfaction of all his majesties loving subjects. reynolds, robert, ca. 1601-1661? england and wales. parliament. house of commons. [8] p. printed for edw. husbands, london : march 2, 1642. item identified as wing r1322 at reel 266:e.246, no. 31, and as wing t3103 at reel 1558:44. reproductions of originals in thomason collection, british library and harvard university library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -sources. a70933 r19051 (wing r1322 t3103). civilwar no the true state and condition of the kingdom of ireland, sent to the house of commons from their committee there; whose names are signed ther [no entry] 1643 4934 31 0 0 0 0 0 63 d the rate of 63 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-02 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-02 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the true state and condition of the kingdom of ireland , sent to the house of commons from their committee there ; whose names are signed thereto , viz. robert reynolds , robert goodwyn , both members of the said house . also the true relation of the great victory the protestants in that kingdom , lately had against the rebels there ; sent in a letter by sir richard greenvill ▪ to the said committee , who hath since commended it to the house of commons . together with a letter from sir iohn chicester , of great consequence , to sir iohn clotworthy a member of the said house . all which are appointed by the house of commons to be printed to prevent false copies ; and for the true satisfaction of all his majesties loving subjects . ordered by the commons , that these letters , and relation , be forthwith printed and published . hen. elsynge , cler. parl. d. com. march 2. london , printed for edw. husbands . 1642. sir , by our four former addresses of the 2 of november , 13 of december , 17 of january , and 2 of february , we gave you faithfull accompt of the state of affairs here , as they then stood , and by our last letter of the 2 of february , we informed you of the commission sent to the lord marquesse and others , to meet with the chiefest of the rebels , and to hear , and receive in writing ▪ what they could say or propound ; before the coming over of this commission , many ill symptomes did appear , but now things are grown to an evident cleernesse : for upon munday last a letter was read at the board , from his majesty ( without any secretaries name subscribed , ) the effect whereof was to this purpose ; that his majesty took notice , that they , the lords , iustices , and councell , without his consent , or privity , had admitted us to be present at their debates , and did require them , not to suffer us to be present with them any more , as formerly we had been ; the lords , iustices , and councell thereupon resolved to do accordingly ; and on tuesday morning , sent sir paul davis to our lodging , to acquaint us both with the letter , and the resolution they had taken upon it ; but because the words of the message were not full enough , as we conceived , we desired their lordships to expresse themselves cleerly , whither we should be admitted , or not , for we were but servants to the parliament , and must give a strict accompt of our actions to those which sent us thither ; thereupon sir paul davis returned to the board , and acquainted their lordships herewith , and after an hour came to us , with a second message , which we immediately put down in writing , ( viz. ) that the lords , iustices , and councell , had formerly acquainted us , by him , with a letter they had received from his majesty , that they were resolved to obey his majesties commands ; and therefore they could not admit us any more to be present as a committee . sir , you will easily imagine that affairs are steered here by the court compasse ; and if the design be to make peace with the rebels , that so this army may be applicable elsewhere : our presence any longer at the board , will not further that design ; however , the time we have there spent , and the experience gained by that , will perhaps be serviceable to you at our return , which we now hasten ( as becomes us ) all we can , and resolve to depart hence this week being retarded only to see the lord lisle in a good posture for his hop full expedition , he being resolved to march on tuesday next . we conceive it very necessary to send a ship of strength and trust to ride in bullock-road before dublyn , and another of lesse burthen , to ride before drogheda . sir , we have to the utmost of our weak abilities , indeavoured to wade through the dangers and difficulties , which on all sides do attend our imployment here ; but that which does exceedingly astonish us , is ▪ that we have not been honoured with one letter since our coming over . we had almost forgot to tell you , that the labour is on both sides the sea , to make the rebels appear strong and considerable , and to put difficulties and impediments upon our military proceedings , the better to bring on a most horrid pernitious peace , which all good men here do abhorre , and are resolved to abandon the kingdom , rather then to be exposed to an utter extirpation upon the next opportunity , which those blo●dy , but inconsiderabl● villains can lay hold of . you may see their in-nate valour by our late victory over them upon tuesday the seventh of february , an exact relation whereof made by sir richard greenvell , who commanded in chief , we send you here inclosed , and you may see their inveterate malice , who a week after this commission came over , and the day appointed for to hear their complaints , did combine to make slaughter of a convoy that passed by them , without offering them any violence , but were shamefully defeated of their expectation , and hath so disheartned them , that we are confident , my lord lisle shall march where he pleases , with his 2000 foot , and 300 horse ; and what religion , or to the crown of england , do those shew that advise his majesty , to a dishonourabl● peace , which those miscreants which will ere long ( if you do not exceedingly negl●ct this service ) disband , starve , and cut-throats among themselves . thus with our most humble and hearty prayers to the almighty , for an honourable and speedy accommodation , we humbly take our leaves , and remain your humble and faithfull servants , robert reynolds , robert goodwyn . dublin , the 15 of fe●ruary . 1642. a relation concerning the fight that happenned at rathconnell . by command from the lord marquesse of ormond , certain forces of both horse and foot were sent unto trym , for the relief of athlone , with a direction unto sir rich●rd greenvill to have the chief command thereof ; which forces arrived at trym on thursday 26 ianuary ; and on friday morning then following , sir richard marched thence toward athlone with about 900 foot , and also about 200 horse ; and that night all lodged at athboy . saturday the 28 being come nigh unto ballinacur , being a very strong passe , we found the enemy poss●ssing it with 300 men , having cut off there a bridge , whereat sir richard commanded certain dragooners to force that passe , and also sent a party of horse to second them ; which the enemy opposed , untill some of the horse found a place thereby , where they leapt over a deep ditch of water ; which put them all to flight over a bogge there by : in which escape divers of the rebells were slain , and as it is said , also one of their commanders . that night we lodged at and about kilteenan . sunday the 29 , marching forwards , 4 of our horse scouts espyed 4 horse scouts of the rebells , on the top of a hill before them ; who seeing our scouts , hastning towards them , withstood them , being country gentlemen of good quality ; and being but 4 to 4 , they encountred each other a while fairly , with onely their swords , untill one of the rebells had both given and received a wound , and was seized on by one of our scouts ; whereat the rest , being very well mounted , escaped away , leaving their consort to be slain in the place : and being come nigh tobbercormick ( where we lay that night ) some of our horse took a gentlewoman of some quality prisoner , who stood on a hill there by , guarded with some muskettiers . munday the 30 , being come within 5 miles of athlone , we took one m. richard dillon prisoner , who informed sir richard , that generall preston was sending all the forces he could make , to hinder our coming to athlone , and therefore wished us to make all the haste thither we could : presently thereon , a horse-man of our forlorn hope came back , and informed sir richard , that seven colours of the enemies forces were then marching towards us . sir richard then presently commanded forth more of his horse to hasten to second the fore-troop , which in that intrim charged the enemy , who retreated to a bog , where most of them might have been cut off , had not the care of the safe-conduct of the provisions appointed for the relief of athlone forbidden it . that night we all came safe at athlone , wher● we all stayed the next day following . wednesday the 31 , sir richard sent all our horse and foot to quarter at kilkenny-west , four miles thence , untill such time as 300 of the lord rannelaugh's regiment , and three hundred of sir michael earnlyes regiment could be drawn thither from their out-garrisons , to march back with us : and when our horse approached nigh unto kilkenny , they discovered that it was strongly manned by sir iames dillons forces , captain thomas his troop , and colonell farrel●'s regiment , of the county of longford ; whereat captain vaughan , with some of our horse , fell into their quarters , and killed a captain , and some other officers , and also about 50 of their souldiers , and took many of their arms , and possest their quarters untill saturday . saturday the 4 of febr : we all quartered at and about a place called , the moat , at which time the 600 of the lord rannelaugh's , and sir michael earnlyes regiments were lodged with ours , where captain vaughan found in his quarters an english mans wife , who told him , that the generall report of the countrey was , that the irish had gathered all the forces they could get together , and were confident to compasse us in on every side , and to cut us all off , resolving and vowing not to leave a man of us alive : saying also , that if we should get the victory , the heart of their wars would be broken , for that there was an ancient prophesie much talked of among the irish , that that side which should win the battell at rathconnell , should be conquerers of the kingdom ; it being a tradition superstitiously held amongst the native irish . on munday the 5 and 6 , we marched towards trym , meeting with no opposition , but very foul weather and wayes , which greatly disheartned the souldiers , and killed divers of them ; in which time we took severall of the countrey people , w●o all confirmed the former reports of the enemies forces , and intentions : sir richard greenvill notwithstanding said , he was resolved not to march a foot out of his way , were the enemy never so strong . tuesday the 7 , proceeding in our march , we understood of divers troops of horse and foot that daily had followed our rear , which then was guarded by a troop of horse commanded by lievtenant hatcher , who charged certain forces of the enemy which were advanced somewhat nigh him , and then cut off about twenty of them . afterwards , about ●1 of the clock the same day , being come nigh mollingar , we took a prisoner , who told us that the irish forces possest our passe of rathconnell , a mile before us , being very strong in number of men , and the prime officers and gentry of of the countrey . whereupon sir richard hastened the advance of his forces towards the foresaid passe ; and being come nigh in view of it , saw the passe to be somewhat narrow , and that it was cut off by a broad and deep trench , being compast in on each side with great boggs , and having adjoyning to it on a very steep hill a strong castle , and divers other works well manned , by which there appeared no passage for either horse or foot : then did sir richard draw all his forces into battell-order before it , which consisted of a forlorn hope of 50 muskettiers , commanded by lievtenant dikes ; and two wings of sixty shot more , commanded by two ensignes ( one of them a coward ) the forlorn hope being seconded with a division of 200 muskettiers , which was commanded by sir iohn sherlocke , which was the van-guard of our little army ; whereof , the first division was led by captain verncy , and lievtenant oliver ; and the second division of it , by lievtenant williams ; and also the third division by major morris . the rest of the forces consisted of three divisions of pikes flanckt with shot , which were for the battell of the army , each containing about 300 men ; whereof , the first was led by captain honywood ; the second by major sir abraham shipman ; the third by sir michael earnely : after which followed another division of 200 muskettiers , commanded by major fortescue ; which was for the rear-guard ; whose rear was guarded by a forlorn hope of 50 muskettiers commanded by likewise those foot were flanckt with three divisions of horse ; whereof captain vaughan commanded the van-guard ; lievtenant rogers the battell ; and lievtenant hatcher the rear-guard . likewise before the van-guard of the foot , marched the lord rannelaugh , leading a troop of voluntiers . likewise for the forlorn hope of the rear , captain pate commanded 40 dragooners , which were also assisted with 20 fire-locks : which done , seeing not onely a strong enemy of above 2000 foot , and six horse troops before us , and others at least 600 on our right hand , and 600 more of longford men at a distance on our left hand , upon the boggs , not farre off , from which were hastning up to second them , as it is said , 800 of the realies ; and then , unknown to us , there was waiting upon our rear 500 more , which then newly possest mollingar , about half a mile behinde us , to hinder our retreat . then , for to begin the play , the forlorn hope of 50 shot , advanced on right towards the passe , and so likewise did the left wing of shot , to flank that , the right wing staying behinde , contrary to command , whose ground notwithstanding was made good by others : those together being advanced as farre as they could , were seconded by severall divisions drawn out of the van-guard ; which also disputing it with the enemy , without any apparent good successe , sir richard was enforced before the front of the rest of the forces , to say , there was no other remedy now , but we must resolve to tarry it , or die , because he saw great numbers of men approaching towards our right hand , and likewise as many towards our left hand ; which if they should come to joyn with those before us , would be too strong for us ; therefore now of necessity all must use their best endeavours to force thorow the passe upon the enemy , and by so doing of it resolutely , there was no doubt of good successe : whereunto all men seemed very willing , and so accordingly the three divisions of the battell advanced cheerfully , with their colours flying , to force their way , sir richard keeping upon reserve 250 muskettiers ; which three last divisions being come at push of pike with the rebells that defended that passe ; and sir michael earnly espying the advance of the longford men on our left hand , marched towards them , and then presently received a charge by the horse that captain brian commanded , which by our shot was repulsed , and brian himself shot dead ; and that gave a stop to the longford men . in the interim of this conflict , many of the forces from off the castle were running speedily to charge our right wing of shot ; which sir richard repulsed , by sending amongst them more shot from out of his last reserve : which sudden fury being stopt , and the service continuing violent on all sides for two hours time , with a doubtfull successe : sir richard sent forth all the remainder of the foot , to assist those at the passe ; during which skirmish , lievtenant rogers did at severall times very earnestly desire sir richard to give him leave to attempt to force a way thorow that passe , with the horse that he commanded ; whereto at last sir richard gave him leave , and wisht him good speed ; whereat he willingly departed , and hasted to finde his way : and being come at the banck and ditch of the passe , found no possible means there of getting thorow ; whereat major morris called unto lievtenant rogers , saying , he had found a place for his horse to passe thorow ; then that troop hasted unto it , which edward roscarrocke of the said troop , first rid thorow , the lievtenant and the rest of the troop clos●ly followed ; and being gotten over , the forlorn hope troop , led by cornet dixsay , followed them ; and then presently did those our ho●se charge the enemies horse that were before them ; who being not willing to receive them , begin all to run away : in the pursuit whereof ; lievtenant rogers , with the troop he commanded , chanced to follow a troop , in whose rear was taken prisoner colonell anthony preston , the eldest son of gen●rall preston ; and also there were slain many others of the said troop . at the same time cornet dixsay commanding the forlorn hope , pursued another horse troop , killed many of them , and found the dead body of captain bryan , who was lately fled from sir thomas lucas troop ; whose head was there cut off , and brought away by cornet dixsay ; our foot having been at least two hours before at handy blows , and throwing stones with the enemy , our men with one accord cheerfully came on upon those that manned the trenches , which made them also resolutely run away : which sudden change drew after them all the rest of our forces : and being possest of their works and hill , sir richard gave charge unto sir iohn sherlock , that he with all convenient speed should draw , and keep together his men in good order upon that ground , and furnish all his men with munition , while he himself , with the horse , pursued the longford men flying away ; and then presently did sir richard , captain vaughan , and lievtenant rogers , with about 40 , or 50 horse pursue them , wherein it chanced , that captain vaughan , with a part of those horse , taking another way , was guided by noble sir charles co●t that wayward that the enemy was escaped ; and at last overtook the great●st part of them ▪ and there killed , as by them all is believed , at least 200 of them ; so that we verily believe , there were killed in all nigh 250 ▪ during which pursuit , our foot remaining about the enemies castle , searching , as they usually do , all holes found in the castle 8 ensignes of the rebells : and also captain betagh , captain dowd●ll , and lievtenant elmore , and three other of their ensigns , were found abroad among the dead bodies . in this conflict of our men was killed in that place , but onely three souldiers , and about twenty office●s , and souldiers hurt , whereof serjeant major shipman , who then shewed himself a very valiant souldier , was shot about two inches deep , nigh the breast , and yet his doublet not broken , captain verney shot on his breast , and yet not wounded , captain loftus had the tip of his ear a little hurt with a shot , lievtenant oliver shot in the breast , and not wounded , lievtenant moal shot in the forehead , and but slightly hurt , lievtenant bingham shot in the back , and his skin not hurt ; which done , our forces marched thence , and lodged that night at masistown , and in the field before the forces were drawn into their quarters , sir richard caused a minister in the head of all the troops , publikely to give god thanks ( every man kneeling ) for the victory , publikely saying , that it was the work onely of god , and not of men , which every man seemed thankfully to acknowledge . this night we understood there was slain in the fight , colonell patrick , pluncket , captain bryan , and sir thomas nugents onely sonne and heir , captain iohn nugent of baliiniscarry , captain adam cusack a parliament man , captain marcas geoghagan , captain roger darcy of rattin . also the names of the enemies commanders ▪ that were at the battle , are serjeant major generall , iames preston , colonell anthony preston , colonell mac thomas fitz-gerald , colonell peirce fitz-gerald , sir luke fitz-gerald , colonell roger moore , colonell terrell , colonell walter nugent , colonell mulmore ô realy , colonell brian farrell ▪ sir thomas nugent , the lord of trim●lston . likewise the names of the superiour officers of our army , are these , the lord viscount rannelaugh , sir richard greenvile , colonell sir michael earnely , colonell sir iohn sherlock , lievtenant colonell gibbs , serjeant major sir abraham shipman , serjeant major ashly , serjeant major morris , serjeant major fortescue , captain honywood , captain lucas , captain verney , captain sands , captain loftus , captain nichols , captain palmer , sir william bronkett , captain vaughan , captain banger , captain g●● , lievtenant oliver ; also for the horse , capta●n vaughan , lievtenant hatcher , and for dragooners , captain pate ; all which officers did excellently perform their services , as did all the inferiour officers , excepting onely ensign lake . that night sir richard greenvile , in giving out his orders for the watch , gave out for that nights watch-word , the word ( revenge , ) and also for the field , the word ( iustice , ) which was correspondent to gods blessing in the victory . wednesday the 8 , we lodged at masistowne . thursday the 9 , all forces quartered about tryme , from whence they marched the next day into their former garrisons . my dear brother , we are at length come out of our m●serable imprisonment , where the sufferings of our ears and eyes , did not a little adde , to what we also felt , in a great proportion , by seeing and hearing the miserall spectacles , and sad cryes of our distressed poor souldiers , god be thanked , all that were left of us , are come hither in much safety , and by a course much better , then if we had not incountred with such difficulties : for when we were come a mile on this side mullingar , at reconnell , where the enemy had made himself very strong in good works , they there being 6000 foot , and 10 or 12 troops , kept the passage against our men , whose number were not above a thousand foot , besides my lord presidents men , be brought from cornaught with them , and whose good fortune it was to have the van , and give the defeat : herein colonell greenvill hath behaved himself very well ; we have killed of the enemy 500 on the place , amongst whom , is the great commander plunket , and another colonell ; we have taken prestons sonne ( who was also a colonell ) prisoner , and bryan , that was sent from you hither , and proved appostate hath lost his head in the skirmish . we have many captains , and other inferiour officers , prisoners ; also have brought home nine ensignes . if this be presecuted effectually , as i hope it will , the power and courage of that rebellio●● blood , must be exceedingly lessened . but alas brother , our extremities for want of victuall is beyond imagination , and if present remedy be not provided effectually , all the officers will over to the king quit the kingdom , and the whole design must be lost : now we are through the concurrance of most evident manifestations of gods g●odnesse in a probable way of reducing these mis-creants for ever ; but if we are lost , as we must be by pretermitting this present supply , ten times over the expence if both bloud and treasure , which will now in appearance finish the work , will not then put us in the state we are now possest off . you cannot imagine to what heights all sorts of people are come unto , being made desperate by the sufferings they have undergone , and little hopes of being relieved , as bad as things goe . my lord lisle , with colonell monck , and cromwell , having 1500 foot , and 300 horse , some great and field peeces , bend their course towards athy , which will induce preston either to fight with them , or quit kilkenny . at the same time my lord more and titchbourn , intend to go forth with all their forces to east and west meath , and cavan ; god send us his countenance and favour , whilst we are in such neglects from man . the king hath sent expresse order , that your honest committees shall not be admitted to the counsell table , as formerly ; and i fear they intend to go hence immediately , god knows what inconveniency will arise by their coming away ; though i must confesse , they have but poor incouragement to stay . we hear you have had good successe lately in killultagh , and at ennes kellen ; but withall , that your want of victuall , is like to put a soon end unto all controversies , i am sure you hear from thence more particularly then we can . when you represent your own necessities , fail not to remember ours , and god put you into the posture , to minister help unto us , otherwise , let 's know immediately , that we may not dye in a ditch , and starve , which is the condition , threatning us all . i shall be more particular in my next , if god continue us a being ; but now can adde no more , onely my most humble service to my deer sister , and that i am your faithfull servant , and affectionate brother john chicester . dublin , the 14 of feb. 1642. i forgot to tell you , that captain vaughan , who brought this news , was knighted by the iustices , upon the report of it ; and that my lord hath left sufficient strength in the castles of athlone rosconian , and the bail of the old souldiers , who so long as their victuall can last , will certainly give a good accompt of those strengths . for sir iohn clotworthy knight , in castle-yard , in holborne . finis . forasmuch as for his majesties service, we hold it fit that all officers of his majesties army now in this kingdom, as well members of parliament, as others, attend their duties at their several and respective quarters ... ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) 1663 approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46026 wing i396 estc r36829 16140490 ocm 16140490 104813 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46026) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104813) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:29) forasmuch as for his majesties service, we hold it fit that all officers of his majesties army now in this kingdom, as well members of parliament, as others, attend their duties at their several and respective quarters ... ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. printed by john crooke ..., dublin : 1663. signed at end: g. lane. at head of title: [lo]rd lieutenant general, and general governour of ireland, ormonde. "given at his majesties castle of dublin the 22th. of may. 1663." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ●●rd lieutenant general , and general governour of ireland . ormonde . forasmuch as for his majesties service , we hold it fit that all officers of his majesties army now in this kingdom , as well members of parliament , as others , attend their duties , at their several and respective quarters , we therefore hereby require and command every of them , which are now absent in any part of this kingdom , immediately upon publication hereof , to repair to their said quarters , and there to attend their several and respective duties , notwithstanding any licence formerly granted for the absence of any of them : wheref●●● they may not fail as they will answer the contrary at their peril . given at his majesties castle of dublin the 22 th . of may. 1663 . g. lane. god save the king . dvblin , printed by john crooke , printer to the kings most excellent majesty . 1663. by the king and queen, a proclamation william r. england and wales. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1689 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a66249 wing w2526 estc r14698 12940085 ocm 12940085 95849 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66249) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 95849) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 991:25) by the king and queen, a proclamation william r. england and wales. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) mary ii, queen of england, 1662-1694. william iii, king of england, 1650-1702. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by charles bill and thomas newcomb ..., london : 1689. reproduction of original in huntington library. broadside. prohibits trade between england and ireland without specific royal permission. at end of text: given at our court at hampton-court, the sixth day of june, 1689. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng foreign trade regulation -england -early works to 1800. ireland -history -war of 1689-1691 -sources. great britain -history -william and mary, 1689-1702 -sources. broadsides 2008-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king and queen , a proclamation . william r. whereas the french king hath lately caused our kingdom of ireland in a hostile manner to be invaded by a great number of officers , soldiers , and others , and hath raised and carried on a war against vs in our said kingdom , and furnished our rebellious subjects there with arms , ammunition , and money , to the apparent danger and hazard of that our kingdom ; we have therefore thought fit , and by and with the advice of our privy council , we do by this our royal proclamation , strictly prohibit and forbid all and every our loving subjects , and all other persons whatsoever , within these our dominions , to trade or traffick with any person or persons whatsoever in our said kingdom of ireland , without our leave first obtained in that behalf , or correspond or have communication with any person in any parts or places within the same , except such as are in obedience to our government , upon pain of our utmost displeasure , and of being proceeded against as persons holding correspondence with rebels and enemies . and we do hereby require and command all and singular iustices of the peace , mayors , sheriffs , bailiffs , constables , and other our officers and subjects , to use their endeavours in and for the discovery and apprehending of all offenders herein , to the intent that they may be prosecuted and punished according to the utmost rigour and severity of law. given at our court at hampton-court , the sixth day of june , 1689. in the first year of our reign . god save king william and queen mary . london , printed by charles bill , and thomas newcomb , printers to the king and queen's most excellent majesties . 1689. a letter from the right honorable, the lord lieutenant of ireland to the honorable william lenthall, esq., speaker of the parliament of england concerning the taking in and surrendring of enistery, carrick town and castle, passage-fort, bandon-bridge, kingsale, and the fort there. cromwell, oliver, 1599-1658. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a35092 of text r3521 in the english short title catalog (wing c7101). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a35092 wing c7101 estc r3521 11882865 ocm 11882865 50337 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a35092) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50337) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 23:28) a letter from the right honorable, the lord lieutenant of ireland to the honorable william lenthall, esq., speaker of the parliament of england concerning the taking in and surrendring of enistery, carrick town and castle, passage-fort, bandon-bridge, kingsale, and the fort there. cromwell, oliver, 1599-1658. lenthall, william, 1591-1662. 8 p. printed by john field for edward husband ..., london : 1649. signed: o. cromvvell. reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. eng ireland -history -1649-1660. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -campaigns. a35092 r3521 (wing c7101). civilwar no a letter from the right honorable, the lord lieutenant of ireland, to the honorable william lenthall esq; speaker of the parliament of engla ireland. lord lieutenant 1649 2159 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-02 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-02 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from the right honorable , the lord lieutenant of ireland , to the honorable william lenthall esq speaker of the parliament of england , concerning the taking in and surrendring of enistery . carrick town and castle . passage-fort . bandon-bridge . kingsale , and the fort there . die mercurii , 12 decembr . 1649. ordered by the parliament , that this letter be forthwith printed and published , and read in all churches and chappels in and about the city of london , late lines of communication , and bills of mortality . hen : scobell , cleric . parliamenti . london , printed by john field for edward husband , printer to the parliament of england . 1649. die mercurii , 12 decemb. 1649. a letter from the lord lieutenant from ireland , was this day read . ordered by the parliament , that the said letter be forthwith printed and published , and that the same be sent to the lord mayor of london , and that the lord mayor do take care , that the said letters be sent and dispersed to the several ministers of the several parishes in and about the city of london , late lines of communication and bills of mortality . ordered , that publique thanks be given to almighty god on the next lords day , in all the several churches in and about the city of london , and within the late lines of communication , and bills of mortality , for his great mercies , in giving as these seasonable and great victories in ireland ; and that this letter of the lord lieutenant general be then publiquely read in all the said several churches in and about the said city , and within the lines of communication and bills of mortality . hen : scobell , cleric . parliamenti . for the honorable william lenthal esq speaker of the parliament of england . mr. speaker , the enemy being quartered between the two rivers of noer and the barrow , and masters of all the passages thereupon , and giving out their resolution to fight us thereby , as we conceived laboring to get reputation in the countreys , and accession of more strength ; it was thought fit our army should march towards them , which accordingly upon tuesday the fifteenth instant was done . the major general and lieutenant general ( leaving me very sick at ross behinde them ) with two battering guns , advanced towards enistery , a little walled town about five miles from ross , upon the noer , on the south-side thereof , which was possessed by the enemy ; but a party of our men , under the command of colonel abbot , the night before approaching the gates , and attempting to fire the same , the enemy ran away through the river , leaving good store of provisions behinde them : our commanders hoped by gaining of this town , to have gained a pass , but indeed there fell so much sudden wet , as made the river unpassable , by that time the army was come up : whereupon , hearing the enemy lay about two miles off upon near thomas town , a pretty large walled town upon the noer , on the north side thereof having a bridge over the river ; our army marched thither , but the enemy had broke the bridge , and garisoned the town , and in the view of our army marched away to kilkenny , seeming to decline an engagement , although i believe they were double our numbers , which they had power to have necessitated us unto , but was no ways in our power ( if they would stand upon the advantage of the passage ) to engage them unto , nor indeed to continue out two days longer , having almost spent all the bread they carried with them : whereupon ( seeking god ) for direction , they resolved to send a good party of horse and dragoons under colonel reynolds to carrick , and to march the residue of their army back towards ross , to gain more bread for the prosecution of that design , if by the blessing of god it should take . colonel reynolds marching with twelve troops of horse , and three troops of dragoons , came betimes in the morning to carrick , where dividing himself into two parties , whilest they were amused with the one , he entred one of the gates with the other ; which the soldiers perceiving , divers of them and their officers escaped over the river in boats ; about a hundred officers and soldiers taken prisoners , without the loss of one man of our part : in this place is a very good castle , and one of the ancientst seats belonging to the lord of ormond in ireland ; the same was rendred without any loss also ; where was good store of provisions for the refreshing of our men . the colonel giving a speedy intelligence of gods mercy in this , we agreed to march with all convenient speed , the residue of the army up thither , which accordingly was done upon wednesday and thursday , the 21 and 22 of this instant ; and through gods mercy i was enabled to bear them company . being come thither , we did look at it as an especial good hand of providence to give us this place , inasmuch as it gives us a passage over the river sewer , to the city of waterford , and indeed into munster , to our shipping and provisions , which before were beaten from us out of our waterford bay , by the enemies guns . it hath given us also opportunity , to besiege or block up waterford : and we hope our gracious god will therein direct us also . it hath given us also the opportunity of our guns , ammunition , and victuals ; and indeed quarter for our horse , which could not have subsisted much longer ; so sweet a mercy was the giving of this little place unto us , having rested there a night , and by noon the next day gotten our army over the river , leaving col : reynolds with about one hundred and fifty foot , his own six troops of horse , and one troop of dragoons , with a very little ammunition , according to the smalness of our marching store : we marched away towards waterford upon friday 23 , and on saturday about noon came before the city ; the enemy not being a little troubled at this unsuspected business ( which indeed was the meer guidance of god ) marches down with great fury towards carrick , with their whole army , resolving to swallow it up ; and upon saturday the four and twentieth , assaults the place round , thinking to take it by storm ; but god had otherwise determined , for the troopers and the rest of the soldiers with stones , did so pelt them , they continuing very near four hours under the walls , having burnt the gates , which our men barocado'd up with stones ; and likewise digged under the walls , and sprung a small mine , which flew in their own faces ; but they lost above forty or fifty men dead under the walls , and have drawn off , as some say , near four hundred more , which they buried up and down the fields , besides what are wounded , and as inchiquin himself confessed , in the hearing of some of their soldiers lately come to us , hath lost him above one thousand men : the enemy was drawing off his dead a good part of the night ; they were in such haste upon the assault , that they killed their own trumpet , as he was returning with an answer to a summons sent by them ; both in the taking and defending of this place , col : reynolds his carriage was such , as deserves much honor . upon our coming before waterford , i sent the lieutenant general with a regiment of horse , and three troops of dragoons , to endeavor the reducing of passage-fort , a very large fort , with a castle in the midst of it , having five guns planted in it , and commanding the river better then duncannon , it not being much above musquet shot over where this fort stands , and we can bring up hither ships of three hundred tuns , without any danger from duncannon ; upon the attempt , though our materials were not very apt for the business , yet the enemy called for quarter , and had it , and we the place : we also possessed the guns , which the enemy had planted to beat our ships out of the bay , two miles below . by the taking of this fort , we shall much streighten duncannon from provisions by water , as we hope they are not in a condition to get much by land ; besides the advantage it is of to us , to have provisions to come up the river . it hath pleased the lord whilest these things hath been thus transacting here , to adde to your interest in munster , bandon-bridge , the town as we hear upon the matter , thrusting out yong jepson , who was their governor , or else he deserting it upon that jealousie ; as also kingsale , and the fort there , out of which fort four hundred men marched upon articles when it was surrendred , so that now by the good hand of the lord , your interest in munster is near as good already , as ever it was since this war begun . i sent a party about two days ago to my lord of broughil , from whom i expect to have an accompt of all . sir , what can be said to these things ? is it an arm of flesh that doth these things ? is it the wisdom and councel , or strength of men ? it is the lord onely ; god will curse that man and his house , that dares to think otherwise . sir , you see the work is done by divine leading ; god gets into the hearts of men , and perswades them to come under you . i tell you , a considerable party of your army , is fitter for an hospital then the field : if the enemy did not know it , i should have held it impolitique to have writ it : they know it , yet they know not what to do . i humbly beg leave to offer a word or two ; i beg of those that are faithful , that they give glory to god ; i wish it may have influence upon the hearts and spirits of all those that are now in place of government , in the greatest trust , that they may all in heart draw neer unto god , giving him glory by holiness of life and conversation , that these unspeakable mercies , may teach dissenting brethren on all sides to agree , at least in praising god . and if the father of the family be so kinde , why should there be such jarrings , and heart-burnings amongst the children ? and if it will not yet be received , that these are seals of gods approbation of your great change of government , which indeed was no more yours , then these victories and successes are ours : with us say even the most unsatisfied heart , that both are the righteous judgments , and mighty works of god ; that he hath pulled down the mighty from his seat ; that calls to accompt innocent blood ; that he thus breaks the enemies of his church in peeces ; and let them not be sullen , but praise the lord ; and think of us as they please , and we shall be satisfied , and pray for them , and wait upon our god ; and we hope we shall seek the welfare and peace of our native countrey ; and the lord give them hearts to do so too . indeed i was constrained in my bowels to write thus much : i ask your pardon , and rest your most humble servant , o. cromvvel . finis . very joyfull news from ireland read in the house of commons and commanded to be immediately printed. hunt, raphael, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45183 of text r24083 in the english short title catalog (wing h3740). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45183 wing h3740 estc r24083 07949699 ocm 07949699 40655 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45183) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 40655) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1208:13) very joyfull news from ireland read in the house of commons and commanded to be immediately printed. hunt, raphael, 17th cent. 1 broadside. printed for joseph hunscott, london : 1641. caption title. at head of title: march 21. signed: raphael hunt. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a45183 r24083 (wing h3740). civilwar no march 21. very joyfull news from ireland, read in the honorable house of commons, and commanded to be immediately printed. hunt, raphael 1641 342 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion march 21. very joyfull news from ireland , read in the honorable house of commons , and commanded to be immediately printed . master john hawkredge : i have written by the two last posts , and now i have gotten a lame hand ; but having good news , it shall trot to impart it unto you . the last saturday the lord moore , and sir henry tichbourne sallyed out of the town , and fell upon the enemies , and drove them out of their trenches , and rais'd their siege , slew about 350 of their men , and took many of their chief officers , and have relived themselves bravely , and tooke 150 of their muskets , and a field full of pikes , we having lost , as some affirm , no men . here are three of our captains come by land , so that this news is true . upon munday our forces went out , 4000 foot , and 500 horse ; they are already within 5 miles of tredagh : by the way , lievtenant colonell read came in to our men , and submitted ; if he had not done it , he could not have fled : he is sent hither , and lodg'd in the castle . i do believe we shall now get good store of corn out of the countrey , which will keep the price from rising . our men are not expected home this week , pray god keepe them safe . sir phelomy ô neal was in the battle , but was fain to fly ; and that was not like to serve turn , so he hid himselfe in a furs-bush . with my true love , i rest : your affectionate friend , raphael hunt. 21 martii . it is this day ordered , that this letter be forthwith printed . hen. elsinge , cleric . parl. d. com. london , printed for joseph hunscott . 1641. remarkeable passages, first a prayer for the parliament as also the arch-bishop of canterburies letter to the arch-bishop of york and the lord keeper to put in practice the kings desires : with a petition to his majestie, by divers noblemen and gentlemen estated in ireland and now residing in london : also a new declaration from both houses of parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a58484 of text r13940 in the english short title catalog (wing r922). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a58484 wing r922 estc r13940 12717805 ocm 12717805 66255 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a58484) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 66255) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 253:e155, no 17) remarkeable passages, first a prayer for the parliament as also the arch-bishop of canterburies letter to the arch-bishop of york and the lord keeper to put in practice the kings desires : with a petition to his majestie, by divers noblemen and gentlemen estated in ireland and now residing in london : also a new declaration from both houses of parliament. abbot, george, 1562-1633. england and wales. parliament. [8] p. printed for w.g., [s.l.] : july 15, 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649 -sources. a58484 r13940 (wing r922). civilwar no remarkeable passages: first, a prayer for the parliament. as also the arch-bishop of canterburies letter to the arch-bishop of yorke, and th [no entry] 1642 2654 7 0 0 0 0 0 26 c the rate of 26 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 john latta sampled and proofread 2003-06 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion remarkeable passages : first , a prayer for the parliament . as also the arch-bishop of canterburies letter to the arch-bishop of yorke , and the lord keeper , to put in practice the kings desires . with a petition to his majestie , by divers noblemen and gentlemen estated in ireland , and now residing in london . also a new declaration from both houses of parliament . ordered by the lords and commons in parliament , that this be forthwith printed . hen. elsyng . cler. par. d. com printed for w. g. 1642. iuly 15. a praier for the high court of parliament , to bee read in such place of these prayers after the letany , as the minister shall think fit . most gracious god , we humbly beseech thee , as for this kingdom in generall , so especially for the high court of parliament , under our most religious and gracious king , at this time assembled : that thou wouldest be pleased to blesse and direct all their consultations , to the preservation of thy glory , the good of thy church , the safety , honour , and welfare of our soveraign and his kingdoms . lord look upon the humility and devotion with which they are come in●o thy courts : and they are come into thy house in assured confidence upon the merits & mercies of christ ( our blessed saviour ) that thou wilt not deny them the grace and favour which they beg of thee . therefore o lord , blesse them with all that wisdom , which thou knowest necessary to speed and bring great designes into action , and to make the maturity of his maiesties and their counsels , the happinesse and blessing of this common-wealth . these and all other necessaries for them , for us , and thy whole church , we humbly beg , in the name and mediation of iesus christ our most blessed lord and saviour . amen . the arch-bishop of canterburies letter , to the arch-bishop of yorke . my very good lord , i doubt not , but before this time , you have received from me the directions of his most excellent majesty , concerning preaching and preachers , which are so graciously set downe , that no godly or discreet man can otherwise then acknowledge , that they do much tend to edification , if he do not take them up upon report , but do punctually consider the tenour of the words as they lie , and do not give an ill construction to that , which may receive a faire interpretation . notwithstanding , because some few churchmen , and many of the people , have finisterly conceived as wee here find , that those instructions do tend to the restraint of the exercise of preaching , and do in some sort abate the number of sermons , and so consequently , by degrees do make a breach to ignorance and superstition ; his majesty in his princely wisedom , hath thought fit , that i should advertise your lordship of the grave and weighty reasons , which induced his highnesse to prescribe that which is done . you are therefore to know that his majesty being much troubled and grieved at the heart , to hear every day of so many defections from our religion both to popery and anabaptisme , or other points of separation in some parts of this kingdome , and considering with much admiration : what might be the cause thereof , especially in the raign of such a king , who doth so constantly professe himselfe an open adversary ●othe superstition of the one , and madnesse of the other : his p●incely wisedom could fall upon no one greater probability , then the lightnesse , affectednesse and unprofitablenesse of that kinde of preaching , which hath been of late years to much taken up in court , university , city , and countrey . the usuall scope of very many preachers , is noted to be soaring up in points of divinity , too deepe for the capacity of the people or a mustring up of much reading , or a displaying of their owne wit , or an ignorant medling with civill matters as well in the private of severall parishes and corporations , as in the publike of the kingdom : or a venting of their owne distast , or a smoothing up of those idle fansies , which in this blessed time of so long a peace , do boile in the braines of an unadvised people , or lastly , a rude or undecent rayling not against the doctrines ( which when the text shall occasion the same , is not onely approved , but much commended by his royall majesty , ) but against the persons of papists and puritans . now the people bred up with this kind of teaching , and never instructed in the catechisme and fundamentall grounds of religion , are for all this airy nourishment , no better then ( abraiae tabulae ) new table-bookes ready to be filled up , either with the manuals and catechismes of the popish priests ; or the papers and pamphlets of anabaptists , brownists and puritans . his majesty therefore calling to mind the saying of tertullian id verum quod primum : ) and remembring , with what doctrine the church of england in her first and most happy reformation did drive out the one and k●ep out the other from poisoning and i●festing the people of this kingdome doth find that the whole scope of this doctrine is contained in the articles of religion , the two bookes of homilies , the lesser and the greater catechisme , which his majesty doth recommend again in these directions as the theatres and proper subjects of all sound and edifying preaching . and so far are these directions from abating that his majesty doth expect at our hands , that it should increase the number of sermons , by renuing upon every sunday in the afternoon in all parish churches throughout the kingdom that primitive , and most profitable exposition of the catechisme , wherewith the people , ( yea ) very children may be timely seasoned and instructed in all the heads of christian religion the which kind of teaching , ( to our amendment be it spoken , ) is more diligently observed in all the reformed churches of europe , then of late it hath been here in england . i find his majesty much moved with this neglect , and resolved : ( if wee that are his bishops , do not see a reformation hereof , which i trust we shall ) to recommend it to care of the civill magistrate . so far is his highnesse from giving the least discouragement to sollid preaching or discreet , or religious preachers . to all this , i am to adde , that it is his majesties princely pleasure , that both the former directions , and those reasons of the same , be fairly written in every registers office : to the end , that every preacher of what denomination soever , may if he bee so pleased take out coppies of either of them with his owne hand ( gratis ) paying nothing in the name of see and expedition . but if he do use the paines of the register , or his clarkes , then to pay some moderate fee , to be pronounced in open court by the chancellours and commissaries of the place , taking the direction and approbation of my lords , the bishops : lastly , that from hence forward a course may be taken , that every parson , vicar , curate , or lecturer , do make exhibite of these his majesties directions , and the reasons for the same at the ensuing visitation of the bishops and arch-deacons , paying to the register by way of see , but two pence at the time of the exhibite : and so wishing , but withall in his majesties name requiring your lordship to have a speciall and extraordinary c●●e of the premisses . i leave you to the almmighty . from croyden , sept. 4. 1622. your lordships very loving brother , g. cant. the lord arch-bishops letter to the lord keeper . by this you see , his majesties princely care , that none should preach christ crucified , obedience to the higher powers , and honest , and christian conversation of life , but in a religious forme ; and not that every young man shall take upon himselfe an exorbitant liberty to teach what hee listeth , to the offence of his majesty , and the disturbance and disquiet of the church and common-wealth . i can give your lordship no better directions for the pursuance hereof , then are prescribed to you in his majesties letter , and the schedule herewith sent unto you , whereof i pray your lordship to be very carefull , since it is the princely pleasure of his highnesse to require an accompt both of you and mee for the same . and so not doubting , but by your register , or otherwise , you will cause these instructions to bee communicated to your clergy . i leave you to the almighty and remaine . your loving brother cant. to the kings most excellent maiestie , the humble petition of divers noblemen and gentlemen estated in ireland , now at london . humbly sheweth , that most of your petitioners , and many thousands of your maiesties most faithfull subjects , and late inhabitants of your kingdom of ireland , being robed , and spoyled of all their substance ( and thereby many of them reduced to a most miserable condition , who formerly faithfully served your majestie ) are now enforced to flee into this kingdom by occasion of the unexampled , bloudy , and unhuman cruelties of the rebels of that kingdom , who through the instigation of papist priests , friers , and iesuits and other malignant persons , have risen in armes in that kingdom against your majesties crowne and dignity , and destroyed , or banished almost all your majesties loyall and dutifull subjects the protestants there , for no other cause , but for that they doe not worship god after their idolatrous and superstitious manner : which is manyfest by their publike declarations , speeches , oathes , and confederacies ( albeit some few other fond pretences are added , to glosse their most barbarous actions ) that these four moneths past , the expectation of powerfull supplies , treasure and ammenition from england and scotland , hath supported the drooping and languishing spirits of your peti●ioners and others , the protestants , interessed in that kingdom , who finding but small succours hitherto sent thither , notwithstanding the severall orders of both houses of parliament , do now with unspeakable grief of heart , apprehend nothing but despaire of ever being restored to their habitations , if your majesty be not graciously pleased to give life and power to the painfull endeavours of both houses of parliament , the prosecution of that war necessarily requiring a great summe of money to be presently raised . and in all humility . the petitioners conceive , the act lately passed by your majesties royall grace and goodnesse , ( upon the propositions made by those who shall adventure their moneys ) to bee the onely way left for raising present money for that work . and they finde that the removall of your sacred majesty to places so remote , and distant from the parliament doth much discourage the adventurers in advancing moneys for effectuall proceeding in the work , and consequently will be a meanes unavoidably to retard the long expected supplies , contrary to your majesties royall intentions often expressed , and will much encourage the rebels , and their adherents in that kingdom , and may in the opinion of some , ( as they fain ) gain a belief of those false reports , which divers of the rebels have taken the boldnesse to raise , even very lately , since the publishing of your majesties proclamation for suppressing the rebels , that they are your majesties souldiers and that the supplies that arrived here , were but the parliaments supplies . and your further petitioners humbly shew , that if strong forces be not presently raised , and transported thither , ( the season of the yeare now serving ) the brittish and protestants in that kingdom cannot long subsist , but will bee extirpated , and papists and the idolatrous masse thereby established , which is already publikely used in most of the churches of that kingdom . may it therefore please your most sacred majesty , to reflect upon the desprate and miserable condition of that poor kingdom and waying the premisses and other the consequences of delaying the effectuall setting forward of the war against the rebels in ireland , of your princely goodnesse and wisedome , to vouchsafe your maiesties presexce unto your parliament , for the incouragement of the adventurers , and all other your maiesties good subiects in this pious work for the discouragement of the rebels and for expediting such further acts , commissions and warrants to issue as shall be requisite for the preservation of the remnant of your good subiects , the protestants yet left in ireland , or driven for the present thereout . and your suppliants will pray , &c. a new declaration from both houses of parliament . the lords and commons in parliament do declare , that it is against the lawes and liberties of the kindom , that any of the subjects thereof , should be commanded by the king to attend him at his pleasure , but such as are bound thereto by speciall service : and that whosoever upon pretence of his maiesties command shall take armes , and gather together with others in a warlike manner , to the terror of the kings people shall bee esteemed disturbers of the publick peace , and to do that which may introduce a president of very dangerous consequence for the future , and produce most mischievous effects for the present considering the great distempers of the kingdom , and what pernicious councellors and incendiaries , are now about the king , and how desperate and ill affected divers persons attending upon his majesty , have shewed themselves to the parliament , and to his other good subiects , threatning and reproaching them publikely , even in his maiesties presence , and for preventing and avoiding such great mischiefes as may thereupon ensue . it is ordered and ordained by both houses of parliament . that if the trained-band , or any other his majesties subjects , shall upon pretence of any such command be drawn together , and put into a posture of war , the sheriffe of that county where there shall be such raising , or drawing together of armed men : doe forthwith raise the power of the county to suppresse them and to keep his majesties peace according to the law . and that the lord lieutenants , iustices of the peace , and all other his majesties subjects , bee aiding and assisting to the severall and respective sheriffs in performance hereof , as they will answer the contrary at their perill . hen. elisyng . cler. parl. d. com. finis . by the lord lieutenant of ireland henry cromwell. ireland. lord lieutenant (1658-1659 : cromwell) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a80871 of text r211188 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.21[38]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a80871 wing c7038 thomason 669.f.21[38] estc r211188 99869919 99869919 163534 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a80871) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163534) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f21[38]) by the lord lieutenant of ireland henry cromwell. ireland. lord lieutenant (1658-1659 : cromwell) cromwell, henry, 1628-1674. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed at dublin by william bladen 1659. and reprinted at london, [london] : [1659] a proclamation commanding all civil and military officers to check promptly all signs of disaffection to the government. dated at end: given under our hand at his highnesse castle at dublin, the ninth of may 1659. annotation on thomason copy: "may. 25". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a80871 r211188 (thomason 669.f.21[38]). civilwar no by the lord lieutenant of ireland henry cromwell. whereas we take notice that there are sundry apprehensions touching the present posture of ireland. lord lieutenant 1659 315 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the lord lieutenant of ireland henry cromwell . whereas we take notice that there are sundry apprehensions touching the present posture of affairs , whereby the mindes of the good people of this land may be disquieted , and from thence the common enemy and other disaffected persons among us encouraged to disturbe the quiet & peace of this nation , for prevention thereof , we strictly charge and require all officers and souldiers of the armie immediately to repair to their garrisons and charges ; and that all sheriffs and other officers , as well civil as military , take diligent care to preserve the publick peace , & by all due wayes & means to hinder all unlawfull assemblies , the dispersing or divulging of any seditious papers , the signing or procurement to signe any test , engagement , or declaration of what kind soever , which may tend to divide the good people of this land , or alienate them from obedience to his highnesse and the present government , and to give an account of their proceedings to us from time to time as there shall be occasion . and we doe further order and require all sheriffs , maiors and other officers of all counties , cities and towns corporate within this dominion respectively , forthwith to publish and proclaim this declaration within their several jurisdictions , and also the chief officers present with the respective troopes or companies are hereby required at their garrisons and quarters , or at the head of their respective troops or companies to publish the same accordingly . given under our hand at his highnesse castle at dublin , the ninth of may 1659. ordered that the above declaration be forthwith printed and published . robert gorges secretary . printed at dublin by william bladen 1659. and reprinted at london . an order made by both houses of parliament, for the bringing in of corne, meale, or any other victuall whatsoever, into the severall ports of dublin, carrickvergus, yongball and london-derry. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82920 of text r209757 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[39]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82920 wing e1685 thomason 669.f.3[39] estc r209757 99868621 99868621 160597 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82920) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160597) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[39]) an order made by both houses of parliament, for the bringing in of corne, meale, or any other victuall whatsoever, into the severall ports of dublin, carrickvergus, yongball and london-derry. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for joseph hunscott, london : 1641 [i.e. 1642] reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -commerce -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a82920 r209757 (thomason 669.f.3[39]). civilwar no an order made by both houses of parliament, for the bringing in of corne, meale, or any other victuall whatsoever, into the severall ports o england and wales. parliament. 1642 639 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an order made by both houses of parliament , for the bringing in of corne , meale , or any other victuall whatsoever , into the severall ports of dublin , carrickvergus , yonghall and london-derry . whereas his majesties liege people of the kingdom of ireland have been much infested through the violent outrages , and oppressions committed on them by the traiterous practises of the popish inhabitants within that kingdom , whereby they are rendered , uncapable of relieving either themselves , or others , and are exposed to extream want , even of those things which are most necessary , for sustentation of life . for remedy whereof , and that his majesties forces already sent , and hereafter to be transported thither , may not be exposed to any extremity through want of victuall , or other necessary provisions . it is ordered by the lords and commons in this present parliament , that whosoever , either merchant , or others , shall bring into any of the ports of dublin , carrickvergus , yonghall , or london-derry , any proportion of goods , and wholesome corne , meal , or other victuall , or any other provision necessary for their sustenance , and deliver the same unto the victualers , appointed for those severall parts , at such rates as he , or they shall agree upon , and shall bring certificates under the hand and seal of the said victualers and treasurer or vice-treasurer , or whomsoever he shall appoint therein in the said severall ports , of the certain summes agreed upon , to be received for the same , that upon delivery of such certificates unto those officers which shall be assigned thereunto here in london , the seller of the said victuals or other provisions , or his assignes shall receive certain and full payment , of such summe or summes of money out of the chamber of london , as shall appear due upon such certificate within thirty dayes after the producing the same . provided alwayes , that the money to be so payed here , or such certificate for the victuall and provision aforesaid , shall not exceed in the port of dublin , ten thousand pounds ; in the port of carrickvergus , fifteen thousand pounds ; in the port of yonghall , five thousand pounds ; in the port of london-derry , five thousand pounds ; untill the lords and commons in this present parliament , shall give further order herein , for the further victualling of these parts , after such provision of victuall brought into those parts and satisfied for , as is directed by this ordinance of parliament . and the houses of parliament are of opinion , and do declare , that if any person whatsoever shall send , or supply , or cause to be sent , or supplyed to the rebels in ireland , or any of them , any corne , victuall , powder , ammunition , arms , or other provisions , for , or towards the assistance , or support of the rebels , or any of them ; such persons is thereby guilty of high treason , and thereby forfits his life and estate . this order was read , and by vote upon the question assented unto , and ordered to be fair written and sent up to the lords , by sir john clotworthy knight . sir john clotworthy brings answer , that the lords do fully agree with the house of commons in this order . ordered ( upon the question ) by the house of commons , that this ordinance of parliament shall be printed . hen. elsing . cler. parl. d. com. london , printed for joseph hunscott . a letter sent from both houses of parliament, to all the high-sheriffs of this kingdom, concerning the late propositions for ireland. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82865 of text r210304 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.4[76]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82865 wing e1626 thomason 669.f.4[76] estc r210304 99869112 99869112 160698 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82865) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160698) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f4[76]) a letter sent from both houses of parliament, to all the high-sheriffs of this kingdom, concerning the late propositions for ireland. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) march 11. london, printed for ioseph hunscott, [london] : 1641 [i.e. 1642] the propositions were intended to be published at the lent assizes and other convenient times to receive subscriptions for the settling of 2.5 million acres of land in ireland. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng land settlement -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -economic conditions -statistics -sources. a82865 r210304 (thomason 669.f.4[76]). civilwar no a letter sent from both houses of parliament, to all the high-sheriffs of this kingdom, concerning the late propositions for ireland. england and wales. parliament. 1642 1188 2 0 0 0 0 0 17 c the rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ a letter sent from both houses of parliament , to all the high-sheriffs of this kingdom , concerning the late propositions for ireland . master sheriff . the lords and commons being deeply sensible of the unspeakable calamities which his majesties good subjects of the kingdom of ireland do now suffer , by the barbarous cruelties and massacres of the rebells there , and conceiving these printed propositions herewith sent ( being ratified by his majesties royall assent , and the unanimous approbation of both houses of parliament ) do undoubtedly tend to the speedy and effectuall reducing of those bloody rebells , the propagating of the protestant religion , the augmenting of the greatnesse and the revenue of the crown of england , and the establishing of an happy and firm peace for the future in his majesties three kingdoms ; and all this to be effected ( by gods gracious assistance ) without the generall charge of the subject , and to the great advantage of those that shall under-write ; have thought fit to require you to publish these printed propositions and instructions at this lent assizes , to the intent that all his majesties good people within your countie , may take notice of the benefit they may receive by under-writing in due time ; and that so many of them then present and willing to subscribe , may give up a note of their names , sums , and dates of their subscriptions to you , to be entred in the paperbook mentioned in the printed instructions , which is forthwith to be sent unto you . and you are further directed hereby , at this lent assizes ( if they be not past ) by the advice and assistance of the justices of peace for your county , then present , to appoint certain dayes and places most convenient for this service ; when and where your self , and the justices of peace within each division , will be present , to receive the names , summes , and times of subscription , of such of his majesties well-affected subjects within your countie as shall not have subscribed at this lent assizes , their names sums , and times of subscription , to be likewise entred in the paperbook . and if this letter come to your hands after the assizes , then to appoint such times and places as may best speed this service . and further , your self , and the justices of peace , the ministers of gods word , and persons of quality within your county , are hereby earnestly desired to shew themselves active and exemplary in advancing this great and pious work ; 't is a service tending so much to the glory of god , the honour and profit of his majestie , and the peace and tranquilitie of his three kingdoms for the future . and you are likewise to inform those that shall under-write , that the act of parliament ( which his majestie hath promised to passe ▪ for the setling of those two millions and half of acres ) is already in hand , and that the lands are to be divided so indifferently by lot amongst them that under-write , that no one man , whatsoever , shall have more respect or advantage than another , in the division . and lastly , you are to give a speedie account to the parliament of your proceedings herein , and of those that do really advance this service . thus not doubting of your utmost care and diligence herein , we bid you heartilie farewell . the propositions . i that two millions and an halfe of those acres may be assigned , allotted , and divided amongst them after this proportion , viz. for each adventure of 200 li. 1000 acres in ulster . 300 li. 1000 acres in conaght . 450 li. 1000 acres in munster . 600 li. 1000 acres in leinster . all according to the english measure , and consisting of meadow , arrable , and profitable pasture , the bogs , woods , and barren mountaines being cast in over and above . these two millions and a halfe of acres to be holden in free and common soccage of the king ▪ as of his castle of doublin . ii. that out of these two millions and an halfe of acres , a constant rent shall be reserved to the crowne of england , after this proportion , viz out of each acre thereof in ulster 1d — conaght 1d — ob munster 2d — que leinster . 3d — whereby his majesties revenue out of those lands will be much improved , besides the advantages that he will have by the comming to his ands of all other the lands of the rebels , and their personall estates , without any charge unto his majesty . iii that for the erecting of mannors , setling of waste and commons , maintaining of preaching ministers , creating of corporations , and regulating of the severall plantations , one or more commissions be hereafter granted by authority of parliament . iv. that monies for this great occasion may be the more speedily advanced , all the undertakers in the city of london , and within twenty miles distrant thereof , shall under-write their severall sums before the twentieth day of march , 1641. and all within sixty miles of london , before the first day of april , 1642 , and the rest of the kingdom before the first day of may , 1642. v. that the severall sums to be under-written , shall be paid in at four payments , viz. one fourth part within ten dayes after such under-writing ; and the other three parts at three moneths , three moneths , and three moneths : all to be paid into the chamber of london . vi . that for the better securing of the said severall sums accordingly , every one that doth so under-write , shall at the time of his subscription pay down the twentieth part of the totall sum that shall be by him then under-written . and in case that the residue of his first fourth part be not paid in to such person or persons as shall be appointed to receive the same within the ten dayes before limited , then such party shall not onely forfeit the twentieth part of the sum totall formerly deposited , but so much more of his first fourth payment to be added thereunto , as shall make up the one moity of the said first payment . and if the same person shall fail in any other of the three payments , he shall then forfeit his entire first fourth part , and all the benefit of his subscription ; which forfeiture shall accrue to the common benefit of the rest of the undertakers . march 11. london , printed for ioseph hunscott . 1641. two petitions from the kingdome of ireland hvmbly presented to the honourable, the house of co[m]mons now assembled in parliament. beecher, henry, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a69549 of text r21185 in the english short title catalog (wing b1685). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a69549 wing b1685 estc r21185 12566246 ocm 12566246 63344 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a69549) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63344) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 901:44 or 953:44) two petitions from the kingdome of ireland hvmbly presented to the honourable, the house of co[m]mons now assembled in parliament. beecher, henry, 17th cent. white, richard, 17th cent. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. [7] p. printed for i. reynor, london : 1641. petitions of henry beecher and richard white for aid against the irish rebels. attributed to henry beecher. cf. nuc pre-1956. this item appears at reel 953:44 as wing b1685, and at reel 901:44 as wing t3498a (number cancelled in wing 2nd ed.). reproduction of originals in huntington library and university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a69549 r21185 (wing b1685). civilwar no two petitions from the kingdome of ireland: humbly presented to the honourable, the house of commons now assembled in parliament. beecher, henry 1641 777 5 0 0 0 0 0 64 d the rate of 64 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion two petitions from the kingdome of ireland : hvmbly presented to the honourable , the house of commons now assembled in parliament . c ◆ r london . printed for i. reynor , 1641. to the honovrable the knights , citisens , and burgesses , now assembled in parliament . the humble petition of henry beecher , gent. and richard white : marchants , inhabitants of baltamore in ireland , in the behalf of themselves and divers others ; whose sad and deplorable condition , they are desired to represent unto this honorable assemblie ▪ humbly sheweth , that your petitioners having by the violence of the barbarous and bloody rebels lost all their lands and estates , and meerly by the providence of almighty god escaped with their lives : as as by the certificate annexed may appeare , do humbly crave leave to declare , that all the south and soutwest parts of that county is subiected to the force and tyranny of those cruell rebels ( except the castles scituate in the ports of baltamore , castle-haven , and crook-haven ) wherein there are a thousand english . but h●ve no commission or force whereby to defend themselves from the power and force of their enemies whereby not onely their persons , but also the said castles are exposed to extream danger ; and vnlesse very speedy succours be sent unto them , must miserably perish by those bloudy hands which forts being sustiate on the sea coast in the south southwest parts of ireland , are of great consequence , being well manned and supplyed with victuall and ammunition for the security of those parts from any forreign invasion : but being lost , will be very advantagious to the rebels , and a great helpe to a forrein enemy . the consideration whereof , your petitioners are confident , cannot but move this honourable house to pitty and commiseration ▪ and therefore they humbly implore that for the p●eservation of the lives of those who are yet left , the security and safeguard of those castles , and posts , the regain of what is there already lost , a regiment of 500. men for the present : together with sufficient arms and victuals may be speedily sent : either of which being done , by gods blessing may be an effectuall meanes to preserve the lives of the said inhabitants , and the said castles and ports . but the delay thereof will be inevitably & produce ruine and distraction to them . all which they humbly leave to the grave wisedome of this honourable assemblie . and your petitioners , together with many more who escaped to bristoll , but want meanes ; so that they can come no further : together with that remnant of english , which yet are left in those parts of ireland , shall pray for the good successe of it . to the honovrable , the house of commons in this present parliament . the humble petition of richard white , gent. who hath formerly petitioned this honourable house , in the behalf of the inhabitants of baltamore , crook-haven , and castle-haven , in ireland . that your petitioner being an inhabitant in the parish of alphadown a mile from baltamore , was surrounded with those fierce and bloudy rebels in the county of cork in ireland , who threatned distraction unto your petitioner , and all the english there . whereupon your petitioner was forced to leave his habitation , and to provide for the security of himself his wife and children , leaving two sons within the castle of baltamore : together with victuals , to the value of 100. l. ster. and some ammunition , without which victuals the said castle could not have subsisted ; and so with his wife , and his other children repaired into england , as by the certificate from bristoll may appear . your petitioner being thus deprived of all stay of maintenance for himself and family humbly desires this honorable house , that his said two sons , left in the said castle , may be imployed in his maiesties service in those parts , the one as a lieutenant , and the other as an ensign , having bin both bred souldiers : and that your petition may have likewise some impl●yed in that service , for the keeping of the store and provisions of the said castle and army : or otherwise , as to this honourable assembly shall seeme meet . and your petitioner shall pray , &c. complianc[e] having been made at this board, that divers of his majesties good subjects have been very much grieved and molested, by reason of illegal warrants issued against them by some of his majesties sheriffs and justices of peace in this kingdom ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1677 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46017 wing i358 estc r36826 16140362 ocm 16140362 104810 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46017) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104810) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:27) complianc[e] having been made at this board, that divers of his majesties good subjects have been very much grieved and molested, by reason of illegal warrants issued against them by some of his majesties sheriffs and justices of peace in this kingdom ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1677. title from first 7 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 26th day of april, 1677." reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev · et · mon · droit cr royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . essex . complaint having been made at this board , that divers of his majesties good subjects have been very much grieved and molested , by reason of illegal warrants issued against them by some of his majesties sheriffs and iustices of peace in this kingdom , who sometimes have granted warrants for apprehending the persons whose names are therein under-written , by means whereof it hath been in the power of other persons , to add whose names they please thereunto , and to give them trouble under colour thereof , whereas all persons names , against whom such warrants are granted , ought to be expressed in the body thereof ; and other warrants have been sometimes granted for bringing the persons against whom the same are issued , before that iustice of peace only who granted the warrant who lives often farr , remote from the place where the persons are apprehended , in cases where such warrants may as well be granted for bringing such persons , either before the iustice of peace who granted the warrant , or any other of his majesties iustices of peace of such county , and in some cases , warrants have also been issued by iustices of peace only on pretente of debts , or other duties pretended to be owing to the persons who desire such warrants from them , whereas the iustices of peace have not by their commission any cognizance of such matters . we the lord leiutenant and council , for prevention of such trouble , as doth or may arise to his majesties subjects by such illegal proceedings , do think fit hereby to require and command all his majesties sheriffs and iustices of peace in this kingdom , that they do from henceforth forbear the granting or issuing any such warrants . and we do hereby further declare , that in case any persons shall find themselves aggrieved by any such illegal actings of any of ●is majesties sheriffs or iustices of peace in this kingdom in their office , that they m●y for redress herein apply themselves either to this board , or else to his majesties iustices of assize in their respective 〈…〉 ies from whom we shall expect a particular account of such 〈…〉 t s and iustices of the peace , who shall appear 〈…〉 aded themselves in their respective offic●● . given at the council-chamber in dublin the 26th . day of april 1677. ja : armachanus . mich : dublin . canc. thomond . blesinton . lanesborough . hen midensis . r : coote . ca : dillon : cha● : mered●●● j : poey . ro : booth . john colc . ja : cuffe vvm : flow●●● abrah : yarner . god save the king. dublin , printed by benjamin tooke printer to the king 's most excellent majestie ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde book-seller in castle-street . 1677. act and proclamation, that none come from ireland without sufficient testimonial. edinburgh, 22. february, 1661. scotland. parliament. 1661 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a92471 wing s1037 thomason 669.f.26[67] estc r210943 99869691 99869691 163949 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a92471) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163949) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f26[67]) act and proclamation, that none come from ireland without sufficient testimonial. edinburgh, 22. february, 1661. scotland. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by evan tyler, printer to the kings most excellent majesty, edinburgh : 1661. annotation on thomason copy: the second 1 has been crossed out and replaced with "1660" in both caption and imprint dates. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng scotland -foreign relations -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-09 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion act and proclamation , that none come from ireland without sufficient testimonial . edinburgh , 22. february , 1661. forasmuch as it is informed , that many seditious and turbulent persons , ministers and others , in the kingdom of ireland , finding that the administration of his majesties authority and government , which is now happily established in that kingdom , doth not sute , nor will comply with their phanatick principles and factious practices , are comeing over into this kingdom expecting shelter , that they may be the more enabled to carry on their designs , in perverting the allegiance of the subjects , and subverting the peace of the kingdom : and the estates of parliament considering how much it doth concern the publick peace , that such wasps and unworthy persons , enemies to all lawfull authority , and to whom it is naturall to stir up sedition , and undermine the peace , wherever they are , and therefore cannot well be allowed in any well constituted government , should have no countenance in this kingdom : therefore the kings majesty , with advice and consent of his estates of parliament , doth hereby declare , that no persons whatsoever , coming from ireland without a sufficient passe and testimony in writ , from the lord iustices council , or any having power from them , or from the sheriff of the county , or mayor of the city where the saids persons lived , of their peaceable carriage and conformity to the laws , shall be allowed any residence , resset , or stay within this kingdom : but that it shall be lawfull to , likeas all sheriffs , magistrates and iustices of peace are required hereby to seaze upon , and imprison all such persons , wanting such testimony ; and who shall not willingly remove out of the kingdom within fifteen dayes after the intimation hereof unto them ( excepting from this clause all ordinary known trafficking merchants ) and his majesty , with advice aforesaid , ordains , that all such persons as shall come over with any such testimony , that within fifteen dayes after their landing , they make their appearance before the parliament ; or in case of their not sitting , before his majesties privy council , or such as shall be warranted by them , and make known the reasons of their coming hither , and give such surety as shall be thought fit , for their peaceable carriage ; otherwise , to remove off the kingdom within fifteen dayes : wherein if they failȝie , magistrates , sheriffs , and all others , publick ministers , are hereby ordained , as they will be answerable upon their duty , to apprehend , secure and imprison them , till such course be taken , as shall be thought fit , with such seditious and factious persons . and ordains thir presents to endure for one year , and longer , as shall be thought fit by the lords of his majesties privy council ; and to be printed , and published at the mercat-crosses of edinburgh , glasgow , air , irwin , wigton , kircudbright , and all other places needfull , where-through none pretend ignorance hereof . a. primerose , cls. reg. edinburgh , printed by evan tyler , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , 1661. whereas several complaints have been made unto us by the farmers and commissioners of his majesties excise upon beer, ale and strong-waters, and for granting licences for selling of beer and ale by retayle ... by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) 1667 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46168 wing i866 estc r36929 16156875 ocm 16156875 104918 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46168) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104918) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:47) whereas several complaints have been made unto us by the farmers and commissioners of his majesties excise upon beer, ale and strong-waters, and for granting licences for selling of beer and ale by retayle ... by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. j. crook, [dublin : 1667] title from first 5 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint suggested by wing. "given at kilkenny castle the fourteenth day of september, 1667." imperfect: faded, with loss of print. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng alcoholic beverages -taxation -law and legislation -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c● diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant general and general government of ireland . ormonde . whereas several complaints have been made unto us by the farmers and commissioners of his majesties excise upon beer , ale and strong-water , and for granting licenses for selling of beer and ale by retayle , that many souldiers of his majesties army in this kingdom do frequently brew , make and sell beer , ale and s 〈…〉 and ta 〈…〉 of their military capacity refuse to pay the duties chargeable and payable thereupon , we do therefore hereby declare , that all such souldiers , of what capacity soever , as shall from and after the first day of october next ensuing , continue to brew , make or sell beer , ale or strong-waters , and refuse to pay for excise and licence , shall be dismissed out of the army , and stand open to the said farmers and their deputies to take their remedy against them , and every of them by due course of law for recovery of their just rights ; whereof the several and respectiv● commanders of such souldiers are to take special notice . given at kilkenny castle the fourteenth day of september , 1●67 . g. la 〈…〉 whereas by proclamation, bearing date the nineteenth day of june last, it was declared and appointed, that the first payment of the years rent, payable by the act of explanation, out of all the lands in this kingdom, which were returned by the civil survey to belong to any irish papist, popish recusant, or roman catholick ... by the lord deputy and council, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. 1668 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46117 wing i743 estc r36836 16140933 ocm 16140933 104820 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46117) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104820) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:12) whereas by proclamation, bearing date the nineteenth day of june last, it was declared and appointed, that the first payment of the years rent, payable by the act of explanation, out of all the lands in this kingdom, which were returned by the civil survey to belong to any irish papist, popish recusant, or roman catholick ... by the lord deputy and council, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. ossory, thomas butler, earl of, 1634-1680. 1 broadside. printed by john crook ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1668. title from first 8 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council-chamber in dublin the 14th day of september. 1668." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng rent -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c● diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord deputy and council . ossory . whereas by proclamation , bearing date the nineteenth day of june last , it was declared and appointed , that the first payment of the years rent , payable by the act of explanation , out of all the lands in this kingdom , which were returned by the civil survey to beong to any irish papist , popish recusant , or roman catholick , and out of all other the lands wherein any adventurer or souldier , his heirs , executors or assigns , hath any benefit of settlement or confirmation by vertue of the said act , should be made on or before the first day of august then next ensuing , according to the valuation which is made of the several lands liable to the said payment by his majesties commissioners , appointed for ascertaining the said years rent , now remaining in the hands of matthew barry esq secretary to the said commissioners . and whereas , notwithstanding the favour by the said proclamation , extended to the several persons concerned in the payment of the said years rent ( the first payment whereof , by the act of explanation , was appointed to have been made on the first day of february , in the year , one thousand six hund●ed sixty five ) yet divers persons liable to the payment of the said years rent , have failed in making their first payment thereof , according to the said proclamation . we therefore for the more speedy levying thereof , have thought fit hereby to require his majesties commissioners , appointed for ascertaining the said years rent , to return a duplicate of the books of valuation made by them , into his majesties court of exchequer , on the tenth day of november next ensuing , there to remain on record , to the end process may issue thereupon out of the said court , according to the said act , against such persons as shall make default in their said first payment : and hereof we have thought fit by this our proclamation , to give publick notice , to the end that all persons concerned , who are desirous to be freed from the process of the said court of exchequer , may before the return of the said duplicates into the said court , compleat the first payment of the said years rent due from them , and obtain acquittances for the same , from the persons by the said act appointed for the receipt thereof . given at the council-chamber in dublin the 14th day of september . 1668. mich. dublin . canc. edw. smythe . a. ranelaugh . g. carteret . paul davis . god save the king . dublin , printed by john crook , printer to the kings most excellent majestie , and are to be sold by samuel dancer in castle-street . 1668. at a general court martial held at the inns in dublin england and wales. army. 1689 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46003 wing i337 estc r213515 99825879 99825879 30270 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46003) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 30270) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1795:31) at a general court martial held at the inns in dublin england and wales. army. nihell, ja. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by andrew crook and samuel helsham assigns of benjamin tooke, printer to the king's most excellent majesty: and are to be sold at his majesties printing-house on ormond-key, and the colledge-arms in castle-street, dublin : 1689. dated and signed at end: 14th day of august 1689 .. by command of the court martial general. ja. nihell. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1660-1690 -early works to 1800. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense blazon or coat of arms at a general court martial held at the inns in dublin . whereas information hath been given to the court that great violences are daily committed by officers and souldiers upon several of his majesties loyal subjects within this realm . it is therefore hereby ordered and declared , that all person or persons who are in any wise wronged or oppressed , do make speedy application to the officer commanding in chief the regiment , troop or company where such wrong shall be done , who is hereby strictly charged and commanded immediately to redress and comfort the agrieved . and in case upon application as aforesaid to such officer , the officer refuse or neglect to cause speedy justice to be done , then application is to be made to the officer commanding in chief the body there ; and if not relieved by him , then to this court , setting forth the wrong done , and making out by sufficient proof , that application hath been made as before is directed , and the court will take care that speedy justice be done , and proceed against the officer or officers that have neglected or refused to do the same , to the utmost rigour of the martial law. given at the inns in dublin this 14 th day of august 1689. and in the fifth year of his majesties reign . by command of the court martial general . ja. nihell . dublin , printed by andrew crook and samuel helsham assigns of benjamin took● , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty : and are to be sold at his majesties printing-house on ormond-key , and the colledge-arms in castle-street , 1689. a treacherous plot of a confederacie in ireland with the rebels at calway with furniture of guns and ammunition for warre : brought over in ships of salt, but being discovered, were prevented and the names related of the chiefe agents : with a relation of the rebels in the province of connage who were discomfitted and about 100 of the rebels slaine and 20 of them taken prisoners who afterwards beset the earle of clanrickets house and slew 30 of his company but by other ayd were afterward driven to flye into the woods, with their cruelty to sir thomas nevill whom they hanged on his owne grounds and cut him all to pieces with many o[f] ther lamentable relations / the report whereof being sent over by mr. august... august, mr. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a63085 of text r6496 in the english short title catalog (wing t2069). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a63085 wing t2069 wing a4204_cancelled estc r6496 13089524 ocm 13089524 97346 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a63085) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97346) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 256:e179, no 15) a treacherous plot of a confederacie in ireland with the rebels at calway with furniture of guns and ammunition for warre : brought over in ships of salt, but being discovered, were prevented and the names related of the chiefe agents : with a relation of the rebels in the province of connage who were discomfitted and about 100 of the rebels slaine and 20 of them taken prisoners who afterwards beset the earle of clanrickets house and slew 30 of his company but by other ayd were afterward driven to flye into the woods, with their cruelty to sir thomas nevill whom they hanged on his owne grounds and cut him all to pieces with many o[f] ther lamentable relations / the report whereof being sent over by mr. august... august, mr. [7] p. printed for james salmon ..., london : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. item at 256:e.179, no. 15 identified as a4204 (number cancelled in wing 2nd ed.). eng clanricarde, ulick de burgh, -earl of, 1604-1657. nevill, thomas, -sir, d. 1641 or 2. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -sources. a63085 r6496 (wing t2069). civilwar no a treacherous plot of a confederacie in ireland, with the rebels at calway, with furniture of guns, and ammunition for warre. brought over i august, mr 1641 1504 1 0 0 0 0 1 2001 f the rate of 2001 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 jason colman sampled and proofread 2006-06 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a treacherous plot of a confederacie in ireland , with the rebels at calway , with furniture of guns , and ammunition for warre . brought over in ships of salt , but being discovered , were prevented and the names related of the chiefe agents . with a relation of the rebels , in the province of connoge , who were discomfitted , and about 100 of the rebels slaine , and 20 of them taken prisoners , who afterwards beset the earle of clanrickets house , and slew 30 of his company , but by other ayd were afterward driven to flye into the woods . with their cruelty to sir thomas nevill , whom they hanged on his owne grounds , and cut him all to pieces , with many other lamentable relations . the report whereof being sent over by mr. august , minister of gods wood in the county of lymbricke . london , printed for james salmon and are to be sold in grubstreet , neere to the flying horse . 1641. the trecherous plot of confederacie in ireland . the rebels have done much harme in the country of calway , in the province of conog where they spare no cruelty to any sex , estate or degree whatsoever , and that even upon the lords day : on which day if they are not shedding of bloud , they have meetings of playes , gaming , pastimes , bag-pipes , drinking , and abominable venery , and wantonnesse in every place where they come . vpon st. andrewes day last , being the 30 of nov. 1641. there pitched about the number of 300 rebels in armes neare logreags , and artaure , who marched with spanish cullors , and armes in their antient , and 100 more pitched neare temenage , who hovered up and downe about the woods and villages thereabouts , seeking an opportunity to worke their wicked designes . their intent was ( as it was conceived ) to march to vort omnie to surprize the earle of clanrickards house , and to take away , and overthrow his forces ; which consist of an hundred horse , and as many foot , which is the best strength thereabouts : but it seems that their intent was as well to surprize the castle of logrags , and the fort of callway also , as well as the forces of the said earle , but they were preverted at that time . the said castle of logerage , and the fort of calway were in great danger to have beene betrayed into the hands of the rebels , by some popish souldiers , with certaine popishly affected gentlemen and marchants that were inhabitants there . they conspired a plot with the rebels , in which plot they intended a bloudy design in cruell manner , against the castle , fort , and townes thereabout , wherin had they accomplished their designes , they would , as it is justly feared , bin as cruell to the protestants there , as they are in other places thereabouts . to contrive this plot covertly and suttlely not to be taken notice of , they had contrived a way to strengthen themselves with ammunition from france , for there were there enhabiting certain marchants , whose ships were come from thence laden with salt : the comming of which ships , as it doth appeare , were an item to the rebels , to give them notice of the time , which caused them then to march into those parts , as it is conceived . these ships being laden with salt , were presently gone about to be unladed , to which office , were picked out by the marchants , such who they thought fittest for that secrecie : yet were there discerned by the officers , to bee brought from the ships , muskets and swords : which being discovered to the protestans there , the matter was further sought into , and it was found , that there were brought over from france , buryed in the salt , beside the said muskets and swords , divers other ammunition for war ; brought over , as is conceived , for to strengthen the rebels against the protestants , or at least the papists thereabout to assist them in the betraying up of those places into their hands by the said forces , by which meanes , both the fort and castle , and all places thereabouts were in great danger . about this time , the ships being well nigh unla-which was about st. andrews day , as before , the rebels marched about these places , where they began to insult and fall upon the people , putting many to the sword , so the protestants at callway , & therabouts , seazed on the ammunition , and strengthned themselvs : whereby they fell upon the rebels , and there was a great battell fought between them , which wrought a great feare to all people thereabouts : but there came in good ayd to the protestant side ; so that in that fight they received not much hurt , onely somewounded . but of the irish rebels there were taken twenty , which were sent to the states to be censured , and above an hundred slaine , and wounded so sore , that they are not likely to live , and the rest returned backe againe , and fled for their lives to another part of the running campe . the next day they returned againe with a greater force , but marched two or three miles from logrags on the other side toward the earle of clanrickards againe , against whom they have long conspired , and they marched so furiously in the night , that they were come to the said earle of clanrickards before they were taken notice of , or their returne known : so that in the morning ere they were aware , the house was beset with the rebels , who began to pull downe the walls , and discharged against the house , which they could not come neare , because the wall is so large about the house , so the forces of the earle prepared themselves , & came forth against them ; but the rebels being too strong for them , slew about 30 of their company in a short space , and discomfitted the lord and his company exceedingly , so that they were all in great feare . but it pleased god to send them up reliefe from the town , & some other protestants that came in from other places thereabouts to relieve them , whereby the rebels were so beset on a sudden , that they were faine to flye , and take the woods . the names of the most notable agents in the plot . are teg borke , gentlemen . darmod okelley , gentlemen . iohn lench , marchants . thomas athie , marchants . francis kinvin , marchants . the earle of torent is in great danger to be surprized ; for there is great wait laid for him by an army of rebels , that came out of the country of corke , and the country of lymbicke : but wee hope that they will not be able to prevaile against him : for he is strongly fortified with 100 horse , and 300 foot , who are provided for that place where he is , who guard the castle , and are appointed for the defence of the towne . the names of the chiefe rebels in those parts , are gatell , markardy duffe of bendaffe . daniel o donoham of the lepo . the other part of the rebels doe march towards kingsale castle , and the new-fort , which may prove of the most dangerus consequence of all , in case they should once be setled there ; for from thence they can soone have wealth , ammunition , and reliefe from spaine , which is much suspected , and feared , for that is the chiefe castle of all the westerne parts of ireland for strength , and conveniency , and lyeth upon the sea-coast , where reliefe may come in from spain with little trouble , which god prevent them of . the rebels tooke sir thomas sevell , and hanged him upon a tree in his own grounds , and cut his flesh in pieces , carrying pieces thereof up and downe in their hands , saying , this is the flesh of one of the r●lers against our holy father the pope . these , and such like , are the miseries of that kingdome of ireland at this time : god in his mercy send them comfort . finis . the message from the hovse of commons to the lords by bulstrode whitlocke and presented to their lordships by him. whereunto is added his maiesties most gracious answer to their message, february 22, 1642. whitlocke, bulstrode, 1605-1675 or 6. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a65911 of text r26357 in the english short title catalog (wing w1987). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a65911 wing w1987 estc r26357 09436560 ocm 09436560 43104 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a65911) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43104) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1320:6) the message from the hovse of commons to the lords by bulstrode whitlocke and presented to their lordships by him. whereunto is added his maiesties most gracious answer to their message, february 22, 1642. whitlocke, bulstrode, 1605-1675 or 6. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [7] p. printed by e. griffin, london : 1642. a discussion of measures to be taken against the irish rebellion. the kings answer appears in paraphrase only. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. a65911 r26357 (wing w1987). civilwar no the message from the house of commons to the lords, by master bulstrode whitlocke esquire, and presented to their lordships by him. whereunt england. parliament. house of commons 1643 1621 2 0 0 0 0 0 12 c the rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-03 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-03 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the message from the hovse of commons to the lords , by master bulstrode whitlocke esquire , and presented to their lordships by him . whereunto is added his maiesties most gracious answer to their message , february 22 , 1642. h. elsinge cler. do . com. c r london printed by e. griffin , 1642. at a conference of both houses in the painted chamber , reported againe as followeth by the lord roberts to the house of lords concerning the importance of imbracing and promoving the designe of those petitioners who desire and hope that the state may be eased of the charge of the irish warre , by the undertaking of particular adventurers in the houses of parliament , london and the rest of the kingdome . master whitlocke , who managed the conference , acquainted my lords , that he was commanded by the house of commons to present a vote of that house to your lordships , which being read , he afterwards proceeded . that whereas your lordships were pleased to returne thankes lately to the king with the house of commons for his maiesties favour expressed in the passing of two bils much importing the safety , quiet and content of this kingdome , and the king had thereupon recommended to both houses the care of ireland , so as these propositions read to your lordships even with relation to that message , were seasonable . then he offered by way of pretension , something concerning the tytle , which was , the vote of the lords and commons . this he knew your lordships understood to be but matter of forme , for your lordships consent was that , which must make it to be so . he then proceeded and offered to your lordships three motives , each begining and concluding the entertainement of this course . 1 the reducing of ireland . 2 the proffit of the king . 3 the ease of the people of england . for the first , ireland was in that condition , as not onely the civill power , which was wont to be the former quarrell , but now even religion , the rooting up of the protestant religion , and extirpation of the english is the quarrell . the rebels are so audacious as to scandalize the king and queene ; and the question is not now , whether irish or english , but whether the protestant or popish religion shall stand in that kingdome ; this rage of theirs stayes not there ; they intend to stayne this land with the bloud of protestants . the life and soule of religion is now at stake , and hee made no doubt every good protestant will lay downe his life and fortune for the preservation of it . then he came to the second motive , which he amplified , first by way of disadvantage , and shewed , what a losse it would be to the king , to be bereaved of that large and fruitfull island , which was a third part of the kings dominions , yea a third kingdome . he then shewed how much the preservation of it conduced to the kings profit , and how improveable this would be , by keeping that : now was the time to make him a through king there , and to esta●lish the throne , which had bin disputed and ●ottering in that realme these 400 yeares . he then proceeded to the third motive , and said the people of england , have lately undergone many and heavie payments ; he meant not those illegall payments , which were a just punishment , to such as would submit to such uniust charges , but he spake of the levyes by parliament , the burthen whereof together with the decay of trade , our neighbours in the country were very sensible , by those propositions reade to your lordships , the poorer sort will be eased , the payments made easie , because voluntary , and thereupon will be many and chearefull givers , who must ever have the honour of a memory to have contributed to so good a worke ; so as where profit is an ingredient with piety and loyalty , the plaister will be sooner applyed to ireland . when therefore our duty to god , and the king , may invite to so good a worke , he doubted not of your lordships concurrence with the house of commons for the good of that , which was the good of the kingdome . having said thus much in generall he offered some thing to the propositions in particular . that whereas the first proposition demanded two millions and halfe of acres for the undertakers , which might at first sight looke as a great demand to such as know not the extent of that kingdome which is computed by those who well understood the latitude of it , to containe 15. millions of acres , and therefore to take out two millions and halfe , when two parts of three of that kingdome are in open rebellion , is not so great a demand , as may at first sight appeare ; and the proposition conduceth much to the raising of rent to the king ; he said it was well knowne that the revenew of the exchequer , and court of wards in ireland , did not exceed the summe of 43000 l. yearely , besides the customes which your lordships found not great , except in monopolies and undue charges , what ever the customes are , they will be by these propositions much advanced , 20 or 30 thousand pounds a yeare rent will accrew to the crowne by the reservations in them exprest , besides 7 millions and halfe of acres , over and above the two millions and halfe desired in the propositions left to the kings disposall . the other propositions which are for the manner of bringing in of the money are very necessary , nothing being of more consequence then to dispatch this warre . he observed out of livy , that the romans made their warres great and short , some they finisht within 6 , some within 10 , other within 20 dayes , as with the samnites , latins , &c. he did not mention this , as though it were feasable for us to conclude this warre in so short a time , but onely to prove by the actions of that great state , that nothing is more advantageous to a state , then the speedy dispatch of a warre , and he hopes that if this money comes in , the warre of ireland might be brought to a short issue : he added that he remembred with griefe the former obstructions for ireland , but he now hopeth by the king and your lordships concurrences , that delayes will be turned into dispatches ; and this was necessary because forragine princes though now otherwise imployed , will be a wakened by a lasting warre , to take care of our affaires . he observeth the course of irelands first plantation , to suite much to this propounded . king william the first , gave leave to 12 knights to goe into wales to get what they could and to plant themselves there , from those descended richard le strong bow , first earle of pembrooke , who made the first impression in that kingdome . of which geraldus cambrensis saith , that it should be maintain'd multis caedibus , crebris conflictibus multoque certamine , he hopeth the course now in hand will give a period to that conquest , and this prophesie , and that those intended plantations may be as prosperous to settle , as the former to gaine that kingdome . wherefore this worke being so full of piety , honour , and charity , none shall need to speake for it , the workes speake for it selfe . and so delivering the vote of that house to your lordships he concluded the conference . his maiesties most gracious answer to the message of the house of commons to the lords . his majesty being very glad to receive any proposition that may repaire the calamitie of his distressed kingdome of ireland , especially when it may be without burthen or imposition , and for the ease of his good subjects of this kingdome , hath graciously considered the overture made by both horses of parliament to that purpose , and returnes this answer . that as he hath offered and is still ready to venture his owne royall person for the recovery of that kingdome , if his parliament shall advise him thereunto , soe he will not deny to contribute any other assistance he can to that service by parting with any profit or advantage of his owne there , and therefore relying upon the wisdome of this parliament doth consent to every proposition now made to him without taking time to examine whether this course may not retard the reducing of that kingdome by exasperating the rebells and rendering them desperate of being receaved into grace , if they shall returne to their obedience ; and his majesty will be ready to give his royall assent as to all such bills as shall be tendered unto him by his parliament to the confirmation of every particular of this proposition , &c. h. elsynge , cler-parl . d. com. the teares of ireland wherein is lively presented as in a map a list of the unheard off [sic] cruelties and perfidious treacheries of blood-thirsty jesuits and the popish faction : as a warning piece to her sister nations to prevent the like miseries, as are now acted on the stage of this fresh bleeding nation / reported by gentlemen of good credit living there, but forced to flie for their lives... illustrated by pictures ; fit to be reserved by all true protestants as a monument of their perpetuall reproach and ignominy, and to animate the spirits of protestants against such bloody villains. cranford, james, d. 1657. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a34925 of text r32373 in the english short title catalog (wing c6824). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 97 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a34925 wing c6824 estc r32373 12652783 ocm 12652783 65305 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34925) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65305) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1525:3) the teares of ireland wherein is lively presented as in a map a list of the unheard off [sic] cruelties and perfidious treacheries of blood-thirsty jesuits and the popish faction : as a warning piece to her sister nations to prevent the like miseries, as are now acted on the stage of this fresh bleeding nation / reported by gentlemen of good credit living there, but forced to flie for their lives... illustrated by pictures ; fit to be reserved by all true protestants as a monument of their perpetuall reproach and ignominy, and to animate the spirits of protestants against such bloody villains. cranford, james, d. 1657. [18], 80 p. : ill. printed by a.n. for iohn rothwell, and are to be sold at his shop ..., london : 1642. running title: irelands teares. "to the reader" signed: i. cranford. reproduction of original in the british library. eng massacres -ireland. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a34925 r32373 (wing c6824). civilwar no the teares of ireland vvherein is lively presented as in a map, a list of the unheard off [sic] cruelties and perfidious treacheries of blou cranford, james 1642 14299 28 0 0 0 0 0 20 c the rate of 20 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-04 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the teares of ireland vvherein is lively presented as in a map , a list of the unheard off cruelties and perfidious treacheries of bloud-thirsty jesuits and the popish faction . as a warning piece to her sister nations to prevent the like miseries , as are now acted on the stage of this fresh bleeding nation . reported by gentlemen of good credit living there , but forced to flie for their lives , as iobs messengers , to tell us what they have heard and seene with their eyes , illustrated by pictures . fit to be reserved by all true protestants as a monument of their perpetuall reproach and ignominy , and to animate the spirits of protestants against suchbloudy villains . london , printed by a. n for iohn rothwell , and are to be sold at his shop in pauls churchyard at the signe of the sun , 1642. courteous reader : it is my hearty pray for thee which was the last desire of luther for his friends , that thou mayest be filled with the love of christ , and hatred of the pope ; he that loves not the lord jesus christ , let him be accursed , hee that hates not the pope , loves not christ ; a the pope is that antichrist ; this indeed is questioned by some factors for rome , but determined by the apostle . who is antichrist , but b the man of sin , and son of perdition ? who is this man of sin & son of perdition but the pope ? there were never seene greater monsters , and prodigies in the world for all kinde of accursed abominations , then they were that have sate in that chaire of pestilence , as their own c platina relates ▪ in which there are reckoned ten sodomites , fourteene infamous for adulteries ; nine simoniacks , twelve tyrants , three and twenty necromanticks , that gave themselves to the devill , ten traitors , fifty in an ordinary succession unworthy that name , d many that have justified the vilest of the heathen emperours in the most abominable of their excesses . there were never any that so puld up the floud-gates to open a way for the inundation of wickednesse as the popes ; e by dispensations for sodomie , incest , murther , fornication , &c. f and by indulgencies , g by doctrine . if the pope should declare that vertue is vice , and vice vertue , the church is bound to believe it to be so , and practice accordingly . there was never such a sonne of perdition ; hee is that apollyon , or destroyer of whom saint john , a destroyer of souls , and shedder of bloud ; but especially drunke with the bloud of saints . it is credibly h related that in the space of eight hundred yeeres , hee hath been the death of twelve millions , one alone pope i iulius the second in seven yeeres of his papacie destroyed 200000 christians . but their outragious fury against the saints who can relate ? how bloudy were the persecutions raised against the waldenses , in which there was no k mercy shewed to any age , sex , condition , their rage extended it self to the destruction of the bruitish beasts , and senslesse trees ? l what internecine wars were stirred up against the hussites in bohemia ? what country or kingdome cannot produce instances of crueltie more then barbarous ? the low-countries lament the death of eighteen thousand executed by the duke of alva in the space of three thousand yeeres in the cause of religion . m bartholomeis slaughter will be for ever infamous in france ? where by a prodigious treason and unparalled cruelty , the rivers did run with the bloud of hugonets ; england hath still in fresh remembrance queen maries fires ; italie , spaine , &c. doe yet groan under the mercilesse inquisition . the report of these cruelties doth astonish the readers and relators , but not quench the thirst , glut the never to be satiated ravine of these bloud-thirstie monsters , whose delight is that of the o cardinall farnesius to see rivers of the bloud of lutherans to his horse bridle . but thou wilt say what is this to the pope , that he should be hated ? consider this bloud was shed by his instigation , by his approbation . it was hee that granted a croisado against the p waldenses , and q bohemians , promising pardon of sins to all such as should die in the expedition for their extirpation ; it was hee that hearing of the massacre in paris skipped for joy , and commanded a solemne triumph , and panegyrick for that cause ; but what is that to us ? what ? have wee never heard of the popes good will to england ? r how long wee have stood proscribed , exposed to the fire , and sword of a catholike invader ? have wee never heard of those many horrid treasons hatched , and furthered against our kings , and state , by that bloudy moloch and his instruments , and sworn vassals ? what treason was ever intended against our church , or state , in which a priest , or jesuit hath not had a hand ? and as a learned bishop hath shewed s : that most devillish , and hel-borne plot of the gun-powder treason , by whom should it have bin acted ? by whom was it invented ? t it hath found an apologie from eudaemon , approbation from claudius aquaviva , excuse from bellarmine , absolution from hamon ; al jesuits . but yet there is nothing done against us ? and papists amongst us abhor this bloudinesse ; what intentions , and desperate machinations are against us the lord discover , and disappoint ; but consider . that in their account we are hereticks , and declared to be so by the pope ; now consider of their doctrine ; u a hereticke loseth all right to all that hee hath ; and being w declared to be such , any one may kill him though a king , nay , though the pope should be willing to suffer him x yet may not the people , nay , y though hee would change his religion , and leave his heresie , that can give him no safety . witnesse henry the fourth of france , who after he was turned papist , was stab'd in the mouth by one john castile , and to the heart by ravilliack ; z by heresie all bonds and obligations of nature , of covenant , of oath , of duty are dissolved , witnesse the practices of these irish rebels : hereticks may be slain by sword , by treason , a even with the destruction of many innocent catholikes . o devillish ! upon these , and such like grounds , our liturgie justly censured their religion rebellion , and the sometime worthy professors of our two famous universities cōcluded , that it was impossible , but that an absolute papist living under a protestant prince , and standing to his own gounds , should be an absolute traitor . and that wee feele not the effects of this romish doctrine , it is god's providence , in them not want of will , but want of power ; b bannes speaks plainly . the english and saxon catholikes are to be excused for not rebelling , because they want strength sufficient to make their party good ; i pray god they may alway want it ; c the pope sent a breve or bull against our blessed queene elizabeth , with this limitation ; that it should be always in force against her and the hereticks , but should not oblige the papists as matters did then stand , but should oblige them when it might be put in execution ; so they wait for a time , and i pray god their eyes may sinke in their heads while they wait ; but reader doe not think there is nothing done against us ; is not ireland our sister nation ? doe not our flesh and our bloud suffer there ? doe we not heare of their threatnings breathed against us ? that when they have finished their worke there , they intend england for the aceldama , the seat of war , and field of bloud ; i will not stay thee longer still in the porch ; enter in and behold , the miseries of ireland , and if thou findest cruelties unexampled , remember they are papists , and have , as i am informed , ten thousand priests in the head of their armies , who besides their tyranny towards our bodies would ( was it in their power ) send our souls in fiery chariots into hell ! so hoffeus the jesuite . well reade , and bestow some pitty , prayers , relief on poore ireland , prayses for england , increase in the love of christ , and hatred of the pope ; i rest thine i. cranford . irelands warning to england . look on me ( your sister nation ) and pitty me , i am your bone and your flesh , i am wounded by them that i have too long trusted and harboured in my bosome ( i mean bloudy papists ) rather then better friends , take warning by me on sad experience : was there ever sorrow like my sorrow ? look on me , repent , amend , let my sins be your summons , my judgements be your feare , and learne righteousnesse by them . when thy judgements are on the earth , the inhabitants thereof shall learne righteousnesse . look on me , pray and fight , my enemies are yours , my cause is yours , wee have one god , one christ , one gospel , one religion , united under one king , if we fail one another now , the proud enemy will blaspheme our god , dishonour our royall king , scorne our religion . hold out faith and prayer , surely the victory is yours , you pray , and the enemy blasphemes , up and be doing , and the lord shall be with you . shall wee be lesse zealous for the lord of hosts , then they are for their wooden idols . solicit my cause to his majesty , to the parliament , make my case yours , be with mee as in the body , stir now or never , helpe the lord against the mighty , your work will be glorious ▪ you shall be called the repairers of our breaches . look on me and adventure you that are gods stewards , who knows but god intrusted thee with an estate for this designe . the designe is honourable , your purchase a kingdome for christ . back your selves with friends , weaken the bloud-thirsty enemies , secure your selves better , try god if hee will not be your ensurer double and treble . cast thy bread on the waters , and after many dayes thou shalt finde it . they are bloudy men , the bloudy men shall not live out halfe their days . they are cruell to the faint , to the weary , cruell to women , to poore children , mark what god threatned against amaleck for the same thing . remember what amaleck did unto thee , &c. how hee smote the hindermost , even all that were feeble behind thee when thou wast faint and weary , and hee feared not god . therefore when the lord thy god shal give thee rest from all thine enemies round about in the land which the lord thy god giveth thee for an inheritance to possesse it : that thou shalt blot out the remembrance of amaleckfrom under heaven , thou shalt not forget it , deut. 25. 17 , 18 , 19. to confirme the truth of these ensuing tragick stories , you may be pleas'd to reade this letter , the copy whereof was read the fourteenth of december , in the honourable house of commons , and also read againe before the right honorable the lords at a committee of both houses , and desired to be entred into the journals of both houses . it was also read in a publike congregation in london , by an eminent minister on the fast day for ireland to stir up bowels of pitty towards them . sir , all i can tell you is the miserable estate wee continue under , for the rebels daily increase in men and munition in all parts , except the province of munster , exercising all manner of cruelties , and striving who can be most barbarously exquisite in tormenting the poore protestants , wheresoever they come ; cutting off their privy members , eares , fingers , & hands , plucking out their eyes , boyling the heads of little children before their mothers faces , and then ripping up their mothers bowels ; stripping women naked , and standing by them being naked , whilst they are in travell , killing the children as soon as they are born , and ripping up their mothers bellies , as soone as they are delivered ; driving men , women , and children , by hundreds together upon bridges , and from thence cast them down into rivers , such as drown'd not , they knock their brains out with poles , or shoot them with muskets , that endeavour to escape by swimming out , ravishing wives before their husbands faces , and virgins before their parents faces , after they have abused their bodies , making them renounce their religion , and then marry them to the basest of their fellows . oh that the lord , who hath moved the kingdomes of england and scotland , to send reliefe to these afflicted protestants , would likewise stirre them to effect their undertaking with all possible expedition , lest it be too late . some of the persons particularly mentioned to have suffered , who are knowne unto you , are , master jerome minister of brides , his body mangled , and his members cut off . master fullerton minister of lughall , simon hastings his eares cut off , master blandry minister , hanged , his flesh pull'd off from his bones , in the presence of his wife , in small pieces , he being hang'd two dayes before her , in the place where shee is now prisoner . abraham iames of newtowne , in the diocesse of clohor , cut in pieces , and it is reported that the bishop of clohor is turned to the rebels , thus moving pardon in presuming to trouble you at this time in your publike imployments , doe with humble remembrance of his best respects to you , and your vertuous lady , remayn novemb. 27. 1641. your servant to command , thomas partington . a true relation of the bloudy massacre and damnable treason of the cruell papists intended against dublin , october 23. 1641. desperatly acted in most parts of the kingdom of ireland , tending to the utter ruine and extirpation of all the protestants there : with a list of the severall tortures , cruelties , outrages , on the bodies of poore christians , related by persons of good credit , who are fled from those bloudy men , to tell us what they have seen with their eyes and heard with their eares , on examinattions of divers of the actors in this tragedy illustrated by pictures . behold , as in a map of bloud , the unwearied plottings , and restlesse contrivements of bloudy men only skilfull to destroy , whose religion is founded in bloud , whose obedience will not be bounded with oaths , asseverations , nay execrations , as the ensuing story of cruelty relates , who are true ( as steel ) to their damned principles , nulla fides cum haereticis whose principles are steept bloud , tolerating rebellion against king and kingdome , murdering of princes , blowing up of parliament , sowing seeds of division betweene confederate kingdomes , as those two handfasted and troth-plighted nations in a league of love , indissoluble ( blessed be god ) can testifie : blowing up coals of division , hotter then coals of juniper in the same kingdome , where they live in too much peace . witnesse england , who hath had wofull experience of their plottings to breake union betweene king and people , king and parliament . but now behold , these bloudy papists with their vizard puld off , and now acting their plots like incarnate devils ( as our saviour cald their brethren the scribes and pharisees . for the works of their father they doe ) i say now acting their devillish designe on the state of ireland our sister nation , ayming no lower then the death and ruine of the whole kingdome at one blow . for had their plot on dublin castle taken ( which they had laid with so much subtilty and secrecie ) as in probability it had , had not the keeper of israel which slumbers not prevented it , in a most miraculous manner , they had beene by the morning light at work , cutting off man , woman and child , till they had not left one remayning among them that bore the name of a protestant . blessed be god their snare was broken , and that poore city designed to destruction , delivered , the relation of which tragedie now begins : oh that our eares may tingle ! and our bowels yern at the relation of this horrid designe : and at the relations of those cruelties and tortures exceeding all parallel , unheard off among pagans , turks , or barbarians , except you would enter into the confines of hell it selfe , to see the devils ( those engineers of cruelty ) acting of their parts : i know not where you will find their fellows , making it their sport to torture and to vex those poore distressed protestants , he that is most cruell merits most of their bloudy jesuits . those firebrands of hell preach to them in their massings and conventicles , as is truly related by gentlemen of ireland of good worth , who like jobs messengers are escaped their mercilesse hands , relating nothing but what they have heard with their eares , upon examination of witnesses , or seen with their eyes , that so men might not be deluded with false and idle pamphlets , but reade and see the truth of things that all men may behold what bloudy tigres and vultures these popish spirits are , how perfidious and basely treacherous to those nations that succour them ; never any kingdom being long at peace where they were tolerated , as this fresh bleeding nation of ireland can sadly relate you in this ensuing narration . here begins the bloudie attempts upon the kingdome of ireland in the generall , and on dublin in particular . upon the three and twentieth day of october last 1641 , the castle of dublin , should have surprized ( as at that time it might easily have beene ) for there was no feare or suspition of treachery , there being at that time foure hundred irish papists elected out of most parts of ireland , desperate persons designed and appointed for that bloudy and desperate attempt , all lodging and sculking in severall places of the city and suburbs , waiting and expecting the time and watch-word , when to give the onset . but that god that keepeth israel saw their bloudy intentions to overthrow and ruinate all the professours of the true religion , disapointed their wicked hopes , and ( to their owne shame and confusion ) discovered and laid open their hellish plot to succeeding ages , that the lord alone might be admired , and they confounded . and this he did by moving in the heart of one of their own countrimen at that time , an abhorring of so foule and detestable a treason , and to reveale it to sir william parsons knight and baronet , master of the court of wards and liveries , and sir john borlase knight , master of the ordnance , both lords justices of the kingdome of ireland . the party who discovered the plot had been formerly a servant to sir john clotworthy , a godly and religious gentleman , but at time ( when hee revealed their designe ) hee served one captaine mack-mahowne an irishman , who lodged at the signe of the artichoake , vulgarly called saint maries abbey in the suburbs of the city of dublin , the servants name was owen mack-connel , who being with his master captain mack-mahown , in a house in cookstreet , at the lodging of the lord mack-gueere , also and irishman in the city of dublin . upon the two and twentieth of october , being the night afore ; his master did then and there reveale the whole plot unto him in the presence of the lord mack-gueere , and others . owen macke-onell , who discouered the plot of takinge dublin , had a pistoll charged with too bullets ▪ the pane primed with powder & brimstone twice offered against him tooke not fire ▪ so the rebells said god will not suffer him to be killed & he will be on our side ▪ i warrant you , owen macke-onell leapinge ouer a wall escaped & was sent to our parlament with letters & was rewarded 500 lb & 200 per annum . at the first the lord parsons did seem to slight it , but owen mack-counel , confidently affirmed the thing to my lord in the hearing of his servants to be true , and withall told him thus : viz. my lord , my lord , i have discharged my duty and my conscience , look you to it ; i will goe backe to my master , because neither hee nor the rest shall suspect me . your lordship shall find my lord mack-gueere at master cadowgans house in cookstreet , and captaine mack-mahown , at the artichoke in the aforesaid maryes abbey , to which place i am going now . this owen mack-connel going homewards to his masters lodging , takes up dirt in his hands and besmuts and dirties his face that he might appear to them to have tumbled over and over in the dirt , whose approach and entrance into the roome ( where a great many of them were assembled together , drinking and making merry , for they intended not to goe to bed ) was so ridiculous that the company burst out into such a loud and sudden laughter with shouting and hollowing that the place rung of them round about , and to welcome him home the company fell to their old course to make him drinke more , but at last he told them that he must needs goe down into the yard , so they suffered him to goe , but commanded two of his companions to attend him and bring him up againe , but they let him goe into the yard by himselfe , not suspecting what he had done ; nor what hee meant to doe : no sooner was he in the yard , but knowing the place , leaped over the pale , and so escaped from them . great search they made in the yard for him , and up and downe the house , thinking hee had been crept to bed , or hid himself in the barn of stable , so that they were amazed to think what should become of him , because they generally believed him to be so drunk and in such a pickle , they refrained looking any further after him , conceiving that hee was past care to tell tales wheresoever he was , and so fell to their mirth and jollitie again . but not long after , in the midst of their mirth , came some of the guard belonging to the lords justices , entred the house , where there was little or no resistance , apprehended captain mack-mahowne , and one rory magennis , being the chief in that place at the artichoake , and brought them bound before the lords , about five of the clock in the morning , being upon the saturday , which was the three and twentieth day of october last . at the same time and hour the rest of the guard apprehended the lord mack-gueere in cookstreet , in the house of master cadowgan where they found him under a bed with a case of pistols charged and a skeene by his side , but did not offer to shoot . captaine mack-mahowne upon his examination confessed the whole plot , how that morning the castle of dublin should have beene surprized by forty irish papists desperate villains in this manner following . first , they should have gone into the castle ( to avoid suspition ) one by one , some at the water-gate , and some at the castle-gate , each man with his skeen , and so to have met in the great court , and suddenly to have rushed upon the warders , and to have murthered them , and so to have possest themselves of their halberds and other weapons , and then to have stood in the entrance of both gates to let in the rest being three hundred and sixty more , appointed for the execution of that hel-hatcht design● ; they could not have wanted help , the ods was so great on their side , i mean the bloudy romish party , and i am of opinion there would have been but little or no resistance , their party would have beene so strong , there being at that time one hundred papists to five protestants within the very city of dublin ▪ to my knowledge , and so they are generally throughout the whole kingdome , what a combustion had there been in dublin that day ? what a distraction had our poore country-men , i meane the english protestants been in ? and i my self being then one belonging to the crowne office in dublin , and an eye witnesse of their passages amongst the rest ? i dare be bold to say , that if they had taken that castle , being so richly furnished with all manner of munition , as powder , shot and armes being also strengthened with above one hundred pieces of ordnance of all sorts with their carriages , that all ireland had been before this day an acheldama , or a field of bloud , and i am of opinion that of all the english plantators in ireland , there would not have been living one family . some of those villains that should have surprized the castle , to wit , rory mack mahowne , william o neale , thady o duffe , and others , have been taken and examined before the councill , and upon their examinations have confessed , that upon the sabbath day night after they had surprized the castle ( being the day following ) their intent was to have marked all the irish houses with a crosse , to have distinguished them from the english , and so to have murthered them by entring forcibly and treacherously upon them , and also to have seized all the shipping at the rings end neere dublin , that there had beene no way or meanes left for man , woman , or child to have escaped their fury , nor any place of refuge left to have found mercy . stand and pause a while and consider the depth of this horrid treason to have cut off all the protestants ! oh the cryes , the shreeks , the teares of poore souls flying , this way and that way , still into the mouth of these ravenous lions , and this would have beene their sabbath dayes work , a fit sacrifice for him whose servants they were . but praysed be the lord , their net is broken , and we have escaped . what man so blinde as may not herein behold the handy worke of god , and how the hands and hearts of those malicious furies and firebrands of rome are bent to shed inocent bloud , that notwithstanding they have so often failed in their wicked & bloudy purposed and intents both private and publike , which they have secretly attempted in darknesse will not see although they live in the light nor take warning , but still run on in their bloud-thirstinesse to extirpate whole states , to suppresse the truth , and to shed the bloud of gods saints , but i trust they shall fall into the pit that they digged for others . it was concluded by the lords justices and councell of ireland , that the aforenamed owen mack-connel , who had discovered this treason should be sent with letters to the parliament here in england , the king being at that time in scotland , who at his comming was rewarded with a gratuity of five hundred pounds in money , and an allowance towards the mayntenance of himselfe , his wife and children of two hundred pounds a yeere , until his majesty finde out some better gift to bestow upon him , i am verily perswaded that his discovery of this treason hath preserved the lives of a hundred thousand men , women and children and many more , in the severall provinces and counties of ireland . now to enter into this direfull tragedy , every step being a step in bloud . heere followeth a true description or relation of sundrie sad and lamentable collections , taken from the mouthes of verie credible persons , and out of letters sent from ireland to this citie of london , of the perfidious outrages and barbarous cruelties , which the irish papists have committed upon the persons of the protestants , both men , women , and children in that kingdome . anno dom. 1641. the irish nation is well knowne to be a people both proud and envious . for the comonaltie ( they are for the most part ) ignorant and illiterate , poore , and lazie ; and will rather beg or starve , then worke : & therefore fit subjects for the priests and jesuits to spur on upon such bloudy actions and murth ' rous designes . ignorance is their mother , which is devoid of mercy : god deliver all good christians from the cruelty of such a mother and children . it is too well knowne , ( the more is the pitie and to be lamented ) that the irish have murther'd of the protestant party in the provinces of vlster , lempster , connaght and munster , of men , women , and children , the number of fifty thousand , as it is credibly reported by englishmen , who have beene over all parts of the kingdome , and doe protest upon their oaths that there are above five thousand families destroyed . the kingdome of ireland hath foure provinces , wherein there are contained two and thirty counties , besides cities and county townes , in all which places the english are planted up and downe in all parts , where the irish have most murtherously and trayterously surprized them upon great advantages , and with out respect of persons either of age , youth , or infancy , of yongmen or maids , or of old men or babes , stript all to their skins , naked as ever they were borne into the world , so they have gone out of the world , many hundreds having beene found starved to death in ditches for want of food and rayment , where the rebellious irish have shewed them no more mercy or compassion , no , nor so much as they would doe to their dogs . thus much for the generall , now i come to particulars . at one master atkins house , seven papists brake in & beat out his brains , then ripped up his wife with childe , after they had ravished her , and nero-like view'd natures bed of conception , they then took the child , and sacrificed it in the fire . they have flead the skin from the bones of others like butchers : the principles of whose religion is bloud . witnesse our books of martyrs those chronicles of bloud . witnesse those thousands of butchered protestants in france , or germany . they burned others , firing their houses , towns , villages , those sons of the coale , as if their habitation were in hell . at one mr atkins house 7 papistes brake in & beate out his braines , then riped upe his wife with childe after they had rauished her & nero like vewed natures bed of conception then tooke they the childe & sacrificed it in the fire english protestantes striped naked & turned into the mountaines in the frost , & snowe ▪ whereof many hundreds are perished to death ▪ & many liynge dead in diches & sauages upbraided them saynge now are ye wilde irisch as well as wee ▪ they have vowed to root out all the english nation out of this kingdome . they have turned all the protestants out of kilkeny . at belturbal● in the county of cavan , the popish rebels demanded the town on promise , that if they would surrender they should passe free with bag and baggage , they backt their promise with oaths and execrations , cursing themselves , if they did not let them goe withall . on serious considerations of the inhabitants and , the governour , they were perswaded to yield it up , which when they had done , and drawing away their goods and moneys , they like treacherous villains sent about twenty or thirty to guard them , when they had guarded them seven miles from the town , they with more of that desperate forsworn rabble seized on them , robbed all the protestants , being betweene five hundred and a thousand persons , men , women , and children ; who submitting themselves to their mercy , found no quarter but cruelty : they stript them all naked , and turn'd them out of their houses into the open fields in bitter cold weather , in a most vile and shamefull manner , not affording them one of their lowzy rags to hide those parts which should be covered . take notice of the faith of a papist , who for his own advantage , casts off all bonds of fidelity and common honesty . they are remarkable for perfidiousnesse and treachery , as you may behold in that master of mis-rule , the arch-rebell sir philem-oneal , basely pretending to be a suitor to the old lady cawfield being a widow , and made faire promises of his respects to her , and when hee had his advantage of possession of her house and goods , turned them out of all , and bound them prisoners , and made her whom he intended his neerest companion to be his lowest vassall . in the towne of lurgon , in the county of armagh , the mac-kans skirmishing with the englishmen , slue divers of our men , whereupon they entred parley demanding the towne : sir william brunlow being governour of the castle , on some considerations thought good to yield thereupon they promised and backt it with oaths & great protestations , that they should have faire quarter , and passe without prejudice to their lives : yet behold the perfidiousnesse of these brutish creatures , as men not fearing god or devill , whose practice they imitate , who was a liar from the beginning . notwithstanding all these faire pretences they knew no mercy , killed men , spoiled women , nay , in their boundlesse rage , slue and massacred , and sript helplesse ministers , whose calling might have pleaded pity . but what speake wee of pity to men , that have no bowels ? in london derry , at the towne of belly-hagh belonging to the londoners . sir philem-oneal , promised under hand and seale to let the poore protestants to passe with bag and baggage , only to part with their town , which was a faire goodly place : yet this perfidious rebell , as if it was not enough to make these poore souls harborless , to lay them open to vvind and vveather , but to adde to all their misery , stript man , vvoman and child , took their clothes for a prey , and sent them out naked , vvithout a shirt or smock to their backs , left them not vvorth a groat , this vvas one of their vvorks of mercy , if they scaped vvith their lives : but how many lives might be lost by this immodest and inhumane act , judge . the tender mercies of the wicked are cruell . will you behold another mercifull act and record it . captaine rory mac-quire , the lord macquires brother at the beginning of the rebellion for the first fortnight commands his souldiers to give quarter to women and children , but to massacre all the men to spare none . woe to him that makes the wife a widow and the children fatherlesse , but after they began to resist , and to gather into companies : then heare the charge of this bloudy man , give no quarter , no not to women , though teares and prayers interpose , yet know no pity : no not to harmlesse babes , though it was death enough to kill their parents , nor spare neither man , woman , or child . it is reported by an eminent gentleman , that hath long dwelt among the rebels , but it 's thought fit to forbeare the names of those that give intelligence of the barbarous cruelties of these savage beasts , because they threaten to be the death of them that shall unmaske them . it is reported by this gentleman that the handlowans came to town-regis , divers of them assaulted the castle , of which captain saint john was commander , hee with his son got away with some difficulty , leaping over the wall , they fearing they might fetch supplies to recover their lost castle , most inhumanely tooke the captaines wife , ( poore gentlewoman ) and set her on the wall having stript her to her smock , who was big with child ( and within an houre of her delivery ) that in case the captain and his son should have assaulted the towne , his wife should have beene the white at which hee must have levelled : oh extreame and unheard of cruelty ! as for the protestant ministers whom they surprize , their cruelty is such towards them , as it would make the hardest heart to melt into teares . their manner is first to strip them , and after bind them to a tree or some post where they please , and then to ravish their wives and daughters before their faces ( in sight of all their mercilesse rabble ) with the basest villains they can pick out , after they hang up their husbands and parents before their faces , and then cut them downe before they be half dead , then quarter them , after dismember them , and stop their mouthes therewith . they basely abused one m. trafford a minister in the north of ireland who was assaulted by these bloudy wolves of romes brood , that know not god , nor any bowels of mercy . this poore distressed minister desired but so much time to bethink himselfe before he took his farewell of the world to call upon god : but these mercilesse wretches would admit no time , but instantly fell on him , hackt and hewed him to pieces . doctor tate minister of belly-hayes they stript starke naked , and then wounded him dangerously in the head , and then let him goe towards dublin , where hee lay long sick . sir patrick dunstons wife ravished before him , slue his servants , spurned his children till they died , bound him with roules of match to a board , that his eyes burst out , cut off his eares and nose , teared off both his cheeks , after cut off his arms and legs , cut out his tongue , after run a red hot iron into him . multitudes of herringes driuen into dublin , 20 a peny . sr : patrike dunsons wiffe ravished before him ▪ slew his seruants , spurned his children tell they died , bound him with rowles of match to a bord that his eyes bursted out cut of his eares & nose teared ofe both his cheekes after cut of his armes & legges , cut out his tongue after rune a red hot iron into him many gentlewomen have they ravished before their husbands faces , stripping them first naked to the view of their wicked companions , taunting and mocking them ( after they have spoiled them ) with bitter and reproachfull words , sending them away in such a shamefull , or rather shamelesse manner , that most of them have died with shame and grief , or else have starved with want and cold . base cruelty unheard of , exceeding the brute beasts , and so much the worse because they are reasonable , which makes them skilfull to destroy . one master luttrell dwelling within three miles of the burrough of cavan , a gentleman worth by report , two or three hundred pounds a yeere , with a very great stock of cattle , was basely betrayed by an irish boy that hee had bred up in his house . see the basenesse of the popish brood , who when hee was at dinner ( being upon the thirtieth day of october last ) was surprized by threescore of those irish unmercifull villains , with a company of dirty whoores and bastards that followed them , which this boy let in at a back doore , where pulling him and his vertuous wife from the table , and foure smal children , the eldest of them being not sixe yeeres of age , and one sucking at her brest without pity or humanity stript them naked , notwithstanding their prayers and teares to have let them kept their clothes , and then thrusting them in a cruell and violent manner out of doores , threatned to kill them if they went not speedily away . take notice how uncertaine all our outward comforts are . so they departed ( for feare ) away , being ashamed to bee seene of their servants , some of them running one way , and some another to shift for themselves , but the distressed gentleman with his wife and children , and a little youth , directed their course towards dublin , hoping to find some of their friends in the way to relieve them , but the farther they came the more miserable they were , meeting their loving friends robbed ( by others ) in the same manner , which struck in them such amazement and feare , that their hearts failed them , so that being naked and hungry , helplesse and hopelesse , the poore infants crying in their eares , which must needs kill their hearts , they went not far but sate downe under a hedge or ditch , and there died : being not ( at that time above sixe miles from his own house , for this little youth that he had bred up ( being an english boy ) forsooke not his master when the rest ran from him , but continued with him till death , the same day , some horsemen or troopers riding that way to coast the country , me this youth , unto whom hee told this sad story , and being not far from the place led them to this lamentable sight , where they beheld the true love of man and wife , embracing each other in their death , the three eldest children dead , but the sucking childe was alive preserved through heat , being between them both , and grabling and gaping for the dead mothers brest . so the troopers tooke up the child , carrying it to a nurse , for they knew the parents well , and bestowed some clothes upon the english youth , who came to dublin within few days after , and related the story in my hearing . in the county of roscommon , neere the town of roscommon , there fled into the parish church , eleven score of the english , men , women , and children , where they remayned three dayes and nights without any sustenance , till they were almost starved , so that at last ( what with the cryes of their children and their own wants ) they were forced to commit themselves to the cruelty of the irish , who according to their usuall manner first stript them naked , after drove them through the town like so many harmlesse sheep and lambs over a bridge at the townes end , having before broke down one of the middle arches where a strong water runneth , so that either they must leap in or come back , their intent being there to murther them , as they did . for the poore wretches being sicke , weak and faint for food and sleepe ( yet unwilling to hasten their own ends ) some returned back whom they kild without mercy , others they thrust into the water who were drowned , some that could , did swim towards the shoare , and there inhumane villanies , brutish furies , ran and met them before they could get to land , and knockt them in the head in the water , some few escaped that did swim to the other side of the river , where the irish could not come at them , having before broken downe the bridge themselves , and so escaped to dublin , to be sad witnesses of this lamentable tragedy . master blandry a minister they hanged , after puld his flesh from his bones in his wifes sight . driuinge men women & children by hundreds vpon briges & casting them into riuers , who drowned not were killed with poles & shot with muskets mr blandry minister hanged after pulled his flesh from his bones in his wiffes sight there was one gentlewoman which was wife to master king a deane ( brother to the bishop of clogue ) and parson of dundalke , in the county of lowth , who having three thousand inhabitants in his parish , had but thirty communicants of the protestant party , the rest being all irish and papist , and although this gentleman did for many days together ( by his own relation to mee ) sollicite his wife to goe to dublin , and to remove his goods thither living at a place about two miles from dundalke , she being great with child , yet would not be perswaded , although she knew the rebels were at the newry within eight miles of dundalke , whereupon hee left her and his family , and going to a friends house within two miles of his own ( for feare of the multitude of the irish , that lived about his own house ) he remayned there but two days when tydings was brought him , that the irish had seized upon his wife and all that he had , so that he was forced to fly away for his life with his friends , who was pursued by the rebels above twelve miles , but through gods mercy he escaped with his precious life ( which they hunted after ) with the loss of his whole estate , and wife whom they turned out of doores ( having first abused her ) where shee was delivered in straw , without the helpe of any woman , and so perished . she was a charitable gentlewoman , and in her life time had relieved many hundreds of the poore irish , and this mercy they afforded her for her charity . the lord blany escaped their cruelty , being forced to ride fourteene miles upon a poore carrion jade , without either bridle or saddle to save his life , his vertuous lady being surprized by these villains , the same day and his children , who use her most ignobly and cruelly , neither regarding her noblenesse of birth , nor her lord , but forc'd her to lodge in straw with a poore allowance of two pence a day to relieve her and her children : and to adde affliction to the good ladies misery , slue a kinsman of hers , and caused him to be hanged up before her face two days and two nights in the roome where shee lay to terrifie her , telling her withall , she must expect that end . the lord blany forced to ride 14 miles without bridle or sadell to saue his life his lady lodged in strawe beeing allowed 2 a day to releue her & her children , slew a kindsman of hers and hanged him up before her face 2 dayes telling her she must expect the same to terrifie her the moore mr dauenant and his wife bound in their chaires striped the 2 eldest children of 7 years old rosted them upon spittes before their parents faces . cutt heir throte and after murdred him . at the borough of kello , or , as some letters report , at the borough of trim , being both in the county of meath , in the province of vlster , the rebels surprized the house of one arthur robinson , he himselfe being at that time in dublin , which was upon the sixt day of november last , about some suits hee had in law , being in the last michaelmas terme , he not knowing that the rebels were risen in those parts there , hee intending to have gone home to his wife and family , five or six days after , hoping by that time to have ended his businesse , and indeed when he came from his house to dublin , which was on the twentieth day of october , the rebellion was not begun in any part of ireland , but before his appointed time to return home , a messenger prevented him with heavy tydings , even his only daughter whom hee quickly knew , though shee were much disguized , for the rebels have slain most of his family , robbed and pillaged the house , after they had stripped his wife and ravished her , they sought ought for this young virgin ( being about fourteene yeares of age ) who had hid her selfe in a barne , where the villains quickly found her : but she made what resistance she could to preserve her chastity , and with a knife shee had ( unseen to them ) wounded one of them , which the rest perceiving seized upon her violently , stripped her , and then bound her with her armes abroad , in such manner as she could not help her self any way , and so like hel-hounds defloured her one after another , till they had spoiled her ; and to shew their unheard off malice , were not herewith content , but puld the haire from her head , and cut out her tongue : because shee should not report the truth and their cruelty , but the maid could write , though shee could not speak , and so discovered their inhumane usage to her and her mother . the maid was sent with a letter from her father in dublin to mynhead in somersetshire , to her uncle william dyer , her mothers brother living within three miles of mynhead , which letter i have seen here in towne ▪ containing the contents above-written , being dated at dublin , the twentieth of november last . about the eighth of january last a distressed minister came to dublin , that had left some goods with a supposed friend , sent for them , the goods could not be delivered , unlesse he or his wife came for them , hee would not goe , but she went and when she came where her goods were ( as if that were too little to lose her estate , but her life must goe also ) they hanged her up . was there ever such barbarisme among the heathen ? arthur robinsons daughter 14. yeares old the rebbels bounde her armes a broad , deflowerd , her one after an other tell they spoyled her then pulled the haire from her head and cut out her tongue that she might not tell of their cruelty , but she declared it by writing a minister and his wife came to dublin ian : 30. 1641. left behinde him some goods with a supposed frend , sent for them but could not be deliuered vnlesse he or his wife come for them she came and presently they hanged her upe , in the countie of fermannagh , in the province of vlster , they murthered one master champion a justice of peace , and a burgesse of the parliament for the borough of iniskillin in the said county , who was betray'd by an irish villaine his tenant , whom hee had saved himself twice before from the gallows . the rogue's name was patrick mack-dermot , who finding one of his companion , brings him to master champion's house , and tels master champion that he found this thiefe stealing of his cattle , the gentleman knowing this mack-dermot , said unto him before one master iremonger an attorney , i am glad thou art turn'd from a thiefe to catch a thiefe , whereupon he return'd him this peremptory answer , that hee was no more thiefe than himselfe . no sooner had he utter'd these words in the court before his house , but there rushes in upon them a great number of these rebels , who without respect of mercy stabb'd master champion , instantly before hee could get into his house : so that hee fell down immediatly , but their fury went further then death , for they wounded him with their skeins in thirty places after hee was dead , and then cut off his head to make sure worke , while the rest ran into the house after master iremonger , whom they followed so close that hee had not time to lay hold on his sword to help himself , but falling down upon his knees and calling upon god for mercy , they fell upon him , and ran him thorow and thorow , and so he died . one of master champions servants escaped to dublin , and reported this in my hearing in december last . a third was likewise slaine , then the rebels entred the house and kild more : his wife's sister and her brother in law , with two others in the house they keep prisoners to this day , taking possession of all they had within the house and without , his wife was down on her knees to beg a sheet to put her hubands dead body in . and another gentleman with other friends that came to visit him over night , lost their lives next morning . mr: ffordes house rifled and to make her confesse where her mony lay they tooke hot tonges clappinge them to the soules of her feete & to the palmes of her handes so tormented her that with the paine thereof shee died they haue set men & women on hot grideorns to make them confesse where there money was they have set up gallows five miles distant in divers places on purpose , to hang up the protestant spies , which they have done accordingly , they have likewise cruelly set women & men one red hot gridions to make them confess where such coyne , and money , and goods as they had , or whether they have hid or sold any . and all these cruelties are not done without the advice and animation of the friers , priests , and jesuits , and their religious men , or rather firebrands of hell ; who at their masses , and their incendiary sermons , stir up the people to the committing of these massacres , promising them pardon for the same , and assuring them the more merit , by how much the more they exceed in their villainous cruelties : they themselves being still in the first of these executions . for no stratagem of warre , nor other horrid action or designe whatsoever , is there undertaken , without them . they going on with their souldiers in the head and front of every battaile , and by their mischievous advices and counsels do make them mad , tigre-like , with fiercenesse and cruelty , assuring them that to imbrue their hands in the bloud of us protestants ( which they terme heretikes ) shall adde to their merits and canonization of saints , and gain them higher place and reward in heaven . master jerome minister they basely abused who lived neere dublin sometimes : but when he was thus murthered , he lived neere the borough of athie , in the county of kildare , they hanged him then , mangled his body , cut off his members , stopt his mouth with them , then quartered him . this is reported by a citizen of dublin now in london to beare witnesse to this truth . a proclamation was made that neither english nor irish should either sell or keep in their houses any powder upon the losse of goods and life : except with licence , and at two shillings the pound . ministers they hate and breath out cruelty against cruelty , massacring their bodies , burning their books , and tearing them in pieces , and it is likely where they can light on them they use them accordingly . hauing rauished virgens & wifes they take there children & dase there braines against the walls in sight of there weepinge parents & after destrored them likewise mr ierome minister of brides his body mangled & his members cut of they rob all english protestants , stripping them stark naked , and so turn them into the open fields and mountaines in frost and snow , where hundreds have perished . they destroy the english breed of cattel out of malice to the protestants , that the poore dumbe creatures fare the worse and are spoiled , though one of ours is worth foure of theirs . they have cut off mens privy members and stopt their mouthes with them ( like cruell savage beasts ) that they might commit such horrid villanies without noyse and lest their pittilesse bowels might be moved with the cryes of those so cruelly massacred protestants . at waterford , some poore protestants ready to be starved , came to the towne for reliefe , and their charity threw them some bread over the wall : it is likely the dogs should have had the same entertainment . the papists curse the jesuites and friers that have beene the cause of all this , this gives hopes their kingdome being divided cannot stand . these bloudy papists forced the protestants to pull off their clothes , and then killed them on purpose , that they might have their clothes without holes . after they had knocked a man down dead , they fearing he might counterfeit they doe run their swords twenty times into his bodie lest hee might revive again . they have stripped ladies and gentlewomen , virgins both old and yong stark naked , turning them into the open fields . many hundreds have bin found dead in ditches with cold and want of food and rayment , esteeming them no better then dogs . they labour what they can to make death appear more dreadfull then it is in it selfe : they hang up husband , kindred , children , before the faces of their living wives and tender mothers ready to dye for griefe , a death worse then death it self , and this they do on purpose to increase their dolorous paine and anguish . they have forced ( as is reported ) some to turn to their cursed bloudy religion , and then perswaded them that they were fittest to die , and then treacherously kill their bodies and do what in them lies to damne their souls . debtors basely murdering their creditors . tenants sheathing their swords in their landlords bowels , servants unnaturally slaying their masters , others possessing themselves of their lands , goods , plates , money , jewels , houshold-stuffe , corn , and cattle , and thrust them out of doores naked . oh inhumane crueltie ! many great mens servants being irish ran away from their masters with their best horses to the rebels . many of the protestants usually took into their houses , irish boys , as servants and those did basely betray their masters like judas , into the hands of these bloudy wolves . a good caveat to look to our servants before we take them , and to instruct them in the feare of god when we have . others they have wounded to death , and then left them languishing , their bellies being ript up & guts issuing out , they poore wretches lying on dunghils ( see the charity of cruell papists ) all this lest they should be out of their misery too soon . it seems it was their delight to linger out their cruelties ( like men that wanted bowels ) for whereas the primitive persecutions were exquisitly cruel yet they made a quicke dispatch of them : but these sons of belial found new ways of persecution by extreame cold and hunger to starve ( which aggravates their cruelty ) tender women with childe , poore helplesse infants and sucklings . an irish rebell ( as a credible friend reports ) snatched an innocent babe out of the arms of the mother , and cast it into the fire before her face , but god met with this bloudy wretch : for before he went from that place , hee brake his neck . the rebels have burned all the plantation townes in the county of london derry . one hundred and twenty they threw into the water by force , drowning some that could not swim , others that could they knock'd on the head . many rich and great men have fled into england , carrying their estates with them , they have left no reliefe for the poore distressed people that came hither . thousands are thus fled into dublin , many hundreds starved to death with hunger and cold , the poore citizens relieve them beyond their abilities the charge lying on the poorer sort . many of their wives they have ravished in their sights before the multitude like bruit beasts , stripping them naked to the view of their wicked companions , taunting them , scoffing them , and then sending them away shamefully , that they have died with grief , or beene starved with cold . one master wels minister losing his notes , went back to looke them , and as he returned hee met the rebels crying , kill all , kill all , the head rebels command . thereupon hee fled over a mountain , was up to the breast in cold snow water and so scaped to dublin very hardly with his life . three thousand six hundred poore souls fled naked into dublin , and starved with hunger , came to eat something and died with eating , twenty in a day lay dead in the open streets , as men smitten with the plague . sir james crag being in his castle , having many with him was besieged with the rebels , and almost famished the knight was constrained to put forty out of the castle which else must have beene famished with the rest : behold the crnelty of these bloud-sucking papists , when they were turned out , and left to their mercie , they made quicke dispatch set on them , and slue every man . another as savage of that bloud-hound rory macqueere , at the beginning of the rebellion , who came into an english gentlemans house , and found him in his bed , and there began to cruciate and torture his naked body , that hee might extort of him a confession where his treasure lay , which when this poore distracted gentleman acknowledged in hopes to be eased , they cruelly killed him , and then stript his wife naked , and turned her out of doors , as if they would make all savage like themselves : and lastly , makqueere took his daughter being a proper gentlewoman and satisfied his beastly lust on her deflouring her , as if this was too little to kill her father , turn her mother out of doores , and abuse her himselfe , but like an inhumane villain cut off her garments by the middle , and then turned her to the mercy of the common souldiers , to be abused at their pleasure . the preestes & iesuites anointe the rebells with there sacrament of vnction before they goe to murther & robe ashuringe them that for there meritorious seruice , if they be killed he shall escape purgatory & go to heauen immediatly . they do usually mangell there dead carcases layng wagers who shall cut deepest into there dead flesh with there skeyns . they destroy our english sheepe in detestation of us , although one is better then 4 of theirs . they haue vowed to roote out the name of the english . they doe usually mangle their dead carcasses laying wagers , who shall cut deepest into their flesh with their skeins . at carvagh , neere colerant , the rebels came to begirt the . towne , master rowly brother to the worthy knight sir john clotworthy , came forth with a small company about three hundred men to prevent them , they came upon them with a very great company , and slue all but eight of the protestants , base cowardize where they want courage , they make it up with heaps and multitudes of frighted hares , and the more fearefull and cowardly , ever the more cruell upon any advantage . all their cruelties have been usually on disarmed men in small villages , where was no strength to resist them , there they have tyrannizd over the weaker sex , women , & they have basely triumphed over little children their rage hath beene exercised . oh base cowardise if they have ventured sometimes on pur men , it hath beene when they were naked , as they have bin flying from those furies which their party have newly stript naked : by and by they met with more of those white-livered villaines in companies . they would likewise abuse those poor naked protestants like dogs , adding to their misery beating them and bruising their naked bodies with cudgels , breaking the heads of some and wounding others that if they have not died , they have beene dangerously sicke with the inhumane usage of those merciless wretches : nay , rather then they will be ( no body ) they will shew their manhood in abusing dead bodies , as this story declares by very credible testimony from their own countrimen . here i shall acquaint you with a remarkable story , which i received from a citizen of dublins testimony of good repute there and here : wherein you may behold the promise made good to the protestant side , which the lord himselfe made to his people israel , that five should chase a hundred . it pleased god by one man and few with him to out-dare about thirty thousand of those cowardly rebels , whose cause is base , whose religion is but a meere pretence for their bloudy designes , and thus it was as that citizen related . a very great army of about thirty thousand rebels besieged drohedah , wherein was that valiant and religious commander sir henry tichbourn , with a few of the protestant party with him in comparison of those multitudes of rebels , trusting to their great army , boldly demanded the towne , if they would yield , no question , but they should have faire quarter : but sir henry knowing them ( its likely ) very well how perfidious they were , and the lesse to be believed , the more they swore and execrated themselves , resolutely replyed , and sent the rebels this answer . be it knowne to you i am a souldier bred , and wil never yield but upon three conditions : 1 before i surrender i will kill all the papists in the town . 2 i will destroy all the nunneries . 3 i will fire the towne , and march in the light of it , by the help of god to dublin . nay , rather then i will give up , i will feed on a piece of a dead horse , and if that faile , i will eat the shoulder of an old popish alderman . this bone hee threw among those hungry wolves , and you may imagine how they relished it . and that remarkable instance which was published by order of the right honorable the house of lords concerning this noble and religious knight sir henry tichbourn , how it pleased god to honour him with a succesfully victory against the rebels now very lately , they being driven in drohedah , to eat horse flesh for want of other provision . the rebels having chained up the river in hope to keepe out provision by sea , that no reliefe might come from dublin , it pleased god to raise such a storme that broke the chain , and scattered the enemies boats , and opened a free passage from dublin , whereby they were relieved , blessed be god . thus the lord fought for them by winds and seas . as the windes and seas obey him , and hee rules in them , so on the land he rules . it is not by many but by few , one shall chase a hundred when god sights for his people . pulling them about the streetes by the haire of the head , dashing the childrens braines against the postes saynge these were the pigges of the english sowes . droghedah so bloked up that a bushell of wheate was fold for 23. shill , & meate scarce to be had at any rate ▪ ian ▪ 4. 1641. here take notice of their cowardise againe attempted on a noble lady by a letter sent from seven of the grand rebels , with her resolute and undaunted answer to them as follow● . the rebels letter to the lady offalia , in her castle at geshel . to the honorable and thrice vertuous lady , the lady digby , these give . honorable , we his majesties loyall subjects being at the present employed in his highnesse service for the taking of this your castle , you are therefore to deliver unto us free possession of your said castle , promising faithfully , that your ladiship , together with the rest in the said castle restant shall have a reasonable composition ; otherwise upon the yielding of the castle , wee doe assure you that we will burn the whole town , kill all the protestants , and spare neither man , woman nor child upon taking the castle : consider ( madam ) of this our offer , and impute not the blame of your owne folly unto us , thinke not that here wee brag : your ladiship upon submission , shall have a safe convoy to secure you from the hands of your enemies , and to lead you where you leave . a speedy replyis desired with all expedition , and thus wee surcease : henry demsy . charles demsy . andrew fitz patrick . conn dempsy . phelim demsy . john vicars . james m donel . the lady offalia her answer to the rebels . for my cosin henry dempsy and the rest . i received your letter , wherein you threaten to sack this my castle by his majesties authority ; i am and ever have beene a loyall subject , and a good neighbour amongst you , and therefore cannot but wonder at such an assaul ; i thank you for your offer of a convoy , wherein i hold little safety , and therefore my resolution is , that being free from offending his majesty , or doing wrong to any of you , i will live and die innocently , and will doe my best to defend my owne , leaving the issue to god ; and though i have beene and still am desirous to avoid the shedding of christian bloud , yet being provoked your threats shall no whit dismay me . lettice offalia . these stories i relate that all true-hearted protestants may take heart , and likewise take notice that god is vindicating his owne glory against these desperate atheists that began to insult , and to aske ( as wee are credibly informed ) what is become of the god of the protestants , and likewise what spirit and courage god is able to put into the hearts of those that fight for him , and for his cause against his bloud-thirsty enemies . and therefore be not dismaid you protestants , 't is a great honour to fight under the banner of christ , they fight under the banner of antichrist , the lord is with you while yee are with him . see the blasphemies and cruelties of these bloudy men : it is that their names ( as amalek ) may be blotted out from under heaven , for surely the day of recompence is comming , that god will make his arrowes drunke in their bloud , they love bloud , and therefore god will give them bloud in great measure . as for instance . i shall relate you a bloudy story of one of those cruell beasts . the protestant troopers about the beginning of february last , marched out of dublin , as they use to do , to view the coasts , they espied a cruell rebell hewing and mangling a woman in so horrid a manner that it was not possible to know her , having acted his devillish part he triumph'd over her dead corps , and washed his hands in her bloud , whereupon the troopers apprehended this barbarous villaine in the very act of crueltie , and brought him to dublin with his hands all bloudy , and was adjudged to be hang'd immediatly , hee ascended the ladder , and would not stay till the executioner turned him off , but desperatly lept off and hanged himself . this was in the beginning of february last , and is credibly reported by a citizen of dublin , who saw him thus hanged with his hands all bloudy . it is remarkable to take notice of the rice of this bloudy act , it was thus . a frier and this villaine was drinking together in a village , the frier hearing of a poore english woman , there hee commanded this rebell to murther her which he did , as you have read attested by a gentleman of ireland , of good credit . a woman mangled in so horred a man̄er that it was not possible shee should be knowne & after the villaine washed his handes in her bloode was taken by the troopers adiuged to be hanged leaped of the lader & hanged himselfe like a bloodey tyger . companyes of the rebells meeting with the english flyinge for their liues falling downe before them cryinge for mercy thrust theire pichforkes into their childrens bellres & threw them into the water . would any man believe that these villains should take children and tosse them with pitchforks like dung into rivers● one was an eye witnesse ( who lost a great estate there , and since have received reliefe from the parliament ) who saw a cruell wretch , throw a woman crying with teares one way , and her childe with a pitchfork another way . they have cruelly murdered women great with child , and then left them in ditches , to the fury of their dogs , who learned to be cruell from their bloudy masters , for they have eaten the children out of the bowels of the mother . at lesgoole castle in the county of four managh , they have burned fifty scots , men , women , and children . sixteen scots more they have barbarously hanged at cloynes in the county of monaghan . thirty scots they burned in tolagh . it is remarkable that they deale thus cruelly with those noble scots , who have bin renowmed through the christian world , for their zeale against that antichristian rabble , that these rebels would wish they had but one neck , that they might cut them off at one blow , but the protestant cause shall stand in england and scotland , when they and their babel shal be cast into the bottomlesse pit . rory mackqueere at new towne in the county of fourmanagh , above foure hundred poore protestants fled in the church to shrowd themselves under its roofe , for safety from the rage of those men of bloud , where they might have been famished , but the mercy of this mercilesse beast affords them quarter to goe away with their clothes to dublin , and vows he will not hurt them : before they got out of the town , his souldiers stript some and killed others like base perfidious wretches . the iresh lievtenant pretending they came for the king perfidiously come under favour , pretends to borrow the armes of the inhabitants , as they say , to quell the rebels , then breake into their houses , and turne their weapons against themselves , make havock taking their featherbeds , & throw out their feathers , and in the tikes put up what precious things they can find in the house , and carry all away , and so turns them out of doores , the next company takes away their clothes , and clothe them with their rags . the next company thinking they may have mony in those rags , they will take them also , search their mouthes , and those parts which modesty will not admit of an expression : if they can find none , they set their skeins at their breasts , that if they can extort any thing when the poore protestants are naked . blush ! ô sun , to behold the inhumane cruelties and beastly usages of these unheard of cannibals . george forde hanged on a tree in his owne ground , cut his flesh a peaces carying it up & downe , sainge this is the flesh of one of the traitors against our holy father the pope . a proclamation that nether english nor irish should either sell or keepe in their houses any powder upon the losse of goods & life nether any 〈◊〉 mos whatsoeuer , exept with a liconse & then but fiue pound at most at 2 shill : ye pound . some ministers they whip , others they set in the stocks , and make others goe to masse against their wils , then tell them now they have saved their souls , they would hang their bodies . a minister seeing his wife abused , & his children roasted , desired them to put him out of his extremity of anguish , to see such cruelty on those so neere him , they most inhumanely cut his tongue out of his head . and for a conclusion of this dreadfull tragedy . it is related from one of the last letters from ireland , that seventeen of those barbarous monsters came to a ministers house , where they violently fell on him and his wife , stript them naked , bound them back to back , then cut off the ministers privy members , afterward ravished his wife on his back , and then inhumanely cut their throats : transcendent cruelty exceeding pagans and atheists . for the oppression of the poor , and for the sighing of the needy : now will i arise , saith the lord , and set him at liberty from him that puffeth at him . psal. 12. 5. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a34925e-140 a abbot downham , sharp , &c. de antichristo . b 2 thess. 2. c s●egedin . spec. pontificum rom. d seln●ccer v. ●ae pontif. e idea reform . antichrist . tom. 1. part . 2. sect. 2. c 7. f espens . in tit. 1. dig . 1. mus● . loc. com . g bellar. de pont . rom. lib. 4. c. 5. h idaea refor . antichrist vide supra c. 6. i baleus de actis rom. pontif. l. 7. k hist. waldens . l sleidanus . m thuanus . o idaea reform . antich . tom. 1. part . 2. c. 6. p hist. waldens . q booke martyrs tom 1. r bulla pii 5●● . against queen elizabeth s b. carleton . t prideaux serm. on the gunpowder treason . u azorius instit. moral . li . 8. de poenis haeretic . w symanch . instit. lib. 23. 5. 11. saunders de visibil . monarch . l. ● . c. 4. x bannes in 2 2. q. 12. artic . 2. y symanch● ubi supra . z azor. inst. mor. l. 8. c. 13. a eudaem . apol. pro garnet . cap 4. collect for gunpowder treason . d. davenan . determ. qu 17. d. prideaux . sex . higgajon and selab . b in 32. ● . ●ide suprà . c abbor . antilog . c. 6. p. 85. notes for div a34925e-1440 england , scotland . witnesse germany , that field of bloud , as a book of their miseries called the lamentation of germany●●ely printed ●elates . deut. 32. 30. good newes from ireland being a true and exact relation of two great victories obtained against the rebels there : the one by sir charles vavasour, who with lesse then 500 men hath raised the siege of kelly and barry, taken 12 of the chief commanders of the rebels, and brought them in chaines to dublin, and took from them 1000 cowes and 700 sheep besides other cattell doing also great spoil by fire : the other by captain bartlet, who took 40 irish commanders with great store of ammunition, and carried them prisoners to barranakilly, and how the great oneale is wounded and not like to escape / sent in a letter from captaine courtney at dublin to m. snow, one of the adventurers for ireland, dated novemb. 10, 1642 ; also an order mady by both houses of parliament, prohibiting the aiding and relieving of the rebels in ireland. courtney, thomas, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a34777 of text r16740 in the english short title catalog (wing c6611). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a34777 wing c6611 estc r16740 12433803 ocm 12433803 61997 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34777) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61997) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 248:e127, no 33) good newes from ireland being a true and exact relation of two great victories obtained against the rebels there : the one by sir charles vavasour, who with lesse then 500 men hath raised the siege of kelly and barry, taken 12 of the chief commanders of the rebels, and brought them in chaines to dublin, and took from them 1000 cowes and 700 sheep besides other cattell doing also great spoil by fire : the other by captain bartlet, who took 40 irish commanders with great store of ammunition, and carried them prisoners to barranakilly, and how the great oneale is wounded and not like to escape / sent in a letter from captaine courtney at dublin to m. snow, one of the adventurers for ireland, dated novemb. 10, 1642 ; also an order mady by both houses of parliament, prohibiting the aiding and relieving of the rebels in ireland. courtney, thomas, 17th cent. vavasour, charles, sir, d. 1644. england and wales. parliament. [2], 6 p. ... printed for t. wright, london : novemb. 21, 1642. signed: thomas courtney. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. ireland -history -1625-1649. a34777 r16740 (wing c6611). civilwar no good newes from ireland· being a true and exact relation of two great victories obtained against the rebels there: the one by sir charles va courtney, thomas 1642 1578 4 0 0 0 0 0 25 c the rate of 25 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion good newes from ireland . being a true and exact relation of two great victories obtained against the rebels there : the one by sir charles vavasour , who with lesse then 500. men hath raised the siege of kelly , and barry , taken 12. of the chief commauders of the rebels , and brought them in chaines to dublin , and took from them 1000. cowes , and 700. sheep besides other cattell , doing also great spoil by fire . the other by captain bartlet , who took 40. irish commanbers , with great store of ammunition , and carried them prisoners to barranakilly ; and how the great oneale is wounded , and not like to escape . sent in a letter from captaine courtney at dublin , to m. snow , one of the adventurers for ireland . dated novemb. 10. 1642. also an order made by both houses of parliament , prohibiting the aiding and relieving of the rebels in ireland . london , novemb. 21. printed for t. wright . 1642. true intelligence from ireland : being the copie of a letter from captain courtney at dublin , to m. snow one of the adventurers for ireland , dated the 10. of november , 1642. sir , with grief i have considered your last letter , and no marvell of such distractions in the kingdome , when as the ports are opened to receive those rebels and traitors which passe from hence to his majesty , and as by your letters and pamphlets of newes they are received and made chiefe commanders of his majesties army ; there is , as i conceive , a great default in the searchers of plymouth , bristoll and mineard , which suffer any to passe without examination or otherwise , so that the kingdome is in a desperate condition , and lies at the brink of destruction . oneale the great rebell hath of late beene very sick , and we all think he will hardly recover it , for what with his wound in his side at felles siege , and sicknesse together , he lies desperately sick . we often heare from him , th●● he is well recovered , but by his ragged souldiers which we take daily , they have confessed that he cannot live ; and in case he should die , the young makarkey shall be made generall over the whole kingdome : what souldiers we take we dare not keep them for feare of infection , for the plague is very much disperst among them , & hundreds die at a time . we have had it likewise amongst our souldiers , but we received it first from the rebels and captives which we took ; but we hope the worst is past , for there dieth not above 100. a week , and some weeks lesse , which is but a moitie of those hat die of the rebels . sir , about 4. dayes before the date of my letter , wee advanced our forces towards felles , where we found some of the irish army drinking of carowses and healths to the king of spaine their supposed protector ; but in the midst of their jollity our army fell upon them , and slew 200. whereupon a greater party of the rebels appeared , and assaulted us , and there was a stout fight on both sides , laying aside pikes & muskets , and fighting only with our swords , so that our men had slaine and wounded most of them , had not colonell bourne with a fresh supply of 600. come in the interim . neverthelesse our souldiers made good their parts , and came off with the losse of 100. at the most . we brought from them 1000. cowes , besides horse and sheep , and great store of other pillage that was freely given to the souldiers for their pains , which very much incourageth them . oneal his souldiers are most lamentable distressed poore people , hardly sufficient to cloath their nakednesse . we were much afraid of the spanish forces which landed at waterford two dayes before the fight , but , as god would have it , our souldiers carried their pillage quite away before they came to assist colonell bourne , who was chiefe commander amongst the rebels in that fight . we have great hopes of captaine bartlet , for hitherto he hath done very good service ; and this instant day he took a dunkirk ship full of ammunition , and 40. irish commanders in it , and immediately brought them to barannakilly : they were driven with a tempest upon our coasts , for it appeared by their examination that they intended to have landed at tingmouth , dartmouth , or some such like creek in the west parts of england . i cannot but admire at a merchants ship of bristoll which lately anchored at crockhaven by reason of tempestuous weather , the captain and master of the ship fearing lest the rebels would sink her , invited the chiefest rebels of the towne aboard , and gave them royall entertainment , in hopes to have merchandize for their tobacco , they had fair promises protested aboard , but when the rebels got the captain & master ashore , they vowed to hang them if they commanded not the rest of the mariners to come ashore and leave their ship and goods amongst them . the captain and master escaped with their lives , though it were not a penniworth of hurt if the rebels had hanged them in earnest , for they needed not to h●zzard ship or goods , nor were they constrained to go ashore , but they might have caried away or curbed the rebels at their pleasure . sir charles vavasour is worthy of honour , and very forward in any designe , he hath lately been at kelly and barry , and although the townes have been besieged , yet with lesse then 500. he raised the siege , and enforced them to take their bulwarks for their refuge , and between their works and sconces in the trenches he spied at least 200. of the rebels dead , who died of the sicknesse , and lay on the ground like dead dogs : he commanded his souldiers not to touch any of them , which they all obeyed , yet he departed not empty , for his souldiers tooke 7. or 800. sheep , besides cowes and hogs : besides other spoile by fire which he did before he departed , he took 12. commanders , and coupled them in chaines , and brought them unto dublin . i will not trouble you with superfluous matter , onely this , our city of dublin is at great expence for the paiment of souldiers , and is strongly fortified within and without , being double chained in every crosse street , and 1000. armed men every night equally distributed to the courts of guard : neverthelesse the rebels affront us to the very ports of the city ; but i hope god in his good time will abate the pride of those his enemies , asswage thei● malice , and confound their divellish devices , unto which i shall ever say , amen . dublin , novemb , 10. 1642. your assured loving friend , thomas courtney . an order made by both houses of parliament , forbidding the aiding and relieving of the rebels in ireland . whereas great numbers of papists , both english and irish , some whereof have been , and are commanders in the warres ; and others , such as have estates in england , have gone out of this kingdom into ireland , immediately before and during the present rebellion there , and traiterously joyned themselves with the rebels of that nation , against his majesty , and the crown of england ; and likewise divers other popish commanders , and such as have estates in england , are daily preparing to go thither , to the same wicked ends : and great store of armes , ammunition , money , corne , and other victuals and provisions have been sent , and are daily preparing to be sent to that kingdome , for the assistance and incouragement of those rebels : for prevention whereof , the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled , doe hereby order and straightly charge and command all sheriffs , justices of the peace , mayors , bailiffs , constables , and other his majesties officers within the realm of england , and dominion of wales , that they apprehend and examine all such persons , as they shall suspect to be papists , and going out of this kingdome , and the dominion of wales into ireland . and that they also make stay of all armes , munition , money , corne , and other victnals and provisions , which they shall suspect to be prep●ring for transportation into ireland , for the aid and relief of the rebels there , and to give speedy notice thereof unto the parliament . hen. elsing : cler. parl. d. com. a great conspiracy by the papists in the kingdome of ireland discovered by the lords, justices and counsell at dvblin and proclaimed there octob. 23, 1641 : vvhich proclamation was sent to the parliament here in england, and read before the lords and commons in parliament on munday novemb. 1, 1641 : vvhereunto is annexed the copy of a letter written with the kings owne hand, and sent to mr. nicholas, clarke of the counsell from edenbvrgh octob. 18, 1641. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a41891 of text r29689 in the english short title catalog (wing g1680). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a41891 wing g1680 estc r29689 12562162 ocm 12562162 63256 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41891) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63256) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 961:5) a great conspiracy by the papists in the kingdome of ireland discovered by the lords, justices and counsell at dvblin and proclaimed there octob. 23, 1641 : vvhich proclamation was sent to the parliament here in england, and read before the lords and commons in parliament on munday novemb. 1, 1641 : vvhereunto is annexed the copy of a letter written with the kings owne hand, and sent to mr. nicholas, clarke of the counsell from edenbvrgh octob. 18, 1641. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. clarke, nicholas, 17th cent. [2], 4 p. printed for john thomas, london : 1641. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -sources. a41891 r29689 (wing g1680). civilwar no a great conspiracy by the papists in the kingdome of ireland, discovered by the lords, justices and counsell at dublin and proclaimed there [no entry] 1641 648 1 0 0 0 0 0 15 c the rate of 15 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-11 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a great conspiracy by the papists in the kingdome of ireland , discovered by the lords , justices , and counsell at dvblin and proclaimed there octob. 23 , 1641. vvhich proclamation was sent to the parliament here in england and read before the lords and commons in parliament on munday novemb. 1. 1641. vvhereunto is annexed the copy of a letter written with the kings owne hand , and sent to mr. nicholas , clarke of the counsell from edenbvrgh octob. 18. 1641. london , printed for john thomas . 1461. by the lords jvstices , and councell at dublin in ireland , octob. 23. 1641. w. parsons , io. burlacie . these are to m●ke known and published to all his majesties good subjects in this kingdome of ireland , that there is a discovery made by us the lords , justices , and councell , of a most disloyall and detestable conspiracie intended by some evill affected irish papists , against the lives of us the lords , justices , and councell , and many others of his majesties faithfull subjects universally throughout this kingdome , and for the seizing not onely of his majesties castle of dublin his majesties principall fort here , but also of the other fortifications of the kingdome . and seeing by the great goodnesse and aboundant mercy of almighty god to his majesty and this state and kingdome , these wicked conspiracies are brought to light , and some of the conspirators committed to the castle of dublin by us , by his majesties authority , so as those wicked and damnable plots , are now disappointed in the chiefe parts thereof : wee therefore have thought fit hereby not onely to make it publikely knowne for the comfort of his majesties good and loyall subjects in all parts of the kingdome , but also hereby to require them , that they doe with all confidence and cheerefulnesse betake themselves to their owne defence , and stand upon their guard , so to render the more safety to themselves and all the kingdome besides , and that they advertise us with all possible speed of all occurrences which may concerne the peace and safety of the kingdome , and now to shew fully that faith and loyalty which they have alwayes shewen for the publike service of the crowne and kingdome , which we will value to his majesty accordingly , and a speciall memory thereof , will be retained for their advantage in due time , and wee require that great care be taken that no levies of men be made for forraigne service , or any man suffered to march upon any such pretences . given at his majesties castle at dublin , 25. octob. 1641. the names of those lords iustices , and counsellours in the castle of dublin , at the dating of this proclamation . robert dillon . robert digby , adam loftus . iohn temple . thomas rothoram . francis vvilloughby . iames vvare . robert meridith . god save the king . a copy of a letter written with the kings owne hand to mr. nicholas , clarke of the counsell , bearing date from edenburgh , 18. octob. 1641. i heare it is reported that at my returne i intend to alter the government of the church of england , and to bring it to that forme as it is here . therefore i command you to assure all my servants , that j will be constant to the discipline and doctrine of the church of england established by queene elizabeth and my father , and that i resolve by the grace of god ) to dye in the maintenance of it . charles rex . from edenburgh octob. 18. 1641. finis . whereas a most barbarous and outragious murder and robbery was committed, on sunday the seventh day of this instant october in the evening, in the town of radrom in the county of wicklow ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormond. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) 1677 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46098 wing i702 estc r36817 16138350 ocm 16138350 104801 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46098) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104801) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:4) whereas a most barbarous and outragious murder and robbery was committed, on sunday the seventh day of this instant october in the evening, in the town of radrom in the county of wicklow ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormond. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. s.n., [dublin : 1677] title from first 5 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint suggested by wing. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 19th. day of october 1677." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng murder -ireland -rathdrum. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . ormond . vvhereas a most barbarous and outragious murder and robbery was committed , on sunday the seventh day of this instant october in the evening , in the town of radr●m in the county of wicklow , by several traiterous and rebellious persons then assembled together in armes to the great terror of his majesties good subjects , and the disturbance of the peace of this kingdom , & whereas some of the said offendors , being since apprehended , & committed to his majesties goal at wicklow , we have caused a special commission of oyer and terminer to be issued , for the speedy tryal , & bringing to just punishment , the said persons so apprehended , & such others who shall be found to have been guilty of the said crimes , but divers of the persons who were actors therein having not as yet been discovered or taken ; we think fit hereby , in his majesties name straightly to charge & command , all his majesties loyal subjects , upon their duty & allegiance to his majestie , not only to forbear to receive , or relieve , any the persons who were actors in the sai● murder or robbery , but also to make diligent search and enquiry after the said persons , and by all means possible , to apprehend and take the bodies of them , and them to bring or cause to be brought , under safe custody , to the high sherriffs of the respective counties , where they shall be apprehended to be by such sheriffs , safely conveyed to the said goal of wicklow , to the end they may be there legally proceeded against , and tryed for their said offences . and we do hereby further declare , that whatsoever person or persons shall knowingly comfort , relieve or abet , the said offendors , or any of them , they are and shall be reputed , deemed and adjudged traitors , in like degree , with the offendors themselves , and to be proceeded against according to law ; and we do hereby also declare , that whosoever shall discover and apprehend , or cause to be apprehended , any of the persons , who were actors in the said murder or robbery , and are not yet in custody , shall upon conviction of any such persons , have for a reward for his said discovery and apprehension of any such malefactors , for each person so discovered and brought in , ten pounds , for payment whereof , we will give warrant as occasion shall require . and whosoever of the said offendors , not yet seised upon , shall first discover , ●ither to us the lord lieutenant , or any of his majesties privy council , or iudges in this kingdom , the whole plot and conspiracy entred into , for committing the said robbery , and the several persons engag'd therein , or shall at any time hereafter , bring unto the high sheriff of any country in this kingdom , any of the said other persons , who were guilty of the said crimes , and are not yet in custody , he shall upon such his discovery , or the conviction of such person so brought in by him , together with his said reward , receive his pardon , and towards the speedy effecting of this service , all commanders of horse , and foot , and all other his majesties officers and loving subjects are to be aiding and assisting as they and every of them will answer the contrary at their perils . given at the councel chamber in dublin the 19th . day of october 1677. ja : armachanus . mich : dublin . cance . blesinton . lanesborough . hen : midensis r : coot . ro : booth : j : temple john cole . ja : hayes . tho : radcliffe . a true and good relation of the valliant exploits, and victorious enterprises of sir simon harcourt and sir charles coote with their valliant overthrow of at least 5000 rebels, with the burning of three towns, where the rebels lay incamped neare dublin : and also, the relief of droghedaugh and other particulars related in a letter dated jan. 20, 1641, from mr. chappell of dublin, to his friend, a draper in london, and brought by the last post, ian. 25 : whereunto is added another relation concerning these particulars, the taking of the towne and castle of enishannon from the rebels by sir simon harcourt and sir thomas temple, with a notable victory over the rebell mac-carty at enishannon foord, mac-con the rebels attempt upon the towne of bundon bridge, and their happy defeate by sir richard grinfield. chappell, mr. (richard) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a63396 of text r11982 in the english short title catalog (wing t2486). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 21 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a63396 wing t2486 estc r11982 13798852 ocm 13798852 101900 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a63396) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101900) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 853:20) a true and good relation of the valliant exploits, and victorious enterprises of sir simon harcourt and sir charles coote with their valliant overthrow of at least 5000 rebels, with the burning of three towns, where the rebels lay incamped neare dublin : and also, the relief of droghedaugh and other particulars related in a letter dated jan. 20, 1641, from mr. chappell of dublin, to his friend, a draper in london, and brought by the last post, ian. 25 : whereunto is added another relation concerning these particulars, the taking of the towne and castle of enishannon from the rebels by sir simon harcourt and sir thomas temple, with a notable victory over the rebell mac-carty at enishannon foord, mac-con the rebels attempt upon the towne of bundon bridge, and their happy defeate by sir richard grinfield. chappell, mr. (richard) 8 p. printed for f. coules and w. ley ..., london : 1641.[i.e. 1642] in this edition, the ninth line of t.p. begins: the relief of droghedaugh ... "more nevves from corke, in ireland, the 16. of ian. 1641": p. 6-8. reproduction of original in henry e. huntington library and art gallery. eng harcourt, simon, -sir, 1603?-1642. coote, charles, -sir, d. 1642. maccarty, dominick. grenville, richard, -sir, 1600-1658. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a63396 r11982 (wing t2486). civilwar no a true and good relation, of the valliant exploits, and victorious enterprises of sir simon harcourt, and sir charles coote, with their vall chappell, mr 1642 3875 9 0 0 0 0 0 23 c the rate of 23 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-08 jason colman sampled and proofread 2006-08 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true and good relation , of the valliant exploits , and victorious enterprises of sir simon harcourt , and sir charles coote , with their valliant overthrow , of at least 5000. rebels , with the burning of three townes , where the rebels lay incamped neare dublin . and also the relief of droghedaugh , and other particulars related in a letter , dated jan. 20. 1641. from mr. chappell of dublin , to his friend , a draper in london , and brought by the last post , ian. 25. whereunto is added another relation concerning ( these particulars ) the taking of the towne , and castle of enishannon from the rebels , by sir simon harcourt , and sir thomas temple , with a notable victory over the rebell mac-carty at enishannon foord : mac-con the rebels attempt upon the towne of bandon bridge , and their happy defeate by sir richard grinfield . depiction of two roosters staring angrily at one another london , printed for f. coules , and w. ley at paules chain , 1641 ▪ a letter sent from m. chappell out of ireland , to a friend of his in london . your letter bearing date the ●8 of the last month , i have received , being sorry to heare of your discontents in london ; but i hope god will in his good time turne all to the best : for those that that truly feare him . our rebellion heare dayly increaseth , so that we cannot travell any way from this city above a mile or 2 without danger ; since s. samuel harcourt came over , we in this city have been much incouraged , his men were landed on newyears day , and though they were but one regiment , concisting but of 7 companies , yet they have bred some terror to our enemies , who before reported that the king would send us no help , and cals us english rebels ; they began to incamp close about us at clanta● , which is but 2 miles hence ; but sr. charles coote , the week before christmas , with about 1500 horse and foot march towards them , and was with them as soon as there was any light in the morning , and put them to slight ; some he kill'd some he caused to be hanged , and 3 or 4 he took prisoners , and after the town was pillaged by his souldiers , he set it a fire with the corne , which fire was not out in 3 or 4 dayes after : it is thought that there were at least 2000 rebels in the town when sr charles came to it , he lost not one man at that time that i can heare of . the last week the earle of ormand and sr charles march't forth , both of them about 1 and 2 of the clock in the morning , and when they weare without the town , my l. of ormand with his forces march't toward finglas , and sr. charles with his marcht towards santrey , in both which towns the rebels lay in garrison , the towns are both almost one distance fron hence , the farthest of them is accounted but 2 miles and they are about a middle distant the one from the other ; sr charles quickly put his rebels to slight , who seemed to bee furious at first , and made great shews with their coullers display'd , but durst not stand to sight ; sr charles burnt the towne and the next towne to it , and then marcht towards my lord of ormand , who was then in fight with the rebels of finglas , and t was reported that he was in danger at that time ; the rebels seeing another army comming towards them from the way of santrey , thought it had been their own comming to helpe them , but as soon as they perceived the contrary they fled ; their coronall ( being a man too familliar amongst us ) amongst the rest of his rebell rout fled , leaving behind him his hat , scarlet coate , and blue plush lump lin'd with fur , which were no sooner seen but were known to be luke neterfeelds , the l. neterfeelds son , who is likewise a rebell , after they had pillaged the town , they set the irish houses on fire , hanged some , brought some 4 or 5 prisoners , releast some of our english that were formerly taken by them , and should have been hanged that very morning : the rebels that were in both towns were thought to be at least 6000 , and both our armies were not above 4000. it is thought that there were slaine of them that day almost 200 , but i heare not of above 2 or 3 of ours . the 10 day of this month , sr charles marcht forth towards tallow and the mountaine foot , about 4 or 5 miles from dublin , where there were thousands of rebels that night , but perceiving sr charles coming towards them , of which t is thought they had intelligence , they fled , but he burnt 4 of their irish towns where they were ; and the soldiers bringing home their pillage , came into dublin before sun-set : about 10 of the clock that night , he took other souldiers and marcht towards swords , which is about 6 mil. from hence northward , where he was with his army before break of day the next morning , and as soon as it was light he began to charge the rebels , but at a great disadvantage , for he was forcd to keep the body of his armye in a lane , and the rebels shot from their works and tampars of earth : but the wings of our armey got into the next fields where they did very good service , but within an hours fight he put them to flight ; and after the souldiers had made their pillage , they burnt the town to the ground , not leaving one house standing : there were slaine of them that day about 150 , and of ours but 4 men , whereof one was sr lorence caray my l. fancklands brother , who was shot in the head as he was bringing up his men to fight , and is to be buried on sunday next . sr charles with the army returned to dublin that night , where he was of the protestants blest ; but by the papists curst : for some of them could not forbeare , but openly to wish that all our army were in the same case and served as sir lorence was , one of them , as i heare , was hanged this morning . sr charles coots name is terrible to the irish , and i could wish that the e. of ormands were so too but as long as his troopers are most of them papist , and so many papist to his servants , that they lay , eate and atend on him , i feare it will not be . our parliament is proroged till june next , the rebels threaten to bring 60000 before dublin very shortly , but we feare not their worst , had we but here but 8 or 10000 souldiers more , so that we might go to meet them in the field , and yet leave strength enough to defend our city . on monday last there was a supply of victuals sent from this port by sea to releave our souldiers in droghedagh , the which i pray god to send them ther ways they are like to suffer ; and the town lost , the which god forbid they have been now beleager'd above 2 months , the rebels are grown more bloudy in their cruelties and mercilesse dealing with those poore protestants , that they now dayly take than heretofore they have been ▪ they lately tooke the ▪ town of strongford , and ript up the ministers belly , whose name was traford , his wife being in the street with him , she with her hands put his bowels into his belly again , and with the help of some other , drew him a little way where there was straw , with which she covered him , and run to the house to see her children , which the rebels were striping , and in pulling off of one of the children cots they brok the childes neck , she run again to her husband and found him to have received a wound in his head to the very braines , she run to seek again , but whilst she was gone the surgeon past by , and mr. traford spoke to him , and he replyed that he durst not medle with him : his wife was meet by others of the rebels , which stript her stark naked , she returning in that case to her husband , put away the straw and found him dead with his throt cut : they have barbarously murdered , hanged and destroyed divers others of our ministers , & now say mase in their churches . it is too tedious for me to writ the tithe of their cruell and mercilesse dealing which dayly i heare of , and with my own eyes see , those people that have been stript stark naked , and come through frost , snow , and rain to this city for succour ; have here died for want , 30 of them in a day & night , there are at this instant between 4 and 500 of them shipt to be sent to west chester . should you see the multitudes of them and their miseries , and know the plenty that most of them lately lived in , it could not but make the hardest heart to grieve : god in mercy comfort them , & send them reliefe according to their severall wants . if there be so many in this city , how many may there be through the whole kingdome , and have and do perish in the high ways and open fields , besides those that the rebels have in prison , and are dayly like to fall into their merciles hands , if that they have not speedy relief from england and scotland , the which i pray god send us in due time ; otherwise many that at this time , which are in castles and other holes , being environed with their enemies , will be forc'd out of them or starved to death : there are very few papists , but they are rebels , either in part or wish well unto their proceedings , ( i meane in this kingdome ) and i pray god to turn the hearts of all those which seem to be , what indeed they are not , but more especiall those : if there be any such brearing office in our armies , and to roote them out from amongst us , which wish well to this rebellion , yet seem other wayes ; for many have promist faire , which ment nothing lesse than open rebellion , as dayly they discover themselves , for one day they come as good and loyall subjects , and the next being returned into the countrey , shew themselves to be rebels , and this is too usuall a thing amongst us , god in mercy a●end it : many of our citizens and most of the richest sort that are papist , have sent their goods , wives and children into the countrey , some to their countrey houses , other to their friends : but all amongst the rebels where no protestant may live or come , except with strength , and what differ these from rebels thinke you ? some of our aldermen are returned to dublin , and some others whose wives , and children are not as i take it : alde●man joanes , who was the last summer at london , and brought over a pattent to make a lord major of our city : i dare sweare rejoyceth to heare that his son is a captaine amongst the rebels ; and should you meet those men as i do dayly , and heare their discourse : you would say they had brasen faces indeed : for should we go into the countrey amongst them , there were no death or misery bad enough for us , and as long as such false brethren are amongst us , i feare there is but little quietnesse or peace to be expected ? there are 4 lords , whose names are butler , that are rebels , i pray god the sift , who i feare , is to curtious and favorable to his countreymen , may never affect their religion , or covertly countenance , or other wayes violate the trust reposed in him . hereafter i may chance write you more , as the time gives occasion , but for the present with my love and best respects to your selfe and the rest of my friends , i remaine your loving friend , richard chappell . since that i had ended this letter , i am now told that captain bartlet hath relieved droghedaugh with the victuals that were sent from hence , and that he is now come to dublin again with 2 prisoners that he brought from thence ; upon the relieving of the town the rebels made a breach in the wall thereof , and there came in of them above 400 , who were quickly for the most part slain , to the number of 360 or there about , the rest taken prisoners , and how many were slaine by the long boats , gaboards and pinnases that went to the town is not known , for they were furnished with store of musketiers and small pieces of ordenance , the which they discharg'd towards the rebels on the shore , who thought to have stopt their passage , as fast as they could let fly for 2 miles space , we lost not a man , but their could not so , being so thick , 2000 on the shore . more nevves from corke , in ireland , the 16. of ian. 1641. svnday , jan. 16. sir simon harcourt , and sir thomas temple hearing that the late risen rebell , dominick mack carty was drawing toward the towne and castle of enishannon : with intent to victuall and man it better , as we conceived : considering how neere that castle stands unto kingsale , lately recovered , and how bad an enemy likely to prove , if we should suffer the rebels , not only to nestle there , but even to passe by our doore , and to relieve them in a bravado , desired of god dispensation for breach of the sabbath , and after some short prayers , and recommending our selves unto god : with refreshing our bodies with such food , as the condition of the time , and place , would permit : we advanced 200. horses , and 115. foot , and five small field peeces , with this equipage ; we came unto the foord of enishannon , being very exceeding broad , but not very deep , hard chalky clay , being the siedge of the foord : an arme of the sea flowing up from kingsale , three irish miles : we must needs pasle this foord unto enishannon , other way there is none . monsieur mack-carty passed along the other side of the foord upon the strand , in passing good order , as ever saw rebels , since i came over , his horses being at least foure or five hundred compleately armed : his foot two thousand , and about sixe or seven hundred compleatly armed with pike , half pike , musked , or calliver , ( which makes me suspect something , seeing that a rebeell but lately risen , and of no great note , this being the very first exploit that ever he took in hand , as we heare of , should in so short a time be able to raise so many men , and in that manner to furnish them ) we expected not , till he should bid us now come over : but forthwith sent over our cavalery to charge him , and a little to stay his hast , and to peswade him to take us along with him to enish . if we could not obtain so much as to be there before him : sr simons 200. horses were as good ▪ and as serviceably fitted , as ever were horses , that went out of england , and the cavallieers that sate them , as experienced fire-men : yet their marching so far in the water ; and the enemy standing on the dry strand , much broke their charge , and advantaged the enemies , who received their charge boldly , and answered it stoutly : at least whether that they wanted powder , or ( which i rather beleeve ) their powder was dame , being carried in bags by their side , ( as their manner is ) whether it was one or the other , their pistols would no longer fire , which mack-cartie percelving , caused his cavallery to retire : and advanced his infantery against our cavalery : and not the worst in front you may be sure . we victualled and mannerd the castle with such provision and ammunition as we could well spare , untill we shall heare farther from you ; and on monday were backe againe at kingsale . tuesday the eighteene we heard newes that bandon bridge was suddenly surprized by the rebell mac con ; and most fortunately relieved by sir richard greenvill , a very fine eeglish towne walled in , belonging unto the earle of cork ; the manner thus : sir richard at his arivall to corke , it being a thicke and foggy aire , was something ill disposed ; captaine thomas fineh captaine of the fort , perswaded him to take his troope , and to scoure the countrey , passing as far as bandon , thereto lodge a night or two , being a most sweet ayre , thereby not only to recreate himselfe , but also to revive the drooping hearts of his deare country-men , with the presence of so worthy a commander : sir richard consented , and the next morning being monday , ian. 11. with 80. horses , and only thirty muskettiers , passed thither ; when he came upon an hill , within a mile of the towne , he heard their drum beat , and saw their colours fly , the town standing in a bottome ; likewise about some hundred shot play , wondring that they played so fast : within half a mile we heard lamentations of women , and crying out of children , we liked not that : sir richard caused his trumpets to sound , his horses and muskets to order and thus they all crying courage countreymen , a grinfield , a grinfield : we came to the gates , which by reason of the great confusion in the towne , were not opened scarce within a quarter of an houre . being entred , they found the enemy to have entred in the low towne thorough the water , betwen two buts of wale ; some 40 were entred , and scirmishing with the townes men : the rest to the number of 600. were passing the foord a maine ; when they saw our trumpets and such a number of fresh horses in that equipage , and the shot plainly encreased , they in the passage retired with all speed they could make , into the wood and bog , some two miles above the river , never staying for their fellowes in the towne , who were all slaine to the number of 45. nine ▪ bandon men were either slaine or dangerously hurt : thus was that prety town happily relieved , but all other newes is not of this nature , i wish it were , towns of greater importance are taken , that way we had sustained some harme , had not sr simon , so wisly considered the rebels advantage , ( having not only the strand , but divers high and broken sandy banckes behind him shocked with his supplies ) and caused his infantery upon the falling back of his horses to come up anckle deep in water in one whole body and to powre in such a valley of shot into the rebels grosse , that they dropped wonderfully , neither could their shot at that distance reach our men , as appeared afterward , being most of them calivers : sir simon perceiving how the game plaid , would not suffer his men to move any further , but to play their shot at such distance , which he perceived sufficiently anoyed their enemies , and did them much harme ; at the third volley , the enemies infantery gave over and retired to the banks upon their horses , how much they retired as neare as could be guessed , ours at distance advanced , till at length , the enemy gave the freedome of the strand : then after one volley more , our horses now under the command of sir thomas temple , having recovered the strand also , as now our foot had already the bancks . at last , having found wher they got up two horses a breast , ( the foot in the mean time awing the enemie , fell upon them in such a fierce manner ) that no resistance in a manner was made ; there was dead upon the ground eight hundred horses and foot , with mac-carty and his two bastard brethen , whose heads were strait way smitten off , and carried upon poles unto enishannon . whither being come , the town made , nor could make no resistance ; the castle would not answer ; whereupon sir simon with his five pieces battered the gate , and wicket , entered by force , found thirty desperate villans in it , hanged some of them over the castle wall , some in other parts of the town . *⁎* finis . by the lord [li]eutenant generall of ireland. ormonde. whereas wee haue graunted our commissions of sequestrations of all the lands, tenements, goods and chattles of such persons as are now absent, ... ireland. lord lieutenant (1641-1649 : ormonde) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a53446 of text r214535 in the english short title catalog (wing o464). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a53446 wing o464 estc r214535 99826662 99826662 31067 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a53446) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 31067) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1766:38) by the lord [li]eutenant generall of ireland. ormonde. whereas wee haue graunted our commissions of sequestrations of all the lands, tenements, goods and chattles of such persons as are now absent, ... ireland. lord lieutenant (1641-1649 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 sheet ([1] p.) [s.n.], printed at kilkenny : in the yeare of our lord 1649. title from heading and first lines of text. copy catalogued tightly bound with some loss of print. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a53446 r214535 (wing o464). civilwar no by the lord [li]eutenant generall of ireland. ormonde. whereas wee haue graunted our commissions of sequestrations of all the lands, tenemen ireland. lord lieutenant 1649 417 20 0 0 0 0 0 480 f the rate of 480 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the lord ●●evtenant generall of ireland . ●…rmonde . whereas wee haue graunted our commissions of sequestrations of all the lands , tenements goods and chattles of such persons as are now absent , either in this kingdome or in 〈…〉 d and beyond the seas , who haue estates and places of residence within this his maiesties 〈…〉 me of ireland , and that in doeing thereof wee might not be said to take any aduantage of 〈…〉 on s casuall or necessarie absence , who haueing a disposition to retourne brings with him an 〈…〉 n 〈◊〉 submitt to his maiesties power and authority intrusted with vs , and to the articles and 〈◊〉 of peace , which wee haue contracted vpon good deliberation , and by the concurrence and 〈…〉 ation of his sacred maiestie with such of his roman catholick subiects as haue giuen vs ●●surance and testimony of their loyaltie and adhering vnto him . wee haue thought fitt and 〈…〉 eby for the encouradgment and security of such absent persons publish and declare , that if 〈…〉 ll retourne to their former habitations and possessions by or before the tymes and dayes he 〈…〉 limitted , and apply and submitt themselues to his maiesties power and authority here esta 〈…〉 vnder our commaund and gouernment , and to the articles and conditions of peace now ●●●cted and aggreed vpon with his roman catholick subiects , that then wee shall readily receiue ●nto his maiesties protections , and repossess them of their estates , possessions and intrests , vnless 〈…〉 iust cause of exception against them for some transcendent delinquency in reference to 〈◊〉 ●●ecrable murther of his late maiestie of famous memory . that is to say . that euery 〈◊〉 now in this kingdome doe retourne by or before the fower and twentieth day of iune next 〈…〉 g , and euery person now in england or beyond the seas doe retourne qualified as aforesaid 〈…〉 before the last day of september next ensuing . and if they shall faile , refuse or neglect soe to within the seuerall tymes aforesaid wee doe then hereby giue such persons to vnderstand that 〈…〉 resolue to distribute and imploy their estates and intrests towards the publick and his ma 〈…〉 seruice . giuen at our castle of kilkenny the nynth day of may , 1649. god save the kinge printed at kilkenny in the yeare of our lord 1649. whereas information hath been given that many persons of the popish religion inhabiting within this kingdom have great store of arms now in their possession, and that of late they have generally taken the liberty to ride armed beyond what hath formerly been accustomed by them ... by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1673 approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46154 wing i832 estc r36896 16150304 ocm 16150304 104881 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46154) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104881) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:34) whereas information hath been given that many persons of the popish religion inhabiting within this kingdom have great store of arms now in their possession, and that of late they have generally taken the liberty to ride armed beyond what hath formerly been accustomed by them ... by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. [2] leaves. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1673. title from first 6 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at his majesties castle of dublin, the 8th day of november, 1673"--leaf [2] broadside in [2] leaves. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng firearms -law and legislation -ireland. anti-catholicism -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev ◆ et ◆ mon ◆ droit cr royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland . essex . wwereas information hath been given that many persons of the popish religion inhabiting within this kingdom , have great store of arms now in their possession , and that of late they have generally taken the liberty to ride armed beyond what hath formerly been accustomed by them , we for the better ordering and governing of his majesties affairs here , and the preservation of the publique peace and security of his majesties subjects ; have thought fit hereby in his majesties name , and in pursuance of his majesties orders to declare publish and command , that no person or persons of the popish religion in this kingdom , do hereafter presume to ride with , carry , buy , use or keep in his or their house or houses or elsewhere , any muskets , calivers , pistols , or other guns whatsoever , without licence from vs the lord lieutenant or other chief governor or governours of this kingdom , and we do hereby also straightly charge and require all persons of the popish religion in this kingdom , who now have or ▪ at any time hereafter , shall happen to have any such arms in their hands or possession , that within one moneth after the date of this proclamation , or within one moneth after such arms shall come to their hands , they shall upon pain of his majesties high displeasure , bring or cause to be brought all such arms into one of his majesties stores of ordnance and munition in this kingdom , or deliver the same to such persons in the several counties of this kingdom , as are by vs authorized to receive the same . and for the better conveniency of such of his majesties subjects who are hereby required to bring in their said arms , the several persons under-named , or any or either of them , are appointed by vs in the several counties of this kingdom respectively to receive such arms as in pursuance of this proclamation , shall be brought in ▪ or delivered up to them , who as well as the clerks of his majesties several stores of ordnance and munition , are to give acknowledgments under their hands of their receipt of such arms as shall be brought in to them , or any of them , to the several persons who shall bring or send the same to them , and also to mark the names of such persons upon the said arms , and from time to time to give vs an exact account of what arms they shall receive , and from what persons the same shall be so sent or delivered to them , viz. for the county and city of dublin , sir thomas worsopp knight and richard foster esq for the county of kildare , william hoy and thomas carr esqs for the county of meath , stafford lightborn and arthur meredith esq for the county of wicklow , william mathews and philip pakenham esq for the county of catherlogh , henry smithwick and robert brown esq for the kings county sir george blundell baronet , john weaver and richard warburton esq for the queens county , nathaniel markes and benjamin baker esq for the county of longford , henry sankey and nicholas dowdall esq for the county of weastmeath , william murrey and james leigh esq for the county and city of kilkenny , joseph cuffe and bryan manser esq for the county and town of wexford thomas hart , and john tench esqs for the county of lowth , and town of drogheda , henry bellingham , and richard bolton esqs for the county of clare , giles vandelure , and samuel burton esqs for the county and city of cork , sir richard kerle , redmond barry and alexander pigot esq for the county and city of waterford , nicholas osborn and james mutlowe esq for the county of kerry , john blennerhasset iunior anthony raymond and frederick mullins esq for the county and city of limerick , sir george ingoldesby , richard southwell and simon eaton esq for the county of tipperary , symon fynch and peyton lehunt esq for the county of gallway , sir. oliver st. george & sir. henry wadington . for the county of mayo , sir george bingham and sir arthur gore . for the county of sleigo , robert morgan and charles collis esq for the county of roscomon , james king and edmond donelan esq for the county of leitrim , sir william gore and henry crofton of mohill esq for the town and liberties of gallway , sir francis gore and james bulteel esq for the county of down , collonel vere essex cromwell , james lesley and william hill esq for the county of antrim and town of carickfergus , francis stafford , arthur upton and william lesley esqs for the county of ardmagh , major sydney fotherby , arthur brownlow and thomas ball esqs for the county of tyrone , the lord glenaully , major sidney fotherby and arthur newburgh esq for the city and county of londonderry , collonel william cecill , dudley philips and thomas dawson esqs for the county of donegall , collonel william cecill , william waren and william dutton esqs ; for the county of monaghan , william barton and simon richardson esqs for the county of cavan , sir charles hamilton , humphrey perrot and thomas gwillim esq for he county of fermanagh , sir michael cole and cromwell ward esq and in case any persons who by this proclamation are required to bring in and deliver up their said arms , shall neglect or refuse , to conform themselves and yield obedience thereunto , we do hereby further declare , that we shall not only take a most strict and severe course for the seizing and securing their said arms , but shall also look upon all those so detaining the same , both as contemners of his majesties authority , and as persons designing the disturbance of the publique peace of this kingdom . given at his majesties castle of dublin , the 8th day of november , 1673. god save the king . o : becher . dvblin ▪ printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde book-seller in castle-street 1673. true newes from ireland, sent in a letter to a friend at the meare-maide in cheap-side. fletcher, robert, with the army at dublin. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a84648 of text r211792 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.6[2]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a84648 wing f1361 thomason 669.f.6[2] estc r211792 99870491 99870491 160863 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a84648) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160863) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f6[2]) true newes from ireland, sent in a letter to a friend at the meare-maide in cheap-side. fletcher, robert, with the army at dublin. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for i. bull living in grubstreet, london : 1642. dated and signed at bottom of text: your loving friend, robert fletcher. from dublin castle the 28. of march. 1642. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a84648 r211792 (thomason 669.f.6[2]). civilwar no true newes from ireland, sent in a letter to a friend at the meare-maide in cheap-side. fletcher, robert, with the army at dublin. 1642 648 4 0 0 0 0 0 62 d the rate of 62 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion true newes from ireland , sent in a letter to a friend at the meare-maide in cheap-side . the armie that went from hence is safely returned without any resistance , the lord of ormand marched as farre as drogheda , and left with sir henry tuchburne 500. men , and one battering peece , by which they are much strengthened . these gentlemen of the palle submitted themselves to the earle of ormond in his journey , viz. the lord of donsaney , and his sonne , sir iohn nettorvill , george talbot gentleman , garrat ellnooze , of balazeth gentleman , edward dowdall and his sonne , patrecke fox , robart welch , george dallahide , mihell burford , pattrick ba●nwell of killegriwe , iohn hollewood , collenell baringham , william weston lievtenant , collenell read , the said read and barnell , and mack-mogshan , that was first taken , were racked , and confessed much , barnwell confessed that he was imployed to bring some powder from washfoord and that there is not a papish within this kingdome , worth twentie pounds per annum , but knew of this rebellion . yesterday our men were forth at a castle sixe miles from hence toward wicklovv , into which place the day before , a troope of horse had driven about three hundred rebels , and there inclosed them till more ayde came to their assistance , but the forwardnesse of our men , and the want of ordnance at the beginning procured us a great losse . sir simond harcot , dangrrously wounded : in another letter , that sir simon harcot is shot in the belly , and is dead , and sarjeant major bere and his lievtenant of the pyaneares are slaine together with seven or eight private souldiers , but when the ordnance was planted , and began to play the rogues durst not looke forth , so that at the last we obtained the castle , and killed both man and woman , and children to the number of three or foure hundred . sir henry tuchburne and the lord moore hath done great service , they have placed garesons at platten stamen , gormonstone , and buley , and have burnt all the a joyning townes , so that the rebels , have no harbouring places neare the towne . great store of pilidges comes daily into the towne of drogheda the best wheat is at two shillings sixe pence a mesure , a cow at five shillings , and a horse at twelve and and all other provision at a reasonable rate . sir henry tichburne , and my lord moore hath bin forth ever since the nineteenth of this month , in which time they have not been ●dell , for ●hey have burnt slaine , and tooke the towne of atherdee , where they slew about 300. rebells . this day there came a post from them , signifiing they are now at dundaleke , and have took the towne , the rogues run away sauing , a. c. which they slew sir phillem o neale was there but he trusted to his accustomed weapon and most valerously betooke himselfe to his heeles : our armie there consist of a hundred and fortie foot , and two hundred horse . art rue-roe , master maghan , tuslough : oneall barth of athcame barnwell of rath●sket , and fleming of angooze with many others are prisoners in drogheda . there is a great army to goe forth hence shortly to scower the countrey , which i beseech the almightie to blesse and send them well home . your loving friend , robert fletcher . from dvblin castle the 28. of march . 1642. london , printed for i. bull living in grubstreet 1642. whereas we the lord lieutenant and council according to his majesties pleasure, and commands signified unto us by the lords of his majesties most honourable privy council of england, by their letters bearing date the twenty sixth day of september last ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1674 approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45765 wing i1006 estc r36999 16180069 ocm 16180069 104991 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45765) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104991) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:82) whereas we the lord lieutenant and council according to his majesties pleasure, and commands signified unto us by the lords of his majesties most honourable privy council of england, by their letters bearing date the twenty sixth day of september last ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. [3] leaves. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1674. title from first lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council chamber in dublin, the 27th day of april, 1674"--leaf [3] broadside in [3] leaves. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng anti-catholicism. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2007-01 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit by the lord lieutenant and council . essex . whereas we the lord lieutenant and council according to his majesties pleasure , and commands signified unto vs by the lords of his majesties most honourable privy council of england , by their letters bearing date the twenty sixth day of september last , directed to vs the lord lieutenant , did by our proclamation given at the council-chamber in dublin the twenty seventh day of october last past , in his majesties name straightly charge and command peter talbott pretended arch-bishop of dublin , and all other titular popish arch-bishops , bishops , vicars-generall , abbots , and all others exercising ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , by any authority derived from the pope , or see of rome in this kingdome , and also all regular priests that they should before the last day of december last depart out of this his majesties kingdom of ireland upon pain of his majesties high displeasure , and of such other pain , and punishment as by law might be inflicted on them , and for their better means to depart accordingly , did thereby declare , and publish , that if any of the said titular popish arch-bishops , bishops , or other persons hereby commanded to depart out of this kingdom should at any time before the said first day of december last , resort to any port town of this kingdom , and there declare to the chief magistrate , or officer of the said town , or port , that he was a person included within that our proclamation , and that he was there to take shipping , for his passage , they should suffer him or them quietly , to depart , and should see them shipt , and sent away for forreign parts , and give them their furtherance for their d●parture . and whereas we did also require , and command , that all convents , seminaries , frieries , nunneries , and popish schools in this kingdom , should be forthwith dissolved , and suppressed , and did expresly forbid , and prohibit all , and every his majesties subjects within this realm , to receive , harbour , or relieve any of the said titular popish arch-bishops , bishops , vicars-general , abbots , regular priests , or any other persons aforesaid , after the time thereby limitted for their departure out of this realm , unless he , or they should first give notice thereof to t●e next iustice of peace , or chief magistrate of the city , town , or c●rporation wherein they were ; and did also forbid , and prohibit all persons to frequent , resort unto , keep up , or maintain any such convents , seminaries , frieries , nunneries , or popish schools in this kingdom : and whereas we did farther in his majesties name straightly charge , and command all , and every the mayors , sovereigns , portreeves , and all other chief officers of all cities , and towns corporate within this kingdom , and all , and every the iustices of the peace , sheriffs , constables , and all other his majesties good and loyal subjects within this realm , that they , and every of them from time to time , from ; and after the said first day of december last past , should make diligent search , & inquiry for , and after all such titular popish arch-bishops , bishops , vicars-general , abbots , and all others exercising , or who had exercised ecclesiastical iurisdiction within this kingdom , by any authority derived from the pope , or see of rome , and also for , and after all regular priests , which at any time after the said first day of december last , should continue , remain , or abide in this kingdom , or should return again , or come into the same , and also for , and after all , and every the receivers , relievers , and harbourers of them , or any of them ; and that they should also take care that all convents , seminaries , frieries , nunneries , and popish schools within any the counties , cities , or towns of this kingdom , should be forthwith dissolved , and suppressed : and that upon discovery of any such titular popish arch-bishop , bishop , vicars general , abbot , or other person exercising , or who had exercised ecclesiastical iurisdiction in this kingdom by any authority derived from the pope or see of rome , or of any regular priests , or of any receiver , reliever , harbourer of them , or any of them , or of any persons who should frequent , resort unto , keep up , or maintain any such seminaries , fryeries , nunneries , or popish schools , or any of them , that they should forthwith secure them , and advertise vs the lord lieutenant and council thereof with all convenient spred , and should also take care that the said persons might be prosecuted , and proceeded against , according to the laws of this kingdom . and whereas his majesty being informed , that notwithstanding the said proclamation , the said titular popish archbishops , bishops , &c. or diverse of them refusing to give obedience thereunto , do remain still in this his majesties kingdom , concealing themselves in contempt of his majesties authority , and of the laws , hath therefore thought fit by his letters under his royal signet , and sign manual unto vs the lord lieutenant directed , bearing date at his court at whitehall the one and thirtieth day of march last past , to signifie his royal will and pleasure unto vs , and thereby to require vs to use all such other wayes and means , as we with the advice of his majesties privy council of this kingdom should think fit , for the present banishing and sending away all such titular popish archbishops , bishops , regulars , and others of the popish clergy , who pretend to exercise any ecclesiastical iurisdiction , contrary to the laws of this his majesties kingdom , according to his majesties former orders , and directions sent unto vs in that behalf . we the lord lieutenant and council therefore , according to his majesties said special commands , do by this our proclamation in his majesties name , straightly charge and command all and every titular popish archbishops , bishops , vicars general , abbots , and all others exercising ecclesiastical iurisdiction , or who have exercised any ecclesiastical iurisdiction , by any authority derived from the pope , or see of rome in this kingdom , and also all regular priests , that they do within one and twenty dayes after the date of this our proclamation , depart out of this his majesties kingdom of ireland : and that all convents , seminaries , fryeries , nunneries , and popish schools in this kingdom be forthwith utterly dissolved and suppressed : and we do expresly forbid , and prohibit , all , and every his majesties subjects within this realm , to receive , harbour , or relieve any of the said titular popish archbishops , bishops , vicars-general , abbots , regular priests , or any of the persons aforesaid , after the time hereby limitted for their departure out of this realm : and do also forbid , and prohibit all manner of persons to frequent , resort unto , keep up , or by any wayes support or maintain any such convents , seminaries , fryeries , nunneries , or popish schools in this kingdom , as they will answer the contrary at their perils . and we do farther in his majesties name straightly charge and command all and every the mayors , soveraigns , bayliffs , portreeves , and all other chief magistrates , and officers of the several and respective cities , and towns corporate of this kingdom , and all and every the iustices of the peace , sheriffs , constables , and all other his majesties good and loyal subjects within this kingdom , that they be more diligent and active in putting these his majesties commands in executiou than formerly they have been , upon pain of his majesties high displeasure : and that they , and every of them from , and immediately after the space of the said one and twenty dayes next ensuing the date of this our proclamation do make strict , and diligent search and inquiry within the several and respective cities , towns corporate , liberties , counties , baronies , parishes , places , and precincts , within their several and respective iurisdictions , for and after all such titular popish archbishops , bishops , vicars-general , abbots , and all others exercising , or who have exercised ecclesiastical iurisdiction in this kingdom , by any authority derived from the pope , or see of rome , and also for , and after all regular priests who at any time after the space of the said one and twenty dayes next immediately ensuing the date of this our proclamation , shall continue , remain , or abide in this kingdom , or shall return , or come into this kingdom : and also for , and after all , and every the receivers , relievers , and harbourers of them , or any of them . and farther , that they take special care , that all convents , seminaries , fryeries , nunneries , and popish schools within any the cities , or towns corporate , liberties , counties , baronies , parishes , or places within this kingdom be immediately dissolved , and utterly suppressed : and that upon discovery of any such titular popish archbishop , bishop , vicars general , abbot , or other persons exercising , or who have exercised ecclesiastical iurisdiction within this kingdom , by any authority derived from the pope , or see of rome , or of any regular priests , that they do forthwith apprehend them , and every of them , and ●ommit them and every of them into safe custody , and do certifie vs the lord lieutenant and council thereof , withall convenient speed , and do also forthwith return unto vs the names of all their receivers , relievers or harbourers , and do take special care that the said persons be forthwith prosecuted for their contempt , and proceeded against according to the laws of this kingdom . given at the council-chamber in dublin , the 27th day of april , 1674. ja : armachanus . mich : dublin canc hen : midensis . art : forbese . ca : dillon . j : povey . h : ingoldesby william flower . char : meredyth . god save the king . dvblin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde book-seller in castle-street , 1674. a letter of the earle of corke to the state at dvblin and sent over from thence by the governour to his lady in london : vvherein is shewed the barbarous cruelty the rebels have lately used to twenty of the lord barrimoores men at coole, killing and spoiling all the rest of the english there : and how my lord barrimoore burned and spoiled their countrey and killed all the rebels hee could light upon : also the taking of rochfords castle, killing the captaine and foure hundred of the rebels : another defeat wherein two hundred and forty of the rebels were killed with little losse to the english : likewise the taking of barnehely castle wherein were found a thousand barrels of wheat with other provision and victuals. cork, richard boyle, earl of, 1566-1643. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a34567 of text r19578 in the english short title catalog (wing c6298). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a34567 wing c6298 estc r19578 12607564 ocm 12607564 64269 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34567) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64269) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 251:e146, no 12) a letter of the earle of corke to the state at dvblin and sent over from thence by the governour to his lady in london : vvherein is shewed the barbarous cruelty the rebels have lately used to twenty of the lord barrimoores men at coole, killing and spoiling all the rest of the english there : and how my lord barrimoore burned and spoiled their countrey and killed all the rebels hee could light upon : also the taking of rochfords castle, killing the captaine and foure hundred of the rebels : another defeat wherein two hundred and forty of the rebels were killed with little losse to the english : likewise the taking of barnehely castle wherein were found a thousand barrels of wheat with other provision and victuals. cork, richard boyle, earl of, 1566-1643. [2], 6 p. printed for edward blackmore, london : may the ninth, 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng barrymore, david fitz-david barry, -earl of, 1605-1642. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a34567 r19578 (wing c6298). civilwar no a letter of the earle of corke, to the state at dublin; and sent over from thence by the governour, to his lady in london. vvherein is shewe cork, richard boyle, earl of 1642 1971 3 0 0 0 0 0 15 c the rate of 15 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-10 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter of the earle of corke , to the state at dvblin ; and sent over from thence by the governour , to his lady in london . wherein is shewed the barbarous cruelty the rebels have lately used to twenty of the lord barrimoores men at coole , killing and spoiling all the rest of the english there . and how my lord barrimoore burned and spoiled their countrey , and killed all the rebels hee could light upon . also the taking of rochfords castle , killing the captaine and foure hundred of the rebels another defeat wherein two hundred and forty of the rebels were killed , with little losse to the english : likewise the taking of barnehely castle , wherein were found a thousand barrels of wheat , with other provision and victuals . london , printed for edward blackmore , may the ninth , 1642. a letter of the earle of corke , to the state at dublin ; and sent over from thence by the governour , to his lady in london . the earle of barrimoore making a visit here to mee to see his lady and children , had ten of his horse and ten of his foot , all proper men and english , surprised in the night time at coole by the condons ; who set mr. baynards house afire wherin they were , which they defended and killed severall of the rebels , till the house began to fall down about their eares ; the rebels seeing their resolution , offered them quarter , which they accepted , upon promise to depart with their horses and armes : but the english souldiers no sooner came forth , but they contrary to their promise , disarmed and stripped them ; the rebels being three hundred in number , of which the principall leaders were richard and iohn condon , two sons of david condon , who is now in custody in dublin . i pray therefore move the lords justices , that he may be committed to the castle , for those two wicked bloody sons of his & their followers ; after they had disarmed and stripped the soulders , and possessed themselves of their armes and their 〈◊〉 horses ; they most savagely hacked and hewed them in peeces , cutting out their tongues and their privie members and killed and spoyled all the rest of the english in that my towne ; neither age nor sex , exempted any ; for they killed old women , blind men , and such women as were with child , and ripped the children out of their bellies and left them lying dead together . the newes whereof being brought to the earle of barrimore , he presently posted home , and with his forces burned and spoyled their whole country , killing all hee could light upon ; giving them no other quarter than the condons gave his men at coole . sir robert trevers his castles of rochfords towne neere corke , was the rendevouz of the lord of muskery , and for all the prime gentlemen that were rebels in the werstern parts , which they termed the catholike camp , and fortified it by the directions of old colonell garret barry , who with the lord of muskery was a little before retyred to kinsale , which unhappy town is revolted and given up unto them . so as we have no towns in munster , holds good for the crown , but cork , this town youghall , and bandanbridge : for limrick hath taken of the wards of the castle , imprisoned them , and m. courtney constable of the castle ; this city entertaines all rebels that come to them , and therefore it is easie to be judged what their inclinations are . the eleventh of this month , muskery employed a strong party of men to take the prey that was under the walls of cork , whereof they being possessed , and the lord president being sick within the walls ; the lord of insequine , and sir charles vavisor , the one with the horse , and the other with the foot , sallyed out , but the nimble foot kerns got such a start of them , as our foot were not able to overtake them ; whereupon the horse galloped after them , and entertained them in fight till our foot recovered up , who with great courage set upon them , recovered the prey , and killed so many of them as they could serve upon ; for the bog that was neere them ; with which good successe they being fleshed , they resolved in their return to attempt their best upon the fortification and castle of rochfords town ; whereunto they gave a great and fierce assault , and captaine seogave , master finunis brother having chiefe command there , made a strong defence , so long as his powder lasted , ( for thanks be to god , with that commodity they are sparingly furnished ) which is a great part of our happinesse : but in in the end our mens courage overcame all opposition ; so as they entred and gave them condons quarter at coole , for they killed their captain , and all the rest that were in it , being about foure hundred , except three pipers , whom they caused to play before their captaines head , which they brought upon a pole to cork , and there they were put out of tune and their musick ended , for they were all hanged up ; they found in the castle very good booty and provision , and amongst the rest , choice armor of the lord of muskeries , m. carty teaghe , and swallirant ; and all the choyce of them are retired into their sevetal countries , expecting to bee supplied with powder by some shipping to come into the west , and have left the lord roach in great discontent and distresse to shelter himselfe , in an open champion countrey , where i hope we shall give him work enough . if we had more men and money , of which two principall materials we are very defective , and are likely to be till god sends my sonne dungarven backe , who was employed by the parliament to the king at tork , which will retard his return with such aydes as hinders many of our attempts . the day following , this defeat given to the lord muskery , my castle of rathgogg●● , wherein sir pierce smiths father-in-law , m. robert mend is my constable , and wherein i keep a strong ward , being besieged and distressed for want of fuell only , was relieved by captain william ieps●● , and lievtenant downing , and their forces , which being done , they burned and preyed the countrey : and in their return , sir edward fitz-harris bartonet , with some five hundred of the lord roaches tatter demallians , intended to intercept them and their prey , but they politikely drew them from their strength , till they got them into plaine ground where their horses might charge them , which they did so furiously , as they killed their captaine , tooke the lievtenant with the ensigne and his colours , and killed above two hundred and fourtie of them , and so returned without any great losse . goggans castle of barnhely which stands upon the sea in the barrony of kerry-wherry , was the magazine of store for the rebels in that barrony ; on friday last , sir charles vavisor boated from cork two pieces of ordnance with a party of musketiers , and failed thither , and landed one of his pieces of ordnance ; the lord insequine with his horse went by land and met him there : and upon discharging of the first piece , the ward desired quarter , which was given them to depart with their swords and skeins only : the castle being surrendred , they found in it above one thousand barrels of wheat with other provision and vittuals ; wherein they placed a ward of fourty men , and returned to corke unfought withall . thus you see how god in his mercy after the severe punishment hee hath laid upon us for our sins , turnes his favourable countenance upon us , and goes out with our armies , which i hope his grace and power will strengthen and defend with like good successe ; if we might be supplied with more men and money hither before they receive more powder and munition . when the lord of muskery and chieftaines in carburry , and the rest after their losse had separated themselves , as m. carty teagues people were marching neere bandon bridge ; my sonne kinnalmeck with his forces of horse and foot , sallied out of the town and set upon them , and as i heare had a very good day , but the certainty therof is not yet come unto me , for the wayes are so blockt up with numerous rebels , that i have not since heard from him , but what i have by flying reports , which i dare not certifie without better assurance , although god be praysed in all his attemps hitherto he hath had good successe . my sonne broghill hath drawn out all the musketiers that can be spared out of my wards of the severall castles , which i keep in those part , mocollop connyge castle , mogally bally●●● castle , 〈◊〉 and lisinny , with two companies , which hee takes with him from lismoore and 〈◊〉 and two troops of horse with two companies , that i meane to send over this night by boat from hence to meet him about 〈◊〉 hath a designe tomorrow before day ( god blesse him ) to scoure all the country to 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 and to try his best upon sir nicholas welsh , captain 〈◊〉 captain fitz-gerrald and the rest , that with their banners dispayed daily , affront us in the sight of this town , the good successe i hope shortly to relate to the lords iustices and counsell , signed , cork . from youghall the 20 of april , badmily writ this later part . my lord broghils troop and my lord dungarvens with some foot from lismore , and capoquin , and captain thornton out of this town ; with a hundred and fifty foot went over the water , and have burned antony russels house and all the houses for the most part there abouts , and have killed three hundred of the rebels already , and still are in pursuite of them , and have pillaged all the countrey . die martis 3 maii 1642. ordered by the lords and commons in parliament assembled ; that the persons intrusted with the ordering of the militia of the city of london , shall have power to draw the trained bands of the city into such usuall and convenient places within three miles of the said city , as to them from time to time shall seeme fit , for the training and exercising of the souldiers , and that the said souldiers upon summons shall from time to time appeare and not depart from their colours without the consent of their officers , as they will answer their contempt to the parliament . ioh. browne cler. parliam . a narrative of the settlement and sale of ireland whereby the just english adventurer is much prejudiced, the antient proprietor destroyed, and publick faith violated : to the great discredit of the english church, and government, (if not re-called and made void) as being against the principles of christianity, and true protestancy / written in a letter by a gentleman in the country to a noble-man at court. narrative of the earl of clarendon's settlement and sale of ireland french, nicholas, 1604-1678. 1668 approx. 74 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a40454 wing f2180 estc r6963 11798223 ocm 11798223 49336 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a40454) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49336) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 493:10) a narrative of the settlement and sale of ireland whereby the just english adventurer is much prejudiced, the antient proprietor destroyed, and publick faith violated : to the great discredit of the english church, and government, (if not re-called and made void) as being against the principles of christianity, and true protestancy / written in a letter by a gentleman in the country to a noble-man at court. narrative of the earl of clarendon's settlement and sale of ireland french, nicholas, 1604-1678. [2], 28 p. [s.n.], lovain : 1668. signed at end: f.d. also published with title: a narrative of the earl of clarendon's settlement and sale of ireland. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng land tenure -ireland. ireland -history -1660-1688. ireland -history -1649-1660. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-10 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a narrative of the settlement and sale of ireland . whereby the just english adventurer is much prejudiced , the antient proprietor destroyed , and publick faith violated ; to the great discredit of the english church , and government , ( if not re-called and made void ) as being against the principles of christianity , and true protestancy . written in a letter by a gentleman in the country , to a noble-man at court. lovain , printed in the year mdclxviii . a letter . my lord , i have in obedience to your lordships commands , set down in brief , the sad and deplorable state of the irish nation , and the apparent injustice , and innequality used in the present settlement of that kingdom ; which , in my opinion , ( as i formerly told your lordship ) hath chiefly occasioned the heavy judgements of god , which our english nation hath sensibly felt these many years last past , and is to be feared , our sufferings are not yet at an end , if we do not take a speedy course to humble our selves , and appease the wrath of his divine majesty , who may punish us farther , with as much justice , as we have ( contrary to all justice ) hitherto oppressed the irish . it cannot be denyed , but that the roman catholicks of ireland have infinitely suffered , during the late usurped governments ; but they have done it cheerfully , and perhaps not without some comfort ; having had all that time , as companions in suffering , not only some of the nobility and gentry of england and scotland , but the king himself , and all the royal family ; ferre quam sortem patiuntur omnes , nemo recusat . but now since his majesties happy restauration , and during the universal jubilee of joy over all the british monarchy , that the irish alone shou'd be forced to mourn , but condemued to a perpetual sufferance , far surpassing those they formerly endured under the government of cromwel ; is a calamity rather to be deplored then exprest . and yet i find very few of our nation any way touched with a compassion of the miserie 's snstained by those their neighbours , and that the irish are not only vigorously persecuted by their constant enemies , but that they are wholly abandoned by their former friends ( i mean their fellow-sufferers for the same cause ) who do not now concern themselves in their sufferings . this consideration alone , together with the zeal i have always had for justice , and the commiseration which nature imprints in every man , are the motives ( next to your lordships commands ) which induce me to undertake this subject . i shall therefore , by setting down matter of fact , and by examining the title of the present possessors , as also of the antient proprietors , discovered the wicked artifices hitherto practised , to deprive the irish nation , not only of the benefit of his majesties mercies , but also of his justice . broghil and coot having by several emissaries sent into england , felt the pulse of the english nation , and finding the people generally inclined to concur with the loyal and successful endeavours of the lord general monk , in order to the restauration of his sacred majesty , convoqued a convention in dublin , of persons newly interested in that kingdom , to consult upon the best and safest course that might be taken to prevent the restoring of the irish cavallers to those estates which the conventionists and their partizans enjoyed by the usurpers bounty , and which they had great reason to believe , would be immediately restored to the ancient proprietors upon his majesties re-establishment . in order to this resolution , it was agreed upon , that all the gentlemen of ireland should be committed to close prison , to render them incapable of contributing to his majesties restauration , in case his majesty would choose to pursue his royal right by dint of sword , rather then to condescend to such disadvantageous conditions , as the conventionists did hope , and were fully perswaded would be imposed upon him by the parliament of england . it was also concluded , that a man of parts and faction among the presbyterian party , should be imployed into england , to prepossess the people there , with the dangers and inconveniences which the restoring of the irish natives to their antient estates , would infallibly bring upon the new english interest in that kingdom . in pursuance to these resolutions , all the prisons in ireland were filled with the nobility and gentry of that nation , whom no imbecility of age , nor indisposition of body could excuse , nor any offered security answer for : sir john clotworthy , ( a man famons for plundering somerset house , murdering the kings subjects , and committing many other treasons and horrid crimes , ) was dispatched into england . this person , who was always accounted as violent against the irish , as he was known to be seditious , and ill-affected to monarchy ; no sooner arriv'd in london , than he fill'd the peoples ears with such dreadful stories of a new insurrection in ireland , ( where counterfeited letters were read on the exchange and several copies dispersed over all the corners of the city ) that his majesty was warm in his fathers throne , when both houses of parliament ( grounding their belief on clotworthy's assertion ) presented unto him a proclamation , to be signed against the irish papists , who were said to be actually in rebellion , murdering his majesties protestant subjects , violently intruding into other mens possessions , with many other characters of infamy , rendring them odious to all nations . this proclamation was published in london on the third day of june 1660. notwithstanding that it was very well known at that time , that there was not an irish man in arms in any part of ireland . clotworthy , encouraged with the good success of his first essay , and strengthened by a new landed recruit of convention agents ( among whom broghil himself made one ) having observed that a general act of indempnity was ready to be passed to all his majesties subjects , and fearing that the irish ( if concluded therein ) would be consequently restorable to their estates ; presented a proviso against them , to be inserted in that act ; but this proviso seemed so unreasonable to both houses ( especially after that his majesty had made a speech to them for comprehending the irish in his general and gracious pardon ( that they were fully resolved to extend the act of oblivion to the irish papists , as well as to the rest of his majesties subjects . but the conventionists , after some conference with the * d — of o — ( to whom , as 't is said , ( with what trust i know not ) they offer'd that great estate , and vast summs of money which wrought so much upon his grace , that , in the house of lords he made a speech against comprehending the irish papists in the act of oblivion , saying , that the king had taken that matter into his own hands , notwithstanding that his majesty had but few days before clearly declared himself for their being comprehended in his general pardon : so that it was carryed a-against them , to the great astonishment of all persons of honour and conscience , that were informed of the corrupt ways whereby they were excluded . neither , my lord , was the exclusion of the irish out of the act of oblivion , so satisfactory to the convention agents , if all other passages to his majesties further graces and favours were not shut up against them : and in order thereunto , they prevailed with the first minster of state ( whom they had gained to their side , by what coloured arguments he knows best himself ) to re-call the commission of lord deputy , which was formerly given to the lord roberts , a person of known honour and integrity ; the conventionists having , observed that his lordship was not to be won , upon any account to forward their design . this grand obstacle being removed out of the way , broghil , anglesey , clotworthy , and mervin , ( with the assistance of steel , roberts and petit ) after three months labour , brought forth that monstrous issue of their brain , which was exposed to the world under the name and title of his majesties most gracious declaration for the settlement of ireland . this was their master-piece , and hath been ever since the ground-work of all subsequent acts which were established for the farther settlement of that nation . the first branch of the declaration confirms the adventurer in his possession ; the second secures the soldier in his debenture ; the third satisfies the 49 men ; the forth assures unto the transplanted irish the land decreed unto them in the province of conaught , and county of clare ; the fifth makes mention of those irish officers who served his majesty in flanders , as also the generality of the nation who pretend to articles . my lord , is not this a blessed declaration , which provides in so large a manner for so many different interests ? a declaration that satisfies the natives , and yet dispossesseth none of the cromwellists . to understand it well , we must mount a little higher , and call to our remembrance how the rump-parliament divided the spoils of that conquered nation , in the year 1653. ten counties were allotted to the adventurers , twelve conferred on cromwel's souldiers , and three of the barren counties given by way of charity to the transplanted irish ; these , by computation , make up 25 counties , the remaining seven ( for ireland contains in all but 32 counties ) together with all the cities and corporations of that kingdom , were reserved to the common-wealth . now this declaration confirms the adventurers , souldiers , and transplanted irish in their present possessions ; and moreover , it assigns to several other uses , the seven remaining counties , and all the great towns of ireland , which were not disposed of by the common-wealth : one of the counties being designed to supply the deficiency of the adventurers lots ; another , to satisfie the incumbrances on the lands already laid out to adventurers and souldiers ; the third to reprize such as were removed from the lord duke of ormond's estate ; and the other four counties , with all the cities and corporations of the whole kingdom , ( a pretty grant ) being assigned to the protestant officers who serv'd his majesty in ireland at any time before the year 1649. after this solemn division and distribution made of every house , and every acre of land , over all the kingdom of ireland . some 500 irish gentlemen ( who also serv'd his majesty in flanders ) are named in the declaration , to be forthwith restored to their ancient estates ; but not , until lands of equal value , worth and purchase , are first found out to reprize the adventurers , souldiers , and the rest now in possession ; a work no more nor less feasible , than the creation of another ireland . my lord , this declaration was published on the 30th . of novomber 1660. and at the same time broghil created earl of orery , and sir charles coot made earl of montrath ; were joyned in commission with the lord chancellor eustace , as his majesties lords justices of that kingdom ; sir john clotworthy ( who was also created lord viscount masserene ) sir audley mervin , and some others of the convention-agents , staid at court , to draw up privare instructions for the better executing his majesties declaration : and because innocents , viz. such as never offended his majesty , or his royal father , were the only people to be restored without previous reprisals , the conventionists made it their grand work to qualifie an innocent , that it should be morally impossible to find any such in rerum natura , virum , innocentum quis inveniet ? eleven qualifications were ordered for their tryal and those so rigid and severe , that clotworthy and his companions ( who had the wording of them ) did verily believe there could not be a man found in all ireland that should pass untoucht through so many pikes : for , not only the inoffensive persons , who never took arms , who never enter'd into the confederacy with the rest of their countreymen , if they did but pay them the least contribution out of their estates , if they did but reside in the irish quarters , although in their own own houses ; not only these , i say , were declared to be no innocents , but such as lived all the war-time in england ; such as were with hi● majesty at oxford , and served in his army , if they received any rent from their tenants in ireland , were by virtue of one of the eleven qualifications , to be held for nocents . but among all the other qualifications , that of taking an engagement ( which was administred unto all his majesties subjects in the three kingdoms ) was a very notable one ; this engagement was forced upon the irish in so high a nature , that those who would not take it , were debarred , not only from the benefit of the law , but also exposed to an innevitable danger of death , the souldiers of cromwels army being commanded by publick proclamation ▪ to kill all they met on the high-way , who carried not a certificate about him , of having taken that engagement : commands which were cruelly executed on silly peasants , who , out of ignorance , or want of care , having left their tickets at home , were barbarously murdered by the merciless souldiers : my lord , it is very remarkable , that they who devised this engagement , who heartily subscribed unto it , and forced others to take it , shall not be questioned or held criminal ; and that those who never saw it before it was ministered unto them , who abhorred it in their hearts , and were forced to sign it , to avoid a bloody and violent death , shall be declared nocents , and an irrevocable sentence of losing their estates given against them ; and the estates so forfeited , to be conferred on those very persons who compelled the proprietors to that forfeiture . by this qualification alone , a man may judge of the rest . to crown this grand work of settling ireland , the conventionists ( having worded the declaration and instructions to their own advantage ) prevailed with their great patron , to have themselves named the only commissioners to put in execution his majesties declaration for the settlement of ireland , this un-usual , and perhaps never before heard of course of justice , ( one of the parties being made judge of the case ) appeared so ugly and terrible to the irish , that many of them could hardly be perswaded to believe , that his sacred majesty was restored to the peaceable and free possessession of his crown and kingdoms , seeing the very same persons who tyranized over them during oliver's reign , were now not only confirmed in their formed in their former charges , and advanced to places of greater trust ; but also newly commissioned with an unlimited power , to give a final and decisive sentence of all the titles and pretentions of the unfortunate natives . this preposterous way of proceeding , having not only incensed the interessed irish , but also scandalized all the moderate men of england , another course was judged fit to be taken , less shameful in appearance , but in effect the very same : the new court of claims was annulled , and the lords justices were ordered to call a parliament , which met on the 8th . day of may 1661. the lower house of this parliament was all composed of cromwellists , and but very few of the irish peers were admitted to sit in the house of lords , under the pretence of former indictments . this parliament made the first act of settlement , which they entitled , an act for explaining his majesties declaration for the settlement of ireland . this act decides all the doubtful expressions of the declaration in favour of the cromwellists , and to the disadvantage of the natives , it allows only a twelve-months time for the tryal of innocents ; but those irish gentlemen who served his majesty abroad , together with the generality of the nation pretending to articles , ( half a score persons only excepted , who were particularly provided for ) are for ever debarred by this act , to recover their estates without previous reprizals , which is a thing not to be had in nature . my lord , i cannot omit minding your lordship of a remarkable expression in the preface of this act , that the irish rebels were conquered by his majesties protestant subjects , in his majesties absence . these irish rebels when they were conquered , fought under the command of the lord duke of ormond , his majesties lord lieutenant in ireland , and after under the command of the lord marquess of clanrickard , his majesties lord deputy for that kingdom ; and those protestant subjects who conquered them , were called cromwel ireton , jones , reynolds , broghil , coot , venables , hewson , axtel , &c. who vigorously pursued the irish rebels for no other reason , but that they constantly denyed the authority of the pretended commonwealth , and unalterably adhered to the interest of charles stewart , ( for his majesties now protestant subjects were wont , in that time of conquest , to call our gracious soveraign ; ) but now adayes they sing another note , and speak quite another language ; having established for a fundamental law , that the irish rebels were conquered by his majesties protestant subjects in his majesties absence . this being passed , and the royal assent given to it , sir richard rainsford , and the rest of the commissioners appointed by his majesty to decide the claims of the irish , in pursuance of this act , landed in dublin , about the of 1662. and having some time to study the act , they plainly understood , that none of the unfortunate natives could be restored to their estates , but the ten persons who had particular proviso's inserted therein , and such others as would prove their innocence in open court. the commissioners began their first session on the day of february , and the court continued until the of august following . during this time the claims of near upon a thousand irish were heard , whereof the one half were declared innocents , notwithstanding all the rigid qualifications against them . the time limited for ajudging innocents being expired , sir richard rainsford ( a most just and upright man ) would proceed no farther , expecting an enlargement of time to hear out the rest , who were 7000 in number , and who had as much reason to pretend a title to their estates , ( until they were heard , and condemned ) as those who were already judged ; for every man is to be held innocent until he be convicted , and especially those who durst venture upon so severe a tryal : for , that part of the nation ( which was involved in the war ) did not pretend to innocence , but claim the benefit of articles . but this enlargement of time being flatly denyed by the first minister of state , the court of claims was at an end , the interessed party made judges by clarendon , and indifferent men not admitted , and the parliament prepared an aditional bill of settlement , which came into england in the of may , 1664. by this additional act , it is decreed , that no benefit of innocency , or articles , shall be allowed from henceforth , to any of the irish natives . the words of the text , pag. 8. l. 22. are these ; and it is hereby declared , that no person or persons , who by the qualifications in the said former act , hath not been adjudged innoieut , shall at any time hereafter be reputed innocent , so as to claim any lands or tenements hereby vested ; or be admitted to have any benefit or allowance of any future adjudications of innocence , or any benefit of articles whatsoever . to salve this grand breach of publick faith , the law of god , and nations , and to give some colour of justice , to an action which is evidently repugnant to magna charta , and the fundamental laws of england ( to condemn so many thousands before they are heard ) it is ordered by the same act , that some fifty four persons of the nobility and gentry of ireland , ( who likely deserved his majesties particular favour , and whose names are specified in the act ) shall be restored unto their several and respective principal seats , and unto 2000 acres of land thereto adjoyning ; provided always , that the adventurers , souldiers , and 49 men who are to be removed , shall be first satisfied by some other forfeited lands , in equal value , worth , and purchase ; the transplanted irish are purposely left by this act upon very doubtful terms , that in case of necessity ( if the stock of reprizals should sall short ) their present possessions might serve to reprize the adventurers , souldiers , 49 men , and grantees already removed by the restored innocents , and the ten proviso-men in the former act , or to be removed by the nominees , and some three or four persons more particularly provided for in this additional act. the forty nine men are expresly forbidden by this act , to set or let by way of lease , or otherwise any part of their lots within the walled towns and corporations , or at a certain distance thereunto : to any irish papists , under the penalty of loosing what is let , and forfeiting as much more , there is a general clause in the act , that all clauses and provisoes therein contained , which admit any doubtful expression , shall be always construed to the advantage and favour of the english protestants , and several other provisons are made , all tending to the designed extirpation of the natives . this destructive act , after many long consultations , wherein the first minister of state did always imploy the utmost of his uncontrouled power , to countenance the cromwellian party , and the kings solicitor general ( who had the penning of the act , made use of his rhetorick and knowledge in the law , to plead in their behalf , ( the favour of the one being easily gained , at the rate of several vast sums of ready money , and the promise of an estate of 6000 l. a year for his son ; and the pains of the other , being modestly rewarded by a small fee of 8000 l. sterl . ) this act , i say , so well supported , was signed and sealed at salisbury on the 25th of july 1665 ▪ ( notwithstanding all the opposition given thereunto , ) and this in a time when the hand of god visibly appeared in the great mortality , which then began to increase in the city of london ; and when i heard many moderate men say , we are justly punished by god , for the injustice done to the irish . it is now more than two years since the act went over into ireland , and the 52 nominees who were to be restored as they verily believed ) to their chief houses , and 2000 acres of land , have not yet got the possession of a cottage , or of one acre of ground ; which agrees very well with ororye's railery lately expressed , that it was intended by the act , that they should be only nominees , nomine restorable , but not re , for that was never intended ; and yet the same orrory assured to the king , that there was a sufficient stock of reprisals to satisfie all interests . my lord , this is the true state , in brief , of the irish case , as to matter of fact , since the first day of his majesties most happy restauration , to this instant . let us now examine matter of right , and see what title the several interests obstructing there establishment of the irish can justly pretend to the estates of the distressed natives . these different interests can be reduced to four principal ones ; the first is , that of the adventurers , the second of the souldiers , the third of the forty nine men and the fourth of the grantees ; we will begin with the adventurers . these are certain inhabitants of london , who in the year 1641. pretended to venture their momes to reduce the rebels in ireland , ( but intended , as afterwards appeared , to destroy the king ) upon the assurance of getting such a quantity of the rebels lands in proportion to the sums they laid out , and in pursuance of an act of our english parliament , which then passed to that effect . by which act , it is ordered that the mony so laid out , should be employed in the service of ireland ; and that , ( after the rebels were declared by both houses to be wholly conquered ) a commission should issue forth under the great seal of england , to make a strict enquiry through all the counties of ireland , of estates forfeited by the rebellion , to be disposed of for the satisfaction of the adventurers . neither of these conditions were hitherto observed , for the money laid out , was all , ( or at least , for the greatest part ) imployed to buy arms and ammunition to fight against his majesty in england . the rebels were never yet declared by both houses of parliament to have been conquered , nor any commission issued forth under the great seal of england , to enquire after forfeitures : it is true , that the remaining members of the house of commons , made an ordinance in the year 1652. ( without the concurrence of the house of lords ) that the rebels were wholly conquered ; and that consequently assigned ten counties to the adventurers , without issuing forth any commission under the great seal of england , to examine whether the lands therein contained were forseited or no. of these ten counties , the adventurers of the doubling ordinance ( who were to have for their respective sums laid out , double the quantity of land assigned to the first adventurers ) have proportion , because their money was given to the long parliament in the year 1644. when they were in actual rebellion against his majesty . the late king understood very well the nullity of this act having never made mention of the adventurers interest in all the treaties of peace which pass'd between his majesty and the confederates in ireland ; which certainly so just a prince as charles the first was known to be , would never have done , if he had conceived himself any way obliged by that act to provide for them . but supposing that the act of decimo septimo caroli in the behalf of the london adventurers , had not been defective ; can those of the doubling ordinance expect any benefit by that law ? can the first adventurers whose moneys were disposed to other uses than the relief of the protestants in ireland , pretend any advantage by that act ? nay , can those few persons of the first rank ( whom we call the just adventurers , and whose moneys were really imployed in the irish war ) lawfully enjoy the irish land , until the rebels be declared by the two houses of parliament to be wholly conquered ; until a commission issues forth under the great seal of england to examine who are the rebels , and who are innocents ; and until , after the performing these essential formalities required by the act , they receive by a just and legal way of proceeding , their respective proportions of the forfeited estates ? the first minister of state ( a lawyer by his first profession ) cannot be ignorant of these varieties ; especially when he perswades his royal master to speak after this manner , in his declaration for the settlement of ireland , pag. 7. therefore in the first place , in order to the settlement of that interest claimed by the adventurers , alth●ugh the present estates and possessions they enjoy , if they were examined by the strict letter of the law , would prove very defective and invalid , as being no ways pursuant to those acts of parliament upon which they pretend to be found , but rather seem to be a structure upon their subsequent assent , both to the different mediums and ends , than the observance of those ; yet who being always more ready to consult , &c. can any thing be spoken more plain to prove the nullity of the adventurers title by the act of 17. car. 1 ? and could the supream judge of the court of equity give a more unjust sentence , than to say , although this party can pretend no right to the estate in question , yet i am pleased to adjudge it for him ? the matter in dispute is no less than the land of ten counties , the parties pretending are the irish proprietors , and the london adventurers : the first enjoyed it for so many ages , they have their patents and evidences to shew for it , and they lost it at length upon the account of loyalty , fighing for the kings interest against the murderers of his royal father : the last ( as 't is acknowledged by the words of the text ) have no other title but what they derive from the ordinance of an usurped government , for having disbursed vast sums of money to countenance rebellion , to pull down monarchy , and put up a pretended common-wealth . and yet the land is adjudged for them , and confirmed to them and their heirs for ever : the second main interest obstructing the restoration of the irish , is that of cromwel's souldiers , who are not mentioned in the act of 17 caroli ; neither indeed do they pretend any other title to their estates , but that of the sword , which they have always imployed against the late king , and his present majesty , enjoying as a sallary for their service , all the irish estates in twelve counties . i do not think any man will be so impudent as to justifie this prodigious title ; i am sure their greatest patrons never durst say they were just , but they said very often , it was convenient to confirm them in possession of other mens land. and perhaps we shall not find many other states-men ( among the followers of the gospel ) who will allow a conveniency so apparent against justice : ruat coelum & fiat justicia , is a motto which better becomes a lord chancellour ; then , let us not do what is just , but what is convenient . it is indeed a most wonderful conveniency to dispossess the ancient proprietor who fought for the king , and give his estate to a fanatick souldier who fought for cromwel . to suppor this pretended conveniency , the first minister of state made use of a strong argument , derived from the great power of the cromwellists in ireland ; and thus he makes it out : the english army is very considerable now in ireland , they have swords in their hands , and they are in possession of all the great towns , and strong holds in that kingdom , it is not therefore safe to irritate them ; nay , there is an absolute necessity ( as the case stands ) to confirm them in their present possessions , for we must not do what is just , but what is is convenient . these words were often delivered in councel , as so many oracles , and perhaps the greater statesman did not seriously reflect , whether the same argument might not serve as well to confirm all the cromwellists in england , in their unlawful acquisitions of the crown and church-lands , and so many cavaliers estates , whereof they were dispossessed upon his majesties restauration , without any great noise , and less danger ; and yet they were then very considerable : they had swords in their hands , and they were in possession of all the strong holds of the kingdom , &c. my lord , i have been all over the kingdom of ireland , and assure your lordship , that the old inhabitants and natives of ireland , are ten for one , and far the more considerable party ; but large sums have made that corrupt minister say any thing that seemed advantagious to support that other interest : i am confident , my lord , admitting them as inconsiderable as he would have them , it cannot be half so formidable , as the power of that party was in england when the king came in . these were all disbanded in less then six months time , and now 't is more than seven years , that the fanatick army is maintained in ireland without any necessity , which , occasions that his majesty receives no revenue out of that vast and fertil kingdom ; nay , he is obliged to send yearly a considerable sum of money out of england , for the maintenance of that army : for my part i cannot nnderstand how the king might safely reduce the english army , and that it should be dangerous for him to disband the irish forces , who were not half so numerous , nor so much to be feared as those in england . if the want of money hindred their disbanding at once with their brethren in england and scotland ; might not they reduce by degrees , and by regiments , in eight years time ? i think it is sufficiently evidenced that the cromwellian party in ireland have no more power than what his majesty hitherto is pleased to grant them , by the advice of his first minister , who upholds that fanatick army for his own sordid , if not wicked ends . let that favourite that perswades his master to tolerate injustice and oppression , upon the account of a servile fear , have a care that he be not one day convinced either of ignorance . rex est qui posuit metus , & diramala pectoris , quem non ambitio popularis , & nunquam stabilis faveur vulgi praecipitis movet . the third grand interest , and the most destructive to the natives , is that of the protestant officers , who served his majesty ( or the parliament ) in ireland , before the year 1649. whose arrears have been cast up , and stated to the vast sum of eighteen hundred thousand pounds sterl . in satisfaction whereof , the part of a whole kingdom ( which certainly is worth many millions ) is conferred upon them . they are entitled to all the natives estates in four great counties , to all the cities , corporations , and walled towns in ireland , to all the land situated within a mile to the sea , and to the river of shanon in the province of conaught , and county of clare , to all the debts , leases , mortgages , and the reversions of the irish ; for not only the real estates , but also all other pretensions and titles of the unhappy natives are forfeited : and leest all this should come short to content this insatiable party , the last act allows them one hundred thousand pounds out of the two half years rent from adventurers souldiers , and restored irish . though the roman catholick officers have always faithfully adhered to the kings interest , and never deserted his service ( as all , or most of these protestant officers in ireland have done , when the usurper prevailed ) yet they being papist , disables them from any satisfaction for their service , which was a qualification not imposed on the catholicks in england , &c. but since the cessation of arms concluded in the year 1643. there was no more fighting between his majesties protestant , and roman catholick subjects , which makes a great difference between their loyalty in the point of merit , and that of our cavaliers in england , who , out of a generous resolution , without any necessity , or consideration of private interest , did freely embrace his majesties quarrel , siding always with the best , although weakest party , which they maintained , for the space of six years , at their own charges , with the loss of so many thousand brave lives , who were all sacrificed as unspotted victims on the altar of loyalty . how comes it then to pass , that a handful of irish protestants should be allowed 1800000 l. for two years service , and that our english royalists , who were a hundred times more numerous continued thrice longer in serving the king and whose pure loyalty was never tainted with the mixture of any treachery or private interest , should get among them all , without distinction of nation or religion , but 70000 l. to be distributed among the needy cavaliers , ( who had neither estates of their own , nor any publick chrges or imployments ) to keep them from starving ? upon what account should the officers of the four or five garrisons in ireland that plundered ten times more then their pay came to , enjoy four large counties , and all the great towns and corporations of a kingdom , whilst the whole body of the royallists in england are so much slighted that there is not one parish in the country , nor street in any city , conferred upon them ? will not the irish forty nine men allow us , that prince rupert , the duke of newcastle , montross , bristol , barkley , middleton , rochester , gerard , and several other noblemen of england and scotland , deserve to have their arrears stated and satisfied , as well as the grandees of ireland ? i , there any conveniency , ( for i am sure there can be no justice ) to provide for the one and not for the other ? it cannot be said that his majesty is obliged by the act of 17. car. by his declaration from breda , or any other covenant , to recompence in so large a manner , the mercenary service of his protestant officers in ireland , without any regard to be had for the innumerable sufferings , and present want of so many indigent cavaliers in england , who have not bread to eat , nor a house to lye in , and scarce a rag to cover their nakedness . to give some colour to this apparent partiality , the first minister of state is forced to betake himself to his last refuge , telling , as for a final reason , that the protestant english interest cannot by maintained in ireland , without extirpating the natives . and therefore , that the counties and corperations undisposed of by the commonwealth , must not be restored to the natives upon any account . the preservation of this interest is now become ultima ratio , and the non plus ultra to all political debates ; and seeing the learned gown-man will needs establish it for a first principle not to be denyed , is not amiss to consider more attentively this idol , that occasions so much impiety . as for the protestant interest , i must confess his majesties bound to maintain it in all his kingdoms and dominions , as far forth as the glory of god requires , and the law of nations , and the several constitutions of particular places will admit . certainly , no man ( though never so zealous , ) will say , that his majesty was obliged , when he held the town of dunkirk in flanders , to expiate the ancient inhabitants , and place new english colonies in their room , for the preservation of a protestant interest . true religion was ever yet planted by preaching and good example , not by violence and oppression : an unjust intrusion into the neighbours estate , is not the right way to convert the ancient proprietors , who will hardly be induced to embrace a religion , whose professors have done them so much injustice : and as to the present settlement of ireland , it is apparent to the world , that the confiscation of estates , and not the conversion of souls , is the only thing aimed at . if by the english interest we understand the present possession of the london adventurers , and of cromwel's souldiers , there is no doubt it is inconsistent with the restoration of the irish , neither can the new english title to land be well maintained , without destroying the old title of the natives ; even as the interest of the late common-wealth was incompatible with monarchy , and cromwels protectorship was inconsistent with the kings government but , if by the english interest , we understand ( as we ought to do ) the interest of the crown and cavaliers of england , i see no reason why it might not be preserved in ireland for 500 years to come ) as well it was preserved there for 500 years past , without extirpating the natives . why could not the english interest be maintained in ireland , without extirpation , as well as the spanish interest is preserved in naples and flanders ; the french interest in rossilignion and alsace ; the swedish interest in breme and pomerland ; the danish interest in norway ; the austrian interest in hungary ; the venetian interest in dalmatia ; and the ottoman interest over all greece ; and so many other christian provinces , without dispossessing the antient inhabitants of their patrimonies and birth-rights ? forts , cittadels , armies , and garrisons punishment and reward , were hitherto held the only lawful means for the christian princes to maintain their authority , and secure their interest : such an extirpation was never yet practised by any prince that followed the law of the gospel . but , supposing that the preservation of an english interest were so sacred a thing , that it may be held lawful in that regard to extirpate the old inhabitants of ireland , who have received from the hand of god that portion of the earth for their inhabitants ; upon what colour of title can our rigid statesman design the extirpation of so many families in ireland , or the english race and extraction , lineally descended from the best families in england , and those antient english colonies who first brought over that interest into ireland , and maintained it there for so many ages ? if this cannibal english interest , gives no better quarter to the children of english in ireland , what can strangers expect ? nay , what assurance can be had for the prosperity of those very adventurers and souldiers , that after an age or two they shall not be likewise devoured , or displaced to make room for a new swarm of english planters , upon the account of securing a new english interest : and those new colonies also within an age after , shall extirpated upon the same score ; for the children of those who were planted in ireland , about the beginning of king james his reign , are now destroyed , for the better security of an english interest , as well as the posterity of the first english , who invaded the country in the days of king henry the second ; so that to the worlds end , if we follow this rule , we shall never be able to secure the english interest in the kingdom of ireland . the grandees are the fourth and last in order , that obstruct the restoration of the irish natives : their title is soon examined , being only founded on the kings free grant ; for it cannot be said that his majesty was bound by any former obligation , or pretended conveniency , to confer on his courtiers and favourites the land of other people . can there be any conveniency ( not to speak of justice ) that the kings only brother , and heir apparent to three crowns , should enjoy so many thousands a year in ireland of poor gentlemens estates , whereof some had the honour to serve under his command in foreign countreys ? and is it fit to expose his royal highness and his princely posterity to the many inconveniencies , and heavy judgements which commonly follow illegal and unjust acquisitions ? it is a remarkable passage , that miles corbe● and other regicides , who went over into ireland , got a large proportion of irish land , for no other service , but the execrable sentence of death which they gave against our late soveraign , and that the duke of york should now enjoy all that land , by no other title but that of the regicides . the land was given them by a tyrant , for murthering the king , let the world judge of the goodness of their title ; certainly whosoever comes to inherit them , can have no better . i shall make no mention here of so many courtiers of a lesser sphere , who have got vast estates in ireland , by his majesties free gift , and whom the first ministers of state have purposely interressed in that kingdom , to engage them against the natives ; whereby the restoration of the irish is rendred impossible , and the satisfaction of adventurers and souldiers already disposed by the decrees of the last court of claims , is much obstructed , so many fresh grants exhausting the stock of reprisals . my lord , i have hitherto set down in brief the hard usage extended to the irish since his majesties re-establishment , and examined the title of the several interests obstructing their restoration . now it remains to say somewhat of the undoubted right , and indisputable claim of the natives , to those estates which by cromwels decree , and his majesties confirmation , are kept from them . i will not take upon me to justifie their first rising , ( although i have seen a treatise in latin proving the lawfulness , or rather the necessity , of that war on their side , having begun it in their own defence , to prevent the general ruin and destruction designed against the kindom and themselves ( by the presbyterian party both in england and scotlana ) i shall not excuse any subjects presuming to take arms , upon any account or pretence whatsoever , without the authority of their prince ; i will only say , that by their insurrection ( how bloody and barbarous soever some are pleased to print and paint it ) four hundred english could not be found murdered in ireland , as appeareth by the proceedings ( and records yet extant in dublin ) of the usurped powers severe inquiry , and their court of justice , that for want of men did hang women , not only without legal proof , but without probability that they could or would be guilty of killing souldiers , or innocent english . the irish insurrection , i say ▪ hath not been accompanied with that insolence and malice in the beginning , nor with those sad and dismal effects in the end , which other rebellions have been guilty of , and some pamphlets have charged the irish with . they were scarce 22 months in arms , when they yielded to a cessation upon the first notice given of his majesties pleasure , although they had then the upper hand of their enemies ; and it was known the protestant party could not be well preserved without it . this cessation was enlarged from time to time , until a final peace was solemnly concluded in the city of kilkenny , in the year of our lord 1648 by , and between the lord duke of ormond , his majesties commissioner , in the behalf of his majesty ; and the general assembly of the confederate cathol●cks of ireland , in the behalf of the said confederate catholicks . this peace was no sooner published , than all the garrisons , forts , citadels strong-holds , and magazines of the irish , were put under the command of the kings lieutenant ; all the nobility , gentry , and magistrates , both in cities and country submitted to his government . and though the english rebels have been ever since very succesful in all their attempts , yet the irish , notwithstanding they were offered any conditions by the usurper , held out , with an undaunted courage , until the last town , and the last fortress was lost , and until they received express orders from his majesty to yield to the times , and to make the best conditions they could for their own preservation . it is remarkable , that this peace was concluded in a time , when the irish nation was in a most flourishing condition , having armies in the field , and most of the cities and great towns in their possessions , and more than three parts of the kingdom under their command , when they were courted by the parliament of england , and solicited , by some neighbouring potentates , and when by espousing his majesties quarrel , ( who was then destitute of all humane support ) they were to draw on their country all their united force and power of the victorious rebels in england and scotland , and consequently expose themselves and their posterity to the danger of an unevitable ruin and destruction . i know their adversaries have practised all the artifice that malice could invent , to perswade the world , that his majesty is no way obliged to make good that peace which was concluded by the authority of his royal father . and solemnly confirmed by himself . those articles , they say , were forced from his majesty by the irish confederates who ought to loose the benefit of all his majesties gracious concessions , having banished the lord duke ormond , his majesties lieutenant , out of ireland . it is easily proved , that the king was forced to take the solemn league and covenant , when he was environed by the presbyteriam army in scotland : but i do not understand how it can be made out , that the confederates of ireland were able to exort that peace from his majesty , who was then in france . it will seem very ridiculous to say , that the lord marquess of antrim , and the lord muskry ( imploy'd by the consederate catholicks , to solicit , in a most humble manner , for those articles which only contain a pardon for the past , and the liberty of free-born subjects for the future ) should come to paris with a train sufficient to force a sovereign prince , lodged in the louvre , who was cousin german to his most christian majesty the other assertion , that the lord duke of ormond was banished out of ireland by the confederates , is very false ; his lordship being driven out of the provinces of leinster and munster , by the power of cromwels . army , and forced to retire to the province of connaught , from whence he took shipping for france , to inform the queens majesty of the sad condi●ion of that kingdom , and to implore some succour from abroad , ( which if timely obtained ) might probably give a stop to cromwels conquest , and render him unable to bring his victorious forces out of ireland , and defeat his majesty at worcester , his lordship having appointed the lord marquess of clanrickard to command in his absence , as the kings deputy , to whom the nation shewed all due obedience and submission ) is a manifest argument that his lordship was not banished out of the kingdom by the confederate catholiks ; for whom he named , a commander in his own absence : neither can it reflect upon the generality of the nation , what was decreed by some prelates convened in jamestown , whose unseasonable zeal was soon after condemned , and protested against by a general assembly held in loghreagh , of the clergy , nobility , and gentry of the whole kingdom . and the advantagious proposals then made by cromwels agents , were generously rejected by that assembly , the nation having unanimously resolved to rise or fall with the kings interest . but what need we any other evidence to prove that the irish did not generally violate the articles of that peace , then his majesties own words , in the preamble of his declaration for the settlement of ireland . and therefore we could not but hold our self obliged to perform what we owe by that peace to those who had honestly and faithfully performed what they had promised to us , &c. the irish being at the last over-power'd at home , though they lost their countrey , they did not fail in their loyalty , most of their young nobility and gentry having followed his majesty into forreign countries , and resorted from all parts to side with those princes who favoured his interest ; when the king was in france , they quitted the spanish service ; and when he came to flanders , they abandoned the french service and flocked in great numbers about his royal person , having made up in short time , a handsome body of an army , which rendred his majesty considerable to his friends abroad , and dreadful to his enemies at home . these are verities that none dare impugn , seeing the king himself is most graciously pleased to own them in his declaration . and in the first place , we did , and must always remember the great affection a considerable part of that nation expressed to vs during the time of our being beyond the seas , when with all cheerfulness and obedience they received , and submitted to our orders , and betook , themselves to that service which we directed as most convenient and behooveful at that time to us , though attended with inconveniency enough to themselves : which demeanour of theirs , cannot but be thought very worthy of our protection , justice and favour . my lord , is it not a sad case , that the irish nation who sacrificed their lives , their estates and fortunes , and all the interest they had in their country for the kings service , who followed his majesty abroad , and stuck to him in his banishment , when he was abandoned almost by all the rest of his subjects in the three kingdoms , should now be in a far worse condition , than they were reduced unto , during the usurpers reign ? for then their estates were kept from them by violence , and the un-resistable power of cromwel's army ; but now they seem to be legally adjudged against them by two acts of parliament . they were then in hopes that god would one day re-establish his sacred majesty in a peaceable and entire possession of his crown and kingdoms , and consequently restore to them their ancient patrimonies , which they lost upon the account of his interest : but now , they behold his majesty seated in the glorious throne of his ancestors , and themselves out of all hopes of ever enjoying their estates , which are conferred on their ( and his majesties ) enemies , by a final sentence pronounced against them ; and ( which surpasseth all the misery that can be imagined ) they are eternally condemned by a messias , in whom they hoped for redemption , and for whose sake they sacrificed their lives , lost their fortunes , quitted their countrey , and forsook all that was dear to them in this world : and this done by the corruption and covetousness of two or three persons , whereof one was the first minister . the extraordinary merit of this nation in his majesties service , was fresh in his majesties memory when he spake after this man-to the house of peers , on the 27 july , 1660. touching the act of indempnity ; i hope i need say nothing of ireland , and that they alone shall not be without the benefit of my mercy : they have shewed much affection to me abroad , and you will have a care of my honour , and what i have poomised to them . my lord , to pass by honour and gratitude , ( which some states-men little value ) how shall we excuse the injustice of these proceedings ? suppose the peace concluded in the year 1648. was invalid , and that his majesty received no service abroad from any of the irish nation , can he in justice condemn 7000 innocents , ( before they are heard ) inoffensive persons , who never offended his royal father , nor himself : let us suppose farther , that an innocent person could not be found in all ireland , that every individual of that nation were an obstinate rebel from the beginning , and that none of them ever deserved the least favour from his majesty in point of conscience , honour , or gratitude ; can our prime minister and his adherents say , that so many thousand widows and orphans ( though never so criminal ) are not fit objects of his majesties compassion and clemency ? that kings are the anointed of the lord , and his lieutenants on earth , is an infallible truth received among christians ; and as they derive their power immediately from god , so they ought to imitate him in their actions . but of all the divine attributes , his mercy , as it is above all the rest of his works , misericordia ejus supra omnia opera ejus , so is it that alone which princes are most concerned to follow . it is by this heavenly virtue , that good kings have been always distinguished from tyrants , and that they appeared to their subjects as the very images of divinity . i do not think that the english crown was ever worn by a prince more benign and merciful than charles the second , i am confident there is no king now living on earth , who hath given a larger testimony of his natural propensity and inclination that way . how great then must be the guilt of those ministers of state that cunningly obstructed the effects of the bounty and clemency of so good and gracious a prince towards an innocent people ; and perhaps not the least deserving of his subjects ? their gettings by the bills of settlement spoils their plea , and pretence for the promotion of protestancy . it will seem a paradox to posterity , that the irish nation , which in all insurrections hath been pardoned , and preserved by the royal bounty of kings , meerly english should now be condemned to an eternal extirpation by a king of old irish extraction ( lineally descended from fergusius a prince of the royal blood of ireland ) who of all the kings that ever regned in england , was most obliged to the irish nation , and that during the reign of charles the second , ( the most merciful prince that ever wore a crown ) so many thousand innocents should be exempted from a hearing , and others from a general pardon , which by a mercy wholly extraordinary , doth extend to some of the very regicides . these are verities not to be doubted of in our dayes , which after ages will hardly admit , seeing the like was never before recorded in annals , or mentioned in any history : for , since the creation of adam to this day ( and perhaps our posterity to the worlds end , may be as far to seek ) we cannot produce another example of the like measure extended to a christian people , under the goverment of a most christian prince . the most bloody tyrants of former ages , even those monsters of nature , who seemed to be born for no other end , than the desolation of mankind , did never extirpate their old friends , to make room for their reconciled enemies : so that it must be a very difficult matter to perswade those who are not eye-witnesses of the fact , that the royal authority of our gracious king , which here in england maintains the peer in his splendor and dignity , the commoner in his birth-right and liberty , which protects the weak from the oppression of the mighty , secures the nobility from the insolence of the people , and by which equal and impartial justice is indifferently distributed to all the inhabitants of this great and flourishing realm ; should be at the same time made use of in his kingdom of ireland , to condemn innocents before they are heard , to destroy so many thousand widows and orphans , to confirm unlawful and usurped possessions , to violate the publick faith , to punish virtue , to countenance vice , to hold loyalty a crime , and treason worthy of reward . the bloody and covetous states-man who chiefly occasioned all this disorder , was very often heard to say , with a fierce countenance , and passionate tone , the irish deserve to be extirpated , and then he would ( after his usual manner ) come out with a great oath , and swear , they shall all be extirpated , root and branch . good god , what a heathen expression is this in the mouth of a christian , who is expresly commanded to love his enemies ? does he think that the divine providence , which orders the growth of herbs , the fall of leaves , and appoints an angel for the guard of every individual person , takes no care to preserve an entire body of a nation ? and that it shall be in the power of one man to destroy the work of god at his pleasure ; of such a man that could not prevent his own disgrace , not avoid the many other inconveniences which are like to fall upon him . this proud haman , who , joyntly with some few others , to get money for themselves , and estates for their children ) contrived the general extirpation of the whole irish race ; but before he could fully compass his wicked design ( i must confess he went very near to do it , and if god had given him a longer continuance of power he would undoubtedly make good his word ) was forced for his own safety , and the preservation of his life , to quit his fine house , forsake his family , and bid his countrey farewel , and to travel in his old age , in the dead of winter , through so many dangers at sea , and incommodities by land , to seek for some shelter abroad , seeing he could not be secure at home justu es , domine , & justum judicium tuum . he is gone with all his greatness , and the miseries of the poor irish do still continue ; however they are yet in being , and live in hope that the fall of their mortal enemy may be a beginning of their rise , and that his majesty will now seriously reflect upon the unparallel'd usage hitherto extended to that nation , who are deprived of the benefit of law , justice , and publick faith : the cryes and tears of more than an hundred thousand widows and orphans , being worthy his majesties princely consideration . and certainly there can be no great difficulty met with to dissannul two illegal acts , which are evidently repugnant , not only to the law of god and nature , contrary to the common reason , and consequently void in themselves ) but also to all sound policy and reason of state ; for that the true interest of england ( as relating to ireland ) consists in raising ▪ he irish as a bulwark , or ballance , against our english and scotch presbyterians . the irish papists agreed so well , and lived so peaceably with our english prelatiques , during the reign of king james , and seventeen years of king charles the first , that they seemed to be of one mind in all matters : and when the presbyterian practises and covenant began to disturb these kingdoms , the papists and prelatiques in ireland ( as well as in england ) joyned their hearts and hands against presbytery for the king. the great earl of strafford judged it was a true protestant cavalier interest , to raise an army of papists in ireland thereby to keep in awe the presbyterians of scotland and england . and indeed the presbyterian designs could never have had been compassed , if the king had not been forced to disband the same army then the earl ( now duke of ormond ( thought it was the true english and cavalier interest , joyn in parliament with the roman catholick nobility and gentry of ireland , against the presbyterian lords justices , and their faction ; and therefore joyntly with them , resolved to secure their persons , and seize upon the castle and magazine of dublin , for his majesty ; but this their design was quashed by an inconsiderate attempt of some northern gentlemen , which occasioned the late rebellion and encouraged the presbyterian lords , justices to force the kings loyal subjects into desperate courses : but no sooner were the presbyterian lord justices deposed , and imprisoned by the kings commands , but the roman catholicks , returned to their duty , first by a cessation , next by a submissive peace , delivering the whole kingdom to the duke of ormond , and joyning with the cavalier party against the kings enemies , and so continued untill both were over-powered by cromwel . another reason why understanding men judge the irish ought to be preserved , and their interest preferred before that of cromwels creatures , is , that the english of ireland are not able to defend themselves against the scots in that countrey ; if the irish be neuters . the scots are a people so numerous , so needy , and so near unto ireland , so cunning , close , and confederated in a common interest , that some of our states-men apprehend , they may soon possess themselves of the whole island , they being at this present , not only masters of vister , but spread over the other provinces , and very well armed . now , if despair should dictate to the destroyed irish , that it is their conveniency to joyn with the scots against the english that possess their estates , without question the english interest will be lost in ireland . it is better therefore , that the irish nation be gained , by restoring them to their own ( such only excepted as had their hands in murdering english ) than that a few presbyterian and phanatick up-starts be made great by other mens estates , and the whole kingdom endangered to be wrested out of our hands , and seperated from the crown of england . you see , my lord that there seems to be as little conveniency as conscience in my lord clarendon's , and his covetous partners settlement of ireland ; yet i must confess this domestick affair agreeth well with his policy in foreign negotiations . until his time the statesmen of europe ( particularly the english , ) made it their business to keep the scales equal between france and spain , least either of those two potentates might aspire unto an universal monarchy ; but the earl of clarendon made it his business to utterly destroy spain , and exalt the french king to such a height of power , that in a short time he might be master of the netherlands , and find no opposition in his way into england ; and indeed had not our kings conduct and courage been extraordinary , in closing up a new defensive league so seasonably , and in concluding a peace between spain and portugal , no part of europe that is worth the coveting , could be free from the french command . i hope , that as god hath inspired his majesty to prevent ( by this league and peace , ) the dangers which corrupt ministers drew upon us , so he will move him to establish a lasting peace in his dominions , by a just repeal of the irish act of settlement ; and thereby to quash all the designs against england , that france or any foreigner may endeavour to ground upon the discontents of a destroyed , and desperate people . now , my lord , that you have had this account of the transactions in ireland since his majesties restauration , it were an act worthy your lordship ( being a leading member in the house of peers in england , and much relyed upon in the house of commons ( to make it your request to his majesty , that the business of ireland may receive one publick hearing , and all parties concerned appear by their agents , which if your lordship prevail to get done , if the settlement as it is now established , be deemed just , will be happy for the possessours , and take away all calumnies that the irish do over all the world east on the managers of that settlement ; but if it appear not to be a just settlement , then justice in so high a degree will become the king , and his highest court , and will evidence the truth or nullitie of what hath been here been offered to your lordship , by , my lord , your lordships most faithful and most humble servant f. d. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a40454-e120 * the d — of o — hath added as much to his own ancient estate , by the new settlement of ireland , as would have satisfied all the claims of the just adventurers . and anglesey and kingston little less . in the province of ulster , but three of the natives restored , viz. my lord of antrim , sir henry o-neil , and one more of an inconsiderable estate . in the province of conaught , but four viz. the earl of clanrickard , lord of mayo , coll. john kelley , and coll. moor. which the natives call the black bill , whereas upon the french kings declaring warr against his majestie and his subjects, his majestie hath issued his declaration against the french, which followeth in these words ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) 1666 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46196 wing i951 estc r36954 16162991 ocm 16162991 104944 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46196) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104944) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:62) whereas upon the french kings declaring warr against his majestie and his subjects, his majestie hath issued his declaration against the french, which followeth in these words ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. [2] leaves. printed by john crooke ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1665 [1666] title from first 3 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 28th day of february, 1665" [1666] broadside in [2] leaves. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng anglo-french war, 1666-1667. anglo-dutch war, 1664-1667. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . or monde , whereas upon the french kings declaring warr against his majestie and his subiects , his maiestie hath issued his declaration against the french , which followeth in these words : charles r. whereas the french king pretending the execution of a defensive treaty with the states generall of the vnited provinces , and thereby determining us to be the aggressors and invadors of them , ( the contrary of which is most notoriously known to all the world ) did on the 16th or 26th of january last declare warr against our subjects , making himself thus the aggressor , and rendring the peace , we have allwayes desired with the said states , more difficult , towards which the french kings ambassadours never offered either satisfaction for past injuries done to our subjects , or a faire regulation of the commerce for the future ; we relying upon the help of god almighty in the justice of our cause , and being assured of the valour and affections of our subjects in the defence thereof have thought fit to declare , and by these presents do declare , that we will oppose the french king , and vigorously prosecute this warr , which he hath so unjustly begun , with the utmost of our force by sea and land , in the maintenance and defense of our subjects , enjoyning hereby our most dear and intirely beloved brother our high admirall , and our right trusty right intirely beloved cosen and councellor george duke of albemarle generall of our forces by land , our lieutenants of the severall counties , and all other officers and souldiers under them both by sea and land to oppose all attempts of the french king or his subjects , and to do and execute all acts of hostility in the prosecution of this warr against the to the constables and overseers of [blank] by vertue of a warrant to me directed from the standing committee at chelmsford ... essex (england) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a62716 of text r220683 in the english short title catalog (wing t1393b). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a62716 wing t1393b estc r220683 99832079 99832079 36548 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a62716) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 36548) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2100:03) to the constables and overseers of [blank] by vertue of a warrant to me directed from the standing committee at chelmsford ... essex (england) 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london? : 1642] title includes opening words of text. place and date of printing from wing. a directive required by the authority of parliament to prepare for local defence against a possible invasion from ireland. reproduction of the original in the harvard university library. eng england and wales. -parliament. -proceedings. 1642. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. essex (england) -defenses -early works to 1800. a62716 r220683 (wing t1393b). civilwar no to the constables and overseers of [blank] by vertue of a warrant to me directed from the standing committee at chelmsford, ... essex 1642 385 1 0 0 0 0 0 26 c the rate of 26 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-02 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the constables and overseers of _____ by vertue of a warrant to me directed from the standing committee at chelmsford , intimating that the lords and commons assembled in parliament considering the oppressions and miseries that now doe threaten the utter ruine and desolation of this kingdome in generall , and of this , and the other associated counties in particular , ●…nd how necessary it is that all men well affected that have any compassion towards their afflicted countrey should now put themselves into a present posture of defence , by raising forces of horse and foot for the defence of the association from the invasion of irish rebels , popish and other ill affected persons , have for these and many other waighty reasons by an ordinance bearing date the fifth of july last , ordained and declared that this county among others shall be put forthwith into a posture of defence . these are therefore to require you by the authority aforesaid to returne the names , at the time and place hereafter appointed , of all persons vvithin your precincts vvho are vvorth one hundred pounds or more in lands or goods , or in lands and goods together ; to the end they may be charged severally vvith horse and armes , so as no person be charged vvith an harquibushire or light horse unlesse he hath an hundred pounds per annum in lands , or be vvorth one thousand two hundred pounds in goods and lands ; nor vvith a dragoone unlesse he be vvorth foure hundred pounds in goods , or forty pounds per annum in lands ; nor with a foot-armes , unlesse he be vvorth an hundred pounds in goods , or ten pounds per annum in lands . you are likevvise required to publish to all men , that this extraordinary charge and imposition of armes , according to the expresse words of the ordinance it selfe , shall continue no longer then during these times of imminent danger , and shall be no president for the future . and you are to make returne hereof unto the deputy-lieutenants at the signe of the _____ in _____ on _____ being the _____ day of next ensuing by nine of the clock in the morning . by the lord lieutenant and council. ormonde. whereas certain wicked persons of fanatick and disloyal principles disaffected to his majesties just and gracious government, and to the peace and settlement of this kingdome, have lately most traiterously and disloyally conspired to raise rebellious disturbances in this realm, ... proclamations. 1663-05-21. ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) 1663 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46129 wing i762 estc r213524 99825885 99825885 30276 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46129) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 30276) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1795:32) by the lord lieutenant and council. ormonde. whereas certain wicked persons of fanatick and disloyal principles disaffected to his majesties just and gracious government, and to the peace and settlement of this kingdome, have lately most traiterously and disloyally conspired to raise rebellious disturbances in this realm, ... proclamations. 1663-05-21. ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by john crooke, and sold by samuel dancer, [dublin : 1663] title from caption and opening lines of text. imprint from wing. imperfect as filmed; lacks all after recto of first leaf. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1660-1690 -early works to 1800. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . ormonde . whereas certain wicked persons of fanatick and disloyal principles , disaffected to his majesties just and gracious government , and to the peace and settlement of this kingdome , have lately most traiterously and disloyally conspired to raise rebellious disturbances in this realm , and particularly had designed on the 21 day of this present may to surprize and take his majesties castle of dublin , his principal fort in this his kingdome , and to seize on the person of us the lord lieutenant in order to their carrying on their mischievous contrivances , for renewing bloody confusions throughout this kingdome from which evils this realm and all his majesties subjects therein have been but newly redeemed , and that by the blessing of god and his majesties happy restauration to his rightful crowns and kingdomes : and as we look upon those odious conspiracies as the mischievous contrivancies of some fanatick and disloyal persons of desperate fortunes , as well as of desperate & destructive principles , who endeavour to amend their own conditions by the ruine of others , or to set up some thing ( if they knew what ) suitable to the frenzie of their own humours and imaginations , though at the charge and hazard of others , and at the price of other mens blood whom they labour to seduce , so now their horrid conspiracie being by the blessing of god discovered and disappointed , and some of the conspirators apprehended and committed to prison , we therefore have thought fit hereby to make it publickly known for the comfort and quieting the mindes of all his majesties good and loyal subjects in a proclamation of the general convention of ireland, for proclaiming his sacred royal majesty king charles the second ireland. general convention. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46048 of text r39298 in the english short title catalog (wing i428). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46048 wing i428 estc r39298 18367728 ocm 18367728 107371 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46048) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107371) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1636:33) a proclamation of the general convention of ireland, for proclaiming his sacred royal majesty king charles the second ireland. general convention. 1 broadside. dublin printed by william bladen, and re-printed at london by daniel pakeman ..., [london] : [1660] date of publication suggested by wing. "may the 14. 1660. ordered by the general convention of ireland, that this proclamation be forthwith printed and published. ma. barry clerk of the general convention of ireland." reproduction of original in the guildhall, london library. eng charles -ii, -king of england, 1630-1685. ireland -history -1660-1688. great britain -history -restoration, 1660-1688. a46048 r39298 (wing i428). civilwar no a proclamation of the general convention of ireland, for proclaiming his sacred royal majesty king charles the second. ireland. general convention 1660 504 2 0 0 0 0 0 40 d the rate of 40 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a pr●●lamation of the general convention of ireland , for the proclaiming his sacred royal majesty king charles the second . whereas by the death of our late soveraign lord king charles , of blessed memory , the imperial crowns of england , scotland , france , and ●reland did then immediately , solely and rightfully by inherent birth-right , and lawfull and undoubted succession , descend and come to his most excellent majestie , charles the second , as being lineally , iustly , and lawfully next heir of the blood-royal of these realms ; and although it can no way be doubted , but that his majesties right and title to his crowns and kingdoms , was , and is every way compleated by the death of his most royal father of glorious memory , without the ceremony of solemnity of a proclamation : yet seeing proclamations in such cases have been alwayes used , to the end all good subjects might upon such occasions testifie their duty and respect ; and considering that the armed violence , and other calamities of many years last past , have hitherto deprived us of any such opportunity , wherein we might expresse our loyalty and allegiance to his majestie : we therefore the general convention of ireland , together with the lords commissioners for government and management of the affairs in ireland , and the commissioners for government of the army , and divers of the nobility of this kingdom now present , and the mayor , aldermen , sheriffs and commons of the city of dublin , and the officers and souldiers of the army in and about the said city , and other freemen of this kingdom now present , do according unto our duty and allegiance , heartily , joyfully and unanimously acknowledge , publish , declare and proclaim , that the said high and mighty prince charles the second , immediately from and after the death of his said royal father of happy memory , was and is become our only , lawfull , lineal , and rightfull liege lord , charles by the grace of god the most potent , mighty and vndoubted king of england , scotland , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to whom we do acknowledge all faith and constant obedience with all hearty and humble affections , and to whom we do most faithfully and humbly submit and oblige our selves , our heirs and posterities for ever : beseeching god by whom kings do reign to blesse his royal majesty with long and happy years to reign over us . j. barry chairman . god save the king . may the 14 , 1660. ordered by the general convention of ireland , that this proclamation be forthwith printed and published . ma. barry clerk of the general convention of ireland . dublin printed by william bladen , and re-printed at london by daniel pakeman at the rainbow we hereby think fit to will and require all officers and souldiers, immediately to repair to their respective commands ... by the lord lieutenant general, and general governour of ireland, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) 1685 approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46089 wing i689 estc r39303 18367775 ocm 18367775 107376 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46089) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107376) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1636:38) we hereby think fit to will and require all officers and souldiers, immediately to repair to their respective commands ... by the lord lieutenant general, and general governour of ireland, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin took ... and are to be sold by mary crooke ..., dublin : [1685] title from first 3 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at his majesties castle of dublin, the tenth day of february 1684/5." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1660-1688. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant general , and general governour of ireland . ormonde . we hereby think fit to will and require all officers and souldiers , immediately to repair to their respective commands , and garisons . notwithstanding any licences , orders , or directions formerly given by us ; and hereof they are not to fail , as they will answer the contrary at their peril . given at his majesties castle of dublin , the tenth day of february 1684 / 5. dublin , printed by benjamin took printer to the kings most excellent majesty , and are to be sold by mary crooke at his majesties printing house on ormonde key . for the more due and orderly preservation of his majesties game of pheasants, partridges, crows and hares, and all other game whatsoever, for the recreation of the lord lieutenant and council, especially near about the places where the lord lieutenant and state shall for the most part reside, we do hereby in his majesties name strictly charge and command all persons whatsoever not to presume to kill or take, or attempt to kill or take any pheasant, partridge, crows, hares, or any prohibited game whatsoever ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) 1662 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46031 wing i407 estc r36832 16140693 ocm 16140693 104816 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46031) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104816) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:31) for the more due and orderly preservation of his majesties game of pheasants, partridges, crows and hares, and all other game whatsoever, for the recreation of the lord lieutenant and council, especially near about the places where the lord lieutenant and state shall for the most part reside, we do hereby in his majesties name strictly charge and command all persons whatsoever not to presume to kill or take, or attempt to kill or take any pheasant, partridge, crows, hares, or any prohibited game whatsoever ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. printed by john crook ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1662. title from first 8 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council-chamber in dublin, the riv. day of november, 1662." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng poaching -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-02 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal english blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . ormonde , for the more due and orderly preservation of his majesties games of pheasants , partridges , grows and hares , and all other game whatsoever , for the recreation of the lord lieutenant and council , especially near about the places where the lord lieutenant and state shall for the most part reside : we do hereby in his majesties name strictly charge and command all persons whatsoever that they do not presume to kill or take , or attempt to kill or take any pheasant , partridge , grows , hares , or any prohibited game whatsoever , either by hawks , nets , guns , setting dogs , grey-hounds , or any other engine whatsoever , in any place or places within seven miles from the city of dublin , as also within the bounds of the curragh of kildare , or within three miles distance from the same , except onely that counsellours of state may take their recreation with hawks or otherways within the said limits . and we do likewise charge and command all persons , that they do not shoot within the limits aforesaid in any gun or piece , except souldiers at the time of their exercizing , and such others as shall be lawfully authorized either by the lord lieutenant , or the master of his majesties game for this kingdom , which licences we think fit to be hereafter granted with as much caution as may be , for the avoiding the destruction of the said game : and we require all persons to whom any such licence shall be granted , that they give bond to the master of the game , in the sum of forty pounds , not to kill or shoot at any game whatsoever within seven miles of this city of dublin , or the limits specified about the curragh of kildare . and we do strictly charge and command , that no person or persons whatsoever within the realm of ireland , do presume to use or keep any setting dogs , but that it may be lawful for the master of his majesties game , or his deputies , to seize , take and destroy such setting dogs at their pleasure . and we do strictly charge and command all mayors , sheriffs , iustices of the peace , soveraigns , portriffs , constables , officers and ministers of iustice whatsoever , to take special care for apprehension of offenders against this proclamation and to binde them over to appear before vs his majesties lord lieutenant and council to answer their contempts , that so they may receive punishment according to their demerits . given at the council-chamber in dublin , the xiv . day of november , 1662. god save the king . jo. armachanus , mau. eustace canc. ja. dublin . ossory , orrery , mount-alexander , anglesey , dungannon , fran : aungier , hen. midensis , tho. pigot , theo. jones . dvblin , printed by john crook , printer to the kings most excellent majestie , and are to be sold by samuel dancer book-seller , in castle-street , 1662. now we the lord lieutenant and council, in pursuance of his majesties said letters, and by virtue of the said clause in the act explaining the act of settlement, do by this our act of council, give and grant general licence and leave to all and every his majesties roman catholic subjects ... ireland. lord lieutenant (1670-1672 : berkeley) 1672 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45763 wing i1004 estc r36983 16170912 ocm 16170912 104975 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45763) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104975) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:80) now we the lord lieutenant and council, in pursuance of his majesties said letters, and by virtue of the said clause in the act explaining the act of settlement, do by this our act of council, give and grant general licence and leave to all and every his majesties roman catholic subjects ... ireland. lord lieutenant (1670-1672 : berkeley) berkeley, john, sir, d. 1678. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1671 [1672] title from first 5 lines of text. at head of title: to our right trusty, and well beloved counsellor,john lord berkeley, our lieutenant general and general governour of ireland, and to our kingdom of ireland, and to our chief governour or governours of that our kingdom for the time being, and, to the lords, and others of our privy council of that our kingdom. "given at the council chamber in dublin, the eighth day of march 1671" [1672] reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholics -civil rights -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-12 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-12 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to our right trusty , and well beloved counsellor , john lord berkeley , our lieutenant general , and general governour of our kingdom of ireland , and to our chief governour or governours of that our kingdom for the time being , and to the lords , and others of our privy council of that our kingdom . now we the lord lieutenant and council , in pursuance of his majesties said letters , and by virtue of the said clause in the act explaining the act of settlement , do by this our act of council , give and grant general licence and leave to all and every his majesties roman catholick subjects , and all other his majesties subjects whatsoever , as well to hire and purchase from , as also to demise , alien , and grant unto each other their heirs and assigns , any house or houses , lands or tenements , within any of the cities or towns corporate of this kingdom , and the liberties thereof , as freely , and in as full , ample , and beneficial a manner , to all intents and purposes , as if the aforesaid clause of restraint in the said art had not been , and that none of his majesties subjects , shall from henceforth be molested , or incur any penalty , or forfeiture for any breach , or non-observance of the said clause of restraint , the person or persons so purchasing in the said cities , towns and places , taking onely the usual oath of allegiance , as formerly , the said act , or any other act , statute , law , or ordinance to the contrary , in any wise notwithstanding . and we do hereby further signifie , that his majesties will and pleasure is , and his majesty in and by his said letters , doth order and declare , that his majesties said irish roman catholick subjects , formerly inhabitants , natives , or freemen , and such as have , or shall have right to be freemen , in any of the said cities , towns and places , and all other his majesties subjects shall be forthwith restored unto , and enjoy their accustomed priviledges , freedoms , immunities and advantages , and be allowed , and peaceably admitted to inhabit , and trade by transportation , importation , whole-sale , retail , or otherwise , in the said respective cities , towns and places , without disturbance or molestation , as freely , as they , or their ancestors , or any other did , or hath been used at any time heretofore , in the time of his majesties dear father of blessed memory , and as any other his majesties subjects do at present , without making any distinction between his majesties subjects of this kingdom , or giving any interruption upon pretence of difference of iudgment , or opinion in matters of religion ; but that all act and deal together , as becometh dutiful and loyal subjects , the said former act , or any other act , order , or practice to the contrary notwithstanding ; whereof his majesties chancellor of ireland , his iustices of both benches , the barons of the exchequer , and his majesties council at law in this kingdom , and all magistrates , governors , mayors , sheriffs , and other officers of the said respective cities , towns and corporations , and all others whom it doth or may concern , are to take notice , & conform themselves thereunto . and it is ordered , that his majesties letters aforesaid , and this our act of council be forthwith published in all cities , and towns corporate in this kingdom , to the end all persons concerned , may take notice of the same . given at the council chamber in dublin , the eighth day of march 1671. ja : armachanus . mich. dublin canc. clanbrazill . heugh glenaully . jo. bysse . theo. jones . god save the king . dvblin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the kings most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde , book-seller in castle-street , 1671. upon consideration of a petition presented unto us, by the officers of the receipt of his majesties exchequer, and the answer of the farmers of his majesties revenue thereunto ... by the lord lieutenant and council. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) 1679 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46079 wing i656 estc r36847 16141858 ocm 16141858 104831 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46079) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104831) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:40) upon consideration of a petition presented unto us, by the officers of the receipt of his majesties exchequer, and the answer of the farmers of his majesties revenue thereunto ... by the lord lieutenant and council. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin took and john crook ... and are to be sold by mary crook ..., dublin : 1679. title from first 3 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 10th. day of december, 1679." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng taxation -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal yp pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . ormonde . upon consideration had of a petition presented unto vs , by the officers of the receipt of his majesties exchequer , and the answer of the farmers of his majesties revenue thereunto , as also of the provision made by his majesty for and in behalf of the said officers expressed in his majesties grant to the said farmers for and concerning the iust and vsual fees due and accruing to the said officers upon the payments of his majesties revenue arising out of quitt-rents , crown-rents , and composition-rents within this kingdom , by his majesties ter-tenants , we iudge it expedient , and it is accordingly by and with the unanimous consent of the said farmers and officers , ordered , that the said farmers and commissioners of his majesties revenue , do forthwith give notice by printed copies of this order to all and every of the collectors , or receivers that have been or are employed by them in this kingdom , for the receipt of his majesties said quit-rents , crown-rents and composition-rents , since the commencement of the present farm , that they do within the space of one & twenty daies after notice aforesaid , give and deliver in writing a full and just account of all the fees to the said officers of his majesties receipt , which they the said collectors and their agents under and by them severally employed have received from his majesties said ter-tenants to the 29 th . day of september last past , which said account is to be such , as they will give upon oath to be made before any one or more of the barons of his majesties courts of exchequer aforesaid , wherein they are to express the denominations of such lands , and the ter-tenants names within their respective districts , for which they have received the said fees as aforesaid , to the end the said officers may know for what lands they the said collectors have , and for what lands they have not received fees ; and the said collectors or receivers are hereby required to pay or cause to be paid all the moneys they have received for fees as aforesaid , within forty days after they shall receive such notice of this our order as aforesaid , to such person or persons as the said commissioners and officers shall nominate and appoint to receive the same , for the vse of the said officers ; and to the end every such person or persons as are herein concerned may be proceeded against that shall not punctually comply with this our order , the farmers and commissioners of his majesties said revenue are hereby required to give notice to this board of every particular person employed by them for receiving of the rents aforesaid , that shall not punctually comply with this our order . given at the council chamber in dublin the 10th . day of december1679 . m●ch . armach , c. arran . blesinton . granard . lanesborough . ranelagh . hen. midensis . r. coote . ro. booth . john keatinge . jo. davys . theo. jones . wm. flower . god save the king . dublin , printed by benjamin took and john crook , printers to the king 's most excellent majestie , and are to be sold by mary crook at his majesties printing-house , in skinner row. 1679. certaine and good news from the west of ireland and city of cork sent in a letter from john davis ... ; concerning the taking and besieging of the town of dungarven and the overthrow of many hundred of the irish rebells ; with some other shirmishes as they marcht from youghall. davis, john, attendant on sir charles vavasour. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a37250 of text r21252 in the english short title catalog (wing d419). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a37250 wing d419 estc r21252 12616446 ocm 12616446 64403 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37250) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64403) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 250:e140, no 23) certaine and good news from the west of ireland and city of cork sent in a letter from john davis ... ; concerning the taking and besieging of the town of dungarven and the overthrow of many hundred of the irish rebells ; with some other shirmishes as they marcht from youghall. davis, john, attendant on sir charles vavasour. [7] p. printed for f. coules, london : [1642] year of publication from thomason coll. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng dungarven (waterford, ireland) -siege, 1642. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a37250 r21252 (wing d419). civilwar no certaine and good news from the west of ireland, and city of cork. sent in a letter from john davis, attendant on sir charles vavasour, who davis, john, attendant on sir charles vavasour 1642 1121 2 0 0 0 0 0 18 c the rate of 18 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-09 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-09 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion certaine and good news from the west of ireland , and city of cork . sent in a letter from john davis , attendant on sir charles vavasour , who is there resident under the lord president of munster , unto his father , master nelson , living in the new pallace yard at westminster . concerning the taking and besieging of the town of dungarven , and the overthrow of many hundred of the irish rebells . with some other skirmishes , as they marcht from youghall . london , printed for f. coule certaine and good newes from the west of ireland , and city of corke , &c. sir , after my duty remembred unto you , and my mother , with my blessing to my children , and my love unto all my friends : this is to certifie you , that i , my wife , and my brother are very well , and desire to heare from you by these bearers . as concerning our voyage , was this sunday ; being the twentieth day of february , wee loosed from mynhard with all our men : on the tuesday following wee landed in yohell , there we remained untill the first of march , then wee had a command from the lord president of munster to march away towards dungarring , a port towne scituated by the sea side , the which the rebells had taken about a moneth before we came there . on wednesday night wee came neare it , but by reason of the ill weather that night we were inforc't to returne backe to a towne called white church . the next morning wee advanc'd towards the towne with our regiment of foot , and foure troops of horse , and came before it about ten of the clock in the morning . then wee sent a trumpeter and summoned the towne ; and their answer was , that they would come out and fight with us . then wee drew our men into battalia , and so wayted about an houre , but no enemie came : then did wee summon them the second time ; and their answer was , that they would not yield , but stand upon their guard within the town . the trumpeter returning with this answer , we immediately sent two troops of horse , and two companies of foot to assault the towne , the which they did very bravely , and after some two houres fight , they were relieved with as many more : the which did assaile the towne so hotly that they did kill a number of the rebells , and set fire on one of the gates : and whilst the rebells were a putting out of the fire , our men gained one of the other gates , and entred the towne . the rebells perceiving this , forsook the walls , and retreated all into strong stoned houses , and there maintained sight a great while , but in the end , they were constrained for to yield , with their lives onely saved , and so t● be sent out of the towne , the which was granted , and they went away that night . then we placed strong guards in all the towne for that night . on the morrow we summoned the castle for to yeeld ; but they answered us againe by their shot : so wee assaulted the castle the same day twice , but were forced to retreat with the losse of onely one man . the night drawing on , all that night was spent with exchange of shot on both sides , but little hurt done on either side . the next day they sent to us by one of their captaines , his name was butler , that wee would give them leave to march out with their armes , and colours flying , they would deliver up the castle . so there was a counsell held about it , and it was agreed on by my lord and the rest , that by reason we wanted beere and other provisio● they should . so the next day , being saturday , and the fifth day of march , they marched away their armes , and colours flying . and some two houres after , we left the towne , and marched after them , they on the one side of the water , and we on the other . wee left in the castle a garrison of threescore souldiers . then wee marched back againe to a towne called capperquin , where wee lay that night in the towne . i have left my brother with captaine thornton , and have preferred him to be his barber , and to wait on him in his chamber . his captaine is left for to command that towne and castle as their garrison , with their company , which consisteth of an hundred men . the next day we marched towards cork , and that night wee lay at a castle of my lord baltimores . the next day we marched towards cork , and we heard by the way , that the enemy was comming against us with eight thousand men : for all that wee marched on , and came to cork that night , where i remaine as yet , untill wee doe goe unto our garrison of kinsale , when i know not , by reason that my lord of musgrave is betwixt us and kinsale , and we are not of sufficient strength to oppose him . the rebells doe increase dayly , but if strength comes over in any time , wee make no question , by the assistance of the lord of hosts , who is the giver of all victory , but to reduce this province to her former state , for the rogues are very cowardly , and dare not doe any thing but on great advantages , that is , five to one . more newes have i none as yet , but that wee are all well , and desire to heare from you by this bearer . you may direct your letter to kinsaile to me , to sir charles vavasour my colonell . pray send me word how my children doe , and how you all do . thus with my prayers to the almighty for your long life here , and eternall happinesse hereafter : i rest your dutifull sonne till death doth dissolve me , iohn davis . finis . a new plot discovered in ireland, may 4, 1642 being a true relation of a joyfull discovery of that damnable and hellish conspiracie, acted by the lord dempsey ... against the whole protestant army ... / sent over by captaine alton to his uncle, now resident in london, may the 6, 1642. alton, captain. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a69447 of text r401 in the english short title catalog (wing a2939). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a69447 wing a2939 estc r401 07753882 ocm 07753882 40108 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a69447) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 40108) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 162:9, 251:e147, no 2) a new plot discovered in ireland, may 4, 1642 being a true relation of a joyfull discovery of that damnable and hellish conspiracie, acted by the lord dempsey ... against the whole protestant army ... / sent over by captaine alton to his uncle, now resident in london, may the 6, 1642. alton, captain. [8] p. printed for william reynor, london : 1642. this work appears on reels 162:9 and 251.e147, no. 2. reproduction of originals in the huntington library and the thomason collection, british library. eng dempsey, -lord. ireland -history -1625-1649. a69447 r401 (wing a2939). civilwar no a new plot discovered in ireland· may, 4. 1642. being, a true relation of a joyfull discovery of that damnable and hellish conspiracie, acte alton, captain 1642 827 1 0 0 0 0 0 12 c the rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-08 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2005-08 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a new plot discovered in ireland . may , 4. 1642. being , a true relation of a joyfull discovery of that damnable and hellish conspiracie , acted by the lord dempsey a notorious rebell in that kingdome , at a castle called castle patrick , not farre from the neweries , against the whole protestant army , but by the providence of the almighty , they were discovered and prevented . wherein is shewed the number of the men , horses , and barrels of gun-powder that were in the castle , with the names of those two that revealed their inhumane intentions to the protestant captaines . sent over by captaine alton to his uncle , now resident in london , may the 6. 1642. london , printed for william reynor . 1642. a new plot in ireland . discovered the 4. of may , 1642 severall changes in these times we may dayly perceive , in our latter times every age acting vicessitude upon the ample theater of this world , for nosooner are we seated in the glorious and firme establishment of religion , ( whose splendant and radiant lusture , hath added a more shrill note to the trumpe of fame ) but instantly our hearts are f●●feited with the truth , and take an appetite to the blood thirsty stratagems of hell forg'd conspiracy . of all dismall and periculous acted intentions there is none more obnoxious to state or common wealth , then those of conspiracy , whose malitious and braine-sicke projects are continually , and hourely forging destruction upon the anvill of envie and hate , which is the mother of all pernicious imaginations , ( examples of conspiracy are manifold , ) but to omit those fore-past relations , i will here fully and truely declare a late divelish and hellish plot , first intended , and long concealed by the silent tongue of secrecy , yet the al-seeing eye of gods divine iustice , hath found out their projects , and dissipated their malitious intentions . not farre from the neweries , there is a castle commonly called by the name of castle-patricke , inhabited by the lord dempsey , the antientest rebell now in ireland , the said lord bought all the best warlike and comeliest horses he could get at any rate , he also tooke up oxen , sheep , butter cheese , and other commodities necessary for humane sustenance to be unprised and unbought , and also divers quantities of powder and ammunition , he also set 100. smiths at worke ever since foure yeares before the rebellion , knowing what their evill and damnable intentions were , he hath remained in this castle for the space of foure yeares and a halfe , still waiting for his opportunity , and having intelligence , that the protestant army were fully resolved to assault the said castle , ( not knowing what damnable plots were in agitation against them . ) he made it knowne to his servants ; where he got every thing in order ready to blow up the whole army , but one of those which were in the castle , being troubled in mind , and fore seeing what would follow , thought it expedient to impart it to one of his companions , who consulting together got out of the castle , and came to the protestant army , where they made it knowne to some of the chiefe commanders , who with all speed hastened towards the said castle ; but ere they came thither the lord dempsey was got out , with all his horsemen and armes , saving onely one old man who was left to giue fire to the powder , there he was to loose his owne life voluntarily . the intention of this prodigious design is not yet openly manifested to the popular expectations of the said commons , the vulgar censure is variable and wee may well and iustly . imagine that as it proceedeth from the divell soe the intention could , not but be diabolicall and nefarious . o the ingendred mallice of man ? o the intestine and irremeable laborinth of wicked and pernicious intentions , when superstition and roman idolatry , worketh in secred mischiefe and private evill , then doth it so infinitly swell with impious cogitations that it suddenly bursts into extreames and by gods all seeing providence , demonstrats it selfe hatefull detestable and infamous . conspiracy may fitly be compared to to a hidra having many heads and one body , seemeth prodigious and wonderfull to the spectators . it is then full time to cast our eies toward our selves , so shall we we in despising our selves , learne how to prayse the god of iakcob for his manifold blessings and preservation of this happy iland . finis . confident newes from ireland being a letter sent from mr. william philips, merchant, dwelling in dublin to mr. william baber, a worthy friend of his, and one of the gentlemen of the inner-temple : certifying how one of the rebels flying from his confederates into dublin, related to sir charles coot their damnable designes, who making it known to sir simon harcott and the rest of the justices, they suddenly issued forth, and beating them out of their works, slew 800 of them with small losse : a relation that is reall, and not coin'd according to invention meerly for press profit, but to satisfie many whom it may concern, who cannot be resolv'd by one mans private letter. philips, william, merchant. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a54723 of text r21077 in the english short title catalog (wing p2040). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a54723 wing p2040 estc r21077 12610867 ocm 12610867 64378 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54723) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64378) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 772:4) confident newes from ireland being a letter sent from mr. william philips, merchant, dwelling in dublin to mr. william baber, a worthy friend of his, and one of the gentlemen of the inner-temple : certifying how one of the rebels flying from his confederates into dublin, related to sir charles coot their damnable designes, who making it known to sir simon harcott and the rest of the justices, they suddenly issued forth, and beating them out of their works, slew 800 of them with small losse : a relation that is reall, and not coin'd according to invention meerly for press profit, but to satisfie many whom it may concern, who cannot be resolv'd by one mans private letter. philips, william, merchant. baber, william. [2], 6 p. printed for robert wood, london : 1641. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a54723 r21077 (wing p2040). civilwar no dublin, february 15. 1641. confident nevves from ireland being a letter sent from mr. william philips, merchant, dwelling in dublin, to mr. philips, william, merchant 1641 965 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2004-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-10 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion dublin , february 15. 1641. confident newes from ireland being a letter sent from mr. william philips , merchant , dwelling in dublin , to mr. william baber , a worthy friend of his , and one of the gentlemen of the inner-temple . certifying how one of the rebels flying from his confederates into dublin , related to sir charles coot their damnable designes , who making it known to sir simon harcott , and the rest of the justices , they suddenly issued forth , and beating them out of their works , slew 800 of them , with small losse . a relation that is reall , and not coin'd according to invention meerly for press profit ; but to satisfie many whom it may concern , who cannot be resolv'd by one mans private letter . london . printed for robert wood . 1641. confident newes from ireland . noble friend : i having such a convenient opportunity by the bearer hereof , my loving and speciall friend : i could not but let you understand something of the present condition we now stand in ; which at this time is very miserable and pittifull , and as far as i conceive is like to be worse , if the parliament of england send not over speedy aid . for the number of the rebels encrease daily , and are intrenched within our view in a great multitude ; besides the papists in the city do much afflict us ; for they daily plot and contrive which way to bring us and this city to confusion . whose wicked and malicious designs , by gods speciall favour and providence over us , have been continually defeated , and brought to nought . upon saturday , the twelfth of february , about 11. of the clock at night , came an irish-man , one of the rebels : but by craft fled away from his companions ; who knocked at the gate , desiring of the watch that hee might speak with sir charles coot , governor of our city : saying , he had somewhat to tell him , which did concern the welfare of the city and kingdome : which sir charles hearing of , commanded that they should strictly search whether he had any company with him , or any at hand : if not , to bring him unto him , which was performed accordingly , and the man brought unto his bed-chamber , chained with fetters of iron : who related how with much difficulty he fled from the rebels , his conscience not suffering him to conceal such a bloody design which they had intended on the morrow against the city : and to that purpose had gathered 30000. men , that when that they were all at church , they might surprize the city . whereupon sir charles arose from his bed , sending to sir simon harcott this sudden news ; who with all speed came unto him , and they went to the lords justices together , to relate the newes . wherupon command was given for every man to stand to his armes , and the whole city to bee raised for their defence . about two and three of the clock in the morning , they marched from the city , being in number about sixe thousand , with four troops of horse , and two field-pieces . about six of the clock in the morning , they approached near the rebels camp , and found them unprovided for such a strong design : only their number much increased , and their camp strongly fortified , which did not a whit discourage our men ; for they were extream willing to give the on-set , and to fall upon them : seeing they were altogether so unprepared ; which they did , and by the discharge of our field-pieces , the rebels began to forsake their quarters : which our men seeing , with all earnestnesse pursued them . some stayed behind to take their armes , and such carriage as they had . the number of arms was five thousand : and about nine and ten of the clock , being sunday in the morning , our men retreated , with a report of the slaughter of eight hundred men , on the rebels part , on ours fourscore . our intelligencer we kept fast , but we rewarded him well for his pains : which will perhaps bee an encouragement for others hereafter , to do us the like faithfull service . wee are much obliged to the parliament of england ; and also to the pious and religious city of london : of whose bounty and liberality , wee have , and do still pertake of in a large measure : the lord of heaven reward them three-fold into their bosomes . our gallowsies are well adorned with priests , jesuits , and fryers , the complotters and broachers of all our present calamities : at which newes , the rebels swell with indignation , and vowes revenge . wee have nine barkes laded with corn , and other provision for drohedagh ; which poor city holds out valiantly , and thirsts for relief . which i hope by this time , have obtained their desires , and are relieved : but i cannot certainly assure you thereof . thus am i prevented by the urgencie of the bearer , to bid you farewell ; desiring to bee remembred to all my friends : and especially your self . your assured friend , william philips . from dublin , this 15. of february 1641. finis . a true and particular account of the total defeat of coll. sarsfeild and his party, not far from bellishannon occasioned by the intercepting of a letter from coll. sarsfeild to monsieur d'avaux, general of the french forces in ireland. l. w. 1689 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a67573 wing w82a estc r3798 12630971 ocm 12630971 64773 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67573) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64773) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 678:10) a true and particular account of the total defeat of coll. sarsfeild and his party, not far from bellishannon occasioned by the intercepting of a letter from coll. sarsfeild to monsieur d'avaux, general of the french forces in ireland. l. w. sarsfield, patrick, earl of lucan, d. 1693. avaux, comte d' (jean-antoine de mesmes), 1640-1709. 1 sheet ([2] p.) printed for r. robinson ..., london : 1689. broadside. caption title. signed: l.w. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -war of 1689-1691. broadsides -england -london -17th century 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true and particular account of the total defeat of coll. sarsfeild and his party , not far from bellishannon ; occasioned by the intercepting of a letter from coll. sarsfeild to monsieur d ▪ avaux , general of the french forces in ireland . licensed , aug. 28. 1689. sir . since my last the news is very great ▪ for we are certainly informed , that coll. sarsfeild and his party are totally routed . the manner as we hear , this coll. sarsfeild hearing of the landing of his grace d. scombergh , and the defeat of the lord montcastle , began to be afraid of himself , and therefore not believing he was strong enough to prevent the men of iniskillin from joining his grace , which he mainly desir'd to hinder , call'd a council of war , where it was resolv'd to send a faithful messenger to the french general monsieur d' avaux , to advance with those forces which he had under his command , giving him also to understand , that coll. sarsfeild would decamp at the same time , and join him the next day by such an hour . the letter being thus written and directed to monsieur d' avaux , was delivered to a trusty messenger , and such a one he might probably have been , had not providence thrown him into the hands of the protestants . for some of the iniskillin scouts being abroad in the road between coll. sarsfeild and monsieur d' avaux , intercepted this faithful messenger and carryed him to iniskillin , where the chief commander of the iniskillin forces caus'd him to be searched , and finding about him the letter written from coll. sarsfeild to monsieur d' avaux ; this letter was read , and a great consulta●●on ●eing had thereupon it was concl●ded , that they should lay hold of the opportu●ity which s●●●ed to the chief commander to be a very fair one . it was concluded therefore , that they should write a letter back to coll. sarsfeild , as from monsieur d' avaux , wherein d' avaux promised not to fail sarsfeild at his hour and place appointed . by that time they thought that the letter might be delivered , they set forward , and putting themselves into the road which d' avaux was to take , that he might join coll. sarsfeild ; they marched forward ▪ sarsfeild thus deluded , sets forward to meet d ▪ avaux , and when he saw the iniskillin men at a distance , verily thought they had been his friends ; which made his party upon the same presumption much more remiss and negligent in keeping their orders , as then they should have been . on the otherside , the iniskillin men marched with all the silence , and in the best order that could be imagined ▪ considering the disadvantages of the place : but no sooner were they got near enough to shew coll. sarsfeild his error , but they fell upon him with an extraordinary fury and bravery . in this surprize coll. sarsfeild and his men were at a loss , not dreaming of such an entertainment . however , for a time they made as stout a resistance as could be expected from men so surpriz'd , and in that condition as they were ; till at length being all in confusion , they were at last totally routed above two thousand slain , a great many prisoners taken , with good store of arms and provisions : and it is farther said , that the iniskillin men are in pursuit of the rest . we daily expect a confirmation of the particulars , which so soon as it comes to our hands you shall not fail of . remaining in the mean time your very loving friend l. w. london ▪ printed for r ▪ robinson in the strand . 1689. true nevves from cork being the copie of a letter sent from thence to master oliver daniell citizen ..., from his brother ... in cork : wherein is declared the severall proceedings of the protestant armie from the fifth of may to the 12, 1642 : likevvise ... intelligence of a great insurrection made by the papists in cork on the 7 day of this instant moneth : with a declaration how by the valour ... of my lord of cork and sir thomas meer they were appeased, disarmed and their store and munition seized on for the use of our english : also many other ... passages concerning ... the earl of ormond, sir charles coot, sir christopher loftus, captain morra, and the protestant army in the neweries : whereunto is annexed another remarkable passage concerning oneal late prisoner in the tower. daniell, benjamin. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a36415 of text r11806 in the english short title catalog (wing d200). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a36415 wing d200 estc r11806 12646391 ocm 12646391 65140 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a36415) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65140) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 251:e147, no 18) true nevves from cork being the copie of a letter sent from thence to master oliver daniell citizen ..., from his brother ... in cork : wherein is declared the severall proceedings of the protestant armie from the fifth of may to the 12, 1642 : likevvise ... intelligence of a great insurrection made by the papists in cork on the 7 day of this instant moneth : with a declaration how by the valour ... of my lord of cork and sir thomas meer they were appeased, disarmed and their store and munition seized on for the use of our english : also many other ... passages concerning ... the earl of ormond, sir charles coot, sir christopher loftus, captain morra, and the protestant army in the neweries : whereunto is annexed another remarkable passage concerning oneal late prisoner in the tower. daniell, benjamin. [8] p. printed for f. rogers, ... london : may 17, 1642. signed: benjamin daniell. dublin the 12. may 1642 . reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng coote, charles, -sir, d. 1642. cork, richard boyle, -earl of, 1566-1643. loftus, christopher, -sir. marro, -captain. meer, thomas, -sir. o'neill, daniel, 1612?-1664. ormonde, james butler, -duke of, 1610-1688. cork (ireland) -history. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a36415 r11806 (wing d200). civilwar no true nevves from cork. being the copie of a letter sent from thence to master oliver daniell citizen, inhabitant in the borough; from his br daniell, benjamin 1642 1160 4 0 0 0 0 0 34 c the rate of 34 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion true nevves from cork . being , the copie of a letter sent from thence to master oliver daniell citizen , inhabitant in the borough ; from his brother , now resident in cork . wherein , 〈◊〉 declared the severall proceedings of the protestant armie , from the fifth of may , to the 12. 1642. likevvise , 〈◊〉 true and reall intelligence of a great insurrection made by the papists in cork , on the 7. day of this instant moneth . with a declaration , how by the valour and approved courage of my lord of cork , and sir thomas moor , they were appeased , disarmed , and their store and munition seized on , for the use of our english . ●lso many other remarkable passages , concerning the heroick actions of the earl of ormond , sir charles coot , sir christopher loftus , captain marro , and the protestant army in the neweries . ●hereunto is annexed , another remarkable passage ; concerning oneal late prisoner in the tower . may . 17. london printed for f. rogers . 1642. true newes from cork . loving brother , after my love to your self and my sister , with the rest of my friends ; i will take leave to give you notice of what has happened since my last letter . my lord of cork hath behaved himself valiantly , otherwise we in cork by this time might have taken leave of this world , the manner i will relate at large in the ensuing discourse . on the fifth of may . my lord of cork marcht out of the city with 2000 men to relieve a castle that was beset with a partie of the rebels , leaving sir thomas-moor onely 500 foot to guard the town , he not suspecting what happened , the rebels army being above four dayes march distant from cork , onely there was in cork many papists of the old pale , indeed almost two papists for one protestant ; amongst whom , as it appears , there was some of the rebels faction ( though conceal'd ) which privately had conspired to rise , not fearing but that all the catholikes would have rose with them ; which had they , both people and city had been buried in sin and slaughter . on the sixth day . my lord of cork arrived within ken of the besieged castle , where he found them sending sad greetings unto one another , for the english had drawn forth all their strength before the castle , resolving either to free themselves , or die in the performance : the rebels seeing their numbers , and finding themselves much stronger , began to vaunt , and promise themselves an assured victory ; but in the height of this supposed victory , my lord of cork fell on upon their rere , and slew almost a hundred before they knew they had an enemy , which startled so the rebels , that they stood amazed , leaving their armes as uselesse , some fled , some yeilded , choosing rather to be hang'd like cowards , then die manfully ; which was their fortunes , for there was 20 of them hanged for scare-crowes , upon the next trees they came at : which victory obtained , my lord marcht towards home , and billited that night at a small village cald cardhagen . on the seventh of may . the papists began their exploits ; a matter of 500 of them falling upon the court of guard , ceizing the gates , which they baracadoed , to keep out my lord of cork ; which effected , they beat an alarum round about the city , making proclamation , that all those that would declare them-selves true sonnes of rome , should presently take armes and fall upon the heretikes , in the mean time the english mustred their forces , and put themselves in opposition , many papists joyning with us ; which had they not , we surely had bin murthered , for their numbers were very great , almost 5000 , besides multitudes flockt to them : in this hurley-burly my lord of cork arrived at the city , wondring to see this unexpected tumult , and finding himself denyed entrance , he dreadless of their shot , with his field-pieces , batter'd down the gates , and like an inrag'd lyon in the toyl , despight of all opposers forct his way . likewise sir thomas moor with his men , plaid his part most valiantly , so that in one three hours we had apeas'd them , putting 100. and 50. to the sword , some of the chief was likewise taken and hanged in severall places of the city , which done , there was a generall search made through the city , and in a vault which there was in a house belonging to one mac-brian a ringleader in this tumult , there was found great store of powder and other munition ; thus was this dismall morning converted to a pleasant night , each man giving thanks to god for his delivery . on the eleventh day . in the neweries there was a great battle fought between the earl of ormond and oneal , who as it is reported , was marching to entertain a kinsman of his , which they say fled from england , but for the truth of that i cannot inform you ; only this , that in this march , he was met withall by our prot●●●ant army , and if he was there , i le be sworn he had a very course entertainment ; for our english-men plaid their parts so well , that if the rebels heels had not bin quicker then their hands , they had gone short home by a thousand , many there was slain , some taken ' prisoners , and hangd , till the rest amend . on the ninth day . sir charles coot skirmished with a partv of the rebels , and slew 50. losing but 5. men ▪ on the tenth day . sir christopher loftus and captain marro surpriz'd a castle , where a party of rebels were insconsed , putting them to the sword , and firing the castle . many other skirmishes has hapned , too tedious for me to relate ; wherefore i will refer them to the next opportunity , and rest , your loving brother benjamin daniell . dublin the 12. may 1642. ordered by the lords and commons in parliament , that the lord howard of char , shall attend upon the king , and present some reasons unto his majesty . john . brown . cler. parl. whereas divers disloyall persons, commonly called tories, have of late, very much infested severall counties of this kingdome, and have commited divers robberies, burglaries, and murthers ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1675 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46131 wing i766 estc r36871 16146270 ocm 16146270 104855 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46131) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104855) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:20) whereas divers disloyall persons, commonly called tories, have of late, very much infested severall counties of this kingdome, and have commited divers robberies, burglaries, and murthers ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. [2] leaves. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1675. title from first 5 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council-chamber in dublin the 10th day of june. 1675"--leaf [2] broadside in [2] leaves. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng brigands and robbers -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2006-12 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council : essex . whereas divers disloyall persons , commonly called tories , have of late , very much infested severall counties of this kingdome and have committed divers robberies , burglaries , and murthers , upon his majestes good subjects , whereunto ( as we are informed ) they have been encourraged , by reason of protections , that have been of late , too frequently granted , to some of them , by some persons , having or pretending authority , from vs the lord lieutenant , to grant the same , which protections have been often much abused by those who have obtained the same , and also , by reason , that such persons , who have harboured , concealed , or releved , the said tories , have not been so strictly enquired after , procecuted , and punished , as they ought to have been ; for remedy whereof . we have thought fit hereby , to publish , and declare , that no person or persons who now have or pretend to have any power or authority from the lord lieutenant or lord lieutenant and council , of this kingdom , to grant protections shall from and after the twenty fourth day of this instant june , grant any protections , to any robbers , or tories , and that all protections , which after the said twenty fourth day of june shall be so granted , to any such robbers or tories , by virtue of any such authority , shall be of no force , validity or security , to the persons , to whom the same shall be granted . provided always , and we do hereby farther declare , that such protections , as have been already granted , or shall be granted , before the said twenty fourth day of this instant june , to any such robbers or tories , by any person or persons having authority from vs the lord lieutenant , or the lord lieutenant and council of this kingdom , to grant the same , shall continue of force , for such time , as the same have been , or shall be so granted : and no longer , and in case any person or persons , that now are , or shall be , before the said twenty fourth day of this instant june protected thereby shall in respect of any services already done , or hereafter to be done by them ; expect to have their protections continued to them , for any longer time , or to be pardoned for their offences heretofore committed by them , they are to make their timely applications herein , to vs the lord lieutenant for the same . and we doe hereby strictly charge and require the high sheriffs of the respectiue counties , wherein any such robbers or tories now are , or hereafter shall be , or wherein any such murthers , robberies or burglaries shall be committed , that they do from time to time as there shall be occasion , raise the power of the said respective counties , for the prosecuting , apprehending , and bringing to iustice all such robbers and tories , and that the iustices of the peace of the said respective counties be aiding and assisting to the said high sheriffs herein , and do also cause examinations to be forthwith taken , concerning such murthers , robberies and stealths , as have been , or shall be , committed in the said respective counties , to the end that the persons , who upon taking such examinations , shall appear to be guilty thereof , may be indicted for their said offences , and out-lawed for the same , in case they shall refuse to render themselves , and abide their tryals , and that they do also strictly , and particularly , enquire after , all such persons , as do or shall at any time , conceal , relieve , or harbour the said robbers or tories , or shall refuse or neglect to give their assistance , towards the taking , following or apprehending of them , and to cause such persons to be bound over to the next assizes , to be prosecuted for their said offences , to the end they may be there proceeded against , and severely punished according to their demerrits , and towards the speedy effecting of this service , all commanders of horse and foot and all other his majesties officers and loving subjects are to be aiding and assisting as they and every of them will answer the contrary at their perils . given at the council-chamber in dublin the 10th day of iune . 1675. ja : armachanus . mich : dublin canc. hen : midensis . r : coote . heugh gleneully . art : forbese . ca : dillon . jo. bysse . hans hammilton . will : stewart . char : meredith . god save the king . dvblin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty ; and are to besold by ioseph wilde book seller in castle-street . 1675. a letter from the earl of essex to his highnesse prince rupert concerning the putting to death of souldiers come out of ireland taken prisoners : with his highnesse answer thereunto. essex, robert devereux, earl of, 1591-1646. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a38657 of text r27352 in the english short title catalog (wing e3319). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a38657 wing e3319 estc r27352 09818654 ocm 09818654 44174 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a38657) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 44174) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1356:26) a letter from the earl of essex to his highnesse prince rupert concerning the putting to death of souldiers come out of ireland taken prisoners : with his highnesse answer thereunto. essex, robert devereux, earl of, 1591-1646. rupert, prince, count palatine, 1619-1682. 10 p. printed by robert barker and john bill, bristoll [avon] : 1645. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. eng rupert, -prince, count palatine, 1619-1682. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. ireland -history -1625-1649. a38657 r27352 (wing e3319). civilwar no a letter from the earl of essex to his highnesse prince rupert concerning the putting to death of souldiers come out of ireland taken prison essex, robert devereux, earl of 1645 2276 1 0 0 0 0 0 4 b the rate of 4 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 john latta sampled and proofread 2004-11 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from the earl of essex to his highnesse prince rupert , concerning the putting to death of souldiers come out of ireland taken prisoners . with his highnesse answer thereunto . bristoll , printed by robert barker , and john bill , printers to the kings most excellent majesty : mdc.xlv . a letter from the earl of essex , to his highnesse prince rupert . sir , the two houses of parliament have received information , that because the committee at shrewsbury caused thirteen irish rebels taken in hostility against the parliament to suffer death , according to an ordinance of parliament herewith sent ; therefore by your expresse commands thirteen english protestants , who had quarter given them by your officers that took them prisoners , were notwithstanding murthered upon coole blood ; and that you have resolved to proceed in the same manner for the future ; a relation and resolution so strange , that the truth thereof might justly be suspected , were it not certified by letters from that committee of the 24. of march last , to the speaker of the house of commons , and by a letter of the 23. of march sent to the same committee by your direction , and subscribed by one ralph goodwin your secretary ( as i am informed ) which doth own and avow the fact . and therefore the two houses of parliament being deeply affected with such cruell massacres committed upon their protestant bretheren , whose lives they value as their own , have commanded me to acquaint your highnesse , that it is evident by undoubted proof , that the rebels of ireland ( what ever they pretended to some on this side the sea ) did really intend by that odious rebellion , to wrest that kingdom , for ever , from the crown of england , to the utter deshereson of the king , and his posterity , and to extirpate the english nation , and protestant religion . and for that purpose have sollicited , by their agents , the bringing over of powerfull aids from forraign parts , to assist them in this their intended conquest ; and have set up the spanish colours publiquely , both at wexford and galloway ; have caused their captains , officers , and others , to make oath before their titular clergy , that they shall not suffer any english , or protestant to live in that kingdom , that they prosecuted this horrid designe by murthering , hanging , drowning , burning alive , and sterving , within few moneths in one province , one hundred fifty four thousand of harmlesse brittish protestants , men , women , and children , without distinction of age , or sex , without any provocation given , but living securely by them , in a full and setled peace . that the king first by proclamation attested by his own royall signiture and privie signet , hath proclaimed them traytors , and rebels ; and since that time , both king and parliament , by four severall acts of parliament , have declared and stiled them in the same manner . and further , his majesty , by act of parliament , hath consented , that all pardons granted to them , or any of them before attainder , shall be void . now that such bloody barbarous miscreants , so odious both to god and men , so obnoxious to law and justice ( even by the judgement of both sides ) coming out of ireland ( where they neither did give nor receive quarter ) to burn and lay waste this kingdom , as they have done that , should after all this be admitted to receive quarter here , and consequently be made equall in exchange with the english nation , and protestants : the lords and commons of the parliament of england , cannot with religion , honour , or justice , in any sort consent unto it : and have commanded me to let your highnesse , and all other commanders on that side know , that if hereafter , upon executing the irish rebels , in pursuance of that just ordinance , any unjust pretext shall be made , to murther , in coole blood , any officer , souldier , or seaman in the service of the parliament , that the two houses have resolved , and do hereby declare , that for every officer , souldier , or seaman so causelesly massacred , they shall , and must ( though with deep sorrow and reluctancy ) cause so many of the prisoners remaining in their power to be put to death in the same manner . and therefore do earnestly desire your highnesse , and all other your inferiour commanders , to forbear by such prodigious cruelty , to embase the value of the english nation , which they are confident will be recented with indignation , even by those english protestants , who are for the present deceived into arms against the protestant religion , and the parliament of england : to whom they shall be ready to allow quarter , and equall exchange as before , and for whom they daily pray , that almighty god would open their eyes , and reduce them into the right way . sir , this being all i have in command , i take my leave , and remain your humble servant essex . westminster the 4. of aprill 1645. die jovis 24. octob. 1644. the lords and commons assembled in the parliament of england , do declare , that no quarter shall be given hereafter , to any irish-man , nor to any papists whatsoever born in ireland , which shall be taken in hostility against the parliament , either upon the sea , or within this kingdom , or dominion of wales ; and therefore do order and ordain , that the lord generall , lord admirall , and all other officers and commanders , both by sea and land , shall except all irish-men , and all papists born in ireland out of all capitulations , agreements , and compositions hereafter to be made with the enemy : and shall upon the taking of every such irish-man , or papist born in ireland , as aforesaid , forthwith put every such person to death . and 't is further ordered and ordained , that the lord generall , lord admirall , and the committees of the severall counties do give speedy notice hereof to all subordinate officers and commanders by sea , and land respectively , who are hereby required to use their utmost care and circumspection , that this ordinance be duly executed . and lastly , the lords and commons do declare , that every officer and commander by sea or land that shall be remisse , or negligent in observing the tenor of this ordinance , shall be reputed a favourer of that bloody rebellion of ireland , and shall be lyable to such condigne punishment , as the justice of both houses of parliament shall inflict upon him . jo. browne cler. parliam . his highnesse prince rupert's answer to the aforesaid letter . my lord , i received your lordships letter of the 4. of this moneth on the 11. and cannot but wonder , that it should seem strange to the two houses , that i should cause those prisoners which were taken in arms against his majesty to be used in the same manner , and by the same measure , as his majesties good subjects taken prisoners in the act of their duty , are used by those that take them . those souldiers of mine , which were barbarously murthered , in cold blood , after quarter given to them , at shrewsbury , were those who during the time they were in ireland served his majesty stoutly , constantly , and faithfully against the rebels of that kingdom , and after the cessation there , were by his majesties command transported to serve him in this , where they honestly performed the duty of souldiers ; and therefore i were unworthy of the command i hold under his majesty if upon so high a provocation , and so unheard of an act of injustice , as the putting those poor honest men to death , i had not let the authours of that massacre know , that their own men must pay the price of such acts of inhumanity , and be used as they use their brethren : and therefore i caused the like number ( to whom quarter was no otherwise given then to the former ) to be put to death in the same manner as had been done at shrewsbury . how the rebellion in ireland began , and with what circumstances of blood and cruelty it hath been carryed on , ( the odiousnesse whereof , and of all other rebellions is apparent , and all good men must abhorre ) is not applicable to this argument ; ( i wish the temper of this kingdom had been , or yet were such as might be applyed to the composure of that ) your lordship hath in that army many souldiers , who served his majesty in that kingdom of ireland , yet to those souldiers when taken prisoners , quarter is given , and observed on this side , the like must be expected from you ; and if it should be otherwise , and that quarter should be denyed to all those who have been proclaimed traytors and rebels , or who by act of parliament are such , this war will be much more mercilesse and bloody then it hath been , or then any good man , or true englishman can desire to see it : i am sure such rigour shall be prevented by all the interest and power i have . neither can that threat and menace in your lordships letter , of the resolution to use such prisoners as shall be taken of his majesties army for the future , make any other impression in me , then of grief and sadnesse of heart to see such injustice and inhumanity , a proceeding contrary to the laws of nature and nations , contrary to the rules and customs of warre in any part of the christian world , so deliberately and solemnly resolved , declared , and published . if there should be an ordinanc● made that there should be no quarter given to any souldiers under my command , and an expectation that those under yours should receive quarter , would your lordship expect that i submit to such an ordinance , this is the case . i have taken prisoners of those who have taken arms against his majesty of all nations , english , scotch , irish , french , dutch , walloons , of all religions & oppinions that are avowed by christians , and have always allowed them quarter , and equall exchange , ( how unequall soever the quarrell & contention is , & what judgement soever the law hath determined upon such persons ) and shall do so still , hoping that almighty god will open the eyes of those who have been strangely deceived into arms against , and to the scandall and destruction of the protestant religion , ( in which all men know i have bin born , & for which they have reason enough to believe i will dye ) and the parliament of england , assembled by his majesties command , and of which his majesty is the head , and will recover and reduce those , who out of ambition or malice have made those paths , in which the other have trod , to their piety towards their maker , and their allegiance towards their soveraign : but if the contrary course shall be held , and any prisoners under my command shall be taken , executed , and murthered in cold blood , under what senselesse and unjust pretence soever , for every officer and souldier so causelesly and barbarously murthered , i will cause so many of the prisoners remaining in my power to be put to death in the same manner , and i doubt not but the blood of those miserable men , who shall so suffer by my order , as well as of those who shall be butcher'd by that ordinance your lordship mentions , shall be required at their hands , who by their cruell examples impose a necessity upon other men to observe the rules they lay down . and i cannot but expresse a great sense to your lordship , that since his majesties gracious offers and importunity for peace will not be hearkned unto , by these prodigious resolutions expressed in your lordships letter , the warre is like to be so managed , that the english nation is in danger of destroying one another , or ( which is a kind of extirpation ) of degenerating into such an animosity and cruelty , that all eliments of charity , compassion , and brotherly affection shall be extinguished . i hope they whose opinions and resolutions your lordship hath imparted to me , will take these animadversions into serious consideration from my lord your humble servant rupert . finis . to the king's most excellent majesty, the humble address of the lord mayor, aldermen and sheriffs of the city and liberties of dublin, in behalf of themselves and others, the protestant freemen and inhabitants thereof dublin (ireland). common council. 1690 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a62759 wing t1508 estc r220691 99832087 99832087 36556 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a62759) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 36556) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2100:06) to the king's most excellent majesty, the humble address of the lord mayor, aldermen and sheriffs of the city and liberties of dublin, in behalf of themselves and others, the protestant freemen and inhabitants thereof dublin (ireland). common council. william iii, king of england, 1650-1702. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed at london, and re-printed at edinburgh, by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to the king and queens most excellent majesties, [edinburgh] : 1690. reproduction of the original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dublin (ireland) -politics and government -17th century -early works to 1800. ireland -history -war of 1689-1691 -early works to 1800. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the king 's most excellent majesty , the humble address of the lord mayor , aldermen , and sheriffs of the city and liberties of dublin , in behalf of themselves and others , the protestant freemen and inhabitants thereof . thus long ( great sir ) our unparallel'd late deliverance wrought by the hand of god , the first mover , the principal author of all our good , hath hitherto most justly employed all the faculties of our souls in the profound contemplation of his mysterious and unbounded providence , receiving from us the slender reward , but necessary sacrifice of our hearty praise and thanks ; but now to you ( great sir ) the next recollected thought with equal justice does belong . to you therefore ( dread sir ) the second cause , our faith's defender , the wonderful restorer of our captiv'd liberties ; in greatest humili●y , but with unlimited zeal , and joyful hearts full of sincere affection , we yield our outmost and unfeigned thanks , being the only thing valuable , which our enemies left us wherewithal to sacrifice , and of which their malice could not rob us . we cannot but with horror stand amazed , when we recount our never to be forgotten sufferings , our frequent causeless imprisonments , the plundering our goods , the confiscation o● our estates , the innumerable oppressions , the illegal exactions , the tyrannous hatred of our persons ; and , in a word , the unchristian behaviour in all the actions of our enemies , infinitely surpassing an egyptian servitude , when baal's priests contented not themselves with their idolatry alone to pollute our altars , but in prosecution of their profane and ungodly malice , contriv'd the leading us captive to our churches , and each ancestor's tomb became our respe●●ive couches ; then it proved literally true , that our liberties were offered a romish sacrifice on our own altars . thus far almighty god permitted them : then it was that our enemies grew ripe for divine vengeance : then it was that you , ( might sir ) stept in , and by your own victorious arm , to the hazard of your royal person , rescued us from the hands of our enemies ; then , and not till then , did arbitrary power , popery and slavery ( terms almost convertible ) receive their period . wherefore to you ( dread sir ) our only king , our lives , our liberties , our goods and estates we humbly offer , and at your royal feet ( great sir ) we come prepared , ready to lay them down for the defence of your majesties royal person , for the suppression of popery , for the maintenance of the protestant religion , and for the support of your majesties undoubted right to these your kingdoms and dominions . in testimony whereof , we have caused the common seal of the said city to be hereunto affixed , this ninth day of july , in the second year of your majesties reign . printed at london , and re-printed at edinburgh , by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to the king and queens most excellent majesties , 1690. whereas the parliament stands prorogued untill the twentieth day of this instant february ... by the lord deputy, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. 1665 approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46186 wing i921 estc r39309 18367845 ocm 18367845 107382 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46186) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107382) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1636:44) whereas the parliament stands prorogued untill the twentieth day of this instant february ... by the lord deputy, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. ossory, thomas butler, earl of, 1634-1680. 1 broadside. printed by john crook ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1664 [i.e. 1665] title from first 2 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dubin, the tenth day of february, 1664." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland. -parliament. ireland -history -1660-1688. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord deputy . ossory , whereas the parliament stands prorogued untill the twentieth day of this instant february ; and whereas for sundry causes and considerations ; we have thought it fit and convenient and necessary further to prorogue the said parliament untill the tenth day of april next ; we do therefore will and require all persons to whom it doth or shall appertain to take due notice thereof , to the end that in the mean time they may repair to their houses or otherwise apply themselves about their private affairs at their pleasures , and then to give their attendance here again , at the day and time aforesaid , in the usual place appointed for that intended service , whereof they may not fail . given at the council chamber in dublin , the tenth day of february , 1664 . god save the king . dvblin : printed by john crook , printer to the kings most excellent majestie , and are to be sold by samuel dancer , bookseller in castlestreet . 1664. his maiesties most gratious ansvver to the proposition of both houses of parliament, for ireland sent the twenty fourth of february 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78927 of text r209784 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[49]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78927 wing c2501 thomason 669.f.3[49] estc r209784 99868646 99868646 160607 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78927) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160607) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[49]) his maiesties most gratious ansvver to the proposition of both houses of parliament, for ireland sent the twenty fourth of february 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1642] imprint from wing. annotation on thomason copy: the '1642' in caption has been altered to "1641". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. great britain -foreign relations -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -foreign relations -great britain -early works to 1800. a78927 r209784 (thomason 669.f.3[49]). civilwar no his maiesties most gratious ansvver to the proposition of both houses of parliament, for ireland sent the twenty fourth of february 1642. england and wales. sovereign 1642 240 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maiesties most gratiovs ansvver to the proposition of both houses of parliament , for ireland sent the twenty fourth of february 1641. his majesty being glad to receive any proposition that may repaire the calamity of his distressed kingdome of ireland , especially when it may be without burthen or imposition , and for the ease of his good subjects of this kingdome , hath graciously considered the overture made by both houses of parliament to that purpose , and returnes this answer . that as he hath offered , and is still ready to venture his owne royall person for the recovery of that kingdome , if his parliament shall advise him thereunto , so he will not deny to contribute any other assistance he can to that service , by parting with any profit or advantage of his owne there . and therefore ( relying upon the wisedome of this parliament ) doth consent to every proposition now made to him , without taking time to examine whether this course may not retard the reducing that kingdome , by exasperating the rebells , and rendring them desperate of being received into grace , if they shall returne to their obedience . and his majesty will be ready to give his royall assent to all such bills as shall be tendered unto him by his parliament for the confirmation of every particular of this proposition . finis by the supreame councell of the confederate catholicks of ireland whereas by our late proclamation we have assured all and everie the inhabitants of the province of ulster ... confederate catholics. supreme council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46111 of text r43294 in the english short title catalog (wing i735). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46111 wing i735 estc r43294 27137352 ocm 27137352 109998 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46111) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109998) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:34) by the supreame councell of the confederate catholicks of ireland whereas by our late proclamation we have assured all and everie the inhabitants of the province of ulster ... confederate catholics. supreme council. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by thomas bourke ..., printed at kilkenny : [1648] other title information taken from first lines of text. "given at kilkenny castle the 13. day of august anno domini 1648." reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng church and state -ireland. ireland -history -1625-1649. ireland -politics and government -17th century. a46111 r43294 (wing i735). civilwar no by the supreame councell of the confederate catholicks of ireland whereas by our late proclamation we have assured all and everie the inhabi confederate catholics. supreme council 1648 290 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-02 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms of the knights of the garter c r by the svpreame covncell of the confederate catholickes of ireland . vvhereas by our late proclamation , vve have assured all and everie the inhabitants of the province of vlster who would give testimonie of their obedience to our authoritie by taking the late oath for observing the cessation , that they should be received into our protection , and be safe in their persons and goods , in pursuance whereof we have given protection to many , who now taking advantage of the advance of owen ô neyll into leix , have joyned with him , to prejudice those faithfull confederats , who propose no other end unto themselves , then the common good of the catholicke religion , and settlement of this nation : wee therefore taking the same into our consideration , and holding it requisit to apply a timely remedie unto so great a mischiefe , doe hereby declare , and publish , that all and everie person and persons , who shall ioyne with , or adhere unto , supply , relieve , or assist the said owen ô neyll with men , armes , victuals , or other accomodation whatsoever , shal be from henceforth put out of our protection , and accordingly proceeded with . whereof all and everie generall , commaunders , officers , and all other persons concerned , are to take notice . given at kikenny castle the 13. day of august anno domini 1648. dunboyn . lucas dillon . r. blake . r. bellings . gerald fennell . iohn walsh . rob. deverenx . p. bryan . god save the king . printed at kilkenny by thomas bourke , printer to confederate catholicks of ireland . it having pleased almighty god by his wonderful providence, and out of his unspeakable mercy, in a most extraordinary manner to deliver his majesty from a late horrid and damnable conspiracy of bloody men, and his majesty out of a deep sense thereof, having been pleased by his declaration dated the 28th of july 1683, to appoint a day of publick thanksgiving to be observed ... by the lord deputy and council. ireland. lord deputy. 1683 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46040 wing i420 estc r36839 16141136 ocm 16141136 104823 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46040) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104823) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:34) it having pleased almighty god by his wonderful providence, and out of his unspeakable mercy, in a most extraordinary manner to deliver his majesty from a late horrid and damnable conspiracy of bloody men, and his majesty out of a deep sense thereof, having been pleased by his declaration dated the 28th of july 1683, to appoint a day of publick thanksgiving to be observed ... by the lord deputy and council. ireland. lord deputy. arran, richard butler, earl of, d. 1686. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin took and john crook ... and are to be sold by mary crook and andrew crook ..., dublin : 1683. title from first 9 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin, the 13th. day of august 1683." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng rye house plot, 1683. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-02 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal english blazon or coat of arms by the lord deputy and council . arran . it having pleased almighty god by his wonderful providence , and out of his unspeakable mercy , in a most extraordinary manner to deliver his majesty from a late horrid and damnable conspiracy of bloody men ; and his majesty out of a deep sense thereof , having been pleased by his declaration dated the 28th . of july 1683. to appoint a day of publick thanksgiving to be observed & solemnly kept throughout the kingdom of england , and principality of wales , upon the ninth of september next ; and by his letters to vs , the lord deputy , hath signified his pleasure , that the like be done in his kingdom of ireland , either upon the said ninth of september , or some other convenient day , as we should direct . now we , the lord deputy and council , in obedience to his majesties said command , and to the end a particular time may be set a-part for a publick performance of this duty , and that there may be an entire vniformity of both churches and kingdoms in their publick thanksgiving to god for so great a deliverance , do hereby publish and declare , and also strictly charge and command that the said ninth day of september next be set a part , and observed as a day of publick thanksgiving in and throughout his majesties kingdom of ireland . and we do direct and appoint that his majesties said declaration , together with this our proclamation , be publickly read in all churches and chappels , as well on sunday the second of september next , as upon the day of thanksgiving aforesaid ; and that the same form of p●ayer , with thanksgiving , prepared in england for that occasion ( which we have ordered to be printed here ) be also on the said ninth day of september made use of in the publick service and worship of god. given at the council chamber in dublin the 13 th . day of august 1683. mich. armach , c. lanesborough , will kildare , ca. dillon , gha . feilding , h. boyle , will , days , john keating , john d●vys , tho newcomen . god save the king . dvblin , printed by benjamin took and john crock , printers to the kings most excellent majesty , and are to be sold by mary crook and andrew crook at his majesties printing-house on ormond-hey , 1683. a letter from ireland read in the house of commons on friday septemb. 28. 1649. from mr. hugh peters, minister of gods word, and chaplain to the lord lieutenant cromwell. of the taking of tredagh in ireland, 3552 of the enenies slain, amongst which sir arthur aston the governour, coll. castles, cap. simmons, and other slain. and the losse on both sides. also the taking of trim, and dundalk. and the lord leiutenants marching against kilkenny. a letter from ireland, imprimatur hen: scobell. cleric. parliamenti. peters, hugh, 1598-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a90539 of text r206304 in the english short title catalog (thomason e574_28). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a90539 wing p1709 thomason e574_28 estc r206304 99865477 99865477 117720 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a90539) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 117720) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 88:e574[28]) a letter from ireland read in the house of commons on friday septemb. 28. 1649. from mr. hugh peters, minister of gods word, and chaplain to the lord lieutenant cromwell. of the taking of tredagh in ireland, 3552 of the enenies slain, amongst which sir arthur aston the governour, coll. castles, cap. simmons, and other slain. and the losse on both sides. also the taking of trim, and dundalk. and the lord leiutenants marching against kilkenny. a letter from ireland, imprimatur hen: scobell. cleric. parliamenti. peters, hugh, 1598-1660. england and wales. parliament. 5 p. : ill. printed for robert ibbitson in smithfield near the queens head tavern, london : 1649. page 3 contains cromwell's symbol as the lord lieutenant of ireland repeated from the title page. only about thirty persons escaped the massacre at tredagh, and they were shipped as slaves to the island of barbadoes. annotation on thomason copy: "7ber [i.e. september] 1649". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng cromwell, oliver -1599-1658 -early works to 1800. aston, arthur, -sir, 1590-1649 -early works to 1800. england and wales. -army -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a90539 r206304 (thomason e574_28). civilwar no a letter from ireland: read in the house of commons on friday septemb. 28. 1649. from mr. hugh peters, minister of gods word, and chaplain peters, hugh 1649 276 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from ireland read in the house of commons on friday septemb. 28. 1649. from mr. hugh peters , minister of gods word , and chaplain to the lord lieutenant cromwell . of the taking of tredagh in ireland , 3552 of the enemies slain , amongst which sir arthur aston the governour , coll. castles , cap simmons , and others slain . and the losse on both sides . also the taking of trim , and dundalk . and the lord lieutenants marching against kilkenny . a letter from ireland , imprimatur hen : scobell . cleric . parliamenti . blazon or coat of arms london printed for robert ibbitson in smithfield near the queens head tavern , 1649. blazon or coat of arms a letter from ireland , read in the house of commons on friday septemb. 28. 1649. from mr. hugh peters , minister of gods word , and chaplaine to the lord lieutenant cromwell . of the taking of tredagh in ireland . also the taking of trimme and dundalke . sir , the truth is tredagh is taken , three thousand five hundred fifty and two of the enemies slaine , and sixty foure of ours . collonell castles , and captaine simmons of note . ashton the governour killed , none spared . wee have also trimme and dundalk and are marching to kilkenny . i came now from giving thanks in the great church , we have all our army well landed . dublin septemb , 15. 1649. i am yours hugh peters . a letter from ireland , imprimatur septemb. 28. 1649. hen : scobell cleric parliamenti . finis . a true account of the present state of ireland giving a full relation of the new establishment made by the late king james, as it was presented to the right honble [sic] the earl of shrewsbury, his majesties most honourable privy council : with an account of what sums of money, arms, and number of officers arrived there from france : together with the state of derry and enniskilling and several other affairs relating to that kingdom, particularly of the proceedings of their parliament there / by a person that with great difficulty left dublin, june the 8th 1689. walker, george, 1645?-1690. 1689 approx. 46 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a66995 wing w349 estc r18114 12349211 ocm 12349211 59931 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66995) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 59931) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 903:41) a true account of the present state of ireland giving a full relation of the new establishment made by the late king james, as it was presented to the right honble [sic] the earl of shrewsbury, his majesties most honourable privy council : with an account of what sums of money, arms, and number of officers arrived there from france : together with the state of derry and enniskilling and several other affairs relating to that kingdom, particularly of the proceedings of their parliament there / by a person that with great difficulty left dublin, june the 8th 1689. walker, george, 1645?-1690. [4], 36 p. printed by edw. jones, for robert clavel ..., [london] : 1689. reproduction of original in huntington library. attributed to george walker. cf. nuc pre-1956. half title: a true account of the present state of ireland, &c. signed: g. walker. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1688-1689. ireland -foreign relations. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-04 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true account of the present state of ireland , &c. a true account of the present state of ireland , giving a full relation of the new establishment made by the late king james , as it was presented to the right hon ble the earl of shrewsbury , his majesties principal secretary of state , and others of his majesties most honourable privy council . with an account of what sums of money , arms , and number of officers arrived there from france : together with the state of derry and enniskilling , and several other affairs relating to that kingdom , particularly of the proceedings of their parliament there . by a person that with great difficulty left dublin , june the 8th 1689. licensed and entred according to order . printed by edw. jones , for robert clavel at the peacock in st. pauls church-yard . mdclxxxix . a true account of the present state of ireland , giving a full relation of the new establishment made by the late king james , &c. during my stay at dublin , ( which with much difficulty and hazard , i left on june the 8th , ) i made it a great part of my business to be well inform'd of the state of affairs in ireland , and of the most remarkable matters that past there , which i had the opportunity of doing , as well by my own observation , as by what i received from persons of credit , that i frequently conversed with ; that thereby i might be enabled to give such an account , as might be serviceable to the government here , upon my arrival to be acquainted with , which in the following narrative , i have endeavoured to do with all possible sincerity and impartiality . the revenue of ireland is quite sunk , no money being raised , but by the excize , that for this year and half past , there has not been paid one penny of the civil list ; and now the late king has been forced to make a new establishment , and gives only half pay , which he calls subsistance ; they grumble at it , and are ready to mutiny : to the foot three pence per day , and for the officers 't is no matter , he makes them content ; the dragoons have five pence fa●thing ; and the horse six pence per day : he proposeth this , one half money , and the other — forrage . the horse granadiers fifty in each troop , seven regiments of horse 2750. men ; seven regiments of dragoons , 3800 men ; the royal regiment of foot , twenty two companies 1980 men. forty two regiments of foot more 33852 men. the total is , 42432. of this army , there are about 17000 ▪ drawn northwards , against londonderry , and enniskilling , which are of the best , both of horse and foot , and have been so harassed , that within these ten days past , they were not in any condition of service ; there are five thousand more gone after these , towards enniskilling , and more on their march , so that there are near twenty five thousand gone against londonderry and enniskilling . besides this , they designed two camps by dublin , which camps were to consist of 14000 men , the first grand camp was to be at rath●arnam , betwixt that and rathmines , on the south of dublin , in the view of the harbor . the next camp was to be under the hill of dunsink , near the cabaragh , north-west of dublin , and in view of the bay also . colonel sarsefield lies at sligoe with his own regiment , and some dragoons , and has received several rubbs from the people of enniskilling . it is said , there came one hundred and fifty thousand pound with the late king , from france to ireland ; and three hundred thousand pound with the fleet , that arrived at bantry ; but by as near a computation as possibly can be made , we cannot find that there came above one hundred and fifty thousand pound in all , the first being sixty thousand pounds , and the last , ninety thousand pounds : and about nine hundred french , english , scotch , and irish officers came this last time with the fleet , all which receive the same allowance with the officers of the army , proportionable to their stations and qualities . the french ambassador influences all affairs , both civil and military , and 't is discoursed amongst themselves , what a prejudice he has against his present majesty , having formerly been ambassador in holland ; he often presses for severity to be used against the protestants . no violence whatever , that is acted by any of the french , dares be complained of , but it is stifled immediately , and he that complains is frowned on . he has influenced the passing the bill for destroying the act of settlement , insomuch , that he has said , that he would go again to france , if it were not done , to tell his master . monsieur boysloe , the governor of cork's letter to the french ambassador , was the occasion of the imbargo at dublin , on saturday , may 18. last past . the late king is wholly at their discretion , and tyrconnel is mightily discomposed , both in body and mind , since the king came : for the french ambassador said , if any one had served his master as he did , ( about londonderry ) in taking away the lord mountjoy's regiments , he would have lost his head. the ambassador commands the treasury , and not one farthing is paid out , without his leave , for he views the muster rolls , before he suffers any payments to be made so that the design is plain french , and to bring this kingdom wholly under them , that thereby they may divert england from annoying france : but now they are become obnoxious to the people of ireland , who see , all that is for the french , so that great discontent is upon the spirits of the irish , on the account of the french being put into imployments , for they generally say , and allow , that ireland is given to the french king , in consideration of the charges he shall be at , in helping the late king james , towards the regaining of the kingdoms of england , and scotland . monsieur boysloe at cork , seizes the merchants goods , drinks their wines , and in short , takes away from them , whatever he has a mind to , without making them any satisfaction ; and says , it is a shame , that any correspondence should be held with the rebels of england . the enniskilling people have rummaged the countrey for near thirty miles round about them , and brought in all the cattle and forrage they could find , and have disarmed several companies of the new raised irish ; and 't is talked of by the late k. and the castle , that the garrison of enniskilling were so resolute , that they would attempt the raising of the siege of derry ; the fear of which does somewhat alarm them , for about the latter end of may they came near to kells , thirty miles from dublin , and westward as far as finnah , burning luke reily , high-sheriff of the county of cavan's house , with the houses of other considerable papists who were in arms against them , killing only three soldiers at a place call'd drum , because they refused to quit their arms ; and as one brady who is a papist , and an inhabitant there declares , that they were the fairest enemy that ever came into a country , not injuring any person that lived peaceably , leaving a troop of horse in the town of cavan , until all the army were marched away , to see that no injury might be done to the common people : he likewise says , they drove along with them about four or five thousand head of cattel , that had lately been taken from the english . as for the state of enniskilling it is said , that they are in a very good condition for provision and all other necessaries as yet , and that there are there , and at ballyshannon eight hundred able horse besides foot , who are brave resolute men : most of them being gentlemen out of munster and connaught , that fled thither , who are resolved to loose their lives , and sacrifice all rather than yield . on june the first there marched from dublin sir michael creagh , the present lord-mayor , with his regiment , sir john fitz gerald from rathcoole and lucan , with his regiment , with several others from other parts , towards trim , twenty miles from dublin , the place appointed for the general rendevouz of the army that are sent against enniskilling ; coll. sarsfield from sligoe is to joyn them , and so to march to enniskilling to attacque it , with a resolution to bear it down : all sir michael creagh's regiment raised in dublin , sir john fitz-gerald's from munster , and most that are gone down there , are all raw fellows , not knowing how to fire a gun. there are gone from dublin general la rose , general la roy , count d' estrades , and several other of the general officers of france , towards enniskilling , with four field-pieces . they have sent before-hand to buy up all the corn in east and west meath , to be brought to kells , twenty-seven miles from dublin , and forty from enniskilling , which is the place appointed for their store , for beyond that there is no manner of provision to be had ; so that in all probability they will meet with the same penury and want that they have had these two months past before london-derry . now for the state of london-derry ; it is said this morning at the castle , they have surrounded it within half cannon-shot , and taken the wind-mill-hill , which the town quitted , and had thrown up their trenches , and drawn up all their army on friday last , and so modeled and divided them into two bodies to compass the town , placing them in their several posts . monsieur pontee was to have bomb'd it before , but he found when he came to examine , that the fusees of the bombs did not fit , some being to little , others to big , which he having new moulded and worked up , did as he himself said , intend to begin to bomb on sunday the second instant . they hear that there are ships in the river , which they believe will endeavour to succour london-derry ; but by the help of culmore fort , with other batteries they have raised , together with the chain and bomb they have fixt a-cross the river , they hope to prevent them . there is an account sent up from the camp , of the names and behaviour of the several officers there , with which they make themselves sport at the castle , particularly the lord galmoy , running himself into a ditch of briars ; lord kingsland getting into a bush of furrs , together with the valour of sir gregory birne , and sir luke dowdall , &c. a dragoon that was shot into the shoulder , and came up to his friends near dublin , to get cure , said , that abundance were lost for want of care being taken of them ; that he himself had ended his days , if he had staid ; that he left 400 lying of their wounds in the church of culmore ; that they had lost near 7 or 8000 by the sword and sickness , since they sat down before derry . the duke of barwick , james fitz james , and lord george howard , are said to be in brook-hall , at sir matthew bridge his house , near kilmore , a curing of their wounds . they likewise give out , they are in great want of provision in the town , and are so crouded , that they are very noisom and full of vermine , for that several who have been taken and killed , are found to be so . but in truth , as to the state of their own army , they have lost as many for want of conveniencies , as have been killed : for the bloody-flux , small-pox , feavers , and agues being among them , they die extreamly fast in the irish camp ; the generality of their sustenance being nothing else but oatmeal and water , with some raw lean beef , insomuch that the spirits of the men are mighty low , and very weak . there are gone down to them abundance of french officers , that are to be prefered as commands fall , with great resolution what they will do when they come there . they did not carry any of their great guns or bombs over the river , but they lie on the other side , and so play over the water at london-derry . since there sending the army towards enniskilling , the people of east , and west-meath have raised the price of corn extreamly . the kerry forces are drawn to the shannon to fortifie all places on it , as lymerick , athlone , &c. all the best of the forces are clearly drawn out of munster , except the major-general's regiment , which is now commanded by one monsieur boysloe , a most tyrannical french-man , who with his regiment is now at cork ▪ where he exercises an absolute authority , that no manner of complaint against him will be heard , though he thrust out one of the protestant sheriff of cork's eyes , and swore he would make no more of blowing up all the protestants in their churches , than of a child in a cradle . he threatens to hang any that shall be taken going away ; and if four protestants be together , he looks on it as a conspiracy , and sends them to goal : they have likewise imployed spies about dublin , to see if any protestants meet or talk together ; and are mightily incensed at the imbargo in england , because they cannot have a free correspondence with their friends there . june the fifth , the late king declared , he expected in a week's time , if the wind served , a great fleet from france , and a numerous army of land-men ; that the fleet after landing their men , would repair to the downs , to find out and fall on the english fleet. some of his council advise him to scotland ; others to chester with his french and irish forces , as soon as derry is taken . they have lately imprisoned several persons in dublin , on a pretence for plotting and corresponding with the rebels in the north , and england , &c. and in searching for treasonable papers and arms , they took away whatever money they could find in the houses of the several persons . they likewise threaten another search for arms very suddenly , when it is not questioned ▪ but they will take all money and plate away , for they are erecting a mint for the coyning of money . one thing more is to be observed , that the popish clergy has ordered all their people not to pay one farthing to any protestant , but to stand it out to the uttermost , till they are compelled by law ; the design being visible , that they would utterly extirpate the english there . the wind no sooner blows easterly , but they are in great dread and fear ; yet they tell us , there is confusion in england , and that there will no succours come from thence ; that they will land an army in england suddenly ; and that england fears an invasion from ireland , more than it doth from them : their usual saying is , you whiggish dogs , we will make you know , that the prince of orange is not come yet ; and we will do your business before he comes , for when we come back from london derry , we will make an end of you all . and the irish tenants and neighbours of the english , that formerly lived in amity with , and chiefly depended on them , do continually send the souldiers to the protestants houses , telling them , that whiggs live there ; where they go and eat up their provisions , taking away their horses from the plow , and whatever else they have a mind to , giving them horrid abuses besides ; so that many families who formerly lived very plentifully , have not now left them bread to eat . the popish clergy appear in multitudes , and are going forward with all their chappels and buildings , and looking out for abbeys and nunneries , and do exasperate the king mightily against the protestants . the lord melfort is also very violent against them ; and the lord chancellor ( though an english-man ) worse than he . on whitson monday , the town of drogheda was alarm'd by two officers who rid thorough it towards dublin , telling them , that the scots were within six miles , and had taken the great guns , carriages , ammunition , and provisions , that were going to derry , and killed the convoy : whereupon they immediately planted their guns , and shut up the gates ; having only two companies of the new raised men , and a few horse of the lord gilmoys in the town : an express was sent immediately to duleek , where the commissioners of enquiry into the estates of the absenters were met , ( who being busied in swearing and examining the tenants of the earl of drogheda , and others , as to w●at rents they paid , and what arrears of rent were due ) requiring them to repair to the town , and bring with them what strength they could to fortifie the town : some being sent out to know the truth of the matter , returning , told them , it was only a false alarm ; tho' it was generally said and believed , that several cart loads of their ammunition , provision , and arms ▪ were intercepted and taken by the people of ballishannon and enniskilling . there has been a motion in the house of commons for the naturalizing all frenchmen , insomuch that some said in the house , that they ought to have a day of thanksgiving , for the coming of the prince of orange into england . they are preparing for another court of claims , and reducing the fees of all offices , throwing all forseitures into the stock of reprisals ; into which stock the late king has thrown his private estate that he had in ireland . the old proprietors are taking possession daily , before the act that makes void the settlement of ireland passeth ; some of them paying the quit-rent to get into possession ; eight protestant peers , four being spiritual , and four temporal , entred their protest at the bill passing the lord's house , and mr. justice dayly opposed it to that degree , that in his passion he said many things that were highly resented , the substance whereof was , that instead of being a parliament , as we pretend , we are more like massanello's , confused rabble , every man making a noise for an estate , and talking nonsence , when our lives are in danger : we expect a sudden invasion from england , and a bloody war likely to ensue ; as persons altogether unmindful of the ruine that hangs over our heads ; and without taking any care to prevent it , we are dividing the bears skin before she is taken . all the honour we do his majesty , is , by reflecting on his royal father and brother , as wicked and unjust princes , charging them with enacting those laws that were contrary to the laws of god and man. which the house summed up in six articles against him : they would have been contented with a submission , but he refused any , saying , he would go to jamaica rather : yet his friends prevail'd on him at this juncture , to ask the pardon of the house ; and yesterday he was to have come into the house of commons ; and accordingly the the house being sat , the usher of the black rod went in and acquainted the speaker , that mr. justice dayly was at the door ; upon which it was put to the question , in the house , whether his asking of pardon should be a sufficient satisfaction for them to pass by his miscarriages ; and it being carried in the affirmative , mr. nugent of carlingstown , in west-meath , a member of the house , was ordered to go and acquaint him , that the house was resolved to accept of his submission ; that so there might be admittance for his coming to receive pardon of the house . mr. nugent returning into the house , told the speaker that mr. justice dayly was very thankful , and ready to come in to make his submission ; and at the same time said , mr. speaker , i have other great news to tell you , viz. london-derry is taken . upon which there was three great shouts set up in the house , and throwing up their hats , cryed out , no submission of mr. justice dayly ; we pardon him , we pardon him ; being transported with joy , suffered him not to come in , but pardoned him without any submission at all . but afterwards some of the members ( none of mr. dayly's friends ) finding it false , thought it was some trick put on them , and threatned mr. nugent , to bring him on his knees before the house . they are now passing an act that all leases above one and twenty years , of any corporation in ireland , shall be void ; and it is doubted whether dublin will be excepted ▪ they are likewise laying fifteen shillings a tun duty upon sea-coals : and taking away the poundage act , which in corporations is the clergies support . the vlster act for tithes , and the act for impropriations and augmentation lands ; that so by taking from the clergy their maintenance the churches may fall of themselves . an act attainting all persons by name ; and another granting fifteen thousand pounds per month , for supplies to king james . there are five new peers created , viz. justin maccarty , lord viscount mount-cashel . sir valentine brown , lord viscount kenmare . thomas nugent , c. j. lord baron of riverstown . john bourk , lord baron bouffin . sir alexander fitton , lord baron gawsworth . a catalogue of all the nobility of ireland , such being marked who now sit in the irish parliament . dr. michael boyle , lord archbishop of armagh , primate of all ireland . † alexander fitton , baron gawsworth , chancellor . dr. francis marsh , lord archbishop of dublin . dr ▪ john veasy , lord archbishop of tuam . archbishoprick of cashell void . richard boyle , earl of cork , lord-treasurer . dukes . james buttler , duke of ormond . † richard talbot , duke of tyrconnel . earls . john fitz-gerrald , earl of kildare . henry o brian , earl of thomond . † richard bourk , earl of clanrickard . james touchet , earl of castlehaven . † richard barry , earl of barrymore . † alexander mac donnel , earl of antrim . † richard nugent , earl of westmeath . cary dillon , earl of roscommon . thomas ridgway , earl of london-derry . william fielding , earl of desmond . edward brabazon , earl of meath . john vaughan , earl of carbery . luke plunket , earl of fingall . arthur chichester , earl of dunegall . richard lambert , earl of cavan . william o bryan , earl of inchequin . † donogh mac carty , earl of clancarty . lionel boyle , earl of orrery . charles coot , earl of mounteath . henry moore , earl of drogheda . charles talbot , earl of waterford , &c. hugh mountgomery , earl of mount-alexander . roger palmer , earl of castlemain . nicholas taaf , earl of ●arlingford . † richard poore , earl of tyrone . richard jones , earl of rannellagh . † francis aungier , earl of longford . † arthur forbes , earl of granard . † william dungan , earl of lymerick . viscounts . † jenico preston , viscount gormanstown . † david roche , viscount fermoy . † richard butler , viscount mount-garret . george villers , viscount grandison . james anslow , viscount valentia . † theobald dillon , viscount costello and gallen . nicholas nettervile , viscount dorath , a prisoner in derry . arther loftus , viscount ely. thomas beaumont , viscount sword. † arthur magennis , viscount iveagh . thomas needham , viscount kilmurry . † dominick sarsfield , viscount kilmallock . theobald bourk , viscount mayo . patrick chaworth , viscount armagh . george sanderson , viscount castletown . john scudamore , viscount sligoe . richard lumley , viscount waterford . philip smith , viscount strangford . philip wenman , viscount tuam . charagh mullineux . viscount maryborough . william fairfax , viscount emely . pierce butler , viscount ikerin . thomas fitz-williams , viscount mirrion . † maximilian o dempsey , viscount clanmalere . brian cockin , viscount cullen . tracy , viscount rathcoole . francis smith , viscount carrington . richard bulkley , viscount cashell . william brounker , viscount lyons . richard ogle , viscount catherlagh . † pierce butler , viscount gilmoy . nicholas barnwel , viscount kingsland . francis boyle , viscount shannon . john skevington , viscount mazereene . hugh cholmondy , viscount kells . evelin fanshaw , viscount drummore . † daniel o bryan , viscount clare . lewis trevor , viscount dungannon . maurice berkley , viscount fitzharding of beerhaven . william canfield , viscount charlemount . foliot wingfield , viscount powerscourt . murrogh boyle , viscount blessington . james lane , viscount lanesburrow . john deny , viscount down . † richard parsons , viscount ross . william stuart , viscount mountjoy . adam loftus , viscount lisbone . † vllick bourk , viscount galloway . † justin mac carty , viscount mount-cashel . † valentine brown , viscount kenmere . bishops . † dr. anthony dobbing , lord bishop of meath . dr. william morton , lord bishop of kildare . dr. hugh gore , lord bishop of waterford and lismore . — clonfort , void . — clogher , void . † dr. thomas ottaway , lord bishop of ossery . dr. ezekiel hopkins , lord bishop of derry . dr. thomas hacket , lord bishop of down and connor . dr. john roan , lord bishop of killalow . † dr. edward wettenhall , lord bishop of cork and ross . † dr. symon digby , lord bishop of lymerick and ardfert . dr. richard tennison , lord bishop of killala and arconrah . dr. william smith , lord bishop of rapho . dr. william sheridan , lord bishop of kilmore and ardagh . dr. narcissus marsh , lord bishop of fearns and leighlin . dr. edward jones , lord bishop of cloyn . dr. capel wiseman , lord bishop of drummore . — elphin , void . barons . † almericus courcy , baron kingsale . william fitz-morris , baron kerry . † christopher flemming , baron slane . † thomas st. lawrence , baron hoath . † robert barnwell , baron trembleston . † christopher plunket , baron dunsany . † pierce butler , baron dunboyne . † brian fitz-patrick , baron upper ossery . matth. plunket , baron lowth . † william bourk , baron castle-connel . † pierce butler , baron cahir . † theobald bourk , baron brittas . stuart , baron castle-stuart . thomas folliot , baron ballishannon . william maynard , baron wicklow . richard george , baron dundalk . robert digby , baron geashill . william fitz-williams , b. lifford . henry blaney , baron monaghan . † dermot malone , baron glanmahur . edward herbert , baron castle-island . john calvert , baron baltimore . william brereton , baron leighlin . henry hare , baron coleraine . benedict sheridan , baron leitrim . † connor mac guire , baron enniskilling . † claud hamilton , baron strabane . francis hauley , baron dunmore . william allington , baron killard . robert king , baron kingston . richard coot , baron killooney . richard barry , baron santrey . altham ansloe , baron altham . † john bellew , baron duleek . charles bertie , baron shelborn . † thomas nugent , baron riverstown . † john bourk , baron boephin . † alexander fitton , baron gawsworth . the house of commons consists of three hundred persons and upwards , only two protestants , sir john mead , and mr. coghlan : two others that have passed in former days , but now are look'd upon to be of the popish interest . the substance of the new irish bill for making void the english settlement of ireland . imprimis , acts of settlement : act of explanation and resolution of doubts , void . 1. every one to be restored to his possession , as in 1641. 2. attainders , outlawries , treasons , &c. made void , released and discharged . 3. all records taken off the file , and cancelled before one or more of the commissioners . 4. any officer not performing this , to forfeit five hundred pound . 5. three or more commissioners for claims . 6. all injunctions to stay decrees of the said court , void . 7. the sheriffs refusing to deliver possession , to be punished . 8. where deeds are wanting , the sentence of the commissioners not definitive . 9. all releases , conveyances , &c. to be good . 10. the old estate of transplanters , to be charged with the interest of purchase-mony , as they sold their interest in connaught . 11. reprizals for all honest purchasers , for good and valuable considerations , since the act of settlement . 12. transplanted purchasers , to be reprized of equal value and purchase out of the forfeited lands . 13. a rebellion is now begun , and several are gone to england , scotland , wales , and the isle of man , by which they forfeited from the first of august 1688. all entails , remainders , &c. to be cut off . 14. commissioners to inspect into the forfeitures , in order to give reprizals by commissions under the great seal ▪ if thought necessary . 15. in claim , to insert the quantity , quality , and true yearly ▪ value , county , and reserved rent . 16. to be reprized , such as really purchased before the first of november last , but not affinity . 17. upon certificate of the commissioners , the lord chancellor to pass letters-patents . 18. before reprizal , to make full proof of the original-mony paid for the transplanted purchase . and the ancient estate to which he is to be restored , to be charged with , &c. 19. if the transplanted discover , &c. to discover the purchase , or to forfeit double the mony ; one moiety to the discoverer , and another to the king. 20. provided the ancient , &c. invested in the king. 21. newry restor'd to dudly bagnal esquire , it being the estate of nicholas bagnal . 22. the quit and crown-rent reserved , and forfeiting lands to be charged to lands to be restor'd . 23. all original debts in 1641 , to be and stand charged : the lands to be restor'd . 24. all reprizals to be liable to the same conditions and debts , and their former estates . 25. all incumbrances or judgments due on forfeiting persons , and entred before the 22th of may 1689 ; and where he forfeited , to be reprized . 26. transplanters , proprietors , their reprizals or ancient estate , to be liable to the same incumbrances and conditions , as the former estate . 27. lessees to continue , in case it be not the mansion-house or demesn-lands , not exceeding one and twenty years , or three lives . 28. whose husbands died out of possession , widows to be dowable . 29. the lord clanrickard , &c. that all deeds , &c. be good , saving to all old mortgagees . a letter from colonel walker , giving a full account of the treachery of the late governour of londonderry . when the lord m — y left the garrison of londonderry , he gave private orders to the colonel he left commander in chief , that he should punctually observe whatsoever directions he should receive from him from france . now such were the circumstances of that unfortunate lord , that being suspected by the late king james , and lookt upon as the betrayer of that kingdom , he had no other way of insinuating into his favour , and regaining his lost reputation with him , but by promising to make colonel l — an instrument to break and ruin the protestants , and render them incapable of opposing any army , that should march against them . the deluded protestants in derry , and all over the north , were extremely overjoy'd , that they had so good a souldier for their head ; one whom they really believ'd to be of their own religion , and who seem'd to be so zealously and warmly affected to their interest ; and therefore they entirely relied and depended upon his courage and fidelity , and submitted themselves to his conduct and management , never entertaining the least suspicion of him till it was too late ; thô it was whisper'd in every corner of the garrison , that he had said , he would heartily fight against tyrconnel , but not against king james . at length a formidable and regular army of the irish march'd down towards the north ; our forces then having not the least intimation of their approach , till they came almost to the towns where our men were garrison'd , which they were forced to quit in great disorder and confusion . the colonel in the mean time sat quietly at home , neither made any provision for the frontier garrisons , nor gave any orders to fortifie and secure them , and oppose the enemy , before they were blooded and animated with success . soon after ( without any opposition ) they overrun the two great counties of doun and antrim : and then the colonel sent letter after letter to the lord k — n at sligoe , where there was good store of provisions and forage , to come and joyn his horse at last with the lagan forces . the lord sent him word , that if the horse came away , the foot would not be perswaded to continue there ; and that he feared there was not such plenty of provision for their horse and men in the lagan , as they had at sligoe . upon this answer , the colonel sends an express to my lord , that both his horse and foot should quit sligoe , and march immediately to the assistance of derry . my lord wearied with these importunities , and not in the least mistrusting the integrity of the colonel , advances with his forces , and was followed by all the inhabitants of the town . but no sooner were they come to ballishanon , 20 miles from sligoe , but they receiv'd a message from the colonel , that there was not forage for the horse in the lagan . the enemy by this time had possest themselves of sligoe ; so that they were forc'd to stay at ballyshanon , where both their horse and men were exposed to the greatest necessities , and were almost destroy'd for want of provisions . all this while the towns of eniskilling and ballyshanon had no ammunition sent them from him , thô he had at the same time above 500 barrels of powder in the pullir store-house at derry ; neither could he be perswaded by any arguments , to get forage into derry , thô the neighbouring country round about him had great quantities of hay and oats , and made a voluntary offer of them for the service of the garrison . besides , as if he had along design'd the ruin of that place , and consequently of the protestant interest in ireland , he still gave passes to every man that ask'd them : he endeavour'd to possess them that were the most bold and resolute , with strange apprehensions of their danger ; and where this succeeded not , out of the abundance of his affection , he courted and invited others to accept of passes . afterwards , when the enemy made their approaches nearer derry , he drew out a body of 7000 men , pretending he would fight them at a pass they were to come over : but as soon as ever colonel shelden ( with his horse ) advanc'd , he gave him the sign to come over , and ran away , swearing a great oath and saying , gentlemen , i see you will not fight . thô at the same time , they were in all appearance very zealous and willing to engage . from thence he immediately fled to the city , and then shut the gates upon thousands of souls , pretending scarcity of provisions , who all either perished for hunger , or were left as a prey and sacrifice to the rage and fury of their insulting enemies . soon after colonel c — and r — with two regiments came to the assistance of derry , whom he discouraged from staying ; declaring , that they had provision but for a very few days , and that the people who were in the city were but a rabble . however , all the transactions in their council of war , as they called it , ( thô none were admitted to it but the colonels own creatures ) were managed with the greatest secrecy ; and the better to delude the garrison , it was given out , that the forces would forthwith land. and of this they were so fully perswaded , that many went aboard the ships that were in the harbour , to caress and congratulate the souldiers safe arrival , who were not suffered to return again ; but against their inclinations were brought into england . c — next day ( when on board , and as it was agreed betwixt him and the confederate colonel ) sends him a letter , that he had discovered some ships at a distance , which must needs be further succours design'd for the relief of derry ; that he would fall down to the harbours mouth , and return again with the rest of the fleet. this letter was handed up and down derry to pacifie the people , though generally they began to apprehend they were sold and betrayed : and in this their suspicion they were confirmed by a lady ( related to the colonel ) who had forgot her cue , and unwarily told a lieutenant in the garrison , that c — did not design to land , and that his letter was a meer sham. after this c — set sail , and hover'd at a little distance , expecting the colonel , who had promis'd him to make his escape , and go with him for england ; but the colonel not coming according to the time appointed , he pursued his voyage , and left us under the apprehensions of immediate destruction . but ( blessed be god ) we have hitherto made some tolerable defence for our selves , and still hope , to give a good account of the place . i am yours , g. walker . finis . we the lord lieutenant and council do hereby think fit to declare and publish that whosoever shall make discovery of any officer or souldier of his majesties horse and foot guards in this city and suburbs thereof, or of his majesties army in this kingdom, who having formerly taken the oathes of allegiance and supremacy, hath since been perverted, or hereafter shall be perverted to the popish religion ... by the lord lieutenant and council. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) 1678 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46094 wing i695 estc r36811 16137974 ocm 16137974 104795 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46094) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104795) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:3) we the lord lieutenant and council do hereby think fit to declare and publish that whosoever shall make discovery of any officer or souldier of his majesties horse and foot guards in this city and suburbs thereof, or of his majesties army in this kingdom, who having formerly taken the oathes of allegiance and supremacy, hath since been perverted, or hereafter shall be perverted to the popish religion ... by the lord lieutenant and council. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by mary crook ..., dublin : 1687. title from first 7 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 20th. of november. 1678." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -controversial literature. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi sit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . ormonde . vve the lord lieutenant and council do hereby think fit to declare and publish , that whosoever shall make discovery of any officer or souldier of his majesties horse and foot guards in this city and suburbs thereof , or of his majesties army in this kingdom , who having formerly taken the oathes of allegiance and supremacy , hath since been perverted , or hereafter shall be perverted to the popish religion , or hear mass ; such discoverers upon information given to vs the lord lieutenant , shall have a reward of ten pounds sterl . for every commssioned officer , five pounds sterl . for every private trooper , & forty shillings sterl . for every foot souldier so discovered as aforesaid . and to the end this resolution of vs the lord lieutenant and council herein may be fully known ; we have thought fit to command this our order to be forthwith printed and published . given at the council chamber in dublin the 20th . of november . 1678. mich. dublin c. lanesbotough hen : midensis . r : coote . ed : villiers . rob fitz gerald , ca. dillon . char : meredith . ro : booth . jo : davys . wm : gore . vvill : steward . john cole . hans hamilton . h : ingoldesby . vvm : flower . ric : gethin . vvalter plunkett . theo : jones . tho : radcliffe . god save the king. dublin , printed by benjamin took , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by mary crook at h●s majesties printing-house in skinner row. 1687. by the supreame councell of the confederat catholick[s] of ireland [it] cannot be expressed by what suttle practices such, as for their own ambitious ends ... confederate catholics. supreme council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46038 of text r43286 in the english short title catalog (wing i419). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46038 wing i419 estc r43286 27132357 ocm 27132357 109990 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46038) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109990) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:26) by the supreame councell of the confederat catholick[s] of ireland [it] cannot be expressed by what suttle practices such, as for their own ambitious ends ... confederate catholics. supreme council. 1 sheet ([1] p.). [s.n.], printed at kilkenny : in the yeare of our lord, 1648. other title information taken from first lines of text. "giuen at the castle of kilkenny the seauenth day of iuly anno dom. 1648." imperfect: torn and tightly bound, with loss of text. reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649. ireland -politics and government -17th century. a46038 r43286 (wing i419). civilwar no by the svpreame covncell of the confederat catholicks of ireland. it cannot be expressed by what suttle practices such, as for their owne am confederate catholics. supreme council 1648 736 49 0 0 0 0 0 666 f the rate of 666 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the svpreame covncell of the confederat catholick of ireland . 〈◊〉 cannot be expressed by what suttle practises such , as for their owne ambitious ends , doe fo● 〈…〉 ●ctions in the gouernment , doe endeauor to obstruct all the waies , by which the blessing of a settl●●… 〈…〉 ●●e protection of the crowne of england , and his maiesties authority may be introduced , it was r 〈…〉 〈…〉 ●o haue slaundered our proceedings so farr , as by word and writing , to seeke to perswade the c 〈…〉 〈…〉 ●●●●●licks , that wee labour to resussitat the late reiected ●●●…ce , and that in order thereunto , we had 〈…〉 ●●ati 〈…〉 ●ith the lord barron of inchiquin , b●● 〈…〉 ng , that neither by the vniust cen 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 ance thereof , nor the power of that army , which they had inveigled to stand in opposition 〈◊〉 our autho 〈…〉 they could prevaile against the iustice of our cause , they doe now fill all corners of the king●ome , with 〈…〉 brute of a peace less aduantagious to the nation , then the former , and more preiudiciall to ●●e catholick ●●●igion , said to be concluded by some of our agents in france , which the marquess of ormond ( ●s they say ) ●o enforce vpon the kingdome , and though wee find that so malitious and groundless reports ●e despised 〈◊〉 all men , that know the honor and integrity of our agents , and the lymitts which , by theire i●structions , 〈◊〉 sett vnto them , yet to vndeceiue all men that haue not passions too violent , to heape more calamities 〈◊〉 this afflicted nation , wee doe againe repeate that parte of our former declaration of the two and twentyeth of ●ay last , and doe by these protest againe , and publicklie declare , that n●ither wee , nor any other by ou● aduice or as●●●●●nce , shall directly or indirectly , bring in any peace , but that which by the orders of the last assembly was directed and ●●mitted to the agents sent for rome , france , and spaine , to be by them obtained , untill the generall assembly of the ●onfederat catholicks , shall otherwise determine , and that wee will oppose our selues , against all and euery person who shall ●●deavour , in any sorte whatsoeuer , to introduce any other peace then such , as our said commissioners haue in charge , from 〈◊〉 confederat catholicks to solicit for them , or such as the said assembly shall iudge fitt to be embraced . and whereas a 〈◊〉 calumny is raised against vs , by the suggestions of some ill disposed persons , who endeuor to perswade 〈◊〉 ●●●ple , that wee are not willing a right vnderstanding should be mediated betweene vs , & the lord nuncio , 〈◊〉 〈…〉 fore to meete such calumny , and the evill construction may be made of our intentions , doe declar● 〈◊〉 shall not giue any oposition thereunto , but rather esteeme any person of qualitie , a fauourer of the 〈…〉 que cause , and a well wisher of the vnion of the kingdome , that shall [ without preiudice of our appeale or 〈◊〉 ●●●●ch of our publick faith , giuen for maintaining the late concluded cessation ] endeuor to remoue the 〈◊〉 〈…〉 ousies betweene vs , and his lordsipp , and shal be reddy at all tymes , to affoord the said part all befitting 〈◊〉 ●ountenance and fauor ; not intending in the meane tyme to omitt enforming the people of the truth of for●er proceedings , to the'nd noe sinister suggestions may withdraw them from theire obedience to our autho●●●y . giuen at the castle of kilkenny the seauenth day of iuly anno dom. 1648. and in the four and twentyeth ●eare of the raigne of our soueraigne lord charles by the grace of god king of great britaine , france , ●nd ireland . mountgarett , dounboyn , lucas dillon , rob : lynch , richard bellings , gerald fenell , robert deuereux , iohn walsh , patrick bryan . god save the king . printed at kilkenny in the yeare of our lord , 1648. whereas divers persons, in all or most of the cities, and corporate and market towns in this kingdom, have taken a liberty without any restraint ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1673 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46136 wing i772 estc r36876 16146504 ocm 16146504 104861 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46136) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104861) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:22) whereas divers persons, in all or most of the cities, and corporate and market towns in this kingdom, have taken a liberty without any restraint ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1673. title from first 4 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin, the seventeenth day of october, 1673." imperfect: faded, with loss of print. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng counterfeits and counterfeiting -ireland. reproduction of money, documents, etc. -law and legislation -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi sit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . essex . whereas divers persons , in all or most of the cities , and corporate , and market towns in this kingdom , ●ave taken a liberty without any restraint , an● make in very great quantities a kind of br●●s or copper tokens , with such stamps as they pleased , and vented them to the p●op●● , some of the said tokens for a peny , and some oth●●s for a half-peny each piece , to the great grievance of his majesties subjects . we therefore do by this our proclamation in his majesties name , strictly charge and require all persons whatsoever , from henceforth to forbear to make or stamp , or cause to be made or stamped , any brass or copper , or other tokens wh●●●o●ver , without special licence from his majesty in that behalf , and hereof they may not fail , as they will answer the contrary at their perils . given at the council-chamber in dublin , the seventeenth day of october , 1673. mich : dublin . canc. thomond . conway and kilulta . art : forbese j : povey . ro : booth . jo : bysse . char : meredyth . geo : rawdon . hen : ford. god save the king . dvblin , printed by ben●●min tooke , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde book-seller in castle-street . 1673. a continuation of the last occurrences from irland [sic], or, the copie of a letter sent from lievtenant haward, to mr. walter fitz-williams esquire, lying neere the privie garden in white-hall. dated at duncannon fort in jreland, march 29. 1642. both good and true. haward, lazarus. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a86109 of text r21233 in the english short title catalog (thomason e142_7). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a86109 wing h1165 thomason e142_7 estc r21233 99870961 99870961 156574 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a86109) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 156574) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 25:e142[7]) a continuation of the last occurrences from irland [sic], or, the copie of a letter sent from lievtenant haward, to mr. walter fitz-williams esquire, lying neere the privie garden in white-hall. dated at duncannon fort in jreland, march 29. 1642. both good and true. haward, lazarus. [8] p. printed for john thomas, london : 1642. signatures: a⁴. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng duncannon (wexford) -history -early works to 1800. waterford (county) -history -early works to 1800. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. a86109 r21233 (thomason e142_7). civilwar no a continuation of the last occurrences from irland [sic], or, the copie of a letter sent from lievtenant haward, to mr. walter fitz-williams haward, lazarus. 1642 1133 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2009-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a continuation of the last occurrences from irland , or , the copie of a letter sent from lievtenant haward , to mr. walter fitz-williams esquire , lying neere the privie garden in white-hall . dated at duncannon fort in jreland , march . 29. 1642. both good and true . london , printed for john thomas , 1642. good newes from jreland . deare friends , your courtesies hath so tyed me that i cannot chuse but intimate to you , of such occurrences as hath hath happened to us since our departure from bristoll , from whence we departed with 200. men well appointed , and with colours flying , arrived at the fort of duncannon , in the mouth of the river of waterford , the 24. of the same , where we found the good lord esmond in safe possession of the forte , who had endured many a shroud bickering all the winter with a hundred men ; but many of them sicke when we arrived there , what ioy was in the good old lord , you may conceive , having had 1000. men of the enemies lying against daily for many monethes before , when we arrived , the lord esmond granted a cessation of armes for 5. dayes , at the reuest of the rebels , for he alwayes kept them play , and after that they sent for a truce for 14. dayes more , but my lord refused , then they desired a parley with 4. of our best men , with 4. of theirs , which wee accepted of , and as we were marching towards them , came a messenger desiring ( from colonell pierce butler ) that hee might meet with my lord , and conferre with him , but we sent him word , that they had no man of quality , good enough for him to to conferre with , yet if he would come to the fort , he should speake with him , but we heard no more of them . the next day being the 22. of march , our souldiers being in much want of bedding or bed-cloathes , and the rebels quarters being little more then musket shot from us , we sallied forth , my selfe and two lievtenants more , with onely 20. mvsketiers a peece early in the morning , in hope to have driven them from their quarters , and burnt it , but their numbers were to great for us , yet wee fought with them about an houre , what hurt we did them we know not as yet , we had onely one man of my squadron shot into the shoulder , they having 9. colours flying before vs , but very slenderly armed , with some fowling-peeces , pikes made of dale boards , and some darts , and of a certaine they count their owne cases desperate , not knowing whether to leape into the fire , or the water , the relieving of this fort hath much appaled them , their gennerall is the lord mon-garret . the 26. of this month , we had another skirmish , where without doubt we did them much harme , and received onely the hurt of one man , being shot in the face , the same day at night the fellowship of bristoll arrived , being a man of warre , with a pinnace , shee having 24. pieces of ordnance , and the pinnace 6. with 16. oares , being appoynted for this servece . and on munday after we appoynted to batter downe the towne of ballihacke , and passage of both townes upon the river of waterfoard , and full of good pillage that they have robed the english of , waterford is revolted , and the river of waterford is of that large extent , that it runnes through 9. severall counties in 3. severall armes , and all those 9. counties are in rebellion . therefore i pray god put into the hearts of the king and parliament , to furnish vs alwayes with a ship of good force with a small pinnace , and to furnish the noble old lord esmond , with a regiment , who is the last of those valiant old souldiers that reduced this kingdome to obedience , in queene elizabeths dayes ; and is much awed by all this whole countrey , none except the lord president of munster is able to doe his majesty like service ; we heare for certaine by the countrey people that the lord president of munster hath burned dungarvin to the ground , a sea-port towne within 12. leagues of vs , and slaine 300. of one captaine wises regiment , and driven sir nicholas welch to waterford the 28. of march , we removed the rebels further from us , fired their quarters , and burnt some certaine housess , and brought away their corne , we being not above 250 men have driven from these quarters 9 companies with their colours flying , blessed be god that fighteth our battels , we are very prosperous at this present . the 29. of march we sent the great ship and pinnace to the passage , and balihacke to batter it downe the great ship hath bestowed great store of great shot upon them , what further they have done we cannot know till to morrow , this is all i can acquaiut you with till my next letter . my captaine is come for england to move about a regiment for my lord esmond , he being in hope to obtaine a livetenant colonels place , he hath promised me to move for a company for me , he can now report sufficiently of my ability , i shall intreate you to asist him for me , j doubt not but in due season i shall be able to give you a testimony of thankefulnesse , thus having writ unto you by another gentleman belonging to the earle of ormond , and fearing it might faile , i have written againe with an addition of what hath happened since i writ that letter , j will not faile you every oppertunity of writing , i request i may be remembred to your little gentleman mr. morgan , and that i may heare from you touching the affayres of of our church and common wealth , who together with his majestie god prosper , which god alwaies blesse and prosper you . your true and faithfull friend lazarus hayward . duncannon fort , march , 29. 1642. finis . here is something of concernment in ireland, to be taken notice off: by all officers and souldiers, & others in authority and all sorts of people whatsoever, a warning and a charge to you is, that you stand clear and acquit yourselves like men (for ever) never to be uphoulders of those priests as you tender the everlasting good of your soules; have no fellowship with them, neither come you near their tents, for the lord hath a purpose to destroy them, and his controversy is against them, and all that takes their parts cooke, edward, fl. 1658-1670. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a34411 of text r214963 in the english short title catalog (wing c6004a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a34411 wing c6004a estc r214963 99826997 99826997 31409 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34411) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 31409) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1845:31) here is something of concernment in ireland, to be taken notice off: by all officers and souldiers, & others in authority and all sorts of people whatsoever, a warning and a charge to you is, that you stand clear and acquit yourselves like men (for ever) never to be uphoulders of those priests as you tender the everlasting good of your soules; have no fellowship with them, neither come you near their tents, for the lord hath a purpose to destroy them, and his controversy is against them, and all that takes their parts cooke, edward, fl. 1658-1670. cooke, edward, of the middle temple, attributed name. 4 p. s.n., [london? : 1660] signed at end: e.c. author's name from wing. sometimes attributed to edward cooke of the middle temple. caption title. imprint from wing. identified as wing c5999a on umi microfilm "early english books, 1641-1700". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of ireland -clergy -early works to 1800. society of friends -apologetic works -early works to 1800. ireland -church history -17th century -early works to 1800. a34411 r214963 (wing c6004a). civilwar no here is something of concernment in ireland, to be taken notice off: by all officers and souldiers, & others in authority and all sorts of p cooke, edward 1660 1477 1 0 0 0 0 0 7 b the rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-10 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion here is somthing of concernment in jreland , to be taken notice off : by all officers and souldiers , & others in authority and all sorts of people whatsoever , a warning and a charge to you is , that you stand clear and acquit your selves like men ( for ever ) never to be uphoulders of those priests as you tender the euerlasting good of your soules ; have no fellowship with them , neither come you near their tents , for the lord hath a purpose to destroy them , and his controversy is against them , and all that takes their parts . for here are many young schollers lately come over into jreland young priests sent from oxford , & cambridg , and these young priests the committee of priests siting at dublin have approved of them , here they come & challenge the tenth part of our goods , they say is now their own , and where they can finde an old ruined mass-house , then they get an order for the repairing of it ; and if any for conscience sake should refuse paying towards the mending of the popes old houses , then the evill justices of the peace , which the land is full of , grants forth their warrants to distrain , and take away peoples goods , because they cannot pay rates for the repairing of the papists mass-houses , as lately a widdow woman at dublin had much goods taken from her , because for conscience sake she could not pay towards the mending of st. patricks church so called ; and a friend at rosse had his coate taken off his back for not paying towards the mending of an old mass-house in the county of wexford , and divers others might be instanced in the nation : now when this young priest hath gotten his mass-house finisht , then he hath three or four parishes laid together , to maintain himselfe with the tenths thereof , he cares not now , he hath gotten foure or five parishes ( perhaps ) not foure protestant families in them all , which tithes formerly vsed to serve foure or five popish priests very well , will now scarcely serve this young protestant priest which makes the papists to wonder what great bellies the protestant priests have gotten , that they must have foure times more then their priests used to have ; so that these priests lately come over , are never like to convince the papists with sound doctrine , their lives and conversations are so bad , that the papists beholds what devourers they are , that one of them must have as much as foure of theirs ; so judge you the wickedness of these young priests is so great , that the papists now abhors to come at their own mass-houses ; therfore now there is an order to compell them to heare these priests in jreland once a weeke , or else they must pay halfe a crown , and then they shall be dispenc'd withall , and here the papists sees you again , what manner of christians you are , that can pardon people for mony , like them at rome , but the light is come that hath made you manifest praysed be the lord for ever ; who will remember your wickedness , and your sins are before him , and the lord will recompence the evill that you have done upon your own heads , and those that sent you hither shall not escape that gave every one of these young priests a great sum of mony for their transportation , which is a shame to the nation ; and a shame to the protestants that their priests should be such great eaters ; and have such great sums of mony to bring them over , when many poor families in england are like to starve for lack of bread . now these are unlike the first planters of the gospell , they us'd to travell from city to city ; and from one country to another publishing the gospell freely , from house to house eating what was set before them these had no certaine dwelling place as these young planters have ; who wil not publish their gospel without mony , nor pray nor sing without mony , who makes insurrections and mutinies in all nations where ever they come or goe , their fruits makes them manifest in all places ▪ my soule abhors their wicked practises , and the spirit of the lord is grieved with their abominations , and he will ease himselfe of his enemies , and aveng himselfe on his adversaries , and this is the word of the lord to the priests of this nation . e. c. and the two places oxford and cambridg from whence these schollers come who makes ministers , the thing wch is seen conserning them is : they are like two woods full of of black trees , which are blackned over with smoke and a few leaves hanging drooping on the tops of them , like unto trees at the fall of the leafe , and they stand as it were in a quagmire , which is made up with the fat of the nations , and the exactings of poor people , and wringing of them , like a great heape of miery soft earth ; and when the wind blows the quagmire puffs at the bottome of it , & there is but little mosse grows on the trees because of the smoke , and these trees bears noe fruit , but a few droping leaves , as it were in the end of summer , so they stand as the shaking off with a great wind , whose leafe fads , and so as they are carried out of that quagmire & wood & banke undrest , they are planted in the country like starved trees in the forrest , beaten with winds and weather , dried with the bark on , and some mosse on them , and scarcely leaves : now these be the fuell for the fire , which cumbers the ground fruitlesse trees that the nations & the earth hath layen like a wildernesse , and these trees have not borne fruit , and their leaf fads and falls , and the fruitfull trees of the field begin to clap their hands who beares the fruit , whose leafe never fads nor falls , that are by the river side , and the smoke of these two woods before mentioned have almost smoked off all the bark of thē , for they have scarcely the out side of them , nor leaves but are droping down continually , and they must all drop off and appeare bare , for they have not any to cover them , and all the worke and intention of their moddell is , to get mony to make ministers , which they have lately put forth in print ; are these like the apostles in this ? have not they thrust our christ and denyed the faith , and let christ have no roome but in their mouths to talke of him ? had ever christ any roome but in the manger amongst the professers , and them that lived in lipp service , and their hearts a far off from god ? had not the great professors hebrew , greek , and latin , in the dayes of old , the great talkers of christ , and he had no place amongst them , but in the manger in the stable ; are not you making ministers and beging of the gentry ? and frighting their evill consciences if they will not give it you , and the highest when you have made them is but hebrew greek and latin , which is but naturall ; and so is but a naturall man , and the naturall man receives not the things of god , though he hath hebrew greek and latin , & though they may talke of christ in those languages , yet will they put christ in the stable and in the manger , and let him have no roome in the synnagogues as the iews would not , but were al full of wrath & rose up against him and put him out , and do not you ministers put out of your synnagogues , & put into prison , if they should not put into your mouthes , surely people will be wise & not spend their mony any longer for that which is not bread . the ende a copy of a commission under the great seale of ireland, granted by the right honorable sir william parsons knight and barronet, and sir john borlase knight, lords justices of that kingdom: for disarming all papists in and about the city of dublin, and restraining the accesse of any suspitious persons unto the said city, and for the preservation of the same in safety and good order. parsons, william, sir, 1570?-1650. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a80451 of text r3664 in the english short title catalog (thomason e240_25). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a80451 wing c6111 thomason e240_25 estc r3664 99872456 99872456 124893 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a80451) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 124893) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 41:e240[25]) a copy of a commission under the great seale of ireland, granted by the right honorable sir william parsons knight and barronet, and sir john borlase knight, lords justices of that kingdom: for disarming all papists in and about the city of dublin, and restraining the accesse of any suspitious persons unto the said city, and for the preservation of the same in safety and good order. parsons, william, sir, 1570?-1650. borlase, john, sir, 1576-1648. 7 [i.e. 8] p. printed for e. husbands and j. franck, london, : october 6. 1642. page 8 misnumbered 7. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng catholics -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a80451 r3664 (thomason e240_25). civilwar no a copy of a commission under the great seale of ireland, granted by the right honorable sir william parsons knight and barronet, and sir joh parsons, william, sir 1642 2783 7 0 0 0 0 0 25 c the rate of 25 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a copy of a commission under the great seale of ireland , granted by the right honorable sir william parsons knight and barronet , and sir john borlase knight , lords justices of that kingdom : for disarming all papists in and about the city of dvblin , and restraining the accesse of any suspitious persons unto the said city , and for the preservation of the same in safety and good order . london , printed for e. husbands and j. franck ; october 6. 1642. charles by the grace of god king of england , scotland , france and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to our we●beloved our major of the city of dublin for the time being , sir william anderson knight , sir christopher forster knight , sir william vsher knight , sir philip percival knight , j●hn bysse esq recorder of our city of dublin , richard barry of dublin alderman , charles forster of dublin alderman , william smith of dublin alderman , william bladen of dublin alderman , william plunket esquire , captaine theodore sc●out , robert savill serjeant at armes , mathew ford , anthony dopping , captaine philip fernely , robert kenedy , john woodcock , john pue , sankey sulliard , josua carpenter , brian jones , thomas tallis , william rowlls , thomas leigh , thomaas hill , william scott , daniel forster , richard francis , joseph h●ll , daniel adrian , thomas hooke , frederick panchart , captaine balthazar creamer , john wogan , randall becket , james smith , john fisher , ralph bryen , richard stone , robert davies , ralph wallis , daniel hutchison , peter wybrant , john hill merchant , john norris , thomas haukins , thomas windall , nathaniel neve and robert scarborow greeting . whereas we have taken into our princely consideration the strange and unusual concourse of papists to our city of dublin , and the suburbs thereof , some of them not having formerly dwelt there . and others of them aswel masters of families as servants , having formerly dwelt there , but withdrew themselves into the country for a time since the present rebellion began , and of late returned again to the said city and suburbs , and there all of them now continue as inhabitanas or sojourners , not onely to the needlesse and exceeding great burden of the inhabitants , and disappointment of the souldiers , aswel in their lodging , as in the raysing of the price of meate and other needfull provisions , but also to the terrour of many of our good and loyal subjects inhabiting in this city and suburbs thereof , aswel in respect of the numbers of those papists , as in the advantages observed to be dayly thereby gayned to the rebels , aswel in frequent intelligences from our sayd city as in supplies of needfull provisions from thence from time to time . and forasmuch as in these times of open rebellion , when the rebells appeare in all parts of this our kingdom in open arms , with banners displayed against us and our royall authority , we are necessitated to take some extraordinary way whereby to free our said city and good subjects therin from the fears & dangers threatned against us and them , and against the peace & safety of this our kingdom , by that unlimitted concourse of people flocking so dangerously to our sayd city and suburbs , and for reformation of sundry other abuses and disorders in our said city of dublin and the suburbs thereof . know yee therefore that we reposing speciall trust and confidence in your fidelity and circumspection , have nomin●ted , constituted and appointed , and by these presents doe nominate , constitute and appoint you to be our commissioners . and doe hereby give unto you or any two or more of you ful power and authority from time to time , and as often as you or any two or more of you shall think fit to repaire to all and every part of the said city and suburbs , and there aswell by examination of witnesses upon oath , which oath and oaths we hereby authorize you or any two or more of you to administer , wh●n , and as often as you or any two or more of you shall from time to time think fit , as by all other lawfull wayes and means whatsoever to examine , search far , inquire and finde out what arms or munion are or shal be remaining in any house , houses , or other place or places in the said city or suburbs belonging to any papists , or in the house or houses of protestants , whose wives and children are papists . and the same so found out , to inquire how when and where 〈◊〉 they came by them , and all other matters touching and concerning the same , which you or any two or more of you shall think fit . and it is our pleasure , and we doe accordingly require and authorize you or any two or more of you to seize upon , and take into your hands , or the hands of any two or more of you all the said arms and munition , as also al the arms of what kind soever which you or any two or more of you shal finde any papist carrying about him either in his house or dwelling , or abroad in the streets , whether he or they be commorant in town , or traveller to or from the said city or suburbs . giving the party from whom the same shall bee so taken , a note in writing under the hands of you or any two or more of you mentioning the particulars and quantity of arms or munition or both so to be taken from him , her , or them to our use , and that thereupon you or any two or more of you cause the same to be delivered forthwith after you shal so seize the same into our store of arms and munition at our castle of dublin , taking the clark of the store's hand for receipt thereof , which shall be a good discharge for you against your said note or notes formerly given . and we also require and authorize you or any two or more of you aswel by examination of witnesses upon oath , as by all other lawful waies and means whatsoever to examine , search , inquire , and finde out what titulary popish archbishops , bishops , vicars-generall , jesuits , priests , or friars , or other superstitious orders of the popish pretended clergy are or shall be in and about the said city or suburbs . and them to apprehend & commit to prison there to remaine until further direction from us , or our said justices , or other our chiefe governour ▪ or governours and councell of this our kingdome . and in like manner to examine , search , inquire and finde out , what men and women that are papists , and what papists children of what quality or degree soever he or they be , have come to the sayd city or suburbs to reside , sojourne , or any way to continue therein since easter last ? where they now lodge , and since their coming to town have lodged either in the houses of papists or protestants ? what their names and sirnames are , and of what sept or kindred they be ? whence they came ? what occasions called them thither ? what now deteynes them there ? and all other matters concerning their being there , which you or any two or more of you shall thinke fit . and then that you or any two or more of you do comand so many of them as you or any two or more of you shal think fit to depart from the said city and suburbs within so many hours , as to you or any two or more of you shal be thought fit , and not to returne back to the said city or suhurbs without special licence from us , or our justices , or other chiefe governour or governours of this our kingdom for the time being ; and to enjoyne all those in whose house or houses either papists or protestants such person or persons so to be commanded away doe , or shall lodge , so journe or live , that they or any of them presume not thereafter to entertaine them , or any of them into his or their house or houses , as they will answer their so doing at their extreame perill . and we doe also require you or any two or more of you to cause two books to be made up , and in one of them to cause to be inserted in writing , the names , strnames , and qualities of all men and women ordinarily town-dwellers in our sayd city or suburbs aswel masters of families as servants that are papists . and in the other booke to cause to be inserted the names , sirnames , and qualities of all men and women whom you shall so command to depart from this city and suburbs . and in another part of that book to insert the names , sirnames and qualities of all such men and women that are papists whom you admit to stay , and expressing at their nams for what time their stay is admitted ; that so you may upon a new search ( wherein wee require you to be diligent and frequent ) finde out whether or no they have exceeded the time limited for their stay . we do also require and authorize you or any two or more of you to charge and command all person or persons whatsoever in the said city and subburbs in whose houses any such person or persons formerly lodged , soiourned or lived , and to publish and declare to all others whom it may concern that in case any of the said persons so to be cōmanded away shall return again at any time to the said city or suburbs , or any other men or women whatsoever that are papists , and not resident continually in the said city and suburbs , without any late intermission since the first of october last shall hereafter come to the said city or suburbs ; that then the person or persons to whose house or houses , he , she , or they so returning , shall return or come , do from time to time , and as often as any such shall happen within two hours after the receipt or entertainment into his , her , or their house or houses of any such person or persons return under his , her , or their hands unto two or more of you the names , sirnames , qualities and conditions of all and every such person and persons so received , lodged , or entertained . we likewise require and authorize you or any two or more of you in like manner to examine what victualls , cloaths , arms , munition , or other provisions whatsoever have been carryed ; or shall be carryed out of the said citie or suburbs for the relief of the rebells , and by whom , and who were furtherers and privy thereunto , and what towns-men , or their servants that are papists , have been since easter last , admitted into any horse troop or foot company or ward in our pay ? and by whom ? and in whose troop , company , or ward so admitted ? and what arms of any kind have , are , or shall be sold by any souldier horse-man or foot-man to any towns-man , or other inhabitant in the said citie and suburbs ? and where the said arms now are ? and what masters or mistresses of families or servants that are papists that formerly resided in the said citie & suburbs , have between the three and twentieth of october and the first of aprill last withdrawn themselves into the country , and having continued there a while , returned again to live in the said city and suburbs ? and if upon examination you or any two or more of you shall find them , or any of them , to have been with the rebells , to cause all such to be apprehended and committed to prison , and to certifie their names under the hands of you or any two or more of you to our justices , or other our chief governour or governours , and councell of this our kingdom . and what else shall appear unto you concerning them . and we also require and authorize you or any twelve or more of you , to view all thatched houses and cabins in and about the said city and suburbs , and to give six dayes warning to the possessors of such of the said thatched houses and cabines , as you or any twelve or more of you shall finde to be dangerous to the safety of the said city and suburbs , and therefore ought necessarily to be removed or pulled down , to remove or pull them down ; wherein if they faile , then and in such case you or any twelve or more of you are to cause such of the thatched houses and cabines to be removed and pulled down , as you or twelve or more of you shall finde not to have been pulled down by the possessors within the said six dayes according to the said warning given . and in case you or any two or more of you shall finde any person or persons disobedient to your commands in and concerning the execution of the premises , or any part thereof . we do in such case authorize you or any two or more of you to commit to prison such person or persons , when , and as often as there shall be just cause , and afterwards to release such person or persons , when you or any two or more of you shrll think fit . and for the better and more full and due performance of these services , it is our pleasure , and we do hereby authorize you or any two or more of you as aforesaid to administer from time to time an oath or oaths to any person or persons , witnesses touching or concerning all or any the points , clauses , articles , authorities or commands in these presents above mentioned . and that you our commissioners do divide your selves in and throughout the said city & suburbs into severall limits , streets and parishes ; and so to proceed in the execution of the premises either altogether or severally as you shall finde cause . and that you be frequent at least weekly , or oftner if you find cause in the searches , examinations , and other services by these presents committed to your trust . and we require all maiors , sherriffs , justices of the peace , and all other our officers , ministers , and loving subjects whom it may concern , and particularly all colonells , commanders , officers and souldiers of our army to be unto you or any two or more of you alwayes aiding , helping and assisting in the due execution of the premises from time to time , as there may be occasion . and we require you from time to time to give an account of your proceedings to our justices , or other our chief governour or governours of this our kingdom for the time being . and this our commission is to continue in force during our pleasure . witnesses our right trusty and welbeloved councellors , sir william parsons knight and baronet , and sir john borelase knight , our justices of our said realm of ireland . at dubin the ninth day of september in the eighteenth yeer of our raign . carleton & exham , finis . whereas his majesty hath been graciously pleased to grant a warrant under his royal sign manual, to prepare a bill to pass under the great seal of england, containing a grant or demise of all his majesties revenue in this his kingdom of ireland ... by the lords justices and council of ireland, mich. dublin, c., art. granard. ireland. lords justices and council. 1675 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46142 wing i799 estc r36886 16146944 ocm 16146944 104871 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46142) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104871) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:25) whereas his majesty hath been graciously pleased to grant a warrant under his royal sign manual, to prepare a bill to pass under the great seal of england, containing a grant or demise of all his majesties revenue in this his kingdom of ireland ... by the lords justices and council of ireland, mich. dublin, c., art. granard. ireland. lords justices and council. boyle, michael, 1609?-1702. granard, arthur forbes, earl of, 1623-1696. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1675. title from first 3 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council-chamber in dublin the twentieth day of december, 1675." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng taxation -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r diev et mon droit by the lords justices and council of ireland . mich : dublin : c. art : granard . whereas his majesty hath been graciously pleased to grant a warrant under his royal sign manual , to prepare a bill to pass under the great seal of england , containing a grant or demise of all his majesties revenue in this his kingdom of ireland , to sir james shaen knight and baronet , sir william petty knight , william hill , william ryder , robert gorges , thomas hoare , francis soane , william muschamp , edward richbell , stanhop mill , lawrence stanyan , and william hanway esquires , for the tearm of seven years , from the feast of the nativity of our lord god , one thousand six hundred seventy five , and now next ensuing , under the rents , covenants , agreements , limitations and restrictions therein mentioned ; and hath been also pleased by like warrant , to direct a commission to pass under the great seal of england , for authorizing and appointing sir charles meredyth knight , chancellor of his majesties court of exchequer in this kingdom , sir james cuff knight , john stone esq robert wood dr. of laws , thomas taylor esq robert gorges dr. of laws , thomas sheredan , william hannaway , edward wigg , thomas waller , and murtagh dowling esquires , to be his majesties chief commissioners and governours of all his majesties said revenue in this kingdom , to prevent any loss or damage which may happen before the passing of the said intended grant of his majesties revenue . and whereas the said commission with the said warrant annexed thereunto , may not arrive so timely out of england , as that the said commissioners may by virtue of their said commission , settle and authorize the several officers that will be necessary to be appointed for managing of his majesties said revenue , from and after the twenty fifth day of this instant december , when the present farm of the revenue will determine : to the end therefore that his majesties revenue may front and after the said twenty fifth day of this instant december , be duly collected , received and answered , and all loss and damage for want of the said commission may be prevented . we the lords iustices and council have thought fit hereby , to authorize , constitute and appoint the said sir james cuff , john stone , robert wood , thomas sheredan , and mortagh dowling ( being such of the said commissioners as are now residing in this kingdom of ireland ) to be his majesties commissioners and governours of his majesties said revenue , until the arrival of the said commission out of england . and we do hereby give unto them , or any three of them , full power and authority in the mean time , to appoint such officers and ministers , upon such security and with such allowances as they shall think fit , for receiving , collecting , answering and managing the several branches of his majesties said revenue in the several sea-ports , cities , counties , and towns of this kingdom , that shall grow due from and after the twenty fifth day of this instant december , until further course shall be taken therein by the said commissioners , after the arrival of the said commission . and we do hereby also require all persons that shall be authorized or employed by the said sir james cuff , john stone , robert wood , thomas sheredan , and mortagh dowling , or any three of them , before the arrival of the said commission out of england , or that after the arrival thereof , shall be authorized or employed by the commissioners in the said commission named , that they do diligently and faithfully execute and discharge their offices and trusts respectively ; and that they do from time to time give a just and true account of all such summs of money , as they or any of them shall receive during their said imployments , and of all their actings and proceedings therein to the said commissioners , so often as by them , or the major part of them , they or any of them shall be thereunto required , any law , statute , matter or thing to the contrary notwithstanding . and we do further hereby require and command all officers civil and military , to be aiding and assisting to his majesties said commissioners hereby nominated , until the arrival of the said commission and to his majesties said commissioners named in the said commission , from and after the arrival thereof , and to such persons as shall be authorized and imployed by them in the execution of their respective offices and places as they and every of them will answer the contrary at their utmost perils . given at the council-chamber in dublin the twentieth day of december , 1675. ja : armachanus . thomond . clanbrasill . blesinton . o : brien . hen : midensis . j : povey . jo : bysse . will : stewart . john cole . h : ingoldesby . ri : gethin . theo : jones . wm. flower . god save the king . dvblin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the king' 's most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde bookseller in castlestreet . 1675. a letter, or paper, signed by garald fitz-gerald in behalf of an assembly of the irish at glanmaliroe in the province of leinster in ireland, to the commissioners of parliament delivered the 11. of march 1652 also a declaration thereupon made by the said commissioners of parliament, march 12. 1652 : together with a letter from the earl of clanricard to the commander in chief of the parliaments forces in ireland, february 14, 1651 : and lieutenant general ludlowes answer thereunto, february 20. 1651. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a39586 of text r40902 in the english short title catalog (wing f1073). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a39586 wing f1073 estc r40902 19527937 ocm 19527937 109012 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39586) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109012) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1686:11) a letter, or paper, signed by garald fitz-gerald in behalf of an assembly of the irish at glanmaliroe in the province of leinster in ireland, to the commissioners of parliament delivered the 11. of march 1652 also a declaration thereupon made by the said commissioners of parliament, march 12. 1652 : together with a letter from the earl of clanricard to the commander in chief of the parliaments forces in ireland, february 14, 1651 : and lieutenant general ludlowes answer thereunto, february 20. 1651. fitzgerald, gerald. clanricarde, ulick de burgh, earl of, 1604-1657. ludlow, edmund, 1617?-1692. [2], 12 p. [s.n.], dublin printed : 1651. imperfect: stained. reproduction of original in the british library. eng ireland -history -1649-1660. a39586 r40902 (wing f1073). civilwar no a letter, or paper, signed by garald fitz-gerald, in behalf of an assembly of the irish at glanmaliroe in the province of leinster in irelan [no entry] 1651 2485 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-00 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-06 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-00 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter , or paper , signed by garald fitz-gerald , in behalf of an assembly of the irish at glanmaliroe in the province of leinster in ireland . to the commissioners of parliament delivered the 11. of march 1651. also a declaration thereupon , made by the said commissioners of parliament , march 12. 1651. together with a letter from the earl of clanricard , to the commander in chief of the parliaments forces in ireland : february 14. 1651. and lieutenant general ludlowes answer thereunto , february 20. 1651. printed at dublin by w. bladen , 1651. a letter , or paper , signed by garald fitz-gerald , in behalf of an assembly of the irish at glanmaliroe in the province of leinster in ireland , to the commissioners of parliament : delivered the 11. of march 1651. honourable sirs ; as the horrid mischiefs ( unavoidably ) accompanying all wars ( though upon never so just grounds undertaken ) are such and so many , and so recently experimented throughout this unfortunate kingdom , as no man can without horror think , much less dilate on a theam so lamentably tragical : even so the manifold blessings derived from a firm and honourable peace , are so obvious to each understanding , as i may not presume to trouble men of so great judgement as you are , with any comment thereupon . therefore to proceed briefly to the purpose ; be pleased to understand , that the kingdom is advertised from all parts , of a free and noble disposition in the common-wealth of england , to grant honourable and safe conditions of peace unto this people and nation : to the acceptance whereof , i dare assure you of their willing and real inclinations ; in order whereunto , i do in this , and other the provinces behalfs , request your safe conducts unto each province , with blanks to meet , elect , and authorize members of the said respective provinces , to meet with the members so to be elected by other the provinces , at some convenient place within this province , and thence to authorize commissioners to present proposals to such as are or shall be thereunto authorized by the common-wealth of england , and conclude on such transactions as shall be agreed upon . your garrisons , in each province , being so obstructive , as the members may not with safetie come together to the afore-said purpose . unanimitie in this kind among the provinces , being much more conduceable to a general quiet , than the particular address of any province apart . this , i hope and expect , will produce that so much and so passionately desired a settlement , which ought to be the prayer and wishes of all honest and wel-affected persons . sir richard barnewall baronet , and colonel walter bagenall are authorized and imployed by the assembly of this province , to solicit the contents hereof ; to whom i shall request you will be pleased to give full credit in what they shall offer in that particular and other matters , it being the sence of this province , i should signifie so much unto you ; to which subscribes , sirs , your most humble servant garald fitz-gerald . garrench , 20 feb. 1651. to the right honourable , the commissioners of the parliament of the commmon-wealth of england for the affairs of ireland . ireland . a declaration made in answer to the foregoing letter , by the commissioners of the parliament of the common-wealth of england for the affairs of ireland . the said commissioners , having on the eleventh of this instant march , received a letter , or paper directed unto them , bearing date the 20. of febr. 1651. requesting on the behalf of the provinces of ireland , safe conducts unto each province with blanks ; to meet , elect , and authorize members of each province , to meet in some convenient place , for offering proposals to such as are or shall be authorized by the common-wealth of england for the settlement of this nation . which said paper , or letter is subscribed by one garald fitz-gerald , under pretence of an authoritie , which the said commissioners cannot in dutie and with honour to the parliament acknowledge ; yet for the satisfaction of those that may seem to be concerned therein , they do declare , i. first , that the settlement of this nation doth of right belong to the parliament of the common-wealth of england onely , the consideration whereof , is at present before them . ii. secondly , that in the settlement thereof , the parliament will make distinction between such persons as have lived peaceably according to their duties , or ( being misled ) have since submitted to their authoritie and protection , and those who have acted or abetted the murthers and massacres of the protestants , and those that adhered to them during the first year of the rebellion , and likewise such persons as now being in arms and opposition to the said authoritie , shall not timely submit thereunto . and therefore the said commissioners cannot in justice give way to any act , so much to the prejudice of the people of this nation , as may involve those that are peaceably minded , with them who continue in hostilitie . iii. thirdly , that to grant safe conduct and blank passes unto such as are in actual hostility against the parliament , to meet together from all the provinces to communicate counsels , is an act , to which the said commissioners cannot in prudence consent . iv. fourthly , that for such persons as now are in actual hostilitie against the parliament , and are willing to lay down arms , and submit to the authoritie thereof , upon timely application made to the parliaments ministers here , on behalf of particular persons or places , such moderate terms will be consented unto as men in their condition can in reason expect . dated at dublin the 12. of march 1651. miles corbet . io. iones . iohn weaver . the earl of clanricards letter to the commander in chief of the parliaments forces in ireland , 14. febr. 1651. sir , several of the nobilitie , clergie , and other persons of qualitie and interest in the kingdom , together with the corporation of galloway , being met in this town , and having taken into their consideration , the present state and condition of affairs , and the destructive effects of a long-continued war , have made it their suit and request unto me , to propose unto you the entertaining of a treatie , in order to a settlement in this kingdom , and for your safe conduct to such commissioners , as i by their advice shall think fit to imploy unto you , for the carrying on of that matter ; which request of theirs i have condescended unto by this express directed to you to that effect , with this further intimation , that i shall not quit or decline them or their interests , until i see them settled in a good condition , fit for the nation to accept : or if that will be denied them , resolved to continue his majesties authoritie and protection over them to the uttermost trial ; and do not doubt , by gods assistance , with the forces and arms we have alreadie , and such ayds and supplies , probably may come from his majestie and his allies abroad , but that we may be so enabled as to alter the present state of affairs , or if that should fail , at least make the conquest you have hitherto gained , for a long time , of little use or advantage to you ; and sel our lives at a dear rate if compelled thereto . and so leaving it to your consideration , and expecting your timely answer and certain resolution , i remain your servant clanricard . gallway , 14. febr. 1651. if you please to send the safe conduct desired , i desire it may be sent to sir charls coote , or any other you shall think fit near this place , with a blank for the number of five commissioners & their retinue , not exceeding in the whole the number of twentie ; whereby , upon intimation from him , i may send him a list of the names of the commissioners . to the commander in chief of the parliaments forces in ireland . lieutenant general ludlowes answer to the earl of clanricards letter , 20. febr. 1651. my lord , by your lordships of the 14. instant , you propose unto me the entertainment of a treatie , in order to a settlement of this kingdom ; and do desire my safe conduct for such commissioners , as you shall think fit to imploy unto me , for the carrying on of that matter . whereunto , upon advice with the commissioners of the parliament of england , and divers general and field-officers of their armie , i have thought fit to give you this return : that the settlement of this nation doth of right belong to the parliament of the common-wealth of england , to whom we leave the same , being assured they will not therein capitulate with those who ought to be in submission , yet stand in opposition to their authoritie : but if the lord have that mercie in store for any who are at present in arms against them , as to incline their hearts to a submission to that government , which he by his providence hath placed over them , upon timely application made to their ministers here , on the behalf of particular persons or places , such moderate terms will yet be consented unto , as men in their condition can rationally expect . as to the intimation of your future hopes and resolutions , i shall onely say thus much , that it hath been the practice of those who have served the parliament in this cause , to act according to their dutie , and to leave the success to him who disposeth the issues of all things ; and as the lord hath hitherto enabled them exemplarily , to proceed against those whose hearts have been hardened upon vain and groundless expectations , to withstand offers of such favour as have been made unto them , so i assure my self he will still own them in his own way and work : wherein that we may be continually found , is the desire of dublin , 20. feb. 1651. your lordship 's humble servant , edm. ludlowe . for the lord of clanricard . finis . a second paper , delivered unto the commissioners of parliament , by sir rich. barnwall and colonel walter bagenall , and the said commissioners answer thereunto . further proposals offered , in pursuance of the authoritie given us . to the right honourable , the commissioners of the parliament of the commonwealth of england for the affairs of ireland . being inhibited to reply to your honors answer of the twelfth of this present , onely to offer what further we had in charge ; in pursuance whereof , not being satisfied by your honours answer , how far your honours are impovvered . to treat in order to the settlement and peace of this nation , we desire you vvill be pleased to make the same knovvn unto us , that if qualified vvith authoritie for carrying on so good a work , safe conducts be given to such persons , as by the provinces shall be nominated , to convean at time and place convenient , when and where your honours shall think fit . whereupon the province of leinster , with such as shall make their joyn 't addresses , will endeavor by all good means , the setting on so happie a work , conducing to a general quiet , and prevention of the great effusion of much christian bloud , by a voluntarie subjection , as well of hearts , as arms ; the onely means to advantage , make stable and glorious the government of the parliament in this kingdom . which offers , if your honours may not assent unto , that safe conducts be granted to such persons as shall be appointed , to make their applications to the parliament of england . dated the 15. of march , 1651. r. barnewall , walter bagenall . the commissioners of parliaments answer to the fore-going proposals . ireland . by the commissioners of the parliament of the common-wealth of england for the affairs of ireland . vpon consideration had , of the paper this day produced by sr richard barnewall , and colonel bagenall , the said commissioners do return this answer ensuing : first , as to the making known the power of the said commissioners , as is desired , they do not hold the same fitting , or reasonable : but such of this nation , whose hearts god shall encline to a timely and free submission to the power of the parliament , those persons shall effectually know the authoritie of the said commissioners , to grant such just things , as shall be rationally desired ; and do trust , the lord will enable the parliament and their ministers here , to make such others , whose hearts shall be still hardened to their further destruction , sensible of the power god hath put into their hands . and as to the granting passes to any persons to go to the parliament , to negotiate for the settlement of the whole nation , the said commissioners do not think it fitting , it not standing with the honour and iustice of the parliament , to treat about the settlement of the nation , with such as , contrarie to their dutie , are in hostilitie against them . as to the residue of the said matter contained in the said paper , the said commissioners have given ansvver thereunto in a former paper of the 11. instant : to vvhich they referre themselves . dated at dublin 15 of march , 1651. edm. ludlowe . miles corbet . io. iones . iohn weaver . printed at dublin by w. bladen , anno dom , 1651. die sabbati, 29. januarii. 1641. an order made by both houses of parliament, to prevent the going over of popish commanders into ireland, and also to hinder the transportation of arms, ammunition, money, corne, victuals, and all other provision to the rebels, and for the sending back of the irish papists lately come over. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82921 of text r209753 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[38]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82921 wing e1686 thomason 669.f.3[38] estc r209753 99868619 99868619 160596 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82921) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160596) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[38]) die sabbati, 29. januarii. 1641. an order made by both houses of parliament, to prevent the going over of popish commanders into ireland, and also to hinder the transportation of arms, ammunition, money, corne, victuals, and all other provision to the rebels, and for the sending back of the irish papists lately come over. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for joseph hunscott, london : 1641 [i.e. 1642] reproduction of the original in the british library. eng catholics -great britain -early works to 1800. catholics -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1640-1660 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. a82921 r209753 (thomason 669.f.3[38]). civilwar no die sabbati, 29. januarii. 1641. an order made by both houses of parliament, to prevent the going over of popish commanders into ireland, an england and wales. parliament. 1642 546 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die sabbati , 29. januarii . 1641. ❧ an order made by both houses of parliament , to prevent the going over of popish commanders into ireland , and also to hinder the transportation of arms , ammunition , money , corne , victuals , and all other provision to the rebels , and for the sending back of the irish papists lately come over . whereas great numbers of papists , both english and irish , some whereof have been , and are commanders in the warres ; and others , such as have estates in england , have gone out of this kingdom into ireland , immediately before and during the barbarous and bloudy rebellion there , and traiterously joyned themselves with the rebels of that nation , against his majesty , and the crown of england ; and likewise divers other popish commanders , and such as have estates in england , are daily preparing to go thither , to the same wicked ends : and great store of arms , ammunition , money , corne , and other victuals and provisions have been sent , and are daily preparing to be sent to that kingdom , for the assistance and encouragement of those rebels : for prevention whereof , the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled , do hereby order and straightly charge and command , all sheriffs , justices of the peace , mayors , bailiffs , constables , and other his majesties officers within the realm of england , and dominion of wales ; that they apprehend and examine all such persons , as they shall suspect to be papists , and going out of this kingdom , or the dominion of wales into ireland . and that they make also stay of all arms , munition , money , corne , and other victuals and provisions , which they shall suspect to be preparing for transportation into ireland , for the ayd and relief of the rebels there ; and to give speedy notice thereof unto the parliament . and whereas , also divers poor people , men , women , and children , of the irish nation , and papists , have lately come in great numbers out of ireland , into cornewall , devon and other parts of this kingdom , where they have been , and are very disorderly , and much terrifie the inhabitants where they come , and due care is not taken in all places for the suppressing and punishing of them . the lords and commons in this parliament assembled , do hereby further order and require , all officers before mentioned , that they put the laws in due exetion against such wandring irish papists before expressed , and that they cause them to be forthwith conveyed back into that kingdom . this order was read , and by vote upon the question assented unto , and ordered to be fair written and sent up to the lords by master carew . master carew brings answer , that the lords do fully agree with the house in this order . hen. elsing . cler. parl. d. com. london , printed for joseph hunscott . 1641. by the lord lieutenant general and general governor of ireland all persons that shall have occasion to prefer any petitions to us are to take notice ... ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) 1662 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46001 wing i332 estc r43278 27126230 ocm 27126230 109982 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46001) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109982) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:18) by the lord lieutenant general and general governor of ireland all persons that shall have occasion to prefer any petitions to us are to take notice ... ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by john crook ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer, bookseller ..., dublin : 1662. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1660-1688. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-02 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal english blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant general and general governor of ireland . ormonde . all persons that shall have occasion to prefer any petitions to us , are to take notice , that to such of their petitions as shall come to the hands of our secretary sir george lane , they may expect our answer , and receive the same within four days after the delivery of the said petitions at the said sir george his office under the council-chamber near the custom-house , whereupon all parties may depend , if extraordinary occasions shall not intervene , which may hinder us from giving audience to petitions . and in the mean time petitioners are to forbear troubling themselves in calling for their petitions . and they are further to take notice that when petitions shall be answered , they shall be delivered out at the offices of the secretaries under the said council-chamber , and not , in the castle ; neither are any petitioners to resort to the castle for them , nor by their unseasonable solicitations to hinder our secretaries from the dispatch of the businesses committed to their charge . given at his majesties castle of dublin , the 29. day of august , 1662 . god save the king. dvblin , printed by john crook , printer to the kings most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by samuel dancer book-seller , in castle-street , 1662. to the parliament of the common-wealths of england, scotland, and ireland. the humble petition of edward earle of meath in the dominion of ireland. meath, edward brabazon, earl of, ca. 1638-1708. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a89020 of text r212133 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.19[23]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a89020 wing m1583 thomason 669.f.19[23] estc r212133 99870779 99870779 163361 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a89020) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163361) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f19[23]) to the parliament of the common-wealths of england, scotland, and ireland. the humble petition of edward earle of meath in the dominion of ireland. meath, edward brabazon, earl of, ca. 1638-1708. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1654] annotation on thomason copy: "october 1654". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng rent -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -economic conditions -early works to 1800. a89020 r212133 (thomason 669.f.19[23]). civilwar no to the parliament of the common-wealths of england, scotland, and ireland. the humble petition of edward earle of meath in the dominion of i meath, edward brabazon, earl of 1654 1388 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2009-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the parliament of the common-wealths of england , scotland , and ireland . the humble petition of edward earle of meath in the dominion of ireland . humbly shewing , that the inhabitants of the territory of the birnes countrey in the county of wickloe , and those under whom they derive their estates , were for above 300. years seized thereof , as of their freehold and inheritance , doing the service of freeholders ; yet for further confirmation of their estates , king james 26 junii , 1611. by his letters under the privie signet , directed to the then deputy of ireland to accept surrenders from the said inhabitants , and to agree with them at such rent as they would give . in pursuance whereof they compounded for two hundred pounds yearly rent during the lives of sir henry and sir william harrington , and after their deceases for one hundred and fifty pounds per annum , to be paid for ever , which hath beene duly paid ever since : and surrenders were to be accepted , and patents granted accordingly , as by an act of councell in ireland dated the 11 of november 1611. may appeare , which act of councell was approved of by king james , as by his letters may appeare . and most of them did surrender and accept of letters patents . that the late king charles taking into his consideration the intention of king james for setling the estates of all the inhabitants , by his letters of the 24 maii 1628. directed that effectuall grants should be made to the inhabitants and their heirs , and declared his expresse will , that by occasion of no new doubts that might be raysed , the said inhabitants be not againe molested or disquieted ; and in the same yeare the said late king in consideration of 120000. li. did grant certaine graces to the people of ireland ; of which one was , that at the next parliament there to be holden , there should passe the like act for limitation of the kings title as passed here 21 jacob . the inhabitants of the birnes countrey , paid their share of the 120000. li . but the late earle of strafford in the next parliament , being in the tenth year of the late king , would not suffer any such act to passe . that your petitioners father upon the many engagements aforesaid , sold five hundered pounds land per annum in england , and seated himself in the county of wickloe , where he laid out near 10000. li. that about april 1638. by the power and procurement of thomas late earle of strafford then deputy of ireland , and others of his adherents , a commission issued to persons of their nomination , and unindifferent to enquire what title the late king had to the said territory : and the said earle being present , none daring to oppose him without pregnant evidence , it was found that king richard the second was seized in fee of the said territory , and that it immediately descended to the late king . and whereas upon former commissions of intituling only a fourth part was seized , and that planted with english protestants , yet was your petitioners father being of english extraction , and a protestant , by direction of the said earle and his councell dated the 9th of july 1639. by the sheriffe of the county of wickloe dispossest of all his estate in the birnes countrey ( viz. ) tyne parke , kilne parke , galligoure , garriduff , and two ballihorses , and a faire stone built house . a moety of the towne of leybegge , two third parts of ballinehone , and his certaine share in the townes of gurten , le moore , ballinotin , killorter , garricho , and rodonaghmoore , worth above three hundred pounds per annum , whilest he was offered in liew thereof lands not worth above sixty or eighty pounds per annum . all which premisses ( except two parts of ballinehone granted to sir william parsons , and one other part granted to master john vsher ) were by the late kings letters of the fifth of iune 1639. granted to sir adam loftus , sir robert meredith , and sir philip percival knights , at such rents as the deputy should think fit , and a patent passed accordingly at the yearly rent of 212 li. 8 s. 3 d. ob . q. so that though many were ruined by this plantation , the late king gained but 62 li. 8 s. 3 d. ob . q. that the said deputy , and other his complices , knowing the weaknesse of the title , a bill was certified hither to be passed in parliament there , wherein the premisses amongst divers old plantations of that countrey were inserted , and other lands called towerboy and shelelagh , which were no plantation lands , nor contained in the said inquisition ( as your petitioner is informed ) were for the private ends of the said earle of strafford incerted in the said bill ; and the said bill passed the houses of parliament in that country , not understanding of the engagements , either of the late king iames or king charles , or of the weaknesse of the grounds whereupon the office was found , or of the extreme inequality of the several distributions ; and was an act only intended for securing the estates of the freeholders and reputed inheritors . that upon your petitioners fathers petition to the parliament of england , the said late earle of strafford knowing the said proceedings , must needs come to light , and how small an increase of rent came to the late king by this plantation ; it was devised that all the said lands should be passed to george carre , william billingsly , and others in trust for the earle of strafford , and to be passed upon the commission of grace for remedy of defective titles at the rent of two thousand pounds , which was accordingly passed by the late kings letters of the nineteenth of ianuary 16 car. although your petitioners father did exhibit his complaint against the proceedings in ireland : and his cause then depended in the parliament of england . that your petitioners father was denied the copie of the inquisition , though he petitioned for it , intending to traverse it . that the commissioners for plantation demanded sight of his writings , and kept them from him , till your petitioners father petitioned to the parliament of england for them , and then they were delivered . that the like inquisition to several counties in conaught and munster were vacated by the late kings order , dated 3. apr. 17. car. your petitioners father in november 1640. petitioned the late parliament for relief , who referred the same to a committee , where his cause was heard in february following . and upon master pyms report the 19. of march following . it was resolved the cause should be transmitted to the lords ; yet master speaker by direction of the house by his letter of the ninth of september 1641. recommended the case to the commons in ireland to be righted , but before any thing done therein , the rebellion broke out . your petitioner therefore humbly prayeth , that out of your love to justice and zeale to equity , you would vouchsafe to look upon the oppression your petitioners father suffered by being wrested out of his estate by the potency of the late earle of strafford , it being the fitter object of your care in regard of the former applications to parliaments . and that no other court of iustice can do your petitioner right ; and that injustice may not prevaile above one age together : and that your petitioner may be restored unto that which his father was so unjustly deprived of , with damages and costs . and your petitioner shall ever pray . die jovis primo junij. 1643. the speciall committee appointed by the house of commons for the better expediting of the affaires of ireland, now in so great extremitie, desire, that all the adventurers for ireland, would meet to morrow [sic] morning being friday the second of this instant iune, in grocers hall between seven and eight of the clock in the morning, then and there to elect and choose out of their number a committee, who are to give their assistance to the speciall committee of the house of commons, and to take into consideration, all means for a present supply for ireland, which will admit of no delay without apparent danger of the losse of that kingdom, and they are therefore desired to set apart all other busines, to meet for the promoting of so pious a work. rob. goodwin. goodwin, robert, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a93617 of text r1561 in the english short title catalog (thomason e104_23). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a93617 wing s4840 thomason e104_23 estc r1561 99859895 99859895 155943 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a93617) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 155943) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 18:e104[23]) die jovis primo junij. 1643. the speciall committee appointed by the house of commons for the better expediting of the affaires of ireland, now in so great extremitie, desire, that all the adventurers for ireland, would meet to morrow [sic] morning being friday the second of this instant iune, in grocers hall between seven and eight of the clock in the morning, then and there to elect and choose out of their number a committee, who are to give their assistance to the speciall committee of the house of commons, and to take into consideration, all means for a present supply for ireland, which will admit of no delay without apparent danger of the losse of that kingdom, and they are therefore desired to set apart all other busines, to meet for the promoting of so pious a work. rob. goodwin. goodwin, robert, 17th cent. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [s.l. : 1643] year of publication from thomason coll. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a93617 r1561 (thomason e104_23). civilwar no die jovis primo junij. 1643. the speciall committee appointed by the house of commons for the better expediting of the affaires of ireland, goodwin, robert 1643 156 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die jovis primo junij . 1643. the speciall committee appointed by the house of commons for the better expediting of the affaires of ireland , now in so great extremitie , desire , that all the adventurers for ireland , would meet to morrow morning being friday the second of this instant iune , in grocers hall between seven and eight of the clock in the morning , then and there to elect and choose out of their number a committee , who are to give their assistance to the speciall committee of the house of commons , and to take into consideration , all means for a present supply for ireland , which will admit of no delay without apparent danger of the losse of that kingdom , and they are therefore desired to set apart all other busines , to meet for the promoting of so pious a work . rob. goodwin . ioyfull nevves from ireland, or, a trve relation of the great overthrow which the english gave the rebels before drogheda sent in a letter bearing the date the 27 of february, to sir robert king knight at cecil house in the strand. loftus, edward, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a48958 of text r21813 in the english short title catalog (wing l2831). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a48958 wing l2831 estc r21813 12569323 ocm 12569323 63403 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48958) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63403) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 250:e137, no 13) ioyfull nevves from ireland, or, a trve relation of the great overthrow which the english gave the rebels before drogheda sent in a letter bearing the date the 27 of february, to sir robert king knight at cecil house in the strand. loftus, edward, 17th cent. [2], 4 p. printed for iohn franke ..., london : 1642. signed: ed. loftus. also appears in: two letters of note / george digby. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng drogheda (ireland) -history -siege, 1641. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -sources. a48958 r21813 (wing l2831). civilwar no ioyfull nevves from ireland, or, a true relation of the great overthrow which the english gave the rebels before droheda, sent in a letter b loftus, edward 1642 733 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 john latta sampled and proofread 2002-06 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ioyfull nevves from ireland , or , a trve relation of the great overthrow which the english gave the rebels before droheda , sent in a letter bearing date the 27 of february , to sir robert king knight at cecill house in the strand . and ordered by the parliament to be printed . london , printed for iohn franke , and are to be sold at his shop next doore to the kings head in fleetstreet , 1642. ioyfull newes from ireland , or a true relation of the great overthrow which the english gave the rebels before droheda . &c. noble sir , in my last to you , i signified to you , the difficulties which were like to befall us by the releeving of droheda , but god by his infinite mercy hath freed us ( i may say miraculously ) from that hazard : for when our men there were driven to that extremitie to eat horse-flesh , sir henry tichbourne sallied out of the towne with only fourty musketiers , and fourty horse , and beat off foure hundred of the enemies , killed above threescore of of them , recovered fourescore cowes and oxen , and two hundred sheepe ; burned foure townes , and brought home two of their collours ; besides , i must relate unto you gods abundant goodnesse unto us , in that the night before the reliefe and succours which we sent by sea from dublin to them , should have entred into the harbour of droheda , ( which was strongly fenced over with a chaine and severall boates ) there happened a storme which broke their chainer , and gave our men so free a passage , as with little difficulty they came safely to the towne . the rebels were gathered at kilshalgham within seven miles of dublin , above two thousand men , where they were settled in a very strong wood . my lord of ormond carried out part of our army , and beat them out of that great strength ( for they would not come into the champaine ) and killed above a hundred of them , without any considerable losse of our side , only captaine iames rochfort , a most gallant and couragious gentleman . this was an act of great bravery , wherein sir charles coote did , ( as he doth alwayes ) beyond expectation , exposing his person to as much danger as any man living could ; and intruth he is a gallant man , full of courage and good affections , and deserves great incouragement from that side . our souldiours are in great want of money , which causes a generall want of all other necessaries , yet notwithstanding god hath infused such courage into them ( for undoubtedly it is his worke ) that they thinke there is no danger so great , but they may attempt it . colonell munke is arrived here with my lord lieutenants regiment of fifteen hundred foot , and sir richard greevill with neere foure hundred horse , which puts much heart into us , and makes us looke big upon our neighbours , yet we grieue wee cannot be able to releeve our friends in other parts ; but i hope when our full succours shall come , we shall not only defend this place , but adde comfort to our poore distressed friends abroad . the enemy though their numbers bee very great , even beyond beleefe , yet their hearts begin to faint , and i beleeve they repent their furious madnesse . if my brother be in london , i pray you impart this letter to him , i would have written to him , but that i thought he was at chester , or on his way thither ; by the next hee shall heare from me at large , and i shall likewise trouble you . i must now only tell you , that i thanke you for your care of those things which concerne mee , and that i am , sir , your most affectionate servant , feb. 27. 1641. ed. loftus , martii 7mo . 't is this day ordered forthwith that this letter be published in print , h. elsing cler. p. d. com. dvblin, febr. 7, 1641, or, the last true newes from ireland written in a letter sent from thomas lancton, chief clarke unto sir charles coote, chiefe commander of his majesties infantry in dublin. lancton, thomas. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a49267 of text r2627 in the english short title catalog (wing l319). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a49267 wing l319 estc r2627 12630201 ocm 12630201 64728 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49267) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64728) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 250:e135, no 12) dvblin, febr. 7, 1641, or, the last true newes from ireland written in a letter sent from thomas lancton, chief clarke unto sir charles coote, chiefe commander of his majesties infantry in dublin. lancton, thomas. coote, charles, sir, d. 1642. [7] p. printed for john thomas, london : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. (from t.p.) "1. how 200 rebels attempted to frie the ships in dublin harbour, saturday, febr. 5 and how prevented. 2. of two aldermen that escaped out of dublin, and is supposed they are fled to the rebels. 3. how two corporals and sixe souldiers are imprisoned about their escape. 4. what it is likely that the rebels labour to effect, and how the english endeavour to defeate them. 5. in what state and posture of defense, dublin is now in, what strength within for us, and what force without against us, as what distance from us. by the post master of england and ireland, febr. 15, 1641. eng dublin (ireland) -history. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a49267 r2627 (wing l319). civilwar no dublin febr. 7. 1641. or, the last true newes from ireland· written in a letter sent from thomas lancton, chiefe clarke unto sir charles coo lancton, thomas 1641 1897 1 0 0 0 0 0 5 b the rate of 5 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-11 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion dvblin febr. 7. 1641. or , the last true newes from ireland . written in a letter sent from thomas lancton , chiefe clarke unto sir charles coote , chiefe commander of his majesties infantry in dublin . consisting of these particulars , 1. how 200. rebels attempted to fire the ships in dublin harbour , saturday febr. 5. and how prevented . 2 of two aldermen that escaped out of dublin , and is supposed they are fled to the rebels . 3 how two corporals and sixe souldiers are imprisoned about their escape . 4 what it is likely that the rebels labour to effect , and how the english endeavour to defeate them . 5 in what state and posture of defence , dublin is now in , what strength within for us , and what force without against as , and what distance from us . by the post-master of england and ireland , febr. 15. 1641. london , printed for john thomas , 1641. true newes from ireland . the rebels stomacking the losse of so faire a booty as that by gods assistance we layd hold on in the castle of eniskenning cast about to meet with us some other way , and seeing that here in or about dublin , or as farre as either our workes or our fortifications stretch , we are not onely god bee thanked so well provided , but so wary that little good is to be done upon us by land , they attempted to mischiefe us by sea , and on munday last , the last of this moneth , between two and three of the clock in the morning . j suppose , hoping to have found us , as fast asleepe as we had them , two hundred of them , in a kind of homely clouterly shallop , made and contrived in hast , as should seem only for this design , came up with the tyde that then served in among our ships , even to the midst of them in the harbour vndescryed , being well acquainted with their country fogs , and how to make advantage by them , there were amongst others three ships lately come from england two laden with meale , one with ammunition , but see the goodnesse of god still continued towards us , for which we are more deeply bound to extoll and magnifie his mercy towards us , the ship with ammunition lay in the reare of the other , and was passed by of them either vnseene ( it being a mighty fogge , besides the darkenesse of the night ) or mistaken , not thought , or understood by them to be the ship they looked for , thinking as well they might , that she lay as neare the key as possible could be for covert and safeguard . they comming in but that sunday night late , and could not be unloaded possibly till morning , had the rebels made up with this ship called the draggon of chester , and plyed her , with fire-balls ; yea and with granadoes , as also with little drie willow faggots , all daubd over with pitch and rozen , which flew like fire-drakes into the said ships , had they in this manner greeted that ship , as they did theirs , as it was the onely sweet and mercifull providence of god that they should not , they had by all likelyhood done us a mighty displeasure , the ship having in it 16. last of powder , beside bullets , muskets , pikes , and other ammunition , as also pioners tooles , viz. spades , shovels , mattocks , wheele-barrowes , and the like instruments , whereof the city stood in great need but especialy of the powder , there being not onely a scarcity thereof in the city at that time , but almost a want : whilest the enemies were thus busie about the ships , the masters and marriners were not idle , playing not onely with their ordnance , which indeed did little harme , or rather none at all unto the rebels , shooting over them , but likewise with their small shot , whereof they had such store , and bestowed it so liberall amongst them , that the rebels durst not board them , which questionlesse was their intent , but plyed us hot with their fire-worke , whereof we wondred at their plenty , this bickering in the harbour which now had continued well nigh an houre , at last was heard of in the city , and the state thought as well they might , that all was not well there ; whereupon the alarum was all the city thorough , being so much terrible for that it was night , my master sir charles drew downe unto the key with 500. foote , whether once come ; we plainly heard what the matter was by the cryes and clamou●s from the ships . sir charles coote conceiving the danger , and how , that without doubt the rebels had notice of the arrivall of these three ships , and wherewith they were laden , thought there was no dallying , but present to worke , whereupon he commanded all the ships and barkes about the key , immediately to lanch their boates , which done ; he caused as many muskettiers as could possibly with convenience , man the boates without let either to themselves , or to those that should row forthwith to enter , which was done , and the boates being in number 11. wee stowed in them 140 men , & into the harbour amongst them we came and in very good time , for the rebels had boorded one of the meale ships , being to strong in number for the saylors who were in all but tenne , and some fifteene souldiers wee made bould to enter the ship upon them , and wee with the saylors helpe , and they with ours , made shift , and quickly quit the ship of them , sending them some alive and some dead , a breakefast unto the fishes , the seamen in the harbour perceiving that wee were there , left their ships , tooke both their boates , and courages , and in amongst us ; with this supply the rebells were soone under water , whom we supposed by their attemps and tumult in the harbour , to have beene a farre greater number then we found them , for by all descrie and guesse , they could not be above two hundred , and by all conjecture , their comming was to fire the ships which brought over this last supply of ammuniton , and other engines as is afore rehearsed , as did manifestely appeare by the nature of the preparation they brought along with them , but god be praysed we are delivered of that feare now , the ammunition on munday morning betwixt 10. & 11. of the clock being all safely landed , and conveigh'd into the castle , yet t is not all so well as it should be , the sweete of our successe is againe mingled with drugs of unexpected feares , and suspitious dangers ; for foure aldermen are againe missing in dublin , who are gone without taking leave of some that i beleeve had they known of their going , would not so easily have parted with their companie , their names are peter welsh , dominicke rutter , rabert mahun , patricke ovannian , who scaped on saturday night , it is sayd in womans apparell , under pretence of soldiers wives or trulls , to carrie victuals to their husbands , or servants upon their guards in the out works , for the other three i know not what correspondency they might have with the feminine gender in any particular , but for rutter , in womans apparell , he might passe for one very well without mufling , for i beleeve his beard and his eyes would come out together , being neare threescore , and not a haire on his face , being called the old woman of dublin , they are gone with head and hoofe , having left nothing behind them valuable , that was portable , which proves that they had good helpe , and faire time , to make such a cleanely conveyance , the lords justices have seazed their houses , and two corporalls with sixe common soldiers , are in prison close chopped up about their escape , and pray god , good proofe be not brought that they are fouly guilty of it , which if it shall , they shall all ( sir simon harcourt swears ) fayrely trusse for it , seeing the rebels now lye round about the citie , in all quarters , to the number of fifteene or sixteene thousands , these aldermen may give light unto the rebels , where the citie may be most seisable , it also puts the commanders both of state , and warre , into a grounded jealousie that they have strong intelligence in the citie , which causeth sir simon harcourt to put upon his out-worke , none but his owne souldiers which he brought out of england with him , whom he thinkes he may boldly confide in , and lyes himselfe in the out workes , the rebells neare the citie under another of the barres , the bastard orocke , and perigrine oneale , are no lesse then nine or tenne thousand strong eastward , their is another power westward , at the head of hoath , under the command of the bastard muskery , but of what number is not yet knowne . that j shall goe neare to write at the next returne , when j write you the issue of the eight soldiers , how they will come off about the escape of the aldermen , we have in dublin some sixe thousand men , able expetienced , and well appoynted : yea and well provided for by the state , and their commanders , if ever soldiers were , wanting neither meat , drinke , nor cloathes fit for men , yea and for honest men , but indeed they are as hard put to it for devoir and seruice , in watching and centinels , j thinke as ever soldiers were , and indeed it is but need as now the case stands , for questionlesse the rebels shoote at the getting of this citie , by their drawing into so great bodies so nigh the citie in divers places , and cutting us off from all succours by land , and were it not that we have our ships continually active in the harbour , and have built two good sconces lately to better secure our entrance , and safe egresse into it , they would have gone neare to have raysed them for us , wherefore we find the benefit of being aforehand . finis . the narrative of mr. john fitz-gerrald late of the order of st. francis, in the kingdom of ireland ... fitz-gerrald, john. 1681 approx. 73 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a39587 wing f1074 estc r18280 12039567 ocm 12039567 52961 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39587) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52961) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 67:22) the narrative of mr. john fitz-gerrald late of the order of st. francis, in the kingdom of ireland ... fitz-gerrald, john. [5], 30 p. printed for richard janeway, london : 1681. subtitle: wherein is contained 1. several things relating to the irish plot ... 2. the intrigue of sympson tonge ... 3. an account of captain elie and their cursed contrivance to undermine the protestant religion ... 4. the strange and wonderful manner of his conversion from popery ... "to the reader" signed: h.p. reproduction of original in yale university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1660-1690. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-02 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion i appoint richard janeway to print this my satisfactory relation or account , witness my hand this eleventh of october , 1680. john fitz-gerrald . the narrative of mr. john fitz-gerrald , late of the order of s t. francis , in the kingdom of ireland . wherein is contained 1 several things relating to the irish plot , managed by plunket the titular arch-bishop of that kingdom ( and now committed to the goal of newgate . ) 2 the intrigue of sympson tonge , to invalidate the testimony of his father doctor israel tonge , doctor oates , and other of the king's evidences . 3 an account of captain elie and their cursed contrivance to undermine the protestant religion . 4 the strange and wonderful manner of his conversion from popery , with many other remarkable passages . all published for general satisfaction . london , printed for richard janeway mdclxxxi . to the reader . courteous reader , i have herein endeavoured for your satisfaction , to let you see the treachery and deceit of the world , and to our woful experience the long reign of the old man satan , who was the only chief instrument of depriving our fore-father adam of the great privileges and enjoyments he had in the garden of eden , and the glory he had in his first state of purity and innocency , but satan through his envy and malice , promised him bribes , the which bribes were , that if he had eaten the forbidden fruit , he should be capable of good and evil. secondly , he tempted judas to betray christ , and sell him for thirty pieces of silver . and dear reader , by these and several other circumstances we see what efficacy bribery hath , and what iniquity and wickedness ensues from it . i must acknowledge i am not in a capacity to grace this paper with painted eloquence , or deciphered phrases , but notwithstanding the purpose that i designed it to , i suppose you are as concerned to know it as i am ; for it is most certain , that the serpent lurketh about seeking whom to devour , which is a caution to us to have a care whom we trust , though indeed sometimes we may mistrust honest folks , and entertain knaves , as we find it often falls out so , but not to hinder your-coming to the reading of this my endeavours for your satisfaction . blame me not for wanting elegancy , for sincerity is better than oratory . i hope you will receive it kindly of me , to trace my purpose , as well as i could , and excuse my weakness and errors , in matter of penning orthography or sence , for it may be my expectation will not be frustrated , but some that read this will be charitable , and receive plain truth more desirable and welcome , than false philosophy ; for i am sure of the two comparisons , truth will take place , as it is said omnia vincit veritas . i will leave you to your serious consideration , and charitable opinion of me , and take me as you please , but i shall remain a friend for england , and so farewell . h. p. a satisfactory relation of three persons , who thought upon three respective , several accounts , to perswade the king , parliament , council , and subjects , of these three nations , no not adhibit , credit , or belief , to any or all of the discoverers of the late popish plot , which by divine providence , hath been discovered , to the undeniable and ample view of the world. and thus , the above three mentioned persons , ( whose names are , as followeth ) ( captain elie , simpson tonge , and john crawley : ) laid about their three several designs ; the first captain elie , whose design , was , and is , to propagate , the popish interest , and also his own exaltation , and fortune . secondly simpson tonge , whose design was , to be revenged of his father , as i shall give an account of more at large , in the ensuing treatise . and thirdly , john crawly who through distress , and want , and also his desire , and inclination to serve the popish party , was by that , and the consultation and combination he had with the other two , perswaded that he could serve the church of rome , and purchase for himself a better interest of livelyhood , than he had before , which as is manifestly known , by his bare garb , and spare diet , he had no livelyhood at all . having plainly laid down before you the reasons , and designs , the above three mentioned persons , proposed to themselves , if they could by their audacious subornation , disanul the king's evidences , push off the king , councel , parliament , and countrey , of these three nations , from believing the real being of any such thing as an intended plot by the papists , kindled against his majesties person , his laws and government , or church-settlement , and establishment of england . but instead of that they would first assert , that the popish party in these three kingdoms are the best subjects , and what they are imputed with , of an insurrectious conspiracy , or plot , sprung first from inveteracy , malice , and hatred , and also an old root of antipathy , that the papists assert the protestants to harbour for them . these i say are the strongest grounds , the foresaid three persons , have for their firmest foundations , to carry on such presumptous , audacious and false undertakings , to contradict , and invalidate the king 's prudent and wise understanding , as also the great parliament of england , and the most honourable privy-councel , who to any mans rational understanding , are persons of incomparable prudence , wisdom , and learning , as that they would not undervalue their said several worthy faculties and unparalell'd understanding , and likewise their christian principle , as to give credit to any uncertain hearsayings , nor vain blasts of false informations , but their great wisdom leads them narrowly to search and dive into the depth of all causes , that come before them to be tryed . they are so careful , how to pass their judgment , as that they try the very foundation , of the kings evidences , how ? and in what measure , and in what years , and in what times of the year , the evidences became acquainted with the first , and the whole summary agitation of the popish plot. and if they find by the evidences , instances , and circumstances , that they have truth on their side , by several informations , depositions , and confessions , that they make unto several persons , distinctly and diversly , or in divers places ; the lords before whom these examinations and depositions are taken , do compare one confession to another , and proceed accordingly , and accordingly place their instances . this through and ample search the king , parliament , councel , and subordinate magistrates , through all causes that come to be tryed before them , so that thereupon , it is a great presumption , and a contumelious incredulity , for any person or persons whatsoever to go about to invalidate and contradict , what the said lords or subordinate magistrates do upon well grounded and certain instances , confirm and acknowledge to be truth . and therefore their tryals in such causes , and in many inferiour causes , in any matter relating to the popish plot , their approbation of it passeth as is above mentioned , so that no particular cause is winked at , but is tryed as the gold in the furnace , which implies that people of so great wisdom , as the governour , and governours of these three kingdoms are , who narrowly search the truth of all things before they pass it by as credited or contradicted . so that we have more reason to accept and receive for currant what they confirm , than what three false suborners would fain blow up unto our understanding to the contrary , whose designs , intents , and purposes are as above cited , and as i shall more amply give you an account of . these said three suborned witnesses that falsely , and contumeliously , contradict the king's evidences , who passed through such purificatory of tryals , as they have done . i say it is very hard if such enormities , committed against king and government , should pass without correction . now i must turn to give you an account of the said three suborned witnesses , or evidences , whose names are above cited . i am acquainted with two of them , but one whose name is elie , is a stranger to me , but i find by a relative account , i have had of him , how he designed to carry on this subornation , which is the last of many monstrous , and horrible cheats he hath committed , controled and contracted this many years in england . but of this particular , you shall hear more at large in the ensuing part of this treatise . and now i must come to hint of his two confederates , who are my acquaintance , and of the said two i do intend to treat , who thought to invest themselves , with a pretended coat of loyalty , to his sacred majesty of great britain , france , and ireland ; but the said coat being but a second-hand one , and bare-thread worn , and the colour of it being black , and as the nature of the colour black is to wear , or rot away , sooner than any other colour shall , by reason that it is too much boyled in the dying . but i shall not insist to give an accompt of a trade that i have no more skill in , than the above three gentlemen had in choosing such a rotten garb , which wore out so soon , and tore so unexpectedly , that the rent appeared so strangely , as that soon their nakedness were espyed and discovered , which more plainly to let you understand it , their knavery , and subornation , was descryed : and as it is thought , afterwards may ensue , that their iniquity shall not pass uncorrected ; but now in the interim , notwithstanding their great dependency , upon the mainest supporters of subornation , as that we see , for all the combination of the pope and the devil ; their iniquity shall be brought to light to their shame and confusion . so as that they will be glad , to make them aprons of figtree leaves , to hide the iniquity and wickedness of their sinful devilish and malicious undertakings , which to my understanding , i cannot term it better ; for whoever he or they be , that are led away by the wicked instigation of satan , are hired or bribed to take false oaths , and bind themselves in covenant with the devil , irrevocably , and that in as much as they will ransack their consciences , and make a shipwrack of them , as these three suborners have done , though indeed i must confess they were put on , so to do , by the counfounders of christianity , religion , godliness , holiness , and piety , and all other christian laws , and governments , to use all means whatsoever with a general indulgence , for so doing , for to confound the king , the church , government , and kingdoms of these three nations , expecting that this late most abominable and horrible plot , should be placed as a perpetual stain , over the heads of protestants . the proposals of the which contrivance , being thus ; that if the said three suborners , could or would , whether right or wrong , take their oaths , that they knew such contracts , in the writings , of the chiefest and strongest evidences the king hath , as that what they several times deposed upon oath , and manifestly proved in such a through and emphatical manner , as that all persons of whatsoever degree , dignity , or quality , durst not nor will scruple , ( that is to say , such as are endued with common sense , reason , or understanding ) but the said evidences of the king , spoke nothing but real and manifest truth , in what they have declared or deposed as to the proof of the plot. but the ancient antipathy and malice of rome , is still bent and ever will be , during the reign of the romans to do all the mischief to the protestant religion and government , to the utmost of their power , and to this end they thought to make themselves more drunk with the cup of abomination , and then to vomit it out upon the heads of english , irish , and scottish protestants ; when they seeing that the lord was pleased to break the vail that covered and hid their untolerable wickedness , and let their shameful deeds be seen in and through the world. but they who much may be compared to the magicians of egypt , as often as moses through and by the power of god , turned the rod to several vivificant or lively postures of twelve creatures , so the egyptian magicians by the power of the devil , worked a formal resemblance to that which the man of god , and by his power acted , which thus implies , that as the lord was pleased to discover to let the people of england , see the malicious naked sword of rome , that was ready to cut their throats : so the popish party on the other hand , with their magical spells of money , thought to raise such perverse , perjured suborners , for to swear that the plot was first contrived and hatched by the protestant party , upon the which sound of the magick money art , the above mentioned captain elie , sympson tongue , and john crawley , contrived together , and thought it a great prey , and cryed one to another , come let us go to the popish party and swear three oaths , that doctor tonge , doctor oats , captain bedloe , &c. were the first contrivers of the popish plot , and that they have so contrived it , as that they made the king averse against his subjects , and expells some of them into forreign countries , banisht some of them that were in great favour at court , and deprived them of the privilege of bearing office or commission of magistracy under him within his jurisdiction , or dominions , i say , as to the said suborners , that their hands were greased , and their lips anoynted for to exclaim against the king's evidences , in hopes they may procure more people to compact with them in perjury , and subornation , and they would share with them in what moneys they could receive upon that account . i have given you thus far an account of the subornation of these three persons , and now i will let you understand what three persons they are , their intents , designs , and purposes , as i have promised in the beginning of my foregoing lines . that captain elie , who was the chiefest ringleader of the other two , is frequently termed a great states-man , and a jesuitical contriver , which may very well be seen in the method he took to manage his business , when he went about to raise a company of suborned witnesses , to serve the devil against his king , as i shall let you more clearly see , before i bring my notes of him to a period . i will insist a little longer upon so worthy a subject as he is , and though i am not personally acquainted with him , yet i am told some people compare him to a kidnapper , and the reason why they compare him to so unbeseeming a comparison , is this , because the kidnapper , when he is about to snap up people for his purpose , he is like the fisherman , who lays out several fair and inviting baits , which tempts the poor innocent fish , so that through the temptation thereof , he gives such a snap at the bait , thinking or little suspecting to be prejudiced by that saib bait , but poor creature , there is a hook in the bait , that as soon as ever the fish gives a snap , and a pull , the said hook takes hold , in his jaws , or throat , so that the fisherman draws him to shore , and takes his hook out of him , and puts the fish into his basket ; these said resemblances , of kidnapping and fishing , in my thinking become very well captain elie , and his jesuitical baits of drawing , tempting , and leading poor people to prejury and subornation , expecting thereby , to propagate the popish interest , advance his own fortune and to seduce such as he takes , to temporal and spiritual miserie . but he being not the only subject of my discourse , i do intend to desist speaking any more here of him until he comes into my purpose in the next clause . and now to come to the main of my present matter , and purpose , i have given you some small account of captain elie's proceedings , who was the only ringleader of this mischievous contrivance of subornation , who also was the captain of sympson tonge , who is a man of a great esteem of himself , and thinks himself to be a man of competent knowledge , capacity , and worth , and for my part thus far i have to say of him , in those my following lines , that if he had but money enough , as he expected that captain elie would procure for him , i am certain he would allow the ladies of honour a glass of the best wine , a dose of physick , and a good allarm when they are drinking of the wine , which he thought , or at least expected he could have been always able to maintain , by his being one of the above mentioned hirelings , or suborners of the black coat : but poor man ! he is sadly disappointed , and irrecoverably frustrated . for instead of their pretended carrying on the work of subornation , and the wearing of the black coat , whereby he expected to be able to keep a coach , and six horses , and likewise he expected to occasion the king's evidences to be trodden under foot , and the parliament and councel , to be counted ridiculous and foolish , and the laws of the nation to be unjust and unrighteous , which thus the said evidences proposed to themselves , that if they could get the king's evidences countermanded , and counterpoised , and by the same get them invalidated ; all the neighbouring princes and people in europe , would cry shame upon the people of england and their laws and government , how unjustly they execute their subjects , without any certain foundation or well-grounded reason for so doing . nay it would be a perpetual blemish upon the head of england , until dooms-day : i say , this was the intended design , and purpose , of these suborners , to see whether they could baffle the king out of his judgment , contradict the lords of both parliament and councel in their knowledge and understanding , and so blemish the laws of england for ever . but as i have promised to hint further of sympson tonge , i must needs confess he had another reserved aim in the purpose of his subornation , as i shall let you see when it comes to my purpose , and in the interim i shall only hint his torn black coat , in the which he thought to wrap himself up from the reproaches and scandals that he purchased for himself , for his confederacy , combination , and contrivance ; with his so called noble captain elie , and his couzen john crawley ; having wrapt himself as aforesaid , so closely , narrowly , and roundly into the cloak , that it tore away ; and the rent was so wide , and he being in company with his ladies of honour who discovered his nakedness , and then cryed away with him , he is clap'd , he hath got no money , let him come here no more , and they also cryed to him in a laughter and a table-talk , you had better go to madam cellier who is a good midwife , and hath skill in chirurgery , who also if she gets it her self will convey it to another , by reason of her converse with the people over whom you thought to spread the black cloak , whom also for some time you fed with fancy and conceit of your great works , when you expected to cast over the blame of the popish plot , when your father , doctor oates , and the rest of the king's evidences , and thereby bear the popish party spotless , and blameless , which indeed if you could do , i must acknowledge you would be a happy man , and they a happy people both as to the state of their bodies and souls . for they have got so deep into the mire of it , that they cannot so soon be rid of it , for if it had been as false as it is true , and that they were as innocent as they were guilty , i am certain wherever he be that could clear them , would make himself a happy man , and them a happy people , as to the view of the world ; but not before god , for it is said in scripture , non demittitur peccatum , nisi restituatur oblatum ; but not that i am about to preach to you , nor to hinder such a man as this man sympson tonge is , who promised to bring truth to light , but instead of so doing he hath brought falsehood under the cover of his old black cloak , but as the lord will have it , he prevented his false designs , and turned him and them into a rejection and disdain in the esteem of any rational people , and thus he cheated himself and deprived himself of the privilege he might have obtained in the natural affection and love that he might have been still partaker of , but let him see what it is for a man to forfeit certainty for uncertainty , and when he throughly , and perspicuously looks into it , he may as well say to his two former confederates captain elie and crawley ; as he said to the women when they beheld his nakedness , and discovered his venus disease , as he cryed , alas they cheated me ! but judge you , what it 's to build a tower of defence upon the words of a treacherous villain , and therein to confide , as sympson tonge trusted confidently in the fair promises and sweet words of captain elie , when he first deluded him , and next , judge what it is to build a paradice , with kisses , wine , and money , in a womans bosom , the which three materials , are as stedfast as he is treacherous : i will direct you , to learn the uncertainty of these two comparisons , of him who most tryed to his woeful experience the event of such matters , and the next thing it is how much this poor man hath to bemoan and bewail his wretched and desperate condition . i instance you this simile , as much as it had been from his own mouth , what it is to begin to love women so soon as he did , and that in such a measure , as that he would run any hazard to enjoy it . and seeing that he could not enjoy it , not half to his lascivious desire , by reason that he had not money enough , his means being but small , whereupon he thought it his only and nearest way to procure money and accomplish his desire , to play a game at sice-ace , or tick-tack , with the pope and his party : and i would wish with all my heart , that the knave could win one thousand pound of the pope ; but hang the pope , he is a serpent-like dog , he is so crafty , and subtile , and covetous , as that in so short a time as sympson had to do with him , it is impossible to pump so much money out of him ; but i must needs confess , as i find sympson was ever unlucky , if he were wise he might have cheated the pope , for he is an old blind cuckold ; and cannot well see , nor ever did , nor ever shall as long as he continues in his devillish superstition and idolatry , but i must kick by the pope a while and take another dish of discourse with sympson tonge , which is this , that i must tell him as i find several well grounded , solid , and learned men , unanimously to agree upon this opinion , that there is a decretal lett , decreed for a man in his life time in this world , the which lots and decrees are manifold and sundry-fold , and every man hath his proper decree , or lot , whatsoever it be good or bad he cannot avoid it , which is to say , by the very observation of the firmaments , as is commonly observed by the mathematicians , and astrologians , as thus , if a man be born under a twopenny planet , he will never be worth a groat in his life time . i do not intend , to trespass upon your patience , with the circumspective observations that those words would require to be traced in , for i suppose you would say , it had been too tedious so to do ; and in another place , it is anciently observed by the afore old arts-men , viz. mathematicians , and astrologians , that if a man be born to be hanged all the world cannot prevent it , or save him , and i doubt very much if mr. sympson tonge escapes either the one or the other , of the said decrees , or lots ; not that i trust , or give credit to any such observation , but by his own very carriage , and by the dreadful view i have of his most monstrous enormities ; and now seeing that i undertook to treat of one more of his other two confederates in knavery , and subornation , i do intend to begin where i left off ; having given you an account already of their names , conditions , and expected commissions , their conditions you must of necessity conclude with me , that it must be some great orator , that is able to define their said malicious , perverse , and wicked conditions , and i must leave it in the mean while to your own prudent judgment , what condition such audacious , contumelious , and perverse rogues can be endured with , who went about to contradict the eminent and great wisdom that the most of the peers of england are endued with , who sit both in parliament and concel . nay furthermore , they went about to outface the great and dread soveraign of the three nations , who was by strength of reason , and undeniable evidences convinced and satisfied , that there was nothing surer , under the godhead , than that there was a real plot in agitation against him by the popish party , and as to their respected commissions , if the black old worn coat had endured a little longer ; but it was too threadbare before they got it that they could do no good with it : but every one of them as to his respective commission , whereupon they relyed the future welfare of their being , as for elie he should have been the second general monk , or the second chancellour hyde ; and as for sympson tonge , he expected to be bishop of canterbury , or of some other great archiepiscopacy , at the next vacancy ; and as for john crawley , he expected to be a great officer , at least a captain of a man of war , or a captain of the king's life-guard . whereof all their three ambitious designs and wished for desires , were grievously disappointed , and frustrated . such disappointment , had been most suitable to all such perverse perjurers , and suborners , ( as i suppose , ) the event of the progress will be no better than what i term it . though at their first growth they may grow up with a visible possibility of continuing in the same manner that they grow in , but it is very remarkably observed , that all sorts of grains , trees , or leaves , or any thing that grows , that soonest , and unexpectedly yields a fragrant blossom , but it is concluded all such as yield their blossoms before their natural time , they fade and wither away , so that there comes no fruit of their blossoms ; which i verily believe , will prove the same with these three upstarted imps , in whose proceedings they only glory themselves , and upon their boughs they beheld very comfortable blossoms , whereof they did much glory and rejoyce , but when it came to the time of fruit , they yielded none , but their blossoms withered away before they came into any maturity ; and they themselves , remain like three wetherbeaten old stumps , without either fruit , happiness , or good success in their undertakings , which is what we expected when first we heard of their proceedings . you may see , the event of iniquity is commonly destruction , and ruine , incident to the workers thereof ; and i do not question , but it will be the event of these three discontented suborners , to fall ten degrees lower than ever they were , for they are not favoured neither on the one side nor on the other , but of all sides they are dejected , rejected , undervalued , and disdained , so that i can compare them to no better similitude , than they are like three mad dogs , who after falling mad , run away from their master , every body cries , kill them ! they are mad ! which is the same in course with captain elie , simpson tonge , and john craivley , three who thought themselves merry men ; i suppose they have no such pleasure in their mirth now , but that i dare say they would give it in exchange for mine . and i leave them to what they enjoy , and to that indeed that may lead them to repentance . now having completed their several styles , and titles , their aims , designs , intents , and purposes , and having also given an account what they expected to benefit themselves by their kindling of their subornation , which i am certain they could not so confidently propose to themselves , without the promises , supportations , and assistance , of some great people . but seeing we have not , ( as yet , ) any sufficient grounds of reason , to build our suspicion upon any particular persons , to be concerned in the raising of such suborners , we will only thus conclude , and so rest silent , until the lord , ( who hath seen and knows their iniquity ) may be pleased to discover them , and their mischievous proceedings , and designs ; as he hath been graciously pleased with his powerful hand , to protect these kingdoms , and to discover all mischiefs , and malicious contrivances and connivances , that were like to fall upon them by the contracts of evil people ; and for his protection , guidance , shelter , and direction , which he hath many a time been graciously pleased to shew these nations , we desire to render unto him , the praises , the glory , the honour , and renown , both now and for ever . i must hint once more at sympson tonge , who as he is taken notice of , is very well known to be one that loved best , and chieflyest preferred the love of strange women , beyond the love of his natural parents , which is a quality , was very much discerned and beheld in him , since he came to the knowledge of good and evil ; which is a very remarkable , manifest , and inspectious demonstration , of the want of grace in any child , to prefer any worldly pleasure beyond the love of his parents , the which want of natural love is discerned to inhabit in the breast of the said simpson tonge . which his father having throughly read , by his carriage , and natural inclination , and accordingly , by all the means possible he could , watcht how his said son spent his time , in what company , and in what exercise , he most delighted : and the manner of spending his time , and what little money he could scrape of his father and uncle , he spent it in the company of women , as far as it reach'd . but his purse falling short , and weak , he could not thereby purchase any womens company keeping , so that he understanding he could no longer frequent their society , but instead of so doing , he lighted on a company of scurrilous fellows , that would drink , sing , and smoak with him , ( for he himself is an indefatigable smoaker , ) there is no kind of liquors that come amiss in his dish whatsoever , the more he drinks the more he would , the longer he sits the longer he would . so that singing , drinking and womens company keeping , ( if he could be his own carver ) would be his delight all his life time . and if i write here more , as to the description of his inclinations , than what you may be apt to believe , of these my descriptions of this gentleman , if you be so concerned , and that your fancy may lead you , to enquire , whether those my descriptions of him , and his worldly delights and pleasures : you may then if you please , enquire of those that are longer acquainted , and nearer related to him , than i am . who i am certain , if they lay by impartiality , and declare of him , what their conscience leads them to , will confirm what i herein write , or declare of my knowledge of this man , to be real truth , in most or all the particulars of his life and conversation , that i have undertaken to give an account of . nay i will say moreover , if they were examined and put to their oath , if they were really led by their conscience , whether or not they know these things to be true that i write in this paper , and that if they do not forswear themselves , they will confirm what i say herein . it is very well known that he hath been cured of the disease called the venus disease , or that which is found in venus garden , and his father payed for his cure several times , and also chastised him with such fatherly correction , for his several and manifold debaucheries , drunkenness , and whoredoms , every time that he could trace him in it . but he getting in favour with his fathers acquaintance , and servants , as that the tenth part of his enormities , and wicked relapses , were not brought to his fathers knowledge , so that most of them passed without correction ; and when his father ( to his great grief ) understood that his unhappy son was so overpowered with the works of satan , and so filled and overwhelmed with such gross , horrible , and abominable enormities , and relapses , he with many sobs , and sighs , determined to cloud his countenance from him for some small time , which he was forced to make use of such notions for his said sons castigations several times , and that to the end that he might understand how much the lord abhors sin , and how grievous it would be to his father to see his son run headlong in apostacy against god , and in disobedience against his father . and upon the other hand again , that he may understand what peace , pleasure , and sundry other advantagious comforts and consolations it is , to the soul and body , to be in peace with god , and in the dutiful obedience that children owe to parents , and whilst they keep that peace with god , and that loving natural obedience they owe to their parents , the lord will shield them from all or most other temptations of the devil , and that in such measure , as that the devil shall never have power over such obedient children , as by their disobedience to god , and their parents , they purchase him to have over them . o alas ! then how shall it be with that child ? who for the small lucre of a filthy gain of money , will not only be contented of a revenge against his father , would not be satisfied to discontent and displease him many a time , but must needs use all the means he could to take away his fathers life , and that by taking false oath , and complyed with others so to do ? which indeed , will go very near to be accomplished by him and his confederates , if perjuration and subornation , if likewise the amity betwixt the pope and the devil , would be taken any notice of by the administers of the law of this nation ; but as we have reason to bless god , and pray for the well and long rule and reign of our king , and the continuance of our good laws , which i hope , may at long run , take to consideration the monstrous and unhumane iniquity and wickedness of these said three suborners , and handle them as their great transgressions shall require . who went about to cloud the nation with an aspersion of innocent bloodshedding , which questionless would be done through the means of the said suborners , had it not been prevented by the divine providence , and an hundred more clear manifestations and truer demonstrations , than ever they ( with all their subornations ) shall be able , emphatically , and efficaciously to contradict . though indeed i must confess , that if the case stood so sted fast on their side , as they are grounded in lies , and falsehood , it would do very well with them ; they have related up and down the town , amongst their whores , and holes , or ( at least simpson tonge hath ) that the king received him with a great deal of honour , respect , and credit , embraced him in his arms , placed him upon a couch hard by him ; which is but one of his lies , ( although a most false and incredible story ) it is to any persons that have competent judgment , that the king would harbour with so great a reception such a shitten school-boy , who never attained to such knowledge , or worth , as to be esteemed a favourite by our great monarch , as he most falsly and audaciously affirms he hath been . which i state here , as an instance unto you , that you may judge whether or no he that would tell such an abominable and an unprofitable lye for nothing , would tell a more hainous ( though this is very hainous ) for his expectation of being made bishop of the next vacant bishoprick . i infer this to this effect , that if the credit , reputation , honour , and safety of these three nations , upon such a rotten foundation as these three persons are , who will stick no more to truth nor stumble no more at telling a lye , then they will to kiss their whores , when their lusts most burn them , or drink their liquor when they are most desirous to be drunk , the which desire ( in them ) is never wanting . having shown this one instance , of the insufficiency and unlawfulness of such evidences , to be taken in less importances and consequences than the welfare of these three nations , i expect this paper may come into some bodies hands whose good and knowing inclination may lead them to construe well of this my inference . as also , of another that i shall place after it , which is this , that i would desire to know , whether or not it is lawful for a man , who takes upon himself to be an evidence in matters of state , nay in any manner of case in whatsoever evidences are required ? when he or they undertakes to carry on and stand by as evidences , for to maintain such cases , as he proposes or promises to do , and having so promised , afterwards to go with his purse of money to bribe people , as i shall hereafter prove , that the said sympson tonge and captain elie , have given fourty shillings in money to a woman , who was housekeeper to doctor tonge ; and afterwards they offered her three pounds more , upon condition she would declare and take upon oath what they would have her do , as to the placing of the first ofspring and beginning of the popish plott , upon the heads of doctor tonge , doctor oates , &c. and if she would yield to take the said oath , she should be preferred to any preferment whatsoever she would desire . from this instance i infer , that seeing motions of bribery and ambition of exaltation , is much made use of by the foresaid persons , for to raise suborned witnesses , which i suppose when you take it into consideration , you will judge the promoters of this said subornation , should not nor must not be received as evidences for the king , or any state-matter , nay you must of necessity grant , that it is abominable to suffer any such bribe-hatchers to speak in this behalf ; for i am certain if it be so now in england , that the evidence of such people is received as material and colloteral , it hath not been so in old times , and the laws are as good now as ever they were , if suborners could be kept at distance , which if not it is not safe for an honest man to live in his own countrey . for he doth not know who to trust to , whereas bribes and pitiful ones , leads away the son falsly , and treacherously , to betray his father , and all that in hopes and ambition of a little preferment . which consideration when you read this will shew you the unlawfulness of such persons , who would not stumble to cut your throats for their own interest . i pray therefore , beware of wolfs in sheeps-cloathing . for i am sure , these three persons of subornation can be compared to no better thing . now having shewn you these persons condition , that is to say , two of them with whom i was chiefest acquainted , how and in what manner they lived , only i left off giving an account of john crawley , whose dependency of livelyhood , depended most and chiefly upon the benevolence of his acquaintance here in town , his business here was upon pretence of learning the law , and for ought i know , he may learn his belly full of it , and that in such measure as that if you will give him rope enough he will hang himself : he is an irishman by his countrey , he is a man of a very loose life and conversation , he is a great whoremaster , mighty debauch'd in all exercises , a great curser , swearer and drinker : mighty forgetful of the natural course of temperance and modesty , i speak nothing but what might be proved , therefore in as much as i have in short shewn you , the lives , conversations , and the distressed and destitute condition , of these two of whom i promised in the foregoing part of this relation to give you an account of ; whose demerited distress , by reason of their debauchery , and evil course of life led them to be tempted by captain elie's moneys , which when you throughly weigh and consider , the rate they led their lives in , you will and must of necessity grant , that there is but little or no trust to be confided on the words or oaths of such debauch'd and lewd livers , from whence i shall infer the unlawfulness of their evidences ; but i shall cease of so doing , until i give a further account of doctor tonge 's son : of whom i have to say that he or whoever , that goes about to betray his own parents , which is contrary to the precept and commandment of god so to do , that i guess , reason may guide any rational christian , to place the less trust or confidence in him , for he whoever he be that would be so soon led away , and so easily perswaded by the world , the flesh and the devil , to counterpose his dear and good father , who is known to be a worthy and a reverend man , and a good and loyal subject , true and trusty to his king and countrey , upon the which account he hath spent all his estate , to defend , maintain and propagate the king , church and government interest in these three nations , to the utmost , and beyond his power , capacity , and ability ; and when this moderate , learned and discreet man , could not with safe conscience , neither his stock , nor his estate was able to maintain the inordinate and riotous desires and designs of his son , but according to his capacity , allowed him competently as he thought fit or necessary for him . but his son being not therewith contented , nor satisfied , as he was ever unsatiable ; he betook him to a serious consideration , which way he should be revenged of his father , for cutting short his former and accustomed allowance of maintenance and subsistence . and thereupon after some premeditation and deliberation of time , he rushes forth into these exclamations against his father , and said , come hang it ( thought he ) i will be thus revenged on him , i will raise a measure of the dust and streetsweepings of rome about his ears and eyes ; and therewith i shall stifle and blind him , and thereupon after having resolutely determined to be thus revenged of his father , and nothing wanting to his power to prejudice both his father and the countrey , but the next opportunity that may answer to that effect . having within a small time afterwards met with an elderly man , whose name was mr. lane , whose son served doctor oates , and afterwards for some misdemeanors , that he had committed against doctor oates , was sentenced by course of law to stand in the pillory . this said old lane and sympson tonge had entred into discourse ( sympson tonge , who never was backward to prate and talk to every body , as well unacquainted as acquainted ) the old man understanding by him , that he was inclined to cast opprobious aspersions upon doctor tonge and doctor oates , as he 's seen by his disturbed and discontented mind , and by the relation he gave him of his father and doctor oates , and thereupon made answer unto him ; if that you prove trusty to me , and the trust you say you will take in hand , i will put you in a way to be revenged upon your father for his cruelty and hardheartedness unto you , and also to be revenged on doctor oates , who was so tyrannical towards my poor son , who served him for some time ; if you will therefore draw up in writing what you know of your father's privacies and secrets , and accordingly countermand them , as i am certain you are able to do ; being a son to doctor tonge , and a schollar , and do it efficaciously and materially , and having so done , or at least drawn up the common heads of what you intend to evidence against doctor tonge , doctor oates , captain bedloe , and the rest of the discoverers of the plot. and i shall find a trusty and honest gentleman , unto whom wholly and totally you may impart the summary substance of what you intend to maintain against them , and the said gentleman will advise and direct you in the best way and manner , how to bring your business emphatically about . he is a gentleman that desires the propagation of the church of rome , his name is captain elie , he can bring you and your writings to the acquaintance of the king , the duke of york , and several great lords about whitehal , and the lords in the tower : through whose acquaintance and knowledge , you will meet with the occasion or means , to be recompensed some degrees beyond any that were the king's evidences in the discovery of this plot , nay you shall be of greater esteem and more famous , and your name higher extoll'd than your father was , or would be , if he had been arch-bishop of canterbury , and there are many of the lords ( that i told you ) both at whitehal and the tower , that will recompense you to your hearts desire and content ; upon the which welcomed and great terms , both these persons gladly entred into a banquet of incomparable conceits and expectations , they so fed themselves with such pleasant hopes , of being revenged of their enemies , and accomplishing their hearts desire , with great treasures of silver and gold , the which treasure they thought would suffice to maintain their ambition , during the rest of their days , together with the esteem and affection , they would daily receive , of the favourites of rome , which might have been enough to maintain their pomp all their lifetime . and they having so thorowly discoursed the business amongst themselves , so that to the end they should not delay no time nor let slip an opportunity , the said mr. lane betakes himself to captain elie's chamber , where after some small waiting there , he met with him , and he gave him a full and true account of what doctor tonge his son unfolded unto him at his house , where also he waited to give captain elie a full and summary account , of what he thought or expected to make out concerning the carriage of the plot , by and between doctor tonge , doctor oates , mr. bedloe , &c. upon the which relation of mr. lanes to captain elie , immediately captain elie repairs with all expedition possible he could , unto this said lane his house , where he met with sympson tonge , after having information in what room he was , having also offered some salutations the one to the other , the captain said sr. i presume that you are the person , the man of the house ( naming lane ) hath informed me of , he also told me that you had a desire to speak with me . sr. said sympson tonge i have discoursed with the man of whom you now speak . sr. ( said captain elie ) would you be pleased to tell me what may be your occasion with me . yes , ( says he ) if you will be pleased to tell me your name . sr. ( said he ) they call me by the name of captain elie , and then sympson tonge ( replying ) you are the gentleman that i desire to see , and then having after some small circumstances , entred throughly and deeply into one anothers acquaintance , and accordingly sympson tonge discoursed with captain elie the total and whole substance of what he designed and intended to proceed against his father , doctor oates , and the rest of the king's evidences . the which relation , and account of sympson tonge , relished and tasted with the palate of captain elie , as sweet as if every word had been overflowing with honey ; whereupon he replied , sr. i perceive your present condition may be bare , and therefore i shall suddenly procure you some relief of money , which i perceive you may have occasion of at present . the which free offer of captain elie , pleased very well sympson tonge . that being the progress of their first discourse , they departed very satisfactorily contented the one with the other , for their first meeting , and from that time forth they had more frequent resort to one anothers company . so that captain elie procured as he promised , a recruit of money for sympson tonge . now having given you an account of the first offspring of this subornation betwixt these two forementioned persons , who thought fit to find out a third supporter , to hold up the brandiron upon which stands their brewing-pan ; whereupon sympson tonge met with an old confederate of his , in whose company oftentimes he bestowed many kisses to his ladies of honour , as is mentioned in the foregoing part of this treatise , the which confederates name was john crawley , who i told you was one of the three that wore the black garb , with captain elie and sympson tonge , of whose proceedings , designs , lives and conversations , i have given you as large an account as i thought fit to trespass your patience with the reading or hearing of such unworthy transactions , heinous offences , against god and man , and treacherous relapses of a son against his father ; and my design in giving you the trouble of understanding these particulars herein mentioned , was to let you understand that i do expect your reason and understanding will lead you to grant me undeniably , when you read and consider the total course and whole passages of these three suborners , and also when you understand to what intent and purpose they designed their undertakings , in this their work of subornation , that they should not , nor ought not , be received , or accepted , but as they are , and as they may be properly called , perjurers , if it may be read in their course of life , which is all the instances we can show for their insufficiency of being received as witnesses , in matters of state , and all that i have to say , is to pray that the lord may keep you from such deluding instruments , farewel . and all that i determine to treat of , as to this my present purpose , or relation of these three self-designed and interessed persons , as they are termed , and mentioned generally and severally in the foregoing part of this my account of them , so that i judge it both mine , yours , and all other christians duty , and not only our duty , but we should make it our care and business , to pray earnestly and diligently to the lord , that he may be graciously pleased to extend unto us , a handful of his great mercy , and with his accustomed clemency , consideration and pity , lodge us under the shadow and shelter of his wings , and there that we may dwell under his tuition , direction , and protection , where we might be safely secure , from the claws and clutches of such ambitious and hungry people , as these or any such other self-designed persons are , of whose ambition , self-interest , and want , i have already given what account i think to handle at present . and now i shall ●●ly let you see , how and in what measure the lord is pleased to order the inordinare and unlawful designs , intents and purposes , and how he thinks fit to repay them with the self and same allowance , as he did repay cain , esau , and judas , the which three persons were led as we read in the holy scriptures , by their ambitious pride , vain glory , and unsatiable desires , and intended to purchase such interests , as would render them every one as his inclination was , whether for lucre of gain , ambition and pride , envy and malice : which you may read in cain's history , of his destroying his brother , as to one of those three respective particulars , that i herein instance . the next of esau , whose aim was to be his fathers heir , and to have his ample succession , in the enjoyment of the plenty of the flocks , of his father isaac , and for the purchasing the same , he thought to use all means possible , to accomplish what he aimed at , which indeed , answered his expectations , in many or most respects . and judas of whose treacherous design was the third and last instance , of my present treatise , as i mention them , cain , esau , and judas . the which three persons were led , ( as we read in our recourse of the holy scriptures ) by their ambition , pride and unsatiable desires , as it is most manifestly seen , if you look through their conditions , the one of them intended to propagate such an interest , as would render him and his successors famous and eminent through most generations . the second , for the sake of a prerogative , which he expected to obtain , if he could but play his cards , as he proposed several times to himself so to do , but at last to his everlasting woe failed him . and the third , for the sake of a small filthy lucre , and also envy and malice ; and also every one of the said three apostates , having his particular design , intent and purpose , in his hainous and wicked relapse , and abominable apostacy , thought to conquer all obstacles , interruptions , or obstructions , that stood in his way , and hindred him of enjoying his unlawful wishes , and having so conquered them , he expected thereby to crown himself in the throne of his ambitious aim or usurpation . the which indeed i may say , was the main of all their designed interests , of them that combined with them in their said undertakings . you may be pleased to see and throughly view and consider , in what height and measure of estimation , ambition is harboured in the bosom of some or great many persons of these times . and to let you see more plainly , to the end that you may be pleased to take notice of the several and sundry inconveniences , that ambitious , covetous and envious persons are made subject to , by reason that they leap before they see , so that by their unadvised undertakings , they fall into several laborynths and snares of inconveniences , and that instead of being made partakers of what they aim at , they are frustrated and deprived of their expectations , and they are also rebuked , reproved and reproached in the opinion and judgment of the most discreet , solid and wise men ; which i shall let you see is the event and fruit of these three mentioned persons , that i took in hand to speak of , in this my account to you of them . and now you may see , the antient root of ambition and malice , which sprung , and proceeded from our predecessors , in the former ages , may be very well in many respects compared to this present passage , that i presume you are throughly acquainted with , of captain elie , sympson tonge , and john crawley , for every one of these three present persons , had their particular aims and designs , to propagate their particular interests , but woe be to them , they are by divine providence most shamefully and reproachfully disappointed asyou shall read in the following lines . for as the lord is not pleased to suffer such abominations as those persons proposed to themselves , to maintain and go through with , without reprehensions , reproofs and reproaches , and that in a scandalous and ridiculous manner , as indeed the guilt and the crime of their undertakings doth require punishment , which i do not question , but they may receive it after their own measure ; neither doth the lord think fit , to see his anointed , viz. the great king of these three nations , together with the subjects and ministers of law , aequity and justice ; to be perpetually spotted and blemished , by the enemies of the government of this land. who in general are incomprehensible , but it is generally and assuredly grounded upon the chickens , that are hatched in the hutch of rome , which you nor no other person can deny : if he be either a closet-reader , or a traveller , but that it is the daily study of the said chickens , and both their male and female-dame , to cast all the enormities and scandalous reproaches , they possibly can invent and forge , upon the reputation of protestants , as i could instance several satisfactory instances and examples , to the said effect . but i designed to handle it in another paper , that i intend to let you see more at large , what i have seen , heard , and understood , how and in what manner and measure the popish party , under whose wings i have been hatched for all my lifetime until the beginning of july 1679 , that i renounced them by the direction and tuition of god , being led so to do as you shall read in my next opportunity . and to hint where i left off in the foregoing words of the design of elie , crawley , and tonge , to asperse the king , countrey , church and government of these three nations , which indeed there is many a soul , that joynes with them in so doing , at least in their wishes , and thoughts , they would willingly assist and back them , for they could do it without being seen in it , so that they are loath otherways to be concerned , but in their clandestine way , they stir up others to blow the fire , and they kindle it themselves , which is a thing easily proved , if it had been throughly and narrowly examined , but for my part , i do not intend to press my evidences to that effect upon any man , though that i may safely say , and not only say , but firmly aver that i have performed the duty of an honest subject , a zealous christian and a loving country-man . and having so done as is manifestly seen that i am readier to serve than people are to receive me , which the old proverb being performed , which is called , propriate service is not accepted . but to hint a little more of my purpose , to let you see as a confirmation to your own understandings , how this contrived contradiction of the verity of a plot , was contracted by the above persons , and i do not question but they had many assistants , in these their undertakings of blemishing and disgracing the king's subjects , and laws of these three nations , as surely they would have been made privy to , by the lurkers and peepers , officious and busie persons , that lurk and peep from forth their windows , listening and waiting whether they could hear any such rumors or reports , as the contradicting and discrediting of the popish plot , and upon the other hand expecting likewise , to cast it over upon the heads of protestants , in hopes to clear themselves , and lay the guilt upon them ; these i say , and such other reports , as would relish best their pallates with such a savory taste , as to say that there is no plot , it is proved there is none , the kings and council are convinced to the contrary of the being of any plot in agitation at all , and that it is but a slam ; and captain elie ; sympson tonge , and john crawley maintained it so to be , and therefore he that saith there was a plot in agitation shall not be the better thought of . alas ! i say , this is the long wished and languishing desire of the church of rome and all members thereunto belonging ; that they may hear such a general and unanimous contradiction of the plot , and indeed reason will shew us , not to blame them in that respect ; for it is no marvail , that the people should defend their great interest , and keep it as pure and blameless as possible they can , but i must say it is not for their care of so doing , if they had taken it in an honest way , we blame them . but for their evil accustomed practises , for conniving and contracting massacre , murder , rebellion upon all whosoever that contradict their tenets , governments or laws ; and after having so done , by their fiery instruments of devillish exploits , they do absolve them , and dispense with such abominable wickedness , as hath been recorded of them in several ages . which would be tedious to instance them or some of them in this and such like little pieces of paper , by reason that the matter doth require to be more spaciously handled than i can well at present bestow time upon . but i say we can expect no less of any people which are so manifestly proved to be guilty and criminal , but that they would with all their endeavours hide their guilts and crimes , and imploy their best wits , how to recall the reputation by famed honesty and innocence , which we see daily , that they , that is to say , the roman catholicks do practise and use all means whatsoever , to get themselves into a renewed favour , and procure them the title of harmless people , but i judge that what they can do to that purpose cannot yield them such reputation as they have lost , by their several , sundry , and manifold connivances and contrivances , for they are by several authors recorded in old ages remarkably to be a people that continually harbour an antipathy against protestants , which i would let you see by several instances , but as i have excused my self in the foregoing lines , that i must wait till another opportunity , and expecting upon such considerations , ( which i shall thus reason unto you hereafter ) and shall ( in the interim ) recommend you to your own reading , in several approved authors , which i question not , but you may be furnished with them , and if you be not you may borrow of others , who are so concerned to be curious in keeping ( for the reviving of their memory ) such books as may confirm the truth of what i do tax popery to be guilty of , in many ages , reigns , and governments ; though that the roman catholicks do unjustly assert , that the very first ofspring of protestants proceeded from luther and calvin , in king henry the eighth's time , about one hundred and fifty years ago , whereupon , papists may take occasion to contradict me , in claiming an interest in the knowledge of their error in many ages . for they are a people that are apt to purchase all demurrs whatsoever that they can light of quoted in any writings against them , for i know they say that protestants are but new upstart apostates , and that they can claim no rights in the primitive record , much less they say in the apostolical church-government ; and the reason they produce for that false assertion of theirs , is this , that the primitive records and the apostolical church-governments were established for many hundreds of years , before the name or government of protestants was invented or published ; yet we find we believe great many stedfast and well-grounded authors , that protestants were for some hundreds of years before that time that they take to be first dissenting of protestants from the roman catholick church , which i shall undertake to maintain to the contrary on some other occasion . and well understanding that you may be as acquainted with the truth of it as i am , i take it as one of the reasons or considerations , ( as above mentioned ) for not further satisfying you with preambled instances at present . the next reason i have as to that matter of my silence , in letting you see more of the transactions of the popish party is this , that i intend to make use of opportunity ; which shall be with as much expedition as i can , to give you a larger account of their malice against protestants . and upon these considerations i leave you to your thoughts of these matters : and shall only tell you that the old spirit of popery and envy , is much revived now adays , and i am afraid in this city , suburbs , court and kingdom , which i could wish with all my heart , that the said city , and country might not feel the burthen , smart , strength and multiplicity of the said party . i do also pray to the lord , that my king as his subjects could been purged from their long burning sedition , that they cast in between him and his subjects ; i could wish , that his majesty could be rid of the daily troubles , he , his parliament and councel , are daily toxicated with , by reason of the said parties mutinous and rebellious old satanical disobedience , that they contumaciously and contumeliously harbour and entertain for him , and his gracious government . and if that he could but be so clearly rid of them , as i could wish with all my soul he were ; i am certain he and all his subjects , would be united together and they so tied to him in loyalty as that the splendor of their peaceable union and loyal amity , would be reported and highly commended all over the world. but in the mean while , a man cannot sleep well in a bed full of fleas . but god grant that his majesties dominions may be rid of all seditions and insurrections , and of the authors of them , that we may see our king and his subjects united together as firm and stedfast as any king and subjects of the whole universe . the which means of their amorous union and injunctions we ascribe unto the lord who is god and king over all , for to rectifie the condition of our present state of affairs , as shall be most acceptable in his own glorious sight and useful to my king and country . now i do intend to let you understand , something of the event of the proceedings of these three persons , viz. captain elie , sympson tonge , and john crawley , which is this , that after they bussled the kings majesty , and his most honourable privy councel , with their composed , but ill grounded , and false contradictions of the realty of the popish plot , and their bustling being so great , as the noise of their barkings was so both abominable and terrible , as their howlings occasioned some other helhounds to follow them , because as it is said birds of a feather flock together , thinking to rouse up a dear to chase , but instead of so doing they were forced to chace a fox , and the fox being as his nature is the subtlest of most beasts , after having all the day made them follow him , at last when it grew late , and the road overwhelmed with darkness , therewithal the said fox understanding full well his time , and his place , he whips down into his hole , and the darkness so overwhelming , the hunters and the hounds strayed from both their chace and trace , so they were forced to retire most shamefully home to their several houses . this simile i make , and thus apply the same , in comparison of these three hunters that thought to deceive several and especially the transitory pleasures of this world which by some critick authors is compared to a fox , which no man ever deceived , neither the fox nor the world. for in the first place , though the fox be taken by the force of many hounds , yet it is very well known that he is not afraid of any man ; and so the world , though men for some season encompass , enjoy , and take pleasure in it , yet it is visibly seen , that it deceives more than deceive it , as i may refer my self to the experience of these three gentle-huntsmen , of whose proceedings i gave you some account how they went about to chase themselves out of their way , so that it was very difficult for them to find out the way again . which i question if ever they find it any more . and to hunt this subject ( called the world ) which most people call their mainest and greatest concerns , to covenant with it , and also to forfeit for a transitory being , a perpetual enjoyment , it is to be thought a great madness in them so to do , for when they assure themselves of the constant continuance of it , they are then most like to be farther from it , as you may observe in several passages of this very time , to the woful experience of these three gentlemen , who travelled hard for it , for i am afraid that they run a dangerous hazard in hopes to gain it , and so to purchase themselves such means in it , as to make themselves merry with the pleasures and comfort of it . but alas ! they were sadly mistaken with its subtile promises , it gave them the slip at the last . this i say is the event and ofspring of all such that covenant with the world , it goes into its own hold , after they chace it aslong as ever they can for their lives , and they are never the wiser of all their spent labour about it . you may ask sympson tonge if i speak truth or not , who hath bought the experience that i give you of the same relation very dear , which i am certain if he were to buy it again at such a price or rate as it is like to cost him , i am confident he would consider before he would be at half the trouble or pains that he was at . he spent his labour , his reputation and credit , and forfeited the comfortable and natural affection of his father , in hopes to exalt himself to a greater fortune , which you may see how short he came of what he aimed at . and i suppose you will let me tell you , or at least give me leave to speak what i think of the matter , he would be throughly satisfied and contented , not to have purchased to himself such discords and discontentments , as he made himself partaker of and also subject to go through , of whose proceedings i have told you already . yesterday being examined before king and council , and he having nothing to say for himself , but standing as a block , without much either grace or countenance , to answer what was imputed to his charge , neither was he able to answer some particular questions as were propounded to him by the king , whereupon at the request of the lords , the king was pleased to order mr. attorney general , to prosecute the law against him , and captain elie , for whose proceedings i have no further to shew you ; but i desire that the lord may endue me and others with more grace than to employ my time upon so uncertain a foundation , and upon a clearer conscience , than this youth hath lived . this i say is all that i determine at present , only recommending us all to the tuition and protection of the divine deity , as also the government of our king and countrey , and next or lastly , i recommend all our concerns under the gracious keeping of god , and so farewel . finis . a proclamation against the importation of irish victual and cattel scotland. privy council. 1676 approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05473 wing s1610a estc r183344 52612293 ocm 52612293 179594 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05473) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179594) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2793:66) a proclamation against the importation of irish victual and cattel scotland. privy council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to the king's most sacred majesty, edinburgh : 1676. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated at end: given under our signet at edinburgh, the fourteen day of december, and of our reign, the twenty eighth year, 1676. signed: tho. hay, cl. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng foreign trade regulation -scotland -early works to 1800. animal industry -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -commerce -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -commerce -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 scott lepisto sampled and proofread 2009-01 scott lepisto text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r 〈…〉 a proclamation , against the importation of irish victual and cattel . charles , by the grace of god , king of great britain , france , and ireland , defender of the faith ; to our lovites , _____ messengers , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : forasmuch , as we and our estates of parliament , by several acts , have ( upon diverse weighty considerations , ) discharged the importation of all irish victual and cattel into this kingdom , under the pains , and certifications therein contained : and whereas the lords of our privy council have emitted several acts and proclamations in pursuance of the saids acts of parliament , notwithstanding whereof , and of all the care and endeavours taken , to hinder and prevent the importing of irish victuall and cattel , finding the same is imported into this kingdom : and considering the best and firtest way for preventing thereof , might be to commissionat some persons of power and authority in the several places of the countrey where the said victual and cattel is ordinarly brought in and landed . we therefore , with advice of the lords of our privy council have thought fit , to grant full power , authority , and commission to our right trustie and well beloved cousins and councellors , archibald , earl of argyle , and george , lord rosse , and to our well beloved , richard murray of brughtoun , by themselves , their deputs , servants , and such as they shall think fit to appoint ( for whom they will be answerable ) to search for , seize , and apprehend all irish victual and cattel , and salt-beef made thereof , that shall happen to be imported from ireland unto this kingdom in the particular places after-specified , viz. the said earl of argyle in all places , from lechlung to the mule of kintyre , and round about the same . the said lord ross in all places , from the burgh of glasgow , to the march of galloway on the south , and from glasgow , to lochlung on the north : and the isles of arran , bute and comray : and the said richard murray , from the march of galloway , to the march of nithsdale . and for the more ready and effectual prosecution of the said commission , have granted full power and authority to the saids earl of argyle , lord ross and richard murray by themselves , their deputs , servants , and such as they shall think fit to entrust in the respective bounds foresaids , to secure all barks , or travelling boats whether scots or irish , until the skippers or owners shall find caution that they shall import no irish victual or cattel hereafter . the saids commissioners or their foresaids are thereby authorized to search all barks , boats , or other vessels , wherein any irish victual or cattel are suspected to be ; and to seize and secure the same , incase they find the saids prohibited goods therein ; and for better discovery thereof , all merchants , skippers , or owners of boats , barks , or other vessels travelling to and from the places foresaids , are thereby ordered before they break bulk , or liver any goods , to advertise the saids commissioners , or these entrusted by them at one or other of the ports following , viz. at the point of garvel near greenock , the towns of largs , irving , turnberry , dumbarton , rothesay , brodick , dinnon , tarbet , campbletoun , innerarey , portpatrick , glenluce and kirkudbright ( at which ports , offices are stablished to receive these advertisements ; ) under the pain of confiscation of the saids vessels and goods , and being holden as confest importers of irish victual : provided that the skippers or owners , shall not upon such occasion be obliged to wait longer then one tydes water . if upon pregnant presumptions the saids commissioners , or these entrusted by them shall suspect any person or persons guilty of importing irish victual or cattel , they are thereby authorized to conveen any such person or persons before the nearest magistrat in burgh or landwart , and to lead all manner of probation against them for proving thereof : whereupon the saids magistrats are to give present and ready justice . all sheriffs , stewarts , bailyes of royalties , regalities , and baronies , and all heretors are thereby ordered to give their speedy and ready assistance to the saids commissioners , or these entrusted by them , when ever they shall be required , either as to the searching of vessels by night or day , making open and patent doors , searching of sellars , or other suspect places for irish victual or cattel , which they are thereby authorized to do . as also the officers of any garrison are obliged to concurr , and assist them with a party of souldiers as they shal be desired upon any extraordinary occasion . in case any seizure be made by the saids commissioners , or these entrusted by them ; the heretors next adjacent to the said place are thereby required to cause carry the victual to some convenient place nearest , untill our council shall give order thereanent : and these so employed shall be payed by the person who makes the seizure for each horse carriage ; not exceeding two shilling scots the mile . the saids commissioners , or these entrusted by them are thereby empowered with consent of the magistrat of the place to send any person or persons to prison who shall be found guilty of contraveening the saids laws , or shall be contumacious in refusing to depone ; the magistrats of the place being alwayes free of the prisoners charges : in which case , the magistrats are to secure the prisoners and their vessels , and to be comptable for them : and in case any person or persons shall make open resistance against the saids commissioners , or these entrusted by them in the execution of our said commission , and that there shall happen blood-shed , mutilation or slaughter to follow , through the said resistance ; it is declared that the saids commissioners , and these entrusted by , or giving assistance to them , shal never be called in question , or pursued therefore civily or criminally in time coming . and further , by the said commission , it is declared , that the same shall no wayes free or liberat the importers or resetters of irish victual or cattel , or heretors upon whose ground the same shall be imported , but that they shall continue still lyable to the pains and penalties appointed by the saids acts of parliament and council ; as if the said commission had never been granted : which commission is to begin and take effect , from , and after the first day of january next , and to continue until the first day of january , 1678 years . and to the effect , all our leidges and others concerned , may have due and timeous notice thereof , we have thought fit , that these our letters of publication of the same should be direct in manner under-written . our will is herefore ; and we charge you straitly , and command , that incontinent these our letters seen ye passe , to the mercat-crosses of edinburgh , glasgors dumbariours , and other places needful : and thereat , in our name and authority , by open proclamation , make publication of the premisses ; to the effect , that all our leiges , and others concerned , may have due and timous notice of our pleasure in the premisses , and may give ready obedience to our commands therein , as they will be answerable at their highest peril . given under our signet at edinburgh , the fourteen day of december , and of our reign , the twenty eighth year , 1676. per actum dominorum secriti concilii . tho. hay . cl. sti. concilii . god save the king. edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to the king 's most sacred majesty . 1676. whereas on the seventh day of november last we did set out a proclamation whereby we did continue the respective collectors for the respective counties in the said proclamation mentioned, in the execution of the said imployment, as receivers of the quit-rents due to his majesty ... by the lords justices and council, mau. eustace, canc., orrery. ireland. lords justices and council. 1662 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46159 wing i855 estc r36903 16151230 ocm 16151230 104890 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46159) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104890) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:38) whereas on the seventh day of november last we did set out a proclamation whereby we did continue the respective collectors for the respective counties in the said proclamation mentioned, in the execution of the said imployment, as receivers of the quit-rents due to his majesty ... by the lords justices and council, mau. eustace, canc., orrery. ireland. lords justices and council. eustace, maurice, sir, ca. 1590-1661. orrery, roger boyle, earl of, 1621-1679. [2] leaves. printed by john crook ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1661 [1662] title from first 5 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council-chamber in dublin, the 27. day of february, 1661" [1662]--leaf [2] broadside in [2] leaves. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng rent -taxation -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2 r honi·soit·qvi·mal·y·pense diev·et mon·droit royal coat of arms by the lords justices and council . mau . eustace canc. orrery . whereas on the seventh day of november last , we did set out a proclamation whereby we did continue the respective collectors for the respective counties in the said proclamation mentioned , in the execution of the said imployment , as receivers of the quit-rents due to his majesty , for the half year ended at michaelmas last , according to the instructions formerly given by us to the late commissioners and collectors , bearing date the sixteenth day of february , 1660 ; and although we then declared that we found no further use of the labour and pains of the said commissioners in the said service , and therefore did then publish the same , that so they might know that we intended not to give them any further trouble therein ; yet we do still find it necessary and conducing to the furtherance of his majesties service , for the present and more speedy supply of his majesties army here , to continue collectors for the said respective counties , in the execution of the said imployment , as receivers of the said rents for the half year ending at easter next , which collectors are as followeth , ( viz. ) for the county of meath , arthur dillon esq for the county of westmeath , iames leigh esq for the queens county , iohn gilbert esq for the kings county , iohn wakeley esq for the county of kilkenny , ioseph wheeler esq for the county of wexford , iohn tench esq for the county of lowth , william toxteeth esq for the two baronies of rathcline and shrewle in the county of longford , sir richard lane kn. & bar. for the county of antrim , peter beaghan esq for the county of down , carrol bolton esq for the county of armagh , francis chambers esq for the county of monaghan , tristram carey esq for the county of cavan , samuel towneley esq for the county of londonderry , paul brasier esq for the county of tyrone , humfrey evat esq for the county of fermanagh , george slack esq for the province of munster , roger earl of orrery . for the province of connaught and county of clare , charles l. castlecoote , for the province of connaught and county of clare , richard lord coloony . and the said collectors are respectively to enter into bond before any two of his majesties iustices of the peace , of the county where the persons aforesaid are appointed collectors respectively , with one or more good sureties , in double the sum designed for the collection , to sir james ware knight , his majesties auditor general , to his majesties use , with condition well and truly to satisfie and pay such of the said sums as he shall receive , to his majesties uice-treasurer and receiver general , or his deputy , at the receipt of his majesties court of exchequer , and to make a true and faithfull accompt of such of the said rents as he shall receive before such person and persons as shall be authorized in that behalf , which bonds the said iustices of peace are to return forthwith after the taking thereof to his majesties auditor general ; and after the said bonds shall be so entered into with sureties as aforesaid and not before ; we do hereby require and authorize the collectors aforesaid respectively , to proceed in the collection of the said rents for the half year ending at easter next , within such county for which he hath been or now is appointed collector as aforesaid , and to be guided therein by the instructions to such collectors , dated the sixteenth of february aforesaid ; and that the said collectors are to appoint certain days and places of meeting in every barony in that county as speedily as possibly , so as the said rents may be paid to the said collectors by the last day of april next , and thereof to give publick notice and forewarning throughout each barony ; and the said collectors are hereby required at their extreme perils to return into the office of his majesties auditor general with all possible speed , and at the furthest by the said last day of april next , a duplicate under their hands and seals respectively , of the particular lands , rents and persons who are to pay the same , in such sort as was formerly prescribed to them by the former proclamation ; and we do hereby authorize the said collectors to defalk one shilling in the pound , for every pound received , towards their travel and charges , for keeping exact accompts of their receipts and issues , and all other charges incident to the said service ; and we do hereby require and authorize the said collectors respectively , that where they find any lands concealed , which are lyable to the said quit-rents , and are not as yet charged , that they forthwith return unto his majesties auditor general a particular list conteining the names of the lands so concealed in the said county , and the number of acres the said lands contein , who are the tenants or possessors of the said lands , and how long the same have been enjoyed by them , and what the yearly values of such concealed lands are ; and we do hereby further require the said collectors , and every of them respectively , that where it shall appear unto them by any acquittance under the hand of his majesties uice-treasurer or his deputy , that any person chargeable with any quit-rent hereby designed to be paid to the said collectors , hath paid the same for the time aforesaid , into the receipt of his majesties exchequer here , that they do forbear the leavying thereof ; and although the same be made a part of the charge of their accompts , yet they shall have an abatement of so much among the allowances and defalkations of their accompts , upon the perclose and determination of which accompts , before the lord chief baron of the exchequer and his majesties auditor general , and upon payment into his majesties exchequer , all such moneys as shall be therein found due , the aforesaid bonds into which they entered for their due accompting , are to be delivered up unto them by his majesties auditor . given at the council-chamber in dublin , the 27. day of february , 1661. god save the king ja. dublin . kildare . w. caulfeild . r. coote . santry . j. temple . paul davys . rob. meredith . theo. jones . dublin , printed by iohn crook , printer to the kings most excellent majesty : and are to be sold by samuel dancer bookseller in castle-street , anno dom. 1661. whereas by proclamation, dated the eighteenth of may, one thousand six hundred seventy four, we did for the reasons therein expressed, amongst other things therein set forth, inhibit the transportation of several sorts of corn and grain mentioned in the said proclamation ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1674 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46118 wing i744 estc r36838 16141108 ocm 16141108 104822 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46118) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104822) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:13) whereas by proclamation, dated the eighteenth of may, one thousand six hundred seventy four, we did for the reasons therein expressed, amongst other things therein set forth, inhibit the transportation of several sorts of corn and grain mentioned in the said proclamation ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. [2] leaves. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1674. title from first 6 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 14th. of december, 1674"--leaf [2] broadside in [2] leaves. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng grain trade -law and legislation -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . essex . whereas by proclamation , dated the eighteenth of may , one thousand six hundred seventy four , we did for the reasons therein expressed , amongst other things therein set forth , inhibit the transportation of several sorts of corn and grain mentioned in the said proclamation , until michaelmas then next following ; and finding that the prices of corn do still continue very great , and that the stock and store of all sorts of grain is much lessened , by means whereof great scarcity may ensue , unless the said restraint of the exportation thereof be renewed for some longer time . we the lord lieutenant and council , doe therefore hereby in his majesties name , strictly charge and command all manner of persons whatso●ver , that they do from henceforth , and until easter next , forbear to ship , ●●rry , or transport any wheat , barly , rye , bare , oats , pease , pulse , meslin , or any sort of mault or meal out of this realm , to any other place whatsoever beyond the seas , as they will answer th● contrary at their perils . and we require all his majesties officers in the several and respective ports of this kingdom , and the farmers of the great branch of his majesties revenue , that they do seiz all such grain , mault , or meal , as they shall find to be shipt after the date of this our proclamation , and before easter next , with intent to export the same , contrary to the true meaning hereof . and we do hereby farther require , and in his majesties name straightly charge and command all country-farmers and corn masters , and all such who trade or deal in the buying and selling of corn , and have by them any stores of wheat , barley , rye , beans , oats , pease , pulse , or any other sort of grain , mault or meal , that they do bring , or cause to be brought such a competent part and portion thereof into the publick open markets every market-day weekly , as may supply the markets with corn , and furnish the poor with bread at such rates as the markets shall afford . and we do charge and command all mayors , sheriffs , bayliffs , portreeves , magistrates , and all officers whatsoever , in the several and respective cities and towns corporate of this kingdom , that they do in their several places and offices make diligent search , and strict inquiry after such as are ingrossers , forestallers , and regraters within any their cities , liberties , or towns corporate of this kingdom , and cause them to be punished and proceeded against according to law. and that all his majesties iustices of the peace in the several and respective counties of this kingdome , doe in their several and respective counties baronies , parishes , and places , inquire after and find such out as do ingross and hoard up corn , grain , mault or meal , to inhance the price thereof , and shall not bring the same , or send competent portions thereof , according to this our proclamation , every market day weekly , into the publick open markets , there to be sold at such rates as the market shall afford , and that they do advertise vs the lord lieutenant and council thereof , with all convenient speed , that thereupon such proceedings may be had against such ill-affected persons , as shall be according to iustice , and the laws of this kingdom , which we shall take special care shall be strictly put in execution against so evil doers . given at the council-chamber in dublin the 14th . of december , 1674. ja : armachanus . mich : dublin . canc. conway and kilulta massereene . hen : midensis . ca : dillon . j : pove . will : stewart . theo : jones char : meredith . god save the king. dvblin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde , book seller in castle street . 1674. whereas his majesty by his letters, bearing date the fourteenth day of this instant january, to us the lord lieutenant directed, taking notice of a malicious suggestion, diffused amongst his subjects of this kingdom, as if his majesty did desire to infringe or weaken the late acts of settlement and explanation passed in this kingdom ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1673 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46140 wing i796 estc r36879 16146648 ocm 16146648 104864 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46140) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104864) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:23) whereas his majesty by his letters, bearing date the fourteenth day of this instant january, to us the lord lieutenant directed, taking notice of a malicious suggestion, diffused amongst his subjects of this kingdom, as if his majesty did desire to infringe or weaken the late acts of settlement and explanation passed in this kingdom ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : m.dc.lxxii [1672, i.e. 1673] title from first 9 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council-chamber in dublin, the 24th day of january, 1672." [i.e. 1673] reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2006-12 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . essex . whereas his majesty by his letters , bearing date the fourteenth day of this instant january , to vs the lord lieutenant directed , taking notice of a malicious suggestion , diffused amongst his subjects of this kingdom , as if his majesty did desire to infringe or weaken the late acts of settlement and explanation passed in this kingdom ; hath been pleased by his letters , to command vs , by all the wayes and means that we shall judge most proper , to extinguish and suppress the same ; and thereby hath also declared , that it never entred into his heart , either by the late commissions granted in england , for inspection into the affairs of this kingdom , or by any indulgence lately granted to his roman catholick subjects of this kingdom , to live in corporations to infringe , or any wayes weaken the said arts. and hath required vs the lord lieutenant , to make known his majesties mind therein . we the lord lieutenant and council , for the better suppressing of such malicious suggestions , and declaring his majesties gracious intentions , have thought fit by this our proclamation , to give publick notice of his majesties said letters , to all his majesties good subjects of this kingdom . and we do hereby strictly charge and require all persons whatsoever , that they do hereafter forbear either raising such reports , or diffusing such suggestions amongst any of his majesties subjects of this kingdom ; and that they do as becomes good subjects , dispose themselves to live , both dutifully towards his majesty and his government , and peaceably with one another . given at the council-chamber in dublin , the 24th day of january , 1672. ja : armachanus . mich : dublin . canc. thomond . donegall . conway and kilulta . hen : midensis . fran : aungier . jo : bysse . j : temple . h : ingoldesby . theo : jones . w : flower . ed : massey . a : chichester . char : meredith . hen : ford. god save the king. dvblin ; printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the king' 's most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde , bookseller in castle-street . m.dc.lxxii . exceeding happy nevvs from ireland. declaring the proceedings of the protestant army in kildare, against the castle of ithlone, the castle of knock and mores castle, with the manner of the fight, and the victories obtained by these worthy champions, august 26, namely the earle of ormond, the earle of ballamore, the lord lisle, colonell vavaser, colonell monke, and noble captaine ogle. expressing the manner of the rebels meeting the protestant forces, and the number of those that were slaine on both sides, and taken prisoners. sent from captaine stephens, to his brother william stephens, living in crutcher-fryars, london, and now published by authority. exceeding happy news from ireland. stephens, stephen. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a93869 of text r2213 in the english short title catalog (thomason e116_24). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a93869 wing s5455 thomason e116_24 estc r2213 99871601 99871601 156045 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a93869) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 156045) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 20:e116[24]) exceeding happy nevvs from ireland. declaring the proceedings of the protestant army in kildare, against the castle of ithlone, the castle of knock and mores castle, with the manner of the fight, and the victories obtained by these worthy champions, august 26, namely the earle of ormond, the earle of ballamore, the lord lisle, colonell vavaser, colonell monke, and noble captaine ogle. expressing the manner of the rebels meeting the protestant forces, and the number of those that were slaine on both sides, and taken prisoners. sent from captaine stephens, to his brother william stephens, living in crutcher-fryars, london, and now published by authority. exceeding happy news from ireland. stephens, stephen. haslegrove, anthony. 8 p. sept. 9. london, printed for t. rider, [london] : 1642. second letter signed: anthony haslegrove. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng leicester, philip sidney, -earl of, 1619-1698 -early works to 1800. albemarle, george monck, -duke of, 1608-1670 -early works to 1800. ogle, thomas, -sir, d. 1671 -early works to 1800. ormonde, james butler, -duke of, 1610-1688 -early works to 1800. vavasour, william, -sir, d. 1659 -early works to 1800. kildare (ireland: county) -history -early works to 1800. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a93869 r2213 (thomason e116_24). civilwar no exceeding happy nevvs from ireland.: declaring the proceedings of the protestant army in kildare, against the castle of ithlone, the castle stephens, stephen 1642 1815 3 0 0 0 0 0 17 c the rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion exceeding happy nevvs from ireland . declaring the proceedings of the protestant army in kildare , against the castle of ithlone , the castle of knock and mores castle , with the manner of the fight , and the victories obtained by these worthy champions , august 26 , namely the earle of ormond , the earle of ballamore , the lord lisle , colonell vavasor , colonell monke , and noble captaine ogle . expressing the manner of the rebels meeting the protestant forces , and the number of those that were slaine on both sides , and taken prisoners . sent from ca●taine stephens , to his brother william stephens , living in crutcher-fryars , london , and now published by authority . sept. 9. london , printed for t. rider , 1642. lo. gossop , ovr martiall affaires goes on so slow since the death of noble sir charles coote , that there is but little done to participate unto you one thursday last was fortnight there went out 4000 horse and foot , and six pieces of ordnance towards athlone , of which number 2000 were for the reliefe of connoght , and the rest went for their convoy , and in their way set on a castle called the knock , which cost them 40 men , besides some that were hurt before it was taken and the women and men standing on the top of the castle defied our army a good while , and called them traytors and parliament rogues , but after 2 dayes fighting at the said castle , our army gave quarter to all the gentlewomen , excepting 2 or 3 , which the soldiers laid hold on , and killed all the men , being in number about 100 only one proper man that stripped himselfe to his shirt and rushed out through the armey and scaped away with some little hurt ; and on saturday last was sennight , our 2000 came home , but at manoth the lord lisles wagons and his landresse comming before , were there surprised by the rebels and she hanged , and his carriage taken away . and on the tuesday following their comming home being tuesday last , colonell monke went forth , with 2000 foot and horse , with two great brasse battering pieces , to a castle of one mores neare monothe , where there were many commanders of the rogues , and good pillage , but the rebels had presently notice , and so got away before our army came , and burnt the castle ; then our army marcht further into the county of kildare to a castle called blackwood , which was a strong place , and there were many women and children and commanders besides , besides souldiers of the enemies , yet before our army came thither , it is reported that sr john dungan , who commeth and walketh safe and quietly here among us , sent the rogues notice , whereby the chiefest men got away before , and those that remained held out stoutly , and the women from the top of the castle did much mischief on our side , by casting of stones down thence and after much shooting on both sides , the great pieces were made use of , and shot some 50 and odd shot before they yeelded , the women before that time did from the top of the castle call our army traytors to the king , and parliament rogues ; but these creatures desiring quarter , the souldiers told them they should have quarter , and thereupon they came forth : the souldiers being enraged against them , because they did the greatest mischiefe by flinging of stones , quartered both women and children , excepting some 5 that are brought to town , and the men desiring quarter , colonell monke gave them quarter , that they should be brought safe to dublin , and there left to the iustices pleasure ; and so on this monday our army came to town and brought with them the five women and 68 lusty proper men , and before they yeelded , there were lost and hurt of ours about 12 men , and colonell monke escaped well , for a stone scraped his chin alittle , but did but little harm , god be praised for it . but the more is our sorrow , we are in great want of more men and money , and the sommer stealing away and nothing to any purpose done , but these small frats . in august last , the rogues being at my brother rams house , and taking all his fathers bookes to burn them , there came a swarme of bees out of the garden into the house were the rogues where & did sting them so bitterly , as that they were forced to flee away , and for that time left their mischiefe undone ; honest tho. haward is come out of the rebels hands , but not without 200 l. ransome : thus desiring of god to settle an union between his majesty and his people with my kind respects to your selfe and bedfellow , i shall ever continue . dublin the 30 of august , 1642. your assured loving friend and gossop steven stephens . worthie●● sir , yours i receiv'd of the last of august , wherein i thinke you were pleased to give some intelligence of all the maine occurrences of these times , i was very sorry to heare of the great and grievous distractions wherewith your kingdome of england doth labour with all , occasioned by the disagreement of his majesty , and the high court of parliament now assembled ▪ i hope it will suddenly please almighty god to bring the causers of these so great distractions to light , that so the king and parliament being united , there may be a generall reformation established with you in england , and afterward we may obtaine by the same meanes a cessation of those bloudy times , which yet by reason of an insolent enemie are frequent amongst us . now sir as i stand bound unto your goodnesse for many favours of your bounty expressed both to my youth and also to my riper yeares , so sir , in respect of this particular favour whereby you were pleased to let me understand the condition of your times , i durst not be so ungratefull to commit a crime of so foale a nature , but out of my respects , let you understand the newest occurrences of our kingdome . conflicts wee have almost every day with the rebells , whom thanks be unto god , we have much abated of their former insolency and strength , albeit not so subdued , but yet they make every day some or other new opposition . vpon the fifteenth of this present may , sir william sentleger president of munster , and the lord moore with their forces , being of strength about thousand foote and five hundred horse , marched from corke toward tredarth , having information given unto them , that the enemie had a designe to molest tredarth afresh , having now marched on , not above two dayes march , a post presently informed them that the enemy had left their designe against tredarth , and that they were now making forward that way , under the command and government of viscount musgrave of musgrave , who lately revolted from his loyalty and king unto the rebells side . this newes was no sooner arived unto them , but it was entertained with a joyfull expectation of their comming , they forbeare to march any farther for the present , but within ten miles of tredarth expected their approach , and provided themselves for the encounter . vpon the tenth day the enemy was espied to approach , sir william and the lord moore made ready for his welcome which was so fierce and violent , that i beleev , he never was entertained to so hot a feast in all his life time . for he lost within the space of five houres fight 700. men , beside there were maimed very sore in that skirmish , which notwithstanding their wounds , made a shift to flye , 80. odde men , the viscount himselfe was very hardly brought off . the skirmish being ended those two cavaliers for that season betooke themselves to the next adjoyning towne , and there tooke up their repose , leaving their force still in the field . the next morning by breake of day came with all speed foure souldiers , who pretended themselves to bee weary of their rebellious confederacy , with petitions in their hands desired accesse unto sir william , who being weary with his late conflict , was yet in bed taking his repose , and solacing himselfe after his tedious fight . these fugitives still aiming at their designe did stay untill hee rose , and left his chamber , and at his comming forth out of his house to goe to take horse they presented him with a paper , wherein was expressed their desires , as he was perusing the scrole , they drew each of them out of their pockets a case of pistolls ready charged and ready cockt , which they endeavoured to let flye , but by the providence of the eternall goodnesse , the powder fired in the panne , and would not go off ; whereupon they drew out their weapons , and were resolved , if the successe had favoured their intents , to have dispatched him with their swords whom their pistolls thought most unjust to wound or injure , but the company of servants who then attended his person , prevented this damnable designe , and tooke the actors without any harme unto them , who immediately after their apprehension were had in examination , and they confessed that the lately vanquished viscount hired them to this attempt , and that they were to receiv of him for the execution 500. markes , after this their confession they were according to their desert taken , and hanged in the place where they did attempt the fact . these are the occurrences for the present of most note ; with other frivoulous matters of small observation or consequence , i will not trouble you from your more serious occasions , but with my best respects to your self , and your vertuous bed fellow take my leave and rest . your most respective friend , anthony haslegrove . finis . a wild-fire plot found out in ireland shewing how the rebels vvould have consumed the city of dublin with wild-fire. also how three lords were taken prisoners, and committed to the castle. also how the scots have joyned battell against the rebels. together with the names of those lords which led the forces, and tooke the rebels prisoners, with their number of forces, both of horse and foote. with the exact coppies of two letters, sent from two marchants in ireland, one to mr. walterhouse, citizen in london, and the other to a worthy divine, concerning all the proceedings of the plots, which the rebels ever did intend to this very day. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a96491 of text r13583 in the english short title catalog (thomason e176_5). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a96491 wing w2155 thomason e176_5 estc r13583 99859502 99859502 157090 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a96491) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 157090) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 31:e176[5]) a wild-fire plot found out in ireland shewing how the rebels vvould have consumed the city of dublin with wild-fire. also how three lords were taken prisoners, and committed to the castle. also how the scots have joyned battell against the rebels. together with the names of those lords which led the forces, and tooke the rebels prisoners, with their number of forces, both of horse and foote. with the exact coppies of two letters, sent from two marchants in ireland, one to mr. walterhouse, citizen in london, and the other to a worthy divine, concerning all the proceedings of the plots, which the rebels ever did intend to this very day. h. l. watson, joseph, merchant in dublin. [8] p. printed for thomas bates, london : 6641. [sic, i.e. 1641] "the true coppy of a letter" signed: joseph watson. "the copy of another letter" signed: h. l. thomason copy imperfect: significant show-through. reproduction of original in the british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. a96491 r13583 (thomason e176_5). civilwar no a wild-fire plot found out in ireland: shewing how the rebels vvould have consumed the city of dublin with wild-fire. also how three lords h. l. 1641 2085 21 0 0 0 0 0 101 f the rate of 101 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a wild-fire plot ▪ found out in ireland : shewing how the rebels vvould haue consumed the city of dublin with wild-fire . also how three lords were taken prisoners , and committed to the castle . also how the scots have joyned battell against the rebels . together with the names of those lords which led the forces , and tooke the rebels prisoners , with their nu●ber of forces , both of horse and foote . with the exact coppies of two letters , sent from two marchants in ireland , one to mr. walterhouse , citizen in london , and the other to a worthy divine , concerning all the proceedings of the plots , which the rebels ever did intend to this very day . london printed for thomas bates , 6641. a wild-fire plot found out in ireland . if there were ever found deadly enemies to true christian religion , they are now found out in ireland , that mother of all treachery , and nurse of treason . for their inveterate malice is now grown to the full perfection of disloyalty : and what they could not perfect in one nefarious plot , they did now intend to performe in another . their late pretended gun-powper plot is not unknowne to all men , which they being frustrated of ( having much powder by that meanes ready by them ) did make therewith many balls of wild-fire , with which they intended to burne the whole city of dublin with a vast inflation . the number of all the rebels are conceived to be for certainty about 30000. and their multitude increaseth daily : many of them lye in caves of the earth , some others are in dandalke , which they tooke the 30 day of october , others are in the counties of vester , canney and cavin , but especially in the county of manahom in great number : but not to wander thus from my intent , i will speake more largely of the wild-fire , which they plotted very lately for the ruine of the whole kingdome . about the dead time of thursday night , being th 11. of nov ▪ 500 of them or thereabout , came out of the caves in the earth with balls of wild-fire in their hands , casting and tossing them over the city walls of dublin . there were five houses burnt downe thereby equall to the ground , & the fi●e took hold of many other houses , but ( as it was gods great mercy ) they were suddainly quenched by the great labour of the people , and thankes be to almighty god , no more hurt was done by them . there was an english merchant lived in one of those houses , that were burnt , whose estate , was supposed to be no lesse then 35000l & he lost most part of his estate there . the rest were all protestants , men of very good fashion , and reputation : but by the reason of that calamity , now scarse worth any thing : all whose estates we do much deplore , and commiserate . but there are a 1000 , men doe guarde the city day and night : who hearing of this combustion , did immediately march out of the gates , and tooke three lords , lord casmahawne , l ▪ mackamaveire , l. bohoune , with about the number of fifty other rebels , whom they committed all to the castle , the other fled , and ran about the fields and woods , & raised a great number of the rebels presently ; whowere about nine thousand the next day , and marched against the city : but the lords and iustices having some suspition before thereof , did that very night send a post into scotland , & some english colonels , who very lovingly did assist them . there came from scotland , & the northern parts of england ▪ 4000 foot men , & 400 horsemen , who did in some manner qualifie them . sir francis vvilloughby governor of the castle comman●ed 50 pieces of ordinance to be brought out , which were discharged against the rebels , he had 200 men under him . my lord moore ●ame from broghed● vith 700 foot men , sir h. iuckbourne with ten foot companies in compleat armes , sir charles coot with 1000 foot . so that in all the number of the rebels that were slaine , were about 3000 and 80 , besides many armss , which the english , scottish , and irish protestants did take from them . the rogues are very resolute , for they put both man , women , and children to the sword , wheresoe're they meet them , without any distinction of sex with cruell tyranny . but they very sildome appeare armed ; so that sometime they are not knowne , and so under pretence of protestants , they cut their throats ; for they bury all their armor in caves in the woods , wherfore all things are most excessive deare in the city , neither can they scarce buy any thing for their money , for the country dare not venture to bring in any commodities to the city , for feare the rebels should assault them , wholy in ambush almost every where thereabout . they dare nor travell in the day , much lesse in the night , for then the rebels are most obvious , and doe range more frequently about . so that things of meere necessity can scarce be had in the city to the great reliefe of the inhabitants thereof . o egregious treachery ! or rather treason to the king , and kingdome ! these things would make a very democritus to cry out in dolefull exclamations . but let those that delight thus in such fire , feare lest they fall into an everlasting fire : and let them take heed lest a sudden fire descend from heaven , & consume them praecipitiously , like as the fiery serpents did the israelites . the true coppy of a letter sent from mr. ioseph watson merchant in dublin , to mr. watterhouse citizen in london dated november the 4. 1641. mr. vvatterhouse ▪ after our loves remembred unto you , hoping of your good health which the lord in his mercy long continue : this is to certifie you concerning our condition . i doubt not , but you have heard of the papists which are risen in rebellion , but god did deliver our city from their bloudy device : else we had not a man of us beene alive this day . for they had intended to take the castle , where all the strength of the kingdome was , and then they would have ruinated us , and all the english in the kingdome ; had not god miraculously delivered us . the discovery was but at tenne of the clocke on friday night : and the next morning they might have tooke the castle , had not one in company revealed it to the lords : and though we seeme to have beene delivered , yet we are still in great feare ; for we know not who are our enemies , and friends . many enemies we have amongst us in the city , that should have bin the first , that should have cut our throats , as it hath been in the country in one of the best plantations of the english , that is now in the county of manahom , and cavin ▪ and orher counties . the whole county of manahom the irish thereof are in rebellion , and many english are destroyed , & loit their lives , and all their meanes ; some worth ● 1000. pounds over night , and not a rag to cover them the next day . there is by relation , 500 people of them now in our city , all stripped of their cloaths : no difference betweene rich and poore , onely the rich were worse dealt with . now our lords have sent out y●terday an army downe , & the scots in the north parts are risen to meet them . but it is thought the scots have met with them ere this , and have driven them from one place , but there are a great number of them , but not a quarter of them armed men , but they have good store of armes : wee hope the lord will stay them . many of them are taken , and more every day , but it will be a great while before they be suppressed : and our souldiers prove many false , and still we every day & night watch them . there is above 500 men in armes watch our city every night , housholders and other men , are i may say a 1000. we have in our out stee●s 200. they would have set our towne on fire , for they are maynly inraged , , and daiely trecheries are found out , which is gods great mercy to us . by this meanes we have no trade in our city more then needs require , that is for victuals , and candles , & such like things , which men cannot be without , & wee can get in no debts , for men will pay no moneyes . for my part i shall be a great loser by these times , for wee are at a great charge , it is one mans worke to watch , and there is great distraction . thus with my love to you , desiring your prayers , which i know are not wanting , for us , i ever rest your loving friend joseph watson . the coppy of another letter sent to a worthy divine in this city &c. vvorthy sir . after my best respects recommended unto you i thinke it expedient to acquaint you of all affaires , that belong to our irish businesse . my lord moore is in dro●heda with 700. foote and a troope or two ; some of my lords children are already come hither , and we expect my lady moore and their children this night : my lord hath sent hither severall trunkes : they are this day put into the castle to be safely preserved . there is 200. souldiers in the castle victualled for 12. months and about 50. peeces of ordinance , mounted to keepe the city in awe . sir francis willoughby is governour , and sir iohn borlasse lodgeth therein . the justices sit at cork-house to free the castle from recourse of people thereto . this morning have marched toward drogheda 10. foot companies in compleat armes , under the command of sir henry ●●ckbourn . dandalk● was taken on sunday . and the scots and some english have come upon the rebels , and have restrayned the new●●e from the rebels with the losse of a few men ▪ 80 ▪ of the rebels are slaine , with good stoore of armes . the scots and english from the north are 4000. foot , and 400 , horse & their armie encreaseth : there are in the county of cavan under the command of sir charles coot a 1000 foot . we are in good hopes that the lords of the pole will prove true , for they are here offering their service dayly . great in number the rebels are , and dayly increasing both in vester and carney . my lord moores troope have lately taken about 60. of the rebels , and kil'd 3. or 4. and rescued 7. score head of cattell from them . we doe not as yet heare of any rising in mountser , or lemster : so as we hope these broyles will cease when the english army as well as the scots fall upon them . thus hoping i have satisfied you herein , i commend you to god and rest . dublin novemb. ● . 1641. your loving friend , h. l. die veneris, 27⁰ iunii, 1645. it is this day ordered by the commons assembled in parliament, that in regard many hundreds of the common souldiers lately taken prisoners by sir thomas fairfax, have very cheerfully listed themselves for the service of the parliament, against those bloudy and barbarous rebels of ireland ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83725 of text r200133 in the english short title catalog (thomason e290_4). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83725 wing e2600 thomason e290_4 estc r200133 99860938 99860938 113065 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83725) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 113065) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 48:e290[4]) die veneris, 27⁰ iunii, 1645. it is this day ordered by the commons assembled in parliament, that in regard many hundreds of the common souldiers lately taken prisoners by sir thomas fairfax, have very cheerfully listed themselves for the service of the parliament, against those bloudy and barbarous rebels of ireland ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1645] imprint from wing. signed: h. elsynge, cler. parl. d. com. calls for contributions "towards the relief and transportation" of these soldiers. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a83725 r200133 (thomason e290_4). civilwar no die veneris, 27⁰ iunii, 1645.: it is this day ordered by the commons assembled in parliament, that in regard many hundreds of the common so england and wales. parliament. 1645 268 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2007-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die veneris , 27o iunij , 1645. it is this day ordered by the commons assembled in parliament , that in regard many hundreds of the common souldiers lately taken prisoners by sir thomas fairfax , have very cheerfully listed themselves for the service of the parliament , against those bloudy and barbarous rebels of ireland , and are ready to be transported into that kingdome with all convenient speed ; that all the ministers of the severall churches and chappels within the cities of london and westminster , lines of communication and the weekly bils of mortality , be especially desired , both in the fore-noon and after-noon of the next lords day , to move effectually their respective congregations , to contribute their charity towards the relief and transportation of those souldiers which are willing to adventure their lives in so pious and honourable imployment . and all such monies as shall be collected by the respective officers and churchwardens for this service , shall be paid over on monday next , to alderman bunce , alderman kenrick , and the rest of the treasurers appointed to receive the fourscore thousand pounds upon the late ordinance for ireland . and the committee of adventurers for ireland sitting at grocers-hall , are desired to give their best assistance for the advancing of this charitable contribution , which shall be issued out for the relief of the said souldiers , in such manner as by warrant from the committee of prisoners shall be from time to time directed . h. elsynge , cler. parl. d. com. the speech of bulstrode whitelocke esquire to the right honourable the lords, at a conference of both houses on thursday the seventeenth of february last concerning the propositions then made by divers gentlemen, citizens and others, for the speedy reducing of the kingdom of ireland. whitlocke, bulstrode, 1605-1675 or 6. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a65914 of text r13284 in the english short title catalog (wing w1992). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a65914 wing w1992 estc r13284 13018841 ocm 13018841 96610 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a65914) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96610) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 259:e200, no 30) the speech of bulstrode whitelocke esquire to the right honourable the lords, at a conference of both houses on thursday the seventeenth of february last concerning the propositions then made by divers gentlemen, citizens and others, for the speedy reducing of the kingdom of ireland. whitlocke, bulstrode, 1605-1675 or 6. 8 p. printed for john burroughes, london : 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -sources. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -sources. a65914 r13284 (wing w1992). civilwar no the speech of bulstrode whitelocke esquire, to the right honourable the lords, at a conference of both houses on thursday the seventeenth of whitlocke, bulstrode 1642 1642 2 0 0 0 0 0 12 c the rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the speech of bulstrode whitelocke esquire , to the right honourable the lords , at a conference of both houses on thursday the seventeenth of february last , concerning the propositions then made by divers gentlemen , citizens , and others , for the speedy reducing of the kingdom of ireland . london . printed for john burroughes . 1642. the speech of bulstrode whitelock esquire , to the right honourable the house of peers , now assembled in parliament . my lords , i am commanded by the house of commons , to present unto your lordships a vote which hath passed that house upon some propositions made unto them , for the speedy , and effectuall reducing of the kingdom of ireland : i desire the vote may be read , and afterwards i shall offer a few reasons to invite your lordships consent unto it . after the vote read , my lords , you observe three motives for the house of commons to passe this vote . 1. the reducing of ireland . 2. the greatnesse and profit of the king . 3. the case of the people of england . the reducing of that kingdom at this time , concerns not only the civil power , but the existence of our religion . their former rebellions have been only conflicts with soveraignty , to withstand the subjection to the crown of england ; the present revolts goes to the extirpation of our nation and religion amongst them . they have falsely scandalized the piety and honour of his majestie , and of the queen ; and yet pretend loyalty , and would cover their wickednesse with the cloak of their religion . it is too evident , they intend not only to shake of the government of england over them , but to blot out the name of the english , and protestants , and if their strength can equall their malice , and suffice to transport them hither , they will stain this land with the bloud of protestants , as they have already with most barbarous cruolties taken away the lives of many thousands of our poor brethren in ireland . ● . the question is not now , whether english or irish shall govern ; but whether the protestant , or the popish religion shall be established , and which of them shall be ruined . the very life and soul of our religion lyes now at stake , and no good protestant but will readily lay down his own life and fortunes , to succour and maintain it . these propositions tend to that good end , and there can be no greater motive to entertain them . 2. the greatnesse and profit of his majesty is so much concerned herein , that as the losse of that large and fertile iland , would cut off a third part of his majesties dominions ; so a through reduction of it would establish the kings throne which hath been totterring there above 400. years , and would much advantage the greatnesse and profit of his majesty . 3. the ease of the people of england , your lordships will readily condiscend unto , when you shall be pleased to remember the great and heavy payments they have lately undergone . i omit those illegall ones before the parliament , where the payment was a punishment for submission to unlawfull taxes ; but those necessary great levies raised by authority of this parliament ; and whereby the happy settlement of the peace and union of england and scotland hath been wrought , these with the present generall decay of trade have brought the people very low ; and we finde some in the country more apprehensive , what summes go out of their purses , then what honor or liberty they gain therby . our stories acquaint us with sad effects of great and often taxes ; if these propositions succeed , those dangers will be prevented ; the inferiour and poorer sort eased , and sufficient to do the work , raised voluntarily by such as are best able and willing to spare it , by many liberall and cheerfull contributions , whom god will blesse for it . it will be a pleasing sacrifice to him , and an immortall honor to those most worthy persons , who shall bring materialls to this building , and this not without strong hopes of advantage to themselves . when profit shall be an ingredient with charity and loyalty ; the plaister will be the sooner , and better tempered , that may cure the wounds of ireland . and when charity doth relieve our poor distressed brethren ; loyalty to our king and country , to preserve the honour and profit of both , and piety to god , and our own souls are the motives . i doubt not of the cheerfull concurrence of your lordships with the house of commons , to embrace all good and honorable means , for the effecting this great work of reducing that kingdom . i come now to the propositions . the first is , that two millions and a half of acres may be allotted to such as shall disburse moneyes for this service . the propositions may seem at the first very large and difficult ; but when it shall appear by computation of men of great experience of that countrey , and upon solid grounds , that the content of this island is above 15 millions of acres of profitable lands ; whereof 5 millions of acres are estimated to belong to the kings good subjects there : out of the ten millions remaining , they ask but two millions and a half ; and yet three parts of four of that kingdom , are out in rebellion . this may make the propositions seem neither immoderate nor difficult . the proportions to be assigned to the adventurers , will be found equall and reasonable . the second proposition is in advancing the kings revenue by reserved rents to him , out of these two millions , and half acres . it is well known , the revenue of that kingdom , out of the exchequer and court of wards there , never exceeded forty three thousand pounds per an. besides the customes , which never yeelded much , and altogether would scarce defray the charge of that crown . and some late pretences of improving the revenue there , appear to your lordships upon examination , to be very small , and all that was advanced , came by unworthy monopolies , and to private hands . by these propositions , the rent to be reserved , will amount to between thirty and forty thousand pounds per an. besides seven millions and a half , of acres left to be disposed , and what even the customes have been at the highest , will be really trebled unto his majesty . the other propositions are for the speedy payment of such summes as shall be raised , whereby the warre may proceed with a full strength and expedition . livy observes , that the romans made their warres great and short . those with the latines , samnites , and tuskanies , concluded in short times ; one in six dayes , another in ten dayes , and a third in twenty dayes space . i mention not this with hopes to be imitated , but to shew how much their actions which bear a great sway in the world , confirm this truely , that nothing in war can be more advantagious to a state , that to bring it to a speedy conclusion . i cannot remember , without much grief of heart , the unhappy delayes in the relief of ireland ; but those obstructions are now in a good measure removed , and our hopes raised , that by a blessed concurrence of his royall majesty , your lordships , and the house of commons , the great work of ireland , with all possible speed , will be finished . a narrow and thrifty course in this businesse , will prove after the old proverb , but penny wisedome . to prolong time , would give advantage to neighbouring princes , whose particular interest may , perhaps , at this time , engage them ; otherwise stand at gaze , and are full of jealousies of these proceedings , to take the first occasion to oppose us , and to support our enemies . i shall trouble your lordship no further , but with a short observa●ion from the story of ireland . king william the first , who called himself the conqueror , gave leave to twelve knights to enter wales , and what lands they could gain there , to keep and plant themselves in it : from one of these , descended richard , the strong bowe , earl of chepstoe , who in henry the seconds time , made the first conquest , and with such as desired to plant themselves in ireland . gerraldus cambrensis tells us , this shall continue crebris conflictibus multis caedibus longoque certamine . these propositions , i hope , will give a period to that prophesie : and as the first conquest there , was begun by plantation , so a happy and perfect establishment thereof , and of the true religion , may be made by a like noble plantation , to which these propositions tend ; and by command of the house of commons , i present them to your lordships , for your consent and approbation . finis . master glyn's reply to the earle of straffords defence of the severall articles objected against him by the house of commons published by speciall direction, out of an authentick copy. glynne, john, sir, 1603-1666. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a42872 of text r213348 in the english short title catalog (wing g892). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 107 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 30 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a42872 wing g892 estc r213348 99825763 99825763 30150 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42872) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 30150) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1793:33) master glyn's reply to the earle of straffords defence of the severall articles objected against him by the house of commons published by speciall direction, out of an authentick copy. glynne, john, sir, 1603-1666. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. [2], 56 p. printed for lawrence chapman, london : anno 1641. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng strafford, thomas wentworth, -earl of, 1593-1641 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. trials (treason) -england -early works to 1800. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. a42872 r213348 (wing g892). civilwar no master glyn's reply to the earle of straffords defence of the severall articles objected against him by the house of commons. published by s glynne, john, sir 1641 20041 23 0 0 0 0 0 11 c the rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-09 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion master glyns reply to the earle of straffords defence of the severall articles objected against him by the house of commons . published by speciall direction , out of an authentick copy . london , printed for lawrence chapman , anno 1641. master glyns reply to the earle of straffords defence . my lord of strafford having concluded the recapitulation of his evidence , mr. glyn applied himselfe to their lordships in manner following . may it please your lordships , my lord of strafford ( as your lordships have observed , ) hath spent a great deale of time in his evidence , and in his course of answering hath inverted the order of the articles ; he hath spent some time , likewise , in defending the articles not objected against him , wherein he hath made a good answer , if in any : wee shall presume to withdraw a while , and rest upon your lordships patience ; and i doubt not but to represent my lord of strafford as cunning in his answer , as hee is subtill in his practice . the committee withdrawing for about the space of halfe an houre , and then returning to the barre , mr. glyn proceeded as followeth . my lords , your lordships have observed how the earle of strafford hath been accused by the commons of england of high treason , for a purpose and designe to subvert the fundamentall lawes of both the kingdomes , of england and ireland , and to introduce an arbitrary , and tyrannicall government : the commons have exhibited articles in maintenance of that charge : my lord of strafford hath thereunto answered in writing . the commons have proceeded to make good their charge by proofe , and thereunto my lord of strafford hath made his defence ; and this day my lord of strafford hath taken upon him to recollect his evidence , and make his observation upon it , the most he could to his advantage . my lords , wee that are intrusted for the house of commons , stand here to recollect the evidence on our part , and to apply it to the generall charge , and how farre it conduces thereunto . my lord of strafford in recollecting the evidence of his defence , as i did mention before , hath ( under favour ) exprest very much subtilty , and that in divers particulars , which i shall represent to your lordships . my lords , before i enter upon the recollection of the proofes produced on the behalf of the commons , i shall make some observations , and give some answer to that recollection of his ; though very disorderly to the method i propounded to my selfe . and first , in generall , it will appeare to your lordships , ( looking upon your notes , and observing his recollection ) that he hath used the repetition of evidence on both sides , in such manner as you know who useth scripture ; that is , to cite as much as makes for his purpose , & leave out the rest . and likewise , that in repetition of the evidence , he hat● mis-recited , plainly , very much of the proofs on both sides , & likewise hath pretended some proofes to be for his defence , which indeed were not : and hee hath taken this farther advantage ; when it makes for his defence , he hath disjoynted the proofes , and testimonies , and severed them asunder , that it might appeare to your lordships , like raine falling in drops , which considered in distinct drops bring no horrour , or seeming inconvenience with them ; but when they are gathered together into an entire body , they make an inundation , and cover the face of the earth . he would not have your lordships look on those testimonies together , but distinctly , and asunder , wch being put together look horrid , as will appeare to your lo. when you duly consider of them . these bee the generall observations , which in my answer i doubt not but to make good : but before i shall enter into observations of what hee hath spoken , i shall answer in generall to some things which hee hath in generall alledged . in the first place , hee hath made a flourish this day , and severall other dayes in the way of his defence , that if hee could have had longer time , hee could have made things appeare clearer , and have produced more proofes . give mee leave to informe your lordships that he is no way straightned of time , for he hath bin charged above three months since ▪ he knew what was laid to his charge , and therefore his pretence of want of time , and of his disabilities to make better proofes , are but flourishes . and it appears plainly , whatsoever he hath had occasion to make use of , even the least paper , though hee fetched it from ireland , there is not one wanting ; he hath copies of papers from the councell table , from the parliament of ireland , and all that may any way tend to his justification , and yet he stands upon that flourish , that if he had had time he could have made it more cleare . my lords , he hath mentioned often this day , and oftner the dayes before , that many of the articles laid to his charge are proved but by one witnesse ; and thereupon he takes the advantage of the statute of e. 6. that sayes , a man ought not to be condemned for high treason without two witnesses . my lords , this is a fallacy knowne to his own breast , i doubt not , and not taught him by any of his councell , or others learned . the treason laid to his charge , is , the subverting of the lawes ; the evidence is , the articles proved : and though some one article appeares to be proved but by one , yet put the evidence together , you shall never find it to bee within the words or meaning of the statute ; for the charge is proved by a hundred witnesses : and because one part of the evidence is proved onely by one witnesse , since , when you put them together , you will find a hundred witnesses , it is not within the words nor meaning of the statute , neither will his councell direct him to say so , i am confident . my lords , another observation i shall be bold to make , is , that hee was pleased to cast an aspersion ( as we must apprehend ) upon them that be trusted by the house of commons this day , that we that stand here , alledged and affirmed things to be proved , that are not proved : hee might have pleased to have spared that language ; we stand here to justifie our selves , that we doe not use to expresse any language , but what our hearts and consciences tels us is true ; and howsoever he is pleased to cast it upon us , i am confident i shall invert it upon himselfe , and make it appeare , that hee hath bin this day guilty , in the highest degree , of what he most unjustly layeth to our charge . and now my lords to enter upon the particulars , hee hath beene pleased to make it his generall theame to day ( though hee hath not spoke much to day but what he hath spoken formerly ) that these particulars considered by themselves make not a treason , and therefore put together he wonders how they should make a treason : several misdemeanours can never make a murther , and severall murders can never make a treason ; and he wonders it should be otherwise in this case . my lords he did instance it ( if my memory failes me not ) in a case of felony ; that if a bloudy knife should bee produced in the hand of the party suspected to have slaine the man , if the party had bin there seen before the death , it were a strong evidence ; but there must bee death in the case , the fact must be committed , else there can be no murther : but he himselfe might answer himselfe , for there is a great difference : there cannot be murther but there must be death , but hee knowes very well there may be treason and yet no death ; it is too late to forbeare questioning treason for killing the king , till the king be killed : god forbid wee should stay in that case , for the very intention is the treason , and it is the intention of the death of the law that is in question , and it had beene too late to call him to question to answer with his life for the death of the law , if the law had been killed , for there had been no law then ; and how should the law then have adjudged it treason , when the same were subverted and destroyed ? and therefore he is much mistaken . the greatest traytor , in the memory of any that sits here to heare me this day , had a better , a fairer excuse in this particular then my lord of strafford , and that is guido faux ; for hee might have objected , that the taking of the cellar , the laying of the powder under the parliament house , the kindling of the match , and putting it neare , are not so much as a misdemeanor , if you look no further ; for it was no offence in him to lay barrels under the parliament house , and to kindle the match , and to lay it neere ; but collect all together , that it was eâ intentione to blow up the king and the state , there is the treason : but god be blessed it was not effected ; so that the rule is the same . nay , my lord of strafford hath not so much to say , when he is charged with a purpose and intention to subvert the law ; for to that purpose gave he trayterous counsels , and executed actions , thereby discovering his intentions to destroy the kingdome , and to destroy the kings claime by law , and discent . it is true , they were not put in execution , but they declared his intentions ; therefore this gives an answer to his first flourish , which is not so great an argument as the greatest traytor might use for himself , and yet it proved treason in him . my lords , he hath been pleased to divide his treasons into two parts , and his division i allow of ; that is , treason by statute-law , as he tearmes it , though it be treason by the common-law ; and constructive treason : and upon that method hee hath recited the evidence produced on either part ; give mee leave to follow and trace him a little , and afterwards to discharge my duty in taking my owne course , and representing the evidence as it appeares , truly ; and i will avoid ( as much as i can ) to fall into my lord of straffords errour , in mis-reciting a particle ; if i doe , it shall be against my will . he begins with the fifteenth article , and pretends that that is not proved ; the ground and foundation of that article was a warrant issued out by himselfe to a sergeant at armes , one savill , which gave directions and power to that serjeant to lay souldiers on any person that should contemne the processe of the councell ▪ boord in ireland ; that was the effect : now ( sayes he ) this warrant is not produced , and addes , that the judges will tell your lordships , that if a man bee charged with any thing under hand and seale , the deed must be produced and proved , or else no credit is to bee given to it . truely , my lords , it is true , if it had beene a bond , or a deed , where those that seale it use to call their neighbours to testifie , and be witnesses to it , perhaps it might be a colourable answer , that because we do not produce the deed , and prove it by witnesses , you can therefore give no credit to it : but , my lords , in case of authority to commit high treason , i suppose my lord of strafford , nor any other did call witnesses to prove the signing , sealing and delivering of the warrant for execution of high treason ; and therefore it is a new way and invention found out by his lordship , for ought i see , to commit high treason , and to give authority for it ; and it is but taking away the originall warrant , and hee shall never be touched for any treason . but i beseech your lordships patience , till i come to open that article , and your lordships will finde the warrant , ( though it be not produced , ) proved by three or foure witnesses , and his hand & seale proved too . and wheras he pretends the sergeant at armes is no competent witnesse , because he excuses himselfe ; my lord mistakes himselfe , for i take it to bee no excuse to prove a warrant from any person whatsoever , if it be to commit high treason : and therefore savills testimony is the more strong , being so farre from excusing , that hee doth accuse himselfe : and though he is charged with laying of souldiers upon the kings people , contrary to an expresse ▪ act of parliament made in 18. h. 6. yet my lord is pleased ( i know not how to terme it , whether it be merrily , or otherwise ) to use his rhetorick , here is a great levying of war , when there is not above foure musketiers , or six at most , laid upon any one man . my lords , it is a plain levying of warre , and without all question , and in all sense , it is as much mischievous to me to be surprized by foure or six musketiers , to enforce me to any thing they would have , as if there were an army of forty thousand brought upon me ; for if that strength will but over master me , it is all one to me whether i be mastered by foure , or by foure thousand . and therefore let not this be a rule , that to send foure , or six , or ten musketiers up and downe is not considerable , because of the smalnesse of the number ( the danger is the same ; ) yet this is no levying of warre , because they goe not in troops of greater number , as it pleases my lord of strafford to affirm . my lords , your lordships remember what the effect of the warrant is sworn to be , that howsoever the sergeant at armes , and his ministers that executed it , brought but foure , or six , or ten , yet the sergeant might have brought all the army of ireland , for there was authority so to doe . and admitting the matter of fact proved , he mentions an act of parliament made 11. eliz. whereby a penalty is laid upon men that shall lay souldiers on the kings subjects , and yet ( as my lord observes ) it must now be treason in the deputy . my lords , the very casting of an eye upon that act , shewes it to be as vainly objected , as if he had said nothing ; for in truth it is no other than as if he should say , the king hath given me the command of an army in ireland , and therefore i may turne them upon the bowels of the kings subjects : it is no more in effect . your lordships have heard him the other day mentioning two acts of repeale , and i expected he would have insisted upon them ; but it seemes he hath beene better advised , and thinks them not worthy repetition , nor indeed are they . and if the matter of fact be proved upon the fifteenth article , i am confident he will find the statute of 18. h. 6. to be of full force . my lords , i am very sorry to heare , that when levying of warre upon the kings subjects is in agitation , and he charged with high treason , he should make mention of the yorkshire men , and the army now on foot , whereby he would insinuate , that if he be charged with high treason , then they must be likewise , though they lye quartered , and have meat and drink with the assent of the people ; which may breed ill bloud for ought i know . from the fifteenth article he descends to the three and twentieth , and that is the article whereby he stands charged with speaking of words , and giving of councell to his majestie to incense him against his parliament , pretending a necessity , and telling him he is loose and absolved from all rules of government ; that he had an army in ireland which he might make use of to reduce this kingdome . in this he is pleased to begin with the testimony of my lord ranelagh , conceiving an apprehension and feare in him , that the army should goe over to england , which my lord sayes , is no more but his saying , and master treasurer vane's . i pray god my lord ranelagh had not much cause to feare ; but by the same rule he may lay a charge of unwarrantable feare upon all the commons ; for sure the commons of england did feare it , else they would not make an article of it : but my lord ranelagh's feare did not arise from a slight cause , and he shewed himselfe a good common-wealths man in expressing it , and he is to be commended for it , howsoever it be apprehended by my lord of strafford . for his observation of the single testimony of mr. treasurer vane , give me leave to take the same latitude as his lordship did ; for he shewes to three or foure articles what he could have proved ; as to the article concerning the army , he could have proved the designe of it by sir john burlacy , and some others , if they had beene here . but by this rule and liberty hee hath taken to alledge what he could have showne , give me leave to tell you what we might have showne , and are ready to shew : we could have made it expresse , and proved it by notes taken by secretary vane the fifth of may , when the words were spoken , which notes should have beene proved , if we had proceeded on the three and twentieth article , to corroborate the testimony of mr. secretary vane , and that by two witnesses . wee could likewise have showne how we came to the knowledge of it , it being by means unknowne to master secretary vane , and have made him an upright councellour and witnesse : but we shall prove his intentions to bring in the irish army another way , when i come to open my owne course and method . my lords , hee pretends these words were spoken the fift of may , but when they were testified by master treasurer , he did not speak of the fifth of may , and yet now my lord remembers the day ; and i wonder how hee came to the knowledge of the day , unlesse he likewise remembred the words . but that my lord observes , is , that being spoken then , how should he perswade the king , that he had an army in ireland , when in truth he had none there ? for the army was not on foot till a moneth after . this , my lords , is plainly answered ; and if he had thought of his owne answer , he had answered himselfe : for he tels you , that in april before , he had taken a course for the levying of the army , he had nominated the officers , giving direction for raising it : and , the day of the rendezvous of the army was appointed the 18. of may . and so in his owne answer he makes an answer to the objection , and the objection is taken away out of his own confession . from that article he falls to the seven and twentieth article , whereby he stands charged with levying money by force upon the kings people in yorkshire : he is pleased to observe , that all the proofes for the maintenance of that article , is onely the levying of money with foure souldiers by sergeant major yaworth . where he is pleased to disdaine the war , because it was so weak , yet it was too strong for them ( god help them ) that were forced upon pain of life to pay it . and whereas he pretends the warrrant was not from him , i shall reserve that till i come to the article , and when i come to the proofes , i beleeve it will remain fixed upon him . and there he left his statute treason , and now he fals to the second kind of treason , and that was the introductive or constructive treason : he begins with the third article , that is , concerning some words that he should be charged to have spoken in ireland ; & i shal desire that your lordships would be pleased to look upon your notes , how he answers that article ; my lords , sayes he , i am charged to say that ireland was a conquered nation , and that their charters were nothing worth , and bind the king no further then he pleaseth ; therefore i am a traitor because i speak the truth . there was his answer in his collection . and for their charters he sayes , he might might very well say so , for he intended it no otherwise , but according to the validity of them , for they were severall wayes questionable , and ought not to bind , unlesse they were good in law . but if you look upon his arguments , he hath , like a cunning oratour , omitted the principall part of the article ; and that is , that ireland is a conquered nation , and they were to be governed as the king pleaseth , the king might doe with them what he lists ; this hee omits : although they be proved by three witnesses , and are appliable to his intentions fully ; yet he could make use of so much as makes for him , and leaves out the rest , like your lordships know whom . then he descends to the fourth article , and this concerns some words he should speak upon an occasion betwixt him and my lord of cork , that he should tell my lord of cork , he would have neither law nor lawyers dispute or question his orders . and upon another occasion , that he would make my lord of cork and all ireland know , that all acts of state ( which are acts of councel ) there made , or to be made , should be as binding as any act of parliament : this he said was proved but by one witnesse : and i extremely marvell to heare him say so ; for the latter words wee proved by foure , or five , or six witnesses , that is , that he would have acts of state as binding as acts of parliament . whereas he sayes these are all the words produced against him in the time of seven yeeres government there , your lordships have heard of many words , and if we would trouble your lordships further in this kind , we could prove such words spoken , as often almost as he remained dayes in ireland , that is , for the mis-recitall . the other part two witnesses proved ; but the residue , that they must expect law from the king as a conquerour , that acts of state should be equall to acts of parliament , and when an act of parliament would not passe , he would make it good by an act of state , these speeches at other times were proved by five witnesses . then he falls back to the second article , touching the words , that the kings little finger should be heavier then the loines of the law . my lords , these words were proved expresly by five witnesses , to be by him spoken ; and if he had produced five hundred that had said he did not speak them , they had not been equivalent to disprove five ; but he produces none . sir william penniman repeats other words , and inverts them , and none but he . another party , a minister , reports a report that hee heard concerning these words , but , my lord , saith he , the occasion of the speaking of them was not mentioned . truly perhaps it might bee the forgetfulnesse of my lords memory , but let me put him in mind . and your lordships remember that the occasion was exprest by one , and that is sir david fowles , that he laying a command upon sir david to repaire a bridge , and calling him to account why it was not repaired , sir david fowles told him , he could not doe it by law . and therefore omitting it , my lord said to him , sir , some are all for law and lawyers , but you shall know that the kings little finger will be heavier then the loines of the law . here is the occasion , though he would have another businesse , the knighting money to be the occasion . from the second he falls to the three and twentieth article , that is , concerning words , that he should counsell his majestie , that he might use his prerogative as he pleased ; but in saying there was no proofe offered , hee here begins to fall upon the other fallacy , that is , to pull things asunder ( whereas we produce them together ) and would make that that is a faggot , to be but a single stick ; but , under favour , when i come , with your lordships patience , to open the force of the proofes , and put them together , he shall find ( contrary to his expectation ) that they are fully proved by the testimony of many witnesses , upon consideration of the precedent , concurrent , and subsequent acts and intentions of my lord of strafford . i shall not now run over my lord primates testimony , or my lord conwayes , or master treasurers , or my lord of bristols , but make use of them in their proper places , when i shall put all together , to shew his design , and to prove his speaking of the words . then hee comes to the five and twentieth article , which i shall not insist on , though he pretends it not proved ; i shall referre that to my recollection , that i may not answer to his pieces , but bring all together , and then the horrour of his fact shall more speciously appeare . onely this ( under favour ) i cannot passe over , when he comes to justifie an advice and counsell of the kings being loose and absolved from all rules of government , and that he might use his prerogative as hee pleases , he is pleased to mention the argument of the judges in the ship-money , and what they should deliver , he makes the warrant of his counsell . now your lordships may observe , he would justifie his actions by law , in some cases , where it is to his advantages , but in other cases hee must be ignorant of the law . but , my lords , for him to mention any thing in the argument of the judges , concerning the ship-money , which is now condemned , and to make that a ground of his counsell and advice to the king , and not the judgement in truth , but the argument of the councell at barr , that therefore he is loose , and absolved from all rule of government ; for him to make the parliaments deferring to give supply , to be that necessity which was insisted upon in the councells argument , and to be such an unavoidable necessity , as to beget an invasion upon propriety and liberty , it rests in your judgements , and the judgements of all that heare me , what argument this is , and what he declares his opinion to be this day . in the latter part , let me close hands , and agree with him ; he sayes , proofes must be taken by themselves , they must not be judged by peeces , but together ; and now in good time i shall joyne with him , and shall desire the same judgement , that things may not be taken asunder , but judged together , according to his owne words . for the twentieth article , he is thereby charged with being an incendiary between both nations , and an occasion of drawing two armies into this kingdome , and to incense the warre . my lords , i remember ( if i did not mis-conceive , and my memory misprompt me ) my lord said , he could have no occasion to incense a war , being a man of estate , and should have no benefit by it , having sufficient to live without it : but in due time i shall make it appeare , to my apprehension , and i beleeve to your lordships , when you have heard it , that the incensing of this war , and provoking of it , was the principall instrument of bringing to passe his designe of subverting the lawes , through the whole work of it . my lords , in the passage of this , he takes occasion to speak of the testimony of master secretary vane , who testifies , that my lord was for an offensive , and himselfe for a defensive warre : whence my lord argues , here is no great difference , for both were for a warre : but , my lords , is there no difference betweene an offensive and defensive warre , in case of subjects that live under one king ? is there no difference to bring an army to offend them , and for the king to raise a force to defend himselfe ? truly i think there is a great difference , and a very materiall one too : but your lordships see hee makes no difference between them . my lords , in the foure and twentieth article he mentions , that he is charged with being an occasion to breake the parliament , and layes hold of that , as in the other articles , that it was not proved , but declined . my lords , when hee shall heare the repetition of the evidence , though part of the article was not particularly insisted upon , yet i beleeve it will appeare to your lordships , and the world , that he was the occasion of breaking the last parliament , and it is expresly proved by witnesses enow ; and though he sayes , how should any body thinke him an occasion of it ; that did so often advise parliaments ? yet i shall shew anon , that when he did advise them , it was to compasse his owne designe and plot , without which his ends could not be brought to passe . he came from the foure and twentieth article to the seven and twentieth , and he answers against that article , that when armies are in the field , men cannot walke so peaceably , as an atturney with his box and papers in westminster hall . i know not what he meanes ; but when two armies are in the field , they may raise warre against the kings people , as well as the king for his just defence ; it is the way to make his people terrified with armies , and to avoid them as a serpent , and therefore it is a dangerous aspersion , as i conceive . with these he concluded , except some things that hee took , by way of artificiall insinuation , to perswade your lordships , that it was dangerous to raise a treason that had laine asleep i know not how many hundred yeeres , and create a treason . a strange thing indeed it is , that a man should be charged with a treason for subverting the law ! a strange thing that one should be charged with treason for killing a justice sitting in the seat of justice , and yet it should bee no treason to destroy king , and kingdome , and people , and all ; all which are destroyed , if the law be subverted . and now having touched upon what he hath spoken , with your lordships good favour , i shall crave leave to run the course i have propounded with my selfe , and that very briefly , that is , upon the whole matter to shew how far the evidence , produced on the commons part , doth prove the charge . my lords , that laid to his charge is a design and purpose to subvert the fundamentall lawes of two kingdomes , and to introduce an arbitrary and tyrannicall government ; not that he did effect it , but that he did intend it : for if he had done it , it had been t●● late to question it , he had left no rule whereby to cal● him to triall ; but his intention and his endevour are his charge . my lords , how farre this is proved ; if your lordships be pleased to call to mind , the articles , and the evidence produced on the commons part , your lordships will find , i beleeve , that his words , his councells , and his actions , doe sufficiently prove his endevouring to destroy . in the first article , where my lord of strafford hath the first opportunitie offered him to put this endevour in execution ( that is the first place of eminency amongst his other places and commands , which , i take it , was his being made president of the north ) he is no sooner there , but there be instructions procured to enable him to proceed in that court , almost in all causes ; for a man can scarce think of a cause which is not comprehended within the instructions obtained after his comming thither : but i shall put your lordships in mind of two clauses of the instructions procured in the eighth yeer of this king , and after he was president ; that is , the clause of habeas corpus , and prohibitions ; that no man should obtaine a prohibition , to stay any suit that should be commenced before him , in the councell of york ; that if any man should be imprisoned by any processe out of that court , he must have no habeas corpus . a prohibition is the only meanes to vindicate the estate of the subject , if it be questioned without authoritie . a habeas corpus is the onely meanes to vindicate his liberty , if it be detained without law : but these doores must be shut against the kings subjects , that if either they be questioned ▪ or restrained before him , there must be no reliefe . how far he could goe further i am to seek , there being no means for the subject to ●●lieve himselfe , if he be questioned for his estate with●●… authoritie ; no meanes to redeeme himselfe , if his person be imprisoned without law . and he had so incircled himselfe about , that if the judges should fine the party that returnes not the habeas corpus , according to law , there was a power , and a warrant , by the instructions , to the barons , to discharge the officers of that fine . and now i referre it to your lordships judgements , whether this be not to draw an arbitrary power to himselfe . for the execution of this power , it is true , it is proved to be before the instructions in the eighth yeere of the king ; but then it riseth the more in judgement against him ; for your lordships have heard how he went into a grave judges chamber , blaming him for giving way to a prohibition , granting attachments against one that moved for a prohibition ; and though this was done before the instructions were granted , yet the instructions comming at the heeles of it , sheweth his disposition and resolution more clearly , for he acts it first , and then procures this colour to protect it : and though he pretends there was no proofe , yet i must put your lordships in mind , that when these things were in question , concerning the apprehension of a knight , by a sergeant at arms , he kneeles to his majestie , that this defect might bee supplied , and this jurisdiction maintained , else he might goe to his owne cottage . and here being the just commencement of his greatnesse , if you look to the second , it followes , that at the publick assizes he declared , that some were all for law , but they should find the kings little finger heavier then the loines of the law . he did not say it was so , but he infused it as much as he could into the hearts of the kings people that they should find it so ; and so he reflects upon the king , and upon his people : the words are proved : and to speak them in such a presence , and at such a time , before the judges and countrey assembled , they were so dangerous , & so high expressions , of an intention to counsell the king , or act it himselfe , to exercise an arbitrary government , above the weight of the law , as possibly could be exprest by words . and this is proved by five witnesses , and not disproved , nor is any colour of disproof offered , but only by sir william penniman , who saies , he heard other words , but not that he heard not these words : if hee doth , he must give me leave not to beleeve him ; for five affirmations will weigh downe the proofe of a thousand negatives . he staies not long in england with this power ( though while he staies you heare how he vexes the subject ) but then he goes into ireland ; and as his authority increases , so he ampliates his designe ; and no sooner is he there , but the third article is laid to his charge , that when the city and recorder of dublin , the principall city of ireland , presented the mayor , upon a solemne speech and discourse concerning the lawes and liberties ( as your lordships know that is the subject matter of a speech at such presentments , as when the lord mayor of london is presented to the king ) i beseech your lordships observe the words he then used , they were a conquered nation , and that we lay not to his charge , but they were to be governed as the king pleases , their charters were nothing worth , and bind but during the kings pleasure . i am to seek , if i were to expresse an arbitrary power , and tyrannicall government , how to expresse it in fitter words , and more significant terms than these , that the people shall be governed at the kings will , that their charters , the sinewes and ligatures of their liberties , lands , and estates , should be nothing worth , and bind no longer then the kings pleasure , specially being spoken upon such an occasion , and the words proved by two or three witnesses of credit and quality . from thence we descend to articles , that shew the execution of his purpose . there be three things a man enjoyes by the protection of the law ; that is , his life , his liberty , and his estate . and now , my lords , observe how he invades , and exercises a tyrannicall jurisdiction , and arbitrary government over them all three . i shall begin with the fifth article , that is concerning my lord mountnorris and denwit . my lord mountnorris , a peere of that realm , was sentenced to death by procurement of my lord of strafford ; who , howsoever hee pretends himselfe not to be a judge in the cause , yet how farre he was an abettor , and procurer , and countenancer , and drawer on of that sentence , your lordships very well remember ; he was sentenced to death , without law , for speaking words at a private table , god knows , of no manner of consequence in the world , concerning the treading upon my lord of straffords toe ; the sentence procured seven moneths after the words spoken , and contrary to law , and himselfe being put in mind of it , my lord mountnorris desiring to have the benefit of the law , and yet he refusing it . and then it was in time of peace , when all the courts of justice were open , and to sentence a man to death of that quality , my lord of strafford himselfe being present , an author , a drawer on of it , makes it very hainous . your lordships remember this article was fully proved , and though he pretends his authority by a letter from his majesty , i shall in due time give a full answer to that , so that it shall rise up in judgement against him , to aggravate his offence , and that in a great measure . here he exercises a power over life , his excuse was , that he procured a pardon for my lord mountnorris ; but the power was exercised , and the tyranny appeared to be the more ; he would first sentence him to death , and then rejoyce in his power , that he might say , there remaines no more but my command to the provost marshall to doe execution . to exercise a power over his life , and to abuse him afterwards , is very high ; but no thanks to him that the sentence of death was not executed , it was the grace and goodnesse of his majesty that would not suffer my lord mountnorris , a person of that eminence , to be put to death against law . but the other was hanged , and , as appeares , against law ; and though my lord pretends the party was burnt in the hand , yet that was not proved , nor materiall : and for him to doe this in time of peace , when the courts of justice were open , it argues a desire in his breast to arrogate a power above law . and in truth i may not omit some observations that my lord made this day ; he hopes his majesty would bee pleased to grant him a pardon . i perceive hee harboured in his thoughts , that hee might hang the kings subjects when he would , and then get a pardon of course for it . the lord blesse me from his jurisdiction . my lords , give me leave to goe back againe , here is power over the lives and liberties of the subject ; but he exercised likewise a tyrannicall power over his estate . your lordships may be pleased to remember the fourth article , where he judges my lord of corks estate , in neither church land , nor plantation land , and therefore had no pretence of a jurisdiction ; for it is a lay fee divolved by act of parliament to the crown ; yet he deprives him of his possession which he had continued for twenty nine yeeres , upon a paper petition , without rules of law . and whereas my lord of cork went about to redeeme himselfe ( the law being every mans inheritance , and that which he ought to enjoy ) he tels him , hee will lay him by the heeles ▪ if he withdraw not his proces : and so when he hath judged him against an expresse act of parliament , and instructions , and bound up a great peere of the realme , hee will not suffer him to redeeme that wrong , without a threat of laying him by the heeles , and he will not have law nor lawyers question his orders , and would have them all know , an act of state should be equall to an act of parliament : which are words of that nature , that higher cannot be spoken , to declare an intention to proceed in an arbitrary way . the next was in my lord mountnorris his case , and rolstone . and here i must touch my lord with misrepetition . rolstone preferred a petition to my lord deputy , my lord deputy himselfe judges his estate , and deprived him of his possession , though he cannot produce so much as one example , or precedent ( though if he had , it would not have warranted an illegall action ) but hee cannot produce a precedent , that ever any deputy did determine concerning a mans private estate ; and if hee hath affirmed it , he proved it not : some petitions have been preferred to him , but what they be non constat . but , though never any knew the deputy alone to determine matters of land , yet he did it . to the seventh article we produce no evidence ; but my lord of strafford cannot be content with that , but he must take upon him to make defence for that which is not insisted upon as a charge ; but since he will doe so , i refer it to the book in print , where he determines the inheritance of a nobleman in that kingdome , that is , my lord dillon , by a case falsly drawne , and contrary to his consent ; and though he deprives him not of his possession , yet he causes the land to be measured out , and it is a danger that hangs over his head to this day . and had we not knowne that we had matter enough against my lord of strafford , this should have risen in judgement against him ; but i had not mentioned it now , if he had not mentioned it himselfe . the eighth article containes severall charges , as that of my lord chancellour , how he imprisoned him upon a judgement before himselfe and the councell , how he inforced the seale from him when hee had no authority , nay , though it were excepted by his patent that hee should no way dispose of it ; but he looked not to authority , further then might make way to his will . another concerns the prime earle of that kingdome , my lord of kildare , whom he imprisoned , and kept close prisoner , contrary to the kings expresse command for his deliverance ; and in his answer my lord acknowledges it , but sayes , that that command was obtained from the king upon a mis-information . these things i would not have mentioned , if he had passed them over ; but since he gives them in , give mee leave to mention , and say , we had a ground to put them into charge , and could have proved them , if there had been need , punctually and expresly , and i beleeve little to my lords advantage . but your lordships i think doe remember my lady hibbots case , where the lady hibbots contracts with thomas hibbots for his inheritance for 2500. l. executes the contract by a deed , and fine levied , deposits part of the money , and when a petition was exhibited to the l. deputy and councell for the very estate , your lordships remember how this came in judgement before my lord deputy ; there was but a petition delivered , there was an answer made ▪ and all the suggestions of the petition denied ; yet my lord spake to hibbots himselfe , that was willing to accept the money , not to decline the way that he was in by petition ; five hundred pound more will doe him no hurt to carry into england with him : and yet , without examination of a witnesse , a decree was made to deprive this lady of her estate : and the purchasing of this land by my lord of strafford was proved by two witnesses , though not absolutely , yet by confession of sir robert meredith , and others , whose names were used in trust for my lord of strafford , and that it proved according to my lord of straffords prophecie ; for the man had five hundred pounds gaine above the contract with my lady hibbots : but after , the lands were sold for seven thousand pound ; so that the lady hibbots offence was her making of a bargain whereby to gain five hundred pounds ; but there was no offence in my lord , to make a bargaine for three thousand pounds , and to gain foure thousand pound presently : this you see proved by hibbots the party , and by master hoy the son of the lady hibbots . so that here is a determination of a cause before the councell table touching land , which was neither plantation , nor church-land , without colour of the instructions , contrary to law , to statute , to practice ; and if this be not an exercising of an unlawfull jurisdiction over the land and estates of the subject , i know not what is . in his answer to this case hee did open it ( yet whether he mistook or no i know not ) that hee had a letter from the king , but he produces none in evidence ; and that is another mis-recitall . i am sorry he should mis-recite , and fix it upon the person of his soveraigne in a case of this nature . now he falls more immediately upon the liberty of the subject , and that is by the warrant mentioned in the ninth article , to be issued to the bishop of downe and conner , whereby he gives power to him and his officers to apprehend any of the kings subjects that appeared not upon proces out of his ecclesiasticall courts , expresly contrary to law ; and your lordships have heard how miserably the kings subjects were used by this warrant , as hath beene proved by a gentleman of quality , sir james mountgomery : and howsoever hee pretends it was called in , it was three whole yeers in execution , before it was called in ; and though he pretends his predecessours did ordinarily grant warrants of that nature , yet he proves no such thing . my lord primate was examined , and he sayes , that bishop mountgomery did tell him there was such a warrant , and one witnesse more speakes of one warrant , and that is all the witnesses produced , and that but to be a copy too . your lordships have heard how he exercises his jurisdiction and power over particulars , and that in a numerous manner ; now your lordships shall find it universall , and spread over the face of that kingdome that was under his jurisdiction , and that is in the tenth article , which concernes the customes : where hee doth impose upon the kings subjects a rate and taxe against law , and enforces them to pay it , or else punishes them for it ; which is expresly an arrogating to himselfe of a jurisdiction above the law . my lords , in his answer he pretends that this is rather a matter of fraud than otherwise : in truth and so it is , and that a great one too . but as it is a fraud , a dis-service , and deceit to his majestie , so it is likewise an exercise of a tyrannicall jurisdiction over his subjects : that it is a fraud to his majestie it plainly appeares , for the king lost exceedingly by it ; whereas before the rent affoorded the king was 11050. l. there was improved by the new lease , that my lord of strafford took but 1350. l. and i beseech your lordships observe how much the king lost by it ; for my lord had comprehended in his new lease the impost of wine , for which the king before that time received 1400. l. a yeere ; and likewise the custome of london durry , colerane , and knockfergus , for which the king had reserved 1700. l. a yeere , besides the moity of the seisures : so here is 5000. l. that the king lost of the old rent expresly : and , if your lordships please , observe the gain and benefit my lord of strafford made by it ; in one yeere he and his sharers received 39000. l. and in the last yeere 51000. l. and that expresly proved upon two accounts : and if this be his dealing , where is his service to the king in his pretence to advance the customes ? it is true , he sayes , the king hath five eighth parts , but it was but within these two yeeres , the king had it not before . and i would very gladly have heard whether the king received his part of an account of 55000. l. if he had received it , i beleeve wee should have heard of it . my lords , there is something more ; here is a new imposition on the kings people without law , and yet i will doe my lord of strafford no injury : but i tell you how the proofe stands ; it was a book of rates framed before he came to the forme , for the booke of rates was in march , and the date of his assignment is in april following ; and therefore my lord saith , it could not be for his benefit . but , my lords , all this while my lord of strafford was in england , and in agitation for the procuring of it , and they come one upon the heeles of another , and i beseech you observe cui bono ; the book of rates was procured within a moneth of the patent , but god knowes whether it were not within the compasse of his intentions to take the patent ; and therefore whether he were not the instrument of raising rates , it rests in your lordships judgement , and all that heare me ; i am sure the benefit redounded to himselfe : and so here is an arbitrary government in imposing and forcing to pay , for that i desire your lordships to take with you ; and hee might as well have raised nineteen shillings on a pound , as nine pence , or three pence , by the same rule of law . the next article in number was the eleventh , and i would be glad my lord had not mentioned it ; it concernes the pipe-staves , wherein he pretends he did the king great service , and that , he sayes , was the reason of our passing over it : but that was not the reason ; it had beene a foule businesse if we had opened it ; but having enough besides , we made not use of it : for the substance of the proofes by multiplicity of witnesses had beene , that the parties themselves that bought the pipe-staves for foure pound odd money , were faine to sell them to his instruments for six pounds , and after to buy them againe for ten pounds , else there must be no licence to export them : but that i would not have mentioned if he had let it slip over . i come to the twelfth article , and that is concerning the tobacco , wherein he pretends the kings service , and , if my memory faile me not , the desire of the parliament , that hee should take this into his hands for the king . my lords , therein , under his favour , hee hath mis-recited the evidence , and spoken that hee cannot justifie ; for he can shew no such desire of the parliament . it is true , there was a desire of the parliament , that the king would be pleased to take his customes into his hands for the advancement of his revenew , that it might goe to maintaine himselfe , and he might not be abused , and others live by it ; but to take the tobacco into his hands , he never did , nor can produce a witnesse to prove such their desire ; and therefore , under favour , he fixes a wrong upon the parliament , and injures your lordships by his reciting that he neither did nor can make good ; for there was no such thing . but if you observe the course he takes , he makes proclamation to hinder the importing of tobacco into ireland ; that if it be imported , it must be sold to him at his own rate ; and by this meanes he first hinders the liberty of the subject from doing what the law allowes him , and so takes on him an arbitrary power ; and secondly , he ingrosses this commodity to himselfe , deceiving his majestie , to whom he professeth so much fidelity ; for whereas there is 5000. l. rent to the king , he , by the computation of merchants , receives neere 140000 ▪ l. a yeer : and because their computations are not alwayes true , i doe not care if i allow him 40000. l. mistaken , and then he will gaine neere 100000. l. so that if he intends the kings benefit , it is wonder he told not his majestie of the great profit that might thereby have risen , and let him partake of it , as in justice he should have done , according to the trust reposed in him : but you have heard of no such matter . and surely my lord of strafford would not have omitted it , if it had been for his advantage , especially in this presence , where hee omits nothing to cleere himselfe , or to insinuate with his majesty . now i come to the thirteenth article , the article concerning flax , which i know is fresh in your lordships memories , and i beleeve will be so in the memories of the subjects of ireland for many yeeres , how he ingrossed it into his hands , and interrupted the trade of the poore people , whereby such miseries and calamities befell many of that nation , that , as you have heard it proved , thousands dye in ditches for want of bread to put in their mouths . and whereas he pretends that this was proved but by one witnesse , and that man to be imprisoned , and of no credit , though he was his owne instrument ; your lordships remember sir john clatworthy his testimony , and anothers , and his own warrant produced , and acknowledged here to justifie the execution of it , and such a thing was thereby taken into his owne hands , that i professe i never heard the like , that the poore people should be constrained to use their owne as he pleased , and that pleasing of himselfe laid an impossibility on the people to execute his pleasure , which was a bondage exceeding that of the israelites under the egyptians ; for there was not laid so much upon the children of israel , but there was a possibility to performe ; they might with much labour perchance get stubble to burn their brick , but the natives here must have a charge laid upon them without possibility to performe , and the disobedience must cost them no lesse then the losse of their goods , which drew with it even the losse of their lives for want of bread . this was not proved by onely one witnesse , but by many . and your lordships remember the remonstrance of that parliament of ireland , which declares it to a greater height than i have opened it . the fifteenth article is that of levying warre upon the kings subjects , expresly within the statute of 25. e. 3. and 18. h. 6. your lordships have heard the warrant proved by the party himselfe , to whom it was directed ; whereby power was given to lay souldiers upon any party , that did not obey my lord of straffords orders at the councell table , but not to circumscribe him to a certain number ; but the seargeant at arms , and his ministers , might lay as many as they would . it is true , this warrant was not it selfe produced , but a copy was offered , which was not read ; and therefore i will not offer it to be proved , but the party that executed the warrant it self , proves it to be under the hand and seale of my lord of strafford , he proves the expresse authority of it , which was to the effect i opened ; three or foure more , who saw and read it , proved the same : and that it was under the hand and seale of my lord of strafford , that accordingly it was executed upon divers of the kings subjects ; it was proved by three witnesses expresly in the point , how by colour of this warrant the sergeant at armes , and his officers , sent souldiers to lye in the houses and lands of the kings subjects ; how the owners were thereby forced out from their own habitation ; how their goods were wasted and devoured , their corn and victuals eaten up , and the souldiers never left them , as long as any part of their estates remained to maintain them . my lord of straffords defence is , that it hath been used before his time in ireland ; wherein hee hath againe mis-recited ; for he did not offer a proofe , nor a particle of a proofe , that ever any man did know souldiers laid upon any party for refusing to appeare to a warrant , or for other contempt at councell table , before himselfe did it ; but hee offered to prove , that formerly souldiers were sent against rebels , and that after they were declared to be rebels , and justly too ; and he proved an use and custome to force men to pay the contribution mony due to the king , but that was by consent of the people , who granted a contribution of 20000. l. a yeere , for encrease of the kings revennue ; and that it might not be upon record in the exchequer , and so claimed as due in time to come , they consented that souldiers should be laid upon them that refused it ; and the word ( consent ) is within the statute of 18. h. 6. againe , did he prove all manner of rents were levied by souldiers ? no such thing ; but such rents as were designed for payment of the army : he proved by sir arthur terringham the laying of souldiers once for the payment of a summe of mony ; but sir arthur being demanded whether it were the kings rents , or comprehended within the same generall rule , he could make no answer thereunto . your lordships remember , he sayes he did not know it , and therefore probably it was the kings rents ; and doubtlesse it was so . but if he had produced presidents , it could not be an authority for treason , that if people did not appeare to his orders , he must levie warre against the kings subjects ; and for his extenuation of the warre , that the same was of no great danger , there being not above five or six souldiers layd at a time . i would to god the people oppressed by it , had cause to undervalue it : i am sure foure or six musketiers are as strong to oppresse a man as foure thousand ; so the matter of fact is strongly and expresly proved . besides , though there came not above foure or five to a house , yet the authority given to the sergeant was generall ; he might have brought more if hee had listed : and in truth hee brought as many as the estate of the party would maintain . and as to the not producing of the warrant , i have already answered it . if it were in the case of a deed wherin men call for witnesses , it were something ; but god forbid that the treason should be gone , and the traitor not questionable , if his warrant can be once put out of the way . the next article which is laid to his charge is , for issuing out a proclamation , and warrant of restraint , to inhibit the kings subjects to come to the fountaine , their soveraigne , to deliver their complaints of their wrongs and oppressions . your lordships have heard how hee hath exercised his jurisdiction , and now he raises a battery to secure and make it safe . if he doe wrong , perhaps the complaint may come to the gracious eares of a king , who is ready to give reliefe , and therefore he must stop these cries , and prevent these meanes , that hee may goe on without interruption . and to that end he makes propositions here , that the kings subjects in ireland should not come over to make complaint against ministers of state , before an addresse first made to himselfe . it is true , hee makes a faire pretence and shew for it , and had just cause of approbation , if he had intended what he pretended ; but as soon as he came into ireland , what use made hee of it ? he ingrosses the proceedings of almost all the courts of justice into his owne hands , and so pre-possesses the king by a colourable proposition , and prevents their comming over before they had made their addresse to himselfe , and then he becomes the wrong doer , and issues proclamations for the hindering of the kings subjects to seeke redresse without his leave ; which is as great a proofe of his designe , and as great an injury to the people , governed under a gracious prince , as a heart can conceive . and what his intention was in exhibiting this proposition , it will appeare in the sentence of a poor man , one david , who was censured , and most heavily fined for comming over into england to prosecute complaint against my lord of strafford . it is true , that this was not the cause expressed , but this was the truth of the matter . your lordships remember a clause in the order at councell boord , whereby is set forth the cause wherefore the party is not sentenced , which i never saw in an order before , nor should now , but that my lord foresaw there was danger in it , that he might be charged in this place for the fact ; and therefore puts in negatively why the party was not censured . clausula inconsulta inducit suspitionem . and how defends he this article ? he sayes , his predecessours issued proclamations to hinder the kings subjects from going over , lest they should joyne with o neale and tirconnell beyond sea , and so it might be dangerous to the state ; but because they may joyn with forreiners , shall they therefore not come to the king to make just complaint ? what this argument is , i referre to your lordships judgments . then he pretends a former president , affirming that the like instructions were given to my lord of faulkland ; but was there any , that none should come to their soveraigne to make their just appeale if injured ? surely there was never any such instruction before , and i hope never will be againe . the next article is the nineteenth : and now when hee had so plentifully exercised his tyranny over the lives , the liberty , and the estates of the kings subjects . a man would think he could goe no further ; but see a tyranny exercised beyond that , and that is over the consciences of men : hitherto hee dealt with the outward man , and now hee offers violence to the inward man , and imposes an oath upon the kings subjects , and so exerciseth a tyranny over the consciences of men . and setting aside the matter of the oath , if he hath authority and power to impose such an oath as he shall frame , he may by the same power impose any oath to compell consciences . he pretends a warrant from his majestie to doe it , but the kings ministers are to serve the king according to law ; and i dare be bold to say ( and we have good reason to thank god for it ) if any of the kings ministers tell him that any command he gives is against law , there is no doubt but in his goodnesse and piety hee will withdraw his command , and not enforce execution ; and therefore if there were an errour , the king is free , and the ministers to be justly charged with it . but there was no command from the king to compell and enforce them to take the oath by the power of the star-chamber , to commit them to prison , to impose heavie fines , and tyrannize over them ; all which he did in the case of steward . and now one would have thought hee had acted his part , when he had acted as much as lay in his own power ; and yet he goes beyond this , he was not content to corrupt all the streames ( which was not a diverting of the course , as he spoke in his answer ; for he not onely turned the course of the water , but changed the nature of it , converted it into poyson , a legall and just proceeding into a tyrannicall and arbitrary government , which is not turning , but corrupting of the cleere and christall streams to bitternesse and death . ) but yet the fountaine remains cleere , and perhaps when his hand is taken off , you shall have the streames run as pure and uncorrupt as ever they did . this is it troubles him , remove but this obstacle , and the work is perfect ; and therefore now he will goe about to corrupt the streames : if hee can but infuse his poyson into the kings heart , which is the fountain , then all is done ; and now he attempts that , and approacheth the throne , endeavours to corrupt the kings goodnesse with wicked counsels ; but god be thanked he finds too much piety there to prevaile . and therefore the next article is that , that charges him to be an incendiary to the warre betwixt the two kingdomes : and now i shall be bold to unfold the mysterie , and answer his objection : to what purpose should he be an incendiary ? were it not better to enjoy his estate in peace and quietnesse , then have it under danger of a warre ? now your lordships shall have the riddle discovered . the first thing hee doth after his comming into england is , to incense the king to a warre , to involve two nations , of one faith , and under one soveraigne , to imbrue their hands in each others blood , and to draw armies into the field . that he was this incendiary , give me leave to revive your lordships memories with the proofes which will make it plaine ; and first give me leave to note unto your lordships , that his majestie , with much wisedome , did in july 1639. make a pacification with his subjects , and even at the very heeles of this pacification , when all things were at peace , upon the tenth of september , which was the next moneth but one , your lordships remember the sentence of steward in the star-chamber of ireland , for not taking the oath ; your lordships may call to mind the language my l. of strafford was pleased to use of the scots : when all was in quietnesse , he then calls them no better then traitours and rebels , if you will beleeve what the witnesse testifies , whom my lord is pleased to call a school-master : and truly admit hee were so , because he is a school-master , therefore not to be beleeved , is a non sequitur . and another witnesse , one loftus , speaks to the words , though not in the same manner ; but , i say , the tenth of september , when things were at peace and rest , when the king was pleased to be reconciled to them by that pacification , what boiled in his breast then to the breaking forth of such expressions , i know not , unlesse it were an intention to be an incendiary . my lords , i must say and affirme , and he hath not proved it to the contrary , that all this while ( i am confident ) there was not any breach of the pacification on either side , and it lyes on his part to prove there was : but the parliament of scotland then sitting , and making preparation for their demands in pursuance of the articles of pacification , hee , comming over into england in september , immediately upon the pacification , answers , that he found things so distracted here ▪ that it was fit the scots should be reduced by force , if they could not be otherwise : yet no breach appeares , no war was denounced , there was no intention of a warre : but see what harboured in his breast all the while ? the fourth of december following , my lord traquaire made his relation to the councell of the scots proceedings : and all this while there was no demands brought by the scots themselves , nor reason of their demands brought by others , though they were prepared ; yet you have heard his advice was for an offensive warre , and that the demands were a just cause of the war . and though he pretends hee said no more then what the rest of the lords of the councell concurred with him in , i will joyne in issue with him in that , and if some of your lordships be not satisfied , you have many noble lords among you , from whom you may be satisfied that it is not so ; i am sure he proves it not . it is true , in the proposition of the demands some of the lords of the councell did say , that these demands hypothetically , if the scots did not give satisfaction by their reasons , were a just cause of warre ; but not any lord of the councell was of opinion , that the very demands , positively , without hearing of the reasons , were a just cause of warre , but himselfe ; and i beleeve the noble lords of the councell their consciences can tell them , and i beleeve will deliver it to the rest of the peeres , that i speake truth . for the offensive warre he pretends a concurrence of the rest , but it was disproved ; many were for it upon these termes , if they did not give reasons , and shew just cause for their demands ; and many were against an offensive warre upon any terms , and therefore herein he fixes that upon the lords of the councell , that hee cannot make good . all this while his intentions are discovered by a matter precedent , but after the breach he discovers his anger further towards the scottish nation , and makes it his designe to incense the king to this warre . my lords , hee is not at an end yet , for he confesses himselfe that hee advised the king to call a parliament ; and now i come to his work of merit , but it was to his destruction , and serves to prove this article directly ; for to what purpose was this parliament called ? exitus acta probat ; it was no sooner set , but within three weekes a proposition is made for supply towards a warre against the scots : who was the cause of calling the parliament ? himselfe ; and therefore who was the cause of this proposition but himselfe ? and so the calling of the parliament is a concurring evidence of his being an incendiary to put on the warre ; and it shall appeare anon absolutely , that he was the occasion of it , though he thinkes there be no proofe of it . did not he goe over into ireland , and by his solicitation there , subsidies were granted by the parliament , onely to maintaine this warre , and to shew their ingagement in it ? and who was the occasion of drawing them on , i referre to your lordships judgements , by the circumstances precedent . your lordships heard his good opinion of the scots , when he began to discourse with the citizens touching money , and their affording of the king supply , and seising the mint , by giving them no better expressions than rebels ; for , saith he , you are more forward to help the rebels , than to pay the king his owne : i know not who hee meant , but certainly the scots were in his thoughts ; so that from the beginning he incensed the warre against them : first , hee exclaimed against them during time of peace . he alledges in his answer , that things were found in such distraction , that it was fit the scots should be reduced by force ▪ he gave advice precipitately without hearing the reasons , and not concurrent to the councell , for an offensive warre ; and putting all together , i referre it to your lordships judgement who is the incendiary ; for how can it be proved more cleerely , unlesse it should appeare under his hand and seale , proved by two or three witnesses ? now , my lords , how comes this to be his designe ? here the mystery comes to be unfolded . having thus incensed to the warre , and ingaged the king to the uttermost , and having a parliament now dissolved without supply , he sets up an idol of his owne creation , as a means to draw on his designe , and that was necessity ; necessity is it that must enforce the king : what to doe ? to levie money , to use his prerogative , to raise supplies upon his subjects without their consent , against their will , necessity must be his argument , and this warre must be thē occasion of that necessity , and without that he cannot suggest to the kings eare , or advise this necessity , till this bee brought to passe . and now he hath brought it to passe , he began in the one and twentieth , two and twentieth , and three and twentieth article , to perswade the king ▪ that necessity hath surprized him , by the parliaments deserting of him ; that the parliament had forsaken the king , in denying supply , and having tried the affections of his people , hee was loose , and absolved from all rules of government , and had an army in ireland which he might employ , to reduce this kingdome . that he spake these words to the king , part is proved by two concurrent witnesses , that is , that having tried the affections of his people , he was now loose , and absolved from all rules of government ; which words are proved by two witnesses of eminent quality , that is , my lord of northumberland , and sir henry vane : and truly , howsoever my lord in his speech pretends , that the most materiall words are proved but by one witnesse ( it seeming that hee held it not a materiall charge , that he counselled the king that he was absolved from all rules of government ) for my part , if your lordships be satisfied those words were proved , i could willingly satisfie my owne conscience in it , and make no great matter to quit the rest ; for i know not how he could expresse it in higher termes , then that the king was absolved from rules of government , for then he might doe what he would . it is true , the latter words , touching the irish army , are expresly proved but by one witnesse , master secretary vane ; but are fortified againe with such circumstances as make up more then one , yea , more than two other witnesses , if your lordships will have the patience to have it represented , as it is proved . for howsoever it be slighted by him , if your lordships will call to mind the words of sir george radcliffe , his bosome friend ( to whom he had contributed without question his advice in all causes ) the said sir george radcliffe expressed it before , and told some of his friends ( supposing that he never should be called in question , and that the power of my lord of strafford had been enough to protect any thing he had done , and out of the aboundance of the heart his mouth spake ) the king must now want no money ; if he did , no body would pity him , now he had his sword in his hand . sir robert king proves it so . my lord renula discovered the smoake of the fire that hee had just cause to suspect , and on good grounds , i am sure ; and if the commons of england had not just cause to suspect him ( as i beleeve he is convinced they had good cause ) what is the reason this suspition should bee entertained at that time , my lord of strafford being not then questioned for it ? and yet my lord renula should say , shall wee turne our swords upon our owne bowels ? shall we bring this army to turne the points of our blades upon that nation from whence we were all derived ? and that was before any conference with master secretary vane . sir william penniman himselfe , his owne witnesse and friend , sayes , at york , before my lord of strafford was questioned , that there was a common fame of bringing the army into england , and there is something in that surely ; and after all this , to produce one witnesse that expresly proves the very words spoken in terminis , as they bee charged , if your lordships put the whole together , see whether there be not more then one witnesse . and , under favour , my lord cottington , if you call to mind his testimony , i must justifie , he did declare , that he heard my lord of strafford tell the king , that some reparation was to be made to the subjects property ; which must inferre , he had advised an invasion upon the property ; else by no good coherence should a reparation bee made . and that he testifies this , i must affirme , and most here will affirme it ; and i think your lordships well remember it : and that is an addition to it ; for if your lordships cast your eye upon the interrogatory administred to my lord admirall , and my lord cottington , that very question is asked ; so that his owne conscience told him , he had advised something to invade upon the people , when he advised to a restitution after things should be settled : and so i referre it to your lordships consideration , whether here bee not more then one witnesse by farre . it is true , he makes objections to lessen this testimony ; first , that this army was to be landed at ayre in scotland , and not here ; and this was declared to sir thomas lucas , master slings by , sir william penniman , and others . secondly , that others that were present , when the words are supposed to be spoken , did not heare any such words . for the first : perhaps the army might be originally intended for scotland , and yet this is no contradiction but he might intend it afterwards for england ; surely this is no logick , that because it was intended for one place , it could never be intended for another place ; so his allegarion may be true , and the charge stand true likewise . beside that it was intended orriginally for scotland , what proofe makes hee ? hee told severall persons of the designe , but i will be tryed by himselfe , he told some , it was for scotland , he told others it was for england ; and why you should beleeve his telling on one side , more then on the other side i know not ; though he pretends a reason of his severall allegations that the world should not know his designe , but if you will not beleeve him one way , why should he be beleeved the other way ? and if not the other way , why the first way ? for the second , severall persons were present when the words were spoken touching the irish armie , and they were examined , and remember not the words ; but one man may heare , though twentie doe not heare ; and this is no contradiction at all : for those persons whom he examined , the lord treasurer , marquesse hambleton , my lord cottington , did not heare the words that are proved by two witnesses , concerning the kings being loose , and absolved from rules of government : and if they did not heare those words , no marvaile they did not heare the other : and therefore that which hee himselfe pretends to be a convincing testimonie , is nothing at all ; so that his objections are clearely taken away , and the single testimonie fortified with testimonies that make above one witnesse , and so the words are fully proved . but to fortifie the whole , i shall handle all these articles together , this designe to subvert the law , and to exercise an arbitrary power above the law in this kingdome , will ( upon the proofes putting them altogether , and not taking them in pieces as my lord of strafford hath done ) appeare to have been harboured in his thoughts , and settled in his heart long before it was executed . you see what his counsels were , that the king having tryed the affections of his people , was loose and absolved from all rules of government , and might doe every thing that power would admit , and his majesties had tryed all wayes , and was refused , and should be acquitted of god and man , and had an army in ireland , wherewith if hee pleased he might reduce this kingdome : so there must be a triall of his people , for supply that is denyed , which must be interpreted , a defection by refusall , and this refusall must give advantage of necessity , and this necessity must be an advantage to use his prerogative against the rule of the law , and consent of the people ; this is his advice . which shewes that this very thing that hapned did harbour in his thoughts long before the breach of the parliament , and the occasion of the armie . your lordships have heard it confessed by himselfe , that before this last advice , he had advised the calling of a parliament : to the parliament a proposition of twelve subsidies was made for supply , and ( which may be spoken with great assurance ) before they had consulted , or given any resolution to that proposition , the parliament was dissolved , upon a supposal that the supply was denied . now that this was predesigned by my l. of strafford himselfe , i beseech you observe these things following , that is , the words in the two and twentieth article , that his majestie was first to try the parliament , and if that did not supply him , then he would serve the king any other way . his words are proved by mr. treasurer , that if the parliament supplyed him not , hee would serve him any other way ; and this is before the parliament set : now if your lordships heare the proofes of my lord primate ( which my lord of strafford slights taking it singly ) my lord primate before the parliament was called , when my lord of strafford was in ireland , and not yet come into this kingdome , testifies , my lords , saying , that if the parliament will not supply his majestie , the king was acquitted before god and man , if hee tooke some other course to supply himselfe , though against the will of the subjects . i beseech your lordships observe how he prophecies these things must come to passe , and advised them accordingly . my lord conway testifies , that before the parliament sate , my lord of strafford said , that if the parliament would not supply his majestie , the king was acquitted before god and man , if hee tooke another course to supply himselfe , though it were against the will of the subject , and he doubts not but the parliament would give , what ? twelve subsidies : and your lordships very well remember , twelve were propounded ; but i beseech you observe the coherence of all : the parliament must be called , they must be tryed , if they deny there is necessity , and this necessity is a warrant for the king to proceed ; so that my lord of strafford must be judged to be either a prophet , or to have this designe before hand in his thoughts . now the parliament being broken before answer to the demand given , he vents his counsell in the three and twentieth article , and how far it is proved your lordships have heard . now comes the bullion to be seized , the copper money to be advised , and now comes he to tell the king that the aldermen of london must be put to fine , and ransome , and laid by the heeles , and no good would be done till some of them bee hanged , so you heare his advice ; i beseech your lordships observe what successe this advice tooke ; foure aldermen were instantly committed , and then the councell of the three and twentieth article is fomented . first , he foments the warre , then there is a necessitie , the defection of the parliament must set the king loose from rules of government , and now see whether the occasion of the warre , the calling of the parliament , the dissolving of it , be not adequate to what he propounded to himselfe , namely , to set up an arbitrary government . your lordships remember how fresh my lord of bristowes memorie is , touching my lord of straffords opinion upon the dissolution of the parliament , how he declared unto my lord of bristow instantly within three or fower dayes after , that the king was not to be mastered by the frowardnesse of his people , or rather of some particular persons ; and your lordships remember sir george wentworths words spoken the very day of dissolving the parliament : which may be very well applyed as a concurrent proof to his intentions of bringing the army into england . he was my lords owne brother , that knew much of his councell , and his words are , that the english nation would never be well , till they were conquered over againe . so my lords put all together , if he declared his owne intentions , if actions , in executing of this tyrannicall , and arbitrary power , if counsels of as dangerous consequence , in as high a strain as can be , be not a sufficient evidence to prove an intention , and desire , to subvert the law , i know not what can prove such an interpretation : and now i referre it to your lordships judgements , whether here be not a good proofe of the article laid to his charge . my lord in the seven and twentieth article hee is charged with levying of warre upon the kings people , by forcing them in yorkshire to pay money : to prove they were so forced , you have heard by two witnesses , that sergeant major yaworth , by musketeers , fower together in the towne , and one by one out of the towne , did compell them to pay the fortnights contribution , else they were to serve in person : that hee did this by warrant is likewise confessed by sir william penyman ; and whether this were an authoritie derived from , or commanded by my lord of strafford , that is the question ; and , my lords , it is plainly proved , that it was commanded by my lord of strafford , for sr. william penyman himselfe being examined , alledged that the warrant was made in pursuance of the relation , and direction made by my lord of strafford . your lordships heard what my lord of strafford did say before hand , as is proved by two witnesses , ( sir william ingram and mr. cholmeley ) that this money should be paid , or levied on the subjects goods ; then his declaration to sir william penyman , ( in pursuance of which he made his warrant ) that it was the assent of the lords of the great councell , that this money should be levied ; and taking all together , whether it fixes it not upon him to be the authour and instrument , it rests in your judgements in point of fact : and so i suppose the seven and twentieth article rests on him , and so i shall conclude the evidence produced on the behalfe of the commons . and now give me leave to put your lordships in mind of some evidences offered by my lord of strafford himselfe in his answer , and in the passages of his defence , for his clearing and justification , but tending directly to his condemnation . i will enter upon some passages he mentioned to day , and often before ▪ when he is charged with invading the estates of the peeres of the kingdome of ireland , and determining them , upon paper petitions in an arbitrary way ▪ your lordships have heard him speake it before , and repeat it this day , that he did it out of compassion for the more expeditious proceeding on behalfe of the poore , against these mighty ▪ but then , my lords , i beseech you compare some other part of his proceedings . your lordships remember the businesse of the flax , which concernes the poore wholly and universally ; and if compassion had beene the rule and direction of his actions towards the poore ▪ surely this would have beene a just cause to have commiserated them in this case ; but hee exercised his power over them , and over them wholly , and over them universally : and therefore it shewes , it is not his compassion to the poore , nor respect to the rich , or mighty , that will any way restraine or obstruct his wayes , to his owne will . and therefore you may see what truth there is in his answer , by comparing one part of the charge with another , when the businesse of the flax brought that calamity upon the kings subjects , that thousands of them perished for lacke of bread , and dyed in ditches . secondly , your lordships have often heard him use a rhetoricall insinuation , wondering that he should be charged with words , and they strained so high as to be made treason , to question his life , and posterity , though the words might be spoken unadvisedly , or in discourse , or by chance : your lordships remember the fifth article touching his proceedings against my lord mount-norris where words were spoken in an ordinary discourse at dinner , and slight ones , god knowes , of no consequence at all , such as another man would scarce have harkened after , and yet my lord extends them to the taking away of my lord mount-norris his life ; gets a sentence of death against him , and that against law , with a high hand , in such a manner , as i thinke your lordships have not heard the like ; and therefore , i beseech you , compare one part of his answer with another , and see how ready he is to make use of any thing that may excuse himselfe ; and yet when he comes to act his power , you see his exercise of it . you have heard how hee magnifies his zeale for advancing the kings benefit , & revennue , and his care of his service , and would shelter and protect himselfe under it , to justifie an exorbitant action ▪ but if your lordships call to mind the businesse of customes for tobacco , ( which in truth were the kings right and due , and a great profit was thereby advanced ; and he trusted to advance it . ) the king must loose of his former rents in the case of custome , and received a small rent in the case of tobacco , my lord himselfe in the meane time imbursing such vast summes of money : where is then the discharge of his trust ? where is his care to advance the kings rents ▪ to encrease his revennue ? compare that part of his answer with this , and see what credit is to be given to his affirmation . my lords , throughout the passages of his discourse he insinuates , ( and never more then this day ) with the peeres of the realme , magnifying them almost to idolatrie ; and yet my lords , when he was in his kingdome , in ireland , and had power over them , what respect shewed he then to the peeres of the kingdome , when he judged some to death , trampled upon others in misery , committed them to prison and seized on their estates ; where then was the peerage he now magnifies ? and to shew it was an insinuation for his owne advantage , you may remember , when there was an unlawfull act to be committed , that is , the levying of money in the north , what regard had he then to the peeres of the kingdome , when hee comes to justifie and boulster up high treason it selfe , under the name and authoritie of the great councell , where most of the peers of the realm then were ? and so by this time i know what credit your lordships give to his words spoken , when he lyes under your mercy , and power : but what doe i speake of the peers of the kingdome , and his using of them ? my lords , he spared not his soveraigne , his majestie in his whole defence ; for being charged with offences of a high nature , hee justifies those offences under the pretence , and under the authoritie of his majestie , our gracious king and soveraigne , even murder it selfe , in the case of denwit , and my lord mountnorris . treason it selfe , in the fifteenth article by a command in ireland , and in the seven and twentieth , by a pretended authoritie from his majestie in the face of his people ; hee justifies my lord mountnorrice his sentence by a letter from his majestie , denwits sentence by a commission from his majestie , and hee read three or fower clauses to that purpose . my lords , my lord of strafford doth very well know ( and if he doth not know it , i have a witnesse to produce against him , which i wil not examine , but refer it to his owne conscience , that is , the petition of right ; ) that the kings servants are to serve him according to law , and no otherwise : he very well knew if an unlawfull act be committed , specially to a degree of treason and murder , the kings authority and warrant produced , is no justification at all . so then , my lords , to mention the kings name , to justifie an unlawfull act in that way , can doe him no good ; and his owne understanding knowes , it may doe the king harme , if wee had not so gracious a king , that no such thing can doe harme unto . but , my lords , to produce the kings warrant to justifie his actions under his patent and command , what is it else , but so farre as in him lies , in the face of his people , to raise a cloud , and exhale a vapour ? to interpose betwixt the king and his subjects ? whereby the splendour of his glory and justice cannot bee discovered to his people . my lords , what is it else , when the people make complaint against the ministers ( that should execute justice ) of their oppression , and slavery , and bondage ? for the minister , when he is questioned , to justifie this under the kings authority , what is it , i say , but , as much as in that minister lies , to fix this offence , to fasten this oppression upon the king himself , to make it to be beleeved , that the occasion of these their groanes proceeded from his sacred majestie ? yet god be thanked the strength of that sunne is powerfull enough to dispell these vapours , and to disperse the cloud that hee would have raised ; but in the meane time my lord is nothing to bee excused . my lords , he may pretend zeale to the kings service , and affection to his honour , but give me leave not to beleeve it , since , when he is questioned by all the kings people , and in the face of his people , and offences laid to his charge , which himselfe now confesses to be against law ; he should justifie it under the kings authority ; that savours not of a good servant : i will say no more . my lords , he is charged with exercising of a tyrannicall power over the kings people , and in his defence your lordsh●ps have often heard ( and i may not omit it ) that he shelters himself under the protection of the kings prerogative , though he be charged with tyranny of the highest nature that may be : see then how foule and malignant an aspect this hath . my lords , what is it else , but to endeavour , as much as in him lies , to infuse into the kings heart an apprehension , that his prerogative is so bottomlesse a gulfe , so unlimited a power , as is not to be comprehended within the rules of law , or within the bounds of government ? for else why should he mention the prerogative , when he is charged to exceed the law ? what is it else , but , as farre as in him lyes , to make the people beleeve ( for i may not forget the words hee hath used ) by his magnifying of the prerogative , that it hath a speciall stamp of divinity on it , and that the other part of the government that god pleases to put into the kings hands , had not that stamp upon it ? as if anything done by one , was to be justified by authority derived from heaven , but the other not . these expressions your lordships remember ; and i may not omit to put your lordships in mind of them ; and i can expound them no otherwise , then , as much as in him lies , to make the subject beleeve and apprehend that which is the buckler and defence of his protection , to be the two edged sword of his destruction , according to the doctrine he preached ; and that that which is the sanctuary of their liberty , is the snare and engine of their slavery . and thus he hath cast a bone of contention , as much as in him lay , betwixt king and people , to make the subjects loath that glorious flower of his crowne , by fixing a jealousie in them , that it may bee a meanes of their bondage and slavery . but there is so much piety and goodnesse in the kings heart , that i hope , upon faire understanding , there will be no such occasion ; but no thankes to the party , that so much adva●●ed the prerogative in the case and condition he stands in , to justifie that which is laid to his charge of high treason . my lords , i beseech you give me leave ; there is no greater safety to kings and people , then to have the throne incircled with good counsellers ; and no greater danger to both , then to have it encompassed with wicked and dangerous ones ; and yet i beseech you call to mind how hee hath attempted to deprive the subject of all meanes to discover this danger , by insinuating to your lordships , what a dangerous thing it were , if counsellers should be called in question for giving of counsell ; for who then ( saith he ) would be a counseller ? where is your safeguard ? where is the kings service ? is not this , as much as in him lies , to deprive the people of the means whereby they must make themselves happy , and whereby the king must be happy , that is , by his having good councellours about him ? and yet he infuses that venome , that the questioning of counsellours is dangerous both to king and peeres , if it should be brought into example . my lords , for many yeeres by past , your lordships know an evill spirit hath moved amongst us , which in truth hath been made the author and ground of all our distractions , and that is necessity and danger : this was the bulwarke , and the battery that serves to defend all exorbitant actions : the ground and foundation of that great invasion of our liberties and estates , the judgement in the ship money , and the ground of the counsell given of late to doe any thing , and to perswade the king that he was absolved from all rules of government ; and yet your lordships have observed in the course of his defence , how often he hath raised this spirit , that god be thanked hath beene laid , to the great comfort of king and kingdome , by your lordships , and all the commons in parliament . and when he stands under this question , and goes about to justifie his exorbitant actions , how often hath he created this idol againe ? and therefore i am affraid he discovers too much his owne heart in it . my lor : i may not omit some other passages in his defence , how he hath cast scandalls upon three nations in this place ; that is , in his first day of defence , when the irish remonstrance , made by all the commons of ireland , was produced by the commons of england ; he expressed in a passion , that things were carried against him by faction and correspondence , and ( if hee had time he would make it appeare ) with a strong conspiracy . here is a scandall cast upon the parliament of ireland with a reflection on the commons of england ; howsoever , it is true your lordships may remember the recantation he made that day , which i will not omit , desiring not to lay any thing to his charge but what is true ; but it is the reflection of a scandall that i cannot omit to put your lordships in mind of ; and the rather , because this remonstrance , presented from the parliament of ireland , did beare date before my lord of strafford was charged here , which is very remarkable , viz. the seventh of november ; and therefore , though he pretends a correspondence , certainly there could be none then , for he is not charged here til the tenth . and the same day , justifying a sentence in the castle chamber , your lordships remember he affirmed , that unlesse a strict hand were kept upon the nation there , they would find it hard to prevent perjury , one of the most crying sinnes in ireland . now to lay an aspersion upon the subjects of ireland , being under the government of the same king with us , how fit this is to be done by a man in that condition that my lord of strafford is , i referre to your consideration . another passage i remember , whereby in his defence he fell upon that nation ; in answer of which i may not omit to do the service i owe to the commons for whom i am trusted , and that is , that talking of an arbitrary and tyrannicall government , in reference to some orders of the commons house in ireland , hee used words to this purpose : you talk of an arbitrary government , looke upon these orders , here is an arbitrary government : and yet when he produced the orders , they appeared to have so much justice and discretion in them , that he can lay nothing to the charge of them , though in a passion he is not backward to asperse them . my lords , if this lyon ( to use his own language ) now that hee is chained and muzzled under the restraint and question of high treason , will here take the boldnesse to vent this language , and expresse this malignity , how would he doe if he were unchained ? how would he devoure ? how would he destroy ? &c. my lords , something concernes your lordships ; your lordships remember that hee was not backward in his owne answer , to fix a charge of high treason upon the lords of the great councell ; and howsoever , hee hath affirmed this day , i must open it againe , that the charge of the seven and twentieth article he fixes in his answer to be by consent of the lords of the great councell , though he hath since recanted it ; and yet you have heard him alledge , that he will stand and fall by the truth of his answer . my lords , i am now at an end . you have my lord of strafford here questioned for high treason , for going about to subvert the fundamentall lawes of both kingdomes , in defence whereof your noble ancestors spent their lives and bloods . my lords , you are the sonnes of those fathers , and the same blood runs in your veines , that did in theirs ; and i am confident you will not think him fit to live , that goes about to destroy that which protects your lives , and preserves your estates and liberties . my lords you have the complaints of three kingdomes presented before you against this great person ; whereby you lordships perceive that a great storme of distemper and distraction hath been raised , that threatens the ruine and distraction of them all . the commons , with much paines and diligence , and to their great expence , have discoved the jonas , that is , the occasion of this tempest . they have still and will discharge their consciences , ( as much as in them lyes ) to cast him out of the ship , and allay this tempest . they expect and are confident your lordships will perfect the worke , and that with expedition , lest with the continuance of the storme , both ship , and tackling , and mariners , both church and common-wealth bee ruined and destroyed : the danger and horrour of this storme , your lordships shall heare by the gentleman that is next to speake . finis . whereas by the antient laws and statutes of this realm, great and heady penalties are inflicted upon all such as shall be found to be spreaders of false news, or promoters of any malicious slanders and calumnies in their ordinary and common discourses ... by the lord lieutenant and council, jo. berkeley. ireland. lord lieutenant (1670-1672 : berkeley) 1672 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46125 wing i755 estc r36852 16143548 ocm 16143548 104836 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46125) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104836) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:18) whereas by the antient laws and statutes of this realm, great and heady penalties are inflicted upon all such as shall be found to be spreaders of false news, or promoters of any malicious slanders and calumnies in their ordinary and common discourses ... by the lord lieutenant and council, jo. berkeley. ireland. lord lieutenant (1670-1672 : berkeley) berkeley, john, sir, d. 1678. [2] leaves. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1672. title from first 6 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 9th day of july 1672"--leaf [2] broadside in [2] leaves. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng sedition -ireland. freedom of speech -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms diev et mon droit by the lord lieutenant and council . jo : berkeley . whereas by the antient laws and statutes of this realm , great and heavy penalties are inflicted upon all such as shall be found to be spreaders of false news , or promoters of any malicious slanders and calumnies in their ordinary and common discourses . notwithstanding all which laws and statutes , there have been of late more bold and licentious discourses then formerly ; and men have assumed to themselves a liberty , not onely in coffee-houses , but in other places and meetings , both publick and private , to censure and defame the proceedings of state , by speaking evil of things they understand not ; and endeavouring to create and nourish an universal jealousie and dissatisfaction in the minds of all his majesties good subjects : we the lord lieutenant and council considering that offences of this nature , cannot proceed from want or ignorance of laws to restrain and punnish them , but must of necessity proceed from the r●●tless malice of some , whose seditious ends and aims are already too well known , or from the careless demeanour of others who presume too much upon his majesties accustomed clemency and goodness , have thought fit by this our proclamation to forewarn , and straitly command all his majesties subjects , of what state or condition soever they be , from the highest to the lowest , that they presume not henceforth by writing or speaking , to utter or publish any false news or reports , or to intermeddle with the affairs of state and government or with the persons of any his majesties councellors or ministers , in their common and ordinary discourses , as they will answer the contrary at their utmost perils . and because all bold and irreverent speeches touching matters of this high nature are punnishable , not only in the speakers , but in the hearers also , unless they do speedily reveal the same unto some of his majesties privy council , or some other his majesties judges or justices of the peace , therefore that all men may be left without excuse , who shall not hereafter contain themselves within that modest and dutiful regard which becomes them we do further declare , that we will proceed with all severity against all manner of persons who shall use any bold or unlawful speeches of this nature , or be present at any coffee-house , or other publick or private meeting where such speeches are used without revealing the same in due time , we being resolved to suppress this unlawful and undutiful kind of discourse by a most strict and exemplary punishment of all such offenders as shall be hereafter discovered . given at the council chamber in dublin the 9th day of july 1672. ja : armachanus . mich dublin canc. o : bryen . art. forbese . ro : booth . j : temple . paul davys . h : ingoldsby char : meredyth . god save the king. dublin , printed by benjamin tooke printer to the kings most excellent majesty , and are to be sold by joseph wilde book-seller in castle-street , 1672. a narrative of the popish plot in ireland for the murdering the protestants there, and the introducing of popery : and the assistance they depended upon from england / discovered by me james carrol, in the year 1672 ; with an account of my sufferings for discovering the same. carol, james. 1681 approx. 46 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34683 wing c644 estc r12089 13302901 ocm 13302901 98956 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34683) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98956) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 448:17) a narrative of the popish plot in ireland for the murdering the protestants there, and the introducing of popery : and the assistance they depended upon from england / discovered by me james carrol, in the year 1672 ; with an account of my sufferings for discovering the same. carol, james. [4], 12 p. printed for richard janeway ..., london : 1681. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng popish plot, 1678. ireland -history -1660-1690 -sources. 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-09 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a narrative of the popish plot in ireland , for the murdering the protestants there , and the introducing of popery , and the assistance they depended upon from england . discovered by me james carrol , in the year 1672. with an account of my sufferings for discovering the same . london , printed for richard janeway , in queens-head-ally , in pater-noster-row . 1681. march 25. 1681. ordered , by vote of the house of commons , that the examination of fitz-harris and others , taken by sir george treby , be printed : which accordingly this informants examination was taken before the said sir george treby , as in the title page appears . to the right honourable , arthur , earl of essex , viscount malden , and baron capel , of ●●dham , sometime since lord lieutenant of ireland , and lately one of his majesties privy-council . may it please you lordship ! that zeal and unwearied diligence which your honour has on all occasions demonstrated to preserve the protestant religion , and prevent the still advancing plots of bloody papists , has most justly rendred all english protestants your debtors , and fill'd them with veneration for your name and person . were all noble-men endued with a like prudence , and integrity , the popish plot had long since lost its head , and england been secured ( as with a brazen wall ) against all the malicious effects of rome . the trojans of old had not been destroyed , had they not trusted to sinon's flatteries , and admitted the fatal horse , cramb'd with treacherous greeks , within their walls . nor can england and ireland become enslaved to the pope , or any other forrein power , unless some of our own ( intrusted subordinately with the administration of affairs ) clandestinely joyn with our open enemies . but where thieves keep the keys , well may the house be rifled ; and if wolves , though in sheeps-cloathing , be once made shepherds , 't is not difficult to imagine what will become of the flock . nor can that nation but be esteem'd in a condition deplorable , and on the very precipice to wilful ruin , where 't is a matter of greater hazard to discover treasons , than to contrive them . the following narrative will partly shew the figure which potent papists have made for some years past in the kingdom of ireland , and what influence they have had ( like malevolent planets ) to blast and crush all that durst go about to detect their disloyal hellish designs . it will here appear , that there hath been for many years a treasonable conspiracy carrying on in that kingdom , and that the popish irish were in an expecting readiness to give the blow , and act over their butcheries of 41 , but with greater barbarity : only one thing there was that hindred , viz. the dutch ( a powerful protestant state , very powerful till some late jesuitical designs weakned them ) must first be ruined . so that it seems the project was general to root out and destroy all the protestants throughout europe ; for this declaration to me was made in the year 1672 , a time when england and france were so hopefully united , and vigorously engaged in a war with holland , and the same juncture when the never tobe forgotten camp at blackheath was on foot . what intervening accidents might make the conspirators defer their rising in arms , or whether my making this discovery might not cause them to be more wary , though through some peoples kind connivance , it rendred them never the more disabled to have gone on , i determine not : 't is enough that as i knew it my duty to divulge it : so , although meerly for the same i have now past through a nine-years . purgatory , and am thereby reduced to poverty , debt , and great extremity ; yet were it still to do , i would discharge my conscience , though a thousand popish lords were concern'd to be angry , and i were sure not only to lose my livelyhood , but my life likewise on that account . at your lordships feet i humbly lay these papers , and presume to shelter them into the world under the patronage of your truly honourable name ; as well because your lordship is so excellently qualified to judg of the truth of them by your great insight into the complexion of affairs and persons in ireland ( which had the honour of having your lordship for some ( too short ) time her lord lieutenant ) as in regard of my particular obligation , that the same might remain as a publick testimony of my gratitude . your lordships most humble and fatithful servant , james carroll . errata . pag. 3. l. 45. r. seven . p. 5. l. 36. r. hen. the information of mr. james carroll , junior , of the city of dublin , in the kingdom of ireland , spanish leather-dresser ; and also a freeman of the city of london , an english protestant , born at new castle upon tyne , the first discoverer of the horrible and bloody irish plot against the protestants of that kingdom , upon the 12th day of april , anno 1672. taken upon oath before the right worshipful sir george treby , knight , recorder of this honourable city of london , by his majesties order in council . this informant saith , that he , together with james carroll , the elder , this informants father , having occasion to travel in the said kingdom of ireland , to buy wool , skins , and other commoditie relating to the trade or calling of this informant , did on the said 12th day of april , anno dom. 1672. arrive at portumna , in the county of gallway , a town belonging to william burke , earl of clanrickard , and took up their lodgings at the house of one thomas allen , an inn-keeper , then living at the sign of the black-spred eagle , in the said town of portumna , which said allen then was a tenant or steward unto the said earl of clanrickard ; and this informant saith , that the said thomas allen then and there falling into discourse with this informant and his said father , supposing them to be irish , this informant's said father speaking the irish tongue , did enquire of them what news there was abroad : whereunto they answered , that they had been travelling up and down the country , but heard no strange news : whereupon he said to this informant and his said father in english , as followeth : if ( said he ) we have news , that the dutch are beaten , whom we are in great hopes utterly to destroy , for that 's the l●ght we must put out , we have so good assurance not only from france but england too ; for there 's one , we are sure , will stick by us ; then my lord clanrickard will presently sound a trumpet , and i will go along with him , and three or four score more of this town , well horsed and armed , and every man five pounds in his pocket ; and i hope i shall kill an hundred of the protestants , anabaptists , independents , and such like phanatick rogues , before i am killed ; for i expect a quarter-masters place in the troop that is here to be raised , and i will have some of them upon the point of my sword before the last of june : and as for those that are here in this country , we will soon cut them off , they shall have no help to come from the other side of the brook ( meaning england ) for we have taken care to prevent that , by having an embargo put on shipping , that none can come from thence to help them ; so that we shall be twelve to one , and leave them neither root nor branch , nor spare them as in their former rising . whereto this informant and his said father answered , and said , this is strange news indeed : whereupon the said allen askt this informant's said father ( thus ) why did not you hear what was spoken at mass yesterday , being easter-munday ? and the said thomas allen still continued to declare to the effect aforesaid ; furthermore cursing the english in a most horrid manner , declaring their wicked and bloody designs against them . and this informant saith , that upon his return from portumna to dublin , aforesaid , through his duty and allegiance to his majesty , and natural affection to his country-men , the protestants of that kingdom , resolving to reveal and , make known such the treasonable and dangerous words of the said thomas allen , did immediately repair to one dr. topham , a master in chancery , before whom the informant did upon his corporal oath declare and make the same known : and saith , that presently after this informant was sent for , and did accordingly appear before the lord berkley , his majesties then lord lieftenant , and the council at dublin , and by them examined touching the premises , which this informant again confirmed upon three several examinations before the said lord lieftenant and council : and after that this informant was sent for before . sir robert booth , lord chief justice of the common-pleas at dublin , and by him ingaged to prosecute the said thomas allen for the said treasonable and dangerous words . and this informant saith , that soon after this examination aforesaid , a certain english man , who , as this informant was informed , had been an old souldier , or officer , and lived in , or about the county of wicklow in ireland , whose name this informant hath forgot , came also before the said lord lieftenant and council , and there upon his corporal oath declared , that there were some certain irish-men about the time of the said thomas allen's speeches , offered him a commission to raise men , and also to impower him to give commissions for that purpose to whom he should think fit ; and advised him to get all the assistance he could , and told him , he should be supplied with money to carry on the business , and they should be in a readiness within twelve days , then next following ; for that they expected about that time to rise , and be up in arms against the protestants in ireland : and saith , that about three weeks or a month after , all the said english-mans stock , cattle , goods and substance were taken from him , whereby he was ruined and quite undone : and although the said english-man petitioned the lord lieftenant and council for relief , in such his distressed condition , yet could he not obtain any relief , as the said english-man declared , and told this informant , who since that time could never see him , or hear any thing of him . and this informant saith , that being , as aforefaid , engaged by the said lord chief justice booth , to prosecute the said thomas allen , a pursevant was accordingly sent for the said thomas allen , but he could not be found ; and immediately after this informant saw the said allen and the earl of clanrickard together in the said earls coach , come into dublin , where the said earl appeared with the said allen , as his assistant ; and the said allen , together with this informant , presently appeared before the said lord lieftenant and council , and by them was examined concerning the said treasonable words and speeches so by the said allen spoken , as aforesaid : all which the said allen denied ; and also denied , that this informant , or his said father was , or were at the house of him the said thomas allen , or in portumna , at the time aforesaid : whereupon this informant being again examined , in the said thomas allen's presence , did again confirm the truth of the premises , and then also proved , that this informant and his said father , were the 12th of april in the house of the said thomas allen , in the town of portumna . and this informant the better remembers it to be on the day and year aforesaid , for that he had a bond which was then and there sealed and delivered to this informants use , where simon allen a brother to the said thomas allen , had set his name as a witness . and upon this informants then producing the said bond , and shewing the same to the said thomas allen , he could not deny the hand-writing of his said brother . thereupon the said lord lieutenant and council declaring they were very well satisfied of the truth of this informants evidence , did press and importune the said thomas allen to make an open and ingenuous confession of the whole truth of the matter ; telling him if he did not confess , it would be worse for him . but the said thomas allen notwithstanding obstinately persisting in his said denial , was by the lord lieutenant and council ordered to stand committed close prisoner without bail or mainprise , and so commanded the gaoler to take him away . nevertheless the said thomas allen was the very same day , by the prevalency , interest , means and procurement of the said earl of clanrickard , or otherwise , set at liberty upon his giving his own security of one-hundred pounds penalty , personally to appear within ten days next after notice should be given for that purpose , to be left at the house of one thomas lowe , scituate in st. thomas street in dublin , before the lord lieutenant and council , and not to depart without license . and this informant further saith , that some short time after this informant and his said father having further occasion to travel in the said county of galway , they came to the river shannan , where the wind being very high , it was late before the ferry-boat could pass them over to the said town of portumna , where they arrived on a saturday in the evening ; but finding the inhabitants there to gaze upon them , and draw tumultuously together , conceived it altogether unsafe to lodge there ; and therefore altho' they were both very wet and weary , did rather chuse to travel four miles further , to a lone house on the road to loughreak , and six miles short of loughrea , whither they intended that night to have gone , had they not been prevented by the delay of the ferry-boat , as aforesaid ; and the next morning , being sunday , about eleven a clock in the morning , they came to loughrea , wherethey rested that day and night ; and yet at or by the instigation of the said earl of clanrickard , and thomas allen , or others his accomplices , the constable of loughrea and several other persons with him , came very early the next morning , being monday , to the house where this informant and his said father lodged that night in loughrea aforesaid , and there very rudely throwing open the chamber-dore , frightned them out of their sleep , and there by virtue of a warrant from one iames donnallan , then a steward also to the said earl of clanrickard , a papist , but yet a justice of the peace living near loughrea , seized this informant and his said father upon a pretence that they travelled on the sabbath or lords day , whereas several of the inhabitants there travelled and came all that sabbath-day into loughrea , with their carts and horses loaden from athlone faire , twenty miles distant from loughrea , and yet none of these inhabitants were any ways troubled or molested for their so travelling on the same sabbath day . and the said constable and those persons with him , then also seized and took away a case of pistols , and two swords belonging to this informant and his said father , then lying on the table in their chambers , and said this informant and his father intended to kill some body with the pistols and swords , whenas in truth they only carried the same about with them for their own defence . and this informant nor his said father could never get their said pistols or swords restored again to them . and the said constable , and those other persons then with him , as aforesaid , having seized and forced this informant and his said father out of their bed , did also then force them to travel six miles to one dean peirse , a justice of the peace , and minister , living at that distance from loughrea ; and the said justice of the peace , or minister , reproving this informant and his said father for such their travelling on the said sabbath-day , told them withall , that he had heard they had given in evidence against the said earl of clanrickard , and thereupon committed this informant and his said father to the gaol at loughrea aforesaid , whither he commanded the constable to carry them , and gave him private directions , as this informant knows , because he overheard him , that no bail should be taken for them , or either of them , altho' he the said justice or minister just before pretended to this informant and his said father , that they might give bail . and this informant further saith , that he and his said father being accordingly carried by the said constable and those with him , into the said gaol in loughrea , were by the instigation , prevalency , and directions as aforesaid , there kept close prisoners for about five or six days , and by the keepers of the said gaol denied and not suffered to have any bed to lye on , but only the ground in the said gaol wherein they were so kept ; nor any clothes to cover them , save only their own wearing clothes on their backs : and altho' they earnestly requested to have some sheepskins-brought to cover them from the cold , yet could they not obtain leave to have the same done : neither would the said keeper , having receiv'd such directions as aforesaid , suffer any friend to come into or near the said gaol or prison , to speak with , or do any thing for this informant or his said father , or to bring them any relief , or suffer them to have any victuals or drink ; neither had they any whilst they continued there , but what they could privately get of the poor prisoners in the same prison . and altho' this informant just as he and his said father were so brought to , and going into the said gaol , did employ an english man , a person living in loughrea , and gave him money , and lent him this informants horse , to convey or carry a letter from this informant and his said father to galloway , but fourteen miles from loughrea ; yet within an hour or two after , fearing the earl of clanrickard's displeasure , being ( as this informant hath great cause to believe ) charged by some or other of the earls agents or tenants there , at his perril , as he told me , not to convey or carry the said letter , did return this informant his money again , and said , that the said constable , christopher poor by name , and a popish constable in loughrea , told him , the said person , that if he should carry the said letter , or any other ways appear to do any thing for this informant or his said father , that the said earl of clanrickard would ruin him and his family : and the better to colour the said malicious and injurious prosecutions against this informant and his said father , several persons by such instigations and prevalencies as aforesaid , were procured to report , that this informant's said father had a design to burn the said town of loughrea ; and that besides the said information against this informant and his said father for such their travelling , as aforesaid , on the sabbath-day , there would be seven or eight other indictments preferred and prosecuted against them , at the then galloway assizes : and in such condition this informant and his said father lay in the said goal or prison in loughrea , aforesaid , for some considerable time , and perhaps might there have layn ( if not destroy'd or famish't before by their cruel usages ) had not this informant , through a window of the said prison , accidentally seeing a stranger riding by , conveyed to him a letter , directed to some friends of theirs , then living in galloway , where , by such means , the said letter was received , and understanding thereby such the sad condition of this informant and his said father , their said friends did presently make application to the judges of the assizes , then sitting there at galloway , and of them obtained an order for the removal of this informant and his said father thither . and they being by the said keepers of the said goal thereupon brought to galloway at night late , were put in the vilest prison in that town , amongst the condemned malefactors , and without any accommodation at all ; and the next morning they were brought before the said judges , baron heu and judg cusack in the court of assizes , they then sitting , where an indictment was then preferred and read against this informant and his said father , for such their travelling , as aforesaid , on the sabbath-day ; and another malicious indictment was then also preferred there , and read against this informant's said father , whereby it was charged , that he as before ( which was most falsly and maliciously reported ) had a design to burn loughrea . and to the first of the said indictments this informant and his said father upon the courts demand submitted ; and to the last , this informants said father put in his traverse ; and altho' no prosecutors or witnesses then appeared against either of them ; yet were they ordered to give one thousand pounds security not to depart the said town of galloway without leave of the said court : and some time after , on the last day of the said assizes , they were ordered by the said court to give , and accordingly did give new security to appear there again at the next assizes , and to keep the peace , and be of good behaviour in the mean time ; and having given security , and the said assizes being ended , they then repaired to dublin , which is about one hundred miles from galloway ; and from thence were forced to repair back again at the next assizes accordingly to galloway , to their great trouble and charge ; and when they came there , none appeared to maintain the aforesaid indictment . but as if all these malicious and most vexatious proceedings had been nothing , this informant was again arrested the fourth of november following , in an action of ten thousand pounds in the name of william earl of clanrickard , and thereupon being hurried to prison , within four days procuring bail , he was again detained on another action in the said earls name , of twenty thousand pounds , bearing date the eighth ditto ; and being ready to come forth again , was a third time detained at the said earls suit in an action of thirty thousand pounds , in all amounting to sixty thousand pounds , laid upon him on purpose to ruine him utterly . and further saith , that within fourteen days , or thereabouts , after , the informant procured a habeas corpus to be brought to the common-pleas bar , where tendering bail to all the said actions , the said earls council moved for time to consider of the sufficiency of the said bail ; which was granted them till the next day , when and where this informant was again brought ; and then the said earls standing council told the judges , that they had no directions or instructions to prosecute this informant from the said earl ; and that they conceived some persons had prosecuted him out of malice only to curryfavour with the said earl ; and therefore desired he might be discharged of the foresaid actions , and accordingly he was discharged paying his fees ; but then left without all remedy to recover his charges and damages ; the said earl being at the said bar , declared to be no prosecutor , tho' the said actions were in his name , and carried on by secret order ( as this deponent has all the reason in the world to think , and does most assuredly believe ) . but all these vexations sufficed not , but being fully resolved on the destruction of this informant , and a discouragement to others ; for his innocence , though zealous in performance of his duty in revealing the said treasonable words , he was again shortly after arrested by a writ of two thousand pounds out of the kings bench , at the suit of the said earl of clanrickard ; to which he gave bail ; and again in some short time was arrested at the suit of the said earl , in another action of two thousand pounds out of the said court , to which he also gave bail : and being bound , as aforesaid to appear at galloway assizes , this informant and his said father did accordingly attend , and were there cleared , as appears by the the following discharge . at a general goal-delivery , held at st. francis abby , near galloway , march the 4th , 1672. memorandum , that at the said assizes , james carrol seignior , and james carrol junior , appeared upon their recognizances , being bound over from the last assizes ; and nothing now appearing against them , were discharged by proclamation . dated ut supra , per jo. caroll , d. car. cor. the first of the last mentioned actions being laid for two thousand pounds damages , was dismiss'd for non-prosecution : on the second action of two thousand pounds was declared , that this informant had scandalized the said earl to the damage of the foresaid action ; and though the said actions were taken out of the kings bench , dublin , and the declaration fyled there ; yet the said earls council moved the court , that the venire might be laid in galloway , and the action tryed there : whereupon this informant petitioned the court that the venire might abide at dublin , and be tryed there ; setting forth , that dublin was the place where he had made discovery of the treasonable words spoken by allen , on which the said william earl of clanrickard's action was pretendedly grounded ; and that his witnesses to prove the said allen had spoke those words , were in dublin : that galloway was a place where the said earl was very potent , and above an hundred miles distant from this informants and his witnesses habitations , which journey would be to their great costs and charges , besides the imminent danger of their lives in going thither , or coming from thence , by those rude and exasperated persons that live on the way : that what he had done was in discharge of his duty to his majesty , and preservation of the protestants , and wherein he had done the said earl no wrong . but if the said earl were slandered , or was any wise scandalized , it was by the said thomas allen his tenant or steward , against whom in right and justice he ought to have taken his remedy ( if he had thought it safe so to do ) and not against this informant : yet ( notwithstanding ) several petitions , and some affidavits taken in court , and also pleaded by this informants council , sir richard reynolds , and counsellor whitfield , to have the tryal kept at the kings bench bar , dublin , they were still put off and denied by justice oliver jones , an irish man , a reputed papist ; and there being no other judg on the bench , he in a great passion adjourned the said court from ten of the clock till the next day , and continued the adjournments for two or three days together , merely upon the motions of this informants council , to have the said tryal held at the bar , being the proper place ; but the said judg still denying it , answered , he had resolved to the contrary ; and thereupon this informants said council told him , they had lost the judges favour for that term , for being so much concerned for the informant , and likewise assured this informant it was contrary to law and justice , and common practice , for the judg so to do . then this informant was forced with his said father his witness , to travel to galloway to attend the said tryal there ; where though he was there three days before the day of tryal , yet could he not get any council for money to plead his cause . then at the appointed time , petitioning the judges to assign him council , and allow one day to advise with them ; justice jones would allow no time . the earls council urged there were three councils unretained by the said earl , whom this informant did retain , giving them their fee , eighteen shillings each man , with the breviates of his cause , which were drawn by counsellor whitfield , the informant being forced to be content with the said council , who were all irish papists . the only matter and issue for this informant was , to prove that the said thomas allen had spoken the said treasonable words , which was so well proved by his said father his witness , that one of his council told the court the evidence was sufficient , but was over-ruled by the said justice jones , saying , that that was not the case now ; and beckoning with his hand to this informants council when he spoke the words ; so that none of the informants council spoke a word more on his behalf at that time . but judg povey declared to the court , that it was sufficiently proved that thomas allen had spoke those words ; however the jury being some of them outlaw'd , and most of them papists , and some of them tenants , others bayliffs , and all of them some way or other related to the said earl , who was then present at the said tryal , brought in a verdict against this informant for two thousand pounds damages , and six pence cost ; upon which the said earl hath since in dublin obtained a judgment against this informant for the same to his utter ruine , the said earl being a dangerous papist , of great power in ireland , and as this informant is credibly informed , he then was and still is admiral of the irish seas belonging to galloway under the duke of york , and it was then reported he was to be governor of galloway , in the year 1672. and this informant further saith , that at galloway the same day after the tryal was over , he was endeavoured withal to be perswaded to submit himself to the said earl , and to declare what he had done was at the instigation of some others , as being his only way to be safe ; and that the earl would then pay him his charges , and discharge him of the said verdict , which he only obtained for his credit : and it was then also added , by john carrol clerk of the crown , that otherwise , let this informant return to dublin which way he would , there were those related to the said earl would wait to do his business for him . whereunto this informant replyed . that he never was put on by any one ; that what he had declared was no more than what the said thomas allen had said ; and that if it was to do again , he would do it ; looking upon it a duty incumbent upon every good subject , and that he would take the best care of himself he could in returning home , trusting in god to preserve him from such as sought unjustly to do him hurt : and to that purpose finding himself often threatened , and many times abused in galloway , he was forced , together with his said father , to get thence by night , and forsake the common road , and to go all the by-ways they could to secure their lives ; they having since been credibly informed , that they were pursued by seven persons near sixty miles , to have done them mischief ; and lately this informant was credibly informed , that there was a life-guard man hired to kill him upon the earl of clanrickard's account at , dublin . furthermore , in november , 1678. the said earl of clanrickard understanding that this informant and his said father had made a relation of their great sufferings by the said earls unjust prosecutions , and the great charges and damages they had thereby sustained ; he the said earl on the thirtieth of november , took out writs of one thousand pounds out of the kings bench against this informant and his said father , and by virtue of the same arrested his said ancient father , and there most inhumanely abused him , and laid him in prison from the thirtieth of november till the expiration of two terms , before an appearance could be allowed of in the kings bench ; and also another writ out of the common pleas of one thousand pounds laid upon this informant's said father , which occasioned his imprisonment until the twelfth of may following , to the great charge of this informant . and this informant further saith , that one burke , a steward or agent unto the said earl of clanrickard , declared to his face , that he would be the death of this informant if he could conveniently light on him ; and to accomplish in part his bloody resolution , did so severely strike this informants wife , who was the daughter of captain thomas ellis , merchant of the city of bristol , that from that time she lay in a languishing condition until she dyed , being the second of november , 1680. it being in the house of this informant that he committed the said assault , he the said burke bringing bayliffs and sub sheriffs officers , eight in number , to assist him ; and this informant by great providence escaped from them , and since for several months they have been seen to watch for him , insomuch that he durst not appear or converse with any , fearing his life or perpetual imprisonment by the said earl or his confederates , until he made his escape for england to make known his grievances . two years since also this informant was set upon by several papists near the city of dublin , and received wounds , but narrowly escaped his life by gods providence ; and the said earl for further vexation , hath lately fyled a large declaration in the common-pleas , stuft with many false suggestions , containing near three skins of parchment , it being an action of slander , grounded upon the statute made at gloucester , in the second year of richard the second , and laid to this informants said fathers charge , damages to the value of one thousand pounds , to which the defendant pleaded the general plea not guilty , and then there was no further prosecution , as by the records may plainly appear . whereupon this informant and his said father presented several petitions unto the lord lieutenant and council at dublin about september last , representing and setting forth their damages , and the vexatious suits brought against them for many years passed , and prayed that the before mentioned thomas allen might be sent for , and the earl of clanrickard living in dublin , and that we might be ordered to appear and prove these treasonable words which the said allen spoke , and have satisfaction ; and thereupon we might be dismissed from those unjust prosecutions from the said earl of clanrickard ; but nothing would be done , save leaving them to the common law ; whereas this informant and his father being so ruinated as aforesaid , are not now in a capacity to prosecute or desend themselves against the said earl of clanrickard , he being a near relation to the duke of ormond . about the twelfth day of may , 1680. one mr. robert downing came to this informants house , and shewed him a paper written , which was as he said by the earls order ( viz. ) that if this informant and his said father would give under their hands and seals , that they do verily believe in their consciences , that the said earl of clanrickard was not any ways guilty of the things spoken of him in the affidavit against the said thomas allen , that then the said earl would forbear all further proceedings , and discharge them from all things past , by sealing mutual releases to each other : but this informant refusing so to do , declared he had good grounds to believe to the contrary , and did hope in time to have satisfaction for the great damages he sustained by the said earl of clanrickard . one robert potts sworn before two justices of the peace , the fourteenth of april , 1679. and declared he heard one john venge , a gunsmith of portumna , say , that he had fixed up for the said earl five hundred fire-arms about five or six years since , and that he had a great many more to fix up for the said earl ; and that the said gunsmith and his men with forge and tools did work in the castle of portumna , belonging to the said earl. this informant petitioned the lord lieutenant and council for a copy of potts affidavit , and some other copies he thought necessary , but the clerk of the council said my lord would not grant them . and this informant further saith , that in the year 1678. there were proclamations to disarm papists in ireland , and banish popish priests , jesuits , and fryars , &c. and this informant hath been credibly informed , that several papists , &c. having not obeyed the said proclamations have been seized on , but producing licenses from the lord lieutenant have been discharged and set at liberty ; insomuch , that the said city and country swarms with them , and that there are several irish and french officers lately come into ireland , papists , and by the names of collonels , majors , captains , &c. nor were any officers permitted to search the said earls castle , or seize any arms to him belonging , being prohibited so to do , as follows . by the lord lieutenant-general ; and general governour of ireland . ormond . for reason● best known to us , we think fit hereby expresly to w 〈…〉 and require all his majesties officers and souldiers whatsoever , whom it may concern , to forbear searching for , or seizing upon any of the arms belonging to our very good lord , william earl of clanrickard . given under our hand this 26th of novemb. 1678. william ellis . and this informant further saith , that by the unjust prosecutions which followed his honest discovery , he is damnified above 1000. l. ster . besides the loss of his trade , and was forced to sell an estate of 100. l. per annum in defending his innocency , and preserving his life and liberty , and paying his just debts , contracted by the continual prosecutions of the said earl or his agents ; whereby this informant and his said evidence are utterly ruined by the never to be forgotten unkindness , or rather apparent injustice of the said justice oliver jones , in fuffering the said venire to be altered , as aforesaid ; and that now this informant is so much impoverished , being forced to leave his trade and habitation , that he hath not wherewithal to help himself , neither doth he know any place of safety , but has incurred the displeasure of many ; and being in great danger , fears he shall be destroyed , as others have been , for declaring the truth ; all which , the before-mentioned premises , this informant hath received , and endured by , and through the means of the said unjust and notorious prosecutions of the earl of clanrickard , these eight years past , which hath created great discouragements to many , and stifles discoveries of treasons , coming to their mind and knowledg since the yeer 1672. jurat , 7th die february , anno dom. 1680. coram me , geo. treby , recorder . this informant further saith , that what he did in discovering of the said treasonable words , was out of sense of his duty to god , and for the preservation of the protestants there ; nor could he then in the least imagine , by such a proceeding , to be uttterly ruined , as appears by the depositions aforesaid . another inducement of his discovery , was the bloody massacre that broke forth there in the year 1641. which will never be forgotten by the protestants , nor ever be repented of by the papists : and that notwithstanding the present apprehensions of great danger from the discovered plot , there are in , and about the city and suburbs of dublin divers mass-houses , publickly frequented by hundreds and thousands , connived , at although several proclamations have been issued out against them . again , had not this information been fully and clearly proved to the lord lieutenant and council , he this info●●●●t would certainly have been by them severely and deservedly punished . but let all moderate protestants , and true english men consider the calamity that this informant and his father have suffered in making the said discovery , and the necessity he is reduced to for so doing ; for all the proccedings have been ( as you may observe ) managed against him with that cruelty and injustice , the earl of clanrickard shewing his implacable wrath and malicious hatred to all english protestants , as he hath in the former rebellion given sufficient demonstrations of his bloody-mindedness towards the english protestants in all parts : when old vlick , earl of clanrickard , living in the beginning of the rebellion in portumna , and sometimes at loughred ; did endeavour to save some of the english protestants , and commanded his nephew , the present earl , so to do ; but the new earl refused to obey his unckle , old vlick , but went to the army of the rebels , and instead of being kind to the protestants and english , he most cruelly handled them in all parts wheresoever he found them , and was always found to be most cruel and unmerciful in the time of the massacre and rebellion , and so hath continued ever since upon all occasions , as you may see in his late passages concerning this informant . many other cruel and unjust actions in that county hath he done to many of the english since he was restored , especially to a gentleman of quality , and a justice of peace in that county , because he lived in an abby which stood upon land that he bought with his money , and refused to give it to popish clergy and fryars ; they made the earl to begin a suit against the said gentleman , to his ruin , by hiring witnesses to testifie for the earl : the said judg jones was the judg for the said earl , who never makes any scruple to give judgment against a protestant ; which all english and protestants have reason to take notice of . finis . a faithfull representation of the state of ireland: whose bleeding eye is on england for help. or the horrid conspiracy discovered and most humbly presented to the wisdom of parliament for timely prevention, if not impossible. wherein it appears the designe is laid at the root of all the parliaments interest there, the adventurers lands, and the new-english mens lives, (as they call them) as well as at the power of godliness, and of the present government. published by constant and cordial adherers to the parliament and common-wealth, on the behalf of themselves, and of thousands in ireland. constant and cordial adherers to the parliament and common-wealth. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a40776 of text r217929 in the english short title catalog (wing f284). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 32 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a40776 wing f284 estc r217929 99829572 99829572 34012 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a40776) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 34012) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2005:11) a faithfull representation of the state of ireland: whose bleeding eye is on england for help. or the horrid conspiracy discovered and most humbly presented to the wisdom of parliament for timely prevention, if not impossible. wherein it appears the designe is laid at the root of all the parliaments interest there, the adventurers lands, and the new-english mens lives, (as they call them) as well as at the power of godliness, and of the present government. published by constant and cordial adherers to the parliament and common-wealth, on the behalf of themselves, and of thousands in ireland. constant and cordial adherers to the parliament and common-wealth. [2], 16 p. printed for giles calvert at the black spread eagle near the west end of pauls, london : 1660. "to the reader" follows main text. reproduction of the original at the bodleian library. eng ireland -history -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a40776 r217929 (wing f284). civilwar no a faithfull representation of the state of ireland: whose bleeding eye is on england for help. or the horrid conspiracy discovered; and most constant and cordial adherers to the parliament and common-wealth 1660 5117 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a faithfull representation of the state of ireland : whose bleeding eye is on england for help . or the horrid conspiracy discovered ; and most humbly presented to the wisdom of parliament for timely prevention , if not impossible . wherein it appears the designe is laid at the root of all the parliaments interest there , the adventurers lands , and the new-english mens lives , ( as they call them ) as well as at the power of godliness , and of the present government . published by constant and cordial adherers to the parliament and common-wealth , on the behalf of themselves , and of thousands in ireland . prov. 18. 17. he that is first in his own cause seemeth just : but his neighbour cometh and searcheth him out . job . 22. 30. he shall deliver the island of the innocent , or , the innocent shall deliver the island ! london , printed for giles calvert at the black spread eagle near the west end of pauls , 1660. a faithful representation of the affairs of ireland , intended for the parliament , february 21. before their new force put upon them . as no nation in the world hath gone thorough more stupendious providences , and swifter revolutions ; so never any hath passed thorough more iminent hazards and menacing whirl-pits then this poor island ; with such amazing and miraculous deliverances as the finger of the lord hath written upon them ; there is none like to thy god ( o england . ) who rideth upon the heavens in thy help , and in his excellency on the skie ! the eternal god is thy refuge ! and underneath the everlasting armes , happy art thou ( o israel ! ) who is like unto thee , o people ! saved by the lord ! &c. the last whereof was not the least , if not one of the greatest salvations that our eyes have seen from one of the most fatal strokes that ever was given to a magistracy in the nation ; by that unhappy and never-enough-dreaded interruption of parliament october last , whereby a wicket was opened ( at least ) to that wide & dangerous door that the common enemy hath taken in the three nations at this day ; being never more stirring and acting to retreive and prosecute the horrid designe of sr. george booth then at this instant , which like a dismal cloud hath overspread us through the heat and benefit of those distractions and confusions that came upon us , importing the greatest calamity and misery ( without a miracle of mercy ) that can be imagined or impendent , so that had not the lord been on our side , now may israel say , if the lord had not been on our side to save us , when men rose up ( so fast ) against us , they had swallowed us up qvick ! long ere this . and particularly in poor ireland , where the face of affairs at this instant portend and promise all things for it , as near , yea very near affected , if the parliament by their wonted wisdom and courage do not quickly interpose in it . wherefore several of us , who ( like job's messengers ) are escaped at present ( and more are following ) to attend upon the parliaments pleasure for a hearing , ( on the behalfe of our selves and of thousands in that nation of the parliaments best and constant friends ) are ready to make a most true report of that land , to discover the conspiracy there afoot , to enucleate irelands lamentable case from the calumnies and most cunning sophistications of their ( late ) perfect narrative , but indeed errative , and collusion both in matters of fact , and of faith , being throughout most false , ( put forth on purpose to delude the parliament and good people of this nation , and to abuse their judgement ; ) and are ready to prove upon our perils ( sed bona fide ) every one of the ensuing particulars , ( and more too ) very material to the parliaments service as well as welfare of all ireland , which we shall humbly submit to the judgement of parliament , and to the most accurate scruteny of any , or of all whether friends or foes in the whole nation to draw their just conclusions from , and to convince them of the deplorable danger thereof . first , in that they openly and frequently declared for a free parliament , that an eminent leader of them did it at the head of the souldiers , the souldiers again reciprocally declared it to their officers , that with this voice for a free parliament they rode about the streets of dublin blandishing their swords , drinking healths to that purpose at their bonfires , speaking contemptibly of this parliament , making no such signe of joy when the post brought the news of their return to their great trust and authority , being many of them struck with a great damp thereat , ( who had rejoyced at their interruption ; ) and many openly declared and avowed for the king , as at youghall , mallowes and other places , constantly drinking the kings health . so that pag. 9. of their narrative they fallaciously represent the case , in saying , they declared for the parliament , and were mett with by the acclamations of all ; but never tell us for what parliament . secondly , ' that they imediately armed , impowered and preferred such as were in open hostility for the king against the parliament , and such as at sir george booths rebellion manifested their eminent dis-affection to this parliament and divers other officers who fought under inchequeen and ormond against the parliament are now in command , setled by them ; and such as laid down their commissions , and refused to obey the parliament against sir george booth : all these are armed , in places of command , and advanced , nor is it altogether inconsiderable the over compliance of the rest and of the best of them with the single person upon all occasions and transactions which they can no wayes palliate , but with a poor and empty apology for it , ( p. 23 , of their narrative ) that it was no more then what was in the generallity of the three nations , by which they detect themselves sufficiently , and what copy it is that they intend to write after , viz. the generallity of the nations . but o lord ! deliver not the soul of thy turtle-dove unto the mvltitvde . thirdly , that they have imprisoned many hundreds ( not only field-officers and of the army but ) others of the best affected english to the parliament in cities , towns , countreys , ministers of the gospell , justices , planters , trades men , and pious christians that have ever given the greatest proof of their most cordiall adhaerance and faithfulness to the authority of this parliament at all times , and never acted any thing to the contrary , also in the militia ( as well as army ) such as declared their adhering to this present parliament they have put out , and placed others in ( and such onely ) as suite better with some other designe ; yea , one of their own lately affirmed it , that in their councell of officers there is not ( he was confident ) five real and absolute for this parliament or their interest . fourthly , they have also otherwise disabled , and disarmed most of all the parliaments friends , and of the most approved fidelity and constancy ( that we can hear of ) in the whole nation ; exposing thereby the poor naked english , to the most merciless rage of the native irish , not having wherewithall to defend themselves from them who watch but an opportunity to slay them ; as in the case of captain cornick an honest peaceable man , lately set upon in his own house , ( but himselfe escaping ) they fell to fiering , burned up his out houses , and all his corn in stacks , took away his cattel to the value of five hundred pounds in all . so that from thence and some late execrable murthers , the irish rebellion may feare de novo by it ; and that it will be but translated by an english alphabet of characters , if not speedily prevented ; for , fifthly , whiles they thus use the english , plunder and disarme the best parliament friends in the whole nation , they suffer all the parliaments professed enemies to keep their armes ( as well irish rebells as others , ) and not only so , but deliver them more out of the parliaments store ( with amunition in abundance , ) preferring inchequeens officers amongst them , and all that ever were for the king , and never served the parliament , are permitted not onely to keep their armes , but to furnish themselves with what more they will . sixthly , to make it a deadly feud between the english , themselves ( as well as the irish and the english , they have newly distingished them into names of the old protestants and the new ; the old bandying themselves against the other , the new english as they call them , wishing their throats were cut ; saying , they came to eat the bread out of their mouthes ( that planted there , &c. ) and the irish papists say they will rather subject to the old protestants , then to the new , for the common prayer book is the masse ( they hear ) englished , & under them they shal have more liberty ; but notwithstanding this promising compliance with the old english , they will quickly give them proof of an insatiable revenge upon all the english , when they have sufficiently weakened them with their divisions ; and that their hydropick thirst cannot be so easily quenched , but the more they drink , the more they wil desire , until they exhaust all into their own hands . albeit at present , much of the armies conduct is put into the hands of old english , episcopall men , yet such they are , as ever have been and yet are most bitter enemies to the parliament and our present english interest there ! and so may serve to act the first part of the intended tragedy in that island . the wicked watcheth the righteous , and seeketh to slay him ; but the lord will not leave him in his hands , nor condemn him when he is judged ; seventhly , to make it yet more obvious ; many commissioned officers and souldiers that declared with them at the first , ( when they pretended for this present parliament , and that justified the authority of this parliament against that force and interruption that was put upon them , are dismounted and displaced as not fit for their designe , but demurring their recession from the first declaration , wherein they owned l. g. l. their commander in chief ; and yet in their narrative , p. 10 , 11 , 12 , have they the confidence to front or face it for the service of the parliament , and , p. 12. that they laid aside onely such as opposed the parliament , or else of whose not acting against the parliament they could not be satisfied ; that is , as to perpetrate their designe , & to act with them upon a hazard , or at an adventure , as to what they would have done . for the honourable commissioners of parliament themselves might have had their liberty after all , if they would have engaged to them and acted with them in their designs , which ( they declining ) set some on fire upon an unjust impeaching and devising a charge against them , according to that dangerous maxime , that bad actions must be ever seconded with worse , and better never begin then not carry on , what ever it cost them : the truth is as the prophet complained , he that departeth from iniquity maketh himself a prey , whilest the vilest of men and of the most debauched practises are promoted by them , both officers and souldiers , who serve their turns best : and the wicked will walk on every side , when the vilest men are exalted . eighthly , this will yet appear more evidently or suspitiously , by their raising of men anew , in listing the very papists , and other forces after they knew the parliament were sitting , without regarding their direction ; posting up papers in publick places at dublin , to invite all that would to come in and list , and they should have pay , but that none who were listed by l. g. l. should have pay with the rest of the souldiers without further orders ; and not onely in receiving irish rebels and papists , and listing them , but in casheering those that would not own a free parliament : all this too when all things were in a very quiet , serene and peaceable posture in ireland . ninthly , their summoning a convention , to doe the work of a parliament , to raise them monies in a way of loan , preparing the elections with persons most propense and responsable to their ends , who are elected , and in a readinesse to sit when they please ; nor hath their present council , or committee of safety , whereof sr. j. barry holds the chair a much better aspect , witnesse his speech so full of asperity and reflection upon this present parliament ; but that the interruption of the parliament might be no longer a cover upon this conspiracy , some are ready to prove the plot was laid before the parliament was interrupted , though executed after , and with more applause . tenthly , they have ( a many of them ) openly declared , that if their application to this parliament prove not propitious to their desires and designes , they will , as they are a distinct island , keep up an interest distinct from england , and stand upon their own legs , ( as they say ) deeming themselves able to subsist without a dependance upon this nation ; and seeing the ports are all their own , they the less fear , or value england , who can have no landing place , but by their permission and leave . eleventhly , this conspiracy strikes at the very power of godliness in all judgements whom they brand with the name of anabaptists ! is too notorious , dismounting officers and souldiers meerly for their religion . the people of god , whether presbyterians , independants , or others are generally threatened , some with death , and others with exile ! godly ministers some imprisoned ( and yet no anabaptists ) some put out of the publick , and exploded episcopalians placed in their roomes . a souldier coming to the ministers house of castle dermond ran his pike at him , and called him anabaptist , told him that he would have his coat off his back shortly : and had he not withdrawn himselfe ( says ) the souldier had killed him at that present , and yet that minister is no anabaptist , but godly and orthodox . so , that night the castle was surprised , they made their bonfires , and threatning to fire divers habitations of godly men , cast up their sticks with fire upon their houses , threatening to burn them to the very ground , and at their bonfires , as they drank healths to c. stuart so also to the confusion of all the anabaptists ( accounting presbyterians and all such ) reputing those anabaptists that pray in their families . twelfthly , the adventurers lands , are all threatned , and they in hopes to divide againe by lot , upon a new adventure , on what they injoy ; they say , there will be enough to pay their armies bravely , when those lands lie all sequestred to their use and service ; and when the whole land lies before them ; some of them have said , the adventurers estates shall pay for it , as well as the souldiers lands allotted for arrears , whom they call ( in contempt ) the new english ; and wish that their throats were all cut . whereby all men may see how much they are concerned in this irish conspiracy , and how preliminary it is ( if the almighty prevent us not with mercies ) to another rebellion ! but because the lord has as precious people in that nation as any are in the whole world , dear to him and in covenant with him ! sound in the faith ! and sanctified through the truth ! we would yet hope ! yet he will not give their increase to the caterpillars , and their labour to the locust ; yea that they shall not build and another inhabit ! they shall not plant and another eat ! they shall not labour in vaine , nor bring forth for trouble : for they are the seed of the blessed of the lord , and their off-spring with them . this succinct representation of the irish affaires and our fears , not without some preponderation , suspiring affections , weeping eyes , and aking hearts , over hundreds of families ( in that almost lost island ) did we humbly intend to tender to the parliaments service and consideration , before the bridge be quite drawn up , or it be too late . in which , as ( we know ) we have the eyes of many upon us , so the hearts and prayers of many with us , of the faithfull of the land , who labour with the lord ( day and night ) with sighs & groans for deliverance ! that our most worthy and renowned patriots in parliament , might recover a dying nation ! secure our rights and just liberties , from the invasion of others , and of opposite interests ; ( who are prompted by lust and ambition ) ! preserve our lives , lands and families from these arbitary foundations and excentrick actings , which threaten to devour all at once ! maintaine and countenance us in the power of godliness and holiness at the worship of our god , according to what is revealed unto us in his word ! which we do ( and desire from our very souls to ) make the rule of all our wayes and actings ! and give us but an equal encouragement , and being with others ( after all our blood ! travels , ( skulls , bones of others ) hazards and expences of our selves ) during our peaceable and honest comportment , having never forfeited in the least the claime we make unless our constant adhering to the parliament hath done it . wherefore seeing jehovah himselfe hath founded the earth by wisdom , and by vnderstanding , hath established the heavens , and without right understanding of the state of things there , it is impossible to establish the peace and prosperity of that unhappy nation , so proclive and incident ( in its very climate ) to turbulent motions and impetuous fluctuations , we once again cry out for help ! all hands ! all hearts ! and heads to save us ! as the hebrews were saved in the dayes of mordecai and at the suit of esther from the malice of haman , seeing we can say in like manner with chapter , 7. 4. we are sold , we and our brethren ( the parliaments proved friends ) to be destroyed ! to be slain ! and perish : ( if the lord prevent it not by a decree , ) but if we had been sold for bondmen and bondwomen , we had held our tongues ( at this time ) although the enemy could not have countervailed the damage , to the parliaments interests and the nations . from the very frontispiece and first aspect of this frightfull conspiracy , it is easie to conjecture with whom they would have striken tally ; and what it is they most ateempted , when they seduced and suborned the desperate souldiers to sell their own officers , and sacrifice them to their wills and pleasures ; or that made them ply the fort of duncannon with such tempting messages to the poor souldiers there , to do the like with lieutenant generall ludlow , offering the souldiers to make them officers , pay them arrears , and what not ? ( for there perfidy ) if they would throw their noble generall over the walls to their armed tyranny ; but if not , then they they should be sent to the barbadoes and the like ; yea , with what intentions they have drawn up so disingenuous unworthy and monstrous charge against that ( ever honourable ) lt. generall ludlow , and those worthies of parliament commissioners there ) whom they have ungratefully traduced , and wronged ; yet rather then they will submit to the parliaments judgement in it , are resolved to rebel right out ( for all their appeale and promise of acquiescing ) as a little time will interpret . making themselves , the sole judges , the accusers , and ( if they can ) as arbitrary and irrationall executioners also , to the astonishment of all judicious men . notwithstanding all these nations know , and the well affected in ireland will heartily witness it with one voice ( as well as the very consciences of their veriest enemies be forced to confesse ) that under the prudent , the pious and painful government of these honourable patriots , ( with a most equall indulging latitude to all , and ( without respect to any , faction or party ) that land hath enjoyed a very happy peace , great blessing and florid settlement for some years together ! ( blessed be the lord for it ) ! and o that we might not sin away all these mercies from us and our posterities ! seeing as the psalmist sayes of a people so planted as we have been , they got not the land in possession by their own sword , neither did their own arm save them : but thy right hand and thine arm , and the light of thy countenance ( o lord ) because thou hadst a favour to them , so that this hope is yet left us , that the same almighty god will stir up some or other to be nursing fathers , and look after us . the truth is , although ireland is like to prove one of the most difficult , perplexed and intricate pieces the parliament has to recover , and no rational man ( that knows them ) can possibly imagine those actings there consistent with the parliaments interest or cause , yet this is that which renders the case the more doubtful and deplorable , that they represent it in england ( and to the parliament ) as if it were all for them & in their service ; and ( to keep the parliament as remote as may be from a right understnnding of affairs simply ) they not onely secure such as could best communicate it , but impeach them hainously and indeed impiously , ( to put the better colour upon their bad complexion ) and have retained some few with them , and but few indeed , ( of a better repute then themselves for principles ) to face their business with , that is backt and brested , heart and headed ( yea in a manner wholly limbed ) with as implacable enemies and cavaleers as any the parliament has . so that the more unintelligibly and inextricably it is held , beheld or represented in england , the more certain is the hazard and ruine of poor ireland , if the almighty help not , whereof the well and bect affected people are so generally apprehensive , as since the rebellion , they never made the like lamentation ; ( mourning like doves , and chattering like cranes , ) chusing rather to be shipt away together into america , ( if the parliament will please to shew them that favour ) then be exposed to the revenge of the irish there without favour or mercy ; for let a bear robbed of her whelps meat a man , rather than a fool in his folly ! sayes the wise man , they are corupt and speak wickedly ! concerning opression they speak loftily ! they set their mouth against the heavens , and their tongue walketh through the earth ! nor are we ignorant of what they have said as others have insinuated and printed in this nation , that the sectaries ( as they call them ) are the very persons against whom they have drawn up the blackest ( if not bloudiest ) bills of indictment touching the execution of their quondam king , and of that constitution of government . now albeit we cannot say it is intended by all , yet of this we are sure it is designed by some to remove or ruine them as an introduction to charles stuart and that government again , which till the sectaries be down they can never get up with such facillity as well as force and fallacy . and we wish this were not the grand inducement of others here to destroy them ( or rather the parliaments best friends by that name ) as well as of those in unhappy ireland , who contrive and retrive it with so much heat , as the most plausible string to play upon . but have respect ( o lord ) unto thy covenant ! for the dark places of the earth are full of the habitations of cruelty ! and however it be , yet god is good to israel , and to all those who are of an upright heart ! he shall judge the poor of the people ! he shall save the children of the needy , & shall break in pieces the oppressor ! for the lord tryeth the righteovs , but the wicked and him that loveth violence his soul hateth . return ! ( o lord ) return , for thy servants sake ! the tribes of thine inheritance . to the reader . reader , this faithful representation was prepared and intended to have been presented to the parliament , or given in to the honourable members thereof ) by divers worthy persons ( and no anabaptists ) who came out of ireland , on purpose to make known her cry ! and case ! ( if possible that the common weale might once more emerge and rise above the waves of that common wo and calamity there threatned ! ) but since that the last alterations , force and guards upon the house , the irish declaration for a free parliament , hath so far opened their aim and design all along , their contempt of this parliament of the common wealth ; their intent of reducing to the old slavery and constitution , as no more need be said but this , that this horrid plot was laid in ireland , before the unhappy interruption of parliament in england , october last , and is not yet fully executed or discovered ! for some there be that insist upon a full and free parliament , as it was anno 1642. before the lords spiritual were turn'd out ! and what may be the the next step or motion must be left to time ; onely this we foresee , and so expect at their hands , that neither reason nor candour must draw us as men or christians , but tyranny and terrour drive us as beasts to be slain or sold for a company of slaves , ( for our fidelity to the parliament and the cause ) seeing whiles they pretend a free parliament , they have forced this p. and contrary to all their faith and ingagements , set up their swords against the votes wisdom and resolves of this renowned parliament , and what more arbitrary ? delivering up them that have adhered to them since anno 1648. to utter ruine , and what more temerary or vnjust ? if the god of all our mercies and deliverances do not once more save us ! for his sweet names-sake . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a40776e-320 the plot in ireland laid . 1 for a free parliament & the king . 2 to arme the kings party , and put them into power , 3 to imprison the parliments friends and turn them out of power . 4 to disable disarm and expose them to the irish revenge . 5 to arme the very irish rebels . 6 keep up a feud between the old and the new english planters . 8 listiog papists after the parliament sat again . 9 summoning a kinde of parliament by their arbitiary power . 10 declaring for themselves and that they will stand upon their own leggs . 11 striking at the power of godlinesse in all under the notion of anal aptists and sectaries . 12 threatening the estates of all late adventurers . the last trve intelligence from ireland, dated in dublin 16 march, and received in london 28 march 1642 cole, robert, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a33716 of text r27129 in the english short title catalog (wing c5024). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a33716 wing c5024 estc r27129 09658019 ocm 09658019 43938 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33716) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43938) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1328:1) the last trve intelligence from ireland, dated in dublin 16 march, and received in london 28 march 1642 cole, robert, 17th cent. 8 p. printed for h. blunden, london : 1642. signed: robert cole. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a33716 r27129 (wing c5024). civilwar no the last true intelligence from ireland. dated in dublin, 16. march, and received in london 28. march. 1642. cole, robert 1642 1547 1 0 0 0 0 0 6 b the rate of 6 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the last trve intelligence from ireland . dated in dublin , 16. march , and received in london 28. march . 1642. london : printed for h. blunden . 1642. dvblin , the 16th . march . 1641. sir , i have not else to present you withall , other then the passages of the times , which i know you much desire to hear of ; in regard i know your affection is such , to the prosperitie of gods church , and people , that ye wait to hear after it , as old ely did for return of the ark . and therefore for your further satisfaction , that although we are farre asunder , yet we may be thankfull , and rejoyce , together for all the good that god hath done for his israel . i wrote to you heretofore at large , but the last week i writ onely to my brother joh. cole , knowing that you will be partaker of what i writ to him ; i therefore shall fall upon what since is done : onely the manner of the taking of mackmaghan , whom i mentioned in my letter ; he had stript himself from all his clothes , and lay down as a dead man amongst those that were slain , besmeerd with blood , but not wounded ; with a fryars girdle girt about his naked bodie , which captain byron beholding , bid one of his men take it from his body , and perceiving a great head of haire , newly come from under the barbers hands , bid his man to cut it off ; which his man taking ayme , laid his sword once or twice on his neck , whereupon mackmaghan suddenly rose up , and desired quarter : and that if they would spare his life , he would release my lord blanys wife and his children , which he told them were his prisoners : so i hear now ( but i beleeve it not ) that my ladie blany and her children are come up to our camp , and are to be in town with our armie this night . this mackmagham titles himself baron of manahan ; as sir pyealam o neale doth title himself earl of tyrone . we understand that upon the getting in of the last shipping to tredath , with provision for relieving of the town , that the rebels were so much discouraged at it , that collonel relys souldiers lying on this side of tredath , ran most of them from him into the north , which sir henry tichborne ( governour of tredath ) hearing of ; went the bolder on sir phealum o neale , and mackmaghan on the other side , so that when he had put them away , the countrey people presently brought him in store of provision of all sorts ; the 11. present , the earl of ormond our lieutenant generall , went from garrets towne , where all the foot company lay ( because of the bad weather they had ) with 700 horse unto tredath , where my lord moore and sir henry tichbourne made him and all his company very welcome . whiles my lord was there , came in divers gentlemen of the countrey , and submitted unto him , master barnwell of kilbene , sir iohn newtervill , son and heire to my lord viscount newtervill , edward dowdall of the mountyne , that was regester of the chancery , who had changd his religion and his alleageance upon a sudden & became captaine of a troope of rebells ; there came in also and submitted at tredath , and to my lord in the countrey , master garret elmor and his two sons , master talbut of roberts towne , and divers others , and are many of them brought and imprisoned in the castle , every of them submitting themselves . the earle of fingully wrote a submissive letter to my lord of ormond , and promised to come to my lord and 100 more gentlemen with him , but my lord went to meet them , but they kept not promise . whereupon our souldiers our horsemen rid thither to killeene the earle of fingully and burnt it and all other places belonging to him wheresoever they came . and from garretts-towne our armie removed to baleoddry , and when they came thence they burnt it : and from thence they sent out to my lord of germenstowne , but i heare not what is become of my lord of germenstowne , nor my lord newtervill , but i heare their horses were left without any either men and much goods . i heare that they have onely spoyled the waste houses about those castles , but the castles they have preserved . and from ballroddry they came yesterday morning , purposing to come home neere the sea side , & they intended last night to lie about sword , which is six miles from this place ; and in their way to burne colonell luke newtervils house ; and comming by malehide , master talbut of malehide did submit himselfe . you may please to take notice , that the furthest place that our footmen went was to garretts towne , which is but thirteene miles from hence , and there they lay some dayes , because of the extremitie of the weather ; but our horse did scowt abroad further ; and did much mischiefe to the rebells , by firing their townes and houses . but in all this time they have not had so much as the sight of the enemy . in so much that i heare that my lord of ormond was resolved once to follow them into the north as farre as the newry , where their great magazine , or store lyes . i am perswaded they have much money there . and i am afraid that the army expected out of scotland , will fall upon it and get all the booty . i heare that our lord iustices did hinder our armie going thither , fearing the enemy should lie somewhere hereabout stronger then we are . wee heare that colonell birne and colonell more have left the castle of leastip , for most of their men fled from them upon the report that was amongst them of the comming of our armie thither , and have told their souldiers , that they have three shippes loaden with ammunition come in for them to wexford , and they are gone to leavie more money on the countrey to raise 1000. l or send for more armes . i beleeve it is to put money in their purses , to get them out of the kingdome , god grant that our shipping may meet with them . the passage betweene this and tredath by land is almost free for a single man arm'd to passe . our army have sent three hundred of their men to tredath , and one battering piece of ordnance . vpon our armies return that is abroad under command of the earle of ormond , colonell harcot , lord lambert , and sir richard grinfield , those which are here are to goe forth under ▪ command of sir charles coote and colonell crayford ; and it is thought they shall goe towards leastip , and to kilkock , and so downe to the queenes countrey . i thinke they may goe through the kingdome without any opposition ; for they have wounded their own consciences , and god their hearts , and they will never adventure the rest of their bodies ; for now they see their estates gone , they have not any thing else to preserve . wee heare that my lord president of mounster , hath joyned his forces with sir charles vaviser , and is gone out against my lord mountgarrett and his armie ; and that my lord muzgrave is not at all in rebellion . wee heare also that lymerick and the fort there is safe on our side , and the lord our god being also on our side , i trust will send us peace , although the enemy be yet very strong . some report that the towne of gallaway is not revolted . i trust that god will so prosper us , that i shall by the next post write you better newes . wee heare that in the north our friends hold what is their owne , and in every battle put the rebells to flight . i trust that the scotts armie will not now come over , if they be not alreadie come ; for it will grieve our souldiers to loose their expected bootie , for all the toyle they have had this winter ; yet we are beholding to them for their forwardnesse to come over . thus for present i humbly take leave , resting ever . your dutifull and obedient sonne , robert cole . finis . die veneris, 5⁰ ianuar. 1643. committee for the affaires of ireland. committee of adventurers in london for lands in ireland. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83866 of text r212496 in the english short title catalog (thomason e252_15 e81_1*). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83866 wing e2773 thomason e252_15 thomason e81_1* estc r212496 99871105 99871105 157282 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83866) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 157282) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 14:e81[1*] or 43:e252[15]) die veneris, 5⁰ ianuar. 1643. committee for the affaires of ireland. committee of adventurers in london for lands in ireland. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1644] wing has publication year 1643 only; thomason catalogue lists under 1644. signed: io. goodwyn. calls "adventurers" interested in "carrying on the affaires of ireland" to attend a meeting at grocers-hall on january 9. annotation on thomason copy: "vide large map" on thomason e.81[1*]. reproduction of the original in the british library. there are two thomason copies of this item, numbered e.81[1*] and e.252[15]. eng committee of adventurers in london for lands in ireland. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. ireland -politics and government -17th century -early works to 1800. a83866 r212496 (thomason e252_15 e81_1*). civilwar no die veneris, 5⁰ ianuar. 1643.: committee for the affaires of ireland. committee of adventurers in london for lands in ireland. 1644 206 1 0 0 0 0 0 49 d the rate of 49 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die veneris , 5o ianuar. 1643. committee for the affaires of ireland . whereas by order of the house of commons , and the orders of this committee , there have been severall meetings appointed to be had at grocers-hall in london for considering of and carrying on the affaires of ireland , and that divers persons both of the adventurers and of the select committee chosen by the adventurers , have not appeared at those meetings as was required and expected , by means whereof the service hath not yet had that progresse which was wished , it is now thought fit and ordered by this committee , that all the committee adventurers chosen in london be personally desired , and the rest of the adventurers in and about the city of london be summoned by printed copies hereof set up in severall places of the city , to be present at grocers hall on tuesday next being the ninth day of this instant ianuary at two of the clock in the afternoone , to give their advice and best assistance for the dispatch o● the weighty affaires now in hand which very much concerne the wellfare of that kingdome . io. goodwyn . the protestants wonderment, or, a strange and unheard of oraison put up by the papists found in the pocket of captain iames rauley, a rebell in ireland : sent from dublin in a letter of note / by captain edmond hippisley to sir iohn hippisley knight, a member of the house of commons. hippisley, edmund. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a43858 of text r22156 in the english short title catalog (wing h2070). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a43858 wing h2070 estc r22156 12684902 ocm 12684902 65750 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43858) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65750) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 250:e136, no 13) the protestants wonderment, or, a strange and unheard of oraison put up by the papists found in the pocket of captain iames rauley, a rebell in ireland : sent from dublin in a letter of note / by captain edmond hippisley to sir iohn hippisley knight, a member of the house of commons. hippisley, edmund. [2], 5 p. printed for iohn franke ..., london : 1642. also published in a pamphlet entitled: articles of impeachment against george lord digby ... whereunto is added a strange and unheard of oraison put by the papists ... reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng bristol, george digby, -earl of, 1612-1677. hippisley, john, -sir. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a43858 r22156 (wing h2070). civilwar no the protestants vvonderment, or, a strange and unheard of oraison put up by the papists, found in the pocket of captain iames rauley, a rebe hippisley, edmund 1642 720 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-11 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-11 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the protestants wonderment , or , a strange and unheard of oraison put up by the papists , found in the pocket of captain iames rauley , a rebell in ireland : sent from dublin , in a letter of note by captain edmond hippisley , to sir iohn hippisley knight , a member of the house of commons . london , printed for iohn franke , and are to be sold at his shop next doore to the kings head in fleetstreet , 1642. sir , the lord of antrim is not in the rebellion as yet , but is much mistrusted , hee will be by reason hee is now gone to the county of kildare , where at the first this businesse was begun : the rebels would willingly come in : if they could but once heare of a proclamation , that they should have the liberty of their conscience , for some such thing they much expect , if they bee not mistaken of their ayme . sir , this prayer i tooke out of a rebels pocket that i killed , one iames rauley , a captaine of the rebels , who cryed for quarter , when i had sheathed my sword in his bowels , fearing that i should bee too troublesome . i rest now what i always was , sir , your most obedient and most affectionate servant till death . from dublin this tenth of february , 1641. this oraison was found on the tomb of our blessed lady , and is of such effect , that whosoever will have the same , or say it daily , or carrie it about him , shall be safe from fire , water , and skirmish of battaile , and also from noysome hanting of spirits . moreover , whosoever shall say a pater , ave , and creed , daily to the honour of holy and miraculous virgin mary , shee will visably shew her selfe unto him three times before his death . o most sweet lord iesus christ , onely son of the omnipotent father , god of angels , and onely son of the most gracious virgin mary , help me a sinner , and save me from all present dangers wherein i am . most excellent and blessed virgin to be praised , to pray and vvi for me a miserable sinner to thy welbeloved son . o chast and honourable woman , thou art the mother of angels and archangels , help me from all present evills , and all to come . o flower of patriarks . o shining brightnesse of the apostles , o hope of glory . o beauty of virgins . o high thoughts of angels and archangels . o most sweet woman , i most humbly beseech thee not to forsake mee at the trembling time of my death , when my soule shall be seperated from my body , whereby i may see my selfe in overlasting glory by him . o flower and sweetest foundation of all sweetnesse . o star of christ . o haven of health . o queene of penitent offenders , hope of the faithfull archangels , thou whose conversation is the onely recreation of the angels and archangels . o most honourable lady of all sweetnesse and fortitude , thou art the most wholesom'st medicine of all sores . thou are the labour of all vertues , through thee doe ever angels and archangels reioyce . o mother of mercy look on me with thine owne mercifull eyes . and i commit me to thy most blessed armes , to inspire my soule and body , and my thoughts , so thus it pleaseth thee and thine owne beloved sonne iesus christ . pater , ave , and creed . most glorious virgin , let thy flowing grace defend mee from the danger of each place , grant that thy merits once may make mee rise from tombe , above the spangled christall skie , grant to my countrey , i may so well end , that i may prayse thee eternally . amen . i found this in the pocket of a captain of the rebels , captain iames rauley . finis . two letters of note the one from the lord digby to the qveene : the other of a late overthrovv which the english gave the rebells in ireland. bristol, george digby, earl of, 1612-1677. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a29566 of text r13580 in the english short title catalog (wing b4779). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a29566 wing b4779 estc r13580 12594147 ocm 12594147 64009 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29566) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64009) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 250:e138, no 10) two letters of note the one from the lord digby to the qveene : the other of a late overthrovv which the english gave the rebells in ireland. bristol, george digby, earl of, 1612-1677. loftus, edward, 17th cent. joyfull news from ireland. 7 p. [s.n.], london : 1642. lord digby's letter is dated at middleborough, jan. 21, 1641 [1642] "ioyfull news from jerland, or a true relation of the great overthrow which the english gave the rebels before droheda, &c.," p. 5-7, is dated feb. 27, 1641 [1642] and signed: ed. loftus. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a29566 r13580 (wing b4779). civilwar no two letters of note. the one from the lord digby to the queene: the other of a late overthrovv which the english gave the rebells in ireland bristol, george digby, earl of 1642 966 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-11 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-11 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion two letters of note . the one from the lord digby to the queene : the other of a late overthrovv which the english gave the rebells in ireland . london : printed in the yeare , 1642. a trve copie of the lord digbies letter to the queene . madame ; i shall not adventure to write unto your majestie with freedome , but by expresses , or till such time as i have a cypher , which i beseech your majestie to vouchsafe mee . at this time therefore i shall onely let your majestie know where the humblest and most faithfull servant you have in the world is , here at middleborough , where i shall remaine in the privatest way i can , till i receive instructions how i shall serve the king and your majestie in these parts . if the king betake himselfe to a safe place , where he may avow and protect his servants from rage and violence , for from iustice i will never implore it . i shall then live in impatience and in misery till i waite upon you . but if after all he hath done of late , he shall betake himselfe to the easiest and compliantest wayes of accommodation , i am confident , that then i shall serve him more by my absence , than by all my industry : and it will be a comfort to mee in all calamities , if i cannot serve you by my actions , that i may doe it in some kinde by my sufferings for your sake , having ( i protest to god ) no measure of happinesse or misfortune in this world , but what i derive from your maiesties value of my affection and fidelitie . middleborough the 21. ian. 1641. ioyfull news from ireland , or a true relation of the great overthrow which the english gave the rebels before droheda , &c. noble sir , in my last to you , i signified to you , the difficulties which were like to befall us by the releeving of droheda , but god by his infinite mercy hath freed us ( i may say miraculously ) from that hazard : for when our men there were driven to that extremitie to eat horse-flesh , sir henry tichbourne sallied out of the town with onely fortie musketiers , and fortie horse , and beat off foure hundred of the enemies , killed above threescore of them , recovered fourscore cowes and oxen , and two hundred sheep ; burned foure towns , and brought home two of their colours . besides , i must relate unto you gods abundant goodnesse unto us , in that the night before the releefe and succours which we sent by sea from dublin to them , should have entred into the harbour of droheda , ( which was strongly fenced over with a chain and severall boates ) there happened a storme which broke their chaines , and gave our men so free a passage , as with little difficultie they came safely to the town . the rebels were gathered at kilshalgham within seven miles of dublin , above two thousand men , where they were setled in a verie strong wood . my lord of ormond carried out part of our armie , and beat them out of that great strength ( for they would not come into the champaine ) and killed above a hundred of them , without any considerable losse of our side , onely captain iames rochfort , a most gallant and couragious gentleman . this was an act of great braverie , wherein sir charles coote did , ( as he doth alwayes ) beyond expectation , exposing his person to as much danger as any man living could ; and in truth he is a gallant man , full of courage and good affections , and deserves great incouragement from that side . our souldiers are in great want of money , which causes a generall want of all other necessaries , yet notwithstanding god hath infused such courage into them ( for undoubtedly it is his work ) that they think there is no danger so great , but they may attempt it . colonell munke is arrived here with my lord lieutenants regiment of fifteen hundred foot , and sir richard grevill with neer foure hundred . horse , which puts much heart into us , and makes us look big upon our neighbours , yet we grieve we cannot be able to releeve our friends in other parts ; but i hope when our full succours shall come , we shall not onely defend this place , but adde comfort to our poore distressed friends abroad . the enemy though their numbers be verie great , even beyond beleef , yet their hearts begin to faint , and i beleeve they repent their furious madnesse . if my brother be in london , i pray you impart this letter to him , i would have written to him , but that i thought he was at chester , or in his way thither ; by the next he shall hear from me at large , and i shall likewise trouble you . i must now onely tell you , that i thank you for your care of those things which concern me , and that i am , sir , your most affectionate servant , feb. 27. 1641. ed. loftus , martii 7mo . t is this day ordered forthwith that this letter be published in print . h. elsing . cler. p. d. com. finis . ioyfull and happie newes from the west of ireland sent in three letters from persons of note ... saintliger, w. (william), sir, d. 1642. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a59908 of text r25746 in the english short title catalog (wing s337a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 23 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a59908 wing s337a estc r25746 09098761 ocm 09098761 42443 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59908) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 42443) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1293:21) ioyfull and happie newes from the west of ireland sent in three letters from persons of note ... saintliger, w. (william), sir, d. 1642. ford, edward, 17th cent. whetcombe, tristram. [8] p. printed for francis cowles and thomas bates, london : 1642. at head of title: april 30. the first letter is signed (p. [3]) w. st. lieger, the second is signed (p. [8]) tristram whitcombe, the third is signed (p. [8]) edw. ford. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a59908 r25746 (wing s337a). civilwar no ioyfull and happie newes from the west of ireland, sent in three letters from persons of note: some of the particulars are as followeth. 1 t saintliger, w. sir 1642 4260 31 0 0 0 0 0 73 d the rate of 73 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-01 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion april 30. ioyfull and happie newes from the west of ireland , sent in three letters from persons of note : some of the particulars are as followeth . 1 the marching of the lord of inchequid and captaine iephton into the great rebels the lord roches countrey , and their releeving of rathgogan castle belonging to master meade . 2 captaine iephtons great overthrow given to three companies of rebels . 3 another great overthrow given the arch-rebell , the lord muskry , and his wh●● army by the lord of inchequid and colonell vavasor , who tooke their te●● and great store of treasure , and much other provision and pillage . 4 the siege of kinsale , and how it was releeved , and a great overthrow given to 〈…〉 rebels by the garrison of this towne , and some troops of bandonbridge . 5 the flight of a great army of the rebels from their camp neare kinsale , and 〈◊〉 great store of provision behind them . 6 the taking of two other castles , firing one , and carrying away above two hundred horse-load of corne : and divers other particulars worthy observation are like 〈…〉 expressed . read in the honourable house of commons the 25 of april , and ordered to be printed . h. elsinge cler. parl. com. london , printed for francis cowles , and thomas bates . mdcxlii . true and happie newes from ireland . right honourable , my very good lord : since my last by my lord of dungarvan , mine owne indisposition and imbecillitie hath been such , as in mine owne person i have not been able to attempt any thing , but have by my sicknesse been confined to my chamber ; but the forward earnestnesse and zeale to the service in my lord of inchequid , colonell vavasor , captaine ieph 〈…〉 , and the rest of the officers of the small army here , hath accomplished some exploits , whereof you may please to receive the ensuing relation . i being besieged on the north side of the citie , by my lord muskry , m. carty 〈…〉 ath , and all the rest of the westerne forces , and having notice that my lord 〈◊〉 , my lord of ikarne donbay , the baron of log●may , m. richard butler , and all the tipperary forces were drawing up to beleaguer me on the south , i dispatched away the two troops then newly landed , under the command of my lord inchequid , and captaine iephton into the lord roches countrey , in expe 〈…〉 nce to divert him from his intended course hitherwards , which sorted to so 〈…〉 od suppose , as that i since understand the tipperary forces have forsaken 〈…〉 m , and that hee remaines himselfe upon his keeping in his owne countrey . during the stay of these troops there , they were desired to the reliefe of a castle called rathgogan , by one m. meade , which m. iephton having performed with 〈…〉 quadron of each troop , and 80 musqueteers drawn out of his house and mine . 〈…〉 his retreat he was encountred by two or three companies from mimeallock , 〈…〉 whom he with a horse , and another officer with a foot charged in severall 〈…〉 ces , and routed them , slaying about 150. beside 50 slaine in releeving the ca 〈…〉 e. on the thirteenth of this instant my lord of muskry ( who hath kept this 〈…〉 mp a long time at rochforts towne , three miles from this citie ) caused a part this army to chase home our scouts to the very suburbs , where in a bravado they made a stand , whereat my lord inchequid , colonell vavasor , and the rest 〈◊〉 the officers being much incensed , obtained my leave to issue forth immediately with 300 musqueteers , and two troops of horse : upon the sallying out they found the enemy retreated , and pursued him to his quarters , where the 〈◊〉 body consisting of 36 colours , as they were numbred , forthwith appeared , and after severall parties sent from the maine body to skirmish with our 〈…〉 n , had beene beaten back , they began to pickup their baggage , and forsooke their camp , after whom our men made all the speed they might : and having chased them two or three miles , charged upon the reare , routed the whole army , which betook it selfe to flight over a bog , unpasseable for our horse , and to all their carriage and luggage , whereof the lord of muskries owne armou●● tent , and trunks were a part , slew about two hundred of their men that took firme ground , and retired without losse of a man . whereby it is very easie observe with what facilitie the enemy might now bee dealt with all before he can recollect himselfe a new , or receive forraine supplies , which they daily a 〈…〉 hourely expect , and being once come to their hands , it will not then be 〈◊〉 the charge and expence both of bloud and treasure , that will suppresse the 〈…〉 which now would reduce them to a very great straight . and therefore i doe most humbly beseech your lordship , that speedy supplyes of men , monies , armes , munition , and artillery , with all necessaries depending thereon , as conducters , pioners , mattrosses , carriages , tackle , horses and oxen for draught , and all other appurtenances may either bee sent over , o 〈…〉 commission and meanes to raise and maintaine them here , here being but one canoneere , and one clerk of the store in this province : without these your lordship knowes that it is to no boot to march into the field , where if the enemy be not too hard for us , hee will certainly retire to his holds , and so secure himselfe against our forces . your lordships most humble servant , w. st. leger . from kinsale , april 21. 1642. brother benjamin , the rebels have persisted in their cruell and tyrannicall wayes blocked us up round about , and have taken from us whatsoever wee had lying without the gate , what was not usefull for them , they despitefully burnt ; and whomsoever they took of our nation , whether man , woman , or child , have cruelly and inhumanely hanged and murthered : and for this three weekes space wee have not been able to send a letter to the lord president , but by water , and that with a great deale of difficultie . but praised be god , about seven or eight dayes since the lord president upon our bleeding importunitie , appointed the lord baltinglas his halfe company , to come hither by sea to help us , which consisted of 44 or 45 men , who arrived here the 15. and brought with them eight barrels of powder , and an hundred skeanes of match , whereof six barrels , and fiftie skeanes were allotted for bandonbridge , the other fiftie skeanes and two barrels doe remaine heere for the defence of the towne , which did favour well with us , because it was the first that ever we received . the 16. the troops of bandonbridge came hither to renew , and carry away the said provisions , and for their better convoy , we sent with them our troop , which consisted of about fortie horse and fortie foot , which went with them about foure miles , and drew up all our forces wee could make , to make good the retreat , if occasion had been ; our forces no sooner parted from our friends , but those of bandon fell into an ambuscado , which was laid purposely for them , consisting of about 300 men , who fired each upon other ; such was the great work of god almightie , that ours consisting of about 80 horse , went thorow in despite of them , slew or killed about 80 of them , without the losse of a man ; they wanted foure , which they imagined had been slaine , but they remained here playing the ill husbands , and went not with their friends ; our people in their retreat pillaged , and burned all the houses they could espy ; and being come all together , wee marched in a body towards a multitude of them , which appeared upon a mountaine towards belgoly , and lay in ambush on the further side of the mountaine ; the hils round about us were covered with them , wee marched within musket-shot of the maine body of them , and made a stand , every man desirous to march up to them , but night was at hand , and they had very much advantage of the ground ; while wee stood in sight of them , they made many hideous shouts , calling us english rebels , and trayterous villaines , and threatened , that before munday following ; to burne and ransack our towne ; but these were but flourishes , for that night they retreating to their accustomed place belgoly , where their camp lay , many of their people run away , and it seems their sabbath-sacrifice wrought little effect ; for the chiefe of them , which was barry oage and ieremy long , commanded the armed men to march towards my lord of muskrie his camp , and the rest they advised to shift for themselves : we are informed that many of the armed men did not march far , but run every man his way ; this i conceive could not be in any policie , but meerly the finger of god , that strook their hearts with such feare and terrour , as they could not stay any longer . on munday morning we marched thither , where wee found good store of provision , some we brought away , the rest we burned with the houses , and all the countrey thereabouts , so they cannot in haste in camp themselves there again with any commodity : some few straglers were found there , which were killed , onely two or three , which we brought home prisoners , which i believe we shal hang this day ; some things they have discovered , but to no great purpose , that it was meerely feare that drove them away , thinking those easternly wind which then blew , had brought us great store of men out of england . on tuesday we went forth againe , and tooke possession of a castle called arcloyne , where we have left a guard of 12. musquetiers , it lyeth a mile from the towne toward bandonbridge , which was good service ; for by that means we have gained a mill which lyeth under command of the castle , and hope we shall keepe it ; we had not the use of any mill this three weeks till now , which caused us ( though we have store of corne ) to want bread . we have certaine advice , that about seven dayes since , the lord presidents forces , about 600. foote , and 200. horse , sallyed out of corke , and set upon my lord of muskrie , and lord general barries great camp , which consisted of about 8000. the rebels stood a while , but at last as many as could did flye , only one company led by mac finins , brother of glon●rogh , which was known by a nick-name , captaine s●gone , who fought very valiantly , and received 7. or 8. shot into his body before he fel to the ground , his head and his hands are brought in , and set upon the gates of the city . there were slaine of the rebels no man knowes how many , our men brought in 620. musquets and pikes which lay amongst the dead , they brought in abundance of prouisions , my lord of muskries plate , and apparell , and many other good things . so i hope they will not be able to recover in haste such a head againe : their bogs and woods must bee their chiefest forts . a passage or two more , though i be something tedious , i will relate ; in my former letters , i related the great losse sustained at a farme , which i had called eneskonnis , it yeelded me 92 pound per annum , and the stock was my own the tenant was to make it good at each years end , only i had great store of corne which i could not get threshed , to bring it away ; for after this rebellion began none of the villaines would labour : i had of wheat the growth of 35. acres and as good as any in the countrey , beside barley and oats , my landlord patrik rach of polelonge , taking it for his owne , as he formerly had done with m 〈…〉 castle , and all things else , got two or three hundred with their colours to come thither to thresh , and carry it away , halfe for himselfe , and the other halfe for those that did labour , and stand by to guard him , but whiles they were about it the troops of bandon , and a few musquetiers fell in among them , killed near 100 of them , put the rest to flight , and carryed with them a great part of the corn , which was made ready at their hands ; and in this service they lost not a man : a while after the rebells attempted to steale away some cowes near bandon , and tooke two or three small children that were keeping of the said cowes , which they killed most barbarously , took them by the legs and armes and tore them asunder , one of the children they found stab'd with a skean in a dozen places at the least , which inhumanity did so much inrage them , that the next day they made another salley upon the rebells , and afterwards 〈◊〉 upon a castle called dondoniell castle , where some time the iron works stood ; it was so full of men and provisions , that they had made linnies without side , against the walls of the castle , which they filled with hutches of corn and houshold-stuffe , which they had taken from the english : our men placed musquetiers round about them , in such manner , that none of them within durst appear upon the battailment , nor peep out their nose at the loop-holes ; sent in five or sixe men that were skilfull in mining under the said linnies , who laboured so lustily , that in three or foure houres they had made a hole thorow the wall ; where they put in furze and straw , which did set the lower rooms of the castle on fire , so that the rebels and the provisions that were within , were burnt together : of what was in the linnies they saved but two hundred horse load , and carried it by degrees to the towne of bandon . had we but three or foure hundred men more , we should soone be able to cleare the river of bandon , upon which are three castles very well fortified , kilgobane , polelonge , and corgenas . the land-lord of polelonge p●t. roch fitz richard was a parliament-man , and hath beene a long time in rebellion , and his eldest sonne is made a captaine amongst them . had i men in place , i would be content to maintaine them with victualls and pay at my owne charge , untill i had taken the said castle of polelonge , so that i might enjoy the said castle , and land thereunto belonging , which is ●ine plow-lands and a halfe , and so of the rest of the castles . i pray , if you have any friends amongst that honorable assembly petition for some thing that might do us good : for my part , i have lost all , and for merchandizing there will be so little hopes while i live in this kingdome ; so that unlesse it please god to ●bove their hearts to support me in some good way , i must be enforced to steer such a course , as after so much losse will not well suit with my age . the irish inhabitants of this towne , cork , and youghall are no better than those that are abroad in action ; they did generally give intelligence of all that passed , and kept all things from us ; i have discovered that many of the chiefest of the towne did goe daily to belgolie camp ; and if friends to them , they must needs be enemies unto us : i have layd hold of some of them , i will advise my lord president of their proceedings . had not god almighty dealt thus mercifully with us , that the hearts of those miscreants should thus faile them , to flye when none pursues them , that in our encounters with them we lose not one for 100. and seeing that all these late ea 〈…〉 rly winds have brought no supply for us out of england , we should have beene in despaire , and cleane cut off ; but it doth plainly teach us , that it is his mighty hand and stretched-out arme , and not an arme of flesh that doth protect us . at the beginning of these troubles our watches were mixt irish and english together , but since we have divided our selves , the english have all retired to the water side , and the irish keep the upper old town ; so that if they professe any 〈…〉 chery , the fort and our ship charles will presently beat downe their houses 〈…〉 out their eares , and doe us no harme . my lord president and colonell banester did very well approve of their doings : now a little of businesse i take notice what you write of the ship charles , i have thereupon thought it the best course to perswade mr. iohn brooks to goe over to informe that honourable house what manner of ship she is , and what she has and will stand us in to set her forth compleatly to sea , she will stand us upward of five thousand pound . i shall desire you to be an assistant to the bearer master i. brooks , to petition to the parliament to have satisfaction for the time wee have spent in harbour from the 12 day of januarie , for the defence of the fort towne and harbour , which under god , was the chiefe preservation of them all ; for till of late , the fort was very weake , and ill-manned ; and together to be imployed in the kings service , and to allow us the rates which other ships have , three pound 16. shill. per moneth each man ; she is already in place , and doubtlesse may doe as good service as any ship that is imployed ; she will carry and hath ports for thirty peeces of ordnance ; we have already 24 barrels of powder , five cables , and double sayles : but for this i referre you to the relation of the bearer , praying you to assist him effectually ; hee is a very able deserving man ; he carryeth a letter from captaine dowrick , a part owner to a kinseman of his , one mr. norkot ; a good friend to mr. pimme and master stroud ; the said master stroud is a very able deserving gentleman , i knew him when my brother nich. glanfield lived in tanestock , but i believe he doth not remember me . i pray god direct their hearts , that we may have some ayde come over in time , to keep them from reaping what they have sowne , and before they have powder and arms from other parts , lest they should take head againe . 10000 men in munster would in my opinion , in a very short time do the businesse , and fetch back our cattell and horses , which they have driven into musgrow woods . if i had but two hundred men at present , to what we have , i am very confident i should doe some service to gods glory in the defence of my religion and nation ; and thus much believe of my conceited opinion , that if these rebells be pardoned , this kingdome will never be secure ; the abuses are so inhumane , and so devilish , that if it become pardonable , none will care what offence he committeth : and the hatred betweene the nations is so great , that it is impossible that ever it can bee forgotten . let us have leave to fight it out to the last man : or if not , and that they must live here , let us have leave to depart , and seeke some other place for our habitation . we have at present abundance of corne , by reason of two or three prizes , french-men laden with wheat and rye , brought in by our men of warre . it is a great over-sight , that in all this time we have not more ships , one or two to ride constantly in each port , to hinder the comming of provision and ammunition to the rebells , which cannot be so securely done by keeping a few ships at sea : the sure way is , as i have said , to have a ship or two to ride constantly in each port , and halfe a doeen of nimble ships to keepe at sea upon the head lands . i pray you be vigilant that we may have satisfaction for our losses , and some reward for our honest endevour . i have furnished his mejesties fort of this place , cork , kings ship , and otherwise in his majesties service , to the value of 400 pounds in deale hoords , iron , pitch , tar , train , ammunitions , and monies and know not yet when , or by whom i shal be satisfied for the same ; and whatsoever i have yet remaining , i will willingly part with in the said service , and am reapy to seale this my intent to the last drop of my bloud . there have beene a great many of our nation who are very able both in person and estate to serve in this cause , that have stolne away , and carryed their estates monies , and provision wish them ; it were good in my opinion that enquiry were made after them in in england , and compelled not onely to returne in their owne persons , but to bring over others at their owne charge , it would be but an easie punishment for their cowardly basenesse . i shall pesire you to be mindfull of us in your prayers to god almighty ; in whom i rest . your loving brother tristram whitcombe . a letter sent from yoghal in ireland to his friend resident in london , this present april . 1642. master col●s , i have sent you by this breviate of the last news for certain of the late passages in ireland , which is brought by a ship calle the abraham from yoghall . this last weeke the lord president of munster , viscount dungarvan , viscount kinnalmuhy the lord broghill , and sir charles vavasor colonell : the lord president having some few dayes before wasted all condons countrey with fire and sword , joyned their forces together between cappoquin and tallow , slew there a great number of the rebels , leaving their carkasses in the open streets ; so that to prevent the contagion might otherwise arise from their stinking bodies , they haled them to the sea , then marched to dungarvan , recovered the castle there , and slew some 350 , with the losse of no more than five or six of our english mens forces at most , and so goe on still prosperously and valiantly . about this time they attempted to take mallowe with 2000 men , but were repulst by the forces of captaine iepson within the castle . yours edw. ford . a true and credible relation of the barbarovs crveltie and bloudy massacres of the english protestants that lived in the kingdome of ireland anno dom. 1641, in the province of vlster, and other of the provinces there, by the irish rebellious traytors written by a gentleman who was an eye witness of most of the passages hereafter following, who was fore'd with his wife, to abandon house, estate and country, for feare of the rebells, and arrived in london, this 15 of ianuary, 1642. gentleman who was an eye witnesse of most of the passages hereafter following. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a63355 of text r11292 in the english short title catalog (wing t2427). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a63355 wing t2427 estc r11292 12536633 ocm 12536633 62858 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a63355) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62858) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 249:e134, no 5) a true and credible relation of the barbarovs crveltie and bloudy massacres of the english protestants that lived in the kingdome of ireland anno dom. 1641, in the province of vlster, and other of the provinces there, by the irish rebellious traytors written by a gentleman who was an eye witness of most of the passages hereafter following, who was fore'd with his wife, to abandon house, estate and country, for feare of the rebells, and arrived in london, this 15 of ianuary, 1642. gentleman who was an eye witnesse of most of the passages hereafter following. [8] p. printed by e. griffin, london : 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a63355 r11292 (wing t2427). civilwar no a true and credible relation, of the barbarovs crveltie and bloudy massacres of the english protestants that lived in the kingdome of irelan gentleman who was an eye witnesse of most of the passages hereafter following 1642 2855 23 0 0 0 0 0 81 d the rate of 81 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true and credible relation , of the barbarovs crveltie and bloudy massacres of the english protestants that lived in the kingdome of ireland , anne dom. 1641. in the province of vlster , and other of the provinces there , by the irish rebellious traytors . written by a gentleman , who was an eye witnesse , of most of the passages hereafter following , who was forc'd with his wife , to abandon , house , estate and country , for feare of the rebells , and arrived in london , this 15. of ianuary . 1642. london , printed by e. griffin , 1642. a true and credible relation of the barbarous cruelty , and bloody massacres of the english protestants , that lived in the kingdome of ireland , in anno domini , 1641. in the province of ulster ; and other of the provinces there by the irish rebellious traytors . their cruell and damnable designe , was first to have surprised the castle of dublin upon the 23. day of october anno predicto , upon a saturday ; the same night all the popish houses were to be marked with a crosse to be knowne from the protestants houses , their intent being upon the sunday following to have surprised all the protestants and to have stript them naked , as they did many thousands of men , women and children in other parts of the kingdome of ireland upon the same day , and also to have surprised all the english shipping , riding at anchor at a harbor commonly called the rings end , about a mile distant from the city of dublin . but god that saw their bloudy intent discovered their practice by one of their owne faction suffering them to run on in their owne wicked hope and cruell imagination , untill the night before their practise should have bin put in execution , for the same night the lord mack-gueere an irish man , and captaine mack-mahowne also an irish man ( who confessed the whole plot ) were apprehended , the one in cookstreet within the city of dublin , the other neere dublin in saint mary abby in the suburbes of the same city , both which have been ever since imprisoned in the castle of dublin , and doe still remaine there : what man so blind as may not herein see the finger of god , and how their malitious hearts are bent to shed innocent bloud , that notwithstanding they have so often failed in their wicked and bloudy purposes and intents both private and publik , which they have secretly attempted in darknesse will take no warning , but still run on in their bloud-thirstines , to extirpate whole states , to suppresse the truth , and to shed the bloud of gods saints , the lord confound their devices ▪ it is too manifest that the iesuits those firebrands of hell , and popish priests were the plotters of this and other treasons , which can at their pleasure absolve subjects of their obedience to their princes , and give power to murther ▪ and depose kings , neither could they worke upon a more rebellious and forward nation to doe mischiefe . the irish is well knowne to be a people both proud and envious , for the commonaltie they are for the most part ignorant and illiterate , lazie and poore , and will rather begge then worke , and therefore fit subjects for the iesuits , to spur on upon such bloody actions , for ignorance is without mercy , for never was it heard or knowne , that ever turk or infidell did ever use a christian so unmercifully as they have used the english protestants , who have releived them , and kept them from starving , it is too well knowne ( the more is the pittie and to be lamented ) that they have murthered , and starved to death of the english in the province of vlster and other provinces where they are risen up in bellion , of men , women and children above 20000. their manner is and hath beene , cowardly and trecherously to surprise them upon great advantages , and without respect of persons ▪ to rob them of all they have , but being not content therewith ( but as insatiable of bloud ) hunting after their pretious lives , stript ladyes , and gentlewomen , virgins and babes , old and young , naked as ever they were borne , from their clothes , turning them into the open fields , ( where having first destroyed the husbands and parents , before their wives and childrens faces ) many hundreds have beene found dead in ditches with cold for want of food and rayment , the irish having no more compassion of their age or youth , then of doggs . as for the protestant ministers , those they take ( which have been many ) they use them with such cruelty , as it would make any heart to melt into teares that doth but heare this relation ; their manner is first to hang them up , and then they cut off their heads , after they quarter them , then they dismember their secret parts , stopping their mouthes therewith , a thing indeed for modestie sake , more fit to bee omitted then related . many of their wives , they have ravished in their sights before the multitude , stripping them naked to the view of their wicked companions , taunting and mocking them with reproachfull words , sending them away in such a shamefull , or rather shamelesse manner that they have ( most of them ) either dyed for griefe , or starved with want and cold , such cruelty was never knowne before . as to speake of the ravishing of wives , maids and virgins in particular , it would take up a great volume , and therefore i leave that to the consideration of such as have learned , what effects fruits and mischiefes , wars and rebellions produce , the priests and iesuits commonly annoint the rebells with their sacrament of the unction , before they goe to murther and rob , assuring them that for their meritorious service , if they chance to dye or bee killed , they shall escape purgatory and goe to heaven immediately , and what they can get by stealing and murthering shall be their own , a good reward for such a bloudy and murthering service , and what man will not venter upon such conditions to get wealth upon earth , and heaven for murther ? o damnable doctrine , and doctors ! after they have murthered men ; surprising them cowardly and treacherously , they doe usually mangle their dead carcases , laying wagers which shall cut deepest into their dead flesh with their skeyns as they did unto one master champion , a iustice of the peace in the province of vlster , whom they cruelly murthered by trechery , and one master iremonger , whom they kild , as he was at prayers in master champions house , and also destroying the whole houshold . one worthy gentleman nere belturbat , in the province of vlster , was surprised as hee was at dinner with his vertuous ▪ wife and foure small children , and after they had robbed them , and all his family , and stripped them naked , they threatned them to kill them , if they went not away presently , who comming towards dublin , hoping that way to find some comfort , the further they came the more miserable they were beholding others of their friends handled in the same manner , which struck in them such amasement , and bred in them such feare , that being hopeles , & helplesse they , sat downe in a ditch , where they were all found dead by some troopers , the gentleman and his wife having their armes imbracing one th ▪ other were found dead , but a sucking child , which was betweene them , was alive grabling and striving for the dead mothers breast , who was taken up by the troopers and carried to a nurse . at belturbat they robbed all the english , being about 500. persons , who submitting themselves to their mercy found no quarter but cruelty , for they stripped them all naked , and so turned them out of the towne to shift for themselves in bitter cold weather , in a most shamefull manner , not affording them a ragg to cover those parts , which should be hid , amongst which company there was one master hudson the minister of the said towne of belturbat , a religious and godly minister and his wife , whom they abused in a shamefull manner , not sit to be spoken . in another towne the english fled all into the church being ab one two hundred and twenty , where they remained 3. dayes and nights both men , women , and children , till they were almost starved , and so were forced to come forth , whom these cruell rebells stripped out of their clothes , and drove them over the bridge at the townes end naked , having before cut off the middle arch , unknowne to those poore christians , with a devillish intent there to murther them ( as they did ) for comming to the middle of the bridge , they found no passage ; for the poore naked soules must either goe back , or fall in and bee drowned : some that went back they kil●d , some that fell in the water were drowned , some that could swim , the cruell rebells run and met them at the water side , and knockt them on the heads in the water , o mercylesse and cruell murtherers ! many ladies , and gentlewomen , which have beene great with child they have turned them out of doores , where they have beene delivered in the open fields upon a little straw , without the helpe of any woman , and so having ended their misery ▪ others that have escaped death in childbearing , they have mercilesly carried away upon carts ( lying in stinking and lowsie straw stark naked ) to places where they and their poore infants have been murthered the lord blany escaped their cruelty , being forced to ride 14. miles upon a poore garroon or iade without bridle or saddle to save his life , his lady being taken and his children the same day , and imprisoned by the bloody and cruell villaines , who use her most barbarously and her children , neither regarding her noblenesse of birth nor her lord , but suffer her , or rather force her to lodge in straw , with a poore allowance of two pence a day , for her reliefe ▪ and poore sweet children ▪ and to ad affliction to the good ladyes misery , slew a kinsman of hers ▪ and caused him to be hanged up two dayes and nights before her face to afflict and terrifie her . it is most certaine that many thousands have suffered in this nature and worse ▪ as i have heard reported by very honest and credible persons who ( through gods mercy ) have escaped their crueltie , for it hath beene told mee by the mouths of very religious and godly divines ▪ who came over with me in the same ship , wherein i came from dublin ▪ how they had lost their wives ▪ their children ▪ and their estates , being glad to flye for their lives , having not left wherewithall to pay for their owne carriage into england , some of them to mine owne knowledge ▪ having lost very great estates . vpon the 8. of december last , the lords of the pale ▪ ( so called because they live round about the city of dublin , in the province of leinster ) did generally meet at a village called the saintred , & there did mutually protest against the kings government , and then and there proclaimed that all the english should depart the kingdome within 14 ▪ dayes ▪ or otherwise they should expect nothing but fire and sword ▪ which being knowne to the lords iustices , all the papists in dublin were presently disarmed : at or about the same time the lord fitz william of miriam , living nere bullock , and within two miles of dublin , sent word to the lords iustices that there was 1500. of the rebells would come downe from the county of wickloe to bulloch , and so come from thence in flat boats , to surprise the shipping at the rings end which is the harbour , and where there lay at that time about 27. ships of the english and dutch , whereupon the lords iustices , sent a hundred souldiers from dublin , to be dispersed into severall ships for their safety , and gave order , under their hands to the capt. of the kings frygot a man of war , who rid at anchor by us , to have a speciall care of our ship called the phenix and ( if occasion were ) to guard us safe over the ba● of dublin so that we were driven to keepe a guard many nights on ship-board for feare of a surprise , for the rebells were come to a place called finglas within two miles of dublin , so that we were driven to leave our houses ( living in the suburbes ) for feare of firing , and so lay aboard 14. dayes and nights in our clothes , before wee had a wind to carry us to hollyhead , the kings attorney for ireland , sir thomas tempest , the bishop of ardagh , sir robert dixon , sir robert foord , mr. carleton , and divers ladies and gentlewomen , being all passengers in the same ship . as for the number of the rebells , it is not certainly knowne ; but without question there is a great many of them , but not the third part of them armed , and those armes they have , they have taken from the english ▪ in surprising and murthering them cowardly and trecherously , and some of them under pretence of being rob'd by the rebells , have deceiptfully gotten armes to goe fight against them , and then have run away from their captaines to the rebells , and indeed there is no trust nor confidence to be put in them , they are so trecherously perfidious . it is suspected , that the chiefe rebells doe intend to steale away by sea ( having gotten a great estate from the english plantators whom they have robbed and murthered ) and so leave the ignorant rabble of irish in the lurch . there is a great want of english protestants for souldiers , not only to secure the city of dublin and the suburbs , but also to releeve the distressed estate of the lord viscount moore in drogheda , who deserves both love , praise , and honour . it is to be beleeved that the rebells will never give a battell ▪ and that in short time they will be starved for want of food , for they have gotten in most parts from the english all they can get , and they wast and devoure that plenty they have , and there is neither plowing nor sowing in those parts , so that it will be impossible for them to subsist long . it is most certaine that 1400. souldiers volunteers , were landed at dublin , under the command of captaine harcot , and other captaines upon the second day of ianuary last anno 1641. which was a great comfort to the english , and 400. souldiers which were not in pay went along with them , so that the whole number was 1800. men . and marched along from the rings end to dublin in battell array in very good order . they report and alleadge that religion is the cause of their war , but that is false , for they have had too much liberty and freedome of conscience in ireland , and that hath made them rebell . i hope that god that hath discovered their bloudy practice , will confound their devices , and bring them to confusion . to the which god be all honour , praise and glory for ever . finis . whereas we are informed that the price of corn, and all sorts of grain, meale and malt, is grown excessive high in several parts of this kingdom, which both arise as is conceived from the great quantities of corn which have been of late carried out of this kingdom, into foreign parts ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) 1681 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46210 wing i978 estc r36975 16170286 ocm 16170286 104967 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46210) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104967) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:73) whereas we are informed that the price of corn, and all sorts of grain, meale and malt, is grown excessive high in several parts of this kingdom, which both arise as is conceived from the great quantities of corn which have been of late carried out of this kingdom, into foreign parts ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke and john crook ... and are to be sold by mary crook ..., dublin : 1681. title from first 7 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin the first day of july 1681." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng grain trade -law and legislation -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . ormonde . whereas we are informed that the price of corn , and all sorts of grain , meale and malt , is grown excessive high in several parts of this kingdom , which both arise as is conceived from the great quantities of corn which have been of late carried out of this kingdom , into foreign parts . we the lord lieutenant and council for a timely & seasonable prevention of that scarcity , which by such transportation of corn may be brought upon this kingdom ; do hereby in his majesties name strictly charge and commad all manner of persons whatsoever , that they do from henceforth until michaelmas next , forbear to ship , carry , or transport any wheat , barly , rye , beare , oates , pease , pulse , meslin , or any meal , or malt out of this kingdom to any other place whatsoever beyond the seas , as they will answer the contrary at their perils . and we require all his majesties officers in the several and respective ports of this kingdom , and the farmers of the great branches of his revenue , that they do seise all such grain , meal , or malt as they shall find to be shipt after the date of this our proclamation , and before michaelmas next with intent to export the same , contrary to the true meaning hereof . given at the council chamber in dublin the first day of july 1681. mic. armach . c. jo. dublin . drogheda . longford . blesinton . granard . lanesborough . ca. dillon . rich. coote . char. meredith . wm. davys . h. hen. ol. st-george . john cole . god save the king . dublin , printed by benjamin tooke and john crook printers to the king 's most excellent majestie , and are to be sold by mary cro●ke and andrew crooke at his majesties printing-house skinner-row , 1681. the last intelligence from ireland received febrvary the first, 1641. johnson, richard, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46937 of text r21072 in the english short title catalog (wing j813). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46937 wing j813 estc r21072 12483486 ocm 12483486 62228 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46937) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62228) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 249:e132, no 36) the last intelligence from ireland received febrvary the first, 1641. johnson, richard, 17th cent. 7 p. printed for h. blunden, london : 1642. letter signed: richard johnson. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649. a46937 r21072 (wing j813). civilwar no the last intelligence from ireland. received february the first. 1641. johnson, richard 1642 701 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2004-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the last intelligence from ireland . received febrvary the first . 1641. london , printed for h. blunden . 1642. january 26. 1641. the same day that the english armie had met with the rebels at swords , there were some ships sent to relieve tredah , which arrived verie safe there , and relieved the town though with much hazard . for the enemie at their entrance upon our harbour , discharged a thousand shots at the ships ; but they made way into the town , without any losse , and killed threescore of the enemie . that same night , by the treacherie of the townsmen , five hundred of the rebels entred the town , but alarum being strucken by the english , they bear the enemie out of the town , and killed above two hundred of them , without any considerable losse on the english side . sir henry titsborne made three or some severall sallies out of the town upon on the rebels , and upon those sallies killed six hundred of them , without any considerable losse . the correnet of sir adam lofties his troop is noted to behave himself like a gallant , and a stout man at their severall meetings with the enemie captain walter lofties late lieutenant collonel under the king of france , is entred as a captain of the companie lately commanded by sir laurence cary . january the seventeenth , luke toole supt at christopher nicolsons one of sir adam lofties his tenants , in rats furnham lands , and the night following a thousand of the rebels lying at kilmakeweeke , sent mr. dudley lofties word , that they would soon assault the castle of ratfarnham ; but being well informed , how well the castle was furnished , with men , and munition , and victuals , they forbear their attempt . msr. dudley loftie sir adam lofties second sonne , now captain of ratsfarnham castle , doth rather wish then fear their approach . some of the ward of ratsfarnham castle descried foure thousand of the rebels passe by rebock-hill , within three miles of dublin , they descried them from off the plotform , and saw them at a far nearer distance , ( and do confidently say ) they were marching by above foure houres . ianuary the twentieth , the english armie burned kilternam and dundrom , two of the lord of merions towns , kilgeban a town of sir adam lofties : kilmaheweeke and killake two irish towns , all within the compasse of foure or five miles at furthest at dublin ; this was purposely done that the enemie might not harbour so nigh dublin . this is all the news for present , but this came unto my ladie lofties is true . thus with remembrance of my love to your self and good wife , in haste rest . yours to command , richard johnson . the post-script of a letter from dublin . 16. january . 1641. before i had well ended my letter , dunboyne ( distant from dublin six miles ) was burnt by our troop , which was the seat of an ancient lord baron , and a strong peece of refuge of the enemies . oh that we had but timely aide , how seasonablie would it now be ! for two spanish priests are taken , who brought letters ( as credibly is reported ) intimating that there is aid coming from dunkirke , i meane armes : i would to god there were shipping of ours at sea , to stop their evill intents , and to prevent their inhumane proceedings . for if they receive ammunition , i assure you we are likely to have a tedious and a dangerous warre ; whereas yet they are most naked , though in very great multitudes : which being in time prevented of further supplies , must needs consume themselves by famine , else will they proceed in their woolvish devouring what ever comes in their power , without any fear or wit . finis . by the lords justices and councell. vv. parsons. io. borlase. whereas many malignant and divellish papists, and jesuits friars, seminary priests, and other superstitious orders of the popish pretended cleargie, ... ireland. lords justices and council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a87341 of text r211450 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[107]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a87341 wing i849 thomason 669.f.5[107] estc r211450 99870176 99870176 160819 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a87341) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160819) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[107]) by the lords justices and councell. vv. parsons. io. borlase. whereas many malignant and divellish papists, and jesuits friars, seminary priests, and other superstitious orders of the popish pretended cleargie, ... ireland. lords justices and council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by william bladen, [printed at dublin : 1642] imprint from wing. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng catholics -ireland -legal status, laws, etc. -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a87341 r211450 (thomason 669.f.5[107]). civilwar no by the lords justices and councell. vv. parsons. io. borlase. whereas many malignant and divellish papists, and jesuits: friars, seminary p ireland. lords justices and council. 1642 1053 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms diev et mon droit ¶ by the lords iustices and councell . vv. parsons . io. borlase . whereas many malignant and divellish papists , and iesuits , friars , seminary prfests , and other superstitious orders of the popish pretended cleargie , most disloyally , treacherously and wickedly conspired to surprize his majesties castle of dublin , his majesties principall fort in this kingdome , the citie of dublin , and all other citties and fortifications in this realm , to massacre vs the lords iustices and councell , to destroy and roote out all the protestant brittish , and all other protestants in this realm ; and finally , to deprive his majestie of this his antient and rightfull crowne , and soveraignty of this kingdome , and to possesse themselves thereof , all which was by the said conspirators plotted , and intended to be acted on the 23. day of october in the yeare of our lord god 1641. a conspiracie so inhumane , barbarous and cruell , as the like was never before heard of in any age or kingdome , and if it had taken effect in that fulnesse which was intended by the conspirators , it had occasioned the utter ruine of this whole kingdome , and the governement thereof . and howsoever it pleased almighty god in his unsearchable wisedome and iustice , as a just punishment and deserved correction to us for our sinnes , and the sins of this nation , to permit then , and afterwards , the effecting of a great part of that destruction complotted by those wicked conspirators , whereby many thousand brittish and protestants have been massacred , many thousands of others of them have been afflicted and tormented , with the most exquisit torments that the malice of the divell could suggest to the mischievous rebells , and all mens estates ( aswell those whom they trayterously slue , as all others ) are utterly wasted , ruined , and destroyed , yet as his divine majestie hath in all ages shewen his power and mercy in the miraculous and gracious deliverance of his church , and in the protection of religious kings and states , so even in the midst of his iustice , he was graciously pleased to extend mercie to his majestie , and to this his kingdome and good subjects therein , not onely in miraculously discovering to vs the lords iustices , that hideous and bloudy treason , not many houres before the appointed time for the execution thereof , but also in preserving the said castle and cittie of dublin , and some other citties , townes and castles in the kingdome , from the bloudy hands of the barbarous conspirators , as also in thereby rendring deliverance to the lives of vs the lords iustices and councell , and of all the brittish and protestants in dublin , and in the said other citties , townes , and castles preserved , and of sundry other brittish and protestants , falne even into the hands of those rebellious conspirators , and likewise in sending vs succours , ( whereby with gods blessing ) we have hitherto continued safe under his mighty protection , notwithstanding the unexampled rage and implacable fury and malice of those mercilesse enemies of gods truth . wherefore as we doe most humbly and justly acknowledge gods iustice in our deserved punishments , in those calamities which from the councells and actions of those conspirators & their adherents , are falne upon vs , and this nation in generall , so we doe in like manner acknowledge , that even in exercising of that his iustice , he remembred mercie also , and magnified his mercie to vs , in those great blessings which we humbly confesse to have proceeded meerely from his infinite goodnesse and mercy , and therefore to his most holy name we doe ascribe all honor , glory and praise : and to the end this unfained thankfulnesse may never be forgotten , but may be had in a perpetuall remembrance , that all ages to come may yeeld praises to his divine majestie for the same , and have in memorie this joyfull day of deliverance . we doe ordaine and establish by this our act of councell ( in the meane time untill by authority of parliament it shall be made a law to be delivered over to posterity ) that all and singular ministers in every cathedrall and parish church , or other usuall place for common prayer within this realme of ireland , shall alwayes upon the 23. day of october say morning prayer , and give thankes unto almighty god for this most happy and miraculous deliverance , and for our preservation hitherto , farre above the expectation of those wretched conspirators . and that all , and every person and persons , inhabiting within this realme of ireland , shall alwayes upon that day diligently and faithfully resort to the parish church or chappell accustomed , or to some usuall church or chappell where the said morning prayer , preaching , or other service of god shall be used , and then and there to abide orderly and soberly during the time of the said prayers , preaching , or other service of god there to be used and ministred . and because all and every person may be put in mind of his duty , and be then better prepared to the said holy service : we doe ordaine and establish by this our act of councell , that every minister shall give warning to his parishioners publiquely in the church at morning prayer , the sunday before every such 23. day of october for the due observation of the said day . and that after morning prayer , and preaching upon the said 23. day of october , they reade publiquely , distinctly and plainely this our act of councell . given at his majesties castle of dublin the 14. day of october . 1642. ormond . ad. loftus . geo. shurley . gerrard lowther . i. temple . tho. rotherham . fr. willoughby . ia. ware . g. wentworth . rob. meredith . whereas we the lord lieutenant have lately received his majesties letters dated the 28th of september 1672 which follow in these words ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1672 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45764 wing i1005 estc r36998 16179824 ocm 16179824 104990 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45764) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104990) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:81) whereas we the lord lieutenant have lately received his majesties letters dated the 28th of september 1672 which follow in these words ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. [2] leaves. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1672. title from first 4 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 21th day of october. 1672"--leaf [2] broadside in [2] leaves. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . essex , whereas we the lord lieutenant have lately received his majesties letters dated the 28th of september 1672 which follow in these words : charles r. right trusty , and right well beloved cousin and councellor , we greet you well , whereas in the time of the lieutenancy of our right trusty and entirely beloved cousin and councellor james duke of ormond in that our kingdom of ireland , we did for several weighty reasons vs thereunto , especially moving , by our letters under our signet and sign manual , order and direct , that all prosecution in criminal causes , against any of our subjects of that kingdom , upon the account of the late rebellion and war , should be forborn , & that all our iudges and iustices of assise and goal delivery , and our attorney and solicitor general and all our officers and ministers and others of what degree soever should take notice thereof , and proceed accordingly in all such cases , so that none of our said subjects might be terrified by any prosecution in our behalf , but be in peace to follow their lawful occasions , & that if any indictments , actions or suits of that nature were depending against any of our said subjects , that our attorney general should be required to enter a nolle prosequi in every such cause depending , and that no new indictments or proceedings should be had , notwithstanding which our commands , we being lately given to understand ( though we could not but expect the conformity of all our loving subjects in that kingdom to our example of clemency , and to our declared pleasure against the continuance of animosities and differences after so long a time upon account of those things which ought to be forgotten and forgiven ) that actions have been brought by divers persons against several of our subjects , even against some whose estates have been forfeited , seized , and disposed by act of parliament upon the account of the said rebellion and war , and judgements obtained against them for goods taken and wrongs done in the heat of rebellion and war , which being a great terror to all who were involved in those unfortunate actions , may be of dangerous consequence to the peace and setlement of that our kingdom , and renew and perpetuate feuds and heart-burnings , when men shall find themselves after t 〈…〉 rs pursued , even for those things for which they were not so much as questioned in the time of the late usurpers tiranny , or if questioned were thereupon acquitted , out of a just sence of the mischiefs that may ensue , and a gratious inclination to heale the wounds , and cement the breaches , which by so many years division and war have been made , that all our people may return to that unanimity and neighbour-like fellowship , commerce and correspondence wherein they lived together before the three & twentiethof october 1641 , then which nothing can more conduce to our satisfaction and service , we do not only declare our just resentments that any of our subjects should have commenced or prosecuted such actions and suits ( which we doubt not upon this signification of our pleasure , but they and every of them will respectively surcease ) but we further declare , that our gratious intention is the first session of parliament in that our kingdom , to pass an act of free and general pardon , indempnity and oblivion to all our subjects of the same , and in the mean time , we expect from and command you our lieutenant , and all our officers , and loving subjects of what degree , quality and condition soever , and every of them , to take notice hereof , and forbear the preferring , commencing or prosecuting any indictments , bils , suits , actions , or plaints against any our subjects , of that our kingdom , for any matter or thing relating to or done in that time of the late rebellion or war , and before our happy restoration that as we have extended our grace and clemency to all in general , and perticular , they may mutually remit the offences & injuries of one another , and to the end , the declaration of this our pleasure may be taken notice of by all persons whatsoever , we strictly charge and command that these our letters be inrolled in our four courts at dublin , and by a●t of state to be pass●d at our council-board , published to the whole kingdom , for which this shall be unto you and all others whom it may concern a sufficient w●rrant , and so we bid you heartily farewel . given at our court at white-hall the 28th day of september 1672 in the 24th year of our reign ; by his majesties command . arlington . to our right trusty , and right well beloved cousin and councellor arthur earl of essex , our lieutenant general , and general governour of our kingdom of ireland , now we the lord lieutenant and council in pursuance of his majesties said letters do by this our act of council order , that his majesties said letters be inrolled in his majesties four courts of dublin , and we do also hereby publish his majesties said letters to and throughout this whole kingdom , and we do hereby require all persons concerned to take notice of his majesties pleasure thereby , signified and to observe the same , given at the council-chamber in dublin the 21th day of october . 1672. ja : armachanus . mich. dublin canc. arran . fran : aungier . ro : booth . jo : bysse . j : temple . ro : byron . will : steuart . h : ingoldsby . theo : iones . maurice eustace . char : meridyth . hen : ford. god save the king. dvblin , printed by benjamin took , printer to the kings most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde book-seller in castle-street . 1672. good and trve nevves from ireland in a letter sent to mr. francis clay in lumber-street and by him received ianuary 24, 1641 : vvith a confirmation of another letter to the same effect, by the relating the late exployts of the english forces there. johnson, richard, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46936 of text r19707 in the english short title catalog (wing j812). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46936 wing j812 estc r19707 12442894 ocm 12442894 62135 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46936) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62135) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 249:e133, no 14) good and trve nevves from ireland in a letter sent to mr. francis clay in lumber-street and by him received ianuary 24, 1641 : vvith a confirmation of another letter to the same effect, by the relating the late exployts of the english forces there. johnson, richard, 17th cent. s. g. 8 p. printed for h. blunden, london : 1642. first letter signed: richard johnson. second letter signed: s. g. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649. a46936 r19707 (wing j812). civilwar no good and true nevves from ireland. in a letter sent to mr. francis clay in lumber-street, and by him received ianuary 24. 1641. vvith a conf johnson, richard 1642 1384 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2004-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion good and trve nevves from ireland . in a letter sent to mr. francis clay in lumber-street , and by him received ianuary 24. 1641. vvith a confirmation of another letter to the same effect ; by the relating the late exployts of the english forces there . london , printed for h. blunden . 1642. good mr , clay , after my kinde love presented unto you and your good wife , with desire of your healths . i have received your letter and the news , for which i kindly thank you , and will give satisfaction , for what you lay out ; for news with us there is very good , for that regiment which went from hence under sir simon harcot , hath done much good : for he and sir charles , issued out of dublin with two thousand and set upon a town called swords , some eight miles from dublin , which the enemies had taken , and were there encamped about five thousand of them , our men set on them and slew three hundred of them with the losse of three men , and put the rest to flight ; and took , as the report is , spoil worth six thousand pound , and set fire of the town . also captain bartly with a ship of warre , and foure other small ones , hath relieved tradarth , as he went up the river he played with his ordnance on both sides , fifteen peeces on a side ; and when sir henry titsburn heard him , he issued out to meet him for joy , and when he was gone out , the rebles marched towards the citie ; but he returned back before them , and he bid them come , he would deliver the town to them , and set open the gates . but when some eight score of them were come in , captain jaxe one of their captains kissed his sword and said , god be thanked the town was theirs . but presently they discharged two peeces of ordnance , and a bullet hit him and dasht out his brains , and they shut the gates , and shot off the walls at the rest , and put those eightscore all to the sword , and when the rest saw them shoot they fled ; but they slew some three hundred of them off the walls . captain bartley as he came home he battered a town called skerries , by the sea coast , and fired it where the rebels lodged . and very lately sir charles coote and sir simon harcot issued out of dublin again ( they were striving a day for preheminence ) and cast lots , and sir charles coot got it , whether should lead them to dunboyne : and if they had gone that day before , they had taken the lords of the pile there , but they took the town , and got great spoils and fired it : they brought with them foure hundred head of cattell , besides other victualling . the lord dungarbar is arrived in ireland safe , he hath taken dungar now and victualled it . thus being in haste , i rest , your thankfull friend to command , richard johnson . sir , your kind letter by mr. ralinson i safely received , and whereas you desire to heare of our present state in this poore kingdom of ireland , i shall in briefe relate unto you our latest occurrences . three dayes since sir charles coote , and sir simon harcotte sallied out to swords , six miles from dublin , where the enemy had their campe , and there had intrenched themselves . by break of day our men set upon them , drave them out of their trenches , and put them to rout , they ran away , about 120 were slain , divers taken prisoners , foure of their colours , drummes , and armes , our men brought away , who are safely come againe , blessed be god , onely wee lost foure men ; whereof the chiefe was sir lorenzo cary , brother to the lord faulkland , shot in the head , as it is thought , by one of his souldiers ; he was brought to dublin on horseback , his footman behind him holding him up in the saddle , which an irish woman on the key seeing , said it was pitty that no more were served so , which the souldiers hearing , in a rage threw the woman into the river , where she was drowned . the rebels have burned all the plantation towns in the county of london derry , but derry and colraine stand out stoutly . the last night they went out towards the mountaines beyond tallow , and burnt two or three villages , whereby those rebels should not have any shelter so neare us , but when our men came , they ranne away , and would not abide above two shot , so that till we have supply from england and scotland , no good is to be done with them , whereby we may follow them to the full ; notwithstanding , many papists curse the jesuits , priests , and fryers , and say in plaine tearmes , they have been the cause of all this ; and no question to the contrary ; the lord in mercy convert or confound them . wee are all much bound to god for our gracious king , the honourable parliament of england , the mercifull and pious citie of london , and the whole kingdoms of england & scotland , for their care and pitty upon us , although as yet wee have but little help to this great work , but of that which we have received , we are much comforted , and we doe not doubt of the rest , which doth not a little strike to the hearts of our enemies , as we heare ; by this you may see in part our calamities ; but blessed be god , our lords , justices , and councell , have provided for this citie , that under god , we hope to be safe as you in london , and so we hope of drohedah , where a worthy governour sir henry tichborne holds out valiantly , although the rebells have made many assaults upon the towne . provision is sent by sea to drohedah , and wee trust in god , it will be safely delivered to them , but if not , they will be hard besteed , but if it please god to send us more strength , we make no question by gods assistance but to cleer the passage by land to succour them . these miseries are great the lord be mercifull unto us : but this is not all , the most of our rich men and great men are fled from us into england , and have carried their estates with them , they have not left one penny to succour the poore distressed stript people who are come hither for relief , wherof we have at this present neer three thousand , besides many hundreds are starved to death since they came onely with want , for we are not able to do more then we do , we do relieve them far beyond our abilities ; for my own part , i pay much weekly for billiting money , besides what i give to the poore ; the rich being gone , left their houses without any help at all unto us , not so much as common charges for the safety of this city , but all lieth upon the poorer sort : the lord in mercy forgive them this sin , this great sin , that the blood of so many hundreds which have perished by want be not required at their hands . thus with our best respects unto you , i rest your assured friend , s. g. a declaration of the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons in this present parliament of ireland assembled, concerning ecclesiastical government and the book of common-prayer ireland. parliament. 1661 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46024 wing i383 estc r36828 16140427 ocm 16140427 104812 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46024) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104812) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:28) a declaration of the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons in this present parliament of ireland assembled, concerning ecclesiastical government and the book of common-prayer ireland. parliament. 1 broadside. imprinted at dublin by william bladen, by special order ..., [dublin] : 1661. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of ireland. church and state -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit moni soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ a declaration of the lords spiritual , and temporal , and the commons in this present parliament of ireland assembled , concerning ecclesiastical government , and the book of common-prayer . we the lords spiritual , and temporal , and commons assembled in parliament , observing that although the government of the church by arch-bishops and bishops , and the book of common-prayer , are both setled and established by the laws of the land ; yet divers fanaticks , and other persons given to change , doe take the boldness not onely to deprave the one , and to speak irreverently of the other : but doe obstinately refuse to submit to that government , and to use that form of prayer , in high contempt , and derogation of those laws , ( which because in some it may proceed from ignorance of the law , for which there is some pretence , by reason of the long intermission of iustice , occasioned by the late confusions . ) we doe therefore publish and declare , that those laws are still in force , and that we are fully resolved , by all fair and lawful ways and means to countenance and support the same ; and in order thereunto , we do hereby require all persons whatsoever , to give due obedience to the said ecclesiastical government , and to conform themselves to the said book of common-prayer , and to the practise thereof , as the onely publique form of serving god , established and allowed to be in this realm ; and we do further require all magistrates ecclesiastical and civil , and all other officers and ministers of iustice to proceed with all just severity against the contemners of the said government or common-prayer book , either by disobedience , by reproachful words , or otherwise , as they will answer the contrary at their utmost perils . may the 17. 1661. ordered that the several ministers in and about this city , do read the said declaration , the next sunday after its coming from the press , publiquely in their congregations before sermon ; and that all ministers throughout this kingdom , do read the same the next sunday after its comming into their hands , in their respective congregations ; and that the several reverend bishops of this house do take care that there be a convenient number of the said declarations sent into their several diocesses , and that it be duely put in execution in their said diocesses . john keating , cler. parl. god save the king . imprinted at dublin by william bladen , by special order , anno dom. 1661. two letters of his sacred maiesty, one, in vindication of him, touching the irish affaires; the other, concerning the late mis-interpretation of one maine passage in his late letters. bristol, george digby, earl of, 1612-1677. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a67885 of text r200243 in the english short title catalog (wing c2851). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a67885 wing c2851 estc r200243 99861049 99861049 113176 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67885) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 113176) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 49:e298[31]) two letters of his sacred maiesty, one, in vindication of him, touching the irish affaires; the other, concerning the late mis-interpretation of one maine passage in his late letters. bristol, george digby, earl of, 1612-1677. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2], 6 p. printed by leonard lichfield, printer to the universitie., oxford: [i.e. london] : 1645. although attributed to charles i, the first letter is in fact by lord george digby, who has signed it in "two remarkable letters concerning the kings correspondence with the irish rebels" (wing b4785; madan 1810); the second, addressed to nicholas, is signed: c.r. the imprint is false; "issued in london, .. a counterfeit"--madan. annotation on thomason copy: "sept: 3d". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. great britain -religion -17th century. a67885 r200243 (wing c2851). civilwar no two letters of his sacred maiesty, one, in vindication of him, touching the irish affaires; the other, concerning the late mis-interpretatio bristol, george digby, earl of 1645 1148 1 0 0 0 0 0 9 b the rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-12 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-12 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion two letters of his sacred maiesty , one , in vindication of him , touching the irish affaires ; the other , concerning a late mis-interpretation of one maine passage in his late letters . oxford : printed by leonard lichfield , printer to the universitie . 1645. two letters of his sacred maiestie , &c. my lords and gentlemen . his majestie having long expected a conclusion of a happie peace within that kingdome , and his affaires having highly suffered by the faylure of his expectations from thence , cannot chuse but wonder what cause is of it ; calling to mind those faire professions and promises which you made unto him , when you were imployed here as agents , and knowing well what powers and instructions he hath long since given my lord lieutenant to comply with you for your satisfaction , as farre forth as with any reason or honour his majestie could in civill things , or with prudence , or conscience , in matters of religion ; and in this latter , as to the utmost of what for any wordly consideration , hee will ever be induced unto : so did he conceive it nothing lesse , then what you declared unto him , you were perswaded the catholiques would be satisfied withall ; nay , ought not in their owne interests , to seeke more in the present condition his majestie was in , lest any further concessions might by confirming former scandalls cast upon his majestie in matters of religion , so alienate the hearts of his faithfull and loyall adherents , as to make them abandon him , which as yet would draw inevitable ruine upon him ; so were you rightly apprehensive , that when the rebells should by that meanes have prevailed here , it must soone after bring a certaine destruction upon your selves ; what your change of principles , or resolutions are , his majestie knowes not : but he findes , by the not concluding of a peace there , that your partie ( it seemes ) is not satisfied with the utmost that his majestie can grant in matters of religion ; that is , the taking away of the penall lawes against roman catholiques within that kingdome : and his majestie heares that you insist upon the demands of churches , for the publique exercise of your religion , which is the occasion that his majestie hath commanded me to write thus frankly unto you , and to tell you , that he cannot believe it possible , that rationall and prudent men ( had there beene no propositions made to the contrary ) can insist upon that , which must needs be so destructive to his majestie at the present , and to your selves , in the consequences of his ruine ; that is , inevitably to be made a prey to the rebells of these kingdomes , or to a forraine nation . wherefore , ( my lords and gentlemen ) to disabuse you , i am commanded by his majestie to declare unto you , that were the condition of his affaires much more desperate then it is , hee would never redeeme them by any concession of so much wrong , both to his honour , and conscience . it is for the defence of his religion principally , that he hath undergone the extremities of warre here , and hee will never redeeme his crowne by sacrificing of it there : so that to deale clearely with you , you may be happie your selves , and be happie instruments of his majesties restoring , if you will be contented with reason , and give him that speedie assistance which you well may ; and so if nothing will content you , but what must wound his honour , and conscience , you must expect , that how low soever his condition is , and how detestable soever the rebells of this kingdome are to him , hee will in that poynt joyne with them , the scots , or with any of the protestant profession , , rather then doe the least act that may hazard that religion , in which , and for which , hee will live and die . having said thus much by his majesties command , i have no more to adde , but that i shall thinke my selfe very happie , if this take any such effect as may tend to the peace of that kingdome , and make me your affectionate humble servant , 1. august , 1645. cardiffe , the 4. of august , 1645. nicholas , having commanded your fellow secretary to give you a full accompt , as well of our proceedings here as resolutions , i will neither trouble you nor my selfe with repetitions ; onely for my selfe , i must desire you to let everie one know , that no distresse● of fortune whatsoever , shall make me by the grace of god , in any thing recede from those grounds i layd downe to you , who were my commissioners at uxbridge , and which ( i thanke them ) the rebells have published in print : and though i could have wished that their paines had beene spared , yet i will neither denie that those things are mine which they have set out in my name ( onely some words here and there mistaken , and some comma's misplaced , but not much materiall ) nor as a good protestant or honest man , blush for any of those papers : indeed as a discreet man i will not justifie my selfe , and yet i would faine know him who would be willing , that the freedome of all his private letters were publikely seene as mine have now beene . however , so that one clause bee rightly understood , i care not much though the rest take their fortune ; it is concerning the mungrell parliament : the truth is , that sussex his factiousnesse at that time put mee somewhat out of patience , which made me freely vent my displeasure against those of his partie to my wife , and the intention of that phrase was , that his faction did what they could to make it come to that , by their raysing and fomenting of base propositions . this is clearely evidenced by my following excuse to her for suffering those people to trouble her , the reason being to eschew those greater inconveniencies which they had , and were more likely to cause here then there . i am now going to supper , and so i rest your most assured friend , c. r. finis . a narrative of the depositions of robert jenison esq with other material evidences, plainly proving that mr. william ireland, lately executed for high treason, was in london the nineteenth of august, 1678, notwithstanding his condfident denial thereof both at his tryal and execution / collected by charles chetwind, esq. chetwind, charles. 1679 approx. 89 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a69734 wing c3792 estc r9115 11906211 ocm 11906211 50678 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a69734) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50678) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 864:4) a narrative of the depositions of robert jenison esq with other material evidences, plainly proving that mr. william ireland, lately executed for high treason, was in london the nineteenth of august, 1678, notwithstanding his condfident denial thereof both at his tryal and execution / collected by charles chetwind, esq. chetwind, charles. jenison, robert, 1648-1688. [5], 13 p. printed for henry hills, thomas parkhurst, john starkey, dorman newman, thomas cockeril, thomas simmons, and jacob tonson, london : 1679. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland, william, 1636-1679. popish plot, 1678. 2006-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-03 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion at the council chamber whitehall the 16th of july 1679. present lord arch-bishop of canterbury lord chancellor lord president lord privy seal marquess of worcester earl of bridgwater earl of sunderland earl of essex viscount fauconberg viscount halifax lord robarts mr. secretary coventry mr. chancellor of the exchequer . it was this day ordered by their lordships in council , that the depositions and letter of robert jenison esq with the attestations of sir michael warton , george booth , robert bowes , william burnet esquires , and ralph marshal gentleman , together with the narrative of charles chetwind esq ( relating to william ireland lately executed ) be printed by such persons as mr. chetwind shall appoint , the same having been examined and approved by mr. treby late chairman to the secret committee of the house of commons . john nicholas . by virtue of this order , i do appoint henry hills , thomas parkhust , john starkey , dorman newman , thomas cockeril , thomas simmons , and jacob tonson , to print this narrative , and that no other presume to print the same . july the 17th 1679. charles chetwind . a narrative of the depositions of robert jenison esq with other material evidences , plainly proving that mr. william ireland , lately executed for high treason , was in london the nineteenth of august , 1678. notwithstanding his confident denial thereof both at his tryal and execution . collected by charles chetwind esq london , printed for henry hills , thomas parkhurst , john starkey , dorman newman , thomas cockeril , thomas simmons , and jacob tonson . 1679. the publishers preface . it is not unknown to all considering and judicious persons in this kingdom , that , upon the happy discovery of the late horrid popish plot against his majesties person and government , and the establisht protestant religion ; and upon the apprehension , arraignment , trial , and condemnation of several of the conspirators , many artifices have been used by persons of the same persuasion , to defame the witnesses produced for the king , and to invalidate their testimonies ; in order whereunto , several witnesses have been procured , first at the trial of ireland , and after at the trial of white alias whitebread , &c. ( many of them scholars belonging to the english seminary at st. omers , instructed no doubt , and sent over to act viis & modis , for the preservation of their conducters and leaders ) to testifie that dr. titus oates , one of the principal witnesses for his majesty , was at st. omers , at the same time when he upon his oath affirms himself to have been in london ; other witnesses have been also produced , to prove that mr. ireland ( lately executed ) was in staffordshire , at those days and times when dr. oates , mr. bedloe , and one sarah pain , attest upon their oaths , that they saw him in london , as by the printed trials of ireland , and whitebread , &c. does appear such a failure in circumstance of time and place , is of so great consequence in this case that if made out , it would render the said persons unworthy , the names of just and lawful witnesses ; and for that reason their adversaries put so much stress upon it , that ( not contented with the determination of the matter , at the trial and condemnation of ireland ) they again resume it at the trial of whitebread , &c. and by their st. omers youths , endeavour to fasten falsehood on dr. oates , and by consequence to impeach the credit of his testimony , and the justice of their condemnation . as to the first particular concerning dr. oates , his testimony is justly secured , and he himself indubitably proved to have been in london , at the times by him mentioned and deposed , by the concurrent evidence of divers creditable persons , given in upon oath at the trial of whitebread ; so that the stratagem which his antagonists did use , to destroy or at least depretiate his testimony , hath by a gracious emergency of divine providence , turned to a strong confirmation thereof , and for ever set him , as to this point , rectus in curia , a good and lawful witness , in reference to all the evidence already given , and which hereafter may be given by him in any future trials . their design failing herein , their next attempt was to entrap him and the rest , in relation to mr. ireland , whom the witnesses they produce , affirm to have been in staffordshire , and other places out of london , all the month of august , from the fifth of august , to the fourteenth of september ; whereas dr. oates , mr. bedloe , and sarah pain , depose , that they saw him in london within that time . to clear the truth of this particular , and to justifie the evidence of dr. oates , and the rest , the testimony of mr. jenison is a pregnant demonstration , which i thought truly to deserve my utmost dilligence to bring to light ; and in order thereunto , communicated the same to the right honourable the earl of shaftsbury , and by his appointment to justice warcup ; before whom mr. jenisons depositions , and the attestations of the worthy gentlemen hereafter mentioned , were taken ; and in whose hands , if not transmitted by him to the clerk of his majesties council , the originals of the ensuing papers are to be seen , and whose joint endeavours for the discovery of the truth in this , as well as other particulars relating to the plot , deserve an honourable mention . the occasion of what is here publisht arising from several passages in the trials of ireland , and whitebread , &c. those passages are here extracted and presented to the readers view ; that having the case before him , he may apply this evidence thereto ; whereby his judgment will be clear . the reader will find this short discourse divided into three parts . the first relates the means and manner of obtaining the letter and depositions of that worthy person , mr. jenison . the second exhibits the letter and depositions . the third , some observations thereupon , for the full satisfaction of all unbiass'd minds in the matter controverted . the narrative . upon the 15th . of june in this present year 1679. charles chettwind of westminster esq had occasionally some discourse with a gentleman till then unknown to him ; to wit , mr. griffith of grayes-inn , barrister at law , concerning the five traitors that had been condemned the saturday before , and their attempt to prove mr. william ireland , alias ironmonger , lately executed for high-treason to have been in staffordshire , and on his journey thither from the 5th . of august 1678 till the 7th . of september following , and not to have been within that time in london , which as mr. oates and others , had upon his tryal affirmed him to be there , about the 12th . of that month , and to be returned thither again about the beginning of september : whereupon the said mr. griffith , told mr. chetwind , that sir michael warton of beverly in the county of york knight , a worthy member of the honourable house of commons in the last parliament told him , that since the execution of ireland , mr. jenison ( a gentleman of very good quality , and a student in grays-inn , who was a romanist till about january last ) affirmed , that mr. ireland was in london about the middle of august , and that he was with him then at a scriveners at the sign of the white-hart in russel-street in covent garden , which relation he confirm'd with several other notable circumstances . mr. chetwind , having heard this , went to whitehall , and there attending on the right honourable the earl of shaftsbury , lord president of his majesties privy council , acquainted his lordship with what mr. griffith had told him ; upon which , the said earl of shaftsbury told mr. chetwind , that it would be very considerable , if it could be made out . mr. chettwind thus encouraged by the said earl , did by his order , make it his business the next morning , being tuesday june the 16th . to find out sir michael warton , and coming to the coffee house in covent garden , where sir michael used to be when in town , mr. chetwind met there with mr. ralph marshal secretary to the earl of craven , who upon discourse told mr chetwind that sir michael lived at hampstead this summer . mr. marshal , understanding something of the business for which mr. chettwind enquired after sir michael , said , that sir michael had often related to him , and he was sure he would justifie it , that the said mr. jenison of grays-inn ( who was lately come over to the protestant religion , a person of considerable quality , and heir to a good estate , his elder brother being a priest , and in newgate ) told him , the said sir michael , in the presence of several other gentlemen of quality presently after the execution of ireland the severall following particulars which they had hitherto taken no care to discover , because they expected not that the evidence given in the triall against him the said ireland , would after his execution come into question or debate . the particulars were these . that in the month of august 1678. when his majesty was at windsor , mr. jenison going to windsor on saturday the 17th of august and returning the 19th , immediately upon his return that night , he went to give mr. ireland ( the same person who was afterwards executed ) a visit , and found him at the sign of the hart in russel-street in covent garden , and after a salute , mr. ireland asked him several questions , as , what newes from windsor ? how his majesty spent his time ? and what recreations he followed ? and whither he walked abroad much , and how guarded ? to which mr. jenison answered that his majestie delighted much in hawking and fishing , but most in the latter , which his majesty followed early in the morning with some few persons attending him ; upon which mr. ireland replyed , i wonder his majesty is no better guarded , he were easily taken off , whereupon mr. jenison said god forbid , or words to that effect , which made mr. ireland stop his discourse . mr. marshal reporting this to mr. chetwind in presence of mr. ash and mr. spicer , two persons of unquestionable reputation ; mr. ash replied , that he was last night in company with mr. griffith , and mr. booth , son to my lord de la more , where he heard them discourse of this very business ; mr. booth saying that he heard mr. jenison speak the same things , whereupon mr. marshall undertook to go that very day to hampstead to sir michael warton , and give mr. chetwind an account of it the next morning . mr. ash and mr. spicer also , before mr. chetwind and they parted , having promised to go to mr. booth , met him , who justified every syllable of what he had said , and withall , remembred very well that when sir michael warton took some particular notice of it , mr. jenison seemed to be surprised , and was sorry he had uttered those words , and began to recall them , as to the time only of ireland's being in town : but says mr. bowes , ( who was there present , a person of quality of grayes-inn , and well esteemed in your house ) jenison you cannot retract your words , for i have a letter under your own hand which will put you in mind of the time , and repeats the very same thing . the fryday following being the 20th . of june , mr. booth and mr. bowes met with mr. jenison , and discoursed the matter with him , who then owned all the questions which ireland asked him , namely , what news at windsor ? how his majesty spent his time ? &c. but , says he , i desire a days time to consider , that i may be exact as to the day when they were spoken ; for several persons have told me of a great many out of staffordshire , who upon the tryal of the 5 traitors , whitebread , &c. had proved mr. ireland to be in staffordshire from the 5th of august to the 7th of september ; and therefore i must seriously consider what time it was that i saw him in london ; upon which they appointed to dine together on saturday following , being the 21 of june . which day being come , there met sir. michael warton , mr. jenison , mr. bowes , mr. booth , mr. griffith , and mr. marshall , and there they shewed mr. jenison his letter , which he acknowledged to be writ by his own hand ; and further told them , that upon the 15th of august he came to london from tunbridge , that upon the 17th he went to windsor , and upon the 19th he returned to london again , and either that night or the next day , he had this discourse with mr. ireland at the sign of the hart in russel-street in covent garden ; further he related that on the 4th of september following he went from london into the north , returning back to london in the ensuing november , and so presently after removed to reading , from whence he writ the forementioned letter of mr. bowes . this confession of his mr. marshal took in writing at that very time ( when they dined together ) all of them being present , as also a true copy of his letter writ from reading , both which he brought to mr. chetwind the same night ; immediately upon which mr. chetwind and he carried them to my lord of shaftsbury , his lordship the next day ( being the 22d of june ) communicating them to my lord chancellor and several others of his majesties privy council . the following day ( viz. june23d . ) mr. chetwind brought mr. bowes and mr. marshall with the original letter to the earl of shaftsbury , before whom mr. jenison acknowledged the letter to be his own , with the circumstances thereunto referring concerning time and place . these things will receive a sufficient confirmation if we do but seriously peruse all the ensuing informations taken before one of his majesties justices of the peace for the county of middlesex ; as you will see by his subscription at the close , as also the subscriptions of those that gave the informations . the information of sir michael warton knight . about the month of february last mr. bowes and mr. burnet of grayes-inn and my self , went to dine together at the mirmaid at grayes-inn gate in holborn , whither mr. jenison , an acquaintance of mr. bowes , accidentally came into the room , so that we dined together ; and upon general discourses at dinner , we were talking of mr. irelands tryal or execution , whereupon mr. bowes begun the discourse of a letter he had from mr. jenison which ( he thought ) if he had received timely enough might have very much cleared the point of irelands being in london in august last ; mr. jenison owned the letter , and continued the discourse ; sometime after i saw the letter , and by the reading judged it might have been very material , the matter of the letter being perfectly owned by mr. jenison . june 26th 1679. m. warton . the attestation of george booth esq i do attest this matter that sir michael warton has here attested . george booth . the information of mr. burnet . what sir michael warton has here said , i know to be true ; the day that mr. jenison went to windsor , i do believe to be the 17th of august last , it was on a saturday , the day of dochets horse-race , for i met him riding to windsor as i came from the horse-race . w. burnet . the information of robert bowes esq about the latter end of december last i received a letter from mr. robert jenison , which a little time after i shewed to mr. savill and mr. ewers of lincolns-inn , and have now by me : mr. jenison hath owned it all along , and doth so still . i have several times since discourst with him upon it ; i went to windsor on the 12th or 13th of august last , and staid a night there , and from thence to henly , where i staid untill the 6th of september following or thereabouts . june 26th 1679. rob. bowes . the information of ralph marshal gent. is , that in or about the month of february last , being in discourse with sir michael warton , concerning mr. irelands being about that time executed , and concerning his denying his being in london in august last , sir michael told this informant , that if mr. ireland were to be tryed again , it would be proved that he was in town in august , by mr. jenison , a gentleman of quality of grays-inn ; sir michael then telling him also , what discourse mr. jenison , and mr. ireland had at that time together , which discourse is particularly mentioned in a letter , in the hand of mr. bowes of grays-inn , which letter i have read , and heard mr. jenison own to be his own hand writing . and this informant further saith , that he hath often heard mr. jenison say , that he believeth the time he had the discourse with mr. ireland , mentioned in his said letter , was the 19th of august last , in the afternoon , he being come that morning from windsor , and that it was at one mr. coynoes house , at the white-hart in russel-street . ralph marshal . these informations above written , were all written and subscribed by the parties above named , on the 26th of june 1679. before us , edmond warcupp . charles chetwind . not to put you off with the informations of others , concerning mr. jenisons letter and words , we shall in the next place give you the true copy of the letter , and also of two differing informations of his , both of them full as much , if not more home to the purpose than what had been reported by others . mr. jenisons letter from reading in barkshire , upon his return from the north. to robert bowes , esq son to sir francis bowes . ( mr. jenison then being a papist . ) reading december 19. 1678. sir , yours i have , bearing date the 15th instant , and have not missed a post i could send to you ; i am not ignorant of the offer made by his majesties proclamation , and lay hold on nothing but pardon for concealing that circumstance i have known so long ; yet i did not altogether conceal it neither : for i told my cozin smith of it within two or three days of the breaking out of this damnable conspiracy , which how much it weighs i am not a fit judg of ; and i would not , were it to gain a million , nay , a million of worlds , if possible , draw the least drop of innocent blood upon me ; for i know it is a crying sin , therefore i pray god avert it from me . all that i can tell you , as i hope for forgivness of my sins and eternal salvation , is , ( if you will distinguish between the times ) what follows . being come from windsor , where i promised my self the happiness and satisfaction of seeing you , that i might take my leave before my journey for the north , ( which to the best of my memory was about the latter end of august , ) i went to do the same to mr. ireland , whom then , ( with all the rest , ) i did believe to be a man of the best conversation and life in the world , ( for you know the law does presume every man good until it be proved otherwise . ) after my salute , and i had told him i had been at windsor , his interrogatory , or question was , what news ? my teturn was the usual no news , but good ; then he proceeds to ask me to the best of my memory , how his sacred majesty and the court were diverted ? i replied , that i heard , his majesty took much delight in hawking and fishing , but chiefly in the latter , which his majesty followed early in the morning , as i heard , accompanied only with two or three lords , or other attendants : i wonder , said mr. ireland , why his majesty should be so thin guarded , he were easily taken off or removed , or some words to that purpose , so sounding ; god forbid , i returned ; no , subjoyns he , i do not say it is lawful , and something else i cannot call to mind that did qualifie the former words , that i did then think his meaning was , he was then sorry his sacred majesty should go so weakly guarded ; i then took it by that handle , having no other reason ; for i did believe him a saint , never hearing him , nor any of them , as i hope for everlasting life , defend or maintain in the least , that damnable doctrine of deposing kings ; but now i know that passage may be taken by the other handle ; and i am not fit to judg how far , yet you know words are to be taken in the milder sense unless they be positive , which these , with their qualifications as they were spoken , are not . i suppose there is clearer evidence from mr. oates , that better know it than i. there is only another thing ( and i have cleared my soul , ) has run in my fancy ever since this , ever to be detested immergency happened , which applyed to these times has an ill sound with it ; you know whom i accuse now , tho. je. but in other times is capable of a good construction , viz. he had some business to acquaint me with , and this for two or three times at our parting ; for i did not see him above four or five times , as i remember the while i was in london . once i urg'd him to tell me the business , he replied , he would take some other occasion ; now i did believe he meant somewhat about my setling in the world as a match , having propounded one to me of a knights daughter half a year before , or of that sort of business ; and 't is capable of that construction still , if there be no clearer evidence to give a luster and a great light on the other side . we have a good author that commands us to give unto caesar what is caesars , and to god , who is truth it self , what belongs to him , which i would do to the dividing the minutest atom in the presence of that truth which made me . but i can now remember no more if i were to gain heaven , unless my cozin smith put me in mind of a word or two more relating to one of these two passages , that now i don't remember , which i will own if i said it , otherwise not ; for i will have nothing to do with their blood , further then what i can with a clear and safe conscience swear , which i am ready to do , if sent for , as far as i have declared ; i am in the mean while , sir , your assured friend , and faithful servant , rob. jenison . this be pleased to shew to collonel tempest , our knight of the shire , or whom you please to acquaint with it . postscript . i hear since i have writ this , that 4 of the jusuits are condemned , which if the included 2 be in , this might be spared , only for your satisfaction i send it ; and what i have said in this letter is all i can justly swear except my cozin smith remember a word , or more about one of these passages , the former i mean ; as for the latter , all what i have said is by all that 's sacred , ( and i hope 't is no offence to swear to the truth ) all , and some , i say , of what i know , if it were the last moment i have to live , i could confess no more . the information of robert jenison of grays-inn esq son of john jenison , of walworth in the county palatine of durnam , esq taken upon oath this 26th . day of june , 1679. before me edmund warcup esq one of his majesties justices of the peace , in the county of middlesex . mid. ss . this informant saith , that he went from london to see windsor , and to meet mr. robert bowes , at or about the 17th . of august last past , and returned back to london the 19th . day of the same month ; on which day in the afternoon , he made a visit to mr. william ireland , alias ironmonger , at his lodgings in russel-street , who was this informants relation ; at which time and place , he ( this informant ) had the discourse with the said mr. ireland , mentioned and contained in this informant ; letter to the said mr. bowes , and now shewed unto him , being all of this informants own hand writing , dated at reading in barkshire , on the 19th . day of december last past . and this informant doth very well remember , that he went from london into the north , in the york coach on the 4th . day of september last past , and came thence back to london , in october following ; and thence went to reading in obedience to his majesties proclamation , from whence he wrote the letter aforesaid to mr. robert bowes , and further at present saith not . reb. jenison . jur. die & anno supr . dict . cor. me edm. warcup . the further information of rob. jenison of grays-inn esq taken upon oath this 2d . day of july , 1679. before me edmund warcup esq one of his majesties justices of the peace , in the county of middlesex . mid. ss . this informant saith , that he being returned from windsor upon the 19th . day of august last , went to mr. william ireland's lodging in russel-street in covent-garden , to visit him ; and passing through the entry , went directly two pair of stairs to the said mr. william ireland's chamber , the door whereof being somewhat open , he entred , and there found the said william ireland , whom this informant having told , that he came just then from windsor upon a hackney horse , hired at 3s . per diem , which had much tired him ; the said william ireland replied , that he was then newly arrived from wolverhampton in staffordshire by post , and was not weary ; upon which this informant replied , that he thought that scholars , as he was , had rather choose to ride ambling horses , than to ride post . and this informant further saith , that he very well remembers , that about the beginning of october last past , sir edward smith came to walworth in the county of durham , and then read a letter newly come from london , purporting the discovery of the plot , and that the king was to have been killed at windsor ; which made this informant call to mind the expressions of the said william ireland , on the said 19th . day of august , viz. why his majesty should be so thin guarded , he was easily taken off or removed , or words of that sounding , &c. and thereupon this informant did the next day after the reading of the said letter , relate all the passages between this informant and the said mr. ireland , to this informants father , and the said mr. smith , as they are contained in this informants letter to mr. bowes , dated on the 19th . day of december last ; and so the said mr. smith hath lately by letter signified to the said mr. bowes . and this informant further saith , that in the year 1678. several papists have in this informants hearing declared , that they doubted not , but their religion would shortly be uppermost , or to that effect ; and further at present he saith not . observations deducible from the aforesaid letter and testimony , and from the manner of obtaining the same . 1. it is a remarkable instance of divine providence , that this latent evidence casually discovered to mr. chetwind ( when he had not known or heard of mr. jenison ) should be thus recovered by him ; and that in his pursuit thereof , so many worthy persons likewise unknown , should accidentally occur to him , and contribute their great assistance . 2. the ' foresaid mr. jenison at the writing of his letter to mr. bowes was of the romish church , and in obedience to the kings proclamation for banishing papists out of london , had retired from london to reading , so that the discovery made by his letter cannot rationally be imputed to any other inducement , or incitement , save only the power of truth ; especially considering that mr. ireland was related to him . 3. the main plot is evidently confirmed , not only by the papists expecting some great change and alteration , mentioned in one of mr jenisons informations , given in upon his oath , but also by those suspicious questions proposed by the said ireland to mr. jenison after his return from windsor to london , as , what news from windsor ? how is the king guarded ? and especially those dangerous words of his , then he may easily be taken off , or to that effect ; which do sufficiently argue , not only his being privy to the design , but go far to prove his being an instrument therein . 4. for the readers fuller satisfaction concerning this subject , these particulars are to be noted , viz. that the king went to windsor about the 13th of august 1678. as appears by sir tho. dolemans testimony at the tryals . that mr. jenison came from windsor the 19th of august , and went into the north the 4th of september following . as to the latter , his going into the north , the books of entries of passengers in the northern coach have been examined , and the 4th of september is found to be the very day he took coach for the north at london ; his going to windsor is proved by mr. burnet , who met him the 17th of august as he came from dochets horse-race , which was on that day . that mr. jenison in his letter writes thus , being come from windsor , i went to take my leave of mr. ireland before i took my journy into the north , and mr. ireland asked me what news from windsor ? how does the king pass his time ? &c. which notoriously proves , that his discourse with mr. ireland , was when the king was at windsor , and also that it was after mr. jenison came from windsor , and before he went into the north , viz. betwixt the 19th of august and the 4th of september , and it implies that it was immediately after his coming from windsor , by the question , what news from windsor ? and seems also to intimate , that mr. ireland had not long been in london , as being eager of news from windsor , which at that time he might if resident in london have had every 2d day by bedingfield's , and other letters . that this time does nearly agree with sarah pain 's evidence at irelands trial , who swears that she saw ireland here in london about the time the king went to windsor ; and there is not above 5 or 6 days difference , see whitebreads trial , fol. 87. there as gavan repeats their evidence , sir jo. southcot and his family staid with ireland till the 19th . which 19th was the very day he came post from staffordshire to london , and was seen by mr. jenison . that ireland was tryed the 17th of december , and mr. jenisons letter was writ from reading the 19th following ; and it is clear by the letter , that mr. jenison had then no notice of irelands being tryed . that mr. smith ( a priest ) hath since by his letter to mr. bowes confirmed the truth of what mr. jenison relates , viz. that he told his father and him at his fathers house at walworth , immediately upon the first discovery of the plot those very words mr. ireland had spoken to him ; then certainly it remains scarcely possible to imagin that unless the matter were exactly true , mr. jenison , a gentleman of a very fair temper and sober life , should report such words as delivered by mr. ireland , his kinsman , and a kinsman very dear in his esteem , and report them to his own father old mr. jenison and mr. smith , and that at that time when they were all romanists , and ireland highly valued by them all ; nor is it less absurd to conceive , that mr. smith , as is said , a priest as ireland was , should confirm the words of mr. jenison , so long after spoken , and that when to witness to them , was even to cut the throat of irelands reputation and truth , and give a very severe stab to the romish cause . certainly the thing seems to look as it writ with a sun-beam . 5. it appears then an undeniable truth , that mr ireland was in london the 12th or 13th of august 1678. and thence taking a journey into staffordshire ; he returned and was seen in london and discoursed by mr. jenison the 19th of the same month , from whence 't is probable , having transacted something of the matter in hand , he might immediately return . neither do i know any rational objection against the clearness of the truth evidenced thereby , unless the three following objections weigh with some . obj. 1. the credit and quality of some of the witnesses , who testifie , they saw mr. ireland in staffordshire on those days , wherein he is affirmed to have been in london . ans . to this i shall only answer , that the credit of the witnesses , of both sides may be so far salved , as t is possible to affirm , one and the same person may be in london and stafforshire some part of the same day ; the distance being not so great betwixt both places , but the journy ( especially by post ) may be easily performed ; neither is it improbable , that mr. ireland , who was so actively concerned in the plot , and in the nature of a treasurer therein , should have frequent occasion to travel by day and by night betwixt london and staffordshire , his presence being equally necessary to both places , especially in such a critical time of expectancy , as that of the kings being at windsor then wa● . add hereunto , that mr. ireland himself confessed in his discourse with mr. jenison , that he had rode post from staffordshire to london that day , yet was not weary : a journey , which many other persons have performed in less then the space of one day , part of the night being also , in that usually very hot month of august , more convenient for travelling then the day ; now if such a journey were undertaken by ireland one day ? why not another ? why not many days , according as the urgency of his grand affairs , and the teeming pregnancy of them might require ? obj. 2. if this evidence be true , why was it not produced before , or at the tryal of whitebread , &c. being so material for the clearing of the truth ? ans . the matter was a long time kept secret in the breasts of young mr. jenison and his father , being both ( then ) romanists , and smith a priest , and secured from the knowledge of any protestant ; neither did mr. bowes receive mr. jenisons letter of discovery ( though often pressed by him to declare his knowledge , upon the kings proclamation of pardon ) till december 19th 1678. which was two days after the tryal of ireland , now the matter having received it's determination in the arraignment and condemnation of the said ireland , no probability appearing , that it would be again resumed and reinsisted on , no further divulgation was made thereof ; and unless new provocation had been given by reviving the matter at whitebreads tryal , it had possibly lain asleep for ever ; so that what of indecency may be imputed in combating the ghost of the deceased is more properly referrable to the importunate arguings or instances of his surviving friends , then then even to the just vindication of the truth . obj. 3. the confident asseveration of the said ireland , and the solemn protestation of his innocency , and of his continuing in staffordshire the days he was alledged to be here in london , shall have the room of the third and last objection . ans . 1st . i confess this had not a little influence upon me ; for i acknowledge myself subject to the compassionate sentiments of humane nature ; but the same evidence above mentioned which convinced me , will i doubt not , banish all hesitation as to this matter from the minds of others , except of those , who out of guilt or interest are resolved to shut the door against all kind of satisfaction whatsoever . 2 how far equivocations , falsities , mental reserves , and other salvoes may be allowed , even to dying persons , in the roman church , provided they contribute to the advancement of the catholick cause , as they phrase it , would require a large field of discourse ; but the clearness of the evidence justifying mr. ireland's being in london , notwithstanding his and his witnesses affirmations to the contrary , doth give just ground of scruple , that a large freedom is allowed to them on that account ; but it would be too tedious to turn over the popish casuists , for the deciding of that controversie ; leaving therefore the scholastical and skirmishing part to abler pens , i shall content my self to exhibit one passage ( relating to the matter in hand ) mentioned in a book called the jesuits catechism , composed ( almost 60 years since ) by a member of the roman church , but not of the ignatian order . his words mentioned , lib. 3. cap. 12. at the end of that chapter are there . they ( says he , speaking of the jesuits ) have a rule in practice , that men are bound to accuse themselves to their confessors , and not themselves only , but all their confederates also ; and ( for the magistrate ) the malefactor being condemned to die , after he hath once made confession of his sins to his ghostly father , he is not tied to reveal it to his judge , nay it is lawful for him to stand in stiff denial thereof at the time of his execution , as being clear before god , though he persist in a lie , after he hath once discharged the depth of his conscience to his confessor . a thing ( that the same author subjoyns ) that breedeth much scruple in the mind of a judge , who otherwise is greatly quieted in conscience , when an offender adjudged to die , howsoever he have beforetime stood in denial of the fact , yet at the time of his death confesseth the truth . an abstract of the material passages at the trials of mr. ireland and mr. whitebread , relating to mr. ireland 's being in london about the middle of august 1678. tending to clear much of the matter of fact mentioned in the foregoing papers . the things for which ireland was indicted , were , the conspiring the king's death ; also , that he did indeavour and contrive to change and alter the religion established in the nation , and introduce popery in the room of it . ( pag. 13. of ireland's trial ) and in order thereunto that pickering and grove should assassinate the king ( p. 19. ) which resolve ireland signed about the 24th of april . 1678. ( p. 19 , 20. ) pickering and grove failing , in august following , mr. ireland and others met at harcourt's chamber , and their held a close consultation how to accomplish their design of killing the king , which they determin should be by four russians , whom they actually hire and dispatch away to windsor , in order to the accomplishing that most barbarous and most treasonable project : where dr. oates saw mr. ireland present . ( p. 26. and 40. ) the russians also failing to kill the king at windsor , they determin , that pickering and grove should go on , and that conyers should be joyned with them , to assassinate the king in his morning-walks at new-market ; this they had taken so strongly upon them that they were very eager to accomplish it . ( p. 41. ) these things ireland was accused of by mr. bedlce ; dr. oates affirming that he took his leave of mr. ireland in his own chamber between the twelfth and four and twentieth of august , ireland being then writing a letter as dated from st. omers , and that afterward when dr. oates went to fenwicks chamber , ireland came thither also ; so that he saw him twice about a fortnight within august . ( p. 60. ) sarah pain confirmed both their evidence by swearing , that she saw him about the same time at the door of his own house : ( p. 57. ) these things mr. ireland denys , and indeavours to disprove their evidence only as to time , because not in london in august last , ( i. e. in a. d. 1678. ) but in staffordshire ; ( p. 46. and 56. ) and this he attempts chiefly to prove against dr. oates , in order to the nullifying his evidence , and so confidently affirms himself not in london , for the whole of that august , this he offers to prove by twenty witnesses , ( p. 44. and 56. ) and says , first , he would indeavour to prove that there was not two witnesses against him ; for that which mr. oates said of his being at harcourts chamber in august , was false for he was all august long out of town in staffordshire ; upon the third day he went down to staffordshire , with my lord aston , and his lady , and his son , and sir john southcot , and his lady ; and saith he , all these can testify that i went down with them , here is mr. john aston in town , if he may be found , who was in my company all august in staffordshire , ( p. 56. ) but to save him that labour , the kings evidence offered to prove that he was in town at that time , for which they swore sarah pain , who affirmed she knew mr. ireland , and that she saw him in town in august last at his own house , ( which was at a scriveners in russel-street in covent garden ) about a week before she went with my lord arlington to windsor , which was about a week after the king was gone thither ; which sir tho. doloman said , was about the 13th of august . how she knew him , was , because he came often to her masters house , that was mr. groves , the person condemned with him , averring that he was the man that broke open the pacquet of letters , that her master carried about aterwards ; and he sealed all the pacquets that went beyond the seas , and he opend them still when the answers returned them back again . p. 57. against whose evidence he opposed that of his sister ann ireland , and his mother elinor ireland , who both said , that on saturday the third of august he set out to go into staffordshire , and he continued there till it was a fortnight before michaelmas , which ( says the sister ) i remembered by a very good circumstance , because on the wednesday before , my brother , and my mother and i were invited out to dinner , we staid there all night , and all thursday night , and friday night my brother came home , and on saturday de set out for staffordshire . p. 58 , 59. sarah pain being again asked , if she was sure that she saw him in the place she mentioned , and about the time ? she answered , yes , i am sure i saw him at that very place and at that time ; but mr. ireland then confidently professed he never knew her , although she was mr. groves servant , and used to carry him letters from her master 's ; his words are , i profess i do not know her , 20 people may come to me , and yet i not know them , and she having been mr. groves servant might have brought me letters , and yet i not remember her . p. 58 , 59. but my l. c. justice thus recapitulates sarah pains evidence against him : she says that she saw you in london about the 10th or 12th of august , and she makes it out by a circumstance , which is better evidence , then if she had come and swore the precise day wherein she saw you ; for i should not have been satisfied , unless she had given me a good account why she did know it to be such a day . she does it by circumstance , by which we must calculate she saw you about the 12th or 13th day ; she went to my lord arlingtons at such a day , a week after the king went to windsor , and that was about the 13th , and she saw you a week before she went to my lord arlingtons , which must be the 12th or 13th . you say you went out of town the 3d of august , who can swear you did not come back again ? to which ireland says , all the house can testify i did not come to my lodging ; his mother also affirmed it , but they were parties . p. 59. dr. oates , here comes in with his information , and reports it to my lord c. justice thus . my lord , whenever we had a mind to come to town , we commonly writ our letters , and let them come to town two days after us ; so that we might prove by the writing of such letters , if any question did arise ; that we could not be at such a place at a such time ; and when we pretended to go into the country , we have gon and taken a chamber in the city , and have had frequent cabals at our chambers . there mr. ireland writ a letter as dated at st. omers , when i took my leave of him at his own chamber , which was betwixt the 12th and 24th in london ; he was there ; and afterwards when i went to fenwicks chamber he came thither , a fortnight or ten days at least , i am sure it was in august . — p. 60. upon which , and what went before my lord ch. justice reflects as follows . here are 3 witnesses upon oath about this one thing : here is mr. bedloe , that swears the fact upon which the question arises to be in august ; that you deny , and say you were out of town then ; he produces a maid here , and she swears that about that time , which by calculation must be about the 12th or 13th , she saw you going into your own house . and here is a 3d witness , who swears he knows nothing of the matter of fact , but he knows you were in town then , and that he took his leave of you as going to st. omers . p. 60. in the next place ireland produceth one harrison , a coachman , to testifie that he was in his company from the 5th of august to the 16th , and at that time he was with him 3 or 4 days at my lord astons house at tixall in staffordshire , p , 62. [ in which time mr. ireland might easily steal a journey to london , and return without notice being taken of it ; and this might be the time in which sarah pain saw him . ] also harrison affirmed that he was with mr. ireland at westchester , and that there he left him ; [ and here let it be remembred that mr. ireland confidently averred himself to be in staffordshire all august , p. 56. and one of his own witnesses declared him to be even in another county , which he granted to be true , but came off with this evasion , in staffordshire or thereabout . p. 61 , 62. ] you may here take a view of irelands dying words , concerning the thing in hand , delivered january 24. at the common place of execution . we are come hither upon the theatre of the world , and we do conceive we lye under an obligation to speak . and 1st we do confess that we do pardon all and every one whatsoever that had any interest or concern , or hand in the taking away our lives . 2dly . we do here profess and acknowledge , we are obliged , that if we were guilty of any treason , or knew any person faulty therein , although he were our father , we would detect and discover him . and as for our selves , we would beg a thousand and a thousand pardons both of god and man ; but seeing we cannot be believed , we must beg leave to commit our selves to the mercy of almighty god , and we hope to find a pardon of him. as for my own part , having been twenty years out of england , and then coming over , i was resolved to take a journey into staffordshire ; and setting out in august , and not returning back to this town untill before the 14th day of september , as many witnesses can testifie : for i believe an hundred or more saw me there ; therefore now , how in this time we should be accused of treasonable stratagems , i do not well know or in any wise understand . thus much out the tryals of ireland , &c. but because mr. ireland's not being in london , from about the beginning of august till about the beginning of september , a. d. 1678. is urged and prosecuted with more importunity in the tryals of white aliàs whitebread , &c. i shall here present you with the whole that referred to this matter , as debated in the court , only leaving out every thing that had not a special reference to the thing intended , to wit , the proving mr. ireland out of town for the whole forementioned time . whitebread . my lord , i have only this , and i desire to be heard in this point , to prove that mr. oates was mistaken in his evidence that he gave at the last tryal against mr. ireland . l. c. j. look you . i must break in upon you ; you have been told so often , all of you have been told it , and yet you are upon the former trials again . you are now upon your tryal for your life , if you could have disproved any thing that he said at a former tryal , you should have taken a legal way and convicted him of perjury ; but now to charge him with a printed paper is not fair . you must speak to what he says now . whitebread . he says the same now . but all that i say is this , if he be not honest , he can be witness in no case . i suppose if any one can prove him not probus testis , his testimony is not to be received in any case . l. c. j. but how will you prove that ? come on , i 'le teach you a little logick : if you will come to contradict a witness , you ought to do it in a matter which is the present debate here ; for if you would convict him of any thing that he said in irelands tryal , we must try irelands cause over again . but if you will say any thing against what he says now , do . whitebread . that which i would aledge is this , if he be convicted of perjury in one case , he is not to be believed in another . l. c. j. you say right , if he be convicted . whitebread . he is not only then an incompetent witness , for he cannot be said to be probus testis . but he is improbus . now this is that i can prove . mr. just . pemberton . nay , you must shew it by a record . l. c. j. you cannot have so little understanding , you that have been , and were to be so great a man among them , had been provincial , and was to have been somewhat else . i have told you already that to prove him to be a man that hath no faith in him he must be convicted . you must have indicted him , and convicted him , of the thing wherein he did commit perjury , and then he had been prepared to justifie himself . but shall you come now , and at this your tryal , and prove what he said at staley's tryal , and colemans tryal , and irelands tryal ? and must we examine what matters have receiv'd a verdict and a judgement there ? for consider what will be the consequence of it ; if it should be false , you there arraign a verdict : you should have convicted him of the falshood first . whitebread . i desire the jury to take notice , that he does not stick to the testimony that he gave then , for if he does it was false . l. c. j. they must not take notice of any thing that was done at a former tryal , unless it be spoken of now . p. 69. l. c. j. north. do not call any witnesses to prove what he said then , but to disprove what he hath said now . harcourt . mr. oates did accuse me of paying fourscore pounds at my chamber , and he did say afterwards it was at wild-house . i have persons to justifie what was done at my own chamber ; and he says , mr. ireland was by ; now here are witnesses to prove that mr. ireland was in staffordshire all the month of august , therefore he could not be present . p. 70. mr. j. pemberton . that was urged before ; pray do not insist upon that , it hath received a tryal . l. c. j. i 'le tell you what he says , and i 'le ask him the question : dr. oates , it is supposed by your testimony , that mr. ireland and mr. harcourt were together when this fourscore pounds was paid , for the villains that went to windsor to murther the king. dr. oates . i never said such a word . harcourt . here it is in the tryal . l. c. j. i stand not by the printed tryal , it is no record in law. in short , were mr. ireland and mr. harcourt together at that time ? dr. oates . no , they were not . gavan . he did then say , that he did receive of mr. ireland , the 2d of september , 20s . that he borrowed of him : now the 2d of september he was at boscobel . dr. oates . my lord , i was not positive as to the day ; but as near as i remember ( those were the words i said ) it was the 2d of september ; but whether it was the first , second , seventh , eighth or ninth , i would not be positive in it . then the prisoners called pendrel and his wife , and gifford and his wife ; and gifford stood up . gifford . my lord , i was here the last sessions , where i did testifie the seeing of mr. ireland in staffordshire on the 24th of august , bartholomew-day , and the next day after ; at which time mr. oates said that he saw him here in town . but mr. oates could not be particular in every thing ; but at last he came to a circumstance , and averred that the first or second of september he did receive 20s . of mr. ireland in harcourts chamber ; he said it was about the fast-day . dr. oates . that was as near as i remembred . gifford . here is in court at least six people that know it ; i saw him several other of those days there ; but these six people conversed with him every day . mr. j. pemberton . how do you know all that ? l. c. j. north. come , come , you must not speak as to what he said in irelands tryal . l. c. j. what time was it that mr. harcourt and mr. ireland conferred together about this same business ? dr. oates . my lord , i do not charge ireland , but i charge harcourt with being at wild-house , and that there coleman met him , and that there was greatest part of the money , which was carried back to harcourts chamber , and given to the person that was to carry it down to windsor ; but mr. celeman was gone away before , and had left a guiny behind him , which was given to the messenger for expedition . l. c. j. i am mistaken if you have not testified that ireland was in town in august and september with harcourt . dr. oates . ireland took his leave of london betwixt the 8th and 12th of august , as to go to st. omers , p. 71. lord ch. just . here is the matter , they must have right , though there be never so much time lost , and patience spent : say they , we must prove and contradict men by such matters as we can ; people may swear down-right things , and 't is impossible to contradict them ; but we will call witnesses to prove those particulars that can be proved : say where mr. ireland was in august ? dr. oates . he took his leave of us in town in august , and that was between the eighth and twelfth at harcourts chamber l. c. j. what do you infer from irelands being there then ? dr. oates . i le tell you what i design in it ; your lordship may perceive that i did methodize my evidence according to the time ; for i said this was our business in april , this in july ; and now we come to the business of august , said i , we took our leaves of mr. ireland between the eighth and twelfth . i said in july mr. fenwick was out of town , but then if your lordship remembers i said he was in town , and took his leave of mr. ireland between the eighth and the twelfth of august . l. c. j. was mr. ireland in fenwicks company at that time in august ? dr. oates . yes my lord he was when he took his leave . l. c. j. did they talk then of this business . dr oates . they took their leaves one of another , but as to what particular things of the plot they spoke about , i do not remember . l. c. j. look you now , mind what he says , ireland and fenwick were together in august between the eighth and the twelfth , but b●ing 〈◊〉 , whether they were met on purpose to talk of the plot ? he says he does not remember the particular : here the lady southcot , her son , and her daughter , were called . l. c. j. did you say that fenwick there at the bar , had converse with ireland in august , for the carrying on of the plot ? dr. oates . yes , my lord. l. c. j. my rule is this in doubtful cases ; when men are upon their lives , i had rather hear what is impertinent , than not ●● them make a full defence . l. c. j. north. i had rather hear things at a venture , than forbid things at a venture . lady southcot stood up . l. c. j. how long were you in mr. ireland ; company ? lady southcot . from the fifth of august to the sixteenth . l. c. just . what every day ? lady southcot . yes every day . dr. oates . my lord , here is sarah pain , who before hath testified what she hath known in this matter . if your lordship 〈…〉 , i desire she may be called in readiness to speak to it . l. c. j. are y●● sure it was the fifth ? lady southcot . yes , as sure as i can be of any thing . mr. recorder . d● . oates , you had best keep your evidence intire till the last . then sir jo. southcot was called , and appeared . l. c. just . did you know mr. ireland ? sir jo. southcot . yes , i did know him by face . l. c. j. where did you see him ? sir jo. southcot . i saw him the 5th . of august at sir. albans . l. c. j. and did he travel along with you ? sir jo. southcot . yes , he did travel along with us , the sixth , seventh , eighth , and ninth . l. c. j. how many days did he travel along with you ? sir jo. southcot . he travel'd along with us , four days together , i am sure . l. c. j. what from the fifth to the ninth ? sir jo. southcot . yes , sir. l. c. j. is this all that you can say ? sir jo. southcot . yes , my lord. l. c. j. but we would know where he was afterwards ; did you see him after the ninth ? sir jo. southcot . my lord , i saw him at st. albans , and we went from thence to northampton , and from thence to coventry , and from thence to my lord astons , that is four days ; and i saw him thursday , i saw him friday , saturday , and monday following : tuesday , i had occasion to go further into the countrey , and he went along with us ; so i saw him tuesday , wednesday , thursday , and fryday , afterwards . l. c. j. why then , you saw him at least twelve days ? sir jo. southcot . yes . l. c. j. have you any more . then mr. edward southcot stood up . l. c. j. were you here , when ireland was tried ? sir jo. southcot . no. l. c. j. did you see mr. ireland in august last ? mr. southcot . the third of august , he came down to my lord astons at stanmore , they said so ; but i cannot swear he came that night , but i saw him very early the next morning ; the 5th . we went to st. albans , and we kept on till we came to tinall , and i was in his company from the 4th . to the 16th . l. c. j. why , you hear what he says , he was in company with him every day from the 4th . to the 16th . gavan . call mrs. harewell and her daughter , mrs. gifford , and mrs. pendrel . then mrs. harewell stood up . l. c. j. did you see mr. ireland in august last ? harewell . i saw ireland in august last , the 17th . day ; he came then to my house at wolverhampton , and there he continued every day , and lay in my house every night till the 26th . day . then young mrs. harewell stood up . harewell . mr. ireland came to our house in staffordshire the 17th . of august , and stayed there till the 26th . i saw him every day , unless it was friday , the day before bartholomew-day , when he went to litehfield , and returned again . gavan . my lord , there is a prisoner now in newgate that can testifie the same . l. c. j. north. would you ask your fellow if you be a thief ? he is in for the same offence . gavan . my lord , i desire to know , if a man be not convicted of the same offence , whether he be not a good witness ? l. c. j. north. if he stand charged with the same plot , his evidence is of little weight . then elisabeth keiling stood up . l. c. j. did you see mr. ireland in august ? keiling . yes , my lord , i did . p. 73. l. c. j. where did you see him ? keiling . i saw him at wolverhampton , there he was from saturday the 17th . to monday , and then i went to see my mother , and came back again on thursday , and found him there , and there he was till the 26th . then stood up mr. gifford . l. c. j. when did you see mr. ireland ? gifford . my lord , mr. ireland came to wolverhampton the 17th . of august , and he stayed there till the 26th . it was of a monday , i remember it by several circumstances . l. c. j. did you know mr ireland ? gifford . i never saw him before . l. c. j. do you know it was the same that died ? gifford . my lord , here was my brother in town , who saw him executed , and he did assure me he was the same . i saw him again the 2d of september , and the 7th . of september again , and the 10th . and the 11th . my lord , he was the same man i believe , because my brother told me so . p. 74. sir cr. levins . gentlemen of the jury , you have heard the prisoners , and they have had a great deal of time to make their defence ; but the greatest part of their defence hath been to invalidate the testimony of mr. oates ; and what is the evidence they have brought against him ? they tell you first , that he did not come over in this company that he says he came over with . and whereas he hath sworn he was here the 24th of april , they have taken a great deal of pains by fifteen or sixteen witnesses , to prove that he was all the time at st. omers . — p. 76. sir c. levins . — now as for mr. oates testimony , and what they have to say to him ; in the first place , they have brought a young gentleman , mr. hilsley , and he says he did not come over with him , and there 't is one against one , but dr. oates hath sworn it , and hath given you such convincing circumstances how he lost his money , &c. so that i leave it to you , which of the two is in the right , and ought to be believed . but then , my lord , as to the rest of the witnesses , here are a great many brought over to prove that dr. oates was all the while at st. omers ; but i shall bring you a considerable number of witnesses , to prove that dr. oates was then in london , and that all these persons are mistaken : they do all pitch upon the first of may , to six it upon a time , wherein he says he was here in town : but gentlemen , i hope you did observe , that as to other things and time that were not so necessary as to this matter , there they were pleased to mistake , and to differ one from another , to contradict one another ; for some of them said he went away and left st. omers the 10th of june , others the 23d others , which was the same flemish gardiner , that he stay'd till july : truly half that variance in the time which is necessary , would serve our turn , we are but for eight days time , that is , he was not above eight or ten days here ; truly these gentlemen will be sure to speak punctually to all those eight days that hurt the prisoners , but they will vary thirty days at another time , that hurts them not : why may they not be mistaken as well with that portion of time , as they were in the other , wherein they so much differed one from another ? but i shall give you most infallable proof by and by , that mr. oates was in england at that time , that he said he was in england : this he does in the trials of whitebread , &c. from pag. 79. to pag. 85. to which the reader is referred . pag. 77. sir ch. levins . — then truly , my lord , they are fixed upon another great matter to blemish dr. oates as to mr ▪ ireland , a person that is dead and out of the way . mr. ireland hath been hanged upon that evidence , so far it was believed , but now after all this will these gentlemen come to question the evidence that was given against mr. ireland . they have likewise , my lord , brought my lady southcot , and some other persons who give you an evidence concerning mr. ireland , that he should not be here at this time ; but gentlemen under favour , mr. oates hath sworn before , and he hath now sworn it again , that mr. ireland was at that time in london , and gentlemen , i will confirm him in that by another witness that did see him here in town at that time . and when you have two witnesses for the king upon their oaths come and testifie it , i hope you will beleive them , rather then other persons that testifie only by hear-say . it was the matter then in issue , and had saved his life if it had been true , but though it be now setled , and none could think it would be again started , they would make that an objection , but by chance we have a witness still to give you satisfaction , that mr. ireland was in london at that time that mr. oates did swear him to be . we will begin with that witness about ireland . and then we will call our witnesses to prove that mr oates was in england , and did come over when he said he did . call sarah pain ( who was sworn ) sir ch. levins . what time did you see mr. ireland in london ? did you see him in august last ? s. pain . i saw him about 7 or 8 days before i came to my lord chamberlain , and that was about a week before the king went to windsor . l. c. j. where did you see him ? s. pain . at his own door in russel-street . l. c. j. did you speak to him ? s. pain . no ; i knew him very well , and saw him as i came by . sir ch. levins . had not you carried many letters to him ? s. pain . yes , several letters , p. 78. sir ch. levins . but where did you live before ? s. pain . i lived at mr. grove's . sir ch. levins . did not mr. ireland use to come there too ? s. pain . yes , he did often . l. c. just . was any one talking with ireland then ? s. pain . no. sir ch. levins . how long did you look upon him ? did you see him go in ? did you see his face or his back ? s. pain . i saw his face , and made him a courtesie . l. c. j. this she said to irelands face . mr. j. dolben . your evidence is , that mr. ireland went out of town the 5. of august , and she says she saw him about that time , which must be the 12th or 14th of august . gavan . how does she prove it ? she does not say she spoke with him . mr. just . dolben . she swears it . sir ch. levins . now we must prove what time the king went to windsor . l. c. j. sir tho. doleman , what time in august did the king go to windsor last summer ? sir tho. doleman . i believe ( i cannot charge my memory so well ) it was the 13th , it was about the 12th or 13. l. c. j. was my lord chamberlain there then ? s. pain . my lord chamberlain went after the king. l. c. j. and when do you say , you saw ireland ? s. pain . i saw him seven or eight days before i went to my lord chamberlains , which was before my lord went to windsor , and that was a week after the king went thither . sir ch. levins . now i 'le tell you what she says ; she says she saw ireland a week before she went to my lord chamberlain's , and she saw him go into grove's house , where he did usually go for letters . she says she saw his face , and made him a courtesie ; and that this was a week before she went to my lord chamberlains , and that was a week after the king went to windsor . now the time that mr. oates pitches upon , is between the eighth and the twelfth of august , which by computation is the time she speaks of . p. 79. gavan . — my lord , we have here 16 at least staffordshire witnesses , who give you an account of mr. ireland's being out of london from the 3d of august till 14th of september . so that in these two things he hath been contradicted without any answer , for he says , the 12th of august he was with him , when they say he was in staffordshire . l. c. j. you have forgot the maid that saw him in london the 12. or 13th . gavan . no , my lord , i have not . and this is it , i answer to it ; she is a witness that only says , she just saw him , but did not speak to him . l c. j. she made a courtesie to him . p. 86. gavan . we were talking now of seeing ireland in august , and we prove by sir. jo. southcot and all his family , who say they began their journey with him the 5th of august ; and staid with him till the 19th , after the particular day that she speaks of , you find 7 or 8 of them swear that they saw him all the time . p. 87. i will close up the whole with a little of my lord chief justices speech , at the end of the tryals of whitebread , &c. p. 92 , 93. which though it may not at first seem to answer our particular design , the demonstrating ireland's being in london , yet it truly answers our general design , to con●●●● the reality of the plot , and in order thereunto it is a most noble argument , and really merits not only the transcribing into this tract to fill up an empty space , but even into the memories of all true protestants . l. c. j. i will challenge all the papists in england to satisfie any man that hears me this day of one piece of evidence , which will turn every protestants heart against the papists . if so be , they murdered sir edmund-bury godfrey , the plot even by that is in a great measure proved upon them , by that base murther . and what can be a plainer proof of it , than the evidence of this day , which mr. dugdale produces ? who had notice ( saith he ) on monday night , that on the saturday before it , sir edm. godfrey was kill'd ( which falls out to be that very saturday he was first missing ) which notice was given in a letter writ by harcourt to ewers ' another priest , that same saturday night , wherein were these words , this night sir edmund-bury godfrey is dispatched ; and i am sure if this be true , then no man can say but they murdered him. now the question is , whether it be true or no ? to make it out , he produces mr. chetwind , whom i hope you will not deny to be a gentleman of one of the best families of his country , and of honest reputation , who says ; that on the tuesday following that saturday sir edmund-bury godfrey was miss't , he and another were walking together in staffordshire , and that the other person asked him if he knew of the death of any justice of the peace at westminster , and when he told him , he had heard of no such thing ; no , said he , that is strange , you living sometimes about westminster ; for said he , the wench at the ale-house says , that this morning mr. dugdale said to two other gentlemen , there was a justice of peace of westminster killed ; and mr. dugdale swears , that was sir edmund-bury godfrey ; now if dugdale be fit to be believed , that he saw such a letter , as he must be if he be not a very great prophet , to be able to foretell this : or if the maid that said this , did not invent it ( a thing then impossible to be done : ) or mr. chetwind feigned that he heard the man make his report from the maid ; this thing could not come to pass , but by these men . nay , if mr. dugdale could not do as great a miracle as any are in the popish legends , how could he tell that it was done on the same night when it was done at london ? or speak of it on the monday night after , when it was not known in london till the thursday following ? this will stick , i assure you ( sirs ) upon all your party . for my own part , this evidence of mr. dugdals , gives me the greatest satisfaction of any thing in the world , in this matter , and whilst we rest satisfied in the murder of that man , and are morally certain you must do it , knowing of what principles you are , you cannot blame us , if upon such manifest reasons we lay it upon you . and this is occasional evidence , which i for my part never heard before this day ; nor can i ever be more or better satisfied , then i am upon this point , viz. the testimony that i have received this afternoon , concerning the murder of sir edmund-bury godfrey : as to the defences they have made , they are exceptions in point of time , but do not effect mr. dugdale ; for they have hardly the confidence to deny the things he says to be true against them . they fall foul indeed upon mr. oates : he appears to have been their agent ; and whilst so , bad enough ; but if he had not had a mind to have become a good man , he would not likely have done us that good that he hath done , in discovering the design you had engaged him in : let any man judge by your principles and practices , what you will not do for the promoting of the same . finis . new remonstrance of ireland, or, a continved diurnall of the most remarkeable passages from the fifth of may to this present by c.i. an eye-witnesse of them. c. j., eye-witnesse of them. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45965 of text r2963 in the english short title catalog (wing i3). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 14 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45965 wing i3 estc r2963 12630563 ocm 12630563 64740 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45965) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64740) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 252:e149, no 13) new remonstrance of ireland, or, a continved diurnall of the most remarkeable passages from the fifth of may to this present by c.i. an eye-witnesse of them. c. j., eye-witnesse of them. [2], 6 p. printed by a.n. for ed. blackmore ..., london : 1642. at head of t.p.: iune the second 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a45965 r2963 (wing i3). civilwar no iune the second 1642. a new remonstrance of ireland. or, a continued diurnall of the most remarkeable passages from the fifth of may to this c. j., eye-witnesse of them 1642 2461 3 0 0 0 0 0 12 c the rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion iune the second 1642. a new remonstrance of ireland . or , a continved diurnall of the most remarkeable passages from the fifth of may to this present . by c. i. an eye-witnesse of them . london , printed by a. n. for ed. blackmore , at the signe of the angell in pauls church-yard . 1642. may 5. wee had certaine newes of the taking the newry by the lord conway on the one side , and sir henry tichborne , where were released some prisoners of note , as sir arthur trevor , sir charles poynes , and divers other prisoners since the beginning of this rebellion , not many rebels were killed for they fled . also , that carlneigford was taken from the rebels by one of our ships comming in with french colours : the enemy thinking it to bee some ship of munster , for the chiefest came aboord and so were kept , and the ship entred further and tooke the towne . we had news that young sir charles coote had done good service about iames towne in killing some rebels , and releeving some castles . that day the lord loyer came with his troope from him to hasten more reliefe to sir charles coot that was there . the sixth day colonell craford went out some twelve miles with 300 foot toward a place called kilcocke to forrage . the 7. day , 1200 men were sent to trim to sir charles , but many of them threw downe their armes , and refused and mutined for want of pay , and when one was taken out to be hanged for example , the rest rescued him , and with much a doe this mutiny was alayed , and they went , but wee are in much feare of such a rising , here being no money to pay them . newes also that the lord mongarrat had gathered his forces to the number of 10000 and was marching againe to the naase , where we have a garrison , two troopes were sent to strengthen the garrison . 8. day colonell craford returned home , having falne upon the enemie the day before at kilkocke , and killed some 50 , the rest runne a way , and he brought a way from them 300 cowes , and 600 sheep , a great service as things goe now . the ninth day was most unhappy newes to us , for newes came that sir charles coot being at trim , some , or all the lords of the pale had on the sunday ( before those forces of ours were come to sir charles ) gathered a multitude of 3000. or more , intending to take trim from sir charles , who was at that time but weake , having but 120. horse , and 200 foot ; in the morning they set on the towne , and sir charles rushed out against them , because his men were not so quicke in making them ready , sir charles entred the thickest of them with but 17 horse and himselfe , and routed the whole body of the enemies army , a wonder ; and the rest came in and they fell to execution , and the enemy to running . some 200 of the enemies were killed , but most unhappily was sir charles coot shot and killed by one of our men , whether wilfully by some papist or otherwise , it is not knowne , but the glory of our battell is gone , every one is beclouded : the most unhappie day ever befell the protestants : and such joy to papists that no other thing was desired of them more then this , whose name was their terrour : for hee with 100 men could doe more against them then others with a 1000. often have the enemys confest they could not hold up their heads to fight against him ; who know not what we have lost in him , a caesar for his valour , and a gate for honesty to his countrey , a father to us all ; that sought not so much as for plunder , for his countreys good , a man so well read in the nature and course of the irish men and countrey none like him left us , every day bemoaning him , and the enemy rejoycing ; never to much can bee said of him , such wonders he hath done since these times , for under god he hath beene the instrument of our delivery . 10. day a garrison departed to butoke of 50. to keepe a castle there ; also , a lievtenant was shot to death with us for killing a woman . also , newes that sir william coules had done very good service , who in the middle of the enemy hath held out since the first of this , and now had burnt all 13. miles about him in the north ; also , that the scots were gone to releeve coulreain and derry besieged by the enemie . this 11 day we had news that the lord mongarral advanced neerer the naase being incouraged by sir charles his death , but little feare they him there . also , certaine newes that the earle of fingall was killed by sir charles , the day before his death , and gormiston a lord wounded . also , newes that the forenamed 1200 were got well into trim , and had made out against the enemie six miles beyond and killed many . may 12. 1642. this day we had newes from the north , that the scots bent themselves for to releeve couleraine besieged by the rebels , and that sir sit philem o'neall had burnt armagh to the ground church and all , also charlemont and castle blanny , and fled to the woods and bogges for feare of the english and scots forces in the north . from trim we heard that colonell gibson , in sir simon harcourts time had broke upon the enemy , killed 200. and more , chased them to a bay foure miles , they run and burnt the naven for feare , and other places some 7. miles from trim , and departed further into the north . wee lost none of note . 13. newes from the naas , that the rebels had raised many alarms and fired some houses by stealth , but were still beat and run , and every day our men killed for sixe dayes more or lesse of them with no losse , captaine rochford guiding all . 14. day , sir charles coote was buried with much lamentation to protestants , and much joy to papists . also a troope went to the naas . that day one captaine sterling a scot , being in garrison at a plaine called kilsh●●in ; and as some say invited out to dinner to a protected papists house , was betrayed and killed , he and his lievtenant and a minister such mischiefe we have daily by the protection of papists . that day colonell craford went out to recover his body , and did so , and killed of all sorts in revenge neere a 100. even protected and all , and justly . 15. day being sunday , every pulpit was filled with funerall sermons and prayers , for sir charles was buried the day before , for he is not to us like other dead men , which dying are forgot , but still more daily remembred , and justly our want of him calls for it . 16. day we heard some scattering newes of a ba●●ell betweene the scots and irish in the north at coulerane , but as yet it remains uncertaine how true . that day some few horse went out for us to plunder and were some of them lost , about two and not more . about 12. a clocke that night on the north part of this city being on the other side of the river , was an alarm by some of the enemies horsemen , some say more then a 100. which charged our sentinell , but our men charging them againe with a few foot they set spurs and run without losse on any side , but some cattell they drove away from a place called tilow , some two miles from us , that were the bishop of dublins . 17. day were a 100. horse sent under the command of captaine armstrong to seeke after the fore night troublers . also a troope went to tredagh , and another convoy to the naas to fetch some wagons home , and brought them safe and left all quiet in the naas , but brought home captaine rochford sicke , a captaine of sir charles cootes regiment , a valiant man ; i thinke sir charles his death troubleth the hearts of his regiment much with sorrow . also , that day captaine stering was buried . news also came , that in most part of the county of earmanagh the rebels have burnt , as they do every where , an evill prognostick to bellie businesse neere winter , but all must be burnt , that is not by one side or other . also , we had news that the lord mongarat had besieged carlow castle with 3000. men , in which , and in the church adjoyning are a great number of distressed english families of that county , which if the castle be taken , will be all put to the sword , and hard it is to releeve it , sir charles being the only man for such purchases , that knew all passages , and very hardly can they hold out , much feare is of it . this day some 300. foot landed from england . 18. day news came from the county of cavan that sir francis hamilton , and sir iames crage having kept their cattell-from the beginning , and done good service against the rebels daily , they hearing that great store of gentlemen of the sept of master dering were met at cavan , at a kind of a session some 7 miles from their two castles that are neere together , sir francis hamilton's is called kilsandry . sir iames carge , croshan ; they both upon this report made , what strength they could , and came upon this master doring unexpected , and cut them all off , being the chiefe of that sect , not lesse then 20. or more gentlemen the chiefe of that name , and having so done , they tooke away a great part of their cattell , and returned to their castles ; this was good service the truth was averred : by men of trust to the state . 19. day newes from trim colonell gibson who came to dublin , and brought two prisoners of note , the one wesly of dangod and his sonne , a man of 18 hundred par annum , many alarmes they have had in trim , but the rebels never stood to it , but stil run much discontent is here among the souldiers for want of pay , and little hopes of living in place for want of it there is not lesse due to them then 100000. besides all strange taxes one the citie . newes that the president of munster had taken kilkenny , but this remaines some what doubtfull , because it is the onely strength the enemy hath but it is reported very confidently that the president hath for certaine recovered his health , and done some great thing . that night we had horse and foot went out to a place called new castell , where was intelligence that there were a company of rebels ; but though our men went out very privately , yet they had intelligence from the citie papists as usually they have , and while our army went that way , all the cattell on the south side of our citie were carried away by the rebels without resistance . that day the army returned home againe , and brought home prey of cattell , and killed as is reported 50. that were scattering , but the maine upon intelligence given were gone . also , that day the rebels attempted to stop the water that belonged to some mills in the citie , but it was unstopt againe by us . 20. day , news came that the earle of clanrickhard had releeved the fort of galloway very well , and had blockt up the towne round . also , newes from limricke that one of our ships had taken a french ship laden with armes for the rebels , and intended to land at the foresaid port , but was taken by us with much armes in it . that day also in the morning rebels came even into the suburbs and stole cattell very desperatly . 21. day , sir henry titchborne , and sir thomas lucas were elected privie councellers . that morning we had an alarme on the north side of our city , such strange boldnesse they have , since we lost him whose name was their terrour , some cattell they drove away . 23. day newes from naas , that great store of cattell they had taken from the rebels , and other goods , but being taken from the souldiers by the captaine , a mutinie began , and much adoe to stop it , their pillage was faine to be restored . 24 day was searching for strangers that had lodged themselves in our citie , such boldnesse they had taken since sir charles his de●th , when as before no papist durst shew himselfe almost . now begin to creepe into the city , countrey papists , besides what are city papists , to give intelligence , and other mischiefe ; indeed things bie strangely still , for want of some such warlike man as he was ; this day also landed 400. men from england , so a whole regimentare landed , but no money , which makes our souldiers mad . also , a troope went to trim to day . finis . a true and perfect relation of all the severall skirmishes, brave exploits, and glorious victories obtained by the english protestants, over the irish rebels, when they raised the siege of tredagh collected by doctor barnard, ... and presented to the honourable house of commons, on wednesday the 23 of march, 1641. bernard, nicholas, d. 1661. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a27500 of text r18826 in the english short title catalog (wing b2019). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 14 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a27500 wing b2019 estc r18826 11751575 ocm 11751575 48586 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a27500) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48586) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 808:1) a true and perfect relation of all the severall skirmishes, brave exploits, and glorious victories obtained by the english protestants, over the irish rebels, when they raised the siege of tredagh collected by doctor barnard, ... and presented to the honourable house of commons, on wednesday the 23 of march, 1641. bernard, nicholas, d. 1661. [1], 7 p. printed for iohn wright, london : 1641. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. eng wicklow (ireland : county) -history -17th century. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a27500 r18826 (wing b2019). civilwar no a true and perfect relation of all the severall skirmishes, brave exploits, and glorious victories obtained by the english protestants, over bernard, nicholas 1642 2632 3 0 0 0 0 0 11 c the rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-05 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true and perfect relation of all the severall skirmishes , brave exploits , and glorious victories obtained by the english protestants , over the irish rebels , when they raised the siege of tredagh . collected by doctor barnard , minister there , sent over to a friend in london , and presented to the honourable house of commons , on wednesday the 23 of march , 1641. london printed for iohn wright . 1641. newes from ireland the twelfth of march . loving brother i have sent you what i now received from tredath from a worthy minister , deane barnard , and need to doubt of the truth of it , and indeed you need truth to be sent to you , for such a multitude of lying pamphlets you have daily printed of our proceedings in ireland as it is a shame to see , and much spoken against such vile untruths ; which is to be wondred at that are untrue , in neither place nor time , nor men . our dublin army is still abroad , but we heare well of them . an abstract of such newes as hath falen out from feb. 26 to march the 5 , being the day the siege ended . no sooner were the vessels that came from dublin to relieve us unlanded , but a faire north-west wind served them for their returne , where feb. 26 as they passed over our barre in the sight , but beyond the reach of our envious enemie , our governour the same after-noone issued out with 220 foot and a 120 horse , and having pilaged a certaine village of the rebels called beauly , about a mile of us , and burnt up their lodgings , he proceeded farther to smithstowne , where being informed by his scouts , of 5 companies there ready to receive him , he had the more mind to them and his men by their former good successe , needing little invitation , hee drew up to them , who no sooner felt the smart of our shot , but they instantly broke , and by the prosecution of our horse every man cast away their armes to save their lives , nay , their very cloaths for their greater speed of flight , so there were slaine about 300 of them , 2 colours taken , & about a 100 cowes brought in , so many were slaine in the river of iellingstowne that the water was dyed with their blood , wherin a part of divine justice was observed , that this slaughter should be in the same place they had formerly so fraudulently defeated some of ours , in which it is conceived and even repaired , and wherein some of the same captaines of ours that were formerly rooted had their hands in this revenge in epshall , sir patrick weismes . here colonell preston was hard put to it , who for hast lost his rich military belt and a portmantle of his best cloaths left behind , which fell out to be the booty of horsbey , in the pocket of whose breaches were found 3 letters of more worth then his head , wherby 2 lords with others not farre from us , were by these found as deep in his rebellion as himselfe . the next morning it was thought good to prosecute this unexpected victory as probability of raising the siege on that side , before these could gather any head againe , and so very early by the breake of day 600 foot and a troope of horse , after we had by prayers commend them to gods protection , which in the greatest expedition was sildome omited , marched out under my lord moores command , but the first castle viz. stranine , which beyond their former resolution , they thought to visit , but in the way within halfe a mile of us , was so entrenched and fortified , that it proved more difficult then was expected , yet our men drew up and bestowed about 1000 shots on them , to the death of many of them , but by the fall of a mighty raine whereby their matches were neare wasted out , they were compel'd to returne ; yet some were sent to the next village called colpe , pilaged the corne remaining , & burnt their cabbins , and so came well in by church time , to give god thanks for his great preservation , that in all that eminent dangers , we had not a man lost , and indeed , all this our siege not above 12 men have we lost by the enemy , the rest that dyed were by famin and other diseases , besides some unarmed men or women and children , that going out to pilage were killed by the enemy basely ; but this foren●med castle , was for prevention of our taking of it , maned by the enemy , with 400 men more then what was yet , hearing of our resolution and preparation against it , they abandoned it of themselves , and left it to our possession . after one days rest , march the first , my lord moore and the governour went out againe the same way , a convenient number of horse and foot ; when after securing of at least 200 worth of corne , and the burning of what had remained of the former dayes worke at colpe , these advanced further , their first resistants was 2 companies of the rebels , who abode something without shot , but came in and shot , and then betooke themselves to flight , and one captaine and 60 others were slaine , and another captaine neal o neale taken prisoner , and the castle of colpei after much hazard of such as first entred it by the pikes and stones by them within , whereby our men were 3 or 4 times beaten backe downe the narrow staires , yet at last were all slaine , and all that day without the losse of one of ours , there was a captain taken prisoner , with whom were found many letters , and a petition subscribed to sir phil. o neal , with the title of earle of tirons , and generall of ireland , but yet the foundation upon which all these ayrie honours were built , was the condition of taking this our city , but that day his excellency was much humbled , who unknowne to us was stolne over the river , and by our unexpected approach being in feare of taking , crept into a ●ur-bush , and so lay like a trembling hare in his forme till the evening not farre from us . march the 3. some other sorces marched out in the morning , as far as marlingstowne , about three miles from us , whereby the former fights , they found the towne abandoned , so that their whole worke that day was to reape what was left , for which all soldiers were that day permitted to goe out for pilage ; by which meanes the spring seemed to be harvest , and the vernall aequinoctiall to have beene mistaken for the naturall autumnall , such a world of corne like mowing haggards came into our city , the greatest scarcity we had was of mault , for which we had for seaven dayes before drunke water , but now such was gods goodnesse , that on a sudden , from the extremity of want was turned to as plenty ; such a plenty , not to be thought , which caused our enemies to begin to be so sicke , that they for envie left their houses in the midst of this our joy , but we had like to have had a rule by a gabard of powder , that run a ground on the river , but by our mens watching till ten a clocke at night , that was prevented in the evening tyde . but march the 5. was a memorable day with us indeed , when 400. foot and 80. horse marched out under the command of the lord moore , on the the north side among his owne tenants to talloglland , where colonell mac byan , with his companies have beene billetted and were unknowne to us , the night before upon some mischiefvous counsell , the whole fraturnity of the rebels had cropt sir phi. o neale being president , there appeared 80. coullers , and in view 3. for one of ours they had entrenched and fortyfied in a place of the towne , but our men declined them not , but with as much alacrity as there commands could wish , drew up boldly and gave fire so thicke and sure , that after the rebels had replyed to three or foure files of shot , and finding so many droopping among them , they betooke themselves to their fast refuge their heeles , about 300. of the common souldiers , and not lesse then 30. officers slaine in the place , and a great man made by themselves , baron of monghun , art rore mac maughan by name , whose head is voted in the proclamation printed in dublin and is taken prisoner ; who being wounded to shew his invitable end , politickly stripped himselfe starkenaked , and lay as dead among the slaine ; but by the viewing of the body by captain berone , and tumbling the body about was discovered , and promised upon his faith given , that he would cause the redemption of my lady blainy and her children , and we thinke is accordingly done . which happy exchange , we daily seeke for a 115. muskquets were taken by us , and all the ground was covered with their pikes , chaste away in their flight , in the meane time our governour sir henry , issued out towards beauly , to provoake sir phi. o neale , whom we supposed had kept that lodging still , burnt new-towne under his nose , drew two companies to fight in the castle , and returning , intending the assistance to the lord moore if there were need , but by firing all the townes thereabouts , they soone perceived a victorie on the lord moores side , in this the lord moore behaved himselfe most valiently , beyond all expression , and to so great a hazard of his person , more then pleased his friends : had his boot cut through his stocking with a sword , and another hurt his horse with a pike , in the midst of all the danger of shot on every side , it came off without other harme ; and which hath beene gods wonderful preservation , nay all this hosts flight and prosecution for two miles about , not one man of ours so much as hurt , sir phi. o neale , with the rest of there great commanders , having thus payed their way , fled very meanly attended , leaving such other gentlemen behind to their miserable condition , which they did deservedly approve , and all their army hopes spoyled which they by him perswaded to , in this houre lighted my lord moore , who was the first that gave us assistance at first , so he was the last that chased them away in their troopes , dispersing the first of which he gave to appeare that evening , when some of the english escaping from them , brought newes , that the two castles beauly and strainus , being wholly forsaken by them , into which our governour presently sent some companies who entred peaceably , and with some horse , roved the country toward termonsecking , but found not a man of them , onely a world of corne , which the enemy could not fire for feare , so that now our gates are now opening , and city silling with provision and other boote , all the country a far off desiring to be admitted to our market , all hearts rejoycing , every street ringing with praises to god , the donor to whom onely it doth belong , and that not onely patiently , but publickly and solemnely , we faile not thankefully to acknowledge . loving brother , my last to you was by a friend doctor iones , in which i declared to you what befell us since my last letter by the post ; which was , that out of munster we had newes , that the lord president joyning with some 150. english for us , arrived there lately , and that they had battell with the enemy being a great number , led by the lord mongarret , our men kild 1000. & put the rest to flight , the lord mongarret hardly escaping . we had newes that galway is out , but there is a fort by us commanded , which stands greatly to the disadvantage of the town ; some hot blowes have beene betweene the towne and fort , but with much damage to the towne , on the 7 of this moneth went out some of our army , about 3000 foot and 600 horse● , and went to many places where the enemy was reported to have beene , but the enemy still run away before them , what their intent is for it is not knowne , but our army is still out , and yesterday they sent in one lieut. colonell read that they tooke of the enemy , and captaine burfoot we had yesterday captives , some three come from tredath who confirme the newes which we heard before , that they had given the enemy a great defeat , kill'd about 300 and 40 officers of the enemy , the rest fled being a great number , curs but 700 , they no lesse then 3000 , upon this the enemy hath quite raysed the siege about the city , and they have an indiferent market againe , the much comfort of the distressed souldiers : the enemy is very dog-hearted , every day more then other , or appeare so to be , and many are reported to desire to come in , now they have done what mischiefe they can already : we have newes here , that many under write to give so much money with you to the warre , and to receive it in land , at a rate set down , which if it be true , as it is in print , none can lay out money at better rate , it wil be to great and shortly , and the land is as good as in england , and the seats as excellent , if you have a 100 or 200 of pounds , to under writ in this cause , and that you can be sure of land , as it is here declared , it would be much profit ; the irish are mad to see their lands so proffered . there is newes come in this morning to us from our army , that the lords of the pale some of them offer themselves to come in now . finis . strange and remarkable prophesies and predictions of the holy, learned, and excellent james usher, late l. arch-bishop of armagh ... giving an account of his foretelling i. the rebellion in ireland ..., ii. the confusions and miseries of england in church and state, iii. the death of king charles the first, iv. his own poverty and want, v. the divisions in england in matters of religion ... / written by the person who heard it from this excellent persons own mouth ... ussher, james, 1581-1656. 1678 approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a64683 wing u225 estc r7048 13091762 ocm 13091762 97375 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64683) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97375) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 402:9) strange and remarkable prophesies and predictions of the holy, learned, and excellent james usher, late l. arch-bishop of armagh ... giving an account of his foretelling i. the rebellion in ireland ..., ii. the confusions and miseries of england in church and state, iii. the death of king charles the first, iv. his own poverty and want, v. the divisions in england in matters of religion ... / written by the person who heard it from this excellent persons own mouth ... ussher, james, 1581-1656. person who heard it from this excellent person's own mouth. 8 p. printed for r.g., london : 1678. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ussher, james, 1581-1656. prophecies. great britain -church history -17th century -prophecies. great britain -history -stuarts, 1603-1714 -prophecies. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -prophecies. 2005-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-05 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-05 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion strange and remarkable prophesies and predictions of the holy , learned , and excellent james usher , late l. arch-bishop of armagh , and lord primate of ireland . giving an account of his foretelling i. the rebellion in ireland forty years before it came to pass . ii. the confusions and miseries of england , in church and state. iii. the death of king charles the first . iv. his own poverty and want . v. the divisions in england in matters of religion . lastly , of a great and terrible persecution which shall fall upon the reformed churches by the papists , wherein the then pope should be chiefly concerned . written by the person who heard it from this excellent persons own mouth , and now publisht earnestly to perswade us to that repentance and reformation which can only prevent our ruin and destruction . and the lord said , shall i hide from abraham the thing which i do ? gen. 18. 17. licensed , november the 16 th . london , printed for r. g. 1678. strange and remarkable predictions of that holy , learned , and excellent bishop , james usher late lord primate of ireland . the author of the life of this excellent and worthy primate and arch-bishop , gives an account , that among other extraordinary gifts and graces , which it pleased the almighty to bestow upon him , he was wonderfully endued with a spirit of prophecy , whereby he gave out several true predictions and prophesies of things a great while before they came to pass , whereof some we have seen fulfilled , and others remain yet to be accomplished . and though he was one that abhor'd enthusiastick notions , being too learned , rational , and knowing , to admit of such idle freaks and whimsies . yet he profest , that several times in his life he had many things imprest upon his mind , concerning future events , with so much warmness and importunity , that he was not able to keep them secret , but lay under an unavoidable necessity to make them known . from which spirit he foretold the irish rebellion forty years before it came to pass , with the very time when it should break forth , in a sermon preached in dublin in 1601. where from ezek ▪ 4. 6. discoursing concerning the prophets bearing the iniquity of judah forty days , the lord therein appointed a day for a year : he made this direct applycation in relation to the connivance at popery at that time . from this year ( says he ) will i reckon the sin of ireland , that those whom you now imbrace , shall be your ruin , and you shall bear this iniquity . which prediction proved exactly ture , for from that time 1601 , to the year 1641 , was just forty years , in which it is notoriously known , that the rebellion and destruction of ireland happened , which was acted by those popish priests , and other papists , which were then connived at . and of this sermon the bishop reserved the notes , and put a note thereof in the margent of his bible ; and for 20 years before , he still lived in the expectation of the fulfilling thereof : and the nearer the time was , the more confident he was , that it was near accomplishment , though there was no visible appearance of any such thing : and ( sayes dr. bernard ) the year before the rebellion broke forth , the bishop taking his leave of me , being then going from ireland to england , he advised me to a serious preparation ; for i should see heavy sorrows and miseries , before i saw him again ; which he delivered with as great confidence , as if he had seen it with his eyes : which seems to verify that of the prophet , amos 3. 7. surely , the lord will do nothing , but he will reveal it to his servants , the prophets . from this spirit of prophesie , he fore-saw the changes and miseries of england in church and state ; for having in one of his books , ( called de prim , eccl. brit. ) given a larg account of the destruction of the church and state of the brittains , by the saxons , about 550 years after christ : he gives this among other reasons , why he insisted so largely upon it ; that he fore-saw , that a like judgment was yet behind , if timely repentance and reformation did not prevent it : and he would often mourn upon the fore-sight of this , long before it came . from this spirit he gave mournful intimations of the death of our late soveraign , charles the first ; of whom he would be often speaking with fear and trembling , even when the king had the greatest success : and would therefore constantly pray , and gave all advice possible , to prevent any such thing . from this spirit he fore-saw his own poverty in worldly things ; and this he would often speak of , with admiration to the hearers , when he was in his greatest prosperity ; which the event did most certainly verify . from this spirit he predicted the divisions and confusions in england in matters of religion , and the sad consequences thereof ; some of which we have seen fulfill'd : and i pray god , the rest which he feared , may not also be accomplished upon us . lastly , from this spirit he fore-told , that the greatest stroke upon the reformed churches was yet to come ; and that the time of the utter ruin of the see of rome , should be when she thought her self most secure : and as to this last , i shall add a brief account from the persons own hand , who was concerned therein ; which followeth in these words : the year before this learned and holy primate , a. bishop usher dyed , i went to him , and earnestly desired him , to give me in writing his apprehensions concerning justification , and sanctification by christ ; because i had formerly heard him preach upon those points , wherein he seemed to make those great mysteries more intelligible to my mean capacity , than any thing which i had ever heard from any other : but because i had but an imperfect and confused remembrance of the particulars , i took the boldness to importune him , that he would please to give a brief account of them in writing ; whereby i might the better imprint them in my memory ; of which he would willingly have excused himself , by declaring his intentions of not writing any more : adding , that if he did write any thing , it should not exceed above a sheet or two : but upon my continued importunity , i at last obtained his promise . he coming to town some time after , was pleased to give me a visit at my own house ; where i failed not to challenge the benefit of the promise he had made me : he replyed ; that he had not writ , and yet he could not charge himself with any breach of promise : for ( said he ) i did begin to write ; but when i came to write of sanctification , that is , of the new creature , which god formeth by his spirit in every soul , which he doth truly regenerate , i found so little of it wrought in my self , that i could speak of it only as parrots by rote , & without the knowledge & under standing of what i might have exprest ; & therefore , i durst not presume to proceed any further upon it . and when i seemed to stand amazed , to hear such an humble confession from so great and experienced a christian , he added ; i must tell you , we do not well understand what sanctification and the new creature are ; it is no less then for a man to be brought to an entire resignation of his will to the will of god , and to live in the offering up of his soul continually in the flames of love , as a whole burnt offering to christ , and how little ( says he ) are many of those who profess christianity experimentally acquainted with this work on their souls . by this discourse , i conceived he had very excellently and clearly discovered to me that part of sanctification which he was unwilling to write . i then presumed to enquire of him what his present apprehensions were concerning a very great persecution which should fall upon the church of god in these nations of england , scotland , and ireland , of which this reverend primate had spoken with great confidence many years before , when we were in the highest and fullest state of outward peace and settlement . i asked him whether he did believe those sad times to be past , or that they were yet to come , to which he answered , that they were yet to come , and that he did as confidently expect it , as ever he had done , adding , that this sad persecution would fall upon all the protestant churches of europe ; i replyed , that i did hope it might have been past as to these nations of ours , since i thought , that though we , who are the people thereof , have been punished much less than our sins have deserved , and that our late wars had made far less devastations , then war commonly brings upon those countries where it pleaseth god in judgement to suffer it ; yet we must needs acknowledge , that many great houses had been burnt , ruined , and left without inhabitants , many great families impoverished and undone , and many thousand lives also had been lost in that bloody war , and that ireland and scotland , as well as england , had drunk very deep of the cup of gods anger , even to the overthrow of the government , and the utter desolation almost of a very great part of those countries . but this holy man , turning to me , and fixing his eyes upon me with that serious and ireful look which he usually had when he spake gods word and not his own ; and when the power of god seemed to be upon him , and to constrain him to speak , which i could easily discern much to differ from the countenance where with he usually spake to me ; he said thus . fool not your self with such hopes , for i tell you , all you have yet seen , hath been but the beginning of sorrows to what is yet to come upon the protestant churches of christ , who will ere long fall under a sharper persecution than ever yet has upon them ; and therefore ( said he to me ) look you be not found in the outward court , but a worshipper in the temple before the altar , for christ will measure all those that profess his name , & call themselves his people ; & the outward worshippers he will leave out , to be trodden down by the gentiles . the outward court ( says he ) is the formal christian , whose religion lies in performing the outside duties of christianity , without having an inward life & power of faith and love , uniting them to christ , and these god will leave to be trodden down , and swept away by the gentiles ; but the worshippers within the temple and before the altar , are those who do indeed worship god in spirit and in truth , whose souls are made his temples , and he is honoured and adored in the most inward thoughts of their hearts , and they sacrifice their lusts and vile affections , yea , and their own wills to him ; and these god will hide in the hollow of his hand , and under the shadow of his wings ; and this shall be one great difference between this last , and all the other preceding persecutions ; for in the former , the most eminent and spiritual ministers and christians did generally suffer most , and were most violently fallen upon , but in this last persecution , these shall be preserved by god as a seed to partake of that glory which shall immediately follow and come upon the church , as soon as ever this storm shall be over ; for as it shall be the sharpest , so it shall be the shortest persecution of them all ; and shall only take away the gross hypocrites and formal profesors , but the true spiritual believers shall be preserved till the calamity be over-past . i then asked him by what means or instruments this great tryal should be brought on . he answered , by the papists ; i replyed , that it seemed to me very improbable they should be able to do it , since they were now little countenanced , and but few in these nations , and that the hearts of the people were more set against them then ever since the reformation . he answered again , that it would be by the hands of papists , and in the way of a suddain massacree ; and that the then pope should be the chief instrument of it . all this he spake with so great assurance , and with the same serious and concerned countenance , which i have before observed him to have ▪ when i have heard him soretell some things which in all humane appearence were very unlikely to come to pass , which yet i my self have lived to see happen according to his prediction , and this made me give the more earnest attention to what he then uttered . he then added , that the papists were in his opinion the gentiles spoken of in the 11th of the revelations , to whom the outward court should be left , that they might tread it underfoot ; they having received the gentiles worship in their adoring images , and saints departed , and in taking to themselves many mediators ; and this ( said he ) the papists are now designing among themselves , and therefore be sure you be ready . this was the substance , & i think ( for the greatest part ) the very same words which this holy man spake to me at the time beforementioned not long before his death , and which i writ down , that so great and notable a prediction might not be lost and forgotten by my self nor others . this gracious man repeated the same things in substance to his only daughter the lady tyrril , and that with many tears , and much about the same time that he had exprest what is aforesaid to me , and which the lady tyrril assured me of with her own mouth , to this purpose . that opening the door of his chamber , she found him with his eyes lift up to heaven , and the tears running a pace down his cheeks , and that he seemed to be in an extasie , wherein he continued for about half an hour , not taking the least notice of her , though she came into the room , but at last turning to her , he told her , that his thoughts had been taken up about the miseries and persecutions that were coming upon the churches of christ , which would be so sharp ●●d bitter , that the contemplation of them had fetched those tears from his eyes , and that he hoped he should not live to see it , but possibly she might , for it was even at the door ; therefore take heed ( says he ) that you be not found sleeping . the same things he also repeated to the lady bysse , wife to the present lord chief baron of ireland , but with adding this circumstance , that if they brought back the king , it might be delayed a little longer , but ( sayd he ) it will surely come , therefore be sure to look that you be not found unprepared for it . to conclude in the words of dr. bernard , speaking of this excellent person . now howsoever i am as far from heeding of prophesies this way as any , yet with me it is not improbable , that so great a prophet , so sanctified from his youth , so knowing & eminent throughout the universal church , might have at some special times more then ordinary motions and impulses in doing the watchmans part , of giving warning of judgments approaching . finis . whereas there is an accurate account and description of ireland designed to be made publick in the english atlas undertaken by moses pitt of london, and in order thereto, some gentlemen in dublin have agreed to meet weekly for reviewing such an account, as shall from time to time come from under the pen of mr. william molyneux, as also to bring in some materials to the said description; this is earnestly to entreat all persons that they would be pleased freely to communicate their answers to these following quæries, or any of them, directing them to mr. william molyneux nigh ormonds gate in dublin, or to any other of their acquaintance in dublin that may communicate to them the said mr. molyneux, not forgetting to specifie in their letters the place of their habitation that they may be again written to if occasion requires. molyneux, william, 1656-1698. 1682 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a51134 wing m2407 estc r214213 99826419 99826419 30822 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a51134) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 30822) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1764:32) whereas there is an accurate account and description of ireland designed to be made publick in the english atlas undertaken by moses pitt of london, and in order thereto, some gentlemen in dublin have agreed to meet weekly for reviewing such an account, as shall from time to time come from under the pen of mr. william molyneux, as also to bring in some materials to the said description; this is earnestly to entreat all persons that they would be pleased freely to communicate their answers to these following quæries, or any of them, directing them to mr. william molyneux nigh ormonds gate in dublin, or to any other of their acquaintance in dublin that may communicate to them the said mr. molyneux, not forgetting to specifie in their letters the place of their habitation that they may be again written to if occasion requires. molyneux, william, 1656-1698. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [dublin : 1682] caption title. imprint from wing. advertisement at foot of page. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -description and travels -to 1700. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion whereas there is an accurate account and description of ireland designed to be made publick in the english atlas undertaken by moses pitt of london , and in order thereto ▪ some gentlemen in dublin have agreed to meet weekly for reviewing such an account , as shall from time to time come from under the pen of mr. william molyneux , as also to bring in some materials to the said description ; this is earnestly to entreat all persons that they would be pleased freely to communicate their answers to these following quaeries , or any of them , directing them to mr. william molyneux nigh ormonds gate in dublin , or to any other of their acquaintance in dublin that may communicate to them the said mr. molyneux , not forgetting to specifie in their letters the place of their habitation that they may be again written to if occasion requires . quaeries to which answers are desired for the illustration of that part of the english atlas relating to ireland . 1 the nature of the soyl of the county , or place , and the chief product thereof . 2 what plants , animals , fruits , mettals , or other natural productions there are peculiar to the place , and how order'd ? 3 what springs , and rivers , or loughs , with the various properties thereof , as whether medicinal , how replenish'd with fish , whether navigable , rapid , or slow , &c. 4 what curiosities of art , or nature , or antiquity are or have bin found there ? 5 what ports for shipping , and their description , and what moon causes high water ? 6 what great battels have been there fought , or any other memorable action , or accident ? 7 what peculiar customs , manners , or dispositions the inhabitants of each county , or town have among them ? 8 how each county is inhabited , thickly or thinly ? 9 what places give , or formerly have given title to any noble-man ; as also what antient seats of noble families are to be met with ? 10 what towns of note in the county , and especially towns corporate ? 11 the names of such towns both antique and modern , english and irish , and why so called ? 12 the magistracy of towns corporate , and when incorporated , and by whom built , with their return of parliament men ? 13 trade of the town , with the number of houses , and inhabitants , and manner of buildings . 14 what publick , or antique buildings ? 15 what synods have been held there , what monasteries , cathedral , or other churches are or have been there , and from what saint named ? 16 in what bishoprick each county or any part thereof is ? this paper may be had gratis at the shop of mr. dudley davis bookseller over against the rose tavern in castle-street , dublin ; where is to be sold the antient usage in bearing ensigns of honour as are called arms , with a catalogue of the present nobility and baronets of england , scotland , and ireland ▪ by sir william dugdale knight , garter principle king at arms. and by moses pitt at the angel in st. pauls church-yard london . it 's desired that answers to these queries may be given as to any other country whatsoever . whereas several rolls inquisitions amd other matters of record which concern his maiesties lordships, mannors, lands, tenements and hereditaments within this kingdom ... have been imbezelled ... by the lord lieutenant and council, j. roberts. ireland. lord lieutenant (1669-1670 : robartes) 1669 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46173 wing i882 estc r43300 27139925 ocm 27139925 110004 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46173) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110004) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:40) whereas several rolls inquisitions amd other matters of record which concern his maiesties lordships, mannors, lands, tenements and hereditaments within this kingdom ... have been imbezelled ... by the lord lieutenant and council, j. roberts. ireland. lord lieutenant (1669-1670 : robartes) radnor, john robartes, earl of, 1606-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : [1669] title from first lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin, the first day of october, 1669." reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1660-1688. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . j. roberts . whereas several rolls inquisitions and other matters of record which concern his majesties lordships , mannors , lands , tenements and hereditaments within this kingdom and the royalties and revenues belonging to his crown , and several other records relating to the subjects of this kingdom have been imbezelled , and taken out of the tower called berminghams tower in his majesties castle of dublin , to the great prejudice of his majestie and his good subjects , whose quiet and settlement are much concerned therein , we have therefore thought fit by this proclamation in his majesties name strictly to charge and command all manner of persons who have any of the said rolls , inquisitions or records in their custodie , or can come by any of them that they do bring the same in , and deliver them into the hands of sir william domvile knight his majesties atturney general within the space of three months from and after the date of this proclamation ; and in case any person or persons do know where , or in whose hands ; custodie or possession , any of the said rolls , inquisitions or records are , that they give notice thereof to his majesties said atturney generall , within one month after the date hereof ; and of this our proclamation we require all persons concerned to take notice and duely observe the same , as they will answer the contrary at their utmost perils . given at the councell chamber in dublin the first day of october 1669 . ja. armachanus mich. dublin canc. donegall . arran . shannon . dungannon . fitzharding . charlemount . fra. aungier . herbert . r. coote . santry . j. temple . paul davys . g. lane. fra. hamilton . theo. jones . edw. massie . god save the king. dublin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , and are to be sold by samuel dancer bookseller in castlestreet . whereas redmond o hanlon of tonderegee, in the county of armagh, yeoman, laughlin mac redmond o hanlon of killeany, yeoman, daniel mac murphy mac thorlagh roe o murphy of the same, yeoman, cormuck raver o murphy of the same, yeoman, hugh turr o murphy of the same, yeoman [and 22 others] have of late committed several burglaries, robberies, and stealths in the said several counties of armagh, kerry, cork, limerick, mayo, sligoe, and else-where within this kingdom, besides divers other outrages ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1674 approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46161 wing i858 estc r36912 16151891 ocm 16151891 104899 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46161) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104899) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:40) whereas redmond o hanlon of tonderegee, in the county of armagh, yeoman, laughlin mac redmond o hanlon of killeany, yeoman, daniel mac murphy mac thorlagh roe o murphy of the same, yeoman, cormuck raver o murphy of the same, yeoman, hugh turr o murphy of the same, yeoman [and 22 others] have of late committed several burglaries, robberies, and stealths in the said several counties of armagh, kerry, cork, limerick, mayo, sligoe, and else-where within this kingdom, besides divers other outrages ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. [2] leaves. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1674. title from text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 14th. of december, 1674"--leaf [2] broadside in [2] leaves. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng o'hanlon, redmond o'hanlon, -count, d. 1681. brigands and robbers -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion british royal blazon or coat of arms diev et mon droit by the lord lieutenant and council . essex . whereas redmond o hanlon of tonderegee , in the county of armagh , yeoman ; laughlin mac redmond o hanlon of killeany , yeoman ; daniel mac murphy mac thorlagh roe o murphy of the same , yeoman ; cormuck raver o murphy of the same , yeoman ; hugh turr o murphy of the same , yeoman ; bryan moyle o neale of the same , yeoman ; james roe of ballintegart in the said county , yeoman ; hugh mac shane of the same , yeoman ; peter pill of the same , yeoman ; james mac nicholas o murphy of the same , yeoman ; thomas willson of mullaghglasse of the said county , yeoman ; and thorlagh mac patrick goam o hanlon of aghynecloghmullen in the said county , yeoman ; and owen oge carthy of the county of kerry ; cnogher reardane , alias griagh of the said county ; john howrane , and hugh noonane of the said county ; and shane kittagh o donnel , late of prison in the county of mayo , yeoman ; james gallagher mac edmond dorragh late of kilmore in the said county , yeoman ; donnogh boy o gallagher late of coolkearny in the said county , yeoman ; terlagh mac kolgeen , late of the same in the same county , yeoman ; hugh bane mac bre-houne late of carra in the county of sligoe , yeoman ; donnel oge o donnel mac donnel oge , late of sligoe in the county of sligoe aforesaid , yeoman ; william o keavin late of ballyntrohan in the said county , yeoman ; bryan mac donnogh late of coppany in the said county , yeoman ; donnogh fitz john o ha●t late of knockadooe in the said county , yeoman ; owen o doghertie late of coulkearny in the county of mayo , yeoman ; tirlagh mac brehoune late of carra in the county of sligoe , yeoman ; and william gallagher late of court in the said county , yeoman , have of late committed several burglaries , robberies , and stealths in the said several counties of armagh , kerry , cork , limerick , mayo , sligoe , and elsewhere within this kingdom , besides divers other outrages , to the terrour and annoyance of his majesties loyal and good subjects , and to the disturbance of the peace of the kingdom , upon which misdemeanors and crimes being pursued by some of his majesties good subjects , they the said redmond o hanlon , laughlin mac redmond o hanlan , daniel mac murphy mac tirlagh roe o murphy , cormuck raver o murphy , hugh tur● o murphy , bryan moyle o neale , james roe , hugh mac shane , peter pill , james mac nicholas o murphy , thomas willson , tirlagh mac patrick goam o hanlan , owen oge carthy , cnogher reardane , alias griagh , john howrane , hugh noonane , shane kittagh o donnell , james gallagher mac edmond dorrogh , donnogh boy o gallagher , terlagh mac kolgeen , hugh bane mac brehoune , donnell oge o donnell mac donnell oge , william o keavine , bryan mac donnogh , donnogh fitz john o hart , owen o doghertie , terlagh mac brehoune , and william gallagher , are fled to the woods and mountains , where they stand upon their keeping , so as they are not answerable or ameasnable to law , but wilfull contemners of the same . and forasmuch as the actors of these disorders and offences cannot as yet be apprehended , whereby they may be punished by the ordinary course of law , whence we might justly be moved , according to the former usage and custom in this kingdom in cases of like nature , to cause them to be forthwith proclaimed rebels and traytors ; yet in mercy to them , we think fit hereby to charge and command them upon their duty and allegiance to his majesty , that they and every of them do before the first day of february next , render their persons to any of his majesties iustices of the peace , and submit themselves to his majesties iustice to be tryed for their offences according to the laws of the land , wherein if they or any of them doe fail , we do hereby publish and declare , that he or they so failing , are from and immediately after the said first day of february next , to be called , reputed and taken for notorious rebels and traytors against his majesty , and accordingly to be prosecuted by all his majesties loving and good subjects in all hostile manner . and we declare further , that whatsoever person or persons shall comfort , relieve or abet them , or any of them , they are and shall be reputed , deemed and adjudged traytors in like degree with the forenamed traytors and rebels themselves , and to be proceeded against according to law. and we do in his majestis name straightly charge and command all his majesties loyal subjects , upon their duty of allegiance to his majesty , not onely to forbear to receive or relieve the persons aforesaid , or any of them , but also to make diligent search and enquiry in what place or places the said persons shall from time to time lurk or be relieved , and by all means possible to prosecute , apprehend and take the bodies of them , and them to bring or cause to be brought under safe custody , unto the high sheriffs of the respective counties where any of them shall be apprehended , to be by such sheriffs kept in strict and safe custody , till we upon notice thereof shall give further direction concerning them , or resisting or refusing to be taken , to kill them or any of them . and we do hereby declare , that whosoever shall after the said first day of february next , bring unto any sheriff the body of the said redmond o hanlan , laughlin mac redmond o hanlan , daniel mac murphy mac tirlagh roe o murphy , cormuck raver o murphy , hugh turr o murphy , bryan moyle o neale , james roe , hugh mac shane , peter pill , james mac nicholas o murphy , thomas wilson , tirlagh mac patrick goam o hanlan , owen oge carthy , cnogher reardane alias griagh , john howrane , hugh noonane , shane kittagh o donnell , james gallagher mac edmond dorrogh , donnogh boy o gallagher , tirlagh mac kolgen , hugh bane mac brehoune , donnell oge o donnell mac donnell oge , william o keavine , bryan mac donnogh , donnogh fitz john o hart , owen o doghertie , tirlagh mac brehoune , and william gallagher , or any of them alive , or kill any of them , and bring his head to the sheriff of the county where he shall be killed , to be by such sheriff set up in some publick place in that county , shall have for his reward for each person so brought in , or his head , ten pounds , for payment whereof we will give warrant as occasion shall require ; and whosoever of the said proclaimed persons , or any other , shall after the said first day of february next , apprehend & bring unto the high sheriff of the county where such person shall be apprehended , or resisting , shall kill any of the said rebels and traytors particularly named as aforesaid , he shall , together with his said reward , receive his pardon . and towards the speedy effecting of this service , all commanders of horse and foot , and all other his majesties officers and loving subjects are to be aiding and assisting , as they and every of them will answer the contrary at their perils . given at the council chamber in dublin the 14th . of december , 1674. ja : armachanus . mich : dublin . canc. clanbrasill conway and kilulta . massereene . kingston . ca : dillon . j : povey . will : stewart . theo : jones . char : meredith . god save the king. dvblin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde , book-selelr in castle-street . 1674. the declaration of william and mary, king and queen of england, france and ireland, to all their loving subjects in the kingdom of ireland. england and wales. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1689 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b06633 wing w2509 estc r186729 52529110 ocm 52529110 179266 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b06633) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179266) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2781:33) the declaration of william and mary, king and queen of england, france and ireland, to all their loving subjects in the kingdom of ireland. england and wales. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) william, iii, king of england, 1650-1702. mary ii, queen of england, 1662-1694. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by charles bill and thomas newcomb, printer to the king and queen's most excellent majesties ; [s.n.], london : and re-printed at edinburgh : in the year 1689. caption title. initial letter. dated: given at our court at whitehall this 22th. day of february, 1688. in the first year of our reign. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -war of 1689-1691 -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-04 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the declaration of william and mary , king and queen of england , france and ireland , to all their loving subjects in the kingdom of ireland . william r. whereas it is incumbent upon us to take care of , and preserve all our subjects within our dominions , of what perswasion soever in matters of religion ; and we being highly sensible of the miseries our kingdom of ireland is , and may be exposed to , by the forces there raised and kept up , under pretence of religion , at the instigation of romish priests , and by the influence of foraign councils , in opposition to us and our government ; and being desirous to prevent the calamities and destruction , that must fall upon our people in that kingdom , in case our forces , now ready to enter the said kingdom , ( which we doubt not , but with gods help , may be sufficient to reduce it to due obedience ) shall proceed to effect the same : we do hereby declare and promise to all our subjects whatsoever within that kingdom , full and entire pardon and indemnity for all things by them acted , done or committed , by virtue or colour of any authority , of pretended authority within the said kingdom , and a full and free enjoyment of their respective estates , according to law , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon notice of our royal will and pleasure , signified in this our declaration , they shall lay down their arms , and retire themselves to their respective habitations and places of abode , at , or before the tenth day of april next , and there shall peaceably behave themselves , and live as good subjects ought to do . and we do hereby further declare and promise to all our subjects of the romish church , that hitherto have not taken arms , or that shall upon notice of this our declaration lay down their arms , and retire and live as aforesaid , that they shall for the future have all the favour for the private exercise of their religion , that the law allows , and we can now grant to them ; and that we shall speedily call a parliament in the said kingdom , and therein promote a further indulgence to them . and we do hereby further declare , that if notwithstanding this our declaration , any of our subjects shall continue in arms in opposition to us , that we shall then think our selves free and clear of all the blood that may be spilt , and of the destruction and misery , which by reason thereof may be occasioned ; and we shall look upon our selves to be justified before god and man , in our proceedings by force and arms against them , as rebels and traitors ; and such we do hereby declare all those to be who shall act as aforesaid , against us and our authority , as is herein expressed : and that the lands and estates of all such as shall , after notice of this our declaration , persist in their rebellion , or be in any wise abettors thereof , and which by law will be forfeited unto us , shall be by us distributed and disposed to those , that shall be aiding and assisting in reducing the said kingdom to its due obedience . given at our court at whitehall this 22th , day of february , 1688 . in the first year of our reign . london printed by charles bill and thomas newcomb , printers to the king and queen's most excellent majesties . and re-printed at edinburgh in the year 1689. lieutenant colonell john booker being sent out of the province of munster by ... the lord of inchiquine ... and the councell of warre there and having delivered letters from his lordship to the honourable speaker of the house of commons to the right honourable the committee of lords and commons for the irish affaires ... doth humbly present the state and condition of the army in that province. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a28792 of text r225279 in the english short title catalog (wing b3723). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a28792 wing b3723 estc r225279 07951748 ocm 07951748 40676 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28792) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 40676) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1197:13) lieutenant colonell john booker being sent out of the province of munster by ... the lord of inchiquine ... and the councell of warre there and having delivered letters from his lordship to the honourable speaker of the house of commons to the right honourable the committee of lords and commons for the irish affaires ... doth humbly present the state and condition of the army in that province. booker, john, 17th cent. 1 sheet. s.n.], [london? : 1646. caption title. at head of title: 25 novemb., 1646. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. eng ireland -history -1625-1649 -sources. ireland -politics and government -17th century -sources. a28792 r225279 (wing b3723). civilwar no 25. novemb. 1646. lieutenant colonell john booker being sent out of the province of munster by the right honourable lord of inchiquine lord booker, john, lieutenant colonel 1646 1851 2 0 0 0 0 0 11 c the rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-09 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion 25. novemb. 1646. lievtenant colonell john booker being sent out of the province of munster by the right honourable the lord of inchiquine lord president , and the councell of warre there , and having delivered letters from his lordship to the honourable the speaker of the house of commons , to the right honourable the committee of lords and commons for the irish affaires , and also to the right honourable the lord mayor , aldermen , and common councell of the city of london , earnestly desiring to promote the good of that province and kingdome , so that his endeavours here might not be fruitlesse , nor the expectations of the army there frustrate , in this their great necessity , doth humbly present the state and condition of the army in that province . that at his arrivall there in september last , he found them in great wants both of cloathes and money , being then lately returned from the taking of piltown castle ; and presently after the lord president called a councell of warre advising with them to march forth upon another designe , and how to procure money , that the souldiers and officers might be enabled in some measure for that expedition ; and finding no way but by making use of friends to borrow , did then take up some money , ( which yet remains unsatisfied ) whereupon his lordship drew forth all the forces of horse and foote ( leaving sufficient guards to secure our garisons ) into the county of lymbricke , which is above fourty miles from our winter quarters , and a rich countrey , where we intended to have laine some time , the better to relieve our men , and to annoy the enemy , which during our stay there , we did , by driving away their cattle , and fireing all the corn which we could not secure to our garisons ; but the violence of raine and stormes were such , the waters encreasing , and our men by continuing in the field , where they had little or no shelter , many of them also wanting cloaths , and being bare footed , and most of them wanting shirts , fell dangerously sick of the flux , and ammunition waxing scarce , and that we had , having taken wett , we were enforced ( for those reasons ) to march back to mallowe , where we stayed to refresh our men whilest we sent to cork for a supply of ammunition , determining to march into the county of kerry , but the weather continuing with such violent stormes , thunder , lightning and raine , ( such as i have not seene the like before ) we were enforced into our garisons not without the great hazzard of our army , being constrained to wade to the arme-pitts , the rivers being so difficult to pa●e , ( the enemy having destroyed all the bridges ) and so being returned , we still expected a faire opportunity to draw forth our men , the better to preserve our stores , yet the raine still continuing the army could not be drawne forth againe at my comming away , when there was not 14. dayes provision left at a small allowance , that the wants of that army were very great , insomuch as the officers had not received one penny pay for many weeks together , before my comming from thence ; and that many of them were forced to pawne their cloathes to buy them bread , and that many of the officers at this day goe upon ticket for what they have : that the countrey within our reach is generally wasted , and yeelds neither free quarter , nor other accommodations , but the souldiers are forced to content themselves with what they carry on their backs . that wants in the army were such , that the common souldiers were for some weeks before i came away stinted to 6. pence a week in money , and a loafe of 6. pence a peece , which was so small an allowance as that the souldiers , ( especially those that were sent hence from better means ) could hardly be contained , and many of them grew much discontented thereat , which they professed by often saying , that they would rather goe to the rebells , where they should be provided for , then stay and starve with us : of all which , i was an eye-witnesse . that the horse there are generally very much impaired by a strange mortality , and scarcely the one halfe of the former number are left , and those much weakened by their late ill marches and constant duty , and that no horse have arrived there , since collonell iepsons , who were designed in september 1645. and landed the beginning of the next summer . that if the horse upon the place were recruited , and the 500. horse designed for the service of that province at the lord presidents being here were sent over , and the regiment of foote already sent thither made full , horses and carriages with a sufficient traine of artillery , and all things thereunto belonging sent , the want whereof is none of the least defects , there is no doubt but by the blessing of god we should soon be masters of that province . that the countrey is generally wett in winter , full of rivers and passages , and void of housing for horse or men upon their marches , so as it is not to be expected that they should keepe the army abroad for any long time in the winter without too great prejudice to the souldiers in their health , cloaths and armes , and therefore it is humbly offered as more expedient for the service : that money and provisions were sent to them that are there upon the place , to enable them to subsist untill a convenient season of doing service , then that more men should be sent over to encrease the charge , as of late hath bin , without meanes to defray the same : but if any forces be thither designed , it is humbly desired , that they may be hastened over to make our incursions more frequent and effectuall , yet so as they bring some fit means of subsistance with them whereby the rebels will be the more disabled to raise an army to withstand us this next spring . that whatsoever meanes is intended by the piety and wisdome of the parliament , to be sent over , is of double advantage to the army and to the service , to be sent in money , english or spanish , rather then in corn , or victualls , except corn , biskets , and some cheese , to continue as a store in case of scarcity , the corn sent hence standing there in 50 s. per quarter , or thereabouts ; whereas it may be bought there for halfe the price , and so will be had as long as the markets may be kept open . that the charge of that army amounts to 1210 l. per week , or thereabouts , allowing each common souldier 2 s. each trooper 5 s. a colonell of foot 4 l. a lievtenant colonell 3 l. and a major 2 l. 10 s. a captain 1 l. 7 s. a lievtenant 12 s. an ensign 9 s. a colonell of horse 5 l. a major 3 l. a captain of horse 2 l. a lievtenant 1 l. 4 s. a corner 16 s. with a proportionable allowance to inferiour officers , officers of the staffe , gunners , and such as must necessarily be maintained about the train of artillery , which is not halfe pay for the common souldiers , nor a third of the pay for the officers ; and that upon the place there cannot be raised above 120 l. per week , which also is anticipated for some moneths to come , to satisfie those whose goods they have contracted for their necessary reliefe in their extremity , upon that accompt : and that it is to be remembred , that the greatest part of the meanes hitherto designed for that province hath been expended in raising of forces , in armes , ammunition , and other necessary things . that the cities , walled towns , and harbours in the parliaments power of that province , are of mighty importance for the parliaments service , in relation to the religion , to the safety and welfare of this kingdome , and generally of trade and traffique , insomuch that it hath been certified by those trusted in the navie , that the harbours of cork and kinsale onely are of as much consequence to this kingdome as plimmouth . that the said lord president of munster is one well known to be most reall in the cause , of much gallantry and resolution , of much industry and action , who most seasonably secured those parts for the parliament against the common enemy . that he doth with extraordinary fidelity , constancy , care and diligence , in his owne person , see that the officers and souldiers doe their duties , in the service of god and the parliament . that the officers and souldiers there are not onely good guides in the countrey , but are generally experienced souldiers , and valiant men , that have endured much hardship , faithfully , freely , and cheerfully served , to the hazzard of their lives in the parliaments service , and desirous still to continue the same . that but a bare subsistance is desired for the present . that if a settlement and supply be not speedy , the ruine , the losse of those important places to the irish , or some forraign state or potentate , and consequently the losse of the parliaments interest there must be ; and that it will be no great charge or difficulty for the parliament , by the blessing of god , speedily to become masters of that province . it is therefore humbly desired , that some effectuall course be speedily taken for the subsistance of the army , by the recruiting the old regiments of horse and foot , and supplying them with money to be paid in a setled way , and a sufficient train of artillery , with carriages , waggons , pickaxes , spades , engines , mortar-peeces , granadoes , and other necessaries thereunto belonging , for the carrying on the warre there , and i doubt not but by the blessing and assistance of god they will render your honours a good account of this 〈…〉 . by the lord deputie and councell. a proclamation for the banishment of iesuites and priests, &c. proclamations. 1624-01-21 ireland. lord deputy (1622-1629 : falkland) 1624 approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a04102 stc 14185 estc s100884 99836711 99836711 997 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a04102) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 997) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1026:11) by the lord deputie and councell. a proclamation for the banishment of iesuites and priests, &c. proclamations. 1624-01-21 ireland. lord deputy (1622-1629 : falkland) falkland, henry cary, viscount, d. 1633. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by the societie of stationers, imprinted at dublin : anno domini m.d.c.xxiii. [1623, i.e. 1624] the roman numeral date is made with turned c's; the year date is given according to lady day dating. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -ireland -legal status, laws, etc. ireland -history -1603-1625. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the lord deputie and councell . ❧ a proclamation for the banishment of iesuites and priests , &c. henry falkland . it is well knowne , by daily experience , what intolerable mischiefes and inconueniences haue growne vpon this realme , through the extraordinary resort of such persons hither as are commonly called titulary popish archbishops , bishops , vicars generall , abbots , priors , deanes , jesuites , fryers , seminary priests , and others of that sect , who seeking to set vp and maintaine a forreine power and authority within this his maiesties dominion , the said bishops , by pretence thereof , haue vsurped and exercised ecclesiasticall jurisdiction within this kingdome in all spirituall and ecclesiasticall causes , to the great derogation of his maiesties imperiall crowne . and the said inferiour secular priests haue likewise exercised all spirituall and sacerdotall functions , as christening , marrying , and such like , and by colour there of haue taken and exacted sundry spirituall duties , from such as are seduced by them , to the intolerable grieuance and impouerishing of this poore nation , and they all seeking and daily endeuouring to peruert the hearts of his maiesties subiects , and to draw them from the true religion here established , to blindnesse and superstition , & to alienate their affections from their souereigne liege lord the kings maiestie , and to subiect them to the said forreine authoritie , to the generall disturbance of the common peace and tranquillitie of this kingdome . for reformation of which abuses , and auoiding of such seditious persons , sundry proclamations haue beene issued and published in this kingdome : some by immediate warrant from his maiestie out of england , and others by authoritie of the lord deputie and councell of this kingdome for the time being , thereby strictly charging and commanding them forthwith , or within some short time then after ( and now long sithence expired ) to depart out of this kingdome , and neuer to returne hither againe , vnlesse they should conforme themselues to the religion here established , and repaire to the church duely and orderly : vpon paine of his maiesties high indignation , and such punishments as might iustly bee inflicted vpon the wilfull contemners of his maiesties royall command . all which notwithstanding , his maiestie is informed that the said popish titularie bishops , vicars generall , priests , jesuites , and other persons before mentioned , haue of late flocked hither in greater numbers then at any time heretofore , and that such jesuites , seminary priests , and other priests , fryers , vicars generall , abbots , priors , and bishops so ordayned by forreine authoritie , which did before time secretly lurke in sundry parts of this kingdome , haue of late time mo●e boldly and presumptuously shewed and declared themselues in the vse and exercise of their functions in open assemblies , whereby his maiesties subiects haue beene generally more seduced and confirmed in their disobedience and obstinacie against his highnesse lawes and royall commandements ( in contempt of his maiestie and the said former proclamations ) and are like to breed more and greater mifchiefes , if they be suffered to abide and continue here any longer : of which increase and insolence of the said popish bishops , priests , and others as aforesaid , his maiestie hauing taken speciall notice , hath signified his high displeasure thereat , and hath thereupon commanded vs to put all lawes in execution ( that are in force in this kingdome ) that inflict any punishment vpon such as exercise any thing to extoll or maintaine the power or iurisdiction spirituall or ecclesiasticall of any forreine prince or prelate , within this kingdome , and to reuiue the proclamation to remoue and exclude all popish bishops , priefts , vicars generall , and others as aforesaid , out of the same , as the principall supporters and maintayners of the said vsurped authoritie . know yee therefore , that wee in obedience vnto his maiesties royall command , and for absolute warning to bee giuen in this kind , doe denounce , and in his maiesties name strictly charge and command , that they shall all of them , that is to say , all titulary popish archbishops , bishops , vicars generall , abbots , pryors , deanes , jesuites , fryers , seminary priests , and other priests whatsoeuer , regular or secular ( being made or ordeyned by any authoritie , deriued or pretended to be deriued from the see of rome , or by any other forreine authority whatsoeuer ) depart out of this kingdome of ireland forthwith , or within fortie dayes next ensuing , at the farthest , after the date hereof . and that no such titulary bishops , vicars generall , abbots , pryors , deanes , jesuites , seminary priests , or other priests or fryers , ordayned by forreine authoritie as aforesaid , shall from and after the said fortie dayes , repaire , come or returne into this kingdome , vpon paine of his maiesties high displeasure and indignation , and vpon such further paine and penaltie as may bee iustly inflicted vpon them by the lawes and statutes of this kingdome . and vpon the like paine , wee doe in his maiesties name expressely forbid all , and all manner of persons whatsoeuer within this kingdome , to receiue , relieue , or conuerse with , bee ordered by , or receiue instruction from any such popish titulary archbishop , bishop , vicar generall , abbot , pryor , deane , fryer , seminary priest , or other priest which after the said fortie dayes shall remayne and abide in this kingdome , or come into the same or any part thereof , contrarie to the intent of this proclamation . and we doe further in his maiesties name declare , publish , and command , that if any such popish titulary archbishop , bishop , vicar generall , abbot , pryor , deane , jesuite , fryer , seminary priest , or other priest , shall wilfully abide and continue in this kingdome after the said fortie dayes , or shall voluntarily repayre or returne into this kingdome , or any part thereof : or if any person or persons shall receiue , relieue , conuerse with , bee ordered by , or receiue instruction from any such popish titulary archbishop , bishop , vicar generall , abbot , pryor , deane , jesuite , fryer , seminary priest , or other priest , that then all and euery prouinciall gouernors , sheriffs , justices of peace , mayors , soueraignes , portrieffs , constables , and all others his maiesties officers and loyall subiects in this kingdome , shall vse their best diligence and indeauours , to apprehend all and euery such popish titulary archbishop , bishop , vicar generall , abbot , prior , deane , jesuite , fryer , seminary priest ▪ and other priest ordayned by forreine authority as aforesaid , and all and euery of their receiuers , relieuers , and followers ▪ and them and euery of them to commit to some safe and strict prison , to the end such further order may be taken for their punishment , as to vs the lord deputie and councell shall be thought fit . and we require them and euery of them , to bee seuere to put this his maiesties commandement in full execution , as they and euery of them will answer the contrary to his maiestie , who will call them and euery of them to a strict account touching the performance of their duties in this behalfe . prouided alwayes , that if any of the said titulary archbishops , bishops , vicars generall , abbots , pryors , deanes , jesuites , fryers , seminary priests , or other such priests whatsoeuer shall before the said forty dayes , or within ten dayes next after his or their repayre or returne into this kingdome , submit themselues before vs the now lo : deputy , or to the lo : deputy or other chiefe gouernour of this kingdome for the time being , or other the gouernour of any prouince , or before any of his maiesties priuy councell in this kingdome , and shall thereupon conforme themselues , and repayre to the church duly and orderly , according to the intent of his maiesties lawes , that then it shall and may be lawfull for all and euery such popish titulary archbishop , bishop , vicar generall , abbot , pryor , deane , jesuite , fryer , seminary priest , or other priest that shall so submit and conforme themselues , to abide and continue in this kingdome , and to repayre and returne into the same , and to haue and enioy the benefit of his maiesties lawes and royall protection , in as free and ample manner as any other loyall subiect , so long as they or any of them shall continue in such conformitie . giuen at his maiesties castle of dublin , the one and twentieth day of january . 1623. adam loftus canc. hen : valentia . fra : aungier . fra : blundell . geo : shurley . i. blener hayset . dudly norton . fra : annesley . william parsons . roger iones . i. king. adam loftus . god saue the king. imprinted at dublin by the societie of stationers . anno domini m. d. c. xxiii . a vindication of the true account of the siege of derry in ireland by mr. george walker, &c. ; published by authority. walker, george, 1645?-1690. 1689 approx. 41 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a67036 wing w354 estc r1939 12369293 ocm 12369293 60518 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67036) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60518) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 903:43) a vindication of the true account of the siege of derry in ireland by mr. george walker, &c. ; published by authority. walker, george, 1645?-1690. [6], 9-33 p. printed for rob. clavel ..., london : 1689. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time 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period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -war of 1689-1691. londonderry (northern ireland) -history -siege, 1688-1689. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 john latta sampled and proofread 2005-01 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a vindication of the true account of the siege of derry in ireland . by mr. george walker , &c. published by authority . london : printed for rob. clavel , at the peacock , at the west-end of st. pauls . 1689. the publisher to the reader . i having been so often with m. walker that i could take notice of his great care that his account of the siege of derry should give as little offence as possible , do think it a piece of justice to him , to let the world know how far his intentions were from contriving that book , as is given out , to the injury of any party . he knew very well some dissenters of his own country had insinuated into their friends here , that they and their brethren were the people that did the work in derry , and that all others were but cyphers in the whole action . notwithstanding this mr. w. would rather take occasion by his private discourses to reprove them , than express their partiality in print , and therefore he gave them , particularly their ministers , the fairest character he could ; and when he gave the printer a list of the church of england clergy , he order'd a title to be prepared for a list of the names of the others , and did make all the enquiry he could , for fear they should think his omitting them , a design to make them inconsiderable there ; but not finding any way to be inform'd , he was forced to dismiss the book without their names ; but if he had thought it material , he was willing enough to oblige them , and did stay some days for some papers of theirs , they sent him word they desired might be inserted , but he heard nothing more of them . after the printing of the book he was loaded with many reproaches , which he has indured all this while , 'till his silence was counted an argument of his guilt , and that 't was said , he knew well enough how he had wronged them . he was still willing enough to pass by all this , 'till the scandal grew too heavy for him , and they interpreted the book as a design to set up a party , and the like , and to interest a country that he loves in their quarrel . they very well understand his behaviour in ireland , how far it was from any warmness or severity against them there ; and i do appeal to them , whether his affection to the scotish nation ( where he had his education and some honor done him ) as well as favor to themselves , and charity to some of them , has not formerly been a disservice to him . but since they have animated their friends here , and been such ill instruments to put them out of temper , when all things are preparing , with all imaginable calmness , for an accommodation , he does think himself obliged to undeceive those people that are lead by such men into mistakes , that may put them into a new ferment , and di●appoint the expectations of all good men of their moderation and willingness to unite with us . mr. walker would think himself the unhappiest man alive , if he should contribute any thing to so great a mischief ; and to clear himself , has at last been perswaded to write this vindication , in which he is forced to reprove and rebuke with some authority and resent , but hopes none will take it to themselves , but those he intended it for of his own country ; and such he hopes will be caution'd by it to find some other way of recommending themselves to the friendship and charity of their brethren in england , than by increasing their jealousies , and begetting new distances among persons of the same christian profession . a vindication of the account of the siege of derry . master walker being very sensible how ready some people have been to take advantage of some omissions in his book of the siege of london derry , and to improve them , not only into very angry reflections on himself , but to a disparagement of those actions providence was pleas'd to interest him in , to the preservation of the place , thinks himself under some obligation to publish this paper ; not so much to establish his own reputation , as to assert the truth of his account , and to do every man right ( as near as he can ) that is concern'd in it : and the rather , because he does without vanity believe it some disservice to the king , to suffer those things to lye under any doubt or aspersions , that have been done for his sake ; and because he finds some that are enemies to the government , very industrious in running down that business , to make it little in the opinion of the people , and to discourage the kings subjects in his service , and from the like undertakings . others he sees , that are very well pleas'd with the late happy change , but by their unkindness to mr walker , are too easily seduc'd into the like prejudices , and do unawares contribute to the ridiculing that and other great providences , that have attended these revolutions , and that are a mighty support to all good men in their approbation and love of the present constitution . mr. walker hopes , that under these considerations he may be allowed the liberty to remove any prejudices against him , and to endeavour , at least , to satisfie those readers that have us'd him with such severity , that the very errors of the printer are all accounted to him ; the importunity and forwardness of those offcers did get the book out of his hands much sooner than he intended , so that it was neither so perfect nor correct as it should have been ; but he considered it was all plain matter of fact , and so did require less art in the expression or method : and his aversness to make any thing publick , and the load of business then upon him , made him very unfit to prepare it against the assaults of criticks , or the reproach of those that were not his friends . he was indeed very uneasie to find so many mistakes of the press , ( which he 〈◊〉 o●dered to be corrected ) and was too willing to excuse them to himself , to avoid further labour , by flattering himself most people would be so kind , to give him those common allowances that persons may pretend to , that are not us'd to such adventures . to omit things of lesser moment . the first thing complained of was that insinuation ( as they call'd it ) in the preface , by what hand he would defend and maintain both , &c. by which expression our irish dissenters would incense their friends in england , and will have it , mr. walker intended to exclude them from their just pretentions to the credit of the service done the king and the protestant religion by their means and interest . god forbid he should go about to do so great a wrong to any party ; for it is not his business , no more than in his power , to set up one party , or to pull down another . it would please him much better to see some expedient that might unite them both . but his intelligence from england was not so good , that he could understand all the proceedings at that time , or be now so exact to distinguish between the merits of one man or another ; and when by gods providence the work was done , he was too well pleased to be troubled with any curiosity of that kind . indeed he owns the little correspondence he had , did afford great characters of the writings and sufferings of the church of england men under popery , thô the gazets were commonly fill'd with addresses , yet there was sometimes room left for such accounts ; but for want of correspondence with any of the other communion , he did not hear of the books , nor had accounts ( he has since met with ) of the performances of their great men against the common enemy . he did understand some of them were seduced into the councils of the late reign , that were never design'd for their good or ours ; but he always had charity to think , they closed with that and such like opportunities , and indur'd the favors of that government , with intention to do good service to the protestant religion , as well as to themselves in particular . but mr. walker is not willing to argue upon such matters , thò he must needs own , whether from the accounts he had from england , or the great esteem he had for those great men there , or the willingness most people have to favour their own principles , or from his observations in ireland , he did not think he did wrong to any by that expression , but rather believ'd , that he should find all people convinc'd of the truth of it ; and that the strength and interest of the protestant religion lay in the church of england , &c. the late reign he thought had determin'd that point ; but however , when he is better inform'd , he will be very willing to retract , and if in the mean time he has done wrong to any , will as heartily beg their pardon . these things , when mr. walker consider'd them , might very well incline him to use , at least so innocent an expression on behalf of the church of england . but he thinks fit to deal a little more plainly in the matter , so that whatever he says of this nature , will , he hopes , be more easily excus'd : he does confess , that in the writing that book , he thought it necessary for him , with as little offence as possible , to discover that he was a true son of the church of england , not without the greatest charity and tenderness for his fellow christians . but because the contrary was averr'd so positively , and generally receiv'd all over the kingdom , and prevail'd so much , that all the good services at derry were wholly appropriated to that party , with great wrong to the other ; he does acknowledge himself extreamly obliged to their people , and he will never , while he lives , neglect any opportunity of doing them justice ; but he knows they themselves would not desire any character that should exclude their fellow sufferers ; and however the matter may be disputed here , it was never contended at derry . and as for his own share , how much soever it may injure him in his advantage or reputation ; and though they may think themselves kind in their making him one of their opinion , and design him honor by it , for which he is very thankful to them , knowing very well that his known kindness and zeal for the scotch might give some colour to those discourses yet it cannot give him any fair character to suffer himself to be represented a person that would act so contrary to his profession , that he could dissemble to such a degree with god and his church ; therefore he hopes all people will be willing to pardon him if he shews some aversion to such an imputation , and is desirous to avoid the reproach of so fickle and unconstant a man. besides this , mr. w. was not a little concern'd to see some of his countrymen , of another communion , so forward in establishing themselves the great contrivers and promoters of the king's service and interest in ireland , he would not say any thing that should reflect upon their number or quality or performances there , that may make them seem unfit for such an undertaking ; he knows well what to attribute to them on those accounts , and it would be wrong to others to flatter them ; he would rather advise them to more moderation , and less partiality , and they will find very little reason to continue those pretensions . how considerable they were in derry mr. w. may be allow'd to judge : for the better sort , he knows them so modest , they will not contend for them , they being all good churchmen ; and as for others , they may be deceiv'd in their accounts of them , for many thousands deserted the garison , and took protections from the irish ; and what sort of people they were , they might inform themselves if they please , and find reason enough to abate of their severity against mr. walker for denying the credit of that whole affair to their friends or party . but one thing mr. walker desires leave to recommend to them , to consider their own temper and constitution , and ask themselves the question , if they were in derry , and were the greater number , and more considerable , whether they would have chosen church of england men their governors , and been contented with so moderate a share of the church , and in the afternoons , and have suffer'd others to have the property in it , and to enjoy it all the rest of the week ? this , one should think , would convince them where it was the power and number lay , unless the air of england does dispose men to more modesty than other countries , which mr. walker would be glad for their sakes it had that virtue . these things consider'd , mr. w. does not see what reason they have to quarrel so much with him , that he did not give their ministers a higher character ; after he had pass'd the church of england men so slightly , how could he in justice to them say more for the others ? the wrong certainly , if any , was to the other side ; but that he could make more bold with his friends , and they had been used to dispense with him on the like occasions , he gave them the credit of an equal care ; and though their friends here , out of complement to themselves , may expect a greater character , he does not doubt but they are well pleas'd with it , if they are in the same temper he left them , and are not warm'd by the resents on this side the water , and the letters sent them . in their behaviour at derry , they were not only an example and credit , but a reproach to their brethren now in england , for the good of the publick ; they could lay aside their animosities and distinctions , and not contend for any thing , but were satisfied with the bare liberty of their own service on sundays in the afternoon in the church , which being the safest place , and most convenient for assemblies , would have been great cruelty to deny them , as well as mischief to the rest , to expose their friends to the danger of other places . mr. w. thought fit to make some addition to their character , by some reflexion on two others of a different behaviour , a liberty very common to illustrate and explain things by their contraries : as for mr. os. mr. w. is concern'd he had any occasion to name any to their disadvantage , but he did it with that notion that he had of him in the garison , and those of his own profession there , and thought it would on that account give the less offence , but he could not easily forget the effects of his letter which mr. w. had shar'd in to his sorrow , and that clause of the letter wherein my lord tyrconnel threatens to massacre all the english by sacrificing them to the rabble , made it very material to insert it . mr. w. will be very ready to give that gentleman all opportunity of justifying himself , and shall make him all imaginable satisfaction , if he has done him wrong . he has heard of the gentlemans good intentions in his proceedings , mr. w. is sorry they were no better understood , that he might clear him from the imputation of those mischiefs his management and advices brought upon that part of the kingdom ; but it is hard to serve too such masters , the brittish and the irish ; if he was not more industrious and serious , mr. w. is too sure he was more successful in his service to the latter , by his impression , not only on the meaner sort , but on some of the best quality . as for the other gentleman . mr w. thinks they do themselves a great deal of right , that they do not seem concern'd for him ; and since mr. o. is so much their care , he is sorry he plac'd his resentments no better but joyn'd them together , that are of so different a character among those ( they say ) they are better known to ; tho' he thinks it advisable they should not put him upon justifying himself any further in that particular . another thing that the same people think a great wrong to them , is , the not naming the non conforming ministers . mr. w. allows they might very justly reproach him if he had designedly omitted it ; but he really professes , he was not only unacquainted with their names , but , tho' he took some pains to inquire into them , could not be inform'd , and tho he has since that desired a friend to make a more narrow search for them among that have reflected on him on this account , he finds them still more teady to reproach him , then able to inform him better . but that this omission was not cut of any prejudice to the gentlemen , is very evident from the care he hastaken of them before and since that in his recommendations of them to an equal reward with those of his own communion ; and tho' some idle persons have insinuated his wilful neglect of them , he protests against it : but if it were not more out of regard to them , than those that concern themselves so much for them , he should not think he were obliged to give them this satisfaction but they might have prevented this themselves if they had pleas'd , mr. w. having waited several days for some thing he understood they would have inserted , and they are not strangers to this themselves , and therefore have the less reason to complain of mr walker in that matter , since they took so little care to inform him , when they had such opportunity to do it , and may have the like again if they please . mr. walker is sorry he has any occasion given to insist upon such little things as these for his vindication ; he little expected to meet such usage and reflexions any where , except it had been in an irish camp : and he does very much wonder how it proves to the reputation or interest of those people that would make themselves so considerable in the north of ireland , to shew themselves enemies to him that contbuted all he could to the defence of it , and their interest in it , some will be apt to think 't is a sign they had not much to thank him for . but if he had committed some mischiefs or faults , he had more reason to expect from such , that they would have conceal'd or excus'd them , than that they should be so industrious in exposing either him or them . mr. w. understands he is further accused for his neglect of naming those that died in the service of derry , his silence in that is injurious to their widows and children . but in hopes those that complain of him in this matter have some charitable intention towards them , and want mr. walker's direction , he does promise them he will publish a list of them as soon as he can make it perfect , and will in the mean time dispose their charity , if they please to contribute to their relief , with the best advantage he can . others , he thinks , that have no such occasion ( and are not relations ) may dispense with his neglect herein , and he has no reason to satisfie them . he did make an apology in the book for his not being more particular in the character of the dead , as well as the living , which he thought would excuse him to all but those that will never be pleased ; and he did not make any provision against the cavils of persons of that disposition . but all that were at derry , by the king's favour , have been largely consider'd , at the instance of mr. walker and they shall be his constant care as long as he lives , and he will never be wanting in doing all the right and service he can , which he thinks himself obliged to , not so much to avoid any mans reflexion , or to humor those that find fault without any design of friendship to him or to them , but out of a just sense he always must retain of their courage and sufferings in that cause he engaged them in . mr. walker does think he should be very impertinent to take notice of all their exceptions ; but every little thing is advanced by their industry so much to his disadvantage , that he is forced to triflle , as all men must do that speak for themselves , and to take notice of another quarrel they have against him about colonel philips , he could not well contrive how to omit the naming of him upon such an occasion , without doing him the greatest wrong ; and as to that letter which they say is a downright forgery , after he had seen it in the hands of colonel philips , in two several papers , acknowledged under mr. norman's own hand , one of which papers has not only been seen , but is subscribed to by his very accuser , he thinks he had authority enough to mention it . mr. walker does wonder with what forehead any man can dare to impose upon the world such impudent falshoods ; and what designs such men can have , that they drive on with so little regard to truth or honesty ? he is sorry he cannot pass by such things without resentments . others , mr. walker understands , reflect upon some passages of his book , not writ with that gravity that may be expected from him : he must confess ingenuously , that the difference was so great betwixt acting and writing that story , that he had much ado to forbear shewing it was some entertainment to him to feel the alteration , and so many comical passages occurr'd to him , that he had since time to laugh at that if they had not been very vulgar , he had disobliged his reader to a greater degree in that particular ; but mr. walker thought himself amongst his friends , and so has us'd a little freedom ; but since he has been mistaken , he will take care to make his next discourse more stoical and austere . but mr. walker does wonder how they come to expect all this management from a man they had represented with so different a character : but persons that take such liberty , sometimes forget themselves . for ( that ) mr. walker was very inconsiderable , alas ! he did nothing , mr. baker was the man , and such like stuff has been as common , as unkind discourses of these men. mr. walker has not been wanting in doing mr. baker right , his skill and conduct was of that advantage to the preserving of that place , that he cannot do him too much honor , but mr. walker's value for him is sufficiently testified by his care of his widow and children , yet ( if mr. walker may put them in mind of it ) the letter writ from derry to the king , subscribed by the officers in colonel baker's life time , mr. walker's name being the first , shews him to be a man of some consequence and authority : and if it had pleased god mr. baker had lived , other things would have been said for mr. walker , that it is not proper for himself to enlarge upon . the next grievance is , that mr. walker has concerned himself more than he needs with colonel lundy , and colonel cunningham : but mr. walker is of another opinion , and thinks it was a peice of justice he owed himself and profession , to explain the necessity he was under to take that government upon him ; for he well knows it did ingage him in some actions , that without such a necessity , he could not justifie , being obliged by his coat to be a man of peace . and some ancient canons are so severe upon clergy-mens taking arms , that they have been pronounced irregular upon doing it ; but at the same time , clergy-men are allowed to be capable of the privileges of mankind , and of all creatures in the world , they all may defend themselves , and there may such necessity lye upon them , that it is their duty to do it : we do not want examples of the best sort to make this out , and if they failed , there is so much reason to back that practice , that he is a felo de se that neglects it . the old canonists , indeed do look upon it as a great absurdity for clergy-men to meddle with arms , or to ingage themselves in war : and gratian is a little more particular , and states the case of a clergy-man in a siege , and under those circumstances that he cannot well avoid annoying his enemy . the judaical notions that christians retained in those days , made them look on such a one as polluted , and therefore he has some penance injoyned him , or sometimes only recommended to him : though some proceed to that severity upon this very foundation , that such a person must forbear exercising his function for some time . and all this is done to distinguish that sacred office from other professions , and to discourage those that are set apart , and dedicated to the more pure service of the altar , from concerning themselves in any other imploys ; and therefore you find those laws , not only forbiding clergy-men to turn soldiers , but also forbiding them to turn merchants or lawyers , &c. and all this with the greatest reason ; for god has a property in such persons , as he has also in places , and times , set apart for his worship , and they ought not to be put to any other use . but grotius brings the matter to a short issue , and after allowing all this , speaks of this very law that obliges a clergy man to that degree . quae tamen lex , ut omnes ejus generis summae necessitatis exceptione intelligendae , that in cases of the greatest necessity it is not binding , and that that , and all laws of that kind , are to be understood with exceptions in cases of great necessity , for in such cases he remains the same man still , and is discharged of all manner of guilt or impurity . now mr. walker thinks his case has all the authority that the greatest necessity in the world can give to any action , the lives of thousands , besides his own , were at stake , his religion that is dearer than them all , and the english and scotch , equally dear to him , next door to an utter extirpation out of that kingdom , not to speak of the danger of others : how can any imagin , there should be an obligation upon any man that can exempt , or excuse his unconcernedness in such a case ? mr. walker confesses such performances would have better become persons whose profession it was to do them , and he would never envied them the imploy ; but since the trouble came to his share , and god almighty has blesssed him with success in his undertaking , he hopes they will be the more willing to excuse him ; and to make it easie to them , that it might not be too great a favour to him , he thought fit to shew the occasion of his first taking the government of that town , or rather to shew the necessity that threw it upon him , which he is sorry he cannot justifie without reproaching others . another thing that mr. walker is upbraided with , is that his account is very imperfect , and for that matter he will not dispute with them ; for it is impossible it could be otherwise , or that the little time and convenience he had to be exact in such a thing could prevent it ; he is the more willing to allow this , because two very extraordinary things occur to him , which at the writing of that book he had forgot , and being so considerable in demonstrating that providence that attended the defence of that town , and that was so remarkable in our deliverance , he begs leave to insert them in this paper . in the account of the siege , you may find that people every day going out of derry , the enemy by that means had constant intelligence , and we had reason to be under great apprehension , and concern , more especially for our ammunition , we considered how to preserve that , and having a great quantity in mr. camsy's cellar , we removed it to another place : the very next day after we removed it , a bomb broke into the cellar , and if our powder had been there , we had certainly been destroyed . another thing of as great moment was omitted , and that was a bomb from the enemy broke into a cellar near bulchers gate ; some had the curiosity to examin what mischief it had done , and there they saw seven men lying dead , that had been working at a mine unknown to us , that if it had not been for so miraculous a countermine , might have gone on in their work , and have ruined us . mr. walker will not say , but there may be other as considerable things omitted , but they may too nearly concern mr. walker himself , and it would not become him to sound his own praises , no more than to reproach others . there are many other things objected against mr. walker , but he does not think them worth the notice , and especially since they come from papists and disaffected persons , whose interest it is to vilifie not only him , but all the kings friends , and make them despised , and to put a slight upon every thing that god is doing for the king and our religion against theirs , mr. walker has done his part against them already at derry , and for any thing that they can do to him here , he is as little concerned now , as he was at that time , because he cannot doubt but it will meet with the like success . — quid enim quamvis infida levisque caesare tam dextro possit fortuna timeri ? mr. walker understands that some people have a new quarrel to him , about a book writ in his defence , he thinks himself not at all accountable for any thing in that pamphlet , having never seen it before it was printed : he is obliged to the gentleman for his care and concern for him ; but he knows he cannot pretend to the character he gives him , and would never have let such a thing pass if he had known it , and he hopes the world will be so kind to believe him a man of less vanity than to suffer himself to be commended at such a rate . this he hopes will clear him of another imputation from the account the gentleman is pleased to give of his losses , as if he were privy to this , and instructed the author to lessen the kings favour and bounty to him , which he knows does not only exceed his losses , but his merit too , but if it had been below both ( as much as he owns it above them ) he hopes few will think him so ridiculous and ungrateful , after he was so willing to lose all , and himself too , in his service , but will be satisfied with what is said already in his defence ; that he was altogether unacquainted with the printing that book , yet knows very well the author did intend to justifie mr. walker , and that being his friend , and provoked by the discourses he met reflecting on him , he writ those observations , but is well assured without any design of exposing mr. walker to any constructions to his disadvantage , but mr. walker thinks his refusing such generous offers as have been made him , does demonstrate he has not served only for gain and interest ; and his leaving his four sons in that service , shows he has still the same zeal for it . all this put together , mr. walker cannot but admire , what it is he has done that should disoblige people so much , that he has been so tender of , that they should be so industrious in bespattering him upon such little occasions : if he knew his fault he would be glad to rectifie it , and save them that labour , and till he does know it , he cannot think them so just or kind as he expected to find them , to one that has done them all the service in his power , and since they do him the honor to say god was pleased to make him an instrument of some good to them , they have ( one should think ) the less reason to be angry at it . mr. walker has not taken this pains to satisfie them , or to establish himself in their esteem , as if it were so great a discouragement to want their good opinion ; he does not know whether it would be for his credit to have it , for there is a woe against him of whom all men speak well , and he is very well pleased to want that mark , and he knows that no man can be so innocent , but he must endure reflection and abuses , and that therefore the slanderers throat is called an open sepulchre , like death , that all men must submit to , and in such cases mr. walker is not so unreasonable to desire to be singular , only as he could not propose to get any reputation by writing , so he had some hopes he should not lose any . and he has not writ this , not that he thinks he has so great occasion to justifie himself , as to satisfie others , and that he thinks he ought in justice to all those poor gentlemen , and people , that were concerned with him in derry , to keep up the reputation of their services , that they may never receive any stain from the dirt , or scandals any envious persons can throw upon them , to prejudice them in the kings favour or sense he has been so often pleased to express of their fidelity and courage , as well as their sufferings in his service , and particularly in this following letter . to our trusty and well beloved george walker , and john michelbowrne , esq governors of londonderry . william r. trusty and well beloved , we greet you well , the eminent and extraordinary service , that you have performed unto us , and our kingdoms in general , by your late resolute and unparalleled defence , of that our city of londonderry : as it does oblige us in the first place , to an humble acknowledgement to almighty god , for his signal mercy in supporting the hearts and courages of our good subjects . amidst their great and various difficulties and distresses , arising from a furious opposition without , and a yet more pressing necessity within those walls , and sending them at last deliverance , and bringing them , by your conduct , to triumph over their enemies , which we cannot but attribute to an immediate divine assistance , inspiring them with a zeal for the true religion , and love for their country , and an unshaken fidelity towards us , and must ever own as a continuation of that miraculous providence , which hath hitherto conducted us throughout in our endeavours , to resettle these nations , in all their civil and religious rights and liberties . so in the next place , taking into a serious consideration , as well the importance of this success , as that constancy and bravery , by which it hath been brought to pass : we would not omit signifying unto you , the just sense we have of his whole action , in which having the greatest opportunity , that can be put into the hands of any subjects of obliging their prince , you have in all points acquitted your selves to our satisfaction , even beyond what could have been expected , insomuch , that it now lies on our parts to make such retribution , as well to you , the commanders in chief ( who have been the happy instruments under god of that deliverance ) as others who have signalized their loyalty , courage and patience in this time of tryal , that all our subjects being encouraged by this example , may be stirred up to the imitation of it in the like hazardous , but honourable enterprises . we will therefore that you rely on our royal favour towards you , and also , that in our name , you assure the officers , soldiers , and inhabitants of that our city , that we will take fitting occasions , to recompence their service and suffering , in our cause , so that neither they , nor any of our loving subjects , shall ever have reason to repent them of a faithful discharge of their duty , and so we bid you farewel . given at our court at hampton-court , this 16. of august 1689 , in the first year of our reign . by his majesties command . shrewsbury . immediately upon the reading of the kings letter , colonel mitchelbourn , ( mr. walker being in england ) forthwith ordered all things to be put in readiness for a day of joy , and the next day the drums to beat , and all the soldiers and inhabitants , being thereby assembled together in the market-place ; his majesties letter , to be read publickly to them , all the cannon to be fired round the walls , and from the shipping in the river , several barrels of ale to be placed at the market house , for all persons to drink to the health of their majesties , and prince and princess of denmark , the duke of gloucester , general schombergh , &c. and at every health a volly of small shot to be fired : and then treated all the officers and gentlemen , &c. mr. walker had left derry before this letter came thither , but his majesty has since been pleased to enlarge upon it , by his great bounty and favour to mr. walker in particular , colonel baker's widow and children , and with due consideration of every officer and soldier in the garison , giving them commissions , mony , and cloths , to the great incouragement of those poor men , as well officers , as all his majesties good subjects , that see they have a prince that knows both how to deserve and reward their services . of which the garison of derry have shewed themselves sensible by the following address to his majesty , which his majesty was graciously pleased to accept , and order to be printed . may it please your majesty , having made the most humble , hearty , and sincere tender of our loyalty , and duty to your majesty , by the hands of your majesties most faithful subject and servant colonel george walker , we did not think it would again be easily excusable , to importune your majesty by any other wrighting of that kind : but the lord general of your majesties army , and general governor , his grace the duke of schomberg , having transmitted hither your majesties letter of the 26. of august last ; it so raised and transported us , that we could scarce believe our eyes to see , or ears to hear , what is contained therein : and we should be as stupid and senseless as the walls we governed , if silent on so extraordinary occasion , for certainly , never did so great a prince , condescend so much to a poor handful of his unworthy subjects . never was sovereignty , and goodness , the wisdom of a king , and bowels of a father of the people , better manifested and exemplified , than by this example your majesty set to posterity , the like perhaps not known to former ages . your majesty without our motion or application , hath at once out-done , and prevented our expectations : nay , almost our very wishes . your majesty mentions services , to the performance of which our necessities , and extremity of dangers , as well as our loyalty , compelled us , and placed such a high value on them , as all our lives , had they been spent therein , would be too mean to answer : what we shall say on an occasion , for which we can find no suitable words , or expressions : even thus much truly , that those lives which your majesty , out of your transcendent goodness , is pleased to take care off , and to provide for in measure , so infinitely exceeding their worth , shall with all imaginable chearfulness , resolution , and loyalty , be laid down in your majesties service , whensoever your affairs can be advantaged thereby . in the mean time , that your majesty may be ever happy , and may triumph over your enemies , by your victorious arms , and ever be blest with obedient and faithful subjects , shall be some of those prayers , which the soldiers , and citizens , of this poor city , dayly and devoutly send to heaven on your majesties behalf : and which we shall never be so impious , and ingrateful as to neglect or omit , being most intirely and resolvedly , your majesties dutiful , faithful , and humble , subjects and servants , the names of the seven nonconformist ministers , which mr. walker at the writing of his book could not learn , when he printed the list of the eighteen church of england clergy . mr. w. kil-christ . mr. jo. machiny . mr. d. brown. mr. ro. wilson . mr. jo. hamilton . * mr. w. leston . mr. th. boyde . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a67036-e2230 * whether he was one of them mr. walker cannot certainly learn. by the councell and congregation whereas such of the roman catholiques as reside within the english quarters feare to be plundered ... confederate catholics. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46009 of text r43280 in the english short title catalog (wing i342). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46009 wing i342 estc r43280 27129600 ocm 27129600 109984 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46009) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109984) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:20) by the councell and congregation whereas such of the roman catholiques as reside within the english quarters feare to be plundered ... confederate catholics. 1 sheet ([1] p.). [s.n.], printed at kilkenny : in the yeare of our lord, 1646. other title information taken from first lines of text. dated and signed: kilkenny 28. septembr. 1646. io. bap. archiep. firman. et nuncius, emer. clogherensis, nicolaus fernensis. fr. pa. plunket, lowthe, alex. mac donnell, n. plunket, phe. o neill, piers butler. answer signed: thomas preston, owen o neale. imperfect: torn, with slight loss of text. reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng church and state -ireland. ireland -history -1625-1649. a46009 r43280 (wing i342). civilwar no by the councell and congregation· whereas such of the roman catholiques as reside within the english quarters feare to be plundered, ... confederate catholics 1646 443 4 0 0 0 0 0 90 d the rate of 90 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the covncell and congregation whereas such of the roman catholiques as reside within the english quarters feare to be plundered , or be otherwise endamaged by the armies and forces of the confederate catholiques in their thoroughfare or march neere or through those their quarters : and forasmuch as our desire is , and alwayes hath beene to preserve the roman catholiques of this realme , and their goods and possessions , who beare not armes against the confederate catholiques or their adherents , wee therefore to prevent that mischiefe doe pray and require all the generalls , commanders & other officers , of the armies and forces of the confederate catholiques aforesaid , not to permit any of their forces or souldiers to pillage , plunder or take away any of the goods of the roman catholiques inhabiting within the said . english quarters or elsewhere , nor to molest or trouble them in their persons or possessions , but to take them into their protection , & defend them against such attempted suffering them quietly and peaceably to enjoy their freedome , goods & estate without their let or hinderance : and this we command and enjoyne the said generalls commanders and officers , and all others whom it to may concerne , to observe and performe upon paine of encurring our highest indignation , and such other punishment as wee shall impose , and the qualitie of that their offence shall deserve , provided alwayes that all the said catholiques be subject to such contribution for the maintenance of the said armyes ratably according their abilitie and estates , as other● of the confederate catholiques are lyable unto in like kinde , in the march of the armies . kilkenny 28. septembr . 1646. io. bap . archiep . firman . et nvncivs emer . clogherensis . nicolaus fernensis . fr. pa. plunket . l●●…the alex. mac donnells . n. plunket . phe : o neill . piers butler . we the undernamed generalls , in pursuance of the above declaration and order , doe straightly charge and command all commanders ▪ off●●●●● and souldiers , of our armies and all other , whom it may concern give due obedicnce to the said order and declaration , and to observe , fulfill and keepe the premises , duely and fully in all points , upon paine of death , and to be aiding and assisting from time to time , in the due execution of the same . thomas preston . owen o neale . printed at kilkenny in the yeare of our lord , 1646. a true account of the siege of london-derry by the reverend mr. george walker ... walker, george, 1645?-1690. 1689 approx. 131 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 34 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a67017 wing w352 estc r1982 12369323 ocm 12369323 60523 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67017) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60523) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 903:42) a true account of the siege of london-derry by the reverend mr. george walker ... walker, george, 1645?-1690. the second edition corrected. 59 [i.e. 67], [1] p. printed for robert clavel and ralph simpson ..., london : 1689. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early 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corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -war of 1689-1691. londonderry (northern ireland) -history -siege, 1688-1689. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 melanie sanders sampled and proofread 2005-01 melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion licensed , by command of the right honourable the earl of shrewsbury , principal secretary of state. sept. 13. 1689. j. vernon . a true account of the siege of london-derry . by the reverend mr. george walker , rector of donogh-moore in the county of tirone , and late governour of derry in ireland . the second edition corrected . london , printed for robert clavel , and ralph simpson , in st. paul's church-yard . mdclxxxix . also published , a new and exact map of london-derry , and culmore fort , drawn with great exactness , by captain macullach , who was there during the siege . price 6 d. sold by robert clavel , and ralph simpson . to their sacred majesties , william and mary , king and queen of england , scotland , france , and ireland . may it please your majesties , next to the pleasure of doing well , there is no greater satisfaction than where the performance meets with a favourable reception from those for whose sake it is designed . i thank god i have this double comfort in the testimony of a good conscience , and your majesties gracious acceptance of the poor services god enabled me to doe for your majesties interest , and the safety of those protestants , whom the fury of the papists drove into london-derry . nor am i more pleased with your majesties royal bounty to me , much above not only my merit , but expectation , than with your majesties tenderness for my poor fellow sufferers and partners in that action , whom i doubt not but your majesties will find as brave in the field , and in taking other towns , as in defending that , which neither the number , nor rage of their enemies without , nor those more cruel ones within , of famine and sickness , could ever make them think of surrendring . the part i acted in this service might more properly have been done by other hands ; but that necessity which threw it upon me , will i hope justifie me before god and the world , from the irregularity of interessing my self in such an affair , for which i was neither by education or function qualified ; especially since the necessity which called me to it , was no sooner over , than i resigned more chearfully than ever i undertook the employment , that i might apply my self to the plow to which i had put my hand . i am not at all angry with the reflexions that some make , as they think , to my disparagement ; because all they say of this kind , gives god the greater honour , in whose almighty hand no instrument is weak , in whose presence no flesh must glory . but as the whole conduct of this matter must be ascribed to providence alone , as it ought , this should then give them occasion to consider that god has espoused your majesties cause , and fights your battels , and for the protestant religion ; and by making use of a poor minister , the unworthiest of the whole communion , of which he is a member , would intimate to the world , by what hand he will defend and maintain both your majesties interest , and the religion you have delivered from those that were ready to swallow both up . that which i here presume to lay at your majesties feet , is indeed very unfit for your royal view ; but that since importunity would have it publick , i thought it sacrilege to entitle any other to the copy , than those to whom the original was devoted . the picture cannot be commended for the workmanship , but it may possibly be the more acceptable , for that because more resembling the life from which 't is drawn : there is little skill , or art , in either , but there are ornaments much more valuable in both , natural simplicity , sincerity , and a plain truth , in which character i humbly beg your majesties will always consider , and accept of the endeavours of your majesties most obliged , most faithfull , and most obedient subject and servant , george walker . a description of the city of london-derry . the form of the town comes somewhat near an oblong or long square ; and its situation lengthways , is n. w. and s. e. or a diagonal drawn from the church through the market-house , to the magazine , is near upon a n. and s. line . the length of the town through the middle from ship-key gate to bishops-gate , is about 300 paces , or 1500 feet . the wall on the w. side the town 320 paces ; the wall on the e. about 380. the breadth at the n. w. end 140 ; at the s. e. end 120 ; from butchers-gate to ferry-key-gate , where the town is broadest , 180 paces . the wall is generally 7 or 8 foot thick ; but the out-side wall of stone , or battlements above the terra-plene , is not more than two foot in thickness . the four corners have each of them a bastion ; on the long side to the west-ward are two other bastions ; and on the side to the east-ward , one bastion , one demi-bastion , and two other works which are commonly call'd flat-forms . there are four gates ; bishops-gate at the s. e. end , ship-key-gate at the end opposite to it : butchers-gate at the n. e. side , and ferry-key-gate over against it . in the middle of the town is a square , call'd the diamond ; where the market-house stands ( during the siege , turn'd into a guard-house . ) near the s. w. end of the town , stands the church ; on the top whereof , being a flat roof , were placed two of our guns , which were of great use in annoying the enemy . in the s. e. angle of the town , was the principal magazine . within the town also were several wells , &c. and before bishops-gate was a ravelin built by col. lundy ; and the ground on forwards to the wind-mill-hill , was taken in by the besieged to the distance of 260 paces from the town , and about the same distance a cross from the river ; and for fear this ground should be taken from the besieged by the enemy , another line was industriously drawn from the s. w. quarter of the town , to the river , to secure their retreat . the number of guns planted on the bastions and lines , was 8 sakers and 12 demi-culverins the whole town stands upon an easy ascent , and exposed most of the houses to the enemies guns . a diary of the siege of london-derry . being prevail'd on , to give an account of the siege of london-derry , it is convenient , by way of preliminary , to take notice how that town came to be out of the hands of the irish , when all places of the kingdom of any strength or consideration were possessed by them . it pleased god so to infatuate the councils of my lord tyrcounel , that when the three thousand men were sent to england to assist his master against the invasion of the prince of orange , he took particular care to send away the whole regiment quartered in and about this city ; he soon saw his error , and endeavoured to repair it , by commanding my lord antrim to quarter there with his regiment , consisting of a numerous swarm of irish and highlanders ; upon the 6 th . of december , they were on their march in and about new-town ( a market-town belonging to col. george philips , 12 miles distant from derry ) col. philips having notice of this , and joining with it the apprehensions they were under , of a general insurrection of the irish intended on the 9 th . of december , and considering that derry as well as other places was to be presently possessed by the irish , and having several informations brought him , and some taken before him that gave some credit to the fear and jealousies they were under , and encreased his suspicion of some damnable design against the british of those parts ; he immediately dispatches a letter to alderman norman , giving an account of these matters , and his opinion of them , and importuning him to consult with the sober people of the town , and to set out the danger of admitting such guests among them : the next day he sent an express , advising him to cause the gates of the city to be shut , and assured them he would be with them with his friends the day following , and would stand by them and serve them to the hazard of his life and fortune . alderman norman and the rest of the graver citizens were under great disorder and consternation , and knew not what to resolve upon . one of the companies was already in view of the town , and two of the officers within it , but the younger sort who are seldom so dilatory in their resolutions , got together , run in all hast to the main-guard , snatcht up the keys , and immediately shut up all the four gates , and the magazine . on the 9 th day , col. philips comes into london-derry , he had been governour of that town , as also of the fort of culmore in king charles's time , and therefore the inhabitants desire him to resume the government , and immediately delivered him the keys of the gates and the magazine : he being well acquainted with proceedings in england , with the advice of the gravest sort , dispatches mr. david kerns as their agent thither , to represent their condition and resolutions , and to procure some speedy relief . news being carried to dublin of this revolt , as they call'd it , the lord montjoy with his lieutenant-collonel lundy and six companies , are sent down to reduce the place the governour had already form'd eight companies of good effectual men in the city , and armed them out of the stores , and with some management , quieted all factions and tumults , and reduced all things to good order , so that all were unanimously resolved to stand it out till they received a return to their address sent into england . my lord montjoy appears before the town ; his interest among us , and the consideration of our own circumstances , that there was no appearance of any sudden relief from england , no provisions in the town , and ( which was worst of all ) but two barrels of powder in the magazine , which my lord montjoy must needs understand , being master of the ordnance ; made it thought most adviseable to listen to a treaty ; so the governour with the consent of the city-council agreed upon certain capitulations ; that only two companies should enter the town , and they to be all protestants , and that the town-companies should be allow'd to keep their arms , and to do duty with the others , & that no stranger is to be admitted into the city , without license from the governour and sheriffs . having obtained conditions of so easy a nature , and of so probable advantage to the town , they receiv'd my lord montjoy , who made lieutenant-collonel lundy , governour of the town . the gentlemen of the other parts of the north of ireland , being well acquainted with the proceedings at dublin ; that particularly , commissions were given out to raise many thousands of irish , all over the kingdom ; and all to be maintained at the expence of their officers ( who were not able to support themselves ) for the space of three months . they were with good reason equally apprehensive , this was not intended for their safety or advantage ; and therefore they generally resolved to put themselves in the best posture they could to defend themselves against any inconveniences such methods might bring upon them : they had several consultations with their neighbours , and some great men were not wanting in their advice and encouragement . one left some instructions with mr. george walker rector of donaghmore in the county of tyrone , recommending the necessity of securing dungannon by a garrison of their own , and of victualling that town ; in order to which , mr. walker saw it not only excuseable , but necessary to concern himself , and raise men , out of which he form'd a regiment , and to apply what interest he could make towards the preservation of that town . gordon o neale , observing those preparations , sends his priest to inquire into the meaning of them , which was readily interpreted to him : so many irish were arm'd in the country , they thought fit to put themselves in a posture of defence against the danger they saw themselves exposed to . the men complain of want of powder , but by the contrivance of their officer , a bag of mustard-seed was laid upon the carriages , which by its resemblance , easily obtained the credit of a bag of powder , and immediately gave motion to the souldiers . in order to settle a correspondence with london-derry , mr. walker rides to that town , and consults collonel lundy . the opinion they had of his experience in war , and zeal for the cause they were to maintain , gave all people great expectation from his conduct ; he approves and encourages the design , sends two files of his disciplin'd men to dungannon , and afterwards two troops of dragoons . march 14. orders are sent to col. steward ( who was very considerable among us ) from col. lundy , that the garrison at dungannon should break up ; some considering the advantagious situation of the place , and the great quantity of provisions already laid in , and the consequence of leaving both , to give strength to their enemies , shew'd some unwillingness to comply with commands so different from the measures they had hitherto pursued ; but at last , agreed to march to colrain or derry according to collonel lundy's orders . march 17. we march'd as far as strabane , and there met our order from collonel lundy to return to omagh , and the rash. five companies of the above regiment are quartered at rash , under command of mr. walker ; and five at omagh , commanded by lieutenant-collonel mervin : a fortnight after , we receiv'd a potent to march to st. johnstown , five miles from derry . march 20. captain james hamilton arrived from england , with ammunition and arms , 480 barrels of powder , and arms for 2000 men , and a commission from the king and queen for col. lundy to be governour of the city , together with instructions to swear all officers military and civil , and assurance of speedy supplies from england . the king and queen are publickly proclaimed with great joy and solemnity . about this time the irish made a descent into vlster , and drove great numbers of poor protestants before them , who took shelter in colrain and london-derry . march 23. col. philips is sent to england with an address to the king , and to sollicit a speedy supply . col. lundy goes to colrain to give his advice and assistance to that place . the rest of this month , and the beginning of the next , is spent in preparations against the enemy ; they had possessed themselves of colrain , & drove all before them till they came to clody-bridge , of which i shall give this short account . april 13. mr. walker receiving intelligence , that the enemy was drawing towards derry , he rides in all hast thither , and gives col. lundy an account of it , but the collonel believed it only a false alarm ; mr. walker returns from him to lyfford , where he joined col. b. crofton ; the enemy come to clody-ford ; all night long the enemy and we fired at one another ; and in the morning , mr. walker took his post at the long cawsey as commanded by col. lundy , leaving col. crofton to maintain the post against the enemy , which he performed with good resolution . the souldiers having spent all their ammunition , viz. three charges of powder a man , are forced to give way ; major stroud rallies the horse in order , to bring off the foot : the regiment at the long-cawsy was in some danger , having staid too long , expecting orders , but got off under the shelter of some horse , & followed the army , which was 10000 strong , and make good their retreat to derry ; col. lundy and several of quality being then at the head of them . mr. walker found the gates shut against him and his regiment , and staid all night without the gates ; next day with much difficulty and some violence upon the centry they got in : mr. walker waited on col. lundy , and press'd the taking the field ; but he not being satisfied with the behaviour of his army the day before , gave advice of a different nature , which did not agree with mr. walkers sentiments , who thought himself obliged to stand by his men that he had brought from their own homes , and not to expose them again to the enemy , by dismissing them . april 15. col. cunningham and col. richards came into the lough from england , with two regiments and other necessaries for supply of derry . there were several remarkable passages might be here inserted , relating to those that came from drumore and colrain ; but as i would not reproach any , so i cannot do right to all ; and whatever mis-fortune the difficulty of those places brought upon them , the behaviour of such of them as staid in the garrison of derry , sets them above apologys for any miscarriage ; for certainly there could not be better men in the world ; and many of those that left us , have been exposed to censure ; but i hope the world will be so just , not to give characters from things done in such a confusion . april 17. upon the news of king james's army being on their march towards london-derry , colonel lundy , our governour , thought fit to call a councel ; and that col· cuningham , and col. richards , that were sent from england , to our assistance , should be members of it ; accordingly they met , and with other gentlemen equally unacquainted with the condition of the town , or the inclination and resolution of the people , they make this following order . vpon inquiry it appears , that there is not provision in the garrison of london-derry , for the present garrison , and the two regiments on board , for above a week , or ten days at most , and it appearing that the place is not tenable against a well appointed army ; therefore it is concluded upon , and resolv'd , that it is not convenient for his majesties service , but the contrary , to land the two regiments under col. cuningham & col. richards , their command now on board in the river of lough-foyle . — that considering the present circumstances of affairs , & the likelihood the enemy will soon possess themselves of this place , it is thought most convenient , that the principal officers shall privately withdraw themselves , as well for their own preservation , as in hopes that the inhabitants , by a timely capitulation , may make terms the better with the enemy ; and that this we judge most convenient for his majesties service , as the present state of affairs now is . after this resolution , an instrument was prepar'd to be subscribed by the gentlemen of the councel , and to be sent to king james , who was advanced in person with his army as far as st. john's town ; it was recommended with this encouragement ; there was no doubt , but upon surrender of the town , king james would grant a general pardon , and order restitution of all that had been plunder'd from them . some gentlemen were influenced by these considerations to subscribe , others did not only refuse but began to conceive some jealousies of their governour ; and some , tho' they did but guess at their proceedings , express'd themselves after a ruder manner , threatning to hang both the governour and his council . captain white is sent out to the king , to receive proposals from him ; and it was at the same time agreed with lieutenant general hamilton , that he should not march the army within four miles of the town . notwithstanding which , king james having some confidence given him , that the town , upon his majesties approach , would undoubtedly surrender to him ; and that the very sight of so formidable an army would fright them into a compliance : upon the 18 th . of april advances , with his army , before our walls , with flying colours ; his majesty thinking it discretion , to use the shelter of a party of horse on south-end of derry-hill , the more safely to observe what salutation his forces had from the garrison . orders were given , that none should dare to fire till the king's demands were first known , by another messenger to be sent to his majesty for that purpose ; but our men on the walls , wondering to see lieut. gen. hamelton ( contrary to his engagement , not to come within four miles of the town ) approaching our walls in such order , they imagining they were by some means or other betray'd , thought it reasonable to consider their own safety , and to keep the enemy at distance , by firing their guns upon them , which they accordingly did . the enemy that were great strangers to this sort of exercise , upon this could not be kept in any order by their officers , but some took to their heels , others with less labour could hide themselves , and a great many were kill'd . king james did shew himself in some disorder , and much surprised to find the behaviour of his army , as well as of the besieged , so different from the character he had receiv'd of both ; some were apprehensive of the king's displeasure upon such a disappointment , and sent arch-deacon hamilton , and mr. nevil , to beg his majesties pardon for having drawn his majesty into so dangerous and unsuccessful an undertaking , and to signify to him the difficulty of commanding or perswading so tumultuous and untractable a rabble , to any moderation or complyance ; but if his majesty drew off his army , till those gentlemen return'd , and brought assurance of his majesties presence with it ( of which some question was yet made ) they doubted not but they could bring them to a better understanding . this evening king james retired with his army to st. john's-town . in the mean time mr. muckcridge the town clark sees it absolutely necessary , to give some intimation of proceedings at the council of war , which ( tho' every mans concern ) care was taken not to make too publick , viz. that colonel cuningham , his ships , men , and provision should return to england , and all gentlemen and others in arms should quit the garrison , and goe along with him : this discovery occasion'd great uneasiness and disorder in the town , which had like to have had very ill effects upon the governour and some of his council ; it did also add much to the rage and violence of the garrison , when they heard some wrong had been done my lord kingston and his party , by the indirect measures of some within our walls ; their concern for him being as great as their expectations from him . the governour and his council finding themselves of little interest in the town , and that they could not be further serviceable , &c. thought fit to retire , and not to press the matter further . some of the gentlemen left us in all this confusion , and made their escape to the ships at kilmore , tho' not without some hazard ; for the souldiers were under great discontent , to find themselves deserted by those that engaged them in the difficulties they were then under , and were not easily kept from expressing it with violence upon some persons ; but it was the care of others to keep them in temper , and from those outrages , as well as to support them against such discouragements . sir arthur royden protested against the proceedings of the council , and would not have left the town , but that he was dangerously sick , and was forc'd from us by the advice of his physitian , and his friends . governour lundy could not so easily make his escape , being conceiv'd more obnoxious than any of the rest , but sound it convenient to keep his chamber ; a council being appointed , mr. walker and major baker meeting him there , desired him to continue his government ; and that he might be assur'd of all the assistance they could give him ; but he positively refused to concern himself any further . the commission he bore , as well as their respect for his person , made it a duty in them to contribute all they could to his safety ; and therefore , finding him desirous to escape the danger of such a tumult , they suffered him to disguise himself , and in a sally , for the relief of culmore , to pass in a boat with a load of match on his back , from whence he got to the shipping . april 19. the garrison seeing they were deserted , and left without a governour , and having resolv'd to maintain the town , and to defend it against the enemy , they considered of some person they could have confidence in , to direct them in the management of this affair , and unanimously resolv'd to choose mr. walker , and major baker , to be their governours dureing the seige ; but these gentlemen considering the importance , as well as the uncertainty of such an office , acquainted , by letter , col. cunningham ( whose business they thought it was to take care of them ) with this matter , and desired him to undertake the charge ; but he being obliged , by his instructions , to obey the orders of collonel lundy , thought fit to take other measures . they then accepted the government of the garrison . these gentlemen chose eight collonels , and regimented the men in this order : col. walker 15 companies . colonel baker 25 companies . col. crofton 12 comp. col. michelturn 17 comp. formerly col. skivingtons regiment . col. lance 13 comp. col. mountro 13 comp. formerly col. whitneys . col. hamil . 14 comp. col. murrey 8 comp. in all 117 companies , each comp. consisting of 60 men. in all 7020 men , 341 officers . this was our complement after having form'd our selves , as above mentioned ; but the number of men , women and children in the town , was about thirty thousand . upon a declaration of the enemy to receive and protect all that would desert us , and return to their dwellings , ten thousand left us ; after that many more grew weary of us , and seven thousand died of diseases . the same day our governours view the stores , and give other necessary orders and directions : in the mean time they observe the motion of the enemy , and that their guns were so placed , that they could not draw out to their usual place of exercising , therefore they divide the outline into eight parts ; each regiment had its own ground , and each company knew their own bastion . the drummers were all enjoyned to quarter in one house , so that on the least notice they repair'd to the respective post of the company they belong'd to ; and upon all alarms , without any parademg , all officers and private men came into their own ground and places , without the least disorder or confusion . there were eighteen clergy-men in the town of the communion of the church , who in their turns , when they were not in action , had prayers and sermon every day ; the seven nonconforming ministers were equally careful of their people , and kept them very obedient and quiet , much different from the behaviour of their brother mr. osborn , who was a spy upon the whole north , imployed by my lord tyrconnel , and mr. hewson , who was very troublesome , and would admit none to fight for the protestant religion till they had first taken the covenant . after injoyning all parties to forget their distinctions , and to joyn as one man , in defence of the interest of k. william and q. mary , and the protestant religion , against the enemies of both ; we betake our selves , in the first place , by order , to our several devotions , and recommend our selves , and the cause we undertook , to the protection and care of the almighty ; for we might then truly say , with the church in the liturgy , there is none other that fighteth for us , but only thou , o god. it did beget some disorder amongst us , & confusion , when we look'd about us , and saw what we were doing ; our enemies all about us and our friends running away from us ; a garrison we had compos'd of a number of poor people , frightned from their own homes , and seem'd more fit to hide themselves , than to face an enemy ; when we consider'd we had no persons of any experience in war among us , and those very persons that were sent to assist us , had so little confidence in the place , that they no sooner saw it , but they thought fit to leave it : that we had but few horse to sally out with , and no forage ; no engineers to instruct us in our works ; no fire-works , not as much as a hand-granado to annoy the enemy ; not a gun well mounted in the whole town ; that we had so many mouths to feed , and not above ten days provision for them , in the opinion of our former governours ; that every day several left us , and gave constant intelligence to the enemy ; that they had so many opportunities to divide us , and so often endeavour'd it , and to betray the governours ; that they were so numerous , so powerful and well appointed an army , that in all human probability we could not think our selves in less danger , than the israelites at the red sea. when we considered all this , it was obvious enough what a dangerous undertaking we had ventur'd upon ; but the resolution and courage of our people , and the necessity we were under , and the great confidence and dependance among us on god almighty , that he would take care of us , and preserve us , made us overlook all those difficulties . and god was pleased to make us the happy instruments of preserving this place , and to him we give the glory , and no one need goe about to undervalue or lessen those he was pleas'd to choose for so great a work ; we do allow our selves to be as unfit for it as they can make us , and that god has only glorified himself in working so great a wonder with his own right hand , and his holy arm getting himself the victory april 20. a part of the enemy march'd towards peny-burn hill , a place about a mile distant from the town n.b.e. on the side of the river , there they pitch'd their tents , & by that means hinder'd all passage to , & correspondence with , culmore . we sent mr. bennet out of the garrison , with orders to go to england , and to give account of our resolutions to defend the town against the enemy . our men were order'd to fire after him , that the enemy might think he had deserted us . this day my lord strabane came up to our walls , makeing us many proposals , and offering his kings pardon , protection and favour , if we would surrender town ; but these fine words had no place with the garrison . at that very time of his capitulating with us , we observ'd the enemy using that opportunity to draw their canon to a convenient stand , we therefore desired his lordship to withdraw , otherwise we would make bold to fire at his lordship ; his lordship continued in his complements , till we plainly told him we would never deliver the town to any but k. william and q. mary , or their order . my lord having ended all his insinuations , found himself at last obliged to retire . several trumpets were likewise sent to us from the enemy , but with as little success . april 21. the enemy placed a demi-culverin , 180 perches distant from the town , e. b. n. on the other side the water : they play'd at the houses in the town , but did little or no mischief only to the market-house . this day our men sallied out , as many as pleased , and what officers were at leasure , not in any commendable order , yet they killed above 200 of the enemies souldiers , besides mamow the french general , and several other officers whose names you will fi●d in the annexed list. a party of horse came with great fury upon the salliers , and forced their retreat , which they made good with the loss of four private men , and one lieutenant mac. phedris , whom our men brought off ; and having leisure and more concern then upon us for the loss , then afterwards on such occasions ; we buried them with some ceremony . we had at this time 50 horse commanded by col. murry ; upon whom they press'd so hard at first , that some of his horse were beaten to the very gates ; so that mr. walker found it necessary to mount one of the horses and make them rally , and to relieve col. murry , whom he saw surrounded with the enemy , and with great courage laying about him . in this action we took three pair of colours . april 23. the besiegers planted four demi-culverins in the lower end of mr. strongs orchard , near 80 perches distant from the town , opposite to ship-key-street : these playing incessantly , hurt several people in the houses , battered the walls and garrets , so that none could lodge safely above stairs . the besieged make due returns to their firing from the bastions , kill'd lieut. fitz patrick , lieut. col. o neale , two serjeants , and several souldiers ; and besides these , two friars in their habits , to the great grief of the enemy , that the blood of those holy men should be spilt by such an heretical rabble , as they call the besieged . april 25. they plac'd their mortar-pieces in the said orchard , and from thence play'd a few small bombs , which did little hurt to the town , all of them lighting in the streets , except one which kill'd an old woman in a garret ; from the same place they threw afterwards many larger bombs , the first of which fell into a house while several officers were at dinner ; it fell upon the bed of the room they were in , but did not touch any of them ; forced into a lower room , and kill'd the landlord , and broke down one side of the house , and made a large passage for the guests to come out at instead of the doors it had choaked up . april 28. the besieged made another sally , and killed several of the enemy at penyburn-hill , but were forced to retreat , being pressed by the enemies horse , who charged us on all sides . in this action , we lost only two men , had eight or ten wounded , which in few days recovered , and were fit for service . this day by a shot from one of our bastions , the enemies gunner was kill'd , and one of his guns broken . may 5. this night the besiegers draw a trench cross the wind-mill hill , from the bog to the river , and there begin a battery ; from that they endeavour'd to annoy our walls , but they were too strong for the guns they us'd , and our men were not afraid to advise them to save all that labour and expence ; that they always kept the gates open , and they might use that passage if they pleas'd , which was wider than any breach they could make in the walls . may 6. the besieged fearing that battery might incommode that part of the town nearest to it , consult how to put a stop to their further proceeding in that work ; mr. walker draws a detachment out of each company , of ten men , and after putting them into the best order their impatience could allow , he sallies out at the head of them ( with all imaginable silence ) at ferry-key gate , at four of the clock in the morning . one part of them beat the enemies dragoons from the hedges , while the other possesses their trenches . the dispute was soon over , and the enemy , thô a very considerable detachment , are so pressed by the forwardness of our men , and discouraged at the sight of so many lying in their blood , that they fled away , and left us the ground we contended for , and some booty , besides the plunder of the dead . the salliers in this action kill'd two hundred of their men , most of which were shot through the breast or head ; five hundred were wounded , three hundred of them within few days died of their wounds , as we were informed by messengers , and the prisoners we took afterwards . the account of the officers kill'd , or taken prisoners in this action , you will find in the bill annexed . our side lost three men , and had only twenty wounded . at this time we took five pair of colours . we sent a drummer to desire the enemy to send an officer with 14 men to bury their dead , which they did perform very negligently , scarce covering their bodies with earth . after this performance , the enemies want of courage , and our want of horse occasion'd , that some weeks produced but little of action , except skirmishes ; in which captain noble was very active and successful ; kills several of their officers , and finds letters about them that afforded some intelligence , and particularly instructed us about the surrender of culmore ; but upon what conditions , and for how much mony , we could not understand . our sallies many times began but with small parties ; capt. noble , and sometimes other officers , when they saw the enemy make an approach , wou'd run out with about ten or twelve men at their heels , and skirmish'd a while with them : when the besieged saw them engaged , and in any danger , they issued out in greater numbers to their relief , and always came off with great execution on the enemy , and with very little loss to themselves . in all these sallies we lost none of any note , but lieutenant douglas and captain cuningham , whom the enemy took prisoner , and after quarter given , basely murdred . they did not want being reproach'd with so signal an instance of their cruelty and breach of faith , neither did they want impudence to deny it by the addition of many bloody oaths and protestations ; but it was too evident by the testimony of their own officers and souldiers , that were afterwards our prisoners . but this sort of proceeding was very usual with them , and agreeable to an account we had of their obligation by oath and resolutions , not to keep faith with us , and to break whatever articles were given us : which a prisoner with us , ( troubled in conscience , that he had engaged himself with so wicked and perfidious men ) discover'd to us . we were convinced of the truth of it by some examples they gave us after this : when they hung out a white flag to invite us to a treaty , mr. walker ventur'd out to come within hearing of my lord lowth and colonel o neale , and in his passage had an hundred shot fired at him ; he got the shelter of a house , and upbraiding them with this treachery , bid them order their men to be quiet or he wou'd order all the guns on the walls to fire at them ; they deny'd they knew any thing of it : and this was all the satisfaction to be expected from persons of such a principle . at another time the enemy desired one white might have leave to come to them ; the besieged sent him in a little boat , with two men , upon parol , which they broke very dishonourably , keeping both the men and boat with them . the loss of the boat was considerable to us , for the gentlemen that left us took all our boats , and left them to the sea and wind , and this was the only boat we had remaining . the enemy remove their main body from st. johnstown , and pitch their tents upon bely ugry-hill , about two miles distant from derry s.s.w. they place guards on all sides of the town , so that the besieged found it impossible to receive or convey any intelligence , and great difficulty to come to the wells for water , which they often fought for , and cost some of them their blood. one gentleman had a bottle broke at his mouth by a shot ; yet the water of the town was so muddy and troubled with our continual-firing , and so many going to it , that we were forced to run those hazards . june 4. the besiegers make an attack at the wind-mill works , with a body of foot and horse ; the horse they divided into three squadrons , and assaulted us at the rivers side , it being low water ; the foot attack the rest of our line . the front of the horse was composed of gentlemen that had bound themselves by an oath , that they wou'd mount our line ; they were commanded by captain butler , second son to my lord montgarret . our men place themselves within our line in three ranks , so advantageously that one rank was always ready to march up and relieve the other , and discharge successively upon the enemy , which ( thô 't is strange how they could think otherwise ) was great surprize and astonishment to them ; for they it seems expected we should make but one single volley , and then they cou'd fall in upon us . their foot had fagots laid before them for a defence against our shot ; they and the horse began with a loud huzza , which was seconded from all parts of their camp with most dreadful shrieks and howlings of a numerous rabble that attended the enemy . the fagot-men are not able to stand before our shot , but are forced to quit their new defence and run for it : capt. butler tops our work , which was but a dry bank of 7 foot high at the water side , and thirty of his sworn party of horse follow him . our men wondred to find they had spent so many shot , and that none of them fell : but capt. crooke observed they had armour on and then commanded to fire at their horses , which turn'd to so good account ▪ that but three of these bold men with much difficulty made their escape . we wonder'd the foot did not ( according to custom ) run faster , till we took notice that in their retreat they took the dead on their backs , and so preserv'd their own bodies from the remainder of our shot , which was more service than they did when alive . the enemy in this action lost 400 of their fighting men , most of their officers were kill'd captain butler was taken prisoner , and several others , which are mentioned in the list. we lost on our side six private men , and one captain maxwell : two of the men were kill'd by a shot of a great gun from the other side the water , opposit to the wind-mill works . this night the enemy from strong-orchard play their bombs which were 273 pound weight apiece , and contained several pounds of powder in the shell ; they plowed up our streets , and broke down our houses , so that there was no passing the streets nor staying within doors , but all flock to the walls , and the remotest parts of the town , where we continued very safe , while many of our sick were killed being not able to leave their houses : they plied the besieged so close with great guns in the day time , and bombs in the night ▪ and somtimes in the day , that they could not enjoy their rest , but were hurry'd from place to place , and tyer'd into faintness and diseases , which destroy'd many of the garison , which was reduced to 6185 men the 15 of this month ; these bombs were some advantage to us , on one account , for being under great want of fuel , they supply'd us plentifully from the houses they threw down , and the timber they broke for us . june 7. three ships came up to killmore f●rt , and fired at the castle , and attempted coming up the river ; but one of them unfortunately run aground , and lay some time at the mercy of the enemies shot , and so much on her side , she could not make any return ; but at length with some pleasure we saw her get off , and , as we believed , without much loss or damage . june 15. we discovered a fleet of 30 sail of ships in the lough , which we believed came from england for our relief , but we could not propose any method to get intelligence from them , and we did fear it was impossible they could get to us ; and the enemy now begin to watch us more narrowly . they raise batteries opposite to the ships , and line both sides of the river with great numbers of fire locks . they draw down their guns to charles-fort , a place of some strength upon the narrow part of the river , where the ships were to pass ; here they contrived to place a boom of timber , joyned by iron chains , and fortified by a cable of 12 inches thick twisted round it ; they made this boom first of oak , but that could not float , and was soon broke by the force of the water : then they made one of firr-beams which answered their purpose better ; it was fastned at one end through the arch of a bridg , at the other by a piece of timber forced into the ground and fortified with a piece of stone work . this account , as we had it from the prisoners , did much trouble us , and scarce left us any hopes ; we made several signs to the ships from the steeple , and they to us from their ships , but with very little information to either . at last a messenger got to us , one roch , from major general kirk , who gor to the water-side over-against us , and then swam cross the river ; he gave us an account of the ships , men , provision and arms in them for our relief ; the great concern of the major general for us , and his care and desire to get with his ships up to the town . he sent another messenger along with this , one crumy a scotch man , to give us this account , and to know the condition of our garison , but he was taken prisoner : there was soon an understanding between him and the enemy , he is instructed to frame a message much differing from the other ; they hang out a white flag , inviteing us to a parlee ; they tell us we are under great mistakes about the major general , and our expectation of relief from england , that they were all there in confusion , and that we might have leave to inform our selves further from the messenger they had taken , either in private or publick : we sent some to that purpose , but they soon discovered the cheat , and returned to us with other particular accounts of his treachery . we received further intelligence in july by a little boy , that with great ingenuity made two dispatches to us from the major general at inch. one letter he brought ty'd in his garter , another at his second coming within a cloth button . we sent our first answer made up within a piece of a bladder , in the shape of a suppositor , and the same way applied to the boy ; our second answer he carry'd within the folding of his breeches , and falling among the enemy , for fear of a discovery he swallowed the letter , and after some short confinement and endeavour to extort some thing from him , he made his escape again to the major general . major general kirk's letter to mr. walker . sir , i have received yours by the way of inch : i writ to you sunday last , that i would endeavour all means imaginable for your relief , and find it impossible by the river , which made me send a party to inch , where i am going my self to try if i can beat off their camp , or divert them , so that they shall not press you . i have sent officers , ammunition , arms , great guns , &c. to iniskillin , who have 3000 foot and 1500 horse , and a regiment of dragoons , that has promised to come to their relief , and at the same time i will attack the enemy by inch ; i expect 6000 men from england every minute , they having bin shipt these 8 days ; i have stores and victuals for you , and am resolved to relieve you . england and scotland are in a good posture , and all things very well setled ; be good husbands of your victuals , and by gods help we shall overcome these barbarous people : let me hear from you as often as you can , and the messenger shall have what reward he will. i have several of the enemy has deserted to me , who all assure me they cannot stay long : i hear from iniskillin the duke of barwick is beaten , i pray god it be true , for then nothing can hinder them joyning you or me . sir , to mr. george walker . your faithful servant , j. kirke . but to return to our story , the besieged send many a longing look towards the ships , their allowance being very small , as you may see by the account of allowances out of the store : they build a boat of 8 oars a side , and man it well , with intent to make to the fleet , and give the major general an account of the sad condition we were in ; they set out with the best of our wishes and prayers but were forced to return , it being impossible they could indure the showers of shot that were poured in upon them from each side the river . june 18. captain noble went up the river , and took twenty men along with him , with a design to rob the fish-house , but was prevented by alarum from the enemies boats ; however he engaged them , killed a lieutenant , one ensign , and five private men , took fourteen prisoners and both their boats. the boats we offer'd to return , and to give the best prisoner we had , for leave to send a messenger to the ships ; but we could not prevail : we had agreed for five hundred pound for l. col. t●lbot's ransom , ( commonly called wicked will ) we profer'd him his liberty , and to remit the mony on the same score , but we could not obtain this favour upon any terms : soon after the lieutenant col. died of his wounds , and we lost the benefit of our bargain ; tho' we took all imaginable care to keep him alive , permitted him his chirurgeon and diet from the enemy , at times agreed on , favours that we allow'd all the prisoners , when we were starving our selves , which we did not put any great value on , but that the enemy so ill deserv'd them . at this time governor baker is very dangerously ill , and col. michelburn is chosen and appointed to assist governor walker , that when one cōmanded in sallies the other might take care of the town ; and if one shou'd fall the town might not be left without a government , and to the hazard of new elections . june 24. or thereabouts , conrad de rosen , marshal general of the irish forces , is received into the enemies camp ; and finding how little the enemy had prevail'd against us , expressed him self with great fury against us , and swore by the belly of god , he would demolish our town and bury us in its ashes , putting all to the sword , without consideration of age or sex , and wou'd study the most exquisite torments to lengthen the misery and pain of all he found obstinate , or active in opposing his commands and pleasure : but these threatnings , as well as his promises , in which he was very eloquent and obliging ▪ had very little power with us ; god having under all our difficulties establish'd us with a spirit and resolution above all fear or temptation to any mean compliances , we having devoted our lives to the defence of our city , our religion , and the interest of king william and queen mary . for fear any one should contrive surrendring the town , or move it to the garrison ▪ the governour made an order , that no such thing should be mention'd upon pain of death . every day some or other deserted the garrison , so that the enemy receiv'd constant intelligence of our proceedings . this gave some trouble and made us remove our ammunition very often , and contrive many other amusements . our iron ball is now all spent , and instead of them we make balls of brick , cast over with lead , to the weight and size of our iron-ball . the gunners did not pretend to be great artists , yet they were very industrious and scarce spent a shot without doing some remarkable execution . the marshal de rosen orders 3 mortar pieces and several pieces of ordnance against the windmill side of the town , as also two culverins opposite to butchers-gate ; he runs a line out of bog-street up within ten perches of the half bastion of that gate , in order to prepare matters for laying and springing a mine ; he made approaches to our line , designing to hinder the relief of our out guards , and to give us trouble in fetching water from colum kills well ; he defends his line with a strong guard in hopes to seize our out-works , if we shou'd chance to be negligent in our posts and neglect keeping good guards . by the contrivance of our governour and colonel michelburn , and the directions and care of captain shomberg , or rather being instructed by the working , motions and example of the enemy , as well as we could observe them ; we countermine the enemy before the butchers-gate , the governour contrives a blind to preserve our work , from the enemies battery . the enemy fired continually from their trenches , and we make them due returns with sufficient damage to them ; for few days passed , but some of the choice and most forward of their men fell by our arms and firing . june 30. at ten of the clock at n●ght my l. clancarty at the head of a regiment , and with some detachments , possesses himself of our line , and enters some miners in a low cellar under the half bastion . capt. noble , capt. dunbar and several other gentlemen fally by order at the bishops-gate , and creep along the wall till they came very near the enemies guards ; our men receive their firing quietly , til they got to a right di●●●nce , and then thundred upon them . our case-shot from the bastion and small shot off the walls second the salliers firing so effectually , that his lordship was forc'd to quit his post , and hasten to the main body of the enemy , and to leave his miners and an hundred of his best men dead upon the place ; besides , several officers and souldiers were wounded ▪ and died of their wounds some days after this action , as we were informed . we were often told , that some great thing was to be perform'd by this lord ; and they had a prophecy among them , that a clancarty should knock at the gates of derry ; the credulity and superstition of his country , with the vanity of so brave an attempt , and some good liquor , easily warm'd him to this bold undertaking ; but we see how little value is to be put on irish prophesies , or courage so supported . june 30. governor baker dies , his death was a sensible loss to us , and generally lamented , being a valiant person ; in all his actions among us shew'd the greatest honour , courage and conduct , and would it suit a design of a journal , might fill a great share of this account with his character . and indeed there were so many great things done by all our officers and men , and so often , that 't is impossible to account them all ; but certainly never people in the world behaved themselves better , and they cannot want mentioning upon other occasion , where it may be more to their advantage than to fill this paper with their story . about this time lieutenant gen. hamilton offers conditions to the garrison , and they seem to hearken to them ▪ till they had us'd that opportunity to search for provision to support the great necessity of the garrison , which was now brought to that extremity , that they were forc'd to feed upon horse flesh , dogs , cats , rats and mice , greaves of a year old , tallow , and starch , of which they had good quantities as also salted and dried hides , &c. yet they unanimously resolv'd to eat the irish , and then one another , rather than surrender to any but their own king william and queen mary . our answer to the lieutenant general was , that we much wonder'd he shou'd expect we cou'd place any confidence in him , that had so unwort●ily broke faith with our king ; that he was once generously trusted , thô an enemy , yet betray'd his trus● , and we cou'd not believe that he had learn'd more sincerity in an irish camp. general rosen sends us a letter to this effect , that if we did not deliver the town to him by six of the clock in the afternoon on the 1st day of july , according to lieutenant gen. hamilton 's proposals , he wou'd dispatch his orders as far as balishanny , charlimont , belfast , and the barony of inishowen , and rob all protected , as well as vnprotected protestants , that were either related to us , or of our faction , and that they shou'd be driven under the walls of derry , where they should perish , if not reliev'd by the besieged . he threatned , to burn and lay waste all our country , if there should appear the least probability of any troops coming for our relief : yet , if the garrison would become loyalists ( as they termed it ) and surrender the town on any tolerable conditions , he would protect them from all injuries and give them his favour . but the besieged receive all these proposals with contempt and some indignation , which did produce some heat and disorder in the mareschal . among the bombs thrown into town , there was one dead shell , in which was a letter declaring to the souldiers the proposals made by the lieutenant general ; for they imagined them strangers to their condescensions , and that their officers wou'd not communicate such things to them . copies also of these proposals were conveyed into town by villains , who disperse them about the town , but all to no purpose ; for they will not entertain the least thought of surrendring , and it would cost a mans life to speak of it , it was so much abhor'd . july 2. the enemy drive the poor protestants , according to their threatning , under our walls , protected and unprotected , men , women and children , and under great distresses . our men at first did not understand the meaning of such a crowd , but fearing they might be enemies , fired upon them ; we were troubled when we found the mistake , but it supported us to a great degree , when we found that none of them were touch'd by our shot , which by the direction of providence ( as if every bullet had its commission what to do ) spared them , and found out and kill'd three of the enemy , that were some of those that drove the poor people into so great a danger . there were some thousands of them , and they did move great compassion in us , but warm'd us with new rage and fury against the enemy , so that in sight of their camp we immediately erect a gallows , and signified to them we were resolved to hang their friends that were our prisoners , if they did not suffer these poor people to return to their own houses . we send to the enemy , that the prisoners might have priests to prepare them after their own methods for death ; but none came . we upbraid them with breach of promises , and the prisoners detect their barbarity , declaring , they could not blame us to put them to death , seeing their people exercis'd such severity and cruelty upon our poor friends , that were under their protections . they desired leave from the governor ▪ to write to l.g. hamilton ; they had a much better opinion of him than we cou'd be perswaded into ; yet we allow a messenger to carry the following letter to him from their prisoners . my lord , upon the hard dealing the protected ( as well as other protestants ) have met withal in being sent under the walls , you have so incens'd the governor and others of this garrison , that we are all condemn'd by a court martial to dye to morrow , unless those poor people be withdrawn . we have made application to marshal general de rosen ; but having received no answer , we make it our request to you ( as knowing you are a person that does not delight in shedding innocent blood ) that you will represent our condition to the martial general . the lives of 20 prisoners lye at stake , and therefore require your diligence and care . we are all willing to die ( with our swords in our hands ) for his majesty ; but to suffer like malefactors is hard , nor can we lay our blood to the charge of the garrison , the governor and the rest having used and treated us with all civility imaginable . we remain to l.g. hamilton . your most dutiful and dying friends , netervill , writ by another hand , he himself has lost the fingers of his right-hand . e. butler , g. aylmor , — mac donnel , — darcy , &c in the name of all the rest . the lieutenant general , to shew his great concern for his friends , returns this answer to our prisoners letter . gentlemen , in answer to yours ; what those poor people are like to suffer , they may thank themselves for , being their own fault ; which they may prevent by accepting the conditions have been offer'd them ; and if you suffer in this it cannot be help'd , but shall be reveng'd on many thousands of those people ( as well innocent as others ) within or without that city . yours r. hamilton . but however the sight of our gallows and the importunity of some friends of those that were to suffer upon them , prevailed upon the lieutenant general : so that july 4. the poor protestants have leave to repair to their several habitations ; we took down the gallows , and order'd the prisoners to their usual apartments . our garrison now consisted of 5709 men , and to lessen our number yet more , we crowded 500 of our useless people among the protestants under the walls , who pass'd undiscover'd with them , thô the enemy suspected the design ; and to distinguish them , they pretended of finding them out by the smell . we also got into our garrison some effectual men out of their number : they were in a most miserable condition , yet dreaded nothing more than our pity of them , and willingness to receive them ; begging of us on their knees , not to take them into the town , but chose rather to perish under our walls , than to hazard us within them . the governour has several intimations given him by a friend in the enemies camp , that he should look to himself , that some mischief was intended him . soon after this he understood some jealousy was entertain'd among the souldiers , that he had great quantity of provisions hid in his house . some of the garrison improv'd this to that degree , that there was great danger of a mutiny among the men , and that he then began to remember the caution was given ; but by his instructions to a souldier , that was to pretend , he himself had the same suspicion ; it was contriv'd that the house was privately search'd , and their curiosity being satisfied , they return to the good opinion of their governour . he observ'd likewise , that the enemy had endeavour'd to insinuate to the garrison , that he was to betray the town to king james , and was to be highly prefer'd for the service . this put them in mind of a message that one mr. cole brought to mr. walker in the beginning of may last , and however it was then supprest , the story is now reviv'd , and the governour in some danger . — mr. cole being taken by the enemy , and continuing their prisoner for some time , is at last admitted to some discourse with the lieutenant general , who enquired particularly , what sort of person mr. walker was ; who he was most intimate with ? mr. cole ( among several of mr. walker's friends ) at last names himself , hoping by this means to be employ'd on a message to him and to obtain his liberty . the lieutenant general ask●d , whether he wou'd do service for k. james , and carry some proposals he had orders to make to mr. walker ? he told he wou'd ; and upon this immediately he has a pass given him , and is dispatch'd upon a message to mr. walker . mr. cole being got safe into the town , was receiv'd with great joy , and so well pleas'd with his liberty that he forgot his business , only casually mentions it to some of the garrison , with other discourse . mr. walker ( after this ) meeting several of them , they saluted him by some great names and titles . mr. walker easily saw the danger of this , and finding it was occasion'd by discourses of mr. cole , he order'd him immediately to be confin'd ; and being examin'd , he unriddles the mystery , and gave all people satisfaction , so that they remain'd in no more doubt of their governour . but under these , and many other such like difficulties , the governour ( not without some trouble and industry ) reassum'd his credit with the garrison , which god was pleased to preserve to him in spight of all the inventiōs and designs to the contrary . from our works we cou'd talk with the enemy ; several of our men gave account of discourses with the irish , that they express'd great prejudice and hatred of the french , cursing those damn'd fellows that walked in trunks , ( meaning their jack-boots ) that had all preferments in the army that fell , and took the bread out of their mouths , and they believ'd wou'd have all the kingdom to themselves at last . july 8. the garrison now is reduced to 5520 men. july 13. the garrison reduced to — 5313 men. july 17. the garrison is reduced to — 5114 men. july 22. the garrison reduced to — 4973 men. july 25. the garrison reduced to — 4892 men. this day the besieged made another sally , which was performed after this manner : the day before we had a council of war , and all sworn to secresie ; the result of which was , that the ne●t day at three in the morning 200 men should sally out of bishops-gate , 200 men at butchers-gate , and 1100 should be ready within the ravelin for a reserve . our design was to bring in some of the enemies cattle ; they surprized the enemy in their trenches . one regiment draws up against them in good order , but had only three of their matches lighted ; we came upon them over against butchers-gate and kill'd 300 of their men , besides officers . the execution had been much greater , but many of our men being much weakned with hunger were not able to pursue them , some falling with their own blows . we return'd without any purchase of cattle , but were advis'd to a more easie experiment ; having one cow left we ty'd her to a stake , and set fire to her . we had hopes given us , that by the cry and noise she wou'd make , the enemies cattle would be disturbed and come to her relief ; and they began to move and set up their tails , so that we hoped to have gain'd our point ; but the cow got loose , and turn'd to no account , only the danger of losing her . july 27. the garrison is reduced to 4456 men , and under the greatest extremity for want of provision , which does appear by this account taken by a gentleman in the garrison , of the price of our food .   l. s. d.   horse-flesh sold for 0 1 8 per pound . fatned by eating the bodies of the slain irish. a quarter of a dog 0 5 6 a dogs-head 0 2 6 a cat 0 4 6 a rat 0 1 0 a mouse 0 0 6 a small flook taken in the river , not to be bought for mony , or purchased under the rate of a quantity of meal . a pound of greaves 0 1 0 a pound of tallow 0 4 0 a pound of salted hides   1 0 a quart of horse blood 0 1 0 a horse-pudding 0 0 6 an handful of sea wreck   0 2 of chick-weed   0 1 a quart of meal when found ,   1 0 we were under so great necessity , that we had nothing left unless we could prey upon one another : a certain fat gentleman conceived himself in the greatest danger , and fancying several of the garrison lookt on him with a greedy eye , thought fit to hide himself for three days . our drink was nothing but water , which we paid very dear for , and cou'd not get without great danger ; we mixt in it ginger and anniseeds , of which we had great plenty ; our necessity of eating the composition of tallow and starch , did not only nourish and support us , but was an infallible cure of the looseness ; and recovered a great many that were strangely reduced by that distemper , and preserved others from it . † the governour being with good reason apprehensive , that these discouragements might at length overcome that resolution the garrison had so long continued , considers of all imaginable methods to support them , and finding in himself still that confidence . that god would not ( after so long and miraculous a preservation ) suffer them to be a prey to their enemies , preaches in the cathedral , and encourages their constancy , and endeavours to establish them in it , by reminding them of several instances of providence given them since they first came into that place , and of what consideration it was to the protestant religion at this time ; and that they need not doubt , but that god would at last deliver them from the difficulties they were under . july 30. about an hour after sermon being in the midst of our extremity , we saw some ships in the lough make towards us , and we soon discovered they were the ships major general kirk had sent us , according to his promise , when we could hold out no longer , that he would be sure to relieve us , to the hazard of himself , his men and his ships . the mountjoy of derry , captain browning commander , the phoenix of colrain , captain douglas master ; being both loaden with provision , were convoy'd by the dartmouth-frigat . the enemy fired most desperately upon them from the fort of culmore , and both sides the river ; and they made sufficient returns , and with the greatest bravery . the mountjoy made a little stop at the boom , occasioned by her rebound after striking and breaking it , so that she was run a-ground ; upon this the enemy set up the loudest huzza's , and the most dreadful to the besieged that ever we heard : fired all their guns upon her , and were preparing their boats to board her ; our trouble is not to be expressed at this dismal prospect , but by great providence firing a broad side , the shock loosned her so that she got clear , and passed their boom . captain douglas all this while was engaged , and the dartmouth gave them very warm entertainment : at length the ships got to us , to the unexpressible joy and transport of our distressed garrison , for we only reckon'd upon two days life , and had only nine lean horses left , and among us all one pint of meal to each man ; hunger and the fatigue of war had so prevail'd among us , that of 7500 men regimented , we had now alive but about 4300 , whereof at least one fourth part were rendered unserviceable . this brave undertaking added to the great success god had blessed us with in all our attempts , so discourag'd the enemy , that on the last of july , they ran away in the night time , rob'd and burnt all before them for several miles , leaving nothing with the country people , but what they hid the night before , in which their care was so great , that provision grew very plentiful after it . in the next morning our men , after refreshment with a proper share of our new provisions , went out to see what was become of the enemy ; they saw them on their march , and pursued them a little too far , so that the rear-guard of the enemies horse turned upon them , and killed seven of our men. they encamped at strabane , but hearing of the defeat of their forces under l. general maccarty , by the innis killing men , they removed their camp , and thought fit to make some haste to get farther off ; they broke into pieces four of their great guns , and threw twelve cartloads of arms and ammunition into the river . thus after 105 days , being close besieged by near 20000 men constantly supplied from dublin , god almighty was pleassed in our greatest extremity to send relief , to the admiration and joy of all good people , and to the great disappointment of so powerful and inveterate an enemy ; who were concerned in point of interest , as well as reputation to have rendered themselves masters of that town . the enemy lost between eight or nine thousand men before our walls , and a hundred of their best officers , according to the best computation we could make of both , by the information of the prisoners we took , most of these fell by the sword , the rest of fevers and flux , and the french pox , which was very remarkable on the bodies of several of their dead officers and soldiers . we are now under some impatience , to see major-general kirk , under god and the king , our deliverer . aug. 1. the governor orders c. white , c. dobbin , c. j. hamilton . capt. jenny and mr. jo. fox , both clergy-men , to wait on the major-general at inch , to give him an account of the raising the siege , and to carry him our thanks , and desire him to come and receive the garrison . the next day the major-general sent to us col. steward , and col. richards the engineer , to congratulate our deliverance . on sunday the major-general came into the town , and was received by the governor , and the whole garrison , with the greatest joy and acclamations . the governor presents him with the keys , but he wou'd not receive them . the next day the governor ( with several of his officers ) dined with the major-general at inch ; he complemented the major-general with his regiment , that after doing the king all the service in his power , he might return to his own profession : but the major-general desired him to dispose of it as he pleased , and accordingly he gave it to captain white , as a mark of his respect , and the gentleman 's known merit . upon this , we call a council at derry , the governor is prevailed on to go to the king , and to carry an address from the garrison . the garrison is now form'd , and of eight regiments made into six . after assurance from the major-general , of his care and favor to his men , and particularly to his own regiment , he took leave of them and embarked for england . to the most excellent majesty of william and mary , king and queen of england , scotland , france , and ireland , defenders of the faith , &c. the humble address of the governors , officers , clergy , and other gentlemen , in the city and garrison of londonderry . we the most dutiful and loyal subscribers of this address , ( out of a deep sense of our late miserable estate and condition ) do hereby return our due acknowledgments to almighty god , and to your sacred majesty , and , under you , to the indefatigable care of major-general kirk , for our unexpected relief by sea , in spight of all the opposition of our industrious , but bloody and implacable enemies ; which relief was no less wonderfully , than seasonably , conveyed to us , and that , at the very nick of time , when we ( who survived many thousands that died here of famine during the siege ) were just ready to be cut off , and perish , by the hands of barbarous , cruel , and inhuman wretches ; who no sooner saw us delivered , and that they could not compass their wicked designs against this your majesties city , and our lives , ( for which they thirsted ) immediately set all the country round us on fire , after having plundered , robbed , and stripped all the protestants therein , as well those persons they themselves granted protections to , as others : we do therefore most sincerely rejoice with all our souls , and bless god for all his singular and repeated mercies and deliverances ; and do for ever adore the divine providence for your majesties rightful and peaceable accession to the imperial crown of these kingdoms ( the proclaiming of which was justly celebrated in these parts with vniversal joy ; ) and we do with all humble submission present to your sacred majesty our unfeigned loyalty , the most valuable tribute we can give , or your majesty receive from us . and since the same providence has ( through much difficulty ) made us so happy as to be your subjects , we come in the like humility to lay our selves intirely at your royal feet , and do most heartily and resolvedly offer and engage our lives and fortunes to your service . and further , we do most unanimously join in a firm and unchangeable vow and resolution of improving all occasions of becoming serviceable to your majesty , in what station soever it shall please god and your majesty to place us ; and will expose our selves to all hazards and extremities to serve your majesty against the common enemy . from all which promises , vows and services , we and every of us promise ( without any exception or reserve ) not to recede unto our lives end . in testimony of all which , we have hereunto subscribed our names at londonderry this 29th day of july , anno dom. 1689. george walker john michelbourn richard crofton thomas lane hugh hamill charles kinaston william campbell gervase squire henry monry henry campsie adam morrow john dobbin alexander steward thomas gughtredge thomas johnston thomas newcomen edward davyes john hamilton thomas ash robert boyd ralph fullerton michael cunningham joseph johnston robert bayley william grove john m c clelland james graham william thompson james young richard cormach oliver apton alex. knox patt moore john humes robert dennison marmaduke stewart james fleming andrew grigson christopher jenny thomas smyth bartholomew black john campbell robert morgan michael clenaghan richard fane stephen godfrey william hamilton robert rogers jame galtworth richard islen arthur hamilton michael rullack james stiles james cunningham archibald mc. culloch francis obre alexander sanderson archibald sanderson arthur noble philip dunbarr george white thomas white ja. gledstanes john maghlin james tracy john halshton joseph gordon james hairs andrew hamilton adam ardock robert wallace george church richard flemin henry cust john crofton benjamin wilkins thomas lane james blair dudley phillips john buchanan edward curling william church dalway clements albert hall matthew cocken thomas brunett william stewart franc. wilson matt. mc. clellany george crofton william babington robert king john logan alexander rankin edmund rice robert walker james mc. carmick john cochran james mc. cartny warren godfrey john cunningham henry lane george walker hannston andrew bailly daniel mons. cuistion john bailly robert lyndsie francis boyd james carr william montgomery james moore nicholas white john fuller thomas key frederick kye thomas baker john hering james hufton adam downing abraham hilhouse john mucholland robert bennet william dobbin george garnet james barrington henry pearse alexander ratliffe thomas odayre john hamilton henry — verett daniel fisher john cross william cross bernard mulhollan david mulhollan thomas conlay robert skinner richard robinson robert maghlin matthew clarke john clements vvilliam manson theophilus manson james manson the declaration of the gentlemen of derry , upon the news of a general massacre intended of the protestants , decemb. 9. to all christian people to whom these presents shall come , the mayor , sheriffs , and citizens of the city of london-derry , send greeting . having received intimation from several creditable persons , that an insurrection of the irish-papists was intended , and by them a general massacre of the protestants in this kingdom , and the same to be acted and perpetrated on or about the 9th . of this instant december ; and being confirmed in our fear and jealousie of so horrible a design by many palpable insinuations , dubious expressions , monitory letters , and positive informations , all conducing and concurring to beget in us a trembling expectation of a sudden and inevitable ruin and destruction ; we disposed our selves to a patient and quiet resignation to the divine providence , hoping for some deliverance and diversion of this impending misery , or to receive from the hands of god such a measure of constancy and courage as might inable us to possess our souls in patience , and submissively to wait the issue of so severe a trial : accordingly , when on the 5th . instant part of the earl of antrim's forces advanced to take possession of this place , though we looked on our selves as sheep appointed for slaughter , and on them as the executioners of vengeance on us , yet we contrived no other means of escape than by flight , and with all precipitation to hurry away our families into other places and countries . but it pleased god , who watches over us , so to order things , that when they were ready to enter the city , a great number of the younger , and some of the meaner sort of the inhabitants , run happily to the gates and shut them , loudly denying entrance to such guests , and obstinately refusing obedience to us . at first we were amazed at the enterprise , and apprehensive of the many ill circumstances and consequences , that might result from so rash an vndertaking ; but since that , having received repeated advertisements of the general design , and particular informations , which may rationally induce us to believe it ; and being credibly assured , that under the pretence of six companies to quarter amongst us , a vast swarm of highland and irish papists , were on the ways and roads approaching to us ; that some of the popish clergy in our neighbour-hood , had bought up arms , and provided an unusual furniture of iron chains for bridles , ( whereof sixty were bespoke in one place ) and some of them seized , and now in our custody ; we began to consider it as an especial instance of god's mercy towards us , that we were not delivered over as a prey unto them , and that it pleased him to stir up the spirits of the people so unexpectedly to provide for their and our common safety , and preservation : wherefore we do declare and remonstrate to the world , that as we have resolved to stand upon our guards , and defend our walls ; and not to admit of any papist whatsoever to quarter amongst us , so we have firmly and sincerely determined to persevere in our duty and loyalty to our sovereign lord the king , without the least breach of mutiny , or seditious opposition to his royal commands . and since no other motives have prompt us to this resolution , but the preservation of our lives ▪ and to prevent the plots and machinations of the enemies of the protestant religion ; we are encouraged to hope that the government will vouchsafe a candid and favourable interpretation of our proceedings , and that all his majesties protestant subjects will interpose with their prayers to god , their sollicitations to the king , and their advice and assistance to us on this so extraordinary and immergent an occasion , which not only have an influence on the rest of the kingdom , but may have a probable aspect towards the interest of the protestant religion , and may deserve a favourable regard from all the professors thereof in his majesties dominions . god save the king. an order of the council of war before the defeat at claudyford . londonderry , april 31. 1689. at a general council of war then held , it was resolved unanimously , that on munday morning then next following , at ten of the clock , all officers and soldiers of horse , dragoons and foot , and all other armed men whatsoever of our forces and friends , inlisted and not inlisted , that can and will fight for their country and religion , against popery , shall appear in the fittest ground near claudyford , lifford , and long-kawsy , as shall be nearest to their several and respective quarters , there to draw up in battalions to be ready to fight the enemy , and preserve our lives , and all that is dear to us , from them ; and all officers and soldiers of horse and foot , and dragoons , and others that are arm'd , are requir'd to be then and there in order to the purpose aforesaid , and to bring a weeks provision at least with them for men , and as much forage as they can for horses . proposals made to collonel lundee , governour of derry , by major stroud . april 13. as aforesaid . i. the said major proposed to the said governor , to defend the castle of raphoe , or demolish it . ii. how inconsiderable every troop and company were , that went by the names of troops and companies , instancing the regiment of my lord mount-allexander , all then dispersed except his own troop , and capt. vpton's troop ; which both joined would not make one good troop . iii. that the said major proposed to the said governor , that harrows should be thrown into the fords , and for want thereof , the instruments called round-head , which would have answered the same purpose ; and fearing that the proposals aforesaid might be neglected that night , the said major stroud writ also to the same effect and purpose to the governor by captain whaley , who delivered the same letter accordingly ; and if these propositions had been observed , the enemy could not have passed the ford : but not being observed , and on monday following , finding the enemy in good posture on the other side of the water , drawing battalions down to the ford , he drew up what men he could to make opposition , who cried out , that they wanted powder , and most of them arms ; and in like manner the major applying to the fort near claudy bridge , they also cried out for want of powder ; and from thence returning to the horse , he found them breaking , and after retreating near a mile , prevailed with them to rally , in order to bring off the foot , especially the regiment of antrim's , which was accordingly done . at the same time the souldiers told me , that the governor was gone by , and some others , which made him very earnest to be gone ; saying , i would keep them there to be cut off . declaration of vnion , march 21. 1688. whereas either by folly , or weakness of friends , or craft and stratagem of enemies , some rumours and reflections are spread abroad among the vulgar , that the right honourable the lord blaney , sir arthur rawdon , lieutenant colonel maxwel , and other gentlemen and officers of quality , are resolved to take protections from the irish , and desert the general service for defence of the protestant party in this kingdom , to the great discouragement of such who are so weak , as to give credit to so false , scandalous , and malicious a report . for wiping off which aspersion , and clearing the minds of all protestant friends wheresoever , from all suspicions and jealousies of that kind or otherwise , it is hereby unanimously declared , protested , and published to all men , by col. robert lundy , governour of derry , the said lord blaney , sir arthur rawdon , and other officers and gentlemen , subscribing hereunto , that they and their forces and souldiers are entirely united among themselves , and fully , and absolutely resolved to oppose the irish enemy with their utmost force , and to continue the war against them to the last , for their own and all protestants preservation in this kingdom . and the committee of london-derry , for themselves , and for all the citizens of the said city , do hereby declare , protest , and publish to all men , that they are heartily and sincerely united with the said col. robert lundy , lord blaney , sir arthur rawdon , and all others that joyn in this common cause , and with all their force and utmost power will labour to carry on the said war. and if it should happen that our party should be so oppress'd by the irish enemy , that they should be forced to retire into this city for shelter against them , ( which god forbid ) the said lord blaney , sir arthur rawdon , and their forces , and all other protestant friends , shall be readily received into this city , and as much as in us lies , be cherished and supported by us . dated at london-derry the 21 st . of march , 1688. robert lundy . blaney . william stewart . arthur rawdon . george maxwell . james curry . john forward . hugh mac gill. william ponsonby . h. baker . chich. fortescus . james brabazon . john hill. samuel norman . alexander tomkins . matt. cocken . horas kennedy , sheriffs . edward brookes , sheriffs . alexander lecky . francis nevill . james lennox . frederick cowsingham . john leslie . henry long. william crookshanks . massareene . clot. sheffington . arthur vpton . samuel morrison . thomas cole . francis ferster . ed. cary. john cowan . kilner brasier . james hamilton . john sinclare . from on board the swallow , near red-castle , at two afternoon , the 15 th . of april , 1689. sir , hearing you have taken the field , in order to fight the enemy , i have thought it necessary for his majesty's service , to let you know there are two well-disciplined regiments here on board , that may joyn you in two days at farthest , i am sure they will be of great use in any occasion , but especially for the encouragement of raw men , as i judge most of yours are : therefore it is my opinion , that you only stop the passage of the enemy at the foords of finn , till i can joyn you , and afterwards , if giving battel be necessary , you will be in a much better posture for it than before . i must ask your pardon if i am too free in my advice ; according to the remote prospect i have of things , this seems most reasonable to me ; but as his majesty has left the whole direction of matters to you , so you shall find that no man living shall more chearfully obey you , than your most humble servant . john cunningham . orders and instructions for our trusty and well-beloved , john cunningham esquire , colonel of one of our regiments of foot , and upon his death or absence , to col. solomon richards , or to the officer in chief , with the regiments whereof they are colonels . william , r. you are without delay to repair to the quarters of the regiment under your command , and take care that it be in a readiness to march to liverpool at such a time as you shall appoint . whereupon you are to go to liverpool , and to enquire what ships there are in that port appointed to carry over the two regiments , whereof you and solomon richards are colonels , to the town of london-derry ; and whether the frigat , ordered for their convoy , be arrived there ; and as soon as the said ships and frigat shall be in a readiness to sail , and fitted with all provisions necessary for the sustenance of the said regiments in their passage to the said town , and for their return from thence , if there be occasion . you are to cause col. richards regiment to go on board , and at the same time to order the regiment whereof you are colonel , to march to liverpool , and to embarque with all speed . and whereas we have ordered one thousand arms to be carried to liverpool , you are to cause such a number of the said arms as shall be wanting in the said regiments to be delivered unto them , and the residue of the said arms and stores now there to be put on shipboard , and carried to londonderry , to be there employed for our service as the governour of the said town and you shall think fit . and we having also directed the sum of two thousand pounds sterling , to be paid unto you at chester , by matthew anderton esq collector of our customs there , you are hereby authorised and required to receive the same , and ●o dispose of the said sum towards the necessary subsistance of the said regiments , and for the defence of the place , in repairing and providing what shall be defective therein , and to such other uses as you with the governour of the said city , with whom you are to entertain a good correspondence and friendship as you shall find necessary for our service ; of all which expences you are to give us an account by the first opportunity . when the particulars necessary for the voyage shall be fully complied with , you are then , wind and weather permitting , with the regiments under your command , to make the best of your way to londonderry , and being arrived there , or near that place , you are to make enquiry , whether the said city be yet in the hands of the protestants ? and whether you may with safety put our said regiments into the same ? and in that case you are immediately to acquaint lieutenant colonel robert lundy our governour thereof , or the commander in chief for the time being , with our care in sending those regiments and stores ; and for the further relief of our protestant subjects in those parts , and delivering him our letters and orders to him directed , you are to land the said regiments and stores , and to take care that they be well quartered and disposed of in the said city , following such directions as you shall receive during your stay there from our said governour lieutenant colonel robert lundy , in all things relating to our service . you are to assure the governour and inhabitants of londonderry ; of further and greater succours of men , arms , money , and provisions of war coming speedily from england for their relief , and the security of those parts , and in the mean time you are to make the best defence you can against all persons that shall attempt to besiege the said city , or to annoy our protestant subjects within the same . you are to give us an account soon after you arrival ( and so from time to time ) of the condition of the place , the fortifications , number , quality and affection of the people , soldiers and others therein , or in the country thereabouts , and what quantity of provisions of all sorts for horse and foot , and dragoons , shall or may be bought up or secur'd , in those parts for our service , without the necessity of bringing any from england , upon sending more forces thither . you are to inform us whether captain james hamilton be arrived at londonderry , and how he has disposed of the money and stores committed to his charge , and in general you are to return us an account of every thing which you in your discretion shall think requisite for our service . in case you shall find it unsafe to land the said regiments at or near londonderry , so as to put them into the town , which you are to endeavour by all reasonable and prudent means , you are not to expose them to extraordinary hazard in so doing , but to take care that they be carried in the same ships , and under the the same convoy , with the same armes , stores , money , and provisions above mentioned , to carrickfergus , and to endeavour the landing of them there , if the same may be done with safety , or otherwise to strangford , at both or either of which places you are to use the same caution , and to follow as near as may be the like directions , as are now given you in relation to londonderry , but in case you do not find it for our service to land the said regiments at any of the said places , you are then to take care that they be brought back to the port of liverpool , giving us speedy notice for our further orders . given at our court at whitehall the twelfth of march 1688 / 9 , in the first year of our reign . by his majesties command . shrewsbvry . mr. osburn's letter to sir arthur royden . hilsburgh , march 9 th , 1688 / 9 sir , on the 6 th . instant i was introduced by my lord granard into my lord deputies presence , in the castle of dublin , and have his pass to come and go to , through and back from vlster , and though i have not his excellencies direct commission , yet i assure your honour , i am at least permitted by the lord deputy to acquaint the chief and others of those of the vlster association with his discourse to me , which was to the effect following , to wit , that his excellency , 1. doth not delight in the blood and devastation of the said province , but however highly resents their taking and continuing in arms , and the affronts done by them to his majesties government thereby , and by some indignities done to the late proclamation of clemency , issued and dated the _____ day of _____ 2. notwithstanding whereof is willing to receive the said province into protection , provided they immediately deliver up to his army for his majesties use their arms and serviceable horses , and provided they deliver up to his excellency these three persons , to wit , _____ if they remain in this kingdom , and can be had . 3. and for further manifestation of his design to prevent blood , is willing to grant safe conduct even to the said three persons , or any other of their party to and from his excellency , or to and from lieutenant general hamilton , commander of a part of his army hereafter mentioned , if they intend any peaceable and reasonable treaty ; but withal , will not upon the said or any other account stop the march of the said part of his army , no not for one hour ; and if it shall appear in such treaty , that they took up arms meerly for self-preservation , then he will pardon even the said three persons also , but is hopeless that any such thing can be made appear , seeing many of them have already received and accepted of commissions from the prince of orange , and display his colours in the field , as his excellency is credibly informed . 4. if these terms be not immediately agreed unto , he will with a part of his army fight them , which part he intends shall be at newry on monday the 11 th . instant , which will from thence march to belfast , and from thence to colerain and londonderry , as his excellency intends . and that the country irish ( not of the army ) men , women and boys , now all armed with half-pikes and baggonets , in the counties of cavan , monaghan , tyrone , londonderry , &c. will upon the approach of the said part of the army , and resistance thereunto made , immediately enter upon a massacree of the british in the said counties ; which force and violence of the rabble , his excellency says , he cannot restrain . these are the heads of what i can offer to you to the best of my memory from his excellencies own mouth , but i intend to stay here this night , where if you think fit , i shall fully discourse with you of all the above particulars , whereof i hope you will give immediate notice to all chiefly concerned in your neighbourhood . this in haste is all from sir , your most humble servant , alexander osborn . conrard de rosen , marshal general of all his majesties forces , declares by these presents , to the commanders , officers , soldiers , and inhabitants of the city of london-derry , that in case they do not betwixt this and munday next , at six of the clock in the afternoon , being the first of july in the year of our lord 1689. agree to surrender the said place of london-derry unto the king upon such conditions as may be granted them according to the instructions and power lieutenant general hamilton formerly received from the king ; that he will forthwith issue out his orders from the barony of innishowen , and the sea-costs round about , as far as charlemont , for the gathering together of those of their faction , whether protected or not , and cause them immediately to be brought to the walls of london-derry , where it shall be lawful for those that are in the town ( in case they have any pity of them ) to open the gates and receive them into the town , otherwise they will be forced to see their friends and nearest relations al starved for want of food , he having resolved not to leave one of them at home , nor any thing to maintain them : and that all hopes of succor may be taken away , by the landing of any troops in these parts from england , he further declares , that in case they refuse to submit , he will forthwith cause all the said country to be immediately destroyed , that if any succors should be hereafter sent them from england , they may perish with them for want of food ; besides which he has a very considerable army , as well for the opposing of them in all places , that shall be judged necessary , as for the protection of all the rest of his majesties dutiful subjects , whose goods and chattles he promises to secure , destroying all the rest that cannot be conveniently brought into such places as he shall judge necessary to be preserved ; and burning the houses and mills , not only of those that are in actual rebellion , but also of their friends and adherents , that no hopes of escaping may be left for any man ; beginning this very day to send his necessary orders to all governors and other commanders of his majesties forces , at colerain , antrim , carrigfergus , belfast , dunganon , charlemont , belturbat , sligo , to colonel sarsefield commanding a flying army beyond ballishany , col. sutherland commanding another towards inniskellin , and the duke of berwick another on fynwather , to cause all the men , women and children , who are any ways related to those in london-derry , or anywhere else in open rebellion , to be forthwith brought to this place , without hopes of withdrawing further into the kingdom ; that in case before the said munday , the first of july in the year of our lord 1689. be expired , they do not send us hostages , and other deputies , with a full and sufficient power to treat with us for the surrender of the said city of london-derry , on reasonable conditions , they shall not after that time be admitted to any treaty whatsoever ; and the army which shall continue the siege , and will with the assistance of god soon reduce them , shall have orders to give no quarter , or spare either age or sex in case they are taken by force ; but if they return to the obedience due to their natural prince , he promises them that the conditions granted to them in his majesties name , shall be inviolably observed by all his majesties subjects ; and that he himself will have a care to protect them on all occasions , even to take their part , if any injury , contrary to agreement , should be done them , making himself responseable for the performance of the conditions on which they shall agree to surrender the said place of london-derry to the king. given under my hand this 30th of june , in the year of lord 1689. le mareshal de rosen col. hamilton's proposals . i. that col. oneil has a power to discourse with the governours of derry from general hamilton , as appears by his sending of this . ii. that the general has full power , does appear by his commission . iii. that general rose has no power from the king to intermeddle with what lieutenant general hamilton does , as to the siege , being only sent to oppose the english succour ; and that all conditions and parlies is left to the said lieutenant general hamilton : that as to what articles shall be agreed on , they may may see by the kings warrant he has full power to confirm them : notwithstanding , if they do not think this sufficient , he will give what other reasonable security they can demand . as to the english landing , such as had commissions from the prince of orange , need not be apprehensive , since it will be the kings interest to take as much care of his protestant subjects , as of any other , he making no distinction of religion . iv. as to what concerns the inneskillin people , they shall have the same terms as those of derry , on their submission , the king being willing to shew mercy to all his subjects , and quiet his kingdoms . v. that the lieutenant general desires no better , than having it communicated to all the garrison ; he being willing to employ such as will freely swear to serve his majesty faithfully ; and all such as have a desire to live in town , shall have protection , and free liberty of goods and religion . as to the last point , such as have a mind to return to their homes , shall have a necessary guard with them to their respective habitations , and victuals to supply them ; where they shall be restored to all they possess'd formerly , not only by the sheriffs and justices of the peace , but also by governours and officers of the army , who from time to time will do them right , and give them reprisals of cattle from such as have taken them to the mountains . at the camp at derry , 27 june , 89. rich. hamilton . an account of officers killed and taken by the besieged in london-derry during the siege in 1689 , whose names we could learn. at penny-burn-mill . general mommune a frenchman kill'd . major tafe kill'd . major waggun kill'd . major general pusinan kill'd . capt. fitzgerald kill'd . quartermaster cassore , a frenchman . kill'd . at the windmil , may the 6 th . brigadeer general ramsey kill'd . capt. fleaming kill'd . capt. fox kill'd . lieutenant welch kill'd . lieutenant kelly kill'd . ensign kadel kill'd . captain barnwel kill'd . ensign barnwel kill'd . prisoners . sir george aylmer prisoners . lieutenant colonel talbot prisoners . lieutenant netervel prisoners . lieutenant newcomen prisoners . at the windmill , june the 4th . lieutenant colonel farwel kill'd . two french captains kill'd . adjutant fahey kill'd . quartermaster kelley kill'd . ensign noris kill'd . capt. graham kill'd . lieutenant burcke kill'd . ensign arthor kill'd . prisoners at the same . captain butler , second son to my lord mountgerret , led on the forlorn hope of horse . captain mac donnell . captain mac donogh . captain watson . lieutenant eustice . sergeant peggot . a french lieutenant . at the attempt of the walls , june 28. a french leiutenant colonel kill'd . cap●ain mac carlie kill'd . captain o breayen kill'd . a french captain kill'd . an english captain kill'd . an english lieutenant . kill'd . prisoners . a corporal and private centinel . officers killed in several places about the town . lieutenant fitz patrick in the orchard on other side of the walls . lieutenant con o neal. ensign conelly kill'd in a boat , and 13 prisoners taken . two friers kill'd in their h●bits in the same orchard . ensign ambross on the mountains . lieutenant talbot had his arm shot off at colmore , from the ships . drowned coming over at liford . major nangle an ensign . generals 1 ensigns 6 brigadeer generals 1 sargents 1 major generals 1 corporals 1 lieutenant colonels 3 cornets 1 majors 5 quartermasters 2 captains 16 adjutants 1 lieutenants 9     in all 48 and two fryers .   an accompt of the subsistance delivered to the soldiers , and how many companies and regiments received . col. bakers 25 companies . col. walker 15   col. craston 12   col. skiventon 17 col. michelbourn col. lance 13   col. mount-ro 13   col. hamill 14   col. morea 8   in all 117 companies . each company consisting of sixty men ; in all seven thousand and twenty private men , and three hundred and fifty one officers . april 20. to each company a barrel of beef , and a boll of meal . in all 117 barrels of beef , and 117 bolls of meal . april 27. to each man 4 pounds of beef , and 4 quarts of meal , and 3 pounds of salmon . in all 21060 l. of salmon , 28080 quarts of meal , 28080 l. of beef . may 4. to each company a barrel of beef , 120 l. of meal , half a hundred weight of butter . in all 107 barrels of beef , 14050 l. of meal , 58½ hundreds and a half of butter . may 11. six pounds of meal for each private man. in all 42020 l. of meal . may 18. two pounds of wheat to each man. in all 14040 l. may 24. half a barrel of beef to each company , 120 l. of meal , half a barrel of barley . in all 58½ barrels of beef , 58½ barrels of barley , 14340 l. of meal . june 1. to each regiment 5 barrels of wheat , and 5 barrels of shilling . in all 40 barrels of wheat , and 40 barrels of shilling . june 8. one pound and a half of meal to each man , and half a barrel of barley to each company . in all 9530 l. of meal , of barley 10530 l. of wheat . june 15. half a barrel of barley to each company , and a pound of meal to each man. in all 58½ barrels of barley , and 7020 l. of meal . june 19. one pound of meal , and one pound and half of wheat to each man. in all 7020 l. of meal . june 21. one pound and an half of wheat to each man. june 25. one pound of tallow to each man , one pound of meal , and half a pound of beef , the army consisting of 6185 men. july 4. allowance to the army being 5709 men , to each man one pound of meal , one pound of french butter , and two pound of ginger , per com. being 114 l. of ginger . july 8. to the army being 5520 men , to each man one pound of meal , one pound of french butter , two pounds of anniseeds , to each company , being 114 l. and one quarter of a pound of tobacco . july 13. to the army , consisting of 5334. to each man half a pound of meal , half a pound of shilling , half a pound of beef . july 17. to the army , consisting of 5114 , to each man half a pound of meal , half a pound of shilling , half a pound of tallow , 3 pound of salt hides . july 22. the army being 4973 , to each half a pound of starch , a quarter of a pound of tallow , one pound of anniseeds , to a company , being 117. july 25. the army being 4892. half a pound of tallow , half a pound of shilling , three quarters of a pound of dry hides . july 27. the army being 4456 men , to each man half a pound of meal , one pound and an half of horse flesh , with two pecks of bay salt to each company , being an 117 companies . july 30. the army being 4508 men , to each man 3 pound of meal , 2 pound of beef , one pint of pease . may 5. to the officers of mr. skiventon's regiment , 4 barrels of beef , 4 barrels of meal , 4 firkins of butter . may 15. to colonel mountros's officers 4 pound of beef , 3 pound of salmon , 4 pound of meal to each officer . may 25. colonel hamill's officers one firkin of butter . july 5. to 288 officers , to each 2 pound of meal , and 2 pound of salmon . july 13. to 351 officers , to each 2 pound of meal , and one pound and a half of butter . july 23. to 300 officers , to each one pound of wheat , one pound of groats . july 16. to 260 officers , to each half a pound of tobacco . july 27. to each officer one pound and a half of horse-flesh , one pound and a half of barley , being 252 officers . the names of the clergy-men that stayed in london-derry during the siege , 1689. mr. g. walker governor of london-derry of the diocess of derry . mr. mich. clenakan minister of the same of the diocess of derry . mr. seth whittel of bellioghy , dead of the diocess of derry . mr. james watmough of arigal , dead of the diocess of derry . mr. john rowen of belteagh , dead of the diocess of derry . mr. rich. crowther , curat of comber , dead of the diocess of derry . mr. tho. sempel curat of donaghmore of the diocess of derry . mr. robert morgan curat of cappy of the diocess of derry . mr. christ. jinny prebend of mullahbracke of the diocess of ardmah . mr. john campbel of segoe of the diocess of ardmah . mr. moses davies of stewart town of the diocess of ardmah . mr. andrew robison of stewar town of the diocess of ardmah . mr. bartholomew black curat of aghalon of the diocess of ardmah . mr. ellingsworth , from besides newry , dead of the diocess of ardmah . mr. john knox minister of glascogh , &c. of the diocess of clogher . mr. _____ johnson of _____ of the diocess of clogher . mr. christy curat of monaghan of the diocess of clogher . mr. william cunningham of killishondra in the diocess of kilmore . as also nonconforming ministers , to the number of seven , whose names i cannot learn , four of which dyed in the siege . the number of bombs thrown into the city of london-derry , since the beginning of the siege .   big . small .   april 24.   3 memorandum that one of the great bombs being brought to the scale did weigh 272 l. after 17 l. of pouder was emptied out of it . and that one of the smallest bombs being emptied , did weigh 34 l. april 25.   3 april 27.   18 from april the 27 th till the 4 th of may , at several times   6 june 2. 3 1 june 3. 28   june 4. 37   june 5. 2●   june 6. 30   june 7. 6   june 8. 36   june 11.   28 june 13. 26   june 21.   21 june 24. 6   june 27. 13   june 28. 22   june 29. 10   july 2.   22 july 3.   28 july 4. 14   july 5. 3 6 july 6. 5 10 july 7.   18 july 8. and tenth   24 july 11.   4 july 14.   18 july 15.   24 july 16.   16 july 17.   14 july 18.   12 july 19.   22 july 21.28   28   261 320 total 587 till the 22th of july . july 22. 42 cannon ball thrown into the city about 20 l. weight a piece , before nine of the clock in the morning . more , 6 the same evening . july 23. 20 more before dinner , and we could not compute them afterwards , they came so thick upon us . a letter writ by an iniskellin-man , about the wrong done my lord kingston by drawing him from his garrison at sligo , to one at derry . sir , having this opportunity , i think fit to let you know the great and most lamentable disappointment we are under . my lord kingston is basely us'd by your officers ; they have drawn him from the garrison of sligo , which he had so bravely fortify'd , and had such a number of disciplin'd men both horse and foot in , and so well arm'd , that he could not but have done service with them , and have made good that post against the enemy : but col. londy writ to him , that the blood of all the protestants of the north will lie upon him , if he does not quit the garrison of sligo , and come to their assistance . upon this he marches from sligo , and at balishanny meets a letter of col. londy's , telling him , there was no provision for him at derry , and that he must quarter there . my lord takes horse , rides twenty miles in the night to understand the meaning of these things , but finds the enemy had stop't all passages to derry ; so he returns to his men , and there finds that sligo was possessed also by the enemy . you may imagine what a distraction we were in upon this ; but with the most earnest entreaty we prevailed with my lord to go for england , to solicit for relief from thence , and are resolv'd to to take our shelter in iniskellin ; if any thing happen amiss to us , our children , if they survive , may curse your great men for it ; &c. finis . advertisement . the trial of mr. price and one hundred protestants at wicklow before chief justice keating , with the condemnation of about two hundred protestant gentlemen at galloway , price 6 d. the journal of the proceedings of the parliament in ireland , beginning may 7. 1689 , price 3 d a true account of the present state of ireland , price 6d . the history of gustavus adolphus , in 8 o. translated by ferrand spence . the delucidator , or reflections upon modern transactions . spanhemius's panegyrick on k. william and q. mary . the detestable designs of france exposed ; or , the true sentiments of the spanish netherlands , representing the injustice of the king of france by his declaration of war against his catholick majesty , and the justice of the counter-declaration of the marquess of gastanuaga , his governor general of the low countries . printed for robert clavel at the peacock in st. pauls church-yard . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a67017-e890 † note , that in the midst of this extremity , the spirit and courage of the men was so great , that they were often heard discourse confidently and with some anger contend , whether they should take their debentures in ireland or in france , when alas ! they cou'd not promise themselves 12 hours life . the besieged had only 80 men slain by the enemy . the besieged took above 2000 arms from the enemy , besides money and cloths , & c· notes for div a67017-e11650 vid. p. 20. notes for div a67017-e12120 vid. p. 21 notes for div a67017-e12560 vide page 34. notes for div a67017-e12880 vide page 34. notes for div a67017-e14780 try'd tallow , so call'd . oats after grinding unsifted notes for div a67017-e18800 page 19. the humble petition of the captaines, officers, and soldiers of the trayned bands, and voluntiers in the county of buckingham, assembled at alisbury, iune 17, 1642 presented to both houses of parliament, the 24 of iune, 1642 ... together with a letter from a merchant of dublin to his friend a worthy gentleman in bassing hall street, in london : relating the happy proceedings of the protestant army against the rebels. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45014 of text r22029 in the english short title catalog (wing h3488). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45014 wing h3488 estc r22029 12684670 ocm 12684670 65740 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45014) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65740) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 252:e152, no 12) the humble petition of the captaines, officers, and soldiers of the trayned bands, and voluntiers in the county of buckingham, assembled at alisbury, iune 17, 1642 presented to both houses of parliament, the 24 of iune, 1642 ... together with a letter from a merchant of dublin to his friend a worthy gentleman in bassing hall street, in london : relating the happy proceedings of the protestant army against the rebels. busse, john, merchant of dublin. [2], 5 p. printed for ioseph hunscott and iohn wright, london : [1642] letter signed: iohn busse. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng buckinghamshire (england) -history -sources. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -sources. a45014 r22029 (wing h3488). civilwar no the humble petition of the captaines, officers, and soldiers of the trayned bands, and voluntiers in the county of buckingham, assembled at [no entry] 1642 1323 8 0 0 0 0 0 60 d the rate of 60 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-01 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the humble petition of the captaines , officers , and soldiers of the trayned bands , and voluntiers in the county of buckingham , assembled at alisbury , iune 17. 1642. presented to both houses of parliament , the 24 of iune , 1642. and commanded by them to be forthwith printed and published . h. elsyng cler. parl. d. com. together with a letter from a merchant of dublin , to his friend a worthy gentleman in bassing-hall street , in london . relating the happy proceedings of the protestant army against the rebels . london printed for ioseph hunscott , and iohn wright , to the right honovrable the lords and commons assembled in parliament , the humble petition of the captaines , officers and souldiers of the trayned bands and voluntiers , of the county of buckingham , assembled at alisbury , iune 17. 1642. humbly sheweth , that they give you thanks from the depth of their hearts , for the great and many benefits they have already reaped from your no lesse chargeable , then indefatigable paines , and in particular for your necessary ordinance of the militia , on which , as we conceive ( under god ) our safety doth depend , unto which we most cheerefully , sudmit , as is manifest by this dayes appearance , not onely of the trained bands , but of well neere a thousand voluntiers , that make all demonstration of obedience , as well to this , as all other commands that shall come from your honourable houses , in opposition to the popish malignant party at home , or any other power from abroad , notwithstanding the many visible discouragements from ill affected persons that make it their businesse to blemish the validity of your authority , as also by the lord lieutenant's absence contrary to the trust reposed in him . therefore we humbly implore the continuance of your care for our safeties , and to appoint such a lord lieutenant , in whom we may confide , as surely you may in us , who are resolved to lay our lives and fortunes at your feet , in defence of the king and parliament . and we shall pray &c. iune , 24 ▪ 1642. it is desired that the lords would joyne with this house , in nominating the lord wha●ton to be lieutenant for the county of buckingham in the place of the lord paget . it is this day ordered that this shall be forthwith printed and published . m. elsyng , cler. parl. d. co● . tuesday the 7. iunii , 1642. worthy sir , yesterday i received your letters , which ( as mine to yours were ) wanted a date , i thanke you for your paines in your particular and exact relations therein conteined . the distractions there with you , doe extreamely perplex us and discourage many men from particular undertakings , which would conduce to the common good , for whilst we feare the danger there , our hands are enfeebled for doing what many otherwise would adventure upon . the lord in his good time send an happy end to these troubles , the matters in print are constantly sent by my cofen nicholas loftus , to sir adam here , of which i doe participate , and therefore i shall excuse you of what they conteine , what else you know , i pray you impart unto me as convenience affords it selfe ; our army doth not move untill friday next , at which time they take the field , they are here in this city and in the country round adjoyning about 14000. horse and fo●t ; it is conceived they will march in three bodies , one by the way of the mountains , into the county of wacklow and wexford , where all the english cowes are kept which remaine ; another through the county of kildare , on the west side of the mountains , towards the county of ca●●rlaug● & t●en meeting with the former bodies , will b●●● 〈◊〉 and take in the city of kilceny , and pillage all that rich country , the third through the counties of meath and west meath , to multingaine , and from thence to raise the siege of athlone ; this i know not for certaine , other then by conjecture of some that have good grounds for what they say , and indeed it is a very probable way to effect the reducing of the pale . i heare that severall of the gentlemen of fingall , are in great distresse , for the irish in the north doe pillage them when they come hither , and send them home to fight , and here their rebellious wickednesse have made them incapable of mercy , so as they are enforced to shift from place to place , not daring to shew their heads ; it is true as you have heard that walter evers the civilian is hanged , but i did neither conceive the man nor the matter so considerable , as to value either , for newes worth relating . on friday last one lieutenant allen went from the naas , with a party of musquetiers , and tooke the castle of irishton , belonginging to one mr. seidon , and slew there one captaine dougan as they say , brother to sir iohn dougan : yesterday being monday , captaine michaell iones issued out of the naas , with a 140. men , and tooke the strong castle of the dowings , wherein were severall of the rebells , and slew them , and pillaged the place ; from thence he went to a castle called blackwood , where one mr. edward dougan lived , and tooke and pillaged it also , and slew severall men there , and returned home without the losse of any one man , having gained a great part of cattell and much pillage ; not long before he went over a great bog , into the iland of allon , belonging to maurice pitz-gerauld of allon , and from thence brought with him 1400. sheepe , and 300. cowes , in spight of all the rebels which kept severall horneworkes made on the passages into the bog , out of which he did beat them , and was forced to passe through the bog , above two mile almost kneee deepe , in the bog was found a trunke of apparell and some plate , our courts of justice doe sit constantly in the terme , although we have little to do , save onely to endict rebells , of which this last terme here , were found neere 2000. guilty by severall grand juries of the city of dublin , counties of dublin , wicklow , meath , cavan , and longforà , victualls wee have god be thanked , at as good rates , as any at chest●● : and sea-fish in aboundance , at easie rates , corne beginneth to grow deere , it being at 18s . a pecke , but i hope when the army is gon forth it will grow cheape againe , we have no good grasse beefe yet which is fat , but i hope shortly they will be good . here is great store of cattle about the towne brought over by the army , the castle of baldongan neere cordaff was taken some 12. dayes agone by colonell craford and 500. men ; here were slaine above 140. stout rebels , and of our men onely two . this is all for the present , so i rest your assured loving friend , iohn busse . finis . whereas by a clause contained in the act, intituled, an act for the explaining of some doubts arising upon an act, intituled, an act for the better execution of his majesties gracious declaration for the settlement of his kingdome of ireland ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1676 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46105 wing i716 estc r36831 16140595 ocm 16140595 104815 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46105) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104815) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:8) whereas by a clause contained in the act, intituled, an act for the explaining of some doubts arising upon an act, intituled, an act for the better execution of his majesties gracious declaration for the settlement of his kingdome of ireland ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. [2] leaves. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1676. title from first 5 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council chamber in dublin the xxxth. day of june, one thousand six hundred seventy six"--leaf [2] broadside in [2] leaves. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng taxation -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi soit qvi mal y pense diev · et · mon · droit royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . essex . whereas by a clause contained in the act , intituled , an act for the explaining of some doubts arising upon an act , intituled , an act for the better execution of his majesties gracious declaration for the settlement of his kingdome of ireland , and satisfaction of the several interests of adventurers , souldiers , and other his subjects there , and for making some alterations of , and additions unto the said act , for the more speedy and effectual settlement of the said kingdom . it was enacted , that it should and might be lawful to and for the lord lieutenant , and other chief governor or governors , and council of ireland for the time being , to assess and impose upon all and every the lands , tenements and hereditaments , which by virtue of the said act should be restored or confirmed to any former proprietors of the popish religion , or granted to any the roman catholicks of ireland , such sums of mony as they should think fit , for the raising & leavying of thirty thousand pounds sterl . in the most equal and indifferent way that might be , in lieu and recompence for the mony commonly called lapsed mony , which is thereby discharged . and whereas in pursuance of the said act , his majestie by his royal letters , bearing date the first day of feberuary 1674. did require and authorize us the lord lieutenant , or other chief governor or governors of this kingdome , and council , to give order for the assessing , raising and leavying of the said sum of thirty thousand pounds , to be paid by such installments as should be adjudged most convenient . and whereas the late lords iustices and council in pursuance of the said act , and his majesties said letters by their act in council , bearing date the seventh day of april 1676. did assess and impose upon the several lands , tenements and hereditaments in a particular thereunto annexed , contained , that have been by virtue of the said act restored or confirmed to any former proprietors of the popish religion , or granted to any the roman catholicks of this kingdom , the several and respective sums of mony in the said particular set down ; towards raising of the aforesaid summe of thirtie thousand pounds , the same to be paid by the said proprietors and roman catholicks , their heirs and asignes respectively , or to the receiver by the said act appointed for that purpose , or their deputy or deputies , in such manner as by the said act of council doth appear . and whereas the said assessment doth now remain in the hands of the clerk of the council of this kingdom , and is ordered to be returned into his majesties court of exchequer , there to remain as a charge upon the several lands , tenements and hereditaments therein mentioned , to the intent that process may issue there upon for such sums of mony as shall not be paid at the dayes and times therein mentioned , which may prove inconvenient to several of his majesties subjects , in case timely notice be not given thereof , to the several persons whose lands are charged with the said payments , we have thought fit , therefore hereby to give this publique notice to all persons therein concerned , that the aforesaid summe of thirty thousand pounds is to be leavied and raised , according to such rates and proportions as in the said act of council , and particular thereunto annexed , are mentioned and contained , and to be paid by the said former proprietors and roman catholicks , their heirs and assigns respectively , unto john bence esq the surviving receiver by the said act appointed , or his deputy , by four equal portions ; the first payment thereof to be at or upon the 29th day of september , in this present year one thousand six hundred seventy six ; the second payment thereof , to be at or upon the 25th , day of march , which shall be in the year one thousand six hundred s●venty seven , the third payment thereof to be at or upon the 29th day of september , which shall be in the year one thousand six hundred seventy seven ; and the last payment thereof to be at or upon the 25th day of march , which shall be in the year one thousand six hundred seventy eight , whereof all persons concerned are to take notice . given at the council chamber in dublin the xxxth . day of iune , one thousand six hundred seventy six . art : granard . hen : midensis . r. coote . j : povey . r : booth , jo : bysse . j : temple . wm : gore . ol : st. george . john cole . hans : hamilton . tho : ratcliffe . god save the king dublin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the kings most excellent majestie ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde booke seller in castlestreet . 1676. a trve copie of two letters brought by mr. peters this october 11 from my l. forbes from ireland the one to the house of peeres the other to the house of commons : i. declaring the wofull misery of that kingdome in all corners and quarters, ii. his very happie and successefull endevours against the rebels what they have been, iii. how, through gods blessing, with five or six thousand men presently sent he may regaine that kingdome yet before december be past. forbes, alexander forbes, baron, d. 1672. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a39882 of text r22698 in the english short title catalog (wing f1440). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a39882 wing f1440 estc r22698 12303740 ocm 12303740 59194 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39882) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 59194) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 248:e121, no 44) a trve copie of two letters brought by mr. peters this october 11 from my l. forbes from ireland the one to the house of peeres the other to the house of commons : i. declaring the wofull misery of that kingdome in all corners and quarters, ii. his very happie and successefull endevours against the rebels what they have been, iii. how, through gods blessing, with five or six thousand men presently sent he may regaine that kingdome yet before december be past. forbes, alexander forbes, baron, d. 1672. [2], 6 p. printed by l. n. for henry overton ..., london : 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng peters, hugh, 1598-1660. ireland -history -1625-1649. a39882 r22698 (wing f1440). civilwar no a true copie of two letters brought by mr. peters, this october ii. from my l. forbes from ireland. the one to the house of peeres, the othe forbes, alexander forbes, baron 1642 1469 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-01 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a trve copie of two letters brought by mr. peters , this october 11. from my l. forbes from ireland . the one to the house of peeres , the other to the house of commons . i. declaring the wofull misery of that kingdome in all corners and quarters . ii. his very happie and successefull endevours against the rebels what they have been . iii. how ( through gods blessing ) with five or six thousand men presently sent , he may regaine that kingdome yet , before december be past . london , printed by l. n. for henry overton , in popes-head alley . mdcxlii . a trve copy of two letters , brought by mr. peters , this octob 11. from my lord forbes from ireland . my lords , the miseries of the distracted ireland , are so many in all the corners of it , that it would require a just volume , rather then a letter to rerpesent them , the combination is so strong , and the rebellion universall , the brittish inhabitants for the most part ruined , and the small armies in munster and connaght , ( for lacke of necessaries and timely supplies ) more like to be a prey to the rebels , or thorough mutinies to turne rebels themselves , than any wayes likely to reduce the rebels to their due obedience : there is two things by the policy of their priests , which adds strength to the rebellion : the first of which is worse then the rebellion it selfe : which in al places they are so impudently bold , as to father their rebellion upon his sacred majesty , as if all they did , were in obedience to his majesties commands , which by way of implicite faith : although they never saw any such warrants , they are bound to believ , because their priests and prime commanders doe informe them ; the second , their priests indeavour to perswade them there is no distruction nor hope of pardon ; thereby to drive all to such desperate courses , as they will bee rather kill'd then taken , and encourage one another to enter into a bond , for killing all his majesties brittish subjects , and protestunt professours . an happy agreement betweene his majesty and the parliament would quickely take of the masque , and so weaken the power , that the greater part of the seduced gentry and commons would leave them , and a discreete liberty given to governours of counties , and provinces , to pardon some speciall persons , and corporations upon honourable termes , would untye their bond , and make every one of them , cut anothers throats to secure their owne pardon : the towne of galway hath by the earle of clanricard and saint albons meanes made a pacification with the fort , but upon such dishonourable termes , that it hath rather beene a subtile strengthning of their rebellion , then a truly intended pacification . although in every province where i come , i desire the assistance of , and to be assistant to the chiefe governours thereof : and have accordingly in that province of conaght , finding his majesties fort , and the town of galway at odds againe , being called thither for the reliefe and assistance of his majesties fort , advertise the earle of clanricard governour of the towne and county of galway , and my lord rannelagh president of connaght , who did concur in their opinions , that the loyalty of the towne of galway could never be secured without a garrison , if they knew how to obtain it , my lord clanricard complaining that his friendes had left him , and the rest would leave him , if the pacification were broke : and my lord rannelagh complaining that his souldiers lacked all necessarie provisions , mony , food and cloathing , and but small proportions of amunition , my small force not being in any probable way sufficient to compell them to receive a garrison : i silently suffred the earle of clanricard , and the captaine of the fort , to patch up their broken pacification , by which the fort is sufficiently relieved ; leaving the fort of galway in these termes of peace and plenty , i sent to the isles of arran , and did great spoile in burning the rebells cabines , and corne , and brought from thence two hundred cowes , and some sheepe . but the rebells ( except twenty that were kil'd , fled in boates from the other side of the island , some eight miles distant , the stormes being so great , that in eight daies time i could scarce gaine the mouth of the river of limerick : where i am still doing all the harme i can to the rebells : but seeing the warres are not like to be soon ended as was first supposed : if your lordships will take a course for the strengthning of these forces at present under my command to the full proportion contained in the ordinances of parliament . i am confident they will be as usefull here if not more , as in any part of the kingdome : it will likewise be expedient that ships of good strength be appointed to waite this winter in the speciall harbours betweene this and kinsale : this i thought it my duty humbly to represent to your lordships wise consideration , remitting the more full relation of all things to master peters , and the rest rest of the committee of adventurers of the additionall forces by sea and land , for the reducing of ireland , not doubting of your lordships wonted care and providence to do every thing that may advance his majesties service , and honour , and encourage those that are ready and willing to lay downe their lives for the good of the state , as shall be signified unto them by your lord , ships , or any having power from you , amongst whichas i esteeme my self one of the meanest , so it is my humble desire , i may doe your lordships some acceptable service , which may honour me with the title of your lordships most affectionate humble service , forbes . castle of glin. 27r sept. 1642. mr. speaker , i had a purpose to have sent you a full relation of all our proceedings heere in ireland : but this bearer mr. peters , who hath beene an eye-witnesse , can out of his diurnall give you more full satisfaction and acquaint you with these things , that are most requisite for the subduing of ireland , which will be an easie worke , if it be yet taken in time , and rightly prosecuted ; for i dare say five or sixe thousand men well commanded and well provided for , could take both limrick and galloway , and so end the warre before christmas , for the strength of the rebellion lies here , and there would be no difficultie in subduing the rest , mr. peters will acquaint you what was my purpose ; but i dare not goe beyond my limits , the countrey diseases as fluxes and feavours have mightily weakened these few men i have ; yet blessed be god we have done good service as could be done with so many men , as you will perceive by mr. peters diurnall ; to the which , and his owne relation , and the copies of the letters i have sent , i remit all further . your nephew is in good health , and will prove a very good souldier ; and if speedy supplies be sent or provisiios and warrants to make them , i shall have care of his further advancement ! , mr. maurice thomson will acquaint you with what is necessary to be proposed to the house in the behalfe of poore distressed ireland : and as i neither doubt of his sufficiencie in proposing , your willingnes to doe that good that is respected from you : so at this time i will trouble you with no longer letter ; but shall be much rejoyced to heare from you , of the happy and long wished for agreement betwixt his majestie and the parliament : for which i shall never cease to pray , and shall ever remaine , your affectionate friend to serve you . forbes . castle of glin. 28. sept. 1642. whereas application hath been made to his majestie by john forth, and other the late farmers of his majesties revenue in this kingdom, setting forth, that there are still due and owing to them several great arreares and other summs of mony ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1677 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46102 wing i711 estc r36821 16138458 ocm 16138458 104805 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46102) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104805) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:6) whereas application hath been made to his majestie by john forth, and other the late farmers of his majesties revenue in this kingdom, setting forth, that there are still due and owing to them several great arreares and other summs of mony ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1677. title from first 6 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 21th. of may 1677." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . essex . whereas application hath been made to his majestie by john forth , and other the late farmers of his majesties revenue in this kingdom , setting forth , that there are still due and owing to them several great arreares and other summs of mony for several branches of the said revenue to them demised , and therefore humbly praying , that the commissions formerly granted by his majesty at their desire to john stone , samuel richardson , richard bucknall , dr. robert wood , and thomas breedon , for manageing the said farme , and collecting the several summs of mony due to the said late farmers by virtue thereof , might be superseded : and that a new commission might be granted to john stone , thomas breedon , and daniel burg●ss , esqrs whereby they or any two of them might be authorized in the behalf of the said late farmers , to collect and gather in all such arrears and other summs of money , as remain yet due to the said late farmers on account of their said farm. and whereas a commission is since issued under the great seal 〈◊〉 this kingdom , bearing date the eighth day of this instant may ; whereby the said john stone , thomas breedon , and daniel burgess , are authorized and impowred to sue for , levyand receive the said arrears , and other summs of mony so due to the said late farmers , and the said former commissions granted by his majestie to the said john stone , samuel richardson , richard bucknall , dr. robert wood , and thomas breedon , are thereby superseded and determined . to the end therefore that all persons who owe any debts , arrears or other summs of mony to the said john forth , and other the said late farmers of his majesties revenue in this kingdom , may know to whose hands the same ought to be payed . we have thought fit hereby to give this notice of the passing of the said commission under the great seal of this kingdom , to the said john stone , thomas breedon , and daniel burgess , whereby they or any two of them , their deputies , agents , substitutes and officers are impowred to collect and receive such arrears , debts and other summs , as remain due to the said late farmers . and we do hereby require all his majesties officers , ministers and ot●●r loving subjects , that to the said john stone , thomas breedon , and daniel burgess , their agents , offi●ers , deputies , collectors and receivers in the due execution of the said commission , they be ayding and assisting as becometh . given at the council chamber in dublin the 21th . of may 1677. mic : dublin canc. blesinton . lanesborough . r : coote . robt : fitz-gerald . ca : dillon : char : meredith . ro : booth . jo : bysse . john cole . hans hamilton ric : gethin . theo : jones . vvm : flower . ja : cuffe . walter plunket . abrah : yarner . tho : newcomen . god save the king. dublin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the kings most excellent majestie and are to be sold by joseph wilde booke seller in castle-street . 1677. whereas the parliament stands prorogued untill the seventeenth day of january next, and whereas for sundry causes and considerations, we have thought it fit and convenient and necessary further to prorogue the said parliament untill the twentieth day of february next ... by the lord deputy, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. 1664 approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46185 wing i920 estc r36947 16161695 ocm 16161695 104937 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46185) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104937) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:55) whereas the parliament stands prorogued untill the seventeenth day of january next, and whereas for sundry causes and considerations, we have thought it fit and convenient and necessary further to prorogue the said parliament untill the twentieth day of february next ... by the lord deputy, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. ossory, thomas butler, earl of, 1634-1680. 1 broadside. printed by john crooke ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1664. title from first 7 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin the nineteenth day of december, 1664." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland. -parliament. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord deputy . ossory , whereas the parliament stands prorogued untill the seventeenth day of january next ; and whereas for sundry causes and considerations ; we have thought it fit and convenient and necessary further to prorogue the said parliament untill the twentieth day of february next ; we do therefore will and require all persons to whom it doth or shall appertain to take due notice thereof , to the end that in the mean time they may repair to their houses or otherwise apply themselves about their private affairs at their pleasures , and then to give their attendance here again , at the day and time aforesaid , in the usual place appointed for that intended service , whereof they may not fail . given at the council chamber in dublin the nineteenth day of december , 1664 . god save the king . dvblin , printed by john crooke , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , and are to be sold by samuel dancer in castle-street , 1664. the western wonder, or, o brazeel, an inchanted island discovered with a relation of two ship-wracks in a dreadful sea-storm in that discovery : to which is added, a description of a place, called, montecapernia, relating the nature of the people, their qualities, humours, fashions, religions, &c. head, richard, 1637?-1686? 1674 approx. 58 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a43178 wing h1277 estc r19459 12399467 ocm 12399467 61233 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43178) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61233) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 941:14) the western wonder, or, o brazeel, an inchanted island discovered with a relation of two ship-wracks in a dreadful sea-storm in that discovery : to which is added, a description of a place, called, montecapernia, relating the nature of the people, their qualities, humours, fashions, religions, &c. head, richard, 1637?-1686? [4], 40 p. printed for n.c., london : 1674. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. attributed to richard head. cf. nuc pre-1956. a satire on ireland and wales. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng satire, english. voyages, imaginary. ireland -anecdotes -early works to 1800. wales -anecdotes -early works to 1800. 2008-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the western wonder : or , o brazeel , an inchanted island discovered ; with a relation of two ship-wracks in a dreadful sea-storm in that discovery . to which is added , a description of a place , called , montecapernia , relating the nature of the people , their qualities , humours , fashions , religion , &c. london , printed for n. c. m.dc.lxxiv . five scenes o brazeel : or , the inchanted island . new discoveries of late , are as much admired as miracles of old , and as difficultly believed , notwithstanding the variety of apparent proofs which demonstrate their undoubted verity ; and without question this incredulity proceeds from no other cause , than the abuse of belief , occasioned by such monstrous fictions as the isle of pines , a new world in the moon , with the like lunatick stories , by which the credulous world hath been misguided into a faith wholly preposterously erroneous and ridiculous . that our present discourse of this new discovery of o brazeel , may not be suspected of the like lying reports , it will be requisite to inquire whether there was , first , ever any such place ? and next , whether yet it hath a being ? that there was an island called o brazeel , i need not bring any other proofs or demonstrations to confirm that opinion , than your own observations out of strabo , and other ancient geographers , in whose maps you may find both the island , its name , and scituation ; yet of late years it hath not been seen , for which cause , some imagine that being but a small tract of land , it is either swallow'd up by the sea , or that the island is inchanted . we have greater reasons to believe the latter , if we consider the various reports have been spread abroad of late by such sea-men , who by their several affidavits have avouched they have seen this island , but could not reach it , by all the skill they had in navigation . and i that which most induced them to believe this must be that isle so much talked of for its inchantment , was , that it appeared in that part of the g●ean where they never saw land before , and over which they frequently have sail'd . i could instance several reports of fishermen , who at several times have seen it , but that i fear those relations will be look'd on as the chimaera's of a junior quixot , or foolish fictions , undeserving the registry of a serious and judicious memory , since they seem to give tom coriat the lye , and run away with the whetstone from our famous knightly mandevil . however i cannot let pass what i heard from several of these discoverers , who told me , they saw this island ( no blue cloud , as i would have persuaded them to believe , but a long tract of firm land ) whereupon they bore up to it ; yet notwithstanding they made all the sail they could , in ten hours sail they seem'd to be farther from it , than when first it appeared to their view . another told me that he saw it , and thereupon made up to it ( hoping to be greater than ever that great usurper trinkelo , or at least be vice-roy of this inchanted island . ) the sky was serene , the sea smooth , and hardly a breeze of wind stirring , when he made this attempt , and therefore was extremely troubled he could make no better way . whil'st he was thus perplexing himself , the island seem'd to float unto him with such celerity , that in a little time he could discover rocks , trees , and men of a prodigious stature , who as they mov'd , look'd like walking oaks , whose shaggy bushy hair outvy'd the spreading of their leav'd branchy tops ; and the waving of their hands , resembled much the turning of our wind-mills sails . on the shore , he saw infinite numbers of seeming beasts of several shapes , and all so dreadful and horrid to look on , that he could endure the sight no longer ; wherefore tacking , he stood away in such distraction , that he scarcely knew what he did : and that which contributed thereunto as much as his fear , he was immediately encompassed with a mist so thick , he could not see his hand before him ; yet could he see on the sides of the vessel , the masts and yards , innumerable small lights , which shifted their stations , and interchanged one with another , at length they all incorporated together , whence proceeded a great and unusual slash of lightning , attended with dreadful claps of thunder ; after which , the air grew clear , and serene again , but could not discover the least mark of what he had seen before . a third gave me this account of the island : that being one day abroad a fishing , he discovered land where he never saw any before ; and resolving to run the same hazard his brethren had done before , he made up to it : coming within musket-shot , as he imagin'd , he was saluted with such a broad-side of thunder , seconded with lightning , and such a tumbling sea , that had he not made all the sail he could homeward , he had undoubtedly slept in david jones his locker . in his return , he found the needle of his compass useless , whereupon he try'd another , and found that the like ; and therefore it was needless to apply himself to either . the last report i shall give you , is thus : a vessel being bound for the westward , and coming under the same latitude where this inchanted island is said to be scituate , she was suddenly surprized , and involved in a mist , yet stood under a very stiff gale ; whereupon she endeavour'd to lie by , but could not , for she would not answer to her helm . whilst the men were chasing and cursing , one instantly cryed out , land ! land ! helm-a-lee , for the love of god. the master being alarm'd at this dreadful noise , look'd out , and saw huge high rocks just upon his very bowe ; whereupon crying out suddenly to heaven for mercy , those rocks and land adjoyning immediately , seem'd to drop a curtsie under water , and the master thought the vessel sail'd clear over them . these strange and seeming incredible reports , made me very inquisitive after the truth thereof ; and in all my inquiries i found the relations of others so agreeable to the former , that they only differ'd in some few circumstances : from them all i gather'd what was most probable , and made a report thereof to some ingenious men of my acquaintance , who at first smiled at my fond credulity , and blamed my over-forward faith in believing a company of ignorant fellows , who had neither reason , nor sense enough to distinguish a blue cloud from land , which afar off looketh of the same complexion by reason of its distance ; and endeavoured to jeer me out of my opinion , by telling me it was as ridiculous as to think there are multiplicity of worlds , or that one wherein we live , had its matter and form from a confused conflux of atoms ; however , i could not be dispossest of my persuasion , but persisted therein , till i was farther confirmed by a dream , wherein i thought i had a view of the whole isle , and its inhabitants ; and thus it was : my brain not any wayes disturb'd by fumes proceeding from an over-running cup , which are causes of phantastick dreams , i fell asleep in a summers afternoon , and dream'd i saw an eagle unnaturally great , soaring in the air ; whilst i was wondring at his greatness , he immediately stoopt , and took , me up within his tallons , and flew away with me with incredible celerity over mountains and vallies , and at length brought me to the sea-side : where having rested a little while , he took me up again , and carried me to an island ; and having set me down , vanisht . i was sirangely amaz'd hereat , not knowing what to do , till at length a person of a lovely presence . with an angelical countenance , appear'd to me advising me to be of good courage , and follow him ; which i did accordingly ; but in our way we were obstructed by millions of devils , and horrid spectrums , whose shapes and forms were so afrightful , that had it not been for my guide , i should not have been able to have stirred a foot forward ; but by his encouragement i went on , and saw other very strange apparitions , such as would have startled the most undaunted he that wears a head . my guide having dissipated these , as well as the former , brought me at last unto a place which for soil and temperature of air might vye with any place in christendom ; here i gave my greedy eyes full liberty to feast on all the delicates nature is capable to produce , which are too many here to numerate . the verdant fields , and pleasant groves , were not to be parallel'd ; but no sign where any corn was sown : whatever grew , came up spontaneously , without the labour of the hands . i wondred that i saw no houses , nor people to inhabit them in such a paradise as this : whilst my eyes were busily inquiring into the excellency of such objects as presented themselves to my view , i saw men , women and children ascend out of the bowels of the earth ( as i thought ) who were all naked , very white , and well-featur'd , who all fell down , and seem'd to worship a deformed ill-shapen thing , which i judged was the devil ; hereupon i ask't my guide the meaning hereof , who with an austere countenance told me , that the isle was under the power of the prince of the air , and had been so for many years ; but the time is near at hand it shall be so no longer . the words were no sooner spoken , but there followed such loud peals of thunder , as if the foundation of the earth had been torn asunder , accompanied with such lightning seemingly to me , as if the element of fire had been placed in the lower region : these horrours were accompanied with such dismal sounds , that nothing else could better represent an infernal consort : this continued but a very little , and then the horizon grew as splendent as before , without the least disturbance . whilst i was in my greatest amazement , not knowing what to think or do , my guide vanish't , and the former eagle took me up in his tallons , and carried me the same way back again ; and having brought me to my habitation , left me , and then i awak't . then did i ponder with my self what this dream should signifie : after various considerations , i concluded this must be o brazeel , and that i was the man must be its happy discoverer . there wanted not arguments to flatter my self into this opinion ; and being over-joy'd , i instantly ran to a friend to tell him my dream , and how well it suited with the former reports concerning this inchanted island : this man did presently put great confidence in my dream , and readily consented not only to be assistant in this new discovery , but likewise to go himself in person , having at that time a vessel of his own of about thirty tuns ready fitted . no man could be fitter for this purpose than he and i : for we were both so indebted to the place wherein we were , that we only wanted a wind to sell the countrey . having concluded on the design , we made no delayes , but getting seamen aboard befitting our purpose , on october the 9th , 1672. we set sail , bearing our course due west , sometimes west and by south , and sometimes west-north-west , each traverse not exceeding fifteen leagues in longitude . we thus continued doing about seven dayes : on the eighth day in the morning , we espyed a blue cloud at west-south-west ; the sight hereof overjoy'd only the master , and my self ( for there was none of the seamen privy to our design ; ) and that we might the sooner enjoy the fruits of our longing expectations , we made all the sail we could up to it : the nearer our approach , the blacker it grew ; and having sail'd towards it about half a watch , it vanisht in an extraordinary flash of lightning . being troubled to be thus disappointed , we alter'd our course , and stood away to the northward till the next morning , lying by all the night . in the morning we tackt , and stood to the southward , and towards the evening we had sight of it again , and in the morning we seem'd to be very near it , and , as we thought , saw ships riding at anchor . now did we verily believe this must be o brazeel ; and whil'st the master and i were contending who should be the vice-roy , or have most power and authority therein , the wind rose high , and the sea began to skud against it , the sky was overcast , and the elements seemed to contend which should perform first the part of a merciless executioner . certainly neptune at this time wanted some pastime , and was resolved to play at tennis , bandying us to and fro like balls , making use of his billows for his rackets . thus were we tost up and down two dayes and nights at least ; which so discomposed my body ( being unaccustomed to such labour , and continual watching ) that i was forced to go into my cabin ; and though i was sensible of imminent danger , yet my wearied body could no longer hold out . just as i was rockt into a slumber , in came the master with more speed than ordinary , being quickned ( as any might imagine by his countenance ) with the sense and apprehension of some sudden ensuing danger ; had he gone about to conceal his fears , he could not have done it , they were written so legible in his face in the characters of horrour and amazement : which made me ask him , whether all was well ? he tremblingly , yet churlishly told me , i might sleep on , for 't was like to be my last . with that i leapt out , and coming on the deck , i saw a fellow at his prayers , who never said them , but when he thought he should as certainly dye , as be drunk when he came ashore : never did frightful ghost startle poor timerous mortals more , than the devout posture of that fellow did me , knowing it an infallible symptom or forerunner of immediate ruine and destruction . in this dismal and fatal exigency , i could hardly forbear smiling , ( though since i have condemn'd my vanity in that condition ) to see a fellow wringing of his hands , who had a nose some dayes before as red as any blood ; which blood was now so chill'd and congeal'd by fear , that it lookt like the end of a half-boil'd black-pudding . but to be serious , i made a diligent inquiry what should be the cause of their disorder'd and distracted looks ? i was answer'd by a file of deaths-heads , that our vessel had sprung a leak , and that there was no hope of safety . you may imagine what a strange metamorphosis these deadly words made in my face ; however , i presently bestir'd my self , and thought it requisite to use a helping hand , as well as a tongue , to cry god help . by my example , the rest fell to work , who were busie in doing nothing , and knew nothing what they did . i desired the master to go down into the hold , to find out the leak our ship had sprung ; who instantly return'd , and told me , that the leak was both inscrutable , and incurable ; for the water flow'd in so fast , that we must now number our dayes by one single minute . i never heard a deaths-head speak before ; and the truth of it is , he lookt much more like death himself , than his messenger : had he said not a word , we might have read our ruine in his countenance . there was now nothing more to be done , than to hoist our boat over-board ; which was as soon done , as commanded , and every one strove who should leap into it first ; i was the second , and having taken in four more , we put off from the ship-side , fearing lest the sinking ship should draw us in after it . now did we rowe we knew not whither , in a sea which seldom wears a smooth brow in autumn , which at this time contending with the wind , swell'd into prodigious mountains , which threatned every moment to be our monuments . and that which aggravated our misery , we had no sight of land in an open boat , no compass to guide , no provision to sustain us ; and the night growing on upon us , nothing could preserve us , but a miracle : and though the waves carried us up to heaven , yet there was no ground for our hope or belief , that god should put his hand out of a cloud , and take us miserable mortals to himself from the top of a surging wave ; neither could we expect to meet any ship ; for though many ships come from the same place , and bound for the same haven , yet they seldom meet in the vast ocean , and sail in the same line ; there are no beaten paths in the floods , no high-wayes and common roads in the sea. yet such was our good fortune , that we espied a sail making towards us , and we what we could towards it ; but having but two oars , we were not able to break the waves , and therefore made but little way . and now despair seized us again ; for notwithstanding all our endeavours , we could not reach this vessel , nor the vessel us : and now indeed i could not forbear shedding tears , although i had no need of more salt water . this our pregnant hopes brought forth nothing but wind and water ; and we that before , at the sight of this ship , flatter'd our selves with the assurance of safety , were now as much confounded with a certainty of perishing . for my part , i judg'd it a less affliction to have had no hopes at all of a deliverance , than presently to fall from it . questionless it did redouble the punishment of tantalus , to kiss those apples with his lips , which he must not taste with his tongue . but again we entertained fresh hopes : for in this our black and dismal night , we espied a light , which presently we row'd to with all might and main ; the ship standing towards us with more wind than her sails could well bear , came up quickly with us : we crying all out , she hung on the lee , and we came aboard of her ; we were entertained civilly by the master of the vessel , and his men , whom we understood by an english man on board , were wallisians , and were bound for montecapernia . notwithstanding we escaped so miraculously , and had such good entertainment from strangers ( when all hopes were lost ) yet our dejected countenances sufficiently declared the discontent of our minds , and desiring to be comforted as job was after our losses , with twice as much as we had before . the next morning the wind somewhat slackned , and the sea was less turbulent ; but towards night , it blew fresher than it did from the time of our shipwrack . the day being shut in , and the master knowing he was not far from land , was at his wits ends , being none of the best seaman ; and whil'st i was reading his fears in the confusion of his countenance , and thinking to advise him for the best , the ship struck against a clefted rock so violently , that there she stuck , till we had all the opportunity of leaping out ; but by reason of the darkness of the night , the master knew not where he was . with longing expectation to see the morning-star draw the curtain of the night , we roved to and fro , and found still firm footing on a spacious rock ; but as yet we had not light enough to discover us first to our selves ( being as yet in the dark ) as ignorant of our selves , as deplorable condition . never did night seem longer to any mortal , than this to me ; for besides that i was thinly clad , having cast off my coat , intending to swim , and had not leisure to put it on again , thinking it better to leave that behind , than my self ; i say , i had lost my shooes : so that though i was often up to the calf of the legs ( as i rambled up and down in the dark ) yet i could not say i was over shooes . and now the long-expected morning drew near , and we fain would have seen before we could . in that twilight , every black cloud we discern'd , we flattered our selves was some town , or village ; but when the sun arose , we found our selves on a rock , which was an island when our ship split upon it ; but the sea ebbing , left us a dry passage to the shore , which was about musket-shot distant . the tide coming in , made us hasten to the land , which was so fortified by nature with such high and almost-inaccessible rocks , that in our ascending them , we were in as great danger of breaking our necks , as before of drowning ; but at length , with much difficulty we got to the top , and then the master knew where he was , in his own countrey , viz. montecapernia ; notwithstanding his former loss , he was so over-joy'd that he knew where he was , that he leap't , and danc't : and for my part , i thought he would have skip't out of his breeches ; and that he might easily do , having a hundred ways for his passage . and now before i come to give you an account of our entertainment in this place , with a description thereof , and a character of the people ; give me leave to give you an account of our shipwrack in some few measured lines . a great sea-storm described , which hapned in the discovery of o brazeel , commonly called the inchanted island . nothing but air and water is in sight , and each ' gainst t'other did its force unite . the blustring winds let loose did raging fly , and made the water seem to scale the sky . much like to libertines let loose , will know no law to guide them , but astracy will go . the sea , to swell her teeming womb , brings forth wave after wave , and each of greater birth : waves grow to surges , surges billows turn ; the ocean is all tympany ; the urn of water is a brimmer ; neptune drinks so full a cup , it overslows the brinks : insulting waves , how durst ye proudly dash at heav'n , as though its cloudy face you 'd wash ! what is the lower water fully bent to mix with that above the firmament ? oy by invasion does it go about to put the element of fire quite out ? the sea roll'd up in mountains : o! 't is such , that penmen-maur's a wart , if 't be so much . which fall again into such hollow vales , i thought i 'd crost the sea by land o're wales . and then to add confusion to the seas , the sailers speak such babel words as these : hale in main-bowlin , mizen tack-aboard ; a language like a storm to be abhor'd . i know not which was loudest , their rude tongues , or the big winds with their whole cards of lungs . so hideous was the noise , that one might well fancy himself to be with souls in hell , but that the torments differ ; those souls are punisht with fire , but these with water here . our helm , that should our floating castle sway , we lasht it up , lest it should run away . our ship now under water seems to sail , like a toast drown'd within a tub of ale. our tatter'd sails did all hang down in pieces , like hedge that 's hung with rags , and beggars fleeces . our tackling crack't , as if it had been made to assist the fidlers , not the boat-swains trade . we pumpt our ship , but to as little end , as to repent , yet never to amend : for all the water we pumpt out with pain , the sea with scorn returns , and more again . the guns on board , design'd for our defence , heav'n thundred so , it almost sear'd them thence . and yet to heav'n for this give thanks we may , but for its lightning we had had no day . drinking salt-water now the glouds grow sick , and spew●d it down upon our heads so thick , that 'twixt the low , and upper seas that fell , the ship a vessel seem'd , and we mackrell pickl'd in brine , and in our cabins lie , souc't up therein for immortality . the fear of being drowned , made us wish our selves transpeciated into fish . indeed this fear did so possess each one , all look't like shotten-herring , or poor-john . nay , of our saving there was so much doubt , the pilots faith began to tack about ; and had he perisht in this doubtful fit , his conscience sure with the same ship had split ; for which way into heav'n his soul could steer , star-board or lar-board , that still cryes no neer ? but we were in great danger , you will say , if seamen once begin to kneel , and pray . what holy church ne're could , the seas have done , made seamen buckle to devotion ; and force from them their litany , whilst thus they whimper out , good lord , deliver us : so i pray too , good lord , deliver me henceforth from being taught to pray at sea. this wallisian skipper ( who had so much compassion as to take us into his vessel ) had so much good nature to conduct us to a house he knew , which was the parson's of a neighbouring village , by whom we were welcomed . having dryed , and refreshed ourselves , we fell into some discourse with mr. parson , and his wife ; and though they spake but little english , yet they indifferently understood the said iliads of our misfortunes , which they exprest by their tears , weeping bitterly at our relation , so that one would have thought they had suffered shipwrack , and not we . what meat they had , they did set before us ; and we fell to it so heartily , as if we would have repaired all we lost before by our long fasting , at one meal . their bread was broad oat-cakes baked on a flat stone , made of stuff much like that which the welsh call haver-meal ; but their beer is very strong , which they brew on purpose , as i imagine , to verifie the proverb , good drink , is meat , drink , and cloth : for in the coldest season they will go bare-foot , and be clad very thin ; but they will be sure to keep their understandings warm , and line their insides well with their potent liquor . the next day , the parson to express his kindness in a more liberal manner , desired us all to dine with him : we had but one dish for entertainment , and that so cram'd with such variety of gods creatures , that this dish seem'd to me to be the first chapter of genesis ; there was beef , mutton , goats , and kids-flesh , bacon , roots , &c. and all so confounded , that the best palate could not read what he did eat , nor by his taste know and distinguish the several sorts of creatures : though i was hungry enough , i did not like their thus working meat into a new chaos , and saucing the creators creatures out of the knowledge of mankind . but when i understood that this hodge-podge proceeded more from custom , than curiosity ; and that this was one point of their good husbandry , to boyle all together to save charges , my former censure was somewhat mitigated . the parson took so great a liking to me , that he would not be denied , but that i should stay with him one month ; to which , with much intreaty , i consented : the rest of the company took such courses as were most convenient for their present condition . in this time he brought me acquainted with many gentlemen of this countrey , one whereof so prevailed with me , as to live with him two years ; in which time , i took these true ensuing observations of the countrey : if they are not so large and full as expected , let my small stay in that place make my apology . the description of montecapernia , with the natures of the people , their qualities , humours , modes , fashions , and religion . montecapernia is divided into two great parts , south and north ; and it may well admit of this division , since there is so great a difference in the manners and language of both places ; the south understanding the north , for the most part , as little as the english do the cornish . the name montecapernia , seems to be derived from the latin mons and caper , as much as to say , montes caprorum , mountains of goats ; and so it may properly have that appellation , since there are few countries afford greater plenty of them ; whose nature is such , they will climb cragged and almost inaccessible high mountains , and dangerous precipices , with as much facility as a squirrel shall a tree . montecapernia to the southward , is a countrey inricht with natures chiefest treasures ; the fruitfulness of whose soil may vye with most places of the universe . their hills for height are dreadful to the eye ; and although they seem almost inaccessible , yet are very profitable to the inhabitants , not only as to the mines of coals , lead , and silver , contain'd within the bowels of these mountains , but also to the good common they afford to vast numbers of sheep , which are but small , yet very sweet mutton , whose fleece employs many hands in that countrey ; which plentifully supplies many more near adjacent , with good serviccable cloth , frize , flannel , &c. neither is the northward of this countrey so barren , but that the land produceth what is necessary for the sustenance , profit , and pleasure of the inhabitants . their beasts in general are but small , yet such ( as are for food ) much more indulge the palate , than any flesh in other parts ; what are for labour , are very serviceable , being full of mettle , exceeding hardy , and will carry burdens , the greatness whereof would startle any mans belief . the countrey is water'd by many excellent rivers and rivulets , which are furnished with great numbers of variety of fish ; one sort whereof i took special notice of , having never seen the like before ; the natives call it a mort , they are of all sizes , speckled with red spots on the side , some whereof are as big as a salmon , and eat exactly like it . their seas round about supply them with all manner of shell-fish , and other sorts , the choicest which ever came to neptunes table ; which they convey to other countries circumjacent , and thereby make a very great advantage . their marshes and rivers ( of which they have plenty ) are visited by multitudes of wild-fowl in the winter-season ; their hills are stor'd with woodcock , groust , heath-cock , &c. nor are they a little stored with red-deer , hares , and rabbits . fish and flesh of all sorts are sold cheaper than can be imagin'd ; as a quarter of mutton for eight pence , an ell-long salmon for ten pence , a pullet for a groat , and in some places ( according to the season ) twenty eggs a penny . i know not whether this cheapness may arise from the plenty of the aforesaid provision , or the scarcity of money . the people in general are great admirers of their pedigree , and have got their genealogy so exactly by heart , that though it be two hours work for them to repeat the names only from whence they are descended lineally , yet will they not omit one word in half a dozen several repetitions ; from whence i gather , they say them instead of their pater noster , or their evening and their morning prayers . the gentry ( for the most part ) are extracted from very ancient families , who are adored by the commonalty ; and to give them their due , are good natur'd gentlemen , exceeding free , and courteous to strangers , and extraordinary generous in their entertainments ; insomuch that i have seen in a gentlemans house of indifferent estate , at a moderate treat , twenty dishes , many of them trebly jointed , to recompence the smallness of the meat . their want of wine is supply'd by most incomparable beer and ale , which runs as free as water on a visit ; and if you do not drink as freely , they think they have not made you welcome ; so that a man knows not how to take leave , till he is unable to stir a foot . they are very courteous in their speech , and noble in their carriage , firm ( where they take ) and constant in their resolutions , splendid in their publick ceremonies ( of shrievalry , and the like ) couragious , stout , and great lovers of their prince and countrey ; honourable in their inclinations , and resolute in their enterprizes . in short , they are generally accomplisht in most respects , and greatly given to that they call hospitality . as i have thus characteriz'd the good , so take the bad with it , according to my observation , during my abode in this countrey : the purest wheat will have its chaff , and there is no wine but hath some lees. travelling into some places of no mean extent , i thought my self to be at the fag-end , or a — of the world ; the land being so exceeding barren , and destitute of wood , that for ten or twenty miles together ( cross the countrey ) you could not see a bush to tye your horse to , till you have untrust a point ; and therefore you must either bridle your mouth to stay your horse , or trust to the tame nature , and good conditions of the beast ; who if he be inclin'd to cool his mouth with a tuft of grass , he may sooner find it in a feather-bed ; but if the quickness of the air hath given him an appetite to eat , and a stomack to digest heath , moss , and scragged stones , he cannot want provision . the people in these barren places have so little converse with travellers , and the paths are so untrodden , that a man must aim at the way by guess , or carry a compass with him : and yet he may easily mistake the most noted road ; which if he do , he had need have recourse to his devotion for his miraculous deliverance from riding twenty-four hours , and never the nearer his journies end ; nay , it may be not six miles distant from whence he stray'd , and in all his travels see nothing but a flock of geese , some scattered sheep , half a dozen ragged colts , and now and then a few crows flying over his head , unless by chance under the side of some hill ( if near a common road ) he discovers a smoke , which if he make towards ( and happily escape a bogg ( of which the hills afford great plenty , and very dangerous too ) yet will it be difficult to discern the stately mansion whence the smoke arose , till his horses feet be very near the roof ; such is the natives care in sheltring themselves within the walls of nature : and upon this account , i have heard several of them brag of the strength and strange scituation of their towns , one whereof i had described to me , which engaged my curiosity to see it ; whence i took this observation . it is scituated in a little vale , encompassed round with walls , which are a mile thick , and more ; the entrance into the town is under water , and the steeple belonging to the town , grows every years . this place lies to the norward of montecapernia ; and though it be contemptible for its buildings ; yet is often made the place for the general assize of that county , where the justices of oyer and terminer sit : where note , that this countrey is governed by as wholesom laws as any other countrey . now to unriddle the aforesaid description , the town is built in a hole , encompassed with very great and high hills , which meet in their tops almost at the entrance into town , by which means there is a trough made over the passage from one hill to the other , for a conveyance of a watry brook , which otherwise would annoy the passage into town : under this trough the people travel , which is their going under water into town : as for the steeple , they have none , but the bell hangs in an yew-tree in the church-yard ; and there lies the quibble , that the steeple grows every year . they boast of other strange things they have in their countrey , namely , a great green bridge two or three miles in length , on which ( like that under which the river anus runs in spain ) they can feed two or three hundred head of cattle . it seems there is a river in this countrey that runs some miles under-ground , and disimbogues it self into the sea ; the inhabitants report , if a goose should be put into this river , and she swim through this earthen bridge , she will come out with never a feather on her back ; the cause to me is occult and hidden . there is another place far within the land , through which , at high-water , the sea will dash up a considerable height , with a noise both horrible and hideous ; this is occasioned by the concav'd earth , giving an inlet to the sea. they talk of a well also they have , in which there is thirty steps to descend into it ; in the stony side whereof , there is the exact impression of a man , which they say was christ ( by which you may gather the montecapernians have heard of our saviour : ) this impression was occasioned , as they say , when our saviour descending this well to drink , he lean'd against the wall , which was so tender-natur'd as to yield to his sides and limbs , lest its hardness should hurt any of them . though these things may seem incredible , yet i can assure this , that they will talk to one another above two miles distant ; that is , one shall stand on the top of one high hill , and the other upon the other : and though their tops are near , yet in the descending of one , and ascending the other hill , reckoning the interval between , and it will not amount to less than two miles : this they will brag of too ; and to shew their wit , will tell you pretty stories ; as for example , that two fathers , and two sons , kill'd three hares , and each carried home one , and no more ; that is , there was grandfather , father and son : and to amuse you , will tell you , that one of their countreymen caught a fox , a salmon , and a pheasant at one draught in a net ; that is , the net was laid for the pheasant , in a small wood near the sea-side , where was a wyer in which was a salmon , which the fox getting , ran with it into the wood , and so into the net , just as he was drawing for the pheasant , and so caught them all three . the montecapernian cots are generally built on the side of a hill , not to be discerned till you just come upon them . the cottage is usually raised three foot from the eves to the ground on the one side , and the other side hath a rock for a wall to save charges , in regard carriage is dear , and money but scarce , especially to such , who never see it but once in seven years , when out of pure devotion they go to the next market-town in the season to receive the consirmation of their faith , by sipping of wine out of a silver cup , which the parsons wife sets all the year after for a grace on the cupboard , and frequently serves for a brandy-taster . if for nothing else , but for their taking the sacrament , you may know they are no heathens . the hearth is placed in the middle of the house , and their fuel is made of earth and cow-dung dryed in the sun ; the smoke goes through no particular place , but breaks through every part between the rods or wattles of which they make their doors , sides , and roof of the house , which commonly is no bigger than an overgrown pig-stye ; to which they have two doors , one alwayes shut on that side where the wind blows ; from whence i believe it is , that they brag they have the quickest arenitects in all the world , because they can build a house in a day . the houses seem to mourn for the sterility of the countrey , being hung all in black , occasioned by the smoke ; and but look up , you may see the oyle of smoke naturally extracted , beyond the art of chymistry , hanging on the rods ; which if it chance to fall upon your cloaths , i 'll warrant you are marked for a black sheep , nor shall the art of man remove the stain . they delight not in variety of rooms , hating three stories , as a zealot does the triple-crown ; and that they may have all their family about them inclosed in one room , the good-man and his wife have their bed raised up about half as high as the roof , which is the teaster to their bed , made of straw or rushes , according to cold or warmer weather . the sheets are the womans smock , which ( if she be a good housewife ) shall contain her smaller children on the one side , and her husband on the other , when closed up ; and he peeping out at her bosom , you would take it to be an hermaphroditical monster , big with child , and ready to be delivered . they get into this bed by a stone or two set by the side : the man and wife lie at one end , and what children they have ( boyes and girles ) lie at the other , their feet meeting all together higgle-de-piggle-dee . the rest of the family they dispose of thus : a goat or an ewe they tye to the beds-feet ; over their heads roost their cocks and hens , and now and then shew the nature of their name , foul the foul faces of their master and dame ; this dung likewise serves instead of soap when they have occasion to wash , which is but seldom , having nothing besides their cloaths to wear , but a neck-cloth , and a flannel smock . their general food is a thin oat-cake , which they bake upon a broad flat stone made hot , a little sheeps-milk cheese , or goats-milk , boyl'd leeks , and some roots ; but seldom eat flesh , or drink strong beer , but at fairs , and publick solemnities : and then it is pity , for at any time small-beer will set their heads afloat , and their tongues into a perpetual motion , talk of nothing but pedigrees , grow quarrelsom , fight with their own heels , and may be lose their stockings and shooes before they get home , which else might last them an age , in regard they never wear them , but carry them on their backs , going bare-foot , till they come near a market-town , where men and women alike , with an inch-pipe filled with pigs-tail , or mundungus tobacco , and a great turf of fire to light it , sit down on the ground , and put on their stockings and shooes to go in , and at their return , at the same place , pull them off again ; being more afraid to scratch their shooes , than cut their feet and toes : whose skin is so hardned , that men , women and children , in the midst of winter , go bare-foot on sharp stones , pieces of ice , edge or side , all alike to them ; for which reason there are few shoocmakers in the countrey , because commonly their shooes last them an age. at other times , their drink is either three parts water , and a fourth milk , which they call glastor , or a handful of crabs bruised and laid asoak in a bowl-full of running water , for two or three hours . they have another sort of drink called whigg , which is a kind of a sour whey . likewise they have a drink call'd sicken-pen-fon , cold water poured on the grains . the people are naturally inclin'd to pride ; and to shew the antiquity of their family , some of them derive themselves the immediate and next of kinde to adam . it is a thousand pities the people are so sloathful , being given to no manner of industry , husbandry , or any other useful improvement ; which partly occasions the barrenness of the countrey so much to appear , that otherwise by active spirits might easily evince the contrary : for though they have many hills , mountains , and boggs , yet have they matchless rich vallies . it may be conjectured their sloathfulness may in part be occasioned by their ignorance ; some of the indifferent sort being brought up to read , and by the pretence of centility , scorning a trade , never heed the farther improvement of their fortunes , or understandings , till the father dyes , and the elder brother possess the estate . they are a people generally envious , especially of the rise of their neighbours ; naturally pragmatical , and inquisitive after others affairs , and alwayes blabbing , and telling tales ; and so litigious , that they are ready to go to law , if they see their neighbours horse put his head over their hedge , or his goose at their barns-door . the women are infected with the like quarrelsom humour . i have seen two women about some trivial matter , fall together by the ears ; the men took each others part , one neighbour seconded one , and the next another ; till they had engaged two thirds of the town in the quarrel , and none of them knew for what they fought , or how the fray began ; and to be revenged the more of one another , they sent the next opportunity for process in battery , trespass , scaadal , and i know not what : and then to law they went ( for they love it above any thing ) when they had spent their money , they were forced to put it to a reference , and then are at another charge in treating the arbitrators , and their friends ; who having feasted themselves , leave the business as they found it : and yet this great charge and trouble will not dissuade them from following these litigious courses , but are never at quiet , but when they have some suit or other depending : their lawyers taking notice of the temper of the people , promote the differences , in humouring their fancies ; by which means , they continually drain their pocket , and this is one great cause of their general poverty . the commonalty are extremely awed by their superiours ; in such sort , a tenant fears as much to speak against a lord of the mannor , or their next powerful neighbour , as wiser men would dread to speak treason against a prince , under whose allegiance be lives , and hath sworn to . and i have heard say , that some of them will swear and forswear any thing , that may tend to the benefit of that landlord from whom he hath any dependance , and think it no great crime . many notorious vices are among them , which they look upon to be things of another complexion ; and this i believe proceeds from their ignorance in religion : and that ignorance is occasioned by their superiours , who in these latter years , have ingrost to themselves all church-lands , and allowance for the clergy . in several places it is so small , that six such portions will scarcely keep a single man alive . i knew one that had to the value of but eighteen shillings english money per annum , to officiate in divine service on the sabbath day ; and therefore all the rest of the week he was forc'd to thatch , thresh , or wrought otherwayes for three pence a day . the next thing we shall treat of , is the particular parts of worship in their religion ; and first for baptism , they generally do carry the child to the church , as soon as born , if the church be near , where at the font the child is named by the godfathers and godmothers , with a short ceremony ; all whose christian names , with the parents , are conjoyned , which if wrote at length , would blot more paper than the titles of the grand seignior . the women are of a very strong constitution , the midling sort hardly keeping their beds three dayes at a lying in ; and the fourth day will give no quarter to the groaning ale , fight the fifth , and it may be go to church the sixth , with the mark of the lord of northumberland's arms under the callicoe hood , which they wear for a kerchief . their marriages are made like bargains of old , like a pig in a poke unseen ; for the parents meet over a cup of nappy ale , where making some bargain for wheat , oats , or any other necessary thing they want , at last strike up a match between their son and daughter : this serves instead of wooing , by which means the first meeting is seldom till the man comes to fetch the woman to church , attended with a rabble of all the relations , who must out of pure love not be sober that whole week , and then the next sunday attend them to church again ; and there ends the ceremony . they have no scruples in their marriages ( as i could hear of ) for the nearest of kin often intermarries with the other , one man frequently marrying two sisters , &c. their burials retain something of the relicts of popish ceremony : for next night after the decease of the person , every friend , neighbour and relation comes to his house , and brings each a candle , and a gun of ale , where this jovial crew light up their lights , making a good fire , and then drink remembrances of the dead , till some of them lose their own , and for want of feet stand in need as much of bearers home , as the corps to the grave . when the time comes to carry it out , which is within three or four dayes after the decease of the person , the priest in his surplice walks before the guests , round the corps , all confusedly , and the corps in the middle : being near the church , the men put off their hats , and then men and women fet up together such a hideous cry , that i can resemble it to nothing more proper , than to that , drowning men make when the ship is sinking : this they continue till they come to the church , where the priest in his own language reads a little service . and here observe the policy of the priest : for having no certain fee allowed for burials , but by custom receives the free-will-offering of the next of kin , and friends to the deceased ; he will be sure , for fear he lose any of the guests , to stop in the midst of the service , and leaying his book open , stands with his face directly against the corps ; by which dumb signs , the people knowing his mind , they make their offering . the first of kin goes to the communion-table , and throws down his benevolence , perhaps a six-pence , if he be a brother , or so near a relation . the rest by pence , or two-pence , do so increase the parsons stock , that it may amount to three or four shillings . after this he goes on merrily with the remaining part of the divine service ; and having finisht it , away to the ale-house , where he is sure to have his charge born for that day . another strange passage they have at their burials , which i had almost omitted ; that is , they first give wheaten loaves to the poor , and as the corps stands at the door on a bier , the next of kin to the deceased , taketh a new wooden bowl ( never used ) filled with the best liquor they have , and half a dozen wheaten loaves , with a good piece of cheese , and gives it cross the corps to any whom he fancies to be the poorest beggar ; who receives the same , and immediately drinks the liquor , with a blessing to the soul departed . desiring to be satisfied concerning the meaning of that strange ceremony , they answered , that the souls of the deceased in their rambles in the elizium , do meet with a sweet-tasting pleasant fountain , of which each soul doth drink his bowl ; and if that ceremony were not performed at the burial of the deceased , they think that soul would want those necessaries in its supposed ramble thither . their sunday is the most leisure-day they have , on which they use all manner of sports ; in every field a fiddle , and the lasses footing it till they are all of a foam , and grow infinitely proud with the blear-eye of affection her sweet-heart casts on her feet , as she dances , to a tune , and no tune , play'd on an instrument that makes a worser noise than a key upon a gridiron . their greatest zeal , is in keeping sacred some old sayings of their great grandsires , and preserving sacred some old relict of their grandmothers ; in both of which they are so strict , that for the first , if they hear one whistle in the night , they are afraid , and will avoid you ; because , say they , our ancestors told us , that such as whistle in the night , convers'd with the devil , and call those spirits in the air together , by such sound , to confer with them . the relicts of their grandmothers are as severe ; for if she leave but an old chair , a wooden spoon , or any other trifle to them , they will preserve it sacred , fearing to prejudice it in the least ; should any such thing accidentally happen , they would absolutely conclude it did presage some harm ensuing . they are great lovers of women , especially such of their own countrey ; and so unsensible of the guilt , that they glory in the crime , and brag of their spurious issue . a gentleman of good note , whom i knew , had so many , that he knew them not when he saw them : several strange women whom he knew not , taking notice of this advantage , did frequently send their children to him , who to be rid of them quickly , gave them his formal blessing , with some small piece of money . i have heard of two other gentlemen as libidinous as the former , the uncle and nephew ; the latter of which living in the metropolis of montecapernia , had a very handsom maid to his servant ; yet although he had an incomparable beauty to his wife , nothing would serve his turn but the enjoyment of his maid-servant : few persuasions were required to induce her to that which her own inclinations led her to ; so that in a little time she was wholly at her masters devotion . not long after , she prov'd with child ; and that he might not incur the displeasure of his virtuous wife ( not that he fear'd the blemishing of his reputation for having a bastard ) he sent her whil'st she was young with child to his uncle , that there she might privately lie in , and no notice be taken . the uncle receiv'd her , and became his nephews confident in his stoll'n amours , without reproving him for his wantonness . now , as one kindness deserves another ; so the uncle having gotten this same woman with child a , little time after her delivery , and sending her to his nephew to lie in , the nephew could do no less than receive her ; and did so , concealing the ignominy of his uncle as much as in him lay . such was their success in not being discovered ( the wenches mouth being stopt with money ) that the nephew sell to work again with her as soon as she had delivered her loading ; and getting her with child , sent her back to his uncle : and thus they sent her as a token one to the other , till they had got six children between them ; and had she not dy'd a little after she was quick of the seventh , there might have been a generation between them as long as the first chapter of matthew . more might be said in landem & vituperium , in the praise and dispraise of montecapernia ; but my stay being there but a very little , i wanted both information , and further observation . finis . his majesties ansvver to the humble petition of the gentlemen, free-holders, and ministers of the countie palatine of chester delivered to his maiestie at york the seventh of may, 1642. at the court and york 9 may 1642. his maiestie hath given me expresse command to give you this his answer to your petition. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78644 of text r210530 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[18]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78644 wing c2118 thomason 669.f.5[18] estc r210530 99869316 99869316 160731 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78644) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160731) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[18]) his majesties ansvver to the humble petition of the gentlemen, free-holders, and ministers of the countie palatine of chester delivered to his maiestie at york the seventh of may, 1642. at the court and york 9 may 1642. his maiestie hath given me expresse command to give you this his answer to your petition. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for john sweeting, london : 1642. the king sees that the county .. have not heard his answer to the parliament's petition. .. suggests that they petition parliament to do him justice, .. -steele. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng prerogative, royal -great britain -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. chester (england) -history -17th century -sources great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78644 r210530 (thomason 669.f.5[18]). civilwar no his majesties ansvver to the humble petition of the gentlemen, free-holders, and ministers of the countie palatine of chester, delivered to england and wales. sovereign 1642 627 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-06 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties ansvver to the humble petition of the gentlemen , free-holders , and ministers of the countie palatine of chester , delivered to his maiestie at york the seventh of may , 1642. at the court at york 9 may 1642. his maiestie hath given me expresse command to give you this his answer to your petition . that he sees plainly that this petition of yours hath been framed without having heard the answer his majestie gave to his parliament , upon their petition to him for desisting from his iourney into ireland ; for he cannot thinke that that countrey ( from whence he hath received formerly so good expressions of their loyall intentions , by two former petitions presented long since to him and the parliament ) would have been so much mistaken , as to have made this petition , after they had seen and well considered his majesties said answer . and his majestie observes very well , that this petition is not like others , which by an untimely zeal , have desired him to return to his parliament ; you onely desiring him there to reside , where with more conveniency and security he may consult with his great councell , then by going into ireland : his majestie being confident , that your well weighing of his answers concerning that subject , hath been the cause that you have not imitated some few other countreys in that particular ; and that you have well considered the rebellious affront offered to him at hull , by a hostile opposition of his entrance ; and therefore beleeves that the same reason which made you , at this time expresse your tender care of his person , and the former good expressions you made of your loyalty and right-set affections to the good of the whole kingdom , may sooner induce you to petition the parliament to apply themselves to a right understanding of his majesties wayes and intentions , and to do him iustice for that affront , then make you to preferre any such ill-grounded petition . and that you may be the better informed of his majesties proceedings in those particulars ; he recommends to your view and consideration , his answers to the declaration presented to him at new-market , to the petition presented to him at york the 26 of march last , concerning his journey into ireland , his two messages and declaration concerning hull ; all which , when it shall be fully represented to the rest of your county , he doubts not but that you will rest very well satisfied of his constant resolution for the maintaining of , and governing you by the law of the land , his unmoveable resolutions for the maintenance and defence of the true protestant profession , and the suppression and chastising of the barbarous irish rebellion , as for your apprehensions of danger of being left naked , and not put into a posture of defence , his majestie assures you , that he will take care that it shall be done in the true old legall way which hath been used in this kingdom , without bringing in strangers to govern you , or admitting new and exorbitant powers , derogating both from his majesties undoubted legall authority , and the liberty of the subject , which , as he hath constantly denied , so he expects , and no wayes doubts , but that you will give obedience to that , and that onely , which shall proceed from his majesty in a legall way . subscribed by m. secretary nicholas . london , printed for john sweeting , 1642. the lord marques of argyle's speech to a grand committee of both houses of parliament the 25th of this instant june, 1646 together with some papers of the commissioners for the kingdom of scotland, wherein they do give their consent to the sending of the propositions of peace to his majesty, and desire their armies to be supplyed, and the accounts between the kingdoms to be perfected, to the end all armies may be disbanded, &c. : also his majesties letter to the marques of ormond discharging all further treaty with the irish rebels : and a letter from general major monro concerning the state of affairs in ireland. speech to a grand committee of both houses of parliament the 25th of this instant june 1646 argyll, archibald campbell, marquis of, 1598-1661. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a25796 of text r23323 in the english short title catalog (wing a3671). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 29 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a25796 wing a3671 estc r23323 12067100 ocm 12067100 53391 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a25796) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 53391) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 49:16) the lord marques of argyle's speech to a grand committee of both houses of parliament the 25th of this instant june, 1646 together with some papers of the commissioners for the kingdom of scotland, wherein they do give their consent to the sending of the propositions of peace to his majesty, and desire their armies to be supplyed, and the accounts between the kingdoms to be perfected, to the end all armies may be disbanded, &c. : also his majesties letter to the marques of ormond discharging all further treaty with the irish rebels : and a letter from general major monro concerning the state of affairs in ireland. speech to a grand committee of both houses of parliament the 25th of this instant june 1646 argyll, archibald campbell, marquis of, 1598-1661. ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. monro, robert. england and wales. parliament. scotland. parliament. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 16 p. printed for lawrence chapman, london : june 27, 1646. "published by authority" reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. ireland -history -1625-1649. a25796 r23323 (wing a3671). civilwar no the lord marques of argyle's speech to a grand committee of both houses of parliament, the 25th of this instant june, 1646. together with so argyll, archibald campbell, marquis of 1646 5356 2 0 0 0 0 0 4 b the rate of 4 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-03 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-03 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the lord marques of argyle's speech to a grand committee of both houses of parliament , the 25th of this instant june , 1646. together with some papers of the commissioners for the kingdom of scotland , wherein they do give their consent to the sending of the propositions of peace to his majesty , and desire their armies to be supplyed , and the accounts between the kingdoms to be perfected , to the end all armies may be disbanded , &c. also his majesties letter to the marques of ormond , discharging all further treaty with the irish rebels . and a letter from general major monro concerning the state of affairs in ireland . published by authority . london : printed for laurence chapman . june 27. 1646. the lord marques of argyle his speech to a grand committee of both houses , iune 25. 1646. my lords and gentlemen , though i have had the honor to be named by the kingdom of scotland in all the commissions which had relation to this kingdom since the beginning of this war ; yet i had never the happinesse to be with your lordships till now , wherein i reverence gods providence ; that he hath brought me hither at such an opportunity , when i may boldly say , it is in the power of the two kingdoms , yea , i may say in your lordships power , to make us both happy , if you make good use of this occasion , by setling religion , the peace and union of these kingdoms . the work of reformation in these kingdoms is so great a work , as no age nor history can parallel since christs days ; for no one nation had ever such a reformation set forth unto them , much lesse three kingdoms : so that this generation may truly think themselves happy if they can be instrumental in it . and as the work is very great , so it cannot be expected but it must have great and powerful enemies , not only flesh and blood which hate to be reformed but principalities and powers , the rulers of the darknesse of this world , and spiritual wickednesses in high places . as the dangers are great , we must look the better to our duties ; and the best way to perform these , is to keep us by the rules which are to be found in our national covenant , principally the word of god ; and in its own place , the example of the best reformed churches . and in our way we must beware of some rocks , which are temptations both upon the right & left hand , so that we must hold the middle path . upon the one part we would take heed not to setle lawlesse liberty in religion , whereby in stead of uniformity , we should set up a thousand heresies & schisms , which is directly contrary and destructive to our covenant . upō the other part we are to look that we persecute not piety & peaceable men , who cānot through scruple of conscience come up in all things to the cōmon rule : but that they may have such a forbearance as may be according to the word of god , may consist with the covenant , and not be destructive to the rule it self , nor to the peace of the church and kingdom ; wherein i will insist no further , either to wrong your lordships patience or judgements , who , i doubt not , will be very careful to do every thing according to our covenant . as to the other point , concerning the peace and union of the kingdoms , i know it is that which all professe they desire ; i hope it is that all do aim at : sure i am , it is that which all men ought to study and endeavor . and i think it not amisse to remember your lordships of some former experiences as an argument to move us to be wise for the future . if the kingdom of england in the 1640. year of god then sitting in parliament , had concurred as they were desired against the kingdom of scotland , no question we had been brought to many difficulties , which blessed be god , was by the wisdom of the honorable houses prevented . so likewise when this kingdom was in difficulties , if the kingdom of scotland had not willingly , yea cheerfully sacrificed their peace to concur with this kingdom , your lordships all know what might have been the danger . therefore let us hold fast that union which is so happily established betwixt us ; and let nothing make us again two , who are so many ways one ; all of one language in one island , all under one king , one in religion , yea one in covenant , so that in effect we differ in nothing , but in the name ( & so do brethren ) which i wish were also removed , that we might be altogether one , if the two kingdoms shall think fit : for i dare say , not the greatest kingdom in the earth can prejudice both , so much as one of them may do the other . i will forbear at this time to speak of the many jealousies i hear are suggested , for as i do not love them , so i delight not to mention them : only one i cannot forbear to speak of , as if the kingdom of scotland were too much affected with the kings interest . i will not deny but the kingdom of scotland , by reason of the raign of many kings his progenitors over them , hath a natural affection to his majesty , whereby they wish he may be rather reformed then ruined : yet experience may tell , that personal regard to him hath never made them forget that common rule , the safety of the people is the supreme law : so likewise their love to monarchy makes them very desirous that it may be rather regulated , then destroyed , which i hope i need not to mention further to your lordships , who i trust , are of the same minde . i know likewise there are many jealousies and unjust aspersions cast upon the scotish armies in england and ireland : i can ( if it were needful ) presently produce heads of a declaration intended by the army in england for vindicating themselves from such injuries , and shewing the clearnesse of their resolutions and integrity , both in the cause , and towards this kingdom , wherein their undertakings and coming in at such a season of the year , their hard sufferings and constant endeavors since , may be sufficient testimonies . therfore i am the more bold to desire your lordships , that so long as they stay in england ( which i wish may be for a short time ) they may be supplied with some moneys , and their quarters enlarged , least their lying in too narrowquarters , make the burthen in supportable to that exhausted corner of the countrey where they now remain , and so beget out-cryes against them , when they are not-enabled to discharge their quarters , as other armies within the kingdom . as for the army in ireland , i have been an eye witness to their sufferings , and so may speak of it likewise upon certain knowledge , that never men have suffered greater hardships , who might have been provided ; for they have lived many times upon a few beans measured out to them by number , and never had any other drink but water ; and when they were in some better condition , they had but an irish peck of rough oats for a whole week ; and now at their best conditiō when they are quartered upon the country ( which is able to entertain them only for a very short time ) they have only an irish peck of oat-meal , or a shilling in the ten days both for meat and drink . therefore , according to the many desires given in to the honorable houses for that end , i humbly entreat that your lordships will take care to provide for them , so long as it is thought fit they remain in that kingdom . for a renewed testimony of our earnest desires to comply with the honorable houses for setling the peace of these kingdoms , so much longed for , we do return unto your lordships the propositions of peace ( which we received on tuesday last ) with our consent thereunto , wishing they may be hasted to his majesty , who hath so often called for them . and i likewise offer to your lordships the copy of his majesties letter to my l : ormond , discharging him from any further medling in any treaty with the rebels in ireland , i hope in order to his majesties further condescending to the setling of that proposition concerning ireland , and the rest of the propositions now to be sent unto him . another paper there is which concerns the supplying of the scotish armies in england and ireland , and the perfecting of the accompts between the kingdoms , together with a letter from gen : major monro , to the committee of estates of the kingdom of scotland , concerning the : state of affairs in ireland . all which , when your lordships have considered , i trust ye will take such course therein , as may satisfie our just desires , may put an end to our present troubles , and settle these kingdoms in a happy peace . the paper wherein the commissioners for the kingdom of scotland consent to the propositions of peace . it is above a twelve moneth sithence we did earnestly presse the sending of propositions to the king for a safe and well grounded peace . in answer whereunto , the honorable houses were pleased to acquaint us , that they had resolved propositions should be sent to his majesty , but did intend to make some alterations , in the former propositions , and after eight or nine moneths deliberation we received from the honorable houses some of those propositions : and though we did finde therein very material additions , alterations and omissions , which for their great importance , and the interest of the kingdom of scotland therein , might very well have required the delay of an answer until the estates of that kingdom had been consulted ; yet so unwilling were we to retard the means of peace , that in a fortnights time we returned an answer upon the whole propositions ; and the houses of parliament not resting satisfied therewith , in less then ten dayes we prepared a further answer , wherein we did very much comply with the desires of the honorable houses , especially in the matter of the setling of the militia of england & ireland , and in other things did shew our readinesse to hear or propose such expedients as might determine our differences : so that in a whole years time the propositions have not remained in our hands the space of four weeks ( which we only mention to clear our proceedings frō mistakes & aspersions ) and the househaving now after two months further deliberation delivered unto us upon the 23. of this instant june , all the propositions they intend to send to the king at this time ; we do without any delay return such an answer & resolution thereupon , as will be to the present and future generations one undenyable testimony ( besides many others ) of the integrity & faithfulnesse of the kingdom of scotland in their solemn league and covenant , of their love to peace , and earnest desire to satisfie their brethren of england , in those things which concern the good and government of this kingdom : being further resolved , touching the kingdom of scotland , that as nothing of single or sole concernment to that nation did engage them in this war , so nothing of that nature shall continue the same . although these propositions now to be sent , do much differ from the propositions formerly agreed upon by the parliaments of both kingdoms , and the most material additions , omissions and alterations , are in such particulars as concern the joynt interest & mutual confidence & conjunction of both kingdoms , which were , as we conceive , much better provided for , and strengthned by the former propositions then by these ; although the particular propositions presented by us concerning the kingdom of scotland , are not yet agreed unto by the houses of parliament , as was offered in their paper of the 10. of april ; although divers propositions of joynt concernment be now superseded , and the sending of them delayed to a more convenient time , as is expressed in the votes of both houses the 26. of march ; and although ( which is to us more then all the rest ) those ordinances of parliament , unto which the fifth and sixth propositions do relate ( and were therefore cōmunicated unto us upon our desire to see what the houses had already agreed upon concerning religion ) do not contain the establishment of such a reformation of religion , and uniformity as was expected and was the chief end of our engagement in this war . and as all these ordinances put together come short of what we wished , so there are some particulars which we conceive to be inconsistent with the word of god , and the example of the best reformed churches , and therefore cannot in our consciences consent unto them ; which particulars were expressed to both houses in the remonstrance of the commissioners of the church of scotland , of the date march 26. 1646. yet neverthelesse , we do so earnestly desire , and so highly value the easing of the heavie pressures under which both kingdoms groan , and the bringing of this bloody lasting war to a speedy and happy end ; considering withal , that not onely the book of common-prayer , and the prelatical government are abolished , and a common directory of worship established in both kingdoms , but that likewise the ordinances aforementioned do contain divers parts of a positive reformation & uniformity in church-government , unto which we formerly gave our consent in our answer upon the whole propositions of peace of the 20. of april , and for so happy beginnings , and so good a foundation laid for the future , we heartily thank god , and do acknowledge the zeal , piety , and wisdom of the honorable houses therein , remembring also , that these ordinances do not contain the whole model of church-government , and that the houses have been pleased to expresse , [ that it cannot be expected , that a perfect rule in every particular should be setled all at once , but that there will be need of supplements and additions , and happily of alterations in some things , as experience shall bring to light the necessity thereof . upon these considerations , as we doe cheerfully consent to many materiall parts of these propositions , so we resolve to make no let , but to give way to the sending of such other particulars therein contained , with which we are unsatisfied in the matter , for the reasons formerly represented to both houses , of which some still stand in force ; though others of them be taken away by the new expedients . it being alwayes understood , that our not dissenting from , nor opposing of the sending of the propositions , as they now stand , shall be no prejudice nor impediment to all , or any one of the articles of the solemne league and covenant , especially to the first articles , concerning the preservation of the reformed religion in the church of scotland , in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government , against our common enemies ; the reformation of religion , in the kingdom of england and ireland , in doctrine , worship , discipline and government , according to the word of god , and example of the best reformed churches , and the bringing of the churches of god in the three kingdoms to the neerest conjunction and uniformity in religion , confession of faith forme of church , government , directory for worship , and catechising , which things both kingdoms are by covenant obliged sincerely and really to endevour , and that not for a time , but constantly ; so that neither of the kingdoms can be loosed or acquitted from the most strict and solemne obligation of their continued and constant endevouring these good ends , so farre as any of them is not yet obtained : it being also understood , that our concurrence to the sending of the propositions , shall be without prejudice to any agreement or treaty betweene the kingdoms , and shall not infringe any engagement made to the kingdom of scotland , nor be any hind●rance to our insisting upon the other propositions already made known to the houses : and it being understood that it is not our judgement , that every particular and circumstance of these propositions is of so great importance to these kingdomes , as peace and warre should depend thereupon . upon these grounds ( which we make knowne onely for clearing our consciences and for discharging our selves in the trust , put upon us , without the least thought , of retarding the so much longed for peace ) we condescend and agree that the propositions as they are now resolved upon be in the name of both kingdoms presented to the king , whose heart we beseech the lord wholly to incline to the councells of truth and peace . 25. iune , 1646. by the command of the commissioners , for the kingdom of scotland . iohn cheisley another paper , wherein the commissioners for the kingdome of scotland desire their armies in england and ireland to be supplied , the accounts to be perfected , and all armies disbanded , &c. having so often represented by papers , and now by word to the honourable houses , the extreame necessities of our armies in england and ireland , we shall not trouble them with unnecessary repetition , but onely mention those desires which require their very speedy consideration . 1 we desire , that for easing the countrey of their great pressures , and preventing many dangerous inconveniences , the quarters of the scottish army in the north of this kingdome may be enlarged , and a considrable supply of money dispatched unto them . 2 that money , provisions , and ammunition may be sent to the scottish army in ireland , and the same care taken in providing for them as for other forces imployed in that kingdome . 3 that the 5000 armes long since promised , and in an ordinance of both houses of the 26 of august 1645 , referred to the care of the committee sitting at habberdashers-hall , may be speedily provided ; and that the honourable houses will be pleased to grant power to that committee , to contract and make payment as well as to treat for furnishing of these armes , by reason of which defect in the ordinance , the sending of these armes hath been hitherto retarded . 4 that to prevent the further invasion of the kingdome of scotland by the irish rebels , ships may be presently sent to attend the coasts betwixt scotland and ireland , and the commanders of these ships authorised with such instructions as are agreeable to the treaties between the kingdomes . 5 that the honourable houses will be pleased to send commissioners to joyne with the committee of estates , residing with the scottish army , who may be witnesses as of their other proceedings , so of their earnest desires and reall endeavours with the king , for giving speedy and full satisfaction to both kingdoms . and it is also our earnest request , that these commissioners may have power to treat and agree with the committee of estates , concerning the stating of the accompts , and setling any differences that may arise thereupon . and further to treat and agree upon overtures , estimated mediums , or expedients for the speedy setling therereof ( which we are confident may be done in a very few dayes ) and either finally to conclude them , or represent them to both houses ; whereby withall possible expedition upon the setling of the propositions and accompts , such course may be taken as all armes may be disbanded , the kingdoms eased of their heavy pressures and insupportable burthens , that so all things being setled in a brotherly way , we and our posterity may after so unhappy and troublesome a war , enjoy a quiet and blessed peace . 25. iune , 1646. by command of the commissioners , for the kingdom of scotland . iohn cheisly . his majesties letter to the marquesse of ormond . charles r. right trusty , &c. having long with much griefe looked upon the sad condition our kingdome of ireland hath been in these divers yeeres through the wicked and desperate rebellion there , and the bloody effects have ensued thereupon ; for the setling whereof we would have wholly applied our selves , if the difference betwixt us and our subjects here had not diver●●d and withdrawn us ; and not having been able by force ( for that respect ) to reduce them , we were necessitated for the present safety of our protestant subjects there , to give you power and authority to treat with them , upon such pious , honourable , and safe grounds as the good of that our kingdome did then require . but for many reasons too long for a letter , we thinke fit to require you to proceed no further in treaty with the rebels , nor to engage us upon any conditions with them after sight hereof . and having formerly found such reall proofes of your ready obedience to our commands , we doubt not of your care in this , wherein our service and the good of our protestant subjects in ireland , is so much concerned : from newcastle the 11 of june 1646. right honorable , it being my duty to represent unto your honours the condition of affaires here touching our army , and these of the brittish army , who were engaged with us in the service being extraordinarily scarce of provisions , and hearing from all parts that the irish had no considerable army on foot , for preservation of our quarters it was resolved by joynt advice to make to the feilds with a moneths provision , for to purchase victualls or cattell from the enemy ; so that we entred our march the second of iune being effective under armes 3400 fooot , and eleven troopes of horse with six feilding peeces , and colonell monro was to joyne with us at glashloch with three troopes of horse , and 240 musqueriers , auchinbreck being left at home for defence of the quarters ; the marquis regiment being landed from scotland two dayes before , could not be gotten in readinesse to joyne with us . it was also condiscended on by the english commissioners and me , that the laggan forces should march unto connaght immedately to keepe the enemy busied there , who were ordained to keepe correspondency with us on all occasions ; having parted with our commissioners the second night of our march neere drummore . the fourth in the morning , i commanded forth a party of horse being 72 , commanded horse-men led by the lieutenant of my troope daniel monro , who had direction to crosse the black-water at benburg to scoure the fields , and to certifie colonell monro of my rendezvouz place at glasloch iune the 5. whereby the way at armagh the party unexpectedly foregathered with the enemies fore troope , and tooke a prisoner of theirs , who gave intelligence that the enemies army were marching that morning from glasloch to quarter at benburg andcharlemount , which intercepted my party from going to colonell monro , the prisoner being sent to meete mee , after examination certified us the enemies army were effective above 5000 foote , and twelve troopes of horse provided with a fortnights victualls . being thus informed i presently broke up our night leagure and marched six miles surther to hamiltons hand foure miles from armagh , and sent for our party to retire upon the army , being impossible for them to get through to colonell monro . friday the fifth by foure of the clock in the morning i marched to armagh in view of the enemy , thinking the nearer our army was to theirs , to hinder them from sending any strength to fall upon colonell monro , his way lying directly towards the enemies quarters . and having viewed the enemies army in a posture to defend the passage at benburg , which being hard for us to force the passage , by reason of the straitnesse of the passe , the enemy being master of the bridge and of the ford , very advantagious for him ; presently i conveened the officers of the army to consult what was best for us to undertake , whereby joynt advice it was resolved to march with the army in the enemies view to kinnard to crosse the water there , and so to draw the enemy from his advantage , and from colonell monro his party being but weake , which being effectuated we were betwixt the enemy and his victualls , having gained the passe at kinnard without dispute and had he enemy betwixt us and our party , and our baggage secured in our reare ; all our army foote and horse did earnestly cover fighting , which was impossible for mee to gainestand without being reproached of cowardice ; and therefore having provided our selves for battell , and that orderly , with resolution , we advanced towards the enemy about six a clock at night , and beate in their commanded men and fore troopes to their army , where they stood ready in battell to receive us . lieutenant colonell cuningham , with 500 commanded men cleered the passage for our horsemen to advance who were commanded then in absence of colonell moure by the lord viscount of ardes ; the army followed up after the feilding peeces , and drew up in battell forth against the enemy , who had possessed themselves with the advantagious ground , where their foot were covered with scrogs and bushes ; the service begun hot on both sides continued from six a clock at night till after sunne set . the enemy could not get charged on our left or right wing having the blackwater on the right hand and a marrish bog on the left wing , and wee being drawne up in the plaine , having our peices before us and our horsemen behind our reserve , and it being impossible for the enemy to charge us but in our van , our horsemen could receive them marching up , and charging through the intervals , betwixt the brigades of foot , about sun set i perceived the enemy making ready for a generall assault , first with his foot and his horse coming up behind his foot to second them , i had given order to a squadron of our horse to break through them before they should advance to our foot , that squadron of horse consisting for the most part of irish riders , although under the english command , did not charge but retreated disorderly through our foot , making the enemies horse for to follow them at least one squadron , notwithstanding thereof our foot stood to it , and received the enemies batalions body to body with push of pike , till at last our second squadron of horse charged : the enemies horse and fell pell mell amongst our foot , who being carried in disorder , had no way of retreat but to wade the blackwater where it was scarce foordable , and by that meanes and the darknesse of the night many of our foot escaped with the losse of some few officers , six field pieces , and some colours , so that by all appearance the irish under the lesnegarvey horsemen had a purpose to betray the army by their running away ; leaving the foot to be cut downe , who were also deserted by the rest of the horse after retiring from their last charge , the enemy falling on our baggage , the baggage horses being all gone , the enemy loved the spoyle better then to prosecute the victory . so that we lost off the foote at the nearest conjecture five or six hundred , and twenty officers were taken prisoners the lord of ardes being one , we lost also many armes by reason the souldiers had above 50 miles to retire . and notwithstanding of all our losses , the enemy as yet ( praised be god ) hath not attempted to prosecute his victory within our quarters , and col. monro with his party miraculously retreated home from the enemy who viewed them , without the losse of a man . and now we are making up out forces again , having not lost of our horsemen above thirty , and one cornet who was killed ; we are both scarce of armes and victuals , and for ought i can understand , the lord of hosts had a controversie with us to rub shame on our faces , as on other armies , till once we shall be humbled ; for a greater confidence did i never see in any army then was amongst us , and we behooved to taste of bitternesse as well as others of both nations ; but praised be god being now humbled before god , we increase in courage and resolution so according to your interest in us and in the poore inhabitants in this province , use some speedy meanes to supply us . thus recommending your lordships and all your weighty affaires to the protection of the allmighty , i humbly take my leave . cariek-fergus the 11th of iune . robert monro . about the same time a party of our countrymen in connaght incountered with a commanded party of prestons army , where the enemy lost five hundred men , besides twenty officers that were taken prisoners , whereof generall major taaff was the speciall , with whom and such others as i have prisoners of theirs , we intend to relieve the lord ardes and other of our friends . finis . a true relation of the passages of gods providence in a voyage for ireland. with the additionall forces sent for reducing of that kingdome by his maiesie [sic], and paliament [sic]. wherein every daye worke is set downe faithfully by h. p. an eye-witnesse thereof, under the command of alexander l. forbes, lieutenant general under the l. brooke for that service; from the 29. of june to the 29. of september. 1642. likewise, severall observations concerning that kingdome, and the warres there; as also, the interception of the enemies letters. it is ordered by the committe of the commons house of parliament concerning printing this 20. day of octob. 1642. that this booke intituled, a true relation of the passages of gods providence in a voyage for ireland, be forthwith printed and published. iohn white. peters, hugh, 1598-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a90547 of text r2920 in the english short title catalog (thomason e242_15). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 74 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a90547 wing p1722 thomason e242_15 estc r2920 99872224 99872224 124650 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a90547) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 124650) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 41:e242[15]) a true relation of the passages of gods providence in a voyage for ireland. with the additionall forces sent for reducing of that kingdome by his maiesie [sic], and paliament [sic]. wherein every daye worke is set downe faithfully by h. p. an eye-witnesse thereof, under the command of alexander l. forbes, lieutenant general under the l. brooke for that service; from the 29. of june to the 29. of september. 1642. likewise, severall observations concerning that kingdome, and the warres there; as also, the interception of the enemies letters. it is ordered by the committe of the commons house of parliament concerning printing this 20. day of octob. 1642. that this booke intituled, a true relation of the passages of gods providence in a voyage for ireland, be forthwith printed and published. iohn white. peters, hugh, 1598-1660. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 5, 4-21, [5] p. printed by luke norton, for henry overton., london, : in the yeare. mdcxlii. [1642] h.p. = hugh peters. annotation on thomason copy: "noeumb: 18th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649 -sources a90547 r2920 (thomason e242_15). civilwar no a true relation of the passages of gods providence in a voyage for ireland.: with the additionall forces sent for reducing of that kingdome peters, hugh 1642 12934 15 0 0 0 0 0 12 c the rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 angela berkley sampled and proofread 2007-08 angela berkley text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a trve relation of the passages of gods providence in a voyage for ireland . with the additionall forces sent for reducing of that kingdome by his maiesie , and paliament . wherein every daye worke is set downe faithfully by h. p. an eye-witnesse 〈◊〉 , under the command of alexander l. forbes , lieutenant generall under the l. brooke for that service ; from the 29. of june to the 29. of september . 1642. likewise , severall observations concerning that kingdome , and the warres there : as also , the interception of the enemies letters . it is ordered by the committee of the commmons house of parliament concerning printing this 20. day of octob. 1642. that this booke intituled , a true relation of the passages of gods providence in a voyage for ireland , be forthwith printed and published . iohn white . london , printed by lvke norton , for henry overton . in the yeare . mdcxlii . a trve relation of the passages of gods providence in a voyage for ireland , with the additionall forces sent for the reducing of that kingdome by his majesty , and parliament . his majesty and the state making it appeare by an act of parliament , that in the highest strength of their desires , they laboured the quenching that fllame broke out upon the 23. of october 1641. in that miserable kingdome , and manifesting the great concernments of england wrapt up therein . the good subjects made ready to concurre in the advancement of so pious a purpose , and ( proportions of rebels lands propounded ) divers adventurers appeared some for land service onely , some for the sea , that the rebels ( for so they are proclaimed by his majesty , and are so in trueth ) might not have fuell brought from forreigne parts to maintaine the fire , and as there was an undertaking for five thousand foot and five hundred horse , forthwith to be added to the other thousand sent over by the state , so there were appointed for addition to the ships , ( sent to guard the coast ) fifteen sayle of ships smal and great , with a thousand land men under the command of alexander lord forbes , lieutenant generall under the lord brooke , and by the care of a faithfull committee of the city , they were made ready in the beginning of iune , in preparation whereof , great was the care and paines of the said committee , who in fourteene dayes time compast this work for the maine and hardest parts of it , such expedition not usuall in such expeditions : sed vincit amor patriae . the names of the committee . sir nicholas crisp . knight . maurice thompson . thomas chamberlaine . gregory clement . richard waring . iohn wood . thomas rainsborough . richard hill . richard shute . george thompson . william pennoyer . thomas vincent . william thompson . william willoughby . samuel moyer . the names of the chiefe commanders by land : alexander lord forbes , lieutenant generall . iohn humphrey , sergeant major . major beton quarter master . land captaines . captain crispe . weldon . price . hull . long . anderson . kempson . sea-commanders . captaine benjamin peters of the speedwell , admirall . captaine thomas rainsborough zant-man , vice-admirall . captaine thompson of the good-hope , rere-admirall . zachery . richardson . simondson . clarke . thompson . andrewes . dorrington . chickener . richardson . daniel . seaman . eucrist . the 29. of iune the winde came faire , and after the publike meeting ( it being a day of fasting and prayer , we set sayle , and had the winde at east , the weather very faire , and our whole fleet together off of dover . the next day the wind at east blew very hard , and foule weather , vve having ten barges , for landing men , & rowing into rivers , lost 2. of the in that storme . the winde as before , captaine rainsborough and two small vessels went for the isle of wight , to take in captaine longs men , and captaine andrewes for falmouth , for captaine hull and his , captaine symondson for weymouth , for major humfrey and his , so then we were left ten in number , and that evening having chased some english-men bound for france , we came up with the lizard , the winde skanting , we had a counsell aboard the admirall what to doe , and left all for that night to gods providence , in disposing the winde the next day whither to goe into falmouth , or keepe our course . the next day ( captaine richardsons barge being almost stav'd ) we turned into mounts-bay to repayre her , having no winde to lay it along , the day was very faire , at ten of the clocke in the night we set sayle againe . being hardly able some of us to weather the rock at the bay the next day , but forced to turn out as we could thorough an earnest desire of all hands , to gain the irish coast , we then met one of the kings ships coming with many poore people , come from limrike-castle newly taken , which had been commanded by captaine courtney , and not to say what the severall apprehensions of men were , concerning the causes and consequences of that losse , it most certaine , if that supply of ammunition sent them by the parliament had bin delivered , they might have preserved it to his majesties use long , which now will make limricke the strongest hold of these monsters , this we found too evident that the parliament had not their noble intentions answered by them , in persons , or things as might be made appeare in too many parti●ulars . the next day faire weather , sylley bearing south ten leagues off , some of our fleet , fel among the seven stones , & were in much danger but came off wel . the fift day we had the winde at west , and got about fourteene or fifteene leagues from the lands-end , the weather faire , we chas'd two bristoll-men , laden with salt , and chang'd a man or two with them , who told us of some french bound for ireland . the next day the winde w. s. w. captaine weldon was sent to corke , with a letter to my lord president , which was as followeth , much honoured sir , since his majesty and both houses of parliament have thought fit for reducing the kingdome of ireland to their due obedience , to grant commission to my lord brooke , and certaine well affected merchants , and citizens of london , for sending some additionall forces by sea , and land to relieve our distracted brethren that are besieged , and to hinder any forreigne supplies from the rebels , over which additionall forces ( which may consist of a thousand land souldiers at present ) and five or six hundred sea-men . the lord brooke , and those that have the aforesaid commission , have nominated and appointed me to be lieutenant generall , and now seeing ( through gods mercy ) we are in readinesse to come to assist you , waiting onely the opportunity of a faire winde , i have thought good to send this bearer to crave your advice , what places you would have us , either to relieve , or assault : first , where we can doe good , and those who are to be instrusted it with the charge of the best service . if i had not been afraid to be i●bayed , i would have gladly come , and salute you my selfe , but i hope we shall have the occasion to meet ere long , in the meane time i intreat you send me your free advice with this bearer , whom you know and may trust , to whose sufficiency remitting all further , i rest , as i desire to remaine , from mount-hay road , july 2. 1642. your affectionate friend to serve you . for sir william saintleger lord president of munster . forbes . the next day we had the winde west , and west and by north , much winde we lost part of our fleet , viz. captain richardson , and captaine thompson the younger . we had the winde west very fresh , and after tempestuous , we lost sight of captaine clark , who had brought us newes of the land he had made , which was dongarvan . the winde south west , and west south west , thicke weather , we saw the high land , and at night we were only five left of our fleet , captaine zachary left us the day before , and so did mr. daniel . being sabboth we kept as we might , thicke weather and stormy , the winde west south west , one of our small vessels made land againe . this day in the morning we discovered the head of kinsale , though our rendevous were long in land on baltamore-hay , yet not able to fetch either , we went in that morning to kinsale , where we found the swallow and the bonaventure , of the kings captain kettleby commanding in the admiral , & sir henry stradling in the vice-admiral , the day grew foggy , and rainy , and such weather is very frequent in that cuntry and coast , we went on free to the castle , and spoke with the commanders there , three companies we also found appointed in that towne by the parliament for a garrison , there every where we had spectacle sad enough , the greater part of the towne irish , and under much just suspicion , others fled thither living in miserable holes and huts , there we found captaine zachary , richardson , and young thompson of our fleet , there we spake with some of bandon being 8. miles from kinsale , and with some of corke also , by which we intimated our arrivall : thither came sir edward denny by whom we heard of his defeat at trelee , where in landing he lost forty or fifty men , and was forced to retreat , and craved our aid . my lord kynalmachy one of my lord of corks sons governour of bandon , came to see my lord forbes , and promised to come againe next morning to speake further for the attempting something about bandon , since god by his providence had called us to these parts , who by his letters desired helpe of us . ( 13. ) this day my lord kinalmachy came early and then was a sermon preached by the preacher of our fleete , after which consultation was taken to march with our men to raph-barry where one mr: freake with many english were beseiged and in greate danger , wanting foode and ammunition &c. and wee being possest with our duty though six of our vessells were not yet arrived , not to be wanting in any thing wherein such forces as we had might be usefull , and not knowing raph-barry to be further than five myles beyond bandon we were willing to strech our mens leggs , though we suppose wee marched neere 25. miles out right of english miles . ( 14. ) we marched to bandon with 8. colours and about 600. men whereof 100. seamen commanded by the captaine of the admirall , this whole number went to the worke most cheerefully , two small brasse pieces , and our ammunition with some victualls were brought up by our barges neere bandon , and so by cart brought to the towne , where that night we were received with much joy , and great acclamations , houses and hearts open unto us , and the rather because with our fleete the parliament had sent that towne a good portion of ammunition and provision for the towne ; there were 7000 soules and many ministers , and very many poore , they had foure companies of foot and one troope of horse whereby they had not onely held their owne but had taken 4. or 5. castles from the enemy ; the towne is walled about and a fresh river runs thorough it , but commanded by the hils about it , three gates it hath beyond , what greater cities have for statelines and strength , the water abounding with salmon and other fish is no small refreshing to the inhabitants , by which and mr. pennoyers care we found the town in a chearfull way . this morning we intended early to march , but were hindred partly with our owne provision not comming early enough , partly through want of horse and accommodations to draw our cannon and baggage , so that we march'd that day but two miles from the towne , and when it was late in the day , we were in some measure fitted for our march but we drew to councell ( the next day being sabboth ) what we should doe , and it being considered what a burden we might be to the towne , so full of poore , and some of our officers urging the dishonour of retreating , being ingaged , that it was thought meet to proceed , especially since we were intreated by my lord kinalmaky and bandon , thither to come and doe somthing for the enlargement of them , and their comfortable saving their harvest , and macchanty reugh threatning the beleaguering of them that weeke , our marching into the countrey might be very usefull ; that night we had some horse from bandon and two foot-companies , and in the safest order we could we continued that night upoin a boggy hill . the next morning we set forward in a great fogg , and resolved to leave an old english towne called clonotikelty on the left hand , and so on to the reliefe of rafe-barry ; but upon the way some of bandon advised us of a great prey of cattell at that town which we should misse ( if we stopt it not in our back-returne ) because the countrey would soone be upon knowledge of our passing that towne , and heard of 5 or 6 hundred of the enemy lying in the way , the chiefe leaders of them were maccharty-reugh , tiege douning , adonovaut , one arundel and some others ; but we saw none , though it seems we marcht close by their cabins : before we came to the towne we found divers irish , whom before their death wee examined , by whom we were informed that the aforesaid army were bound for the assistance of my lord muskerry , against my lord encheqine , sir charles vavasor , and our army at mallo , and glad we were that we might so divert them , when we came to clono●●kelty we made an halt , and many were taken and slaine ; there we found store of cattell , which were put into a pen , and after lesse than an houre we marched on , the towne having onely poore people in it , but a common rendevous for the enemy , and those that were not suddenly surprized , went out of their houses and hid themselves in corne and bushes , and tops of houses ; we had not marcht out a mile out of the towne , but the commanders of the bandon companies ( whose counsell we depended upon , being strangers ) assured us that all our cattell would be driven away before our returne , by a company of people that attend every army , and force that march out , they call pillagers , who though not soldiers , yet with some light armes they follow the campe on horse and foot , and whilst the soldier must keepe his order , they run into the houses , lade their horses with what they can get , drive away the cattell , and vvholly discourage the soldiers . these have beene the occasions generally of all the losse amongst the english , these spare neither woman nor child , as we saw before our eyes which sudden'd some hearts ; of these wee had above an hundred attending us , our lieutenant generall made an order for these , that they should not ride under the command of a captaine who came to attend his lordship , one captaine brookes , who had lost his ship of 400. tun at kinsale , and had done especiall service upon the land , and deserved very well , and now entertained amongst us for the leading of our little trope : but these pillagers would know no command , but of their owne advantages , and though prest with many arguments , scattered at pleasure , stript the slaine , made havock of all , and most of them staid behind us at clonokelty attending their prey : which knowne and observed by our bandon friends , they perswaded wee should leave one company behind to attend the cattle , for of them our selves had need , not having our ships of provision come to us : it was objected one company was too little , because the enemy might fall on , wee having still heard something of them as wee went , my lord commanded three companies back , bandon men assuring us it were too much , and that no enemy would looke upon such a number . captaine weldon was sent back with his company , which was about 60. men , the rest of them not come ; captaine price with his being about 80. divers of his being not well abbard the ship , and a company of 80. more of bandon commanded by one of their lieutenants , with advice given them to keepe in a body , or take some church or strong house if assaulted : they returned , we marched on , and tooke about 100. cattle , foure or five hundred sheepe , and divers horses , and brought them to ralfe barry to mr. freake , who met us with much joy , where wee came to see many english pent up in a considerable castle ; and after praising god and prayer , we refreshed our selves with such food as he had ; and our soldiers began to make ready sheep , hoping they might have quartered there all night . but as soone as we had dined , we had three posts came to us from our three companies , that the enemy was in view ; and a fourth , that they had skirmisht : thus we were soone taken from any thoughts of ease , and horse and foet made ready to returne ; and though many might well be wearied with such a tiresome march , yet they would goe to the helpe of their friends , and truly this i must affirme , more couraged know not where to finde then i saw that day , leaving with the gentlemen of the castle neere 20. men with ammunition for his present reliefe and the castle aforesaid , we marcht back , and in the way met many that told us all our three companies were destroyed ; more came to us still , and some even naked of those pillagers we had left behind , even to appall us , that it was impossible for us to fight it through ; some of us told them of their barbarisme in the morning when they were slaying the children , blood would have blood againe : some of us were thoughtfull about the day being sabbaoth , to which , and other objections necessity and present danger afforded some answers , and on we went , seeing the hills on both sides full of horse and foot , and ( which was mercy even to wonder ) that afternoone proved cleere and faire , whereby wee were abundantly comforted , comming within a mile of the towne we saw two colours , one of ours ; another of bandon in a piece of ground cast up round like a bull-warke , though not so high , it proved to be captaine price , who most valiantly with his worthy leivetenant 〈◊〉 and some of his company , were defending themselves against● 1000. varlets who had beleaguerd them , on the right hand wee saw the enemy in a square battle uppon a plaine peece of ground neere the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 . coniours flying standing in very exact order , but that their commaunders sate uppon very good horses in the reere ( which it seemes is their cowardly custome ) vppon velwe of all this my lord approved himselfe a good christian and a very stout and skilfull souldier , and won all our hearts by his wisdome and courage , of whome much might bee said , could i avoid the suspicion of flattery by reason of neere ingagements , but certainely let whom it concernes be advised , that religion in these choises especially at these times gaine the first place , little doe you know the advantages thereby . my lord forthwith ordered a body to encounter the enemy , and gain'd his ground close by the water , that he could not be intercepted , and this he led himselfe , then left a good reserve in the reare , either to answer assaults , or second him , if put to the vvorst , the two small copper pieces stayed in the reare with the baggage , because they could not be drawne over the plowed land , where he was forced to march in the front , the horse vve had , he commanded to attend the right fllanke of the enemy , who then had the sea on the one hand of them , and the horse on the other , the small cannon he gave order upon his march should be shot , to try if thereby captaine price and the bandon-company might be relieved , all which vvas done , my lord , and major beaton follovving him , led , and drew , giving the challenge as it were to the enemy , and being ask't by the minister how his heart stood , profest couragiously that he was perswaded god would give us the day , the peeces were fire● , and price was freed , and the rest , and joyned to us , and after our men had throwne up their caps for joy that they should fight , the enemy at the turning of an hand , fled and scattered , their colours were given to horsemen , our horse pursued and made slaughter of them , the multitude of horse and foot spread upon the hills were vanished , many kild in the water , amongst them arundel and his sons with divers of note , two ventured and swam over , three or fourscore carried out with the tide , and thus the lord was pleased to glorifie himselfe , that the least number to speake in faithfulnesse that fell of them that day , was betwixt five and six hundred , that night wee march't beyond clonokelty , a mile or two , getting the advantage of a dry hill , not onely to rest on , but also to secure our selves , in regard of ambushments , and other disadvantages , which they wholly attend , and there with a prey of two thousand sheep , above an hundred cattel , and fifty horses of that country , we continued that night . but if you shall aske me what became of captaine weldon and his company , and what they did whilst we were absent at ralph barryy ; to satisfie , i got this answer following , under the hand of captaine price , who in the word of a christian assured me of the truth of it to his utmost knowledge . three companies of us being left at clinokeltey , my lord gave order that weldon being the eldest captaine , i should assist him , with charge to give account of the pillage , till he returne , we set our guards upon every point of the towne , and tooke full view of the towne , how we might be upon defence and offence , whereupon weldon answered that we were to guard three streets , i told him that was the next way to overthrow us , but he would not heare , so i view'd the towne my selfe , and found three places fit for offence and defence , viz. sir will. hulls-house , or the church-yard , or the hill betwixt rafe-barry and the towne , which after all i retreated unto , but hee had not an eare open to counsaile . then i marched to an island my lord had sent me unto , for 1500. sheep and other cattle to keepe a guard on it , which i did with twenty musketteers , i met thirty horse of the enemy , and sixty foot marching towards the towne , i marched and charged them , they ranne away , so then from the island , i brought off fifteene hundred sheepe , twenty cattell , and thirty horse , twenty two hogges , and brought them to the towne ; by that time the enemy approached upon the hill , rounding the towne , being five or six thousand in three companies to come downe upon the severall streets . i advised weldon and the other officers as before , to which all agreed but himselfe , his owne lieutenant said that else we were undone , where upon he said we were all cowards , and of the three streets , i wished him to take his choice , and he should not finde us cowards , i march't out towards the enemy , my souldiers flung up their caps and gave a shout , and gave fire bravely with a brace of bullets , and made their foot and two troops of horse retreat without any losse of ours , but some hundred of theirs , as themselves after confest . then they assaulted bandon men , which when i saw , i went to their reliefe , and comming on their reare , they of bandon ran away without shooting one shot , and came through the towne with confusion with divers pillages , and so disordered us ; i , in the reare with ten muskettiers charged the enemy then pursuing at hand , who dividing to compasse me , forced me to retreat out of the towne , to a little old brest-worke , and there we gathered in our forces and held them play , till my lord brought up his regiment . we march't to bandon in much raine , and carried our two thousand sheep , horse , and cattell , to that towne , which was a great refreshing to them , there , we rested at bandon the weather being very foule , and there my lord received letters from my lord inchiquine , and divers officers from don-o-reale , and the letters you may finde hereafter marked by letters , a. my lords answer b. we marched to kilbritton castle , three or foure miles from bandon , with two of bandon companies , with a purpose to goe to timilege , which we heard was an harbour to our enemies , the castle belonging to my lady ●shafnesse , this night we lodged at kilobutton , and sent out for the best intelligence we could get . we march't to timelege with assurance from our friends of bandon , that my lady would willingly take in a garrison , when we came , my lord summon'd the castle , and she answered we were strangers , but she vvould yeeld it to my lord kinalmachy ▪ or sir william hull , whereupon we burnt the tovvn , brought avvay neere an hundred cattell , and five hundred sheep , and returned that nigt to kilbritton . we march't to kinsale to our ships . one of our vessels wvich was sent to baltamore , of vvhich captaine clark was commander , came in having taken fourteen rebels under colour of a dunkirk , and they comming to buy powder , whereof some vvere hanged , some drovvned , and three of the chiefe taken prisoners , one of them dermon mac-carti , who took in crook-haven and these parts . that same day , the katharin came from falmouth , divers passages there were betvveene my lord forbes , and my lord consey , lord of kinsale , vvho came himselfe at last , and offered to take into his castle a garrison to his majesties use and service . this day being sabboth and faire weather , vve kept on shore . we sayled from kinsale in the evening , and left some ships to bring avvay our horses and other things . we came into castle-haven in the afternoone , and saw aboundance of rebels about the hills ▪ the chiefe of them there is adonovant . in the morning our barges went a shore to adonovants castle , which they were nevvly fled from , and fired , where our souldiers burnt many houses , and a mill of much concernement to them , spoyled corne , fired many boates , and with one barrell of powder blew up his castle , dividing it selfe into tvvo parts , and vvas 60. foot high , and very thick , as thick as their castle it use to be ; thereappeared a thousand of the enemy , but would not give us fight , called us parliament dogs , puritan-dogs , sayd wee fought against the king and the church , &c. here my lord committed a priest of my lord castlehaven to the custody of mr. salmon , the chiefe man there . we sayled to baltamore , and there found captaine bennet in the castle with many english , vvho before had been vvith us , and mr. salmon of castle-haven & succored in divers things they wanted , the wind north-east , we expected our fleet out of england , and those left behinde us , we sent a shore to vievv a castle , and saw many of the enemies horse and foot . some of our vessels came from kinsale . our men vvent a shore , and fired adriscoles castle , spoyled much come , and burnt divers houses . we man'd out our boats to search the islands , and got some horses , hogs &c. this day captaine rainsborough came to us from england , and captaine brooke in one of the kings ships , with letters from waterford-side , viz. the fort of duncannon my lord of corke . c. and my lord corks , to my lord forbes , d. then we heard of the story of captaine astons losse of sixty men by don-cannoun , being cut off in a fogge , we had letters from captaine ashly , e. and captaine willoughby from galloway , requiring helpe , this day we savv captaine cunstable , captaine cole and others comming from limrike leaving the river wholly unguarded . this day being sabboth , we kept it on shore most of us together . we heard of the achilles at long island , our sergeant major comming aboard us , so that now all our first fleet that came out of the downes , were on this side and neere , but a smal vessell sent to dublin with a scotch-man under much suspicion , that his ship was furnished for the rebels , of which ship we had a long time no tydings , this day our men were all mustred , by captaine rausborough one of the committee . we had taken a counsel of warre , whither to go to doncannou or galloway , and finding by all advise , that if we took not this season , we could not go to galloway at all , and limrike being altogether left , and galloway fort in some distresse , that my lord forbes would write to my lord of esmond , that he would speed to him as soon as he might , this other work being done , and captaine brooke assuring us a moneths time might be allow'd for us to returne to duncannon , my lord wrote to my lord of esmond as appears , g. and to my lord corke , h. the raph was sent backe to fetch zachory's ship , and to call at ralph-barry , good service done in a castle by the way . faire weather , little or no winde . like weather and winde as the day before . our vice-admirall chased a vessell into the bay of kilmar , and we were all forced to follow him , which proved captaine clement a vessell set out by the state . we were becalmed . we had a fayre winde , a little raine . we lay of the isles of aran , being sabboth , wind east , and north east . we turned up towards golloway , and could not gaine it that night , wind east , our vice-admirals boat went a shore , and tooke some cattell , burnt some houses , and kil'd some rebels . we came in and anchored before the towne , my lord sent a letter to the towne , and another to my lord clanricard , who is governour of towne and county , following his owne commission therein , viz. not to attempt any thing till he had first advised with the present governour of the places he came unto , captaine willoughby came aboord us that night , and captaine ashly whom we found lying there to attend the fort , who seemed to clear any breach of the pacification , so far as concerned them . the towne answered the letter sent them with many protestations , that they were loyall subjects , hung out upon one of their towers the kings colours , and laboured to perswade us that captain willoughby onely had broken the trerm'd of pacification . the rest of our fleet came , my lord writ againe to the towne , to let them know that he meant to land his men , and refresh them , and if they of the town would send a testimony of their loyalty by some fresh meats , they should therby approve themselvs , our men were on shore divers hours , a counsel was held aboord us , because we saw the towne at worke by the bridge , in which time two came aboord us from the towne , with a letter from the towne , they still professing their resolution not only to stick to their loyalty , but also the terms of the pacification made , my l. forbes being earnest to have the matters cleared , they promised that next morning at eight two of the town should come to him againe . none comming from them , my lord sent his owne ensigne to them againe , letting them know they dallyed , that day our souldiers went out for fresh meat , and brought home some , and burnt a whole towne , that night a letters came from my lord clanricard very well pen'd , and shewing him a man of wisedome and parts , wherein he cleared galloway men , and cast the imputation upon captaine willoughby for breaking the pacification , and in the same the townesmen were confident . another letter was sent a shore from my lord with articles as will appear , wherein they were charged not to trifle , but to shew themselves in their former allegiance , and to correspond with the fort . a counsell was held for the landing our men at an abby on the west side of the towne , within musket shot , a place of singular consequence , and advantage for the designe , and so to proceed if matters were not well compos'd betweene the fort and town . the penington was sent to sliego to take off a vessell of the rebels of fourscore tun , and to attend these parts , as also three vessels sent to the river of limrike to guard that , it being left voyd by cunstable and coles departure , especially against the french , who ( we heard ) were comming thither with much ammunition for the river and towne . this night accordingly our men lodged in the abby , at the landing of eleven colours of ours , some sculking varlets in bushes , and some shot at our men , it being on eeroonnaght-side , which standeth in open rebellion , as galloway men did acknowledg . this day my lord sent another letter to them , to urge their answer to the articles , for wee durst not take upon us to be judges , my lord of clanricard being governour of the towne and county , and one that had faithfully approved himselfe to captaine willoughby in raysing the siege when hee was beleaguered , and for refreshing him in his necessities , which bred much tendernesse in us to give him offence ; and being excommunicated by their church , with his followeth for his loyalty and fidelity , since his arrivall into ireland , which hath 〈◊〉 but very late . my lord received a letter from the towne in answer to his about the articles , but nothing satisfactory , to which my lord sent a reply , viz. that if neither they nor my lord of cla●ricard would come to treate , hee would write no more : this day the weather foule and misty , as it is usuall in these parts , which prejudiced our work much , especially time before our winter being so short , for doubtlesse had this fleet beene forth in aprill , it had beene of extraordinary consequence . being sab ▪ we kept it aboard , my lo : having given notice to the maior the day before he should have that day for rest , and if he heard not from my lord clynriceard , he would begin to worke . in the evening came letters by the captaine of the fort , from my lord rennelagh president of connagh and my lord clinriccard , the former desired forbearance of all hostility , till wednesday he came to us . this night order was given that the next day 500. should into the country of eer-conaugh to burne and spoyle , because wee had no day-light to burne out . my lord and some others dinde a shore at the fort , where we found the bishop of tuam and his family , 36. ministers , of which 26. served as souldiers , and did duty ; and this day according to former order the 500. foot and some horse marched out , and 80. possest the abby , and by this time wee had two halfe culverins mounted or set upon field-carriages and all manner of preparations were made for the assaulting the towne , and great willingnesse there was in our men , though the towne be as strong and compact as most in europe for house and walls . our men returned with about 100. cattell and as many sheepe having burnt some ireish townes and corne as they went by the way . as they came out of a castle three of our horse-men were shot at whereof one dyed which was requited after by our killing six of them and one a marchant of quality . another letter from my lord clanricard ; that he and my lord president were comming , but it would be friday ere they should be with us . our men still did maintaine the abby ▪ though the last night some of them ran to it , but beaten back by a shot from the fort , wee received 40. beeves , and 50. muttons from donnell brian , who dwelt on thomond side , and profest himselfe a protestant and loyall ; for the price hee refer'd himselfe to my lord : this day a councell was held , and 36. pieces of ordinance landed , being resolved to fall on two dayes after . the weather very ill , misty and rainy , 200. of our men had order to pull downe the timber of the abby , to make platformes , which accordingly they did , but could not make bring away that night , the weather was so foule , at midnight 7. or 8. musquet shot from the towne , in the morning they saw 3. pieces mounted in the towne which the enemy cleared . a very rainy day , wherein nothing remarkable but that some shot past betweene the towne and the abby we stood all day in expectation of the lords who appointed this for the last day of traveling towards us , and our people growing impatient of all delayes . the lords came , clinriccard to terilan a faire house of his on the one side of the towne , and the president to the fort with 60. horse , our men made a guard for him ; the president consulted with my lord forbes and captaine willoughby and offerd to be a mediator and pressing that the faith of the lords of dublin were past upon that pacification , and if that should not hould , how should matters be carried in any part of the kingdome or difference made betweene man and man place and place , and he departed that night to terilan to conferre with my lord clinriccard and the townes-men ; this day captain zacharies ship came from kinsale , for himselfe being shot in the back we left at banden to be cured , by whom wee heard of captaine kettlebies removeall from kinsale , but no man was certaine whither hee went : that time there came a letter from sir charles coote , who gave us hope we might have his presence with his men ; zacharies ship freed the english out of a castle with one shot , and put the reb , to flight . being sabboth , the president came to us to the fort , and came to the sermon which was in the fields , din'd in the fort with my lord forbes , two things are mainly driven at ; first that the fort should be victualled for eight moneth , and secondly that sufficient hostages should be given out of the town for securing it to the king . in the afternoone he rid to terelan with captain willougbies propositions . the evening our packet-boat came in called the rafe , by whom we had newes from limrick and other parts from my lords castell steward , who writ for supply , which accodingly was sent him : this night order was given for a counsell of war next morning . foure of our barges were sent to get plank from a rack a mile or two from us , to make platformes for our ordnance . wee tooke 3. rebels over night , our officers were early at a counsell of warre , when all both seamen and others under-writ to stand to my lord to the utmost , and it was resolv'd to try our strength upon the towne , if the kings fort might not enjoy fit conditions . the president came to the fort from terelan , and my lord clynriccard writ that he would also come to my lord forbes thither : but after much expectation he did not , which we suspect fell out through doubt how matters would stand if we proceeded in hostility , and his lordship wanting a sufficient guard for himselfe being excommunicate by the rebels , and told by the titular b. of the place , that not a man there would draw his sword for him . then we received captaine willoughhies propositions answered by the gentlemen of the country for the supply of the fort according to his desire . my lord clynriccard being upon his return gave my lord forb● a meeting a half mile from the fort , where many things past betwixt them tending to the publike ; and my l. forb● urging him much to joyn with and take such a share as god should allot us , assuring him he should be as safe as himselfe , and that his kinred did but watch opportunities to mischiefe him , he still complained of power wanting , and thought we were not strong enough , and was earnest that pacification might not be broken , assuring us if it were , the countrey would be longer in reducing and with much more charge to the state ; my l. forbes earnestly prest my l. president , who had 2500. men from the state , that he would joyne with us , or lend us but 500. men , he told us that his men were almost in a mutiny through want of pay and necessaries ; and those he had were appointed for the safety of my lord clynriccard ; but but yet if we would come to sliego his men should joyne with us , and then especiall service might be done ; thus these lords departed , and we returned to a counsell of warre , where captaine willoughby perswaded us ( hee having knowledge of the towne that we were too weake , most of their houses being like castles , and the wall strong and hard to mine ; we considered many of our men were then fallen sick of the countrey-disease , and that wee long wanted of three ships of provisions of all sorts , that we thought to send presently two ships to bristoll for supply especially of them , we fought for other diet , and tooke 6. or 700. cattell at least . this night all men were desired to consider by the morning what were best to doe by way of counsell : this night secretly dispatcht away a messenger for sir charles coot and his company which would have beeene 500. or 600. men , with which help we made no question of gaining the towne , though we had a strong enemy round about us except to sea-ward , and as strong within ; but that we lookt at our cause , our mens valour , and their cowardise . this night the enemy out of the countrey fell upon our men in the abby , were well beaten , fled leaving their broges and trouses behind them . counsell was taken with the seamen to goe for sliego and them to joyne with the presidents men , and bring with us 500. or 1000. scots to dispatch the businesse of galloway ; but we found such difficultie in that northeren though but 30. or 40. leauges that it was desisted from . 25. most of this day was spent about 3. of our men that were condemned for severall offences and pardoned at the gallowes ; this night a prize was brought us by one of our ships a barhado-man laden with tobacco and trading with the rebells in limrick river a ship 140. tunn , these two ruines of galloway and limrick we resolved because we had strong intelligence that the french were resolved forcibly to bring in ammunition thether , more letters came from my lord president and my l. clinriccard to assure us of the agreement to be stood unto for supplying the fort , nor have we omitted to present all those letters as wil appeare ; this night the earle connaghs rebels fell againe upon us with like losse to themselves and hurt us not a man . 27. the foulnes of the weather hindred us from my worke but advising what next to doe . 28. was the sabboth which wee kept on shore and appointed a fast for the next wednesday . 29. more letters from my lord clinriccard to assure us of the pacification to which it was advised if hee would and secure it wee would depart but till the fort was provided for , we would there stay and lay our bones by the walls of the towne . 30. our men were imployde to fetch more timber for our batteries for want where of wee were much streightned having neere 40. gunns on shore to fit with platformes . this day letters came from the major to capt. willoughby concerning the pacification answering his objections , and resolving to stick to what they had promised by my lord clinnriccard , in the meane time great were our cares what to doe , lying wind-bound all this time , and that country being so barren in comparison of other places ; that wee were forced to travell further to burne their corne and houses than in other places : captaine richardson had his arme broken unhappily by a gunner and boatson of the artillery though after well cured and they both gaining their credit by choice service , wee sent to donnel-o-brian a friend for cattle . 31. wee kept a fast . 1. we had letters sent from my lord clinriccard by ensigne scot , that he himselfe was sicke ; but that mr. burk his kinsman and his owne steward should come to us and end all controversies betweene fort and towne : we then tooke our guns aboard ; but very unwillingly , our seamen readier to fall on nakedly , than forsake the worke , and the souldier no way backward ; for this testimony i must give them both , that they have exceedingly honoured their countrey and the cause , even to the equalling any of their progenitors in valour , and all manner of forwardnes . 2. we grew weary of expecting sir charles coot having promised to stay 8. or 10. dayes for him ; and therefore thought of a sudden departure , principally because there came a messenger to us out of limrick river of the sad estate of the castles there , since capt. constables departure , which emboldened them to bring downe the great gun , the sight of which affrighted our english out of their castles , as witnes asketon that stately castle unworthily given up without receiving a shot , and being inforced by sir edward denny who was with us , that trelee had but 10. dayes granted for the delivery of that castle which they had defended to admiration , till they were forced to eat hides , &c. we had this day the gentlemen from the lord clinriccard with papers and propositions to satisfie the captaine of the fort , they brought with them 24. oxen , and 60. sheepe , which were the first two weekes provision . 3. this day we had 3. or 400. souldiers went downe in some ships to the iles of arram , where they did singular service , took 300. head of cattell destroyed many with very good houses , burnt their corne and townes , and slew and hung many of the rebels : all this day we waited the signing of the propositions . being late , wee spent on shore , letters past betwixt the fort and towne ; we had an armorer came into the towne and went to masse ; we tooke five prisoners , some of note . 5. we went aboard making all hast for trelee ; the captaine of the fort and the gentlemen came aboard with all things issued for their particulars , as also two men that were sent to view the towne for mining which they had threatned to the fort . we left a ship , and two vessels , and a barge to attend the fort and river , and so most ready to depart . a small vessell came on from corke , one lambert captaine , who brought some more powder to the fort from corke assigned by the state of england , into which went 50. or 60. poore people come out of the castle in thomand the which he carried for corke . 6. we set saile , but could not get into limrick river , two or three of our ships followed us . 7. we were in like condition beating at sea . 8. letters came aboard us at sea from my lord clynriccard with letters to my lord of essex . 9. wee got within loops-head and came to an anchor neere captain crosbies castle who preserved himselfe and some hundreds with him stoutly , a very deserving man , hee hung out a flag to us , we sent on shore and brought him a-board whom wee furnished with necessaries who tould us wee were come too late and that trelee , asketon , clare , and other castles were given up , and assured us of the victory of my lo : enchaquin in munster over musgray and his forces with the slaughter of many men and taking 3. peices of ordnance , which made the english flye to him expecting dayly to be massacred , and profest hee had already 150. which would perish if wee provided not for them , all which wee found true to our great griefe and trouble and that the earle of thomond was in great danger at bonnatty . 10. early in the morning my lord forbes writ to daniel-o-brian uncle to the earle of thomond who had his sonne captaine of the rebels , and himselfe professing a newtralitie or withall the rest that hee was the kings good subject , my lord advised him to meet him at the earle of thomonds , by this time our fleete came togeather . 11. being sabboth wee continued a-board resolving that night to goe up with 2. or 300. men to bonnatty there wee found our rere-admirall and the french prize of 150. tunne laden with ammunition for the rebells and taken there by our aforesaid ship whose owner is sir nicholas crispe , heere wee hung five of our prisoners formerly taken , at this time there came abord us one capt. vsher who had a castle neer us , and kept it well , by all such men we were given to understand that without a strong standing garrison in every province and country ( if it were possible ) little would bee done as they conceived , because the poore english inhabitants would bee expos'd to constant danger upon removall of flying armies , this river of limricke promis'd most unto us of any place wee had seene both for land and water . this night wee went up to bonnatty my lord of thomonds castle with 200. men 4. barges 2. barkes and 2 , shallops where my lord kindly welcomed us and there his uncle sir daniel-o-brian met us . 12. wee spent in consultations with the earle , who certified us with much greife that since the river was left without shipping divers castles were taken , whereby the enemy had bin furnished with 800. armes and six barrells of powder , and the way they used was by bringing the great gunne called the roaring meg towards the english castles , through dread of which the english yeelded ; this gunne one of our ships through want of winde mist in limrick river , it being in a boat but tooke the carriages in another and wee have log'd this gunne in a cricke with one of our ships attending it , there being no meanes for them to carry it backe but by water . this night sir daniel-o-brians man was sent to clare to the gentrie to come to bonnattre the next day at nine in the morning , some war me speches past betwixt some of our commanders and sir daniel which put him into a shaking fit . 13. an answer of the letter sent wherein the gentry desired 3. in the afternoone for their apearance which was granted , but sir daniel went away very early , without taking leave , out of feare and horror doubtles , having been told that wee were desirous hee should make good his loyaltie before the parliament , over night 100. rebels lay at my lords parke-pale , who ( wee suppose ) waited to fetch sir daniel off ; these retardings made us advise and conclude to fall upon sir daniels houses , and clare castle , in which we found my lord of thomond doubtfull , and intruth his case is nice , the chiefe of the county being his kinred , and himselfe without power , saving 50. horse in his stable : part of this day was spent in preaching . 14. we heard the gentry would come in ; but they failed ( as their manner : ) we heard this night of 300. rebels againe at my lords parke which we would have beene upon , and earnestly prest it ; but my lord of thomond would have us yet wait longer on the gentry , ere wee exercis'd hostility against thomond . at last wee made our propositions to the castle , being about to goe downe to our ships , which came to this , that his lordship continuing a protestant and loyall , his danger must needs be great , and that this rebellion did not distinguish relation nor greatnesse , and therefore if hee pleased , wee would either continue there with all our force , and joyne with him at bonatty , and so try what wee might doe in ioyning with himselfe to reduce clare and thomond : or if he suspected us too weake , that he might take all he had and was portable into our best ships , together with his owne person , and we would adventure our selves in his castle to maintaine that place , and infest the enemy what wee could ; this wee left with his lordship . 15. we departed , and a few miles from thence we came to an anchor in the river , and landed 300. men on limrick side , where our men fought both with horse and foot , burnt abundance of corne , and foure of their castles ; and amongst others , kild the foster brother of mr. steevenson : wee lost two sick men , that could not follow their companies , but had no armes . at night our men retreated safely to their boats from two thousand of them . we sail'd downe lower in the river , and called at fitz-gerralds the knight of the valley , or glyn whom my lord summoned by writing , our messenger at landing met a letter with a horse-man at the waters side , who had a letter from my lord clinriccard in favour of his kinsman the knight of the valley : an answer was sent him , and we departed : my lord sent to sir tege macmahun , who is a good friend , but could not come to us in regard of his weaknesse of body . this night the earle of thomond came to us , and lay aboard the vice-admrall , with whom three of the chiefe rebels of thomond had been and promised to come with the gentry aboard our ships . 17. div●rs letters came from the shore from sir daniel-o-brian , concerning the comming of the gentry of the countrey , who were under much feare by the 〈◊〉 of ships scatter'd thorough the river . 18. we 〈…〉 from the shore , the gentry excusing themselves from the distance of their dwelling . the knight of the valley sent my lord present of beeves which he would not accept , unlesse hee would appeare himselfe , and shew his loyalty , and to that purpose my lord went unto him . 19. we stayd in expectation of the gentry from the shore , who had their time enlarged two dayes . 20. vve had letters from the snore from sir daniel-o-brian and th rebels to my lord of thomond answering the propositions proudly enough , as will appeare in their letters hereto annexed . vve had a counsell wherein it was concluded the next day to attempt the knight of the valley with 6. vessels , and all things answerable . it was also agreed that captaine peters and mr. daniel should carry away the poore naked people that we found in much distresse being about 500. many of our souldiers and seamen grew very sick of the countrey disease . 21. vve set saile for the valley , being 3. leagues up , and comming by the place in the evening , went beyond a mile or two and anchored . 22. early we began to land 15. horse first , and then our foot , who were entertained with 30. musquettiers of the enemy playing upon them , but hurt none but a boy in the shoulder . the enemy fled into castle two or three of our ships playd upon the place till we landed two halfe cannon . the enemy in great numbers appeared on the side of the hill , with whom our horse fought with the losse of one of ours , and many of theirs , multitudes of them comming on , wee strengthened our guards , and kept them waking all the night with demi-culverin in one of our ships , the night was very rainy . 23. our cannon plaid up upon it , but none from the ships , tore downe part of the maine house , and tooke very good effect , the enemy shot faintly . after dinner my lord resolved to storme it : but first march'd round and fought the enemy on the side of the hill , who appeared in three bodies of horse and foot ; ours put them soone to their wonted posture of flight . some commanded , men were appointed to enter , where the sea-men had much honour , they presently came to push of pike at a narrow hole , a gunner of ours with a cantridge of powder blew off two or three of them , the rest would not take quarter , one leapt out of the castle window , twenty five of them were slaine upon the place : this is remarkeable that most matters fell out as at the last siege forty yeares since , but that we lost fewer men , and won it in lesse time , with lesse meanes : we took the knights sisters son prisoner , who acquainted us with the knights flying away two daies before , and calling in the force of the country upon us , not thinking the castle should bee taken so soone . the place is rich pleasant and profitable for all the merchandize of the river of lymrike , it having sixteene hundred pounds per annum about it in faire lands , we found the place furnished with all utensils and provisions for a family . the plate and silver was gone for lymrike , which receives most of which is in ireland : it seemes they wanted bullets in the castle , by their shooting window-lead and small stones , in the siege we lost but foure men . 25. being sabboth we spent on shore , and some of us aboard , the weather was rainy , and windy . 26. we stript our cannon , and landed two sakers for defence of the place . 27. councell was taken what garrison to leave there , and how to dispose of our sicke men . 28. our men went aboard , and burnt much corne , fought with many hundreds of the enemy , without any losse of ours , burnt a towne of theirs . 29. a prize brought to us from sleigo , taken from the midst of the enemy , laden with tallow and hides , which they were sending into france , or bilbo for ammunition , wherein foureteene taken , and three friars by the same ship , divers of the scots relieved , and a minister with some people brought to us . at this time another ship from bilbo taken laden with iron , steele , ammunition , and provision in galloway river , his invoyce came to five thousand pound . we also had certaine tidings of another of ten guns gone into dingle , which three or foure of our ships were sent to fetch out , and have ( i hope ) taken long since . and thus we left our men dayly working , and bringing other parts of limrike-river , this day my lord glenmorris was buried the arch-rebell . so that to summe up our voyage , it comes to thus much , in two or three moneths time hath god helped us to take five ships , worth ( if sold to value , above twenty thousand ponnds , we burnt as much corne , as that summe came to , slew of the enemy many hundreds , fired many irish towns , relieved many english in forts and castles , tooke and spoyled thousands of cattle ) burnt and spoyled many castles , houses of note , and mills of the enemy , guarded the coast from kinsale , almost to london-derry , blockt up limricke , and galloway , and diverted them still as we went from other designes ; fighting with them when ever we came , and lastly taking in that lovely and usefull castle of the knights of the valley , where we left our men ready for further service , which expired for which our ships and men were hired . the intercepted letters mentioned in the title of this book , are intended to bee printed by themselves , they being so large could not be here inserted . briefe observations concerning the vvarre , and the state of ireland , both for the raising and laying the rebellion . 1. it is easily noted that the seeds of the ruine of a state are sowne in the dayes of greatest prosperity ; and that peace breeds plenty , plenty breeds pride , and that brings forth warre , and that runs againe the former round . 2. popery suffered among the irish , and prophanenesse amongst the english , have been the parents of this monster ; though it might have other midwives and nurses . 3. though we are assured 1000000. english have beene murdered , and we hope many more irish slaine ; yet mischiefe may be so fomented that it may know no limits nor bounds . 4. popish delusions carry such strength with them , especially when they meet with an ignorant spirit , that knowne truths and common principles have the dores bard against them . 5. by all wee could gleane in all the providence met with by sea or land for intelligence , we see that the worke now in hand and the question is religion , and religion papist and protestant , cover'd under puritane or round-head and good subject . 6. an irish rebel and an english cavallier in words and actions we found as unlike as an egge is to an egge . 7. it is most true , that from the highest to the lowest , from the regular to the secular , from the capitives we had to the freemen that came to parley with us , from the man to the woman , from the living to the dying , they profest unto us they fought by the kings order for the kings honour , that wee were his enemies not they ; which made us professe a new quarrell against them for prophaning his majesties name , and entitling him to all their murders and miscreant practises . 8. three things are found , are by the irish as i wish : viz. to have their religion free , and their religion in their owne hands , which the wisest we met with assured us is promised them , and that you shall read in their ecclessasticall parliament held at kelkenny which is now printing for you , where you may see their end and their meanes conducing thereunto . 9. the unfaithfulnesse of most of our ministers , the scurrility and monstrous ignorance of our english , have administred oyle to their flame in abundance , and brought downe wrath from heaven , nor in our civill government there without many sad aspersions from them , wherein dublin suffers much , not onely the toleration but complyances with romish idolaters , hath made them impudent and ours carelesse ; especially many pieces of our worship arising from the same fountaine , and running in the same sea with theirs as diocesan bishops , their courts , officers , revenews and attendants , church-censures , burialls , christenings , liturgie , holy-dayes , fasts , hallowed places , images , vestures , gestures , &c. truth it is , the continuance of ireland in its former condition would have trenched upon gods honour ; where one minister had 24. livings , and the place many times supplyed by ale : drapers at 40. l. per annum . 11. without all question , as the long continuance of ignorance there , ( the people being unchatichized ) hath led in more of this barbarisme , so i feare the former rebellion had never a thorough cure , i will not say that many of the english planters that went over were de faece ; foundation-stones should bee saphyres , so that is no marvell if many that have fled thence , have left the country worse than they found it . 12. as our priests doe now more strengthen the rebellion , not , so on our side , men that call themselves overseers of churches , opened a doore unto it , rhat you may conclude there was never any grand mischeife brooched in the world , but such as have beene marked by clergy-mens fingers , and the warre now in europe all over is episcopall . in the cure note these things . 1. a bucket of water shall quench that at first , which many tuns cannot , after lost opportunity . it is not cunctation but expedition , not fabius , but hanniball must still be rebellious . 2. if credit may be given to rebels , they generally profest that two words from his majesties owne hand by a knowne messenger to them , should command downe all their armes . 3. had the country risen in any considerable bodyes of english at first , and every man either not given rebels too much credit , or trusted to his owne private guard , it had beene ctushed in the egge which is now growne a flying serpent . 4. the lieutenant or generals personall appearing there upon the death of the former , must needs have given a checke to many of their barbarous proceedings , and encouraged the english there in resistance , want of governement makes english odious , that their very cattell are loathsome to these monsters , one of their armie spoyling in five dayes forty seven thousand english sheepe , and in time they would devoure one the other , were our necessity capable of so much patience . 5. if the vast expence of this kingdome had beene rightly imployed both for shipping and land forces , this bogge must needes have been dryed up by gods blessing . 6. our english comming over fresh and hearty , were better to be hazarded upon some of the enemies townes , then there detained to eate our men garrisons , and most of them perish with the country-disease . 7. if galloway , lymrike : wexford and waterford were recovered , the whole rebellion is shaken , which is irisible with halfe our forces there maintained , the state here being nine hundred thousand pounds charge already . 8. it may then be reduced when souldiers and commanders there shall rather attend the present work , than the continuance of their trade . 9. the irish lords and gentry that are found faithfull must be encouraged , who will force about them , accompanied with good markes of authoritie and trust from hence , will draw in the common people , who already curse their priests and gentry . 10. ships and sea-men are of singular use , both in sea and land service , provided that good intelligence bee kept from spaine , france , and dunkirke , in which worke , and much of the land matters , ten honest faithfull merchants but united , shall doe more than many committees of state , who are ( through much other work ) taken off from attending ad idem , to which i add the necessary use of horse , without which little can be done . 11. the presidents of provinces and countries , must be desired not to suffer great armies to bee kept guarding of their townes and demesnes , but imployed about the generall worke , upon our comming thither , we met with no considerable man , but had most need of us . 12 , one faithfull , honest , able minister is worth five hundred men if planted there , the people being as ignorant of their duty , as sencelesse of their misery , i am bold to thinke if the present advantage were taken of the adventurers ships lying by lymrike and galloway , the places might soone be ours , their domesticke combustions betwixt the old and young merchants , in either being well knowne unto us . this onely i will adde , let england here be quiet , and ireland will not long bee rebellious , which the good god grant for his sons sake . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a90547e-310 iune 29. 30. iuly 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 aug. 1. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. a letter from colonel hewson from finagh in ireland, of the 14 of march, 1650. to the honorable william lenthal esq; speaker of the parliament of england: vvith articles of the surrender of finagh castle, and other strong holds. and a list of the prisoners taken. die martis, 25 martii, 1651. ordered by the parliament, that this letter and articles, with a list of the prisoners taken, be forthwith printed and published. hen: scobell, cleric. parliamenti. hewson, john, d. 1662. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a86273 of text r206523 in the english short title catalog (thomason e626_11). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a86273 wing h1645 thomason e626_11 estc r206523 99865664 99865664 165825 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a86273) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 165825) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 96:e626[11]) a letter from colonel hewson from finagh in ireland, of the 14 of march, 1650. to the honorable william lenthal esq; speaker of the parliament of england: vvith articles of the surrender of finagh castle, and other strong holds. and a list of the prisoners taken. die martis, 25 martii, 1651. ordered by the parliament, that this letter and articles, with a list of the prisoners taken, be forthwith printed and published. hen: scobell, cleric. parliamenti. hewson, john, d. 1662. england and wales. parliament. 8 p. printed by john field, printer to the parliament of england, london : 1651. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng hewson, john, d. 1662 -early works to 1800. england and wales. -army -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a86273 r206523 (thomason e626_11). civilwar no a letter from colonel hewson from finagh in ireland, of the 14 of march, 1650.: to the honorable william lenthal esq; speaker of the parlia hewson, john 1651 1461 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 megan marion sampled and proofread 2008-12 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from colonel hewson from finagh in ireland , of the 14 of march , 1650. to the honorable william lenthal esq speaker of the parliament of england : vvith articles of the surrender of finagh castle , and other strong holds . and a list of the prisoners taken . die martis , 25 martii , 1651. ordered by the parliament , that this letter and articles , with a list of the prisoners taken , be forthwith printed and published . hen : scobell , cleric parliamenti . london , printed by john field , printer to the parliament of england . 1651. mr. speaker , the mighty hand of the great god hath been stretched out against your enemies , and defending you and your forces , whilest you have been prosecuting the peoples liberty , publique good and interest of his people ; amongst whom he hath , he doth , he will manifest his presence : and as all your forces hath abundance of experience therein , so those in ireland wants not large and comfortable testimonies thereof . the several accompts you have received , giveth your servants cause of rejoycing in , and depending upon our lord for his mercies exercised with and amongst them : and as in other appearances of our god , this day , and his presence with the present motion of your servants here , doth abundantly proclaim his goodness . the counties of westmeath , cavan and longford persisting in rebellion , and the enemy raising forces in those parts , and endeavoring to form a considerable army there ; for the preventing thereof , and to reduce the said counties , i marched from dublin , and the parts adjacent , with 1600 foot and 700 horse the 24 of february last : when i was about tecroghan , i had notice the enemy in the kings county , with three thousand horse and foot , was distressing one of the garisons , i marched immediately to terrels pass for its relief ; but commissary general reynolds had removed that enemy with a party from about kilkenny . i upon notice thereof marched towards mullingar , where we found resistance by a castle called kilbridge , which was presently reduced ; wherein two hundred barrels of corn was found , and kept for your service . when i came to mullingar , the enemy did quite desert and leave erlestown , and burned the former , both of which i have now garison'd for you , as also mullingar . whilest i was there , i heard from commissary general reynolds , who had taken by storm donmore in westmeath , wherein was near one thousand barrels of corn : i presently rid over unto him , where we both advised to fortifie and garison ballemore , a very considerable place , which the enemy had slighted . i sent thither colonel fouck with his regiment , and commissary general came thither with his foot , and they have made up the works , and made it tenable , and secured it for you . i marched unto sir thomas nugents house , which was kept against you , and reduced it ; and then to ballinalack , and reduced it , a considerable pass out of westmeath unto longford . the commissary general and i agreed to march to finagh , where we heard was great store of forces to entertain us . i came with my party last night unto a castle upon the tower , and i saw a considerable enemy march upon the other side of the water towards us from the county of cavan , who coming to the other side of the pass at the lougher , where we did camp twice , musket shot one from another , but the castle was upon the pass between us : that night commissary general reynolds quartered within three miles of us ; i raised a battery , and planted the guns that night , and this morning betimes began to play ; the third shot that we made , the enemy did quit the castle , and run away unto the bog : we pursued them , took some , drowned others , and some few escaped . i drew down the horse and foot presently over the river up to finagh , where we beheld the enemy that came towards us yesterday , march faster back from us . we found a pass about musket shot of the castle , over which i sent sir theophilus jones with 400 horse , and my regiment of foot , to pursue the enemy , and with the rest of the foot stormed finagh , but could not enter . i presently did summon it , they desired to treat , but in the time of parley commissary general coming up , we did joyntly treat with them ; and as we were treating , sir theophilus jones came back , who had overtaken the enemy , killed about four hundred on the place , and brought with him the prisoners in the inclosed list mentioned . the soldiers in the castle finding all hopes failing , yielded the castle upon the articles herewith tendered unto you . the taking of this place is of great advantage unto you , and giveth you the possession of longford and cavan ; and this days successes doth in good measure prevent the forming of such great armies as they intended . whilest you pursue those interest god will own , you will finde his hand against your enemies , his power with your forces , and success in your great undertakings , the hands of your faithful servants strengthned , and all good people comforted , and the government you have established , secured : which that the lord of hosts may still preserve uncorrupted , shall be the prayers of your faithful servant j. hewson . finagh , 14 march . 1650. articles agreed upon between commissary general reynolds , colonel hewson , and christopher nugent , on the behalf of major dardise , and the rest of the officers and soldiers , upon the surrender of finagh this 14 march . 1650. that the garison of finagh be immediately surrendred within half an hour unto captain hoar who is appointed to receive the same . ii. that all the ammunitions , stores , and provisions that are in the said garrison , be delivered to the said captain , the said stores being in no ways imbezzled , or wasted . iii. that the governor of the said garison , major dardise , shall be a prisoner of war , and have his parole for fourteen days after the date hereof . iv. that all the rest of the officers and soldiers that are in the said garison , shall march forth with their arms for one mile , at which place they are to deliver their arms to those that shall be appointed to receive them , where they shall have a safe conduct towards ardagh in the county of longford . v. that the said officers and soldiers of the said garison are permitted and suffered to march to their own garisons for three days , during which time no hostility is to be acted against them , they acting nothing prejudicial to the state of england . vi . and that captain nugent and captain cruse remain hostages for the performance of the aforementioned articles . dated this 14 march . 1650. christopher nugent . j. reynolds . j. hewson . a list of the prisoners taken by commissary general reynolds , mentioned in this letter . colonel alexander mac donnel lieut. col. john mac donnel major surly mac donnel captains . donnel mac kay , patrick mac cormuck hector mac neal tirlagh o quin cochel o quin patrick o melan arth. mac donnel dan o neal miles reyly daniel brady farel magauly shane o kernan . lieutenants . tirlagh reyly archbold mac donnel bryan mac donnel donnel reyly owen rely john brady thomas brady thomas fitzpatrick brady tirlagh brady owen mac kerny phelim mac donnelly phel . mac mulwy ensigns . tirlagh rely hugh reyly james brady bryan mac kern donnel mac kern hugh brady sirlagh mac keaghan edmond mac melchal philip mac kedan donnel mac elaspick chelim mac o codan daniel o neale daniel mac giee cormuch cavenagh hugh mac clemen . james o hore , quarter master . private soldiers , and non commission officers 376. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a86273e-670 imprimis . a letter from st. omars in farther confirmation of the truth of the popish plot upon a consideration of divers circumstances in the trials together with several new matters relating to a farther discovery thereof, and particularly, a letter from mr. jennison proving mr. ireland to have been in london the 19th of august, contrary to the staffordshire witnesses and what the five jesuits (lately executed) insisted upon at their trials : with remarks upon the said letter. d. g. 1679 approx. 160 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a42804 wing g8 estc r11425 13791611 ocm 13791611 101854 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42804) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101854) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 454:31) a letter from st. omars in farther confirmation of the truth of the popish plot upon a consideration of divers circumstances in the trials together with several new matters relating to a farther discovery thereof, and particularly, a letter from mr. jennison proving mr. ireland to have been in london the 19th of august, contrary to the staffordshire witnesses and what the five jesuits (lately executed) insisted upon at their trials : with remarks upon the said letter. d. g. jenison, robert, 1648-1688. letter form mr. jenison ... touching mr. ireland's being in london in august 1678. [2], 22 p. [s.n.], london : 1679. dated june 24 and signed (p. 15): d.g. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland, william, 1636-1679. popish plot, 1678. 2006-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 john latta sampled and proofread 2006-11 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from s t. omars , in farther confirmation of the truth of the popish plot , upon a consideration of divers circumstances in the trials . together with several new matters relating to a farther discovery thereof ; and particularly , a letter from mr. jennison , proving mr. ireland to have been in london the 19 th . of august , contrary to the staffordshire witnesses , and what the five jesuits ( lately executed ) insisted upon at their trials . with remarks upon the said letter . london , printed in the year mdclxxix . a letter from saint omars to a friend in london . sir , i should be unworthy of that care and friendship which you have expressed towards me , if i should not gratefully acknowledge the satisfaction i have taken , not onely in your several letters from time to time , giving me an account of the discovery of that most hellish and horrid plot , so lately made known in england , for the alteration of religion and subversion of government , by massacre , war and fire ; but also the great pleasure i have received in the present which you sent me of all the printed and written papers , publickly made known , and privately dispersed concerning this plot. i must therefore , after i have acknowledged the favour therein , let you know the satisfaction i have taken , how much it has wrought upon my conscience , what impressions they have made on others , the objections some have made , and the answers i have been enabled to give them , grounded on those publick trials and transactions which you have sent me . and as you have truly convinc'd me of the great errour i was run into ; so no doubt , by your argument and assistance , i have been able to do the like on this side the water , to many , who erred not wilfully , but were led aside by the cunning discourses of the adverse party , and to stop the mouths of some of the most malicious and violent enemies of the protestants in england , who here have endeavoured to make us believe there has been no such plot contrived by the jesuits and papists in england , or else that the plot is onely of the making and contriving of those you call sectaries and fanaticks in england ; and that all this is wrought through their cunning and contrivance , to scandalize and extirpate the catholicks and their religion in england : and other stories to the discrediting the king's evidence , as if they had falsely accused , and took away the lives of many holy men and catholicks , innocent and unknowing of any such plot or massacre , thereby begetting a general odium and evil-speaking against the sectaries and hereticks , as they call them , in england . by these cunning artifices and sedulous insinuations , they have been very carefull in these parts , to take away the scandal and reproach so horrid a design might lay upon the catholick party , and to invalidate , as much as they are able , all reports and proofs thereof ; and therefore have endeavoured to stop and suppress all the light thereof , and all books or papers that may any way inform the judgements of the people , who are made to believe quite contrary to what you have made me to see . and i question not but that also , in some measure , the same skill and artifice of the jesuitical party is used amongst you as well as here , and that by their cunning insinuations and contrivances , they have been able ( as you seem to intimate ) to pervert the minds of many in england , and to fix on them a strange blindness and disbelief of the plot , not onely of those of their religion , and well-affected to their way , but also of many of the more moderate and simply honest of the contrary party , who have been led aside by their specious pretences , and sedulous insinuations , and diligent aspersions of the witnesses , and startled and confirmed by the pertinacious denying and seeming innocency of those that suffer'd for the same . if then in england , where these things are transacted , they are able to alienate the minds of many , and to keep them in the mist of ignorance and unbelief , you may be sure that at this distance , and where the power of your adversaries has more force and strength , and where they have far greater means to stifle the breaking forth of the least ray of the light of truth , that the people are much more ignorant , and by that means more prejudiced against you ; though there are none almost , to whom i have made known and communicated those papers and letters you sent me , but are either convinc'd , or know not how to raise any just argument against the truth of what they assert . it has always been the way of these sedulous emissaries of the society , to palliate great miscarriages with specious pretences , and to daub over the most notable deformities with an holy paint and religious fucus , and to colour their detected crimes by pious frauds , lies , and perjuries . and it is not now they begin to practice those things you seem to hint at in your letters , as may by several instances and known eveniments be made appear : and which indeed has been a scandal to many good catholicks , and knowing christians , who have not at all approved of the ways of these jesuitical brethren , who have converted religion to principles of state , and changed christianity to meer policy ; and by endeavouring to maintain their own greatness , and by unjust and politick ways striving to attain their ends of power and dominion , have lost much the opinion , not onely of those of the contrary religion or reformed , but also of many of those who are roman catholicks , who have been distasted at their principles and practices . for as there were roman catholicks before there were jesuits , so were that order not in being , i am apt to believe that their number would not be less : for though by their artifices and policies they have made themselves great , and kept up the power of the bishop of rome , and by their insinuations into all the courts of the princes of christendom made themselves formidable , and knowing of all affairs ; yet on the other hand , by the many miscarriages and detections of many of their plots and contrivances , and their wicked and evil machinations , they have opened the mouths of the protestants against the roman catholicks too justly , and also opened the eyes to see , and alienated the hearts of many of the roman catholicks themselves from their detested ways and abominable courses , which they have manifestly taken to establish themselves , or as they say to propagate religion , and to extirpate heresie . but certainly , truth does not need the hand of policy , and especially evil and immoral maxims , and unvertuous contrivances , to defend it : and as it is far from the doctrine and method of christ and his apostles , and their immediate successours , to propagate his religion or christianity by plots , massacres , force , or cruelty , or by any unjust way or means ; so always the attempt thereof has ever prov'd pernicious , and : has raised up evil thoughts of religion in many , making some atheists , and others hereticks and schismaticks ; and by that means they have lost more from the catholick cause , then ever they have gained thereto by these pernicious courses . for where the dint of argument cannot prevail , and where the conscience cannot be allured , the dint of sword , oppression and persecution , will never be able to overcome ; nor plots and contrivances , though never so well laid , will prevail , as we have often experimentally found . and though by these means any religion may seem for a time to be establish'd , yet at last it will quickly burst out into a flame ; for it is impossible , with the greatest tyranny to establish the greatest truth , unless it be received into the minds and consciences of the people . i must therefore once again acknowledge the great satisfaction i have received by those books , papers and letters which you have sent me , and which have rectified my doubtfull thoughts , and made me very sensible , that there has not onely been a very great conspiracy , and most horrid plot , but also they have made me see who were the contrivers and carriers on of the same : and now i likewise rest satisfied in the punishment of some of the offendours , being assured that they died not for the cause of religion , ( as they would here make us believe ) but as criminals and traytors to their king , country , and laws . i must confess , there has nothing more troubled my conscience , and made me question the verity of the romish faith , in which i was bred , then the laying open of these horrid designs , and the constant practices of these brothers of jesus in all parts : and it has so far awakened me , that i now make it my resolution , to satisfie all those scruples that have arisen thereupon , and to inform my self farther , and to try if those arguments that the protestants have used to justify their separation , be according to those rules laid down in the scriptures or not , and to make a more diligent scrutiny into all those differences between us , that i may be no longer in the dark , and grope after uncertainties . and therefore i shall desire still your assistance and correspondence , in furnishing me with those books and writings that may be fit for this intention : for as i am an english-man i have a natural love to my country , and notwithstanding any difference in point of religion , and distance at present from the same , i constantly wish , as i ought , its prosperity and felicity , as i believe all true english catholicks not jesuited , or perverted by their horrid and destructive principles , doe the same ; and truely hate all these undue and unrighteous ways of propagating religion , and the romish faith. and i cannot but take notice of that cruel and detestable malice of the brothers of the society , who would have cut off berry a priest , for writing in favour of the oaths of allegeance and supremacy , which i think any true catholick may take , without any wrong to his conscience ; and for that end ( as i find in your depositions ) they offer'd 10 li. as a reward to the said deponent to kill the said berry . i cannot therefore blame my countrymen , if after all these doings , which have appeared so horridly unjust , cruel and bloudy in all respects , they are grown severe and bitter against all romish catholicks ; and many thousands , though innocent , must suffer in your thoughts and opinions , for the sake of these wicked wretches . and the plot hath now appeared so general and universal through the nation , and not onely there , but in france , flanders , spain , and italy , that i cannot but wonder at the extent thereof , and admire at the great and abundant mercy of god , that has almost miraculously brought it to light , and prevented it , when even ready to be effected , and even in the height of their security . and this certainly shews , that god does not own such wicked and undue ways and practices , as to bring in any religion whatsoever by bloud , plots , murthers , and designs . and i must here take notice and acknowledge , that long before the discovery of this plot , i have observed in discourse with many on this side the water , that there was a more then usual expectation of something to be done in england ; and sometimes they would darkly intimate , that e're long we should see the true catholick religion flourish again in that kingdom as much or more then ever : so that no doubt , many more here knew of this secret , and had great expectations , besides those who were intrusted in carrying on the design . as to what you seem to desire , how this plot is resented here , among us , and what people say thereof , i must answer , that the stream seems to run two ways , and is divided according to the humour of the people . for the more moderate and just do extreamly blame the authours and promoters of it , and look upon them as the ruiners of the catholick religion in england , who had such indulgence , such favour and kindness shewed them , both from prince , and people , that notwithstanding the severe penal laws against them in that kingdom , they enjoyed fully their own , liv'd quietly without molestation , reproach , and distinction , were admitted into all offices and places in the commonwealth and army , enjoying all the liberty they could expect , or justly desire : and therefore these extreamly blame the jesuitical party , and all those who were conspiratours , and promoters of this plot and horrid design , as wicked and ungrateful persons , that should abuse so much mercy and indulgence shewn to them , and that they could not see their own quiet and happiness in enjoying their liberty and estates without interruption , in a kingdom wholly protestant , and where they are but a handful in comparison of the others , so that they could not hope to prevail , without horrid massacres , much bloud , war and devastation . so that these men seem to be odious , and detested by all that have or make any profession of godliness , religion and piety , who do verily believe , that they have thereby utterly subverted and ruined the catholick cause in england , believing that you will now urge all those penal statutes in force against them , and make others more severe , where they are desicient , or banish them wholly out of the land. and that this will justly open the mouths , and awaken the pens of all the protestants against them , and rip up all their former cruelties , to set the teeth of the people on edge against them , and to render them odious , by shewing their former bloudy doings , which had else been forgotten , and were raked up under the ashes of time. as i perceive by one book you sent , called the antichristian principle discovered , in a brief and true account of all the hellish plots , bloudy persecutions , and horrid massacres , and most inhumane cruelties and tortures , exercised by the papists throughout europe , &c. which shews how much the spirits of people are awakened against them by those new machinations , and that all their former errours , faults and cruelties will be anew laid open , and brought out of the grave of oblivion , to testifie against them . but it is not onely in england , that they have by these unjust and wicked devices done themselves and their party an injury , but they have awakened the jealous eyes of all the protestant party throughout europe , who seem to be startled and troubled at this wicked and horrid design . and as i have heard it lately reported , it hath been so very ill resented by all the protestant princes in germany , that it has put them upon stricter caution or preserving themselves and religion against these sort of men , and the papists in general , when they see england , the prop and glory of protestantism , so desperately struck at , and like to be subverted by these horrid plots , and wicked machinations and conspiracies . but there is another party , who either out of cunning , malice or ignorance , will not believe , or at least seem not to believe this to be any such plot as you in england would make it to be . and these sort of men are very sedulous in raising divers objections , and endeavour to lessen the evidences , and asperse the judges , calumniate both magistrates and people , and by all manner of unjust ways and contrivances seek to instill into the minds of people that there is no such grand conspiracy , and that it is onely a subtle and politick way of some great ones in england , to make new combustions and insurrections there , by which means either to set up the presbyterian party , or to bring in again a second commonwealth ; and that all those who have died for those crimes objected against them , as coleman , ireland , pickering , groves , green , berry , hill , &c. all died innocent , saints and martyrs , without sufficient proof , and undeservedly . and this these sort of men have been so very carefull to promote , and with that confidence and artifice , that truly , they have begot to themselves a very great party , not onely on this side the water , but ( as i understand from some coming from thence ) in england also . and indeed , before i received your last present of all the tryals , which you sent me , i could not tell what to thing of it : but since i have read them , and seriously weigh'd all things in an equal scale and with a just balance , i am thoroughly convinc'd of the reality of the plot , and the justness of those mens sufferings who have died for the same . and since you have given me the liberty and freedom to communicate to you my thoughts fully concerning this plot , i think it will not be impertinent cursorily to take notice of the several objections they have raised against it , to annihilate or invalidate the same , or at least to call off the odium and blackness of such a wicked conspiracy from themselves on others ; and also , the answers i have been able to give them in relation thereto . and since it may be of a publick good and concern , and to the satisfaction of many fluctuating people , if you shall think it requisite , i give you free liberty to publish the same . in the first place then , that they may beget a very ill opinion of the persons that are the discoverers of this plot , and accusers of those concerned therein , they have endeavoured to render , them ill persons in their lives and conversations ; and so by this means to make all they shall say or swear not to be believed or adhered to . they remember the maxime , asperse boldly , something will stick . this is onely to throw dirt in the faces of those persons that god has raised up to detect the most horrid of villanies . and thus mr. ireland , in his tryal , very subtly brings in sir dennis ashburnham to lessen the testimony of mr. oates , by making him a person of little credit and of ill fame , and that he broke prison at dover ; but that onely by hear-say . indeed could they have given any good proof of mr. oates his being formerly perjur'd they might have done something as to taking off his testimony , and weakned his evidence in the opinion of the jury : but what they endeavoured to prove was so very weak and frivolous , that it made rather against them , and onely shewed their malice , for all that sir dennis says , amounts onely to this , that he had known mr. oates in his youth , and that then he was not a person of that credit as to be depended on for what he should say , and that had the discovery of the plot come onely from his testimony , he might have made some doubt of it . but then , the very same person confesses , that it being so corroborated with other circumstances , he was convinced and satisfied in the truth of the thing . see now , from what little shadow of ill , they rais'd a dark mist to blind the eyes of the people , and by it would endeavour to make them believe all that mr. oates should say was false , and that the plot was of his own making and contriving , set on by the enemies of their religion . but let it be granted that mr. oates had been formerly an ill liver , or what they say of him as to his life and conversation in his youth : we know that god makes use of sinners to glorifie his name , and a conspiring and persecuting saul may become a great and glorious apostle . had not mr. oates had ill principles , he never could have been drawn into so horrid a design , ( but the hand of god was in it , who out of evil produces good : ) for the jesuites are so close and subtle , and carry on their designs with that secrecy and contrivance , that it would be impossible to detect them , and to have a plain and evident proof against their treasonable practices , but by one of themselves , and of their conspiracy . and therefore it cannot be thought any hard usage , ( as the lord chief justice scroggs observes , ) to convict offenders by testimony of their fellows , because 't is hardly possible to bring other witnesses : and therefore in that respect witnesses cannot be absolutely spotless . considering the depth of this horrid plot , and the great persons that were collaterally in the same , carrying on great and various designs , mr. oates , the first discoverer , ran a very great risque of his credit and life , so that it behoved him to be cautious and wary , and not to discover a thing of this nature without great proof : and for that by the laws of england , one single testimony , though back'd with other circumstances , will not serve to condemn a person in case of high treason , mr. oates could not of himself have been able to have brought the offenders to condign punishment , had not god ( whose hand was in the discovery ) raised up others also afterwards to give evidence , and to clear up and dilucidate the whole matter . and this very thing it seems , made those concerned in the plot so very bold and confident , as not to fly upon his first discovery of the same : and he had like to have been born down with a strong tyde of opposition , till the murther of sir edmundbury godfry , whose forwardness and activity in doing his duty , and detecting this horrid design , exposed him to their malice and fury ; and they , who had gone so far , as to endeavour to murther their king , and subvert the government of their country , would not stick at the little murther of one that was so active a minister in bringing the business to light , and unravelling the bottom of their wicked designs . but the murther of this person strangely awakened the minds of people , who were before in a great security , and looked but lightly on the plot , ( as i am inform'd by relations from england ) and the cry of his bloud call'd down god's vengeance on the plotters , and no doubt , they gave themselves a mortal blow when they strangled this innocent person . and since it was requisite , that there should be more evidence then one , god made use of this murther , so far as to awaken thereby the conscience of mr. bedlow , who was to have been engaged in the murther of this gentleman , and who knew of it , and was one in the great conspiracy and plot , and who also , though fled for the same , was at last compelled by the force of his troubled conscience to come in voluntarily , to second mr. oates , and to detect both the murther and the plot. i cannot hear , that they have any thing to object against mr. bedlow in particular to take off his evidence , but that they asperse him in general terms , as if he were hired to the same : but if any one of an unbiass'd judgment shall seriously reade and weigh all the several proofs made out against the criminals , by mr. oates and mr. bedlow , agreeing in all circumstances , though no intimacy was ever known to be between them , he must needs acknowledge , that nothing is more clear and evident , then that there could not be any such conspiracy between them , to invent and frame so many strange stories and relations as they have given in under their oaths , with all circumstances as to places , time and persons , without betraying themselves , or being intrapped by those quick ey'd persons by whom they have been examined , and of which we should quickly have heard . so that i cannot but admire at the strange impudence of those persons , who still buz into the ears of the people , that 't is no plot but of oates and bedlow's making , giving the lie in the face of a whole nation to the justices , that have taken the examinations , to the judges , that have sate on the tryals , to the council , that have sifted and looked into the papers and writings belonging to these plotters , traitours and murtherers , and to the lords and nobility of england , and to the parliament , the representative of all the people of england , who in their vote die lunae 24. martii 1678. declared nemine contradicente , that they were fully satisfied by the proofs they had heard , that there now is , and for divers years last past hath been , a horrid and treasonable plot and conspiracy contrived and carried on by those of the popish religion , for the murthering of his majestie 's sacred person , and for subverting the protestant religion , and the ancient and well-established government of this kingdom . i say , that after all this clear evidence against them , and that nothing can be made out more plain and perspicuous , that they should still endeavour to press upon the belief of people , that 't is a fictitious plot , is the most strange piece of impudence i ever heard or read of . can any that entertain such a thought believe that the whole nation are deceived ? and that all these , the wisest of the kingdom , are deluded , or can be made fools and asses of by mr. oates and mr. bedlow ? or in reason think or suppose , that all these persons are so wicked to frame a plot against the papists , and to take away the several lives of these wretches , onely to extirpate a few papists out of the kingdom ? one of these must consequently follow if there be not in reality any such plot , as these sort of men would have people believe . but god seeming to resolve to discover fully the bottom of this design , and to make it apparent to all the world , he has given a cloud of witnesses , and wholly to take away that scruple , hath raised up prance and dugdale , two more , to second and confirm the truth of oates and bedlow's assertions . as to mr. dugdale , i have heard that they have been so far from aspersing him , that they have ( some of them ) been forc'd publickly to acknowledge him a sober , honest man : yet he was drawn into the plot for religion's sake , till he came to know of the intended murther of the king , and then the alarm-bell of his conscience rung so loud that it awaken'd him out of his lethargy , and brought him to a confession of his crimes , and to be an evidence against them . as to mr. prance , god suffer'd him to goe on and to be zealous ( as i observe by his own book ) in this plot , and to be one of the instruments assisting in the murther of that worthy knight sir edmundbury godfry , and to continue without remorse , till he was taken onely upon a bare surmise of his being from home some nights , which caused him to be brought before the council , where he was discovered by mr. bedlow , to be one of those persons that he had seen in the room where sir edmundbury godfry lay murthered ; which mr. prance himself acknowledges to be the immediate hand of god , which so far pressed upon his conscience , as afterwards to make a full and ingenuous confession both of the murther and plot , for which he received the king's pardon . and this is a strenuous evidence against them , and strong confirmation of the assertions of mr. oates and bedlow , and that what they had delivered , was not by combination , or any conspiracy between them . but against mr. prance , i find they had raised three several objections , thinking thereby to make his testimony inconsiderable . the first was , that he was mad. but as to this , i think all that have read his depositions , and the evidence he hath given as to the plot , with the circumstances of his being engaged in the same , and the punctual account of the murther of sir edmundbury godfry , will not judge him to be bereft of his senses . the things too well cohere together to proceed from a distracted person . the second is , that he was tortur'd , and ill used in prison , to make him confess against his conscience ; and that all he had said as to the plot and murther , was through fear and terrour . but i shall onely mention his own words , sufficient to clear this aspersion , pag. 25. of his narrative , that the report was wholly false and scandalous , but that on the contrary , he had received all the kind usage and civilities imaginable , from captain richardson the keeper of newgate , where he was confined all the time of his stay ; and that nothing of compulsion or force was put upon him to declare any thing , but that what he did was freely and voluntarily , not byassed by any sinister end , nor out of any malice , or in wrong to any person whatsoever : and this he declares in the presence of almighty god , the searcher of hearts , before whose just and dreadfull tribunal he expects to appear , and begs and implores the mercy of the king of heaven , on his sincere repentance , for his wicked fact , and great sin committed , in being an accessory to the death of sir edmundbury godfry , as he had obtained that of his king here for the same . the third was , that being through fear and terrour made to acknowledge himself guilty , he was forced in his conscience to deny all again , before his majesty of great britain . and here indeed they have some appearance of truth , and with it they have made a great dust , thinking by this means to blind the eyes of the people . but mr. prance himself in his narrative pag. 22. and 23. so well clears that aspersion , that there can be no more said , and in my judgment renders him more strong and firm after his staggering and fluctuation : for he calls it there his imbecillity and weakness , that though he had onely for his conscience sake made his free confession , being awakened by the horrour of his crimes , yet afterwards he went and declared to the king that he was innocent , and that all those he had accused were also innocent . now they cry out , a man that will thus say now one thing , and then another thing , is not to be believed ; and that his evidence is nothing worth . but pag. 23. mr. prance says this for himself , that the fear and terrour of death ( not then having any assurance of pardon ) lying heavy upon him , and also the fear of being assassinated by the bloudy and revengefull priests and jesuits , and also that if he should escape with life , that he should wholly lose his trade , and so be consequently ruined and undone , since his chief subsistence depended on the trade he had with the roman catholicks , and that his soul was not yet intirely out of the snare of popish thraldom , induced him to think he might lawfully say , that he and all the rest were innocent , because the horrid crime of the murther of sir edmundbury godfry had been declared by the popish priests to be no sin , and so in that sense they were all innocent , though he had not since the fact received absolution . and thus by the way you may observe how they all die innocent , as themselves at the gallows are pleas'd to say . but then he desires you to consider , that to strengthen his first assertion , and to invalidate this act of his weakness and fear , he says , that what he had declared concerning the murther was solemnly and upon oath ; and this supposed retractation , suddenly in passion , consternation and fear , and not upon oath . secondly , that he was no sooner carried back from the king and council to newgate , not being above half an hour after , but that he earnestly requested his keeper to carry him back again , that he might justify his former confession to be true in all circumstances , and that what he had lately said contradictory thereto , was caused by his perplexity of mind , and the terrour he lay under ; and being immediately carried back , he denied his recantation , and voluntarily upon oath confirmed what he had first declared to be true . and afterwards falling sick whilst in newgate , and like to die , he then expecting to die , declared and often asserted to divers his first confession to be true in all points , as also since he recovered his health : so that 't is very plain , all this dust which the priests and jesuits have raised about this matter is blown away , and truth is become perspicuous to any ingenuous man , that will but impartially look into these transactions , and consider them as they are , and not as they are represented by their false perspectives . this is all that i have heard to be objected as to the witnesses , and you may judge by what i have been able to say , how frivolous it is . but these malicious persons have not onely raised objections against those persons before mentioned , who were witnesses against these plotters , but they also endeavour to cast an odium on the judges themselves , especially the lord chief justice ; whom they report to be a very violent and passionate man against them , triumphing in their overthrow , handling the prisoners cruelly and hardly , daunting their witnesses , and lashing out against them and their religion , with many the like bitter reports : and as i have heard , they have not stuck to have sent him letters from this side the water , upbraiding him for walking contrary to the steps of his predecessors in the like cases ; and have also been so impudent , as to send him a book in the french tongue , which endeavours to make this plot to be contrived and laid , not by the papists , but by the factious and sectarian parties in england . but this is fumos vendere , and i think that worthy person needs no justification . i am satisfied , and suppose none that have read or heard the trials of those persons condemned for the plot , and murther of sir edmundbury godfry , but must remain satisfied in the fair and upright dealing of the lord chief justice scroggs , in hearing the evidence fully on all sides , and judging justly and indifferently between the king and the prisoners . and in this extraordinary case , if after an impartial and legall trial , he , in summing up the evidence , pressed it home to the jury to doe justice , and if he spake something as to the catholick religion , and the jesuits , and jesuited party , that has raised these commotions and conspiracies , and brought those men into the snare , he ought not to be blamed ; and i cannot find either in him , or those other judges who gave sentence of death on the offenders , but that they did it according to law , modestly , and without that triumphing and bitterness , as they would seem to intimate . but to what poor shifts are these men drove to hide this abominable plot and wicked contrivance ! when they would insinuate into the people on this side the water , and at a distance from you , that there never was any such person as sir edmundbury godfry , and that you in england have fram'd a story of such a murther , taking a hint from a town called st. edmunds bury , to make the papists odious , and by that means to raise the malice of the people against them . this shews very much the weakness of their cause , or rather the foulness of it , that they are forced to such narrow starting-holes to keep up their reputation here : but with you this needs no answer , that worthy gentleman being so well known in the place where he dwelt , and was too publick a light to be hid in obscurity under a bushel . to make this discovery yet more full and evident , i find that god has brought forth of the tower of london one mr. everard , after four years imprisonment , to give his testimony concerning this very plot , as appears by his evidence and narrative upon oath , who there affirms what he knew of the same , and after what manner he came by it , being informed of it in paris ; so that coming over to england , for the intent of discovering what he knew concerning the same , he was clapt into the tower , under the pretext of having some design of making an attempt against the duke of monmouth's life , where he was kept four years a close prisoner , without ever being brought to any hearing or trial ; and though he had several times made some discovery of this plot to sir john robinson , the then lieutenant of the tower , he either did not or would not believe any thing of it , and would give no information to his majesty concerning the same ; as may more fully appear by the depositions of the said mr. everard : which certainly is a very great testimony , and very much corroborates the assertions of the other witnesses concerned in the plot , this man being none of the confederacy , and so not entrusted with the horrid intrigues thereof ; yet so far knew of the same , as to have given some light to the farther discovery of this dark design , had he not been thus subtly prevented by some of the plotters means , who are since in custody themselves in ireland , the province where they were to act ; for both that kingdom and scotland also was at the same time to have been subverted , as well as england . but things were not then ripe , and god had designed to let them run on yet farther in their wickedness , that his glory might appear more great and perspicuous , and that his mercy , and protecting care of the king , and people of england , might be seen in diverting and making known a plot and conspiracy so impending , and near taking effect , being carried on with such secrecy , skill and power so many years : but to god be given the glory , and let the barking mouths of these currs be stopped at last , and their endeavours to hide and to make this plot of no account be blasted and come to nought . amen . not withstanding the artifices of these men to support their credit here abroad , and in some measure with you also in england , their complices are like to suffer for their treasonable practices . some of the underlings have already paid for their treason , with the forfeiture of their lives ; and the more great and formidable plotters are like also to be called to account , and the very bottom of this horried and hellish design like to be discovered . it is therefore now time for them to bestir themselves , and inded to say the truth , they will leave no stone unturn'd , and having first endeavoured to scandalize the evidence against them , they now try to corrupt it , and to take them off ; and this they have procured a subtle agent to effect , one nathaniel reading , who by great and fair promises of great rewards and some gold in hand , would have taken off mr. bedlow , one of the chief evidence for the king against these plotters ; but i find that mr. bedlow out-witted him , and notwithstanding he was a subtle lawyer , brought him to shame and punishment for his crime , which certainly was of a very high nature , and which was punctually proved against him , so that none can deny the truth thereof . now from this i argue , if there were no plot , as the jesuits here have endeavoured to have made us believe , why should those accused thereof seek by such unjust means of bribery to take off the evidence against them ; and to draw beforehand such matter onely for the evidence to swear to , as might be sure not to make them guilty of treason , and out of the danger of the law ? innocency needs not these shifts , and this also to me , and all rational men , must needs be another proof of their guilt ; and that notwithstanding all this stir that they have made to hide their crime , and most horrid design , they are guilty of the same ; and that there is and hath been a horrid plot and conspiracy . since you have desired me to communicate my mind fully to you , i hope you will not think me tedious in that i cannot yet leave this matter ; and that i resolve as briefly as i can , to mention to you my thoughts on the several trials of those persons condemned , both for the conspiracy , and for the murther of sir edmundbury godfry , and to let you know what here hath been said thereupon : for they have not onely endeavoured by all means and ways to bespatter and calumniate the persons of those who discovered the plot , the judges who gave sentence on the traytors , and the witnesses against them , but also violently to speak against the justice and legality of the trials themselves ; and so far to justify the criminals , and those condemned and executed for traytors , as if they died illegally , without apparent proofs , and innocent , and martyrs . and here i cannot but admire the strange audacity of these men , that they should think to be able , with bold and lying assertions to lessen and pervert matters of fact , and things so notoriously known and acted in the face of a nation ; things not privately or clandestinely acted , but publickly and before the whole world. but what is it that these men will not attempt ? tantum relligio potuit suadere malorum ? t is for the sake of religion , and they may doe any thing . the first that comes upon the stage is mr. coleman , a leading man in this horried plot and conspiracy , and a prime actor and promoter of it , by his great correspondency abroad , both at rome and in the french court. i have read the trial of that person with caution and consideration ; and however plain the proofs may appear to me , and to others of unbyassed judgments , yet they have had the confidence here to assert , and endeavour to impress it on the minds of the people , that nothing could be made out against this man to render him worthy of death , or to make him guilty of treason ; and that he died innocent , a saint , and a martyr ; and that at the execution he utterly denied there was any such thing : a plot , as was pretended , though he own'd himself to be indeed a zealour promoter of the catholick cause . and , as i have heard , many were so sottishly deluded with this opinion of his innocency , that they purchased at dear rates pieces of the halter that strangled him , to keep as reliques of his saintship . that a great argument of his innocency was , that he never endeavoured to make any escape or to fly away , having his liberty several days after the discovery of the plot , and his being question'd about the same . the men who seem thus to believe nothing , and goe about to perswade others to be of their opinion , and who raise the objections and reports to cast a mist before the eyes of the people , are those no doubt whose consciences know the contrary to what they pretend to be absolutely true , and are and have been agents and promoters of that plot and conspiracy they would cry down : and they cannot but know that coleman and the rest had a fair trial ; that the proofs were home and evident against them , and that they suffered justly and by due course of law. but it is their interest to seem of another mind : and notwithstanding they have endeavoured to render the lord chief justice odious , and cunningly to insinuate his illegal proceedings with mr. coleman , those of their own party could not but acknowledge the words that i shewed them in the seventeenth page of his printed trial to be full of honour and integrity . for there speaking to mr. oates , who was then to be sworn as evidence against mr. coleman , he gives him warning to speak nothing but the truth , not to adde the least tirtle that is false for any advantage whatsoever ; for that since the prisoner's bloud and life was at stake , he should stand or fall , be justified or condemned by truth . he also then puts mr. oates in mind of the sacredness of an oath , and that to falsily it , and thereby to take away a man's life , was murther . therefore he desired he would speak nothing but the down-right truth , that he may not be condemned by any circumstances , but by plain evidence of fact ; and so that not onely mr. coleman may be satisfied in the justness of his trial , but all people else . i think this is sufficient to manifest the uprightness of the judge , and that mr. coleman had a free and legal trial for his life , according to the laws of england . but that they should so boldly and with a consident brow assert , that nothing could be made out against him , that should render him guilty of treason or worthy of death , is very strange , when not onely the witnesses that are brought against him do prove sufficient matter of fact , but his own letters produced and read before his face , which he acknowledges for his own , do in plain words say , that he is about a great work , no less then the conversion of three kingdoms , and the total and utter subversion and subduing of that pestilent heresy the protestant religion , which hath reigned so long in this northern part of the world ; and for the doing of which there never was such great hopes since our queen marie ' s days as at this time : pag. 69. now can there be any thing more clear , then that this subversion of a religion so generally received in those three kingdoms , and so long and thoroughly established , could not be effected but by the subversion of those three kingdoms , and by the destruction of the established laws , the liberties , and the lives of many thousands within those three kingdoms ? and all this could not have been done without bringing in of forein force , or raising a rebellion amongst your selves , or both . in his long letter to monsiour le chese he says , pag. 53. he would willingly be in everlasting disgrace with all the world , if by the assistance of 20000. li. to be obtained from the french king , he did not regain to the dvke his master his former offices , and especially that of being admiral of the fleet : and again pag. 54. he tells you for what end this design is , that it might give the greatest blow to the protestant religion in england that ever it received since its birth : and therefore in the conclusion of one of his letters to le chese , the french king's confessour , he desires the power and assistance of france , which next under god he relies upon . so that his own hand convicts him of endeavouring to bring in forein powers into england , to establish the roman catholick religion , and to overthrow that now there established . this was but one way to bring his designs about ; the other most horrid and bloudy was the taking away the sacred life of the king , which mr. oates swears against him , pag. 21. that he was privy to the consult at the white-horse tavern in the strand , wherein it was resolved , that grove and pickering should be employed to effect it , and that mr. coleman did approve of the same : so that by this the proof was plain against him , for by the laws of england his assent made him equally guilty with the assassinates , there being no accessories in treason . and this resolve he swears was communicated to mr. coleman in his hearing in wild-house : and pag. 22. he swears he heard him say the design was well contrived . and pag. 24. oates swears that mr. coleman knew of the four irish russians sent to windsor to kill the king ; and in his hearing asked harcourt at wild-house what care was taken for those four gentlemen that went last night to windsor ; who replied , there was so. li. ordered to be sent to them , which he saw there on the table , most part of it in guinies ; and that mr. coleman gave a guiny to the messenger who was to carry this reward , to be nimble and to expedite his journey . then pag. 25. he swears again , that mr. coleman was privy to the instructions sent by white , provincial of the jesuits , from these parts , to impower the consulters to propose 10000 li. to sir george wakeman to poyson the king ; and that he not onely saw and read these instructions , but copied them out , and transmitted them to several conspirators in this plot within the kingdom . and pag. 26. he swears , mr. coleman said he thought 10000. li. was too little , and that it would be necessary to adde 5000 li. more , that they might be sure to have it done . and pag. 27. he swears that he saw mr. coleman's commission for to be secretary of state , from the general of the society of jesus , by virtue of a brief from the pope ; and that in fenwick's chamber in drury-lane he saw him open it , and own the receipt of it , saying it was a good exchange . one witness is not enough in this case , but i find also mr. bedlow a second to strengthen the other's evidence ; he swears pag. 43. that he heard mr. coleman say at his own house , that if he had an hundred lives , and a sea of bloud to swim through , he would spend it all to carry on the cause of the church of rome , and to establish that church in england : and if there were an hundred heretical kings to be deposed , he would see them all destroyed : so that both swear to the killing of the king , and subverting the government . i cannot find that mr. coleman could make any good or satisfactory defence for himself , but would have sought starting-holes and shifts to have amazed the minds of the jury , with putting the witnesses to have proved to a day what they averr , which is in most things done , and would take that advantage , where mr. oates says pag. 72. he will not be positive that it was such a day ; but mr. coleman cannot bring any positive proof that it was not that day , or that the witness contradicted himself , as he attempted to doe . and indeed though mr. coleman was never so wise a man , sufficient to be secretary of state , in matters of fact so plainly and quite blank proved against him it is a very hard matter to make a good defence , nay impossible , unless he can any ways prove the witnesses perjur'd , or some impossibility or contradiction in their testimony , which mr. coleman was not able to doe . and therefore i cannot but admire that any can say he had not a fair and legal trial , and that nothing could be made out against him worthy of death ; for if knowing of this conspiracy , of subverting religion established by law in the kingdom , of an intent of murthering the king to promote that cause , and also of endeavouring by letters and correspondence to engage a foreign power to assist to bring in this cause , be not worthy of death , nothing is . and when such proof is made out so clearly , whatever mr. coleman may say at his death of his innocency , it ought not to be believed ; for he may have many evasions , and as mr. prance says in pag. 23 , and 24. of his narrative , it is , according to the sense of the jesuiticol doctrine , ( i will not say popish ) to be innocent , when the priests had solemnly declared the fact they were accused of to be no sin or crime , as they look'd on this , of bringing in the romish religion by the death of an heretical prince , to be : or he might be innocent having received full absolution for the same . but what-ever he meant by those words of justification , i believe few will ever believe him innocent of the fact for which he was accused , that either have heard or read his trial. and though he had the considence to deny this plot , hoping perhaps that it might yet take effect , things then not being so fully discovered as since ; or , as i heard , expecting a pardon or reprieve to the last moment : yet it is now too generally received , and all the circumstances more fully appear since his death , and that he was instrumental therein . that he fled not at first for the same argues not his innocency , so much as the confidence he had , that it was not so much known as he found afterwards it was , and relying too much on the hopes of being brought off . but herein also he was deluded , and perhaps repented too late , having been heard to say with great passion at his execution , there is no faith in man. the next who came upon their trial were ireland , pickering , grove , whitebread and fenwick , being accused of this horrid plot and conspiracy : and though the two last were by the oath of mr. oates sufficiently proved to have a great hand in the plot , and contrivance of the murther of the king ; yet because there wanted another concurrent testimony , they were set by till further evidence might be produced : and because these also are said to be innocent , and that the matters of fact were not proved as they ought against them , i shall briefly charge my memory with what i have read in the printed book of their trials ; and as it gave me full satisfaction in that case , perhaps if diligently considered it may doe the like to others . but first i shall observe to you , because many or most of these conspirators are priests and jesuits , and that ireland , if not pickering , is so ; they have given forth abroad , and no doubt spread the same amongst the ignorant at home , that they were tried , and suffered quatenus priests , upon the statute of the 27 eliz. by which statute it is made treason for any person that is a subject born in england , to take orders from the see of rome , and afterwards to come into england , and remain here 40 days , and ipso facto for that offence he shall be found guilty , and suffer as a traytor : so that they would endeavour to perswade the ignorant that they suffer onely as roman catholicks , being priests doing their function , obeying the orders of their superiours , and the dictates of their own consciences ; and not as plotters , traytors , and disturbers of the publick peace . but that they might not fancy to themselves , that they suffered martyrdom for their religion , nor perswade others to the same , as many have had the vanity to believe , and others the confidence to assert , it was declared by the king's council in open court , that these men , though liable to be punished by that statute , were not indicted as priests , nor upon that statute of 27 eliz. but of a more horrid and detestable crime , the killing of the king , and subversion of the government . and to prove this two witnesses are produced , mr. oates and mr. bedlow ; and though both cannot perhaps speak to one and the same consultation , nor to one and the same time , yet are they in law two witnesses to one and the same crime : for thus several witnesses to several overt acts are so many witnesses to the treason ; and the several overt acts which declare the intention , are but as so many evidences of the treason : and this was openly declared to be law in court , upon the trial of these persons . and there is a great deal of reason that it should be so , for men that run the hazard of their lives in such consultations , will hardly suffer two persons to meet twice together , whom they are not well assured of , but so dispose them that they may meet severally , at several times , and in divers places , as mr. oates and mr. bedlow did . as to the proof , mr. oates swears , pag. 19. and 20. that in a consult , begun at the white horse tavern in the strand , and prosecuted at the meetings at their several chambers , it was resolved , that pickering and grove should go on in their attempt to murther the king ; that grove should have 1500 l. for his reward , and pickering 30000. masses for his : ( which at 12 d. a mass comes to the same sum in their account . ) and this resolve was signed by whitebread , fenwick and ireland , and by several others at four clubs . he swears punctually that he saw them sign it , and carryed the instrument from one to another , and that they signed it severally at their chambers . he also swears , pag. 23. that pickering and grove accepted to murther the king on those terms , and that in his presence they took the sacrament and the oath of secrecy upon it , and did agree to effect the bloudy proposal . farther , the same deponent swears , that he saw pickering and grove walking in the park at several times , watching for an opportunity of committing their bloudy design of murthering his majesty , having with them screwed pistols , which were longer then ordinary , and furnished also with silver bullets : and , pag. 24. he swears that grove would have the bullets champt , to make the wound incurable . and farther , that in the month of march , having a fair opportunity of effecting their design , the flint in pickering's pistol being loose , he durst not make an attempt ; for which negligence grove was chidden , and pickering received twenty or thirty strokes of discipline , by way of pennance , for his carelesness . page 22. he swears against whitebread , that he saw his letter , in which he expressed a great deal of joy , that sir george wakeman had accepted the 15000 l. to poison the king ; and also , that he was by , when harcourt , another of these jesuits , and fenwick the prisoner , were at a consult , and agreed to the proposition of fogarthy , of sending four irish russians to kill the king at windsor , and that they were sent accordingly . and pag. 29. swears , that whitebread had sealed some hundreds of commissions , which they called patents , to raise an army , to be in a readiness upon the death of the king , which seals were then produced in court , naming one commission in special , which he the deponent delivered himself to sir john gage of sussex . pag. 22. he swears against fenwick , that he told him that he , the prisoner , and three irishmen more , fired southwark , and that he had 400 l. for his share , and the rest 200 l. a piece . and pag. 20. to shew the great malice of these men , whitebread ordered mr. oates to come purposely from s. omars into england , to murther d. tongue , for writing the jesuits morals ; and pag. 21. the same whitebread sent by him instructions , that care should be taken for the murther of d. stillingfleet , and the bishop of hereford . these are the chief things observable in mr. oates his depositions , and which are sufficient to prove this horrid plot. then the second witness , mr. bedlow , swears pag. 37. that he was employed for the space of near five years as a messenger by these conspiratours for the carrying their letters to several beyond the seas , and returning others back , all or most relating to this plot : for pag. 38. he swears he had a way to open the letters and reade them , whereby he fully informed himself of matters . he swears pag. 37. that he heard some of these conspiratours say , they would not leave any member of an heretick in england that should survive , to tell in the kingdom hereafter , that there ever was any such religion in england as the protestant religion . he swears also the manner of his coming to be first employed by them , and then he brings his brother james bedlow to confirm his being their agent or messenger , who knew nothing of the plot. he swears , pag. 48. and 49. his being so long employed by them , and that he had received oftentimes from these jesuits and priests several summs of money in his brothers behalf , sometimes 50. or 60. pounds at a time : so that by this you may see mr. bedlow must be knowing in this design , employed under them so long in it . pag. 41. he swears that about the latter end of august ( the very day he confesses he cannot swear to ) at mr. harcourts chamber ( one of the conspiratours ) he there met ireland , pickering and grove the prisoners , with some others , where he heard them discourse , that the four russians missing of killing the king at windsor , that pickering and grove should go on in their design , and that one conyers was to be joyned with them to assassinate the king in his morning-walks at new market . and that mr. grove was more eager or forward then the rest , saying , since it could not be done clandestinely , it should be attempted openly ; and that those that do fall had the glory to die in a good cause : but if the discovery should be made , it could never come to that height but their party would be strong enough to bring it to pass . all this he swears very punctually to : and pag. 48. he farther swears that harcourt told him , that grove was to have 1500 l. for his reward , and that pickering was to have so many masses as came to that money . and pag. 45. he swears , that at the same time he heard them discourse of the killing several noble persons , and of several persons that were to execute it ; and in particular names one knight assigned to kill the earl of shaftsbury , pritchard and duke of buckingham , o-neal the earl of ossory , and o-brian the duke of ormond . so that by these two testimonies the evidence is very full against ireland , pickering and grove . the defence they have to make against this , is first , the denial of the fact , though they can bring no witnesses to make any thing out but their own asseverations : but they who can have a dispensation for the breaking of any oath , may be easily indulged for the telling of a lie to save their lives , and to keep off a scandal from their profession . in the next place , they would endeavour to seem not to know mr. oates , and make as if they had scarce seen him : to this he swears by many several circumstances , which they are forced to acknowledge ; and pag. 32. swears fenwick was his father confessour . but ireland raised some little appearance of contradiction or mistake in mr. bedlow's evidence , for he brings two or three to prove , pag. 56 , 57. that he was not in london all the month of august , mr. bedlow swearing that he was at the consult held at harcourts chamber , in the latter end of august , concerning the death of the king. and indeed two positively say the contrary , and that he was from the third of august to the first or second of september in staffordshire , and westchester , and by circumstance that he was in the beginning of september at wolverhampton . but were this granted , that he should mistake in the point of time , yet this is nothing as to the matter of fact expresly sworn against them , and so destroys not the evidence , unless it were necessary to the substance of the thing : for this meeting and treasonable contrivance might be some days or weeks after , and so true . and though such a mistake may somewhat weaken the evidence in the opinion of the jury , it ought not to invalidate the truth of the thing it self , which may be true in substance , though not in circumstance of time. but against the asseverations of these persons , there is the oath of mr. bedlow , who swears it positively ; and besides , mr. oates pag. 60. swears positively , that ten days at least within august he was with him at fenwick's chamber in london , and that in the beginning of september , either the first or second day , he was to his knowledge in london , and that he had 20 s. of him . then a third person is produced , that had been grove's maid-servant , who very well knew ireland , and the swears positively , and by good circumstances , pag. 57 , and 58. that she saw him at a scriveners door in fetter-lane , where he lodged , about the twelfth or thirteenth of august . so that these three concurrent testimonies might very well be credited by the jury in this case , and make them justly bring in their verdicts , as they did , guilty , without any deinur or hesitation . as for pickering and grove , they could not make any defence , besides the denial of all that was sworn against them to be true , and that they were innocent and not guilty . and now let all the world judge who are to be believed in this case , and admire at the obstinacy of these men , who shall deny so clear evidence against them to the last gasp , and die in their impenitency ; and at those wicked ones also , that shall secretly and slanderously go about to make the world believe , that these men had not justice done them , and that they died innocent and martyrs . i find my letter swells to a bigger bulk then i intended , therefore i shall be as brief as i can in mentioning the tryals of those who had a hand in the murther of sir edmundbury godfry , which was as punctually prov'd against them as could be ; for in the case of felony , by the laws of england , one sufficient witness for the king is enough , though here you shall find a very plain concurrent evidence , and the whole stress lies not upon master prance , who was one of the assistants at the murther . the persons accused and convicted for this murther were , robert green , henry berry , and laurence hill , lay-men , who suffer'd for the same : others concerned were mr. prance , who confessed the fact , had the king's pardon , and was the accuser ; besides kelly and girald , priests , who assisted in the murther , and who are fled , and some others , knowing of , and abetting the same , are also fled . the first thing that is proved by two witnesses , pag. 12. and 13. is that one of the motives that these persons might have to murther this knight , was , because of his forwardness in discovering the plot ; and to this mr. oates swears , that this knight sir edmundbury godfry told him he had been threatned by several persons , for being so active in that discovery , and that he told him that he went in fear of his life by the popish party for doing his duty , being a justice of the peace , and that he had been dogg'd several days . mr. robinson a man of credit , and of the knight's long acquaintance , swears also to the same effect , and pag. 14. that sir edmundbury said to him , that he did believe in his conscience , that he should be the first martyr , and that the depth of the plot was not yet found out . by this we may see the reason that these men had to murther this gentleman , hoping by his death to hinder the discovery of the plot , it being then very young , and hardly credited , he having the chief depositions in his hand ; or to deter others from being active or meddling in the business , seeing the revenge they had taken upon him for the same ; or out of malice and revenge to the man , for being active in discovering their villany , and bringing to light their wicked deeds . the next witness is mr. prance , who swears , pag. 14. that girald and kelly , two priests , first drew him into this murther , he being a roman catholick , ( as all the rest were , except berry , who said he died a protestant , and feigned himself otherwise for a livelihood , which i can hardly believe ) telling him it was no sin , but a charitable act , and that he was a busie man , and had done a great deal of mischief : and so they told the rest : and this was at an alehouse , at the sign of the plough , about a fortnight before this gentleman was murthered . he swears also , that they had dogg'd him into several places , to get an opportunity of murthering him ; and that on the saturday ( the twelfth of october ) about seven of the clock in the evening , green and hill , having dogg'd him into a house at s. clements , not far from somerset-house , where he was murthered , hill stay'd to watch his motion , and green came to prance his house , to call him to assist them , and that he immediately went to somerset-house , where were girald , kelly , green and berry , and that about nine of the clock , hill came before , to give them notice of the approach of sir edmundbury godfry , it being in his way to his own house , that hill went up to the gate to watch for the coming by of sir edmundbury godfry , and by a wile to draw him within the gate , pretending two men to be a quarrelling , and desiring his presence to part them , he being a justice of the peace . that this gentleman being at last perswaded to do that good office , followed hill within the gate , till he came to the bottom of the rails , when green , coming behind him , flung a twisted handkerchief about his neck , and threw him down behind the rails , where , assisted by girald , kelly and hill , they strangled him . pag. 16. and 17. mr. prance swears he was not by at the action , for hill ordered him to watch at the water-gate , and berry at the stairs , that none might come in the mean time to interrupt them , and that after a little while , that he thought they might have dispatched him , he went to them , and found the four before mentioned standing about the body , and green boasted to him , how well he had done it , and that the rest told him the manner of their effecting it , and that green , thinking him not quite dead , gave him several punches on his breast with his knee , and twisted his neck about , and that presently after berry also came to them . and pag. 18. he swears they all six help'd to carry him up a pair of stairs , into a certain room in the house where hill lay , where the body lay till monday night , and was then removed into somerset house , and on monday night he was shewn the body by hill , with a dark lanthorn , girald , hill and kelly being by ; and on tuesday night the body was carried back to hill's lodging , where it first lay , but not into the same room , but one over against it ; and about nine of the clock on the wednesday night , they removed it to the room where it first lay , he being there when they removed it , pag. 19. and that about twelve a clock that night , a sedan being brought by hill , they all put the body into it , and that berry at the sign of a hem that was given opened for them the upper gate of the upper court ; that he , mr. prance , and girald the priest ( now the porter ) first carried the sedan , green and kelly going before : and pag. 20. he swears they carried it to covent-garden , where they rested , and that the green and kelly took their turns , and carried it to long-acre , then prance and girald carried it to so-hoe church , where hill met them with an horse , and that they then took the body up and set it before hill on the horse , who held him up , and that kelly , girald and green went along with him , and that he the deponent then left them to return home , for fear of raising a suspicion . but he swears that the next day , they , hill , kelly and girald , told him how they had disposed of the body ; first that they had run him through with his own sword , then thrown him into a ditch , and laid his gloves and other things upon the bank. pag. 22. he swears that they had all agreed to the murther of this gentleman , having had more then one meeting about it , and that the first that met him was to give notice to the rest ; that there was a considerable reward to be given among them for doing it , and that it was to come from ( as they told him ) the lord bellasis . and also , that girald was resolved to kill him that night , and if he could not get him in a more convenient place , he would kill him with his own sword , in the street that leads to his own house . judge now , whether all this be not punctually proved by one witness , which is as much as the law requires in this case : however , that these persons might not have any the least excuse that they had not justice done them , and to satisfie the whole world that they were not condemned onely upon the testimony of mr. prance , i find other strong concurrent witnesses , that by many circumstances corroborate his evidence , among the which mr. bedlow is one , who swears , pag. 28. that he had been several times treated with by le faire , prichard , keins , and other priests , about murthering a certain gentleman they would not name , about the beginning of that october this gentleman was murthered , and desired him also ( not telling him the reason ) to get into the acquaintance of sir edmundbury godfry ; and that he did so : and pag. 30. he swears , that very morning sir edmundbury was murthered , at the palsgraves i lead tavern le faire told him , that there was a gentleman that very night to be put out of the way , a very material man , that had all the informations that mr. oates and d. tongue had given in ; that several had been employed in the doing of it , and that several attempts had been made , and that they had missed several opportunities , but that now it was to be done , for if he were not taken out of the way , the plot would by his means go near to be fully discovered , so that they should not be able to bring their design to pass ; but would not discover to him the name of the party : and also , that there was 4000 l. reward to those that did it , and no worse man then the lord bellasis had engaged for the payment of it . upon which he swears , that he promised to engage in it , and to meet him that night at somerset house , but that he went not according to his promise , knowing they had a design to murther some body : then , pag. 31. he swears farther , that he saw him not till the monday night following , and then he was charged for his breach of promise ; to which mr. bedlow replied , he would not engage in the murther of any private person , till he knew who he was , because he might be his particular friend . that le faire bid him meet him exactly at nine of the clock that night in the cloysters at somerset house , which he did , and that then he told him , that he had done ill that he did not help in the business , but that if he would help to carry the dead person off , he should have half the reward . that then he asked if he was murthered , and le faire answered yes : and upon his desire to see the party , he took him by the hand , and led him through a dark entry into a room , where he saw several persons , where they had a small light in a middle-siz'd lanthorn , by which he saw a corps , over which something was thrown , and one stepping to the body threw off the thing that lay upon him , and he went and look'd upon him , and knew him presently to be sir edmundbury godfry . and pag. 32. swears that they then told him that they had strangled him , and that the cravatte about his neck was so streight he could not get his finger in between it and his neck . that they did not think that he knew him , but told him that he was one that belonged to a person of quality . that he would have perswaded them to have tyed weights to his head and feet , and to have slung him into the thames . but they did not think that so safe , but answered , no , they would put the murther upon himself . then asking how they would get him out , le faire answered in a chair , and that berry the porter was to sit up to let them out . that he then told them that about eleven or twelve of the clock would be the best time to carry him forth , and le faire then made him promise upon the sacrament , that he took on the thursday before , to come and help to carry him off at that hour ; for after the discovery of the plot , he swears , the sacrament was adminished to him twice a week to conceal it . he also swears , that he did not go , but went away for bristol , and that upon the great trouble and disturbance in his conscience for this murther and horrid plot , he revealed the same , &c. that upon his not coming they desisted from carrying out the body that night , and for fear lest he should discover them , he supposed they caused it to be removed . mr. bedlow also swears , pag. 33. that he never had any discourse with mr. prance , from the time that he saw him with the body of sir edmundbury godfry that night in somerset house , and that seeing him in the lobby , being taken upon suspicion onely , he knew him again , and accused him for the murther of that gentleman . and pag. 23. mr. prance swears , that he never had any conference with mr. bedlow in all his life , which extreamly strengthens the evidence , and that there could be no conspiracy between them , to invent a story with so many agreeing circumstances . then pag. 35. they prove , that sir edmundbury's body was found in the ditch just as they had related it to mr. prance , and also the dislocation of his neck , the struggling , and contusion of his breast with some blows , and that the wound made by the sword could not be the occasion of his death , by able chirurgions : with several other circumstances too long to remember now . so that all the circumstances are proved as much as is possible by two several witnesses , not knowing , or ever discoursing one another : so that it would be the strangest miracle in the world , that they should both agree in so many untrue circumstances . had they laid their heads together to contrive this story , which is impossible they should do without discoursing with one another beforehand , yet , there being so many other several witnesses , to prove several other circumstances , as their meeting at bow at the ale-house , and the maid swearing that hill was at sir edmundbury godfry's house , and spake with him that morning he was murthered , and that he had the same cloaths on which he had then at the bar , pag. 39. they also must be thought to have conspired with them , to take away the life of two or three men without any provocation or reward ; a thing so unlikely , that it cannot enter into the thought of any rational man ; nor can any christian believe , so many could joyn together to invent so horrid a lie , to take away mens lives for nothing : nay if it were granted they might , i cannot believe they could have contrived so many several circumstances without the least variation , and without being intrapped by so many wise and judicious men who sifted them ; and the more , because of the strange obstinacy and denial of the criminals . having therefore seriously considered all things , i cannot but admire that any in england should doubt of the guilt of these murtherers . all i can find of any weight in their defences for themselves is of little consideration to invalidate such strong proofs . that they all denyed it very stoutly to the last is true , but that is of no value against such plain evidence , and but aggravates their crime . hill would have invalidated mr. prance his testimony because he had deny'd it : but that has already been cleared , and could no ways legally take off his evidence , for he was no ways perjur'd . but then to evade the matter , he brings several witnesses , all of his own religion , to aver he was never from his lodgings after nine of the clock at night : but these do it so mincingly and generally , that no stress can be laid upon them , it being proved that they had several keys to the door , and that hill might go in and out without their knowledge , and one of his witnesses makes but a mistake of a whole month , pag. 55. and two of green's witnesses a whole week , pag. 66. so ill had they calculated the time which they intended to speak to . there is nothing that can be thought to be of any moment in all that the witnesses said in behalf of the prisoners , but what the souldiers say in behalf of berry , pag. 68. and 69. who were placed at the gate sentinels , and they say that they saw a sedan come in , so far they agree with the king's evidence , but then they confidently aver none went out all that night . but what is this to the matter of fact , and to the murther committed sworn in all circumstances so punctually to ? for the sentinel might be from his post , and mr. prance says ( who knew of the contrivance ) pag. 16. of his printed narrative of this murther , that berry had beforehand got the sentinel into his house to drink , that he might not see the sedan go out ; and the sentinel knowing he had committed a great fault by so doing , was so wise ; though not very honest , to conceal it . and this is the most of colour they could produce that might any ways cause the least hesitation , and how far this single testimony will go to invalidate a testimony so full , and not any ways to be contradicted , let the world judge ; i must confess it has given me full satisfaction , and i hope will give the like to all others , who are impartial men , that shall reade the same . i must indeed declare that it seems somewhat strange , that nothing should work upon these men to acknowledge their crime at their death ; but that they should take it upon their salvation , that they died innocent of this murther they suffer'd for , as the child that was newly born . but i fear they were under some horrid delusion , and were so charm'd and bound up by so many oaths and sacraments , by their ghostly fathers the jesuites , who had brought them to this , that they durst not acknowledge the truth , or that they thought by this means they should do great service to the romish church , and be sainted for it in heaven . and the printed account of hill's confession seems to make it plain , for there was found in his pocket after he was executed a very formal confession , written not with his own hand , neither had he pen , ink or paper all the time he was in prison , and his wife witnessed it was not her husband's hand . how he came by it none could tell , but it was very formally drawn , and in which i observe he stoutly denies the fact , and calls god and angels to witness his innocency , and that he is wrongfully put to death , and for that cause cites all such as had a hand in his death , and particularly the lord chief justice , with the jury and witnesses , &c. shewing a very wicked and uncharitable spirit in the indicter , for i suppose this was given to hill to con against the time of his execution , and of which lesson he repeated as much as he could remember . so that i cannot but believe the obstinacy of these men proceeds from the jesuits , for it is plain this writing was prepared for him by some other , and not by himself . i shall also inform you of another trick invented by these men . upon the general report of the plot , in some parts more remote from us , and where the informations were uncertain , lest it should spread farther , they had framed a formal writing , as under the hand and seal of a person of quality , with several other pretended authentick witnesses , which was shewn about in several borough-towns , and noted places , as a certificate to inform the people that there was no such plot in england , as had been invented by divers factious and seditious people , to the scandal of divers peaceable people of the romish faith in england , and that there had been no such person murther'd as had been reported to be , and that there was not any such person at all as sir edmundbury godfry , and that these reports were wholly false and all lies , raised by malicious and factious people , to cause uproars in england , and to disquiet the peace of the king and kingdom , and such like stuff : which i hear has done them notable service to take off the credit of the report of this horrid plot , among the ignorant and vulgar people : but , as i hear , some have sent letters purposely to the recorder of london to be certified of the truth of this . besides all these tryals and positive proofs of a most horrid and desperate plot , deeply laid and vigorously prosecuted , whereby the plot very manifestly appears to all men of sense and reason , and they must be wilfully blind , or desperately deluded , that will not give credit to what hath been so solemnly sworn , and so openly made known , the narrative published by mr. oates being 81. articles , all sworn to , and deposed by him , before sir edmundbury godfry when alive , and since , before the lords of his majestie 's privy council , doth yet more manifestly set out the grounds and manner of this plot , the progress and discovery thereof , so fully , amply , and with so many concurrent circumstances , that it is the strangest thing in the world any should question the verity and reality of the same ; whenas none appears that can intrap him in contradictions , or disprove what he hath sworn to , and when he is backt by the testimony of others : that yet i say any should be stagger'd with the confidence and obstinacy of a few dying traytors , and the whispering perswasions of the jesuits against the testimony of their own eyes and ears , against both sense and reason it self , 't is strange , and wonderfully strange , and makes me think that they are infatuated , or strangely deluded . for it is plain , that the design extended as well into scotland and ireland , as through england ; and mr. oates swears positively in the first article , that one wright , ireland and morgan were sent into scotland under the notion , and in the disguise of non-conformist ministers , to preach up the covenant , and to promote rebellion by that means : and artic. 11. he swears that letters were sent to s. omars , and to leshee the king of france his confessour , which letters he had seen and read , which gave an account that their emissaries in scotland had stirred up the presbyterians there into a rebellion , and that 20000 would be in arms if his majesty of france would break with the king of england . and artic. 35. deposes , that he was by at a conference with the jesuits in london , wherein they read the order from the provincial for the sending new messengers into scotland , to promote the combustions there ; and this was in july last . and artic. 43. he farther swears , that on the 5. of august two were sent away for scotland , the one named father moor , the other f. saunders alias brown , ( for they have usually divers names ) with full instructions how to behave themselves as non-conformist ministers , and to preach to the disaffected scots the necessity of taking up the sword for the defence of liberty of conscience : and these the deponent saw dispatch'd . and artic. 74. swears he saw letters from white the provincial , dated at s. ontars 4. of sept. new style , which gave an account to rich. blundell , that 12 more jesuits of that nation were sent into scotland , by order of the general of the society , with full instructions how to behave themselves like non-conformist ministers among the presbyterian scots ; and that they had 1000 li. given them by leshee the french king's confessour : so that we may easily perceive by what means the rebellion of scotland is promoted . as to ireland , where they have a far greater interest , they had sufficient means and preparations there to stir up the irish of their own religion , and under their thraldome and command , to rebell . and article 18. mr. oates deposes , letters came from the archbishop of dublin talbot , which letters he saw and read at s. omars , bearing date jan. 1. 1678. new style , which gave an account how vigilant they had been in that kingdom , to prepare the people to rise for the defence of their religion and liberty , and to recover their estates , and that they would open a place there to receive the king of france his army when he should think fit to land them , and advised them to confer with leshee the french king's confessour about the same . and he farther deposes , that letters were thereupon sent to leshee about the same , who returned answers by the same messengers , nevill and busby , one being prefect of the studies , and the other procurator to the seminary , one of which to the rectour of s. omars , richard ashby , the deponent saw , which gave an account that the father general of the society would contribute 800000 crowns , to be paid in the month of june next ensuing , and that his holiness the pope would not be wanting to supply them when they had made some progress in that glorious attempt . and article 21. he there deposes , that he likewise saw letters of feb. 1. 1678. new style , from whitebread , keines , ireland , micho and the rest , to richard ashby rectour of s. omars , to let him understand that they had sent william morgan and f. lovell into ireland , to see how affairs stood in that kingdom ; and that they had instructions given them to incourage the irish natives to defend their religion and liberty ; and that they carried with them 2000 li. to supply their present wants , and order to promise 4000 li. more in case there should be any action . and article 27. he farther deposes , that in the month of april following , he saw the letters which whitebread and the rest of the jesuits in london sent to richard ashby rectour , and those of the seminary at s. omars ; in which they gave them an account that morgan and lovell were returned out of ireland , who gave them to understand , that the irish were ready to rise at 10 days warning with 20000 foot and 5000 horse , and would let in the army of the french king if he would land there ; and also that in the north of ireland , 15000 horse and foot were in a readiness to rise , and that they were also very resolute ; and also that there were arrived commissions from the general of the society , by virtue of a brief from the pope , dated oct. 1. 1673. to several persons , and that they once more resolved to cut the throats of the protestants when they should rise . thus we may perceive what provision they had made , and how well prepared they were in those kingdoms , to effect their horrid plot and conspiracy : but that they might leave no stone unturn'd , and that they might every-where work the destruction of the protestants , i find artic. 38. mr. oates swears , that he saw and read at mr. fenwick's chamber in london , on the 11. of august , letters from s. omars , from the provincial whitebread , that he had ordered 12 jesuits to goe to holland , to inform the dutch privately , that the prince of orange did intend to assume the crown , and to be their king , and to bring them under his government : which was to beget an evil opinion of the prince of orange in the dutch , and so to cause a commotion against the prince and his party . also artic. 56. he farther deposes , that the letters came from the said whitebread and the rest , to john fenwick and the rest ; which letters he also saw and read dated 20. aug. new style , which gave account that the 12 jesuits were safely arrived in holland , and were using all their skill and interest to make a commotion there ; and that appletree will ( by which they meant the prince ) should not be great there , urging the fathers in london to mind their business . by all this you may perceive the general ruine of the protestants was laid , and the large extent of this plot. three kingdoms at once were to be in a flame , and the neighbouring provinces to be put into a combustion . but this plot had been several years a hatching , and if mr. oates swears truth , ( as there is no scruple to be raised but he does , for ought i can see by any objection raised against him ) we now know the manner and authours of the great and famous fire of london 1666. for artic. 34. he deposes , that he had it from the mouth of richard strange , who had been provincial of the jesuits , who told him , that this fire had been several times attempted by him and others in the years 1664 , and 1665. being assisted by one green , and 8 others , under the notion of fifth monarchy men ; but that failing , and some of them being laid in newgate , they desisted till 1666. when they fully effected it by his means , and by the assistence of gray , pennington and barton jesuits , and keimash a dominican frier , with one fitz-girald an irish jesuite , and one neal of white-chappel , and 50 or 60 irish-men , hired for that purpose to ply the work , and sling about the fire-balls ; and that one everard kept them for them , being one then in the king's service , and look'd after the ammunition that was carrying down to the fleet in the dutch war. that this strange went then by the name of walker , and lay in fanchurch-street , and with him lay keimash the dominican ; that pennington and barton lay in shoe-lane , and that gray and fitz-girald lay at neal's house in white chappell , which neal was one that was to see the fire carried along thames-street : and also that as soon as the fire was begun , the said neal knockt them up , and gave them notice about 12 a clock in the night , and that there were in all about 80 or 86 persons employed in the service , and that 700 fire-balls were spent in the service ; and also that they had others , both men and women , who were employed to plunder , and that they got in jewels , plate , fine linens , money , and other things to the value of 14000 li. and that they had a ware-house in wild-street to lay up such goods , with many other particulars : so that you may now see by what means that famous fire was effected . then artic. 49. the same deponent swears , that he had it from john grove's own mouth , in wild-house garden , that he with 3 irish men , having purposely prepared certain fire-works , went into the borough of southwark , where finding an oyl-shop , they set it on fire , and that they had among them 1000 li. reward , that these irish-men were procured by dr. fogarthy , and that they got 2000 li. by that fire ; the same being also told to the deponent at another time by richard strange . this is not sufficient , they had designed another general fire , as the deponent swears , artic. 71. that one blundell , that was engaged in this conspiracy , shewed him in fenwick's chamber a draught of london , and the manner how it was to be fired anew , and to be carried on from wapping to westminster , or from westminster to wapping , according as the wind sate , and named the several parties , who were to carry it on from place to place ; and that the deponent , with 7 others , had order to ply the business about the armitage , and for his reward he was to have 1000 li. and 80 li. more for former services ; and this paper was signed by whitebread in the name of the whole society . and artic. 77. he swears , that richard blundell , after that the deponent had begun to be discovered to desert them , was appointed to supply his place , and to take care of carrying on the fire at wapping in his room . these must be very strange and formal inventions of mr. oates his framing , or horrid and black designs of these mens effecting ; and certainly it appears by all the agreeing circumstances that the latter is true , and that there appears nothing to make the first likely , but the stout denial of those who suffer'd for the same . artic. 28. he swears , that to the number of 50 jesuits met at the consult at the white-horse tavern in the strand , being on purpose called by whitebread , for the effecting this plot and horrid conspiracy , now brought almost to an head ; and that from thence they all adjourned to several clubs , or private meetings , at their several chambers . and artic. 72. he deposes , that the pope had issued out a bull , shewed to him the 30. of august , and bearing date in november or december before , wherein he disposes of several dignitaries in england , and there are named the several archbishops , bishops , abbats , deans , &c. he also gives you a list of the chief of the conspiratours pag. 58. both of the jesuits , and the other orders of priests , secular and lay persons , both in england and beyond the seas , concerned in this most horrid conspiracy : and also pag. 61. gives you a list of the several lords , and other commanders or general officers , colonels , captains , &c. in the militia , making a full and ample discovery of the same , to the great satisfaction of all people , excepting those that are wilfully blind ; and no doubt to the great trouble and consternation of the conspirators . and indeed it was no wonder , that the provincial whitebread was so very angry and enraged against him , as he deposes artic. 77. and that when they had begun to suspect mr. oates , upon the first noise of the discovery of a plot , he ask'd him with what face he could look on him having betrayed them , and box'd him and caned him in his passion , having thereupon taken an order for the sending him the deponent immediately beyond the seas to secure him ; which they had done , had he not hid himself out of the way , and been secured ever since from their clutches . 't is very strange that after all this , any , in england especially , shall openly say , and seem to averr , that this is no plot , but a feigned thing and chimaera . but it is too manifest , and you ought to give god thanks , and solemnly to acknowledge his great care and mercy to your nation , government , and religion ; and also to reward those who have been the instruments of this discovery , what-ever they were before , for by sin grace doth abound . much bloud and many murthers have been prevented , which it is plain they intended ; for otherwise they could not have effected their design : and more especially the death of his sacred majesty was aimed at and contrived by these wicked and execrable men , as appears by these depositions of mr. oates ; and they had contrived several ways to doe it , either to stab him , shoot him , or poison him . for the first they had chosen conyers and anderton , benedictine monks , and four irish russians ; for the second groves and pickering are prepared ; and for the last wakeman is hired . artic. 13. the deponent swears , he saw and read the letter from whitebread and others the chief of the society , wherein they gave order that father leshee should be wrote to , and informed , that they were resolved , for the advancement of their happy design , to find an opportunity to take the king from his kingdom : or if they could not do that , they would take his kingdom from him . and artic. 29. not long after the great consult at london about murthering the king , whitebread being then come to s. omars , he the deponent heard him say in his chamber on the 11. of june to this effect , that he hoped to see the king laid fast enough , for that he was grown secure , and would hear no complaints against them . artic. 68. mr. oates likewise swears , that conyers employed by these jesuits to stab the king , shewed the deponent the dagger which he had bought on purpose to effect it , and cost him 10 s. declaring the manner how he intended to effect it at windsor ; and ( mark the great providence of god in preserving the life of his majesty ) that being on his way thither , with this bloudy design in his heart , his horse fell lame , that he was forced to return , being almost five miles on his way . the several other attempts upon the life of his sacred majesty by groves , pickering , and the russians , and the intention of wakeman , and reward , to poison him , were spoke to before , and sufficiently evidenced . thus having given you at large an account of my thoughts concerning this horrid plot and bloudy conspiracy , with the reasons and proofs that appeared sufficient to convince me , and to make me believe that these traytors that have suffered were guilty , and justly deserved the punishment the laws inflicted upon them for the same , and which has in some measure convinced others , who have seen and read them ; i shall conclude with my prayers for the prosperity of the king and the whole nation , that the one may enjoy an happy peace , liberty and prosperity ; and that the other may continue with long life and all manner of felicity ; and that the care and providence of heaven will protect them both from all evil conspiratours , and wicked plotters ; and that god will work upon the hearts of some of those who are yet in prison for this conspiracy , and e're it be too late , cause them to make a generous and free confession of the whole design , that the world may be better satisfied , and that there may be no scruple left of the verity of these things . and i also hope it will be the care of the parliament , when they meet , to goe on with their good intention of securing the nation for the time to come , and the person of his sacred majesty , from the machinations and conspiracies of the jesuits and their emissaries ; by not onely reviving all the poenal laws in that case , but by making others that may give a certain security to the peace of the nation . i will not stand to beg your pardon , since your commands drew on you the trouble of this long letter ; and therefore i shall onely tell you , that i am , sir , your humble servant , d. g. s. omars , june 24. new style . an appendix to the foregoing letter . the foregoing letter being wrote and received before the trials of the five jesuits , last executed upon the account of the horrid plot and conspiracy , and of mr. langhorn for the same , and being thought by some judicious persons , and lovers of the peace and welfare of their country , fitting to be published for the satisfaction of the people ; the strange obstinacy and denial of these five jesuits , whitebread , harcourt , fenwick , gawin , and turner , at their execution , calling god and angels to witness of their innocency , and taking it upon their salvation , that they were falsly accused , and knew nothing of any such plot as is pretended against them , having made a strange impression upon the minds of some ignorant , and some well-minded people , who cannot believe they could go out of the world with such a lie in their mouths , to the damnation of their souls , i thought it requisite to abbreviate also the trials of these men , that the truth may appear , that they had a just , equal , and legal trial ; and that they could not be guiltless and unknowing of this horrid plot , as they pretend , but were legally and by full proof condemned for the same : for that many people will not go to the price of their trials , that would however give six-pence to be satisfied . and therefore i shall follow the same method my friend at s. omars did in the foregoing trials , and point out to the plain proof and evidence in the printed trials more fully expressed . but i also advertise , that here you shall find some evidence that has since come to light , and has made things yet more apparent . first , take notice that these priests and jesuits are not tried upon the statute of 27 eliz. which would have made them guilty for being in orders , and remaining here in england ; but they are tried as traytors in conspiring the death of the king's majesty , and the utter subversion of the protestant religion , and the bringing in of popery , which was the end of this great plot : and now judge how it is proved against them . the evidences are long and tedious , but the main proof and what is positive appears , first against mr. whitebread pag. 12. where mr. oates swears , that in april 1678. old style , or may new style , according to the order of the said whitebread provincial , there was a consult , in which were whitebread , fenwick , harcourt and turner ; and that all these did in his presence sign the resolve for the death of the king. against these four he swears positively : and that whitebread should say after he was returned to s. omars , in the deponent's hearing , words to this effect , that he hoped to see the king's head laid fast enough . and pag. 16. he swears , that fenwick on the 25. of august ( 78. ) at his chamber in london , did deliver mr. oates some money for necessary charges , and did then admonish him to procure some masses to be said for a prosperous success upon the design . then pag. 22. he swears , that turner was at the consult in fenwick's chamber in london , and that there he saw him sign the resolve of the king's death . and pag. 15. he swears against gawen , that though he did not see him at the consult in april , yet he saw his hand , and makes it out how he knew it to be his hand , and that he gave them in london an account how affairs stood in staffordshire and shropshire july 1678. and how the lord stafford was very diligent , and how prosperous their affairs were in those countries , and that there was two or three thousand pound ready there to carry on the design ; and farther swears , that sometime in july he met gawen at mr. ireland's chamber in london , where he gave to father ireland the same account as he had before written , in his hearing . the next thing i observe is a new evidence , one mr. dugdale , whom the prisoners do not endeavour to bespatter as they had done mr. oates and bedlow : and this man had no knowledge or acquaintance with mr. oates and bedlow , and could not conspire with them to take away the lives of men that were innocent . you will see how far he agrees with them , and what a positive proof he is against the prisoners . pag. 22. mr. dugdale swears against whitebread , that he saw a letter from him to mr. ewers a jesuit , and confessour to mr. dugdale , in which he gave him a caution , to be sure to chuse those that were trully and resolute , no matter whether they were gentlemen , if stout and couragious : and then shews how he knew it to be whitebread's hand . and this he swears too again , that he saw the words in express terms under his hand pag. 29. to kill the king. against gawen he swears positively , that he entertained him to be of the conspiracy to murther the king , as one of those resolute fellows mentioned by whitebread . and pag. 23. he swears . that they had several consultations in the country , in several places which he names , and particularly at boscobel , for the murthering of the king and the bringing in of popery ; ( this sure proves the plot ) in which gawen was a chief oratour to perswade people into this design . another meeting to this purpose he swears was at tixal , where gawen also was in septemb. 1678. and that the consult then was , for the introducing of popery , and the taking away the life of the king : and that he being a person chosen for that purpose , was to be sent to london by mr. harcourt , to be under the tuition of one parsons ; and that mr. gawen discoursed of it to him , and incouraged him in it , pag. 24. and that he had given them 400 li. for the carrying on of this design , and to pray for his soul ; and that he had promised them 100 li. more , for which they told him he should be canoniz'd a saint . and that this discourse of killing the king , and introducing popery , was in the parlour in the lord aston's house , and in ewers chamber . and pag. 25. mr. dugdale farther swears , he heard them discourse at one of these consults , that it was the opinion of those at paris , who were concerned in this conspiracy , that as soon as the deed was done , that is the killing the king , they should lay it on the presbyterians , that they might by that means provoke the other protestants to cut them off , and then they might the more easily cut their throats ; and that they should have an army in readiness to cut off all such as were not ( or would not be ) papists : and also that mr. gawen should tell him , neither men nor money should be wanting from beyond the seas , and endeavoured by several arguments to prove the design lawfull ; and also , by scripture , that it was lawfull and good to destroy any for the advantage of their religion ; and shewed the example of father garnet , and how that several of his reliques beyond sea had done great miracles . and pag. 26. he swears , that he had intercepted and read ( for their letters came under his cover ) an 100 letters to the same purpose , all tending to the introducing popery and the killing the king. and now i am to take notice to you of a most clear and manifest evidence , that sir edmundbury godfry was murthered by the knowledge and contrivance of these men , and which till now never came to light , and proves it as plain as the sun at noon : for pag. 26. the same mr. dugdale swears , that on the monday next after the murther of sir edmundbury godfry , he received a letter directed to mr. ewers the jesuit , being in the countrey , and which letter came from london by the saturday-nights post , the same night sir edmundbury godfry was murthered , from mr. harcourt , signed w. h. his usual mark , and that he knew his hand ; in which letter these words were wrote , this night sir edmundbury godfry is dispatch'd : and that then , he the deponent should say to ewers , that very thing would overthrow their design : and this was three days before any in london ( except those privy to the murther ) could tell what was become of this knight : so as the thing is plain harcourt knew of it . then to prove this is none of dugdale's invention , one mr. chetwin was sworn , pag. 27 , 28. who says , that being at that time in the country near where mr. dugdale was , the next day being tuesday october the 15. another gentleman came to him , and asked him if he had any news of a justice of peace in westminster that was kill'd , for that he had heard it so reported at one eld's house , by mr. dugdale . chetwin replied he heard nothing of it , but that the next saturdays post brought him the news of sir edmundbury godfry's murther , and tells by good circumstances how he knew it to be that very day : and also that he was not in town when the murtherers of sir edmundbury godfry were tried , or else he would have witnessed the same . this is a clear evidence these men knew of this murther . against turner , mr. dugdale swears pag. 30. that he saw him with others at ewers his chamber , where they consulted together to carry on this design , and that he agreed to all that he had sworn as to the plot ; that is the bringing in of popery , and the killing of the king. then pag. 30. mr. prance swears against harcourt , that he told him such a day , when he bought an image of the virgin mary of him , to send into mary-land , that there was a design of killing the king. against fenwick he swears pag. 31. that he told him in mr. ireland's chamber in russel-street , ireland and grove being by , that there should be 50000 men in a readiness to carry on the cause , and settle their religion ; and that he asked fenwick who should govern them , who then replied , the lord bellasis , the lord powis , and the lord arundel . the next witness is mr. bedlow , who gives an account why he did not before give in his evidence against whitebread and fenwick , because he was then finding out the bribery of reading , in behalf of the lords in the tower. but now he positively swears pag. 32. that he had seen both whitebread and fenwick at the consults about this plot , and that he heard whitebread tell coleman the manner of sending the four russians to windsor to kill the king , and this was in harcourt's chamber ; and also , that he saw harcourt take the money out of a cabinet , about 80. or 100 li. and give it the messenger , by mr. coleman's order , with a guiny for the messenger to drink coleman's health , which coleman left , as harcourt himself said . and pag. 33. he swears that whitebread told him , that pickering was to have a great number of masses , and that grove was to have 1500 li. for killing the king. and pag. 35. he swears , that harcourt employed him several times to carry their consults beyond the seas , and that he received , in harcourt's presence , mr. coleman's thanks for his fidelity , and that harcourt recommended him to the lord arundel , who promised him great favour when the times were turned . also , that he saw harcourt give sir george wakeman a bill to receive 2000 li. in part of a greater sum , and that he heard sir george say , 15000 li. was a small reward for the settling religion and preserving three kingdoms from ruine . these are the chief proofs which are punctually sworn to , besides some letters found among harcourt's papers that gave some light of this design , and strengthened the evidence very much , which i pass over . and in this evidence you may observe , that there is the testimony of three , mr. oates , dugdale , and bedlow , against whitebread . and likewise three quite blank against fenwick , viz. oates , bedlow and prance . and against harcourt , very fully four , oates , pugdale , bedlow and prance . against gawen , there is positively dugdale and oates . and against turner two likewise , dugdale and oates . whereby the matter of fact is plainly proved , and the evidence full and legal , notwithstanding their denial of the same . now we will see what defence these learned men do make for themselves : and , as my lord chief justice says , they defend their lives as they do their religion , with weak arguments and fallacious reasons , which take many times with the ignorant , seldom with the judicious . as to the matter of fact charged against them , they can say nothing by way of disproof , excepting their stout denials ; and they are not ashamed to contradict all oaths , how punctually soever sworn to , and in the face of the court to charge them all with perjury , but prove nothing that can truly invalidate the testimony that is brought against them . all they endeavour is by way of evasion , and to catch at circumstances , as to time and place : and to disprove mr. oates , they came as to that prepared , as they thought , and had brought a small regiment of young lads , well trained in their principles , who endeavour'd to have perswaded the jury that mr. oates was at s. omar's , at the time he said he was in london , and that such persons did not come over with him as he had sworn did . but supposing they had made this allegation good , still , i say , it depended upon the nice circumstance of time , which mr. oates might be mistaken in , and yet the truth of the plot no way invalidated , nor those matters of fact charged against them by the other witnesses any ways disproved . but you shall hear their defence , and how far they could make this allegation good , and how well mr. oates has defended himself , and then judge . the first thing that whitebread and fenwick object is , that they had come to a former trial , and therefore thought , legally they ought not to answer for the same fact , pag. 4. but the court cleared that to them , that though indicted they came not upon their trial , and the jury had them not in charge , and so their lives were not in jeopardy , and that it was the constant course of the law so to do , with several reasons and examples for the same , there more fully shewn , pag. 5. and 6. they then pleaded , as the rest , not guilty . as to their evasions and odd interpretations of the letters , and their aspersions of mr. oates and mr. bedlow as insufficient witnesses , they are little to the purpose , therefore i shall pass them by . the main in their defence , is their offering to prove mr. oates mistaken in point of time ; for whereas he had sworn positively against them , that he was with them at their consult , wherein they determined the death of the king , held the twenty fourth of april , old style , in london , they allege and endeavour to prove by at least sixteen witnesses , young lads of the college or seminary at s. omar's , that they saw mr. oates almost every day there in the college , from december 1677. to the middle or latter end of june following , and that he was never out of the college , but that they saw him every day , and convers'd and dined with him all that time , except two days and one night he was absent at watton , and two or three days that he was in the infirmary , he not being well , and that some of them saw and spake with him in the infirmary ; and by several circumstances they seem to make all these asseverations good . so that if this be true , and that they can perswade the jury to believe this testimony , ( as they ought , if no ways to be disproved ) they have done their work , as to mr. oates . and this they do pag. 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 , 51. and so to pag. 63. so that it is impossible that mr. oates should swear truth , and that he should be in london the twenty fourth of april at the consult , if what these witnesses say be true , and that mr. oates was never out of the college , till some time in june , from december before : and so his testimony ought to be invalidate . then , whereas mr. oates had sworn he came over with sir john warner and sir tho. preston jesuits , they endeavour to prove , and from pag. 60. to 63. the witnesses do confidently aver , that the said persons were not , the one from liege , the other from watton in flanders , neither april nor may , and so mr. oates could not come over with them to england as he had sworn . let us now see how mr. oates doth make good his testimony , and what proof he brings to contradict these novices who came so well prepared . first by the way , we must observe , that most of the witnesses say , that mr. oates left their college some time in june , some say the tenth , some at the latter end , &c. but pag. 53. one witness mistakes his month , and avers he is sure it was in july , that mr. oates went away : and being told that he differ'd from all the rest , he cry'd , he was sure he was there till after the consult in london ; which gave a great light to what point of time these novices were instructed to speak to , and caused the people to laugh , to see the young man out in his part . but to let that pass , we will see mr. oates his proofs , and he brings at least seven substantial witnesses , who swear they saw him in london in april and may 1678. the time they aver him to be at s. omar's . page 80. mr. walker a minister swears , that in april ( 78. ) he met mr. oates in s. martin's lane disguised in a serge coat and gray hat , which he wondered at , not knowing he was turn'd jesuite : and the next morning he relates the same to one mrs. ives , who in court swears the same , that in april the said mr. walker came to her shop and told her , that the day before he had met mr. oates at the upper end of saint martins-lane , near leicester-house , in disguise . so that you have here one positive witness , and a strong concurrent testimony . pag. 81. mrs. mayo swears more punctually as to point of time , that a week before whitsuntide , or thereabouts , which was in may , she saw mr. oates in sir richard barker's court-yard in london , and that one of sir richard's men told her , that it was mr. oates , and that he was either turn'd quaker or catholick ; but that she said he was no quaker , because he then wore a perriwig : and that about a week after she saw him again walking in the garden with another gentleman : and swears this mr. oates then in court was the same man she had seen . the other young man that the knew mr. oates was dead . then pag. 81. one page swears that he saw this mr. oates in a gray or light-coloured campaign coat , and discours'd with him at sir richard barker's in may ( 78. ) and tells a circumstance to prove his knowledge that it was in may. then sir richard barker swears , that his servants told him that mr. oates was at his house about whitsuntide , and that he was there in two several disguises , once with short hair , and another time with a perriwig , and that they thought he was turn'd either quaker or papist . then pag. 83. sir richard barker's coachman swears , he was well acquainted with mr. oates , and that he was at sir richard's house in barbican in the beginning of may ( 78. ) with his hair cut close to his ears , in gray cloaths and a gray coat , and then enquired of him for d. tongue ; and that he knew him well for three years before , and is very sure he in court was the same man. pag. 84. mr. smith , schoolmaster at islington , swears , that in the beginning of may 1678. he dined with him at his house in islington , and , as he remembers , it was the first monday in may , and that he knew him well , for he had been his scholar at merchant-taylours school when he was usher there : and that he stayed with him three or four hours after dinner discoursing of his travels . then mr. clay swears , pag. 84. and 85. that he met mr. oates in april and afterwards in may ( 78. ) at mr. howard's , who lived in one corner of arundel-house , and that this was the same man he saw there : and this mr. clay , who testified this , is a roman catholick ; so that they are not all protestants that he brings to annul their evidence , but one of their own religion , who durst speak truth . and now let all the world judge , whether the jury had any reason to think that mr. oates his evidence was any ways weakened by all that those novices had averr'd , knowing that the protestant religion allows in no case of telling a lie , much less of swearing falsely . as to their averring , that sir jo. warner and sir tho. preston were at their several places of residence all april and may , and so could not come over with mr. oates to england , as he had sworn , mr. oates not knowing of what they would have insisted on , was not prepared with witnesses to back that testimony : but it being a matter of little or no consequence , and they failing of making good the more substantial part of their defence , we may well believe they also made a false report in this latter , as well as in the former . then mr. gawen pag. 63. undertakes also to prove that he was in the country in staffordshire all april , june and july , the time of the consult , and the time that mr. oates had sworn he saw his hand to the consult : and for this he brings several witnesses from pag. 63. to 69. but , whoever considers well what the evidence says there in the prisoners behalf , will find , that these witnesses were not so confident as those from s. omar's , and that they speak so mincingly and give so weak reasons , that in truth it appears not by what they say , but that mr. gawen might step up to london , and sign this consult in few days , without their knowledge ; for they cannot but say , he was sometimes at the lord aston's : but pag. 65. mrs. winford says , she knows he could not go to london , because he had not his linnen with him : and this is all the reason , which is a very weak one . to this mr. oates swears again , pag. 67. that he saw him in london , either in the beginning or middle of july : then mr. gawen brings several witnesses pag. 68. and 69. that indeed prove he was not in london , but at wolverhampton the latter end of july , but as to the beginning or middle of the month , none of them can speak ; so that the thing is plain he doth not contradict mr. oates his testimony , for he might be in the country all the time his witnesses aver , and yet be in london at the time mr. oates had sworn . then pag. 69. mr. whitebread offers witnesses to prove that d. oates had sworn an untruth , and therefore he was not probus testis a credible witness , in that he had sworn mr. ireland was in london the middle of august and beginning of september , which he could prove was false : but the court let him know , that having already received a verdict it ought not to be heard again : yet pag. 71. they were so favourable as to hear his witnesses , though to that point ; and 72 , 73. to 76. some witnesses that were not at ireland's tryal do aver , that mr. ireland was in staffordshire from the fourth to the twenty sixth of august , so that it could not be true what mr. oates had sworn , that he was in london about the middle of august . against this evidence you have not onely d. oates his testimony upon his oath , but also sarah pain pag. 78. and 79. appeared in court , who there gave in the same evidence she had done in the former tryal of mr. ireland , that she saw mr. ireland going into mr. groves his house , and that she made a curtisie to him , about the middle of august , which is the time that d. oates charges him to be in town . so that you have two witnesses on oath , that contradict those brought by the prisoners . but since they have made a great talk of this evidence , and have said that they had several witnesses against two , one of them being their accuser , and that some have thought this point not sufficiently cleared , i have for the satisfaction of the world here published what hath since come to my hands , and not at the time of the tryals of these persons known , which is a very great confirmation of the truth of d. oates his testimony , and i hope will give much satisfaction . a letter from mr. jennison , a papist , touching mr. ireland's being in london in august 1678. which more clearly proves , that what he asserted at his tryal , and not onely there , but in articulo mortis , at the gallows , and what his party affirmed in court and offer'd to swear , ( that he was in staffordshire and out of london from the fifth of august ( 78 ) to the seventh of september following , ) is a great untruth : which is a material strengthening to the evidence against him , and confirmation of mr. oates his testimony . which did come to light since the death of mr. ireland , and is now published for the satisfaction of those who might any ways doubt thereof , and think that the king's evidence was not full therein . reading decemb. 19. 1678. dear sir , yours i had bearing date the fifteenth of this instant , and have not missed a post i could send to you by . i am not ignorant of the offer made by his majestie 's proclamation , and lay hold of nothing but pardon for concealing what circumstances i have known so long : yet did not altogether conceal it neither , for i told my cousin smith of it within two or three days , of the breaking out of this damnable conspiracy , which how much it weighs i am not sit to judge . the speaking of truth is an action that rewards it self ; and i would not , were it to gain a million , nay a million of worlds if possible , draw the least drop of innocent bloud upon me , for i know it is a crying sin , therefore i pray god avert it from me . all that i can tell you , as i hope for forgiveness of my sins , and eternal salvation , is ( if you will distinguish betwixt the times ) what follows . being come from windsor , where i promised my self the happiness and satisfaction of seeing you , that i might take my leave before my journey for the north , which , to the best of my memory , was about the latter end of august , i went to do the same to mr. ireland , whom then ( with all the rest ) i did believe a man of the best conversation and life in the world ; for you know the law does presume every man good , unless he be proved otherwise . after my salute , and i had told him i had been at windsor , his interragatory or question was , what news ? my return was the usual , no news but good . then he proceeded to ask me ( to the best of my memory ) how his sacred majesty and the court diverted . i replyed , that i heard his majesty took much delight in hawking and fishing , but chiefly in the latter , which his majesty followed early in the morning , as i heard , accompanied onely with two or three lords , or other attendants . i wonder , says mr. ireland , why his majesty should be so thin guarded , he were easily taken off , or removed ; or some words to that purpose , so sounding . god forbid , i returned . no , subjoyns he , i do not say it is lawfull ; and something else which i cannot call to mind , that did qualifie the former words , that i did then think his meaning was , he was sorry his sacred majesty should go so weakly guarded . i then took it by that handle , having no other reason , for i did believe him a saint , never hearing him or any of them , as i hope for everlasting life , defend or maintain in the least that damnable doctrine of deposing kings : but now i know that passage may be taken by the other handle , and i 'm not fit to judge how far ; yet you know words are to be taken in the milder sense , unless they be positive , which these with their qualification that followed , and the time they were spoke in , i humbly conceive , with submission to better judgments , were not ; for if i had believed they were , they should have seen light sooner . i suppose there is clearer evidence then this from mr. oates , that better knew him then i. taken from the original letter , june 21. ( 79. ) robert jennison . some observations or remarks upon the foregoing letter . first , the words spoken by mr. ireland to mr. jennison , though then with a plain-meaning man , and one ignorant of their plot , though a papist , they might receive that candid interpretation he put upon them ; yet since it hath been made known , we may very well have a suspicion that mr. ireland made those queries in relation to the horrid design of murthering the king , which they then expected to be effected by the four ruffians , which made ireland say , hearing how slenderly he was guarded , that he might then be easily taken off . but not to strain words against a man , when such positive proofs have been brought to condemn him , we bring not here this letter so much to prove the plot , as to be a very strong concurrent evidence against mr. ireland , as to his being in london in august , which he denied , and his evidence seemed to make good : and therefore as to that i desire you will consider , that the king went to windsor the thirteenth or fourteenth of august ( 78 ) as is proved by sir robert southwell and by sir tho. dolman , at the trials ; it was indeed the fourteenth . that mr. jennison in his letter writes thus , being come from windsor , i went to take my leave of mr. ireland , before i took my journey into the north : and mr. ireland asked , what news from windsor ? how does the king pass his time , & c ? which notoriously proves that his discourse with ireland was , when the king was at windsor , and after mr. jennison came from thence , and before he went into the north , to wit , betwixt the nineteenth of august and the fourth of september , and implies that it was immediately after his coming from windsor by the question , what news from thence ? and it is the more likely that it was immediately after , because mr. jennison himself says , he is sure it was a good while before he went into the north. that this time nearly agrees with sarah pain 's testimony at ireland's trial. see the trial , fol. 57. that ireland was try'd the seventeenth of december ( 78. ) and mr. jennison's letter was writ from reading in berks ( whither he was gone in obedience to the proclamation , being a papist then , but has since conform'd ) the nineteenth following , so that he could not then have any knowledge of that trial , or of what ireland had insisted upon . that when mr. jennison wrote this letter , he was under an apprehension that he had offended , and was in danger for having concealed ireland's discourse , of the easiness of taking off the king at windsor , which seems to be the main occasion of his writing that letter to his friend in nature of a confession . i need say no more , for i question not but that all the world will say this is a very great concurrent testimony and strengthening to the king's evidence , as to that point of mr. ireland's being in london , notwithstanding what the staffordshire witnesses had said in the prisoner's behalf . and as to the verity of this you may be easily informed , mr. jennison being a known person , and one of credit and reputation . then pag. 87. mr. gawen starts a point of law , whether as to himself he may be legally condemned for treason , being accused for one thing in staffordshire , and for another thing in london , so that there is but one witness to either . but the court cleared this point to him by sir hen. vanes case , and pag. 88. told him that the law was settled therein , and that they two , though they were witnesses to two several acts done , in two several places , yet it was to the same treason . for dugdale swears to his killing the king , altering the government , and bringing in of popery ; and oates swears he saw his hand to the consult , which was for the same treason , viz. for the murther of the king , raising an army , and the bringing in of popery , which is the same treason : so that it was plain there were two witnesses against him , and his plea not to be admitted . this is the whole substance of their defence and what they have to say for themselves . i need not use any arguments to shew the weakness of it , 't is obvious to all that reade or hear their trials . and as to the matter of fact which is so punctually sworn against them , they can say nothing , but onely their own constant denials of their guilt , and asseverations of their innocency : but how far that will prevail with impartial men , i shall leave themselves to judge : but i am sure there were twelve men of one mind , that thought them guilty , and i am confident that there are twelve thousand of the same opinion , and that all those who say to the contrary , must speak it out of ignorance or prejudice . as to the proofs against mr. langhorn , you will find them very home and positive : and first pag. 6. and 7. mr. dugdale is brought to prove the plot in general , which he again swears to as to their several consultations and design of murthering the king , and massacring the protestants , and bringing in of popery : to which also mr. prance concurs . then as to the particular charge against mr. langhorn , dr. oates swears pag. 10. that he carried several letters from mr. langhorn to persons beyond the seas , in one of which he saw under his own hand , that now they had a fair opportunity to begin and give the blow , with many other expressions plain enough concerning the plot ; and these he saw signed richard langhorn : and then he farther swears , that he had orders from the provincial to give mr. langhorn an account of the resolutions and passages that were form'd and done at this consult of the twenty fourth of april , and that he gave him an account of the same , and of their resolution of killing the king ; and that the said langhorn lift up his hands and eyes , and pray'd to god to give to it a good success . then pag. 11. he swears he saw in his chamber , in the inner-temple , lying on the side of his desk , certain commissions , which he had heard to have been sent over to him for several persons in england , which they called patents ; and that upon dr. oates his desire to see them , he permitted him to peruse several of them , which he did , and there saw one commission to the lord arundel of wardour , and another to the lord powis , the one to be lord high chancellour , the other to be lord high treasurer of england , and to the lord bellasis to be general , to the lord peters to be lieutenant-general , and one for mr. coleman to be secretary of state , and for mr. langhorn himself to be advocate of the army : and that these were signed johannes paulus de oliva , by virtue of a brief granted by the pope . these commissions were signed with the jesuits mark . and that mr. langhorn told him he had sent one of these commissions by his son , to be delivered to the lord arundel of wardour's son , and that it was delivered . and pag. 13. he swears , that mr. langhorn being employed as solicitour for several of the fathers of the society , that upon his solicitation of the benedictine monks , they had promised him 6000 li. for the carrying on of the cause , and that mr. langhorn promised in his hearing , to do his utmost for the procuring the said money . and also , that he was much disgusted with sir george wakeman , because he was not contented with 10000 li. to poison the king : and pag. 14. he swears that mr. langhorn call'd the said sir george wakeman a covetous man , and that since it was a publick concern , it was no matter if he had done it for nothing , but that he was a narrow-spirited and narrow-soul'd physician . then an instrument being produced in court , signed by paulus de oliva , mr. oates swore that the commissions he saw were signed by the same hand , and had all the same mark : but they were all convey'd away , and this being onely concerning an ecclesiastical business was left ; however , this shews he used to receive patents from , and had commerce with the superiour of the jesuits in rome . and this was found in mr. langhorn's chamber a long time after mr. oates had given in his testimony . then pag. 19. mr. bedlow swears , he went with mr. coleman to mr. langhorn's chamber , and there mr. coleman gave him his letters to le chese , and to the pope's nuntio , and to others , open , to reade , and to register in a book by him kept for that purpose ; and that he saw mr. langhorn reade these letters , which were concerning the design they had in hand , and that he registred them in a book in his closet , whilst he and mr. coleman walked in the outer room , and that afterwards coleman sealed up these letters , and gave them to mr. bedlow , who was to carry them to le chese , the king of france his confessour ; and that some of the expressions in those letters were , that all things were now in a readiness , and that they onely wanted money : that the catholicks were now in safety , and that all places and offices had been disposed to them , and that all the garrisons were already in their hands , or would be put into their hands suddenly : and that now they had a fair opportunity , having a king so easy to believe what was dictated to him by their party ; and that if they mist the opportunity , they might despair of ever introducing popery into england . this was the effect of most of the letters , and with them mr. langhorn was made acquainted , and register'd them in a book . pag. 20. he swears he brought letters from harcourt to mr. langhorn to be register'd , which mr. langhorn receiv'd , and register'd accordingly ; for he wrote by him to harcourt , that he had receiv'd the letters by mr. williams , ( which was the name that bedlow then went by ) and that he would transcribe them , and return them to him again . now these letters were one of them declared to be from the rectour of the irish colledge at salamanca , which specified that the lord bellasts , and the rest of the lords concerned , and the whole party should be in a readiness ; and to have it communicated with all expedition : for that they had sent some irish cashier'd souldiers , with many other lay-brothers , under the notion of pilgrims for s. jago , who were to take shipping at the groin , and to land at milford-haven in wales , and there to meet and join with the lord powis . the other letter was from sir william godolphin , which mr. bedlow had brought out of spain , directed to the lord bellasis , which was about the same design , and was also register'd by mr. langhorn in a book which he saw near 3 inches thick , and that he guesses two thirds of the book might be wrote out . now by this judge you whether the indictment of high treason be not proved against mr. langhorn , and whether he be not guilty of this treason and conspiracy of bringing in popery , of levying war , and killing the king , by two several witnesses , who have so positively sworn it against him . the defence mr. langhorn makes for himself , is no other then what his brethren in iniquity had done before him , to deny the fact , and to endeavour to invalidate the credit of the witnesses , by intrapping them in point of time and place . and to this end pag. 14 , 15 , 16 , &c. he asks mr. oates many questions little to the purpose , and onely to amuse the auditours . then pag. 27. he would make mr. oates an approver , as having been pardoned for the same crime ; and that the witnesses had received rewards and gratifications for swearing against them : thus making no defence as to the matter of fact , onely endeavouring to support themselves upon the incompetency of the witnesses . but all these objections or cavillings were well answered by my lord chief justice , who let him know , that unless he could prove any reward to be given by contract or subornation , it could not make an objection if there were any given , for that allowance or sustenance was usually given of old to approvers , &c. the next thing mr. langhorn endeavours , is to invalidate mr. oates his testimony , by making him to be forsworn in point of time ; and he brings the same witnesses from s. omars , as were brought in the behalf of the five jesuits the day before , to prove he was at s. omars april and may , and so could not be in london ; and they being the same evidence , and swearing to the same point , we will not repeat them : onely take notice , that one of them pag. 33. being asked how he came to take more notice of mr. oates being at s. omars all april and may , and not in june and july as well , answers plainly , ( not being well instructed , or more simple then the rest ) that it was because the question he came for did not fall upon that time , which still gives more light to the suspicion , that they came with their lessons in their mouths to save the lives of these men , and not to speak truth . but to confront these witnesses , mr. oates produced in court the same that had the day before sworn they had seen him in london both in april and may , so that he sufficiently clear'd his testimony by 7 witnesses . then pag. 46. mr. langhorn produces the woman that kept the white-horse tavern , where mr. oates had said the consult was held , and she averrs that there is no room in her house would hold above a dozen , and that therefore there could not meet 50 or 18 or 20 persons there at a time . to answer this three several witnesses strangers stood up in court , and being sworn attested , the first , that he knew sixteen to dine often in one room of that house : the second , that he knew two rooms , one backward , the other forward , where thirty might dine at a time : and the third , that at a wedding he knew of above twenty that dined together in one room next the street . so that this evidence did mr. langhorn no kindness : for she that was so peremptory in this falshood , might give a suspicion that the rest of his witnesses might be false in their averrments . then pag. 57. mr. langhorn goes about to prove by several witnesses , that sir tho. preston , mr. poole , and sir john warner did not come over with mr. oates as he had attested , and this rests indeed on mr. oates his single testimony ; but this being onely circumstantial , and not any way contradictory to the matter of fact , it ought not , nor could not legally invalidate his evidence : for it is not much to the purpose , whether sir john warner , sir tho. preston , and mr. pool came over with mr. oates or no ; or if he did commit any mistake therein , these men not being indicted : but it had been more then a circumstantial matter , to have proved mr. oates to have been actually at s. omars the time of the consult , the 24. of april , and would have stuck against him , had he not well clear'd that matter by 7 substantial witnesses , who have sworn they saw him in london about the same time . so that all this consider'd , i think there is none , except he be much prejudic'd , who reads these , but will judge mr. langhorn to have had a fair trial , and that the jury proceeded to find him guilty of treason by the plain proof and testimony of two witnesses , back'd by other circumstances , among which , the letter found amongst harcourt's papers was one , that proved the consult to be the same time , and clearly hints also the design to be of the same nature , as mr. oates had sworn it to be . i think there is none that truely considers the fair trials of these wicked conspiratours , and justly weighs every thing that hath been proved against them , that will think these men innocent , or that there hath not been a most horrid and hellish design amongst them , which they have not yet given over , and which we yet hope god will more fully discover and bring to light in mercy to this nation , and for the glory of his name . will you still be wilfully blind , and will you shut your eyes against all this clear light , and cry it is no plot ? do not you see them still endeavouring to fire the city , as witness those servants hired by stubbs , as hath been manifestly made known , and almost miraculously prevented ? do they not still go on in their wicked design against the life of his sacred majesty ? and will you have your throats cut ere you will believe ? shall the stout denials of those that suffer , and the obstinacy of these traytors , in confessing nothing at their deaths , stagger you in your opinion of their being guilty , against such full proof and evidence ? consider the principles of their religion , and the doctrine these fathers of the church of rome have publickly taught and maintained , the deposing and killing of kings for the sake of their religion , and that it is lawfull in that case to make use of equi vocations and lies , and that thereby they do god good service , if it be for the propagation of the faith : and are not all vows , oaths and sacraments dispensed with by the pope on that occasion ? have we not seen and heard of many examples of the same , enough to have fill'd a volume , and not untruly affixed upon them , but what have been really and publickly committed by them ? what heed then is to be taken to the denials of these men at their deaths ? or what credit to be given to their speeches , when they have yet liberty given them to deceive the people ; and that by their obstinacy they may perswade them into a belief that there is no plot , till the sword is at their throats ? but i will conclude in the recorder's words , that i hope the fair trials these persons have had , and the publishing of them for the satisfaction of all those who will look into them , will not onely confirm all who are protestants , but will prevail upon those whom they have inveagled into their perswasion , to desert such a religion , till such time as they alter their principles from the bloudiness and inhumanity they are stained with , and which these men have instilled into all their proselytes . finis . at grocers-hall, aug. 30. 1644. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a75760 of text r18030 in the english short title catalog (thomason e7_28). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a75760 wing a4097 thomason e7_28 estc r18030 99860327 99860327 112447 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a75760) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 112447) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 2:e7[28]) at grocers-hall, aug. 30. 1644. jephson, william, 1615?-1659? 1 sheet ([2] p.) s.n.], [london? : aug 30. 1644. signed: william iephson. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649 -sources. a75760 r18030 (thomason e7_28). civilwar no at grocers-hall, aug. 30. 1644.: jephson, william 1644 170 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion at grocers-hall , aug. 30. 1644. it is ordered by the committee of the house of commons and adventurers for ireland , that the businesse of ireland be yet againe recommended by all ministers to their severall congregations within the line of communication and bils of mortality and parts adjacent , with effectuall exhortations to move them to a compassionate consideration of that great and urgent worke ; and to warne all persons who are adventurers , or desire to lend money or provisions towards the carrying on of the warre in ireland against the bloody enemies of god , his truth and all that professe it , not to faile to be present at grocers-hall upon tuesday next being the 3d of september , at two of the clock in the after-noone , there to advise with the said committee , and to receive such satisfaction and incouragement to give their further assistance , as shall then be tendred to them to their content . william iephson . a direction for the plantation in vlster contayning in it, sixe principall thinges, viz. 1. the securing of that wilde contrye to the crowne of england. 2. the withdrawing of all the charge of the garrison and men of warre. 3. the rewarding of the old seruitors to their good content. 4. the means how to increase the reuenue to the crowne, with a yearely very great summe. 5. how to establish the puritie of religion there. 6. and how the vndertakers may with securitie be inriched. blenerhasset, thomas. 1610 approx. 33 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a16207 stc 3130 estc s102660 99838432 99838432 2810 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a16207) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 2810) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 624:06) a direction for the plantation in vlster contayning in it, sixe principall thinges, viz. 1. the securing of that wilde contrye to the crowne of england. 2. the withdrawing of all the charge of the garrison and men of warre. 3. the rewarding of the old seruitors to their good content. 4. the means how to increase the reuenue to the crowne, with a yearely very great summe. 5. how to establish the puritie of religion there. 6. and how the vndertakers may with securitie be inriched. blenerhasset, thomas. [32] p. by ed. allde for iohn budge, dwelling at the great south doore of s. paules church, imprinted at london : 1610. dedication signed: thomas blener hasset. signatures: a-d⁴. reproduction of the original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 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clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ulster (ireland) -history. ireland -politics and government -17th century. england -foreign relations -ireland -early works to 1800. 2004-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-07 rina kor sampled and proofread 2004-07 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a direction for the plantation in vlster . contayning in it , sixe principall thinges , viz. 1. the securing of that wilde countrye to the crowne of england . 2. the withdrawing of all the charge of the garrison and men of warre . 3. the rewarding of the olde seruitors to their good content . 4. the meanes how to increase the reuenue to the crowne , with a yearely very great somme . 5. how to establish the puritie of religion there . 6. and how the vndertakers may with securitie be inriched . ¶ imprinted at london by ed. allde for iohn budge , dwelling at the great south doore of s. paules church . 1610. to the mightye and high renowned prince , henry , prince of great brittaine , all happines . mightie and high renowned prince , the fourth parte of ireland , depopulated vlster , but now redeemed , deliuered and quite acquitted by the kinges maiesties ( your most louing fathers ) wonderfull wisdome & industrie , from the vsurping tyrannie of traytors , & from a long & a most lamentable captiuitie : dispoyled , she presents her-selfe ( as it were ) in a ragged sad sabled robe , ragged ( indeed ) there remayneth nothing but ruynes & desolatiō , with a very little showe of any humanitie : of her selfe she aboundeth with many the very best blessings of god : amongst the other prouinces belonging to great brittaines imperial crowne , not much inferiour to any . thē regard her , for vnto your highnesse it belongeth chiefely to regard her . fayre england , she hath more people then she can well sustaine : goodly vlster for want of people vnmanured , her pleasant fieldes and rich groundes , they remaine if not desolate , worsse . would your excellencie with fauourable respectes , but countenance the action , then the neuer-satisfied desires of a fewe , should not quite disgrace and vtterly ouerthrowe the good and exceeding good purposes of many , but with an excellent plantation it would be peopled plentifully , yea fortified and replenished with such and so many goodly strong corporations , as it would be a wonder to beholde : without which it is not possible ( for i say what certainely i knowe ) so sufficiently to secure that wilde countrie any long time . the desire wherof hath caryed ( or rather violently drawne me to this presumption ) i being a playne country-man and one of the vndertakers in farmannagh . if my endeauours may in any respect be so auailable ; that fayre successions , long posteritie may at length beholde her with securitie in some proportion beautified , then i shall be of many , the most happy , especiallie if your highnesse shall giue good acceptance to these my desires . the almightie god of heauen blesse and preserue your excellencie still and euermore , with those his super-exceding graces . your excellencies most humble suppliant : thomas blener hasset . for the plantation of vlster . excellent and high renowned prince , since such time as it hath pleased the lord treasurer to referre the peticion of m. henry honnings , vnto the irish commissioners , for the vndertaking of threescore thousand acres of the escheated lands in the north of ireland , to bee planted by certaine english gentlemen , of which my selfe being one , considering the greatnes of the action , to satisfie my selfe i passed the seas , and not farre from the lyfford i found that very worthy gentleman , sir arthur chichester , the kings lord deputie with other commissioners , surueying those escheated lands from the church lands , and from their lands who haue hitherto bene loyall . i being there conuersant with some of the chiefe knights and captaines , desired of them to know the cause why they themselues were not forward to vndertake those profitable seates and rich grounds : i was answered , that to build castles and fortes was chargeable , neither then if there should be a mannor erected with twentye or fortye tennants , would they and it secure their goods : for although that castle or forte would serue for a sufficient refuge to preserue their liues vpon any extremitie , yet the cruell wood-kerne , the deuowring woolfe , and other suspitious irish , would so attend on their busines , as their being there should be little profitable vnto them . for an example : sir tobye cawlfield he dwelleth in charlemount a forte of many other the best , and well furnished with men and munition : yet now ( euen in this faire calme of quiet ) his people are driuen euery night to lay vp all his cattle as it were in warde , and doe hee and his what they can , the woolfe and the wood-kerne ( within calieuer shot of his forte ) haue often times a share : yet i do verily beleeue , no man keepeth better order , aswell for the safeguard of himselfe and his neighbors , as for the gouernment of al those parts about him . the like i haue obserued in many other places ▪ and to speake the truth , all men there in all places doe the like , and that within the english pale ( as they a long time haue cald it ) sir iohn king he dwelleth within halfe a mile of dublin : sir henry harringtō within halfe a mile on the other side thereof , fewe men that euer i haue seene better seated for much good soyle : they also doe the like , for those sore named enemies , doe euery night suruey the fields to the very wals of dublin , whatsoeuer is left abroad is in danger to be lost : so they cannot for the foresaid causes contriue any thing to much profit , although it hath bene inhabited a long time . the consideration whereof satisfied me with the impossibilitie of planting a mānor vnder the protection of any strong built castle ; but after that i had trauailed amōgst the meere irish , and had sufficiently informed my selfe with their conditions , their nature , and manner of life , i found it most certainely impossible by such kinde of plantation to improue any thing with security , to any great profit , neither any with whome i conferred , would or could set downe how with security any thing might be vndertaken . therefore the principall studd of this frame must be wrought with a tennor more substantiall then hath bene hitherto by any one mencioned . i acknowledge and see it sufficiently , that many castles and fortes well fortified , doth and wil restraine the violence of such a scattered people as they are , being at this present altogether without men of conduct or armour , but i thinke those castles & fortes more necessary in time of warre ; for then thereby the cattell of the rebels are cut off , and they are inforced to vnite themselues into many strong troopes , otherwise the garisons of those places would bereaue them of all their victuals , and hinder their commerce , and all their other intentions whatsoeuer , for they cannot be strong ynough at one instant in euery place to encoūter the force of those millitary garrisons , who are maintained at a great rate ( as i thinke ) out of the exchequer : for these vndertakers to plant themselues so in this time of quiet , i doe verily beleeue it would be to small auaile , and not the best way to secure themselues with their goods , and that wilde country to the crowne of england ; for although there be no apparant enemy , nor any visible maine force , yet the wood-kerne and many other ( who now haue put on the smiling countenaunce of contentment ) doe threaten euery houre , if oportunitie of time and place doth serue , to burne and steale whatsoeuer : and besides them there be two , the chief supporters of al their insolencie , the inaccessable woods , & the not passible bogs : which ot subiect to our desires is not easie , and that not performed , it is not possible to make a profitable , improuement , no not by any meanes in any place . moreouer the frowning countenance of chance and change , ( for nothing so certaine as that all thinges are most vncertaine ) doth also incite a prouident vndertaker to lay such a foundation , as it should be rather a violent storme then a fret of foule weather that should anoy him . a scattered plantation will neuer effect his desire : what can the countenance of a castle or bawne with a fewe followers doe ? euen as they at this present doe : which is nothing to any purpose . what shall we then say ? or to what course shal we betake our selues ? surely by building of a wel fortified towne , to be able at any time at an houres warning with fiue hūdred men well armed , to encounter all occasions : neither will that be sufficient , except that be seconded with such another , and that also ( if it may be , as easily it may ) with a third : so there will be helpe on euery side , to defend , & offend : for as in england , if a priuy watch be set , many malefactors are apprehended , euen amongst their cuppes : so there when the spaces in the woods be cut out , and the bogges be made somewhat passible , then these new erected townes intending a reformation , must often times at the first set a vniuersall great hunt , that a suddaine search may be made in all suspitious places , for the woolfe and the wood-kerne , which being secretly and wisely appointed by the gouernors , they with the helpe of some irish , well acquainted with the holes and holdes of those offenders , the generallitie shall search euery particular place . for an example , the fourth day of march , the lyfford , the omigh , they in farmanagh , donganon , and colrayne , shall on that day send forth from euery one of those places , an hundred men ; which fiue hundred men shall as then make search in all , or in all the most suspitious places : and by being at one instant dispersed with furniture fit for such busines , they shall discouer all the caues , holes , & lurking places of that country , euen for an hundred miles compasse : & no doubt it will be a pleasant hunt , and much preye will fall to the followers : for what dooth escape some , will fall to the hands of others , and bring such a terror , that the woolfe himselfe will not dare to continue his haunt , where such so suddaine incursions shall be vsed , although it be but once in a moneth : the charge none , the pleasure much , the profit more : then may they make inclosures , & venture their cattell abroad , for to starue in the night doth ouerthrow the feede of the day , with the generall improuement and chief profit , for the feeding of al kind of cattle : then may they sowe , mowe , plant , thriue & be merry , for this kind of planting wil not onely supplant those domesticall enemies , but there will be out of those townes fiue thousand well armed men , to encounter any forraine enemy , that shall offer arriuall to inuade , whereby his maiestie shall shortly haue little neede of those so chargeable garrisons : for these vndertakers will easily restraine the mutinies of them at home , and confront the power of any inuader whatsoeuer , and those good fellowes in trowzes , i meane the euery where dispersed creatures in the creats , seeing this course , they will no longer hearken after change , nor entertaine the lurking wood-kerne , as now they doe . throughout all ireland where there be fortes and garrisons in paye , if all those places were planted with this kinde of vndertaking , & the old worthy soldiers , who in those places haue garrisons in pay , with euery one of their soldiers , if they were rewarded with the fee simple thereof , to them & to their heires , paying after one life yearely vnto his maiestie a fee-farme , as the other vndertakers doe : but these captaines and soldiers would haue their pay continued , otherwise they shall not be able to proceede with the charge of planting , and then other lands there next adioyning laide also to such places , that many might ioyne with them to erect corporations : which may be performed now ten times better cheape then it wil be heerafter : their security would be much better , and the societye farre excell , & so the charge of the garrisons might be withdrawne , the olde worthy warriour who hath gone already through with the brunt of that busines , shall with a good satisfaction be rewarded , and all vlster a whole hundred times better secured vnto the crowne of england : for the generation of the irish , ( who doe at this time encrease ten to one more then the english , nay i might well say twenty ) will neuer otherwise be sufficently brideled : of all which i would satisfie your highnes by an example . the lyfford , whereas there be an hundred soldiers in pay , ( as is reported ) which cannot come vnto lesse then a thousand pounds yearely , and if there were in that kingdome many such , it would amount vnto a great somme by the yeare , and many of them peraduenture like this , able indeed a smal time to withstand the first or second assault of a weake enemie . but if the lyfford and the lands adioyning neere thereunto , were vndertaken by many , their many helping hands ( euery man respecting his owne profit ) they would not regard charge , not be weary with labor and paines to frame a perpetuall security , and good successe to their businesse : and so there might out of dout by that goodly riuer side , be laid out so much land , ( besides the gouernours and soldiers allowance ) as the vndertakers would cleere all that pay , and the like in many such other places : and giue vnto the crowne a hundred poūds yerely for a fee-farme for euer , which would rise in that kingdome , to every great masse , and the great charge of the garrisons withdrawne . i might say the like of the omigh , of dongannon , and of many such other places , and so there would be in stead of popery true religion ; & a comfortable society , whereas at this present , there is small apparance and much defect of them , and of all other the chiefest things to make the life of man happy , onely plenty of good victuall excepted . how exceedingly wel standeth ardmath , better seate for rich soyle there cannot bee , but so poore , as i doe verily thinke all the houshold stuffe in that citty is not worth twenty pounds , yet it is the primate of all ireland , & as they say for antiquitie , one of the most antient in all europe : it is also of so small power as forty resolute men , may rob , rifle , and burne it : were it a defenced corporation it would soone be rich and religious , and the security would make one acre more worth then now twenty be . at this present it is a most base and abiect thing , not much better then strebane , & not able to restraine , no , not the violence of the woolte . moreouer many be the commodities of this kinde of vndertaking a scattered plātation , for many vndertakers to be dispersed three score miles in cōpasse , alas they shal be now at the first like the vnboundsticks of a brush fagot , easie to be gathered , hewen and had to the fire , neither shall there be true religion , sweete society , nor any comfortable security amongst them , no , nor any other the principall respectes and commodities that mans life desireth , as they who there now doe liue do know very well : but in one and the selfe-same estate for many to be bound vp together in the band of one hope , so as all must be but one , it must be the power of some great monarch , who receiuing more blowes then benefites , shall buy the vnbinding of this fagot , at a much greater rate then will be for his gaine or reputation . but some peraduenture will say here is much speech of corporations , but nothing how the lands which lyeth farre remote , which these vndertakers must take vp , shall be vsed , for it will be very inconuenient that vnto this corporation all the commodities of that great quantity of ground shal be presently transported , both for the distance of the place , and other discommodities : and it is expected that there should be manors erected , & not that one corporation should containe so great a circuit . my answere is , that the corporation shall containe all that quantity of ground , for when they therein haue framed the country to their desires , then there shall be by these vndertakers many manors erected , and after the first or second yeare , most of the houses within this corporation built by these vndertakers , ( for euery man according to the quantity of his land must put to his aide ) although these houses shall be still their owne , yet then , when the great huntes before mentioned , haue reduced the country to such passe , as in the seueralties of euery man , their cattell may be in security , then most of those buildings in the corporation shall be left , and euery man of the vndertakers shall build on his demeanes a strong mannor house , and certaine tenements for his tenants about him , on such lands as he shall allot them by coppy of court role , or otherwise , to them and their heires for euer : and within the corporation , euery one of the vndertakers shall stil retaine his mansion house , there to dwel at his pleasure , and all the other of his houses there , shall be set ouer vnto tradesmen ; as shoomakers , smithes , carpenters , weauers , and such like : so in sommer he may remain with his tennants in the country , and in winter with his farmers the tradesmen in the corporation , which i hope to see a faire well gouerned and a very strong citty , which will serue at all times to defend them and all their moueables , if inuasion or any other violent storme should come : so all the land farre remote shall be built and inhabited with good security . on this word myne is a strong warrior , euery man for his owne will aduenture farre , the mercinary rutter will often times haue his charge empty with men , when his purse shall be full with dead payes . this my valiant and prouident warriour myne , he will rather increase then decrease his nomber , he doth watch and ward night & day without ceasing . therefore in this our vndertaking , let all the people be such as shall enioy euery man more or lesse of his owne , and if they were such as had no other estate then there , it were the better . but i feare , if many shall peruse this recital , most of them wil be vtterly deterred with the charge , saying , it is easie to be spoken , but to their capacitie very difficult to be performed , and so they will withdrawe themselues & their conceits from imbracing that which i would haue them entertaine cherefully in the best fashion . therefore i doe incite them to consider , that all those great and sumptuous buildings which former ages haue left vnto euerlasting posterity , were not erected any where , where continuance of peace had improued all thinges to a high rate and great price , but the originall of all nations , was where and when the lands and all the commodities of those places were of small worth . to enter into the perticular heereof would be rather tedious then necessary . there be twelue of vs vnder the assignation of the right honorable , gilbert earle of shrewesbury , who intend by the help of almighty god to imploye a good part of our substance , and bestowe our best indeuours therein : for discoursing will not doe it , it must be a paineful hand , & a discreet minde furnished with knowledge and much experience : we cannot enioy the happy elizian fields , but by passing ouer the blacke riuer stix : for heauen wil not be had without some tribulation , neither may we feede vpon the delicates prepared in a rich and plesant banquetting gallery , except we doe straine our feete to passe vpon the first & second staire : so difficult is the thing that we intend , demidium toti , qui bene caepit , habet . if any thing seeme difficult , rouse vp thy spirit , and put to both thy hands . great thinges without much labor can not be obtained : rome was not built in one day , but this in fiue yeares may be performed without admiration , especially if all these planters do draw closely together without dissentiō , or muteny : therfore there must especiall regard be had , that in this corporation the chiefe gouernor be of wisdome , wealth , and authoritie , such a one as wil be obeyed , yet will conferre with other , and not be too much addicted to his owne conceits : without gouernment there is nothing but confusion : so many heads so many opinions . let all the vndertakers haue recourse vnto the consultations , the meanest may sometimes bring foorth a necessary knowledge , therefore let euery mans opinion be heard , but let the gouernor with his assistants determine , and let all the rest consent thereto , or endure condigne punishment . and as for thee that puttest diffidence in the assurance , which thou shalt haue from his maiestie , thou needest not trouble thy head therwith , there hath bene already two suruaies to know the parcels and precincts exactly : no doubt vpon the deuision there will be proclamation , that whosoeuer can iustly and apparantly claime any part of those lands to these vndertakers by pattent assigned , he shall then within some conuenient time put in his claime or else be silent for euer . so before thou doost charge thy selfe any way , thy portion shall be cleere , or else thou shalt haue some other that shall be voide of all incombrance . furthermore , to comfort thy fearefull spirit , there thou shalt haue many good neighbors , for all they thy countrymen that are already there estated with part of those lands , of which there be many of the chiefe in that kingdome , they are hearty well willers vnto al vndertakers , both for that your good proceedings will second , and as it were fortifie their already beginnings : and they be indeede gentlemen of such sort and quality , as they speake alwaies what they thinke , and performe what they speake . they doe not after the fashion of this age carry bread in the one hand and a stone in the other ; but they haue a sword alwaies ready to mainetaine truth and equity ; besides a very excellent course of proceeding by law : and to knit thy affection more firmely to the hope of thy well doing there , i doe insure thee , there be excellent warriors , and they such worthy men as wil willingly backe thy busines , & in time of need violently abate the violence of any that shal intēd thy trouble : so mars himselfe shall protect thee , & perhaps mercury too : & if thou beest honestly content with that which is thine , thou mayest there liue and neuer trouble the lawyer , and thou shalt finde it to be a great blessing . all which i haue written to encourage thy fainting spirit , which rather then faile wil obiect the charges thither , and the danger , which is nothing so much as amongst good fellowes it is , to be beastly drunke at home . to conclude , what art thou ? one whome kindenes , casualty , or want of wit hath decayed ? make speede , get thee to vlster , serue god , be sober , if thou canst not gouerne , be gouerned , thou shalt recouer thy selfe , and thy happines there will make thee reioyce at thy former fortunes . art thou rich , possessed with much reuenue ? make speed without racking of rents , or other offenciue meanes ; thou shalt doe god and thy prince excellent seruice . thou hast the three brayded bande which will binde beares , vse there thy talent , it will be quickely a million . art thou a poore indigent fellow ? and hast neither faculty nor mony ? goe not thither , for though there be plenty of all thinges , thou shalt starue there , loyterers and lewd persons in this our new worlde , they will not be indured . art thou a tradesman ? a smith , a weauer , a mason , or a carpenter ? goe thither , thou shalt be in estimation , and quickely inriched by thy indeauours . art thou an husband man , whose worth is not past tenne or twenty pounds ? goe thither , those new manor-makers will make thee a coppy holder : thou shalt whistle sweetely , and feede thy whole family if they be six for six pence the day . art thou a gentleman that takest pleasure in hunt ? the fox , the woolfe , and the wood-kerne doe expect thy comming : and the comely well cabbazed stagge will furnish thy feast with a full dish . there thou shalt haue elbowe roome , the eagle and the earne and all sorts of high flying fowles do attend thee . art thou a minister of gods word ? make speed , the haruest is great but the laborers be fewe : thou shalt there see the poore ignorant vntaught people worship stones and sticks : thou by carrying millions to heauen , maiest be made an archangell , and haue whiles thou doost liue for worldly respects , what not . so vlster which hath bene hitherto the receptacle and very denne of rebels and deuowring creatures , shall farre excell munster , and the ciuellest part of all that country , and peraduenture in ciuility and sincere religion , equal euen faire england herselfe , with a christian and comfortable society , of neighbourhood , & so they at the least * three hundred thousand soules , besides children ( which are no lesse in number ) may come vnto the true knowledge of god , and by faith in iesus christ may be freede from euerlasting damnation . so the kings maiestie shall be disburthened of a very great charge out of the exchequer , the country safely secured vnto the crowne , and we his maiesties subiects inriched by our endeauours , which god of his vnspeakeable mercy graunt , for his deere sonne iesus christ his sake . amen . the conclusion , contayning an exhortation to england . fayre england , thy flourishing sister , braue hibernia , ( with most respectiue termes ) cōmendeth vnto thy due consideration her yongest daughter , depopulated vlster : not doubting ( for it cannot but come vnto thy vnderstanding ) how the long continuance of lamentable warres , haue raced & vtterly defaced , whatsoeuer was beautifull in her to behold , and hath so bereaued all her royalties , goodly ornaments , & well beseeming tyers , as there remaineth but onely the maiesty of her naked personage , which euen in that plite is such , as whosoeuer shall seeke and search all europes best bowers , shal not finde many that may make with her comparison . behold the admirable worth of her worthines ! euen now shee giues the world to vnderstand by testimoniall knowne sufficiently to all that knowe her , that if thou wilt now but assist her with meanes to erect her ruynes , she will nourish thee with much dainty prouision , and so furnish thee , as thou shalt not neede to send to thy neighbour-kingdomes for corne , nor to the netherlands for fine holland : shee will in requitall of thy kindenesse prouide those thinges , with some other , such as thy heart most desireth . art thou ouerchargde with much people ? vlster her excellency will imbrace that thy ouerplus in her amourous sweete armes : she will place them as it were by euphrates , and feed them with better ambrosia then euer iupiter himselfe knew . then proclaime , & let all the inhabitants of spatious brittane know , that ( in respect euen of their own good ) it is conuenient and most necessary that euery one of thē should in some proportiō put to his assistance : didst thou , and were thy people indeede willing ? with horse , with men , with munition , and money , oftentimes , and euer anon to abate their insolency , whose pride sought to bereaue from thee and them , your right and interrest in her fields and forrests ? true it is , and some thousands , no doubt thou didst imploy to keepe her from the captiuity of traytors : do then , and let thy people willingly finish the worke which you so valiantly haue ( although not performed ) yet brought to such passe as now there remayneth nothing but how to couer her nakednes , & to furnish her coastes with corporations and other such meanes , as heereafter there shall be no doubt of change or chance , but that she may repose her selfe in such sweete security , as her beautifull bosome shall by peace & plenty abound with so many dainty goodly thinges , as it will be a wonder to behold . some of thy most louing and welbeloued children , to their great glory and euerlasting renowne , with feruent mindes , they haue taken this taske in hand , thinking it no small honor for thē to aduenture their liues , their liuings , and all their indeauours therein . the county of farmannagh , sometime mack gueres country , reioyce : many vndertakers , al incorporated in minde as one , they there with their followers , seeke & are desirous to settle themselues . woe to the wolfe and the wood-kerne ; the ilands in loughearne shall haue habitations , a fortified corporation , market townes , and many new erected manors , shall now so beautifie her desolation , that her inaccessible woods , with spaces made tractable , shall no longer nourish deuowrers , but by the sweete society of a louing neighbourhood , shall entertaine humanity , euen in the best fashion . goe on worthy gentlemen , feare not , the god of heauen will assist & protect you , the rather for that simply of your selues , you do desire to performe so honourable an action . and they the successors of high renowned lud , will there reedifie a new troy. their spatious coffers haue the receipts of englands treasure , and the continuall resplendancy of his maiesties presence doth so illustrate with the neuer-discending-beames of his euer-respecting fauour , their super-exceeding good , that all whatsoeuer by imagination may be thought of , or by pollicy of man be deuised , so much absolutely haue they from thence , therefore they wil not capitulate the fresh and flourishing county of colraine , with the exceeding bounty ol the band that may suffice . they haue ocanes country , and whatsoeuer irelands eden can affoord , and therefore euen in respect of their owne reputation , they of them selues wil performe this the most honourable action that euer they attempted . therefore let colraine reioyce , for the heart of england ( london herselfe ) will no doubt make her more beautifull then many , and furnish loughfoyle with a goodly fleete . o powerfull englād ! no doubt if thou wilt extend the bounty of thy liberall hand , to other lesse able to performe such designes , then they also will vndertake the other counties , so as within three yeares their endeauours shall bring thee and thine altogether out of doubt , euer heereafter to be charged with any taxation for her defence : for certainly so she shall shortly be able rather to lend then to borrow aide . let not then these kinde vndertakers want any kinde of kindenesse . little doe many of thy inhabitants , care to spend a pound or two to passe away one houre ( as it were ) at a merry meeting ; and presently it is forgotten . let euery one of worth giue but his crowne to this honourable intention and merry meeting , it shall remaine as a crowne of glory to euerlasting posterity , and free euery one of them peraduenture from the expence of many pounds . and this trophy of al thy triumphs the most renowned , obtained with the liues of many thousands of thine ( as the euery where dispersed sculles of slaine men doe there at this present manifestly declare ) if it be now neglected , they thy next neighbours & those the princes and people far remote , wil suppose thee very poore both in power and pollicy . and thus ( faire england ) hauing laid before thy amiable eyes , how naked vlster may be relieued , deckt , and richly adorned , and thy selfe certainely disburdned of much charge : i referre the effecting thereof to the kings most excellent maiestie , who hath power to commaund , and will no doubt prouide for vlsters prosperity . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a16207-e320 hassets hunt. * in all ireland the riuer of the band. an answer to mr. molyneux his case of ireland's being bound by acts of parliament in england, stated, and his dangerous notion of ireland's being under no subordination to the parliamentary authority of england refuted, by reasoning from his own arguments and authorities. 1698 approx. 228 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 109 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26165 wing a4167 estc r9464 11665594 ocm 11665594 48019 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26165) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48019) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 9:10; 2308:7) an answer to mr. molyneux his case of ireland's being bound by acts of parliament in england, stated, and his dangerous notion of ireland's being under no subordination to the parliamentary authority of england refuted, by reasoning from his own arguments and authorities. cary, john, d. 1720?, attributed name. atwood, william, d. 1705?, attributed name. [40], 171 p. printed for rich. parker ..., london : 1698. sometimes attributed to william atwood and/or john cary, each of whom published similar works in 1698. copy at reel 2308:7 identified in reel guide and on wing cd-rom as wing c724b. reproductions of the originals in the harvard university library and the newberry library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng molyneux, william, 1656-1698. -case of ireland's being bound by acts of parliament in england. ireland -politics and government -17th century -early works to 1800. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-02 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2003-02 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an answer to mr. molyneux his case of ireland 's being bound by acts of parliament in england , stated : and his dangerous notion of ireland's being under no subordination to the parliamentary authority of england refuted ; by reasoning from his own arguments and authorities ▪ rom. 12. 3. for i say , through the grace given unto me , to every man that is among you , not to think of himself more highly than he ought to think ; &c. gal. 6. 3. for if a man think himself to be something when he is nothing , he deceiveth himself . london , printed for rich. parker , at the vnicorn under the piazza of the royal exchange . 1698. the epistle dedicatory , by way of preface to the modern english nobility , gentry , and protestant inhabitants of ireland . right honourable , honourable , &c. although you are by far the least in number , you are yet to be esteemed as the much more considerable part of the inhabitants of that country , in respect of your power , and the authority which you bear there . 't is true , that upon the first subduction of the irish nation to the english government , the laws and liberties of englishmen were granted unto them , equally with the colony of the old english that were planted among them ; but as they were a people that had been always us'd to a sort of wild aud barbarous way of living , they did not affect to embrace the more civiliz'd customs and manners of the english , but for the most part kept themselves off from uniting and joining with them in the management of the government , which by the concessions made to them , they might freely have acted in ; yet they continued as a distinct and separate people , sway'd and influenc'd by their own petty princes or chiefs of clans , even to the breaking out into frequent insurrections and rebellions against the english government ; which therefore continued all along to be chiefly administred by the inhabitants of the english pale : and in this state the affairs of ireland remain'd until the reformation of religion , from whence sprung such a revolution as produc'd a great change in the administration of the publick affairs there : for after the reformation had obtain'd in england , the ancient english of ireland did generally remain of the roman communion , and consequently when 't was found dangerous to continue them in the execution of publick trusts , they also as well as the irish of the ●ame religion , were in process of time , by the influence and authority of england , utterly disabled from acting any thing in the government of the state ; and 't is in their rooms that you have since succeeded , and are therefore look'd upon and treated by england as the governing part , and effective body of the kingdom of ireland . but when i came to consider mr. molyneux's . book , i thought it very strange , that he who design'd so elaborate a piece in your favour , should yet give you no stronger a title to the preheminence which you bear in that country , than what would devolve upon you from those concessions which were anciently made to the native irish and old english ; which , as he would perswade us , did amount to no less than the establishing them upon the foundation of an absolute kingdom , distinct and separate from the kingdom of england , and wholly independent thereon ; the consequence of which , if it had been so , would have stood you in very ill stead , for as you cannot make any pretensions to such concessions , because you are not ( generally speaking ) descended from either of those people , but their progeny are still in being , and acknowledged to be such ; all the rights and priviledges which mr. molyneux hath so strongly contested for , should be due to them , if the case must be taken as he hath stated it ; and nothing can be more plausibly offered in their iustification , for the cutting the throats of the modern english , than this notion : and mr. molyneux is so fond of ●ixing you upon this old foundation , that ●e even disputes the possibility of their forfeiting , or the reasonableness of our retracti●g those concessions : i believe indeed , that he might forsee , that if it should be admitted that the frequency of their rebelling and our reducing them by force of arms , did amount to a reconquering of this their independent kingdom , ( as he makes it ) that would have dissolv'd that ancient concession , and spoyl his design of entailing it upon you : however it be , i think this sort of title does naturally fall under an inextricable dilemma : for , if ireland was granted to the native irish and old english , as an absolute , independent kingdom , and was never since re-conquered by england ; the right of administring the publick affairs of that government ( under the king ) ought to remain in them , since 't was never given up to you by their consents ; and then they have no reason to consider you otherwise , than as having no title more than usurpers and oppressors , and that you may justly be treated as such whenever they are in a condition to do it ? but if this independent kingdom hath been reconquer'd , the former concessions are actually dissolv●d , and neither you nor they can have any more pretence to an independent kingdom , until you can procurea new grant for it : and thus mr. molyneux in labouring to raise you higher than your proper basis , hath quite unhing'd you . but i have yet no doubt of your being as well entituled to the power and authority which you enjoy and exercise in that country , as any people in europe are ; and that it is justly deriv'd to you , from a much more certain original than what mr. molyneux hath assign'd ; and i have therefore undertaken in the following papers to controvert his notion through every point , and to shew in opposition to his arguments ; first ▪ that henry the second , having subdu'd ireland by the means of an english army , that country came to be annex'd to the imperial crown , or kingdom of england , but not to the person of king henry , in any separate propriety from the kingdom . secondly , that the subduing of ireland by the people of england , under the conduct of their king henry the second , was then esteem'd to be a conquest , and is much more to be accounted so , than william the first 's acquisition of the crown of england , and that ireland was thereby most certainly brought under the iurisdiction of the parliamentary authority of england . thirdly , that king henry's descent upon ireland was a just undertaking , and that the intire submission of the people to the government of england , their receiving its laws , and being endo●'d in all the priviledges of englishmen , made them become a member of , and annex'd to the english empire , and gave england a just title to exercise a perpetual iurisdiction over them . fourthly , that all the many concessions made to ireland , empowering them to hold parliaments , &c. can be understood no otherwise , than that they should be enabled to devise and enact such laws when occasion required , as were suitable to the circumstances of that country : but that no grant ever did , or could make ireland an absolute , distinct , separate kingdom , and wholly independent of england , or invest it with such a supream legislature as is inherent in the head of the government only ; which , with respect to the body of the english empire , can never reside any where else than in the king , by and with the advice and cons●nt of the lords and commons of england in parliament assembled . fifthly , that the presidents and opinions quoted by mr. molyneux , do not by any means assist his argument , but do most of them support mine against him . and sixthly , that his reasons and arguments offered on one side and t'other , are as little to his purpose ; but that the english settlements in ireland always were , and ever must be properly accounted as a colony of england , and hath ever been by her protected and supported as such . by these principles then , and no other but such as these , can the english be justify'd in their conduct towards the irish ; whereas if they had been an absolute , distinct , independent people , the former and latter disturbances they have given us , could not have been rebellions , but were just attempts to vindicate their rights against a people that had without reason violated them ; their lands had not been legally forfeited , but forcibly taken from them , against all iustice and reason ; and the spilling of so much of their blood must lye heavy upon those that provok'd them to take up arms , in defence of their just liberties and properties . is it not much more for your interest then , to put this matter on the right bottom , upon which our actings towards them were always grounded , by considering the irish as a people that had been subdu'd and brought into subjection to the english government , and were united to it in the nature of a province of its empire ; and to esteem the english that have been settled there as a colony of england , which we were oblig'd to protect and defend against any insults and violences offered them by the natives ? for this must justly subject them to the forfeitures and penalties due to rebels , vindicate us in the severities we have exercis'd upon them , support you in the possession of the estates which were taken from them , and return the the guilt of all the blood that hath been shed in the irish wars , upon their own heads , as being the aggressors . these things are so obvious , that i believe , there are many of you that can have no good opinion of mr. molyneux's book , yet i am told that there are others , and some of good rank among you , that are very fond of it : does indeed with respect to you carry the face of a popular argument , and is artfully written ; and he that can take the latitude of advancing his own imaginations and mistaken conjectures with the confidence of realities and certainties , suggest falsities with the utmost assurance , and omit material truths ; may impose much upon an unwary reader , especially if be thinks what 's offer'd is for his interest . quod volumus , facile credimus . but any thoughtful man , that will give himself leave to consider it impartially , will find it to be one of the weakest and most mistaken books that ever was written with such a flourish of language , and shew of learning and integrity . the story of king john's being made an absolute independent king , is the main prop on which he lays the greatest stress of his reasoning , aud yet it proves but a meer imagination : the writers indeed of these times do say , he was made king of ireland , but it looks but like a complement to him , for the grant it self shews plainly that 't was but feudatory donation , and that 't was never intended to make him an independent king , because he was limited to use no higher stile than that of lord of ireland . mr. molyneux also deals very unfairly in many other particulars , and it appears that he had more regard to the point he contests , than to discover the genuine truth of the matter ; for he hath not only stretch'd in favour of his argument beyond what any authorities can warrant , but he has also conceal'd divers obvious instances that make against him ; of which i shall observe to you some particulars , which have occur'd ▪ to me since i had gone through with my answer : i have accidentally met with sir richard bolton's statutes , ( which he quotes ) wherein i observe , that there are several acts that declare in most express words , that the kingdom of ireland is appending ; united ; knit , and a member rightfully belonging to the imperial crown of england : and yet mr. molyneux observes this to us with such a diminution , as represents it but as it were united , and which he conceives effects no more , than that ireland shall not be alien●d or separated from the king of england ; &c. but i cannot imagine that he is so ignorant of our constitution ; as not to know , that we can have no notion of uniting or annexing to the imperial crown of england , as appropriated to the king's person , distinct from the kingdom , which if it can be sence any where else , is yet perfect nonsence in england . but i have met with one prevarication so notorious , that i must not omit shewing it : mr. molynex in page 41. hath these words ; for the dominion and regality of ireland was wholly and separately vested in king iohn , being absolutely granted unto him without any reservation . and he being created king in the parliament at oxford , under the style and title of lord of ireland , enjoy'd all manner of kingly jurisdiction , preheminence and authority royal , belonging to the imperial state and majesty of a king , as are the express words of the irish statute , 33 h. 8. cap. 1. i must confess , that i believ'd that this statute had been as express in the matter as he delivers it , but 't is so far from it , that there is no mention made of king john , or his grant in it : the words of the act are , forasmuch as the king our most gracious sovereign lord , and his grace's most noble progenitors , kings of england , have been lords of this land of ireland , having all manner of kingly jurisdiction , power , preheminencies , and authority royal , belonging or appertaining to the royal estate and majesty of a king , by the names of lord of ireland . we deny not , that king henry the eighth's progenitors , the kings of england , had this royal , sovereign authority over ireland ▪ but his insinuation , that john had it before he was king of england is plainly false , and not warrantable by this statute . again , he mightily imposes upon the world , in ●sser●ing , that before the year 1641. there was no statute made in england , introductory of a new law , &c. but those which he had before-mentioned : and though while i am dealing with mr. molyneux , i confine my self to mention no authorities but his own , yet i will here presume for a proof of his ignorance or disingenuity , to name some other old acts binding ireland , which have been imparted to me by a very learned and observing gentleman of our house of commons , whose credit i can relye on , without troubling my self to search the records ; and i doubt not but mr. attwood hath been much fuller in this particular , though i deny my self the reading his book till my own be perfected . the statute of york , 12 ed. 1st . enacts laws to be observed in england and ireland ; 11 ed. 3. cap. 3. prohibits any cloaths to be brought into england , ireland , wales , and scotland , ( for we then claim'd a dominion over scotland also ) but such as were made in the king's dominions , upon pain of forfeiture ; 27 ed. 3. erects staple-towns in ireland ; 34 e. 3. cap. 17. enacts , that merch●●nts , aliens or denizons , may come into ireland with their merchandize , and freely return ; 43 ed. 3. cap. 1. the staples of ireland , &c. shall be kept at the places where they were first ordain'd ; 1 hen. 6. cap. 3. enacts that the irish , that have benefices or offices in ireland , shall abide there upon their benefices and offices , upon the pain of forfeiting the profits of their benefices and offices for the defence of ireland , and mentions the like law made the 1st . of hen. 5th . from these and many other instances , it evidently appears , that england hath always exercis'd a legislative iurisdiction over ireland , whenever fit occasions have made it necessary . i have also seen the irish acts of settlement and explanation , and though mr. molyneux says , that they plainly shew , that the parliament of ireland may repeal an act pass'd in england , yet i find nothing like it in those acts ; but on the contrary , the king's declaration , which is of the body of the act of settlement , although it takes notice that the estates and possessions enjoy'd by the adventurers , would prove very defective , if they were examined by the letter of the law , because they had not strictly pursu'd and observ'd those acts of 42 , from which they deriv'd their title ; yet 't is made the first business of this act , to confirm these adventurers in the inheritance of all the estates allotted them by virtue of those english acts of parliament ; and 't is provided , that if they should be obliged to restore any of those lands to innocents , they should be first repriz'd to the full value out of other forfeited lands . what more could be desired , to shew the utmost regard to those english acts of parliament ? 't is true indeed , that the act of explanation retrenches one third of the allotments made to the adventurers ; but this could not be construed as any breach upon the english acts , for if they had taken a greater share , than the lands that remain'd forfeited would amount to , 't was but reasonable to reduce them to a just proportion : so that here again mr. molyneux hath evidently strain'd this suggestion beyond the truth of the fact. i have indeed , remark'd these things at large in their places , but as some more perfect informations have since come to my hand , i thought they might not improperly be hinted here , for the obviating the too great opinion of mr. molyneux's performance , with which some may yet remain praepossess'd , and preparing them to entertain my answer with the less prejudice . i have heard indeed , that 't is not to mr. molyneux alone that we are beholding for this notion , but that it hath for several years past been talk'd on among several of your people , and he hath only redu●'d it into form , and now at last brought it forth into the world ; and you may observe by the votes of our last parliament , that they were of the opinion , that several resolves of your house of commons gave encouragement to the publishing of this book . but i would yet hope , that many of that assembly were not so far appriz'd of the matter , as wittingly to design the doing any thing that should give so great an offence to england : yet i can assure you , from the conversation i have had with several of the members of our house of commons , that although they had not leisure to proceed further upon this business in their last sessions , 't is however very probable that it may be taken into consideration again by the ensuing parliament , as a matter which if it be not check'd in time , may produce very ill effects : and you cannot but be sensible of the dangerous consequences of breaking the fair correspondence and firm confidence that ought always to be maintain'd between the head government and its members ; and that when misunderstandings and iealousies are once entertain'd , they are too apt to be improv'd into extreams on both sides . you know also , that you have an old enemy near you , who would be ready enough to entertain hopes of advantage to themselves from any such iarrings : and you must needs acknowledge , that 't is an imprudent thing to provoke those that have not only right , but also power to support it . it hath been an usual policy with some other governments , to keep so strict a hand over their colonys , as not to suffer the criolians , or people born there , to bear any considerable office or command therein ; but the government of england hath not dealt so ●ardly by you , and doubtless it will be always your interest to prevent the giving any occasion to distrust your fidelity , and to think it may be needful to treat you with more caution . i should think therefore , that you cannot do your selves a greater right , than in the next sessions of your parliament , not only to censure this book , but utterly to disclaim also the notion of your being a kingdom so absolute within your selves , as to be wholly independent of the kingdom of england ; i hope i have been able in my following discourse , to convince any reasonable person that it cannot be so , and that instead of doing you any good , 't would tend to your destruction to have it thought so : yea , and if you should recognize your selves to be a colony of england , ( as i have shewn that you cannot be lookt upon under any other consideration ) i believe nothing can be more agreeable to your circumstances , or better support your title to what you enjoy in that country . it would also be well worth your thoughts , whether it might not be fit for you to shew your readiness to contribute something , according to your ability , towards the reimbursing of england a part of the vast charge they have been at , in recovering that country , and restoring you to your estates ; whereby you may possibly prevent the parliament of england's requiring it of you ; for i can tell you , that since mr. molyneux hath started the thought , some of the most considerable members of our house of commons ●ave talk'd on 't . i have no ill will to ireland , i have had the honour to have been in conversation with many of you , for whom i have the utmost respect and personal esteem , and i have been sorry to see so much of an inclination in some worthy persons , to favour this opinion of mr. molyneux . the sense of power and profit prevails much upon humane frailty ; nay , it easily subdues our reason , and makes us unwilling to entertain convictions against what we have believ'd to be our interest ; but i have endeavoured to shew those that are mislead in this matter , that it can by no means be their interest to be freed from the iurisdiction of the parliamentary authority of england : you know that you are not able to protect and defend your selves against the rebellions of the irish , and that the kings of england cannot raise money upon the people to help you , without their consent in parliament ; would you have them then only to have authority to raise money , and appropriate it to your service , without having any more to do with you ? or can you think , that the parliament of england will ever more assist you upon those terms ? rather may they not with good reason demand a reimbursement of what mr. molyneux owns to be due to us for former assistances ? which would doubtless amount to a greater sum● than you are ever able to pay . people that do good offices , expect at least a grateful acknowledgment from those that receive them ▪ we have never been sparing of our blood and treasure , to help you in your distresses , and yet 't is too well known , that many of your people have been apt to speak very stightingly of what we have done for you , and to tell us , that what we did was not out of regard to them , but to our selves : and since the bill design'd to restrain you from spoyling us in our principal trade of the woolen manufactury , by underselling us in forreign markets , we have been sharply reflected upon in print , as if we were about to ruine and undo you , and even deny you earth and air , and the common priviledges of mankind● nay , we were after a ●ort threaten'd with the danger of your joining with some other interest than that of england , or of your quitting the country , &c. and even mr. molyneux hath given some touche● upon the same string● give me leave to tell you , that this is not lookt upon as a modest or friendly behaviour , much less does it denote any sense of gratitude retain'd in a people that were so lately reliev'd by england , and restor'd to the enjoyment of plentiful estates , which they must never have expected but through the help of england ; and this hath been done wholly at our cost , and they have not ( hither to ) been askt to contribute one penny towards it ; some people would not surely have so soon forgotten so great a benefit . i am yet desirous to reason a little with you upon this matter , but 't is hard to use so much plainness as is requisite , without giving offence to some , which i would as far as possible avoid , my design being real friendship and good-will to you , and i should rejoice if i might be instrumental to reconcile you to an even temper of mind ; but that 's hardly to be done with such as shall persist to be of the opinion that they are altogether in the right : suffer me however to tell you , that you have ways enough to employ your poor , without the woollen trade , which with you ( as to those sorts that hurt us ) is a new undertaking : you have large and encouraging improvements arising from the product of your lands ; your great quantities of provisions , butter , leather , &c. afford you a fair foundation for forreign trade , besides you are very capable of a linnen manufacture , if you will employ your stock and industry that way . on the other hand , england hath for many ages , apply'd her self to the woollen manufactury , the poor are settled in it , and have no other way of livelyhood ; she hath no means of gaining wealth sufficient to support her government without it ; but your being able to work so much cheaper , must of consequence abate the prices to so great a degree , as that she cannot be able to hold the trade ; which in time will cause a decay of her wealth and power , draw inevitable ruin upon her whole empire , and involve your selves in the same : is it not easie then to determine , for whom 't is reasonable to give place in this contest ? 't was upon this consideration , you have been restrain'd from exporting your wools to any country but england , and is not the necessity of restraining the manufacture thereof much more cogent ? bear with me to say , that the evident reason of the thing is sufficient to convince all mankind , that england must be perpetually oblig'd to preserve this trade to her self ; that she cannot suffer any of her members to interfere with her in it , and that to advocate against so just an exerting of the supream authority , shews only a self-seeking temper , in minds that would grasp all to themselves , without having any regard to the well-being of the whole community , of which they are but members : you see the people of romney-marsh , are not willing to be hindred from sending their wools to france , and the justice of the thing is as much to them as you , the only difference is , that they being within the realm of england send representatives to the parliament ; and yet perhaps they would have been as far from consenting as you , if they had not been over voted : but there would be no possibility of conserving societies , if such compulsions might not be exercis'd towards particulars . we must yet own that 't is but a natural infirmity , for men to be hardly perswaded into the right reason of things which they believe to be against their own interest ; nay , we find that they are too apt to be prejudic'd against such who endeavour to convince them of their mistakes ; and as we observe that particular persons are subject to prevailing inclinations , so also there are habits and dispositions , that are in some measure peculiar to distinct countries and people , from whence it hath been usual to give general characters of the inhabitants of particular countries , according to the virtues or vices that have been noted to be most predominant among them ; neither is it difficult to assign some natural causes , from whence such habitual dispositions may proceed ; for some instance whereof , i would offer the consideration of a colony well settled in an abundant country , where the people find very easie means of subsistence and improvement , and are in great measure exempted from the solicitious cares and difficulties of life , that attend the inhabitants of places that are more populous and fully cultivated ; and where also they have been us'd to exercise a large dominion and power over the natives , who have been always kept in a servile obedience and subjection to them , to a far greater degree than can be practiced in a country where the people enjoy a more equal share of liberty : is it not reasonable then to expect , that the inhabitants of such a colony may be naturally generous , hospitable , free of conversation , and of couragious and bold spirits ? these are virtues , which every body will commend ; but is it not as natural for such a people , to be less ready to pay so intire an obedience as may be requir'd of them by their superiours , and to be uneasie under any checks , that may impeach them in the prosecution of such advantages that they may find themselves capable of , without considering how preiudicial they may be to others ? may there not be an aptness in such a people to be somewhat assuming , and to have a good opinion of themselves ? will there not be a proness to impatience , and forwardness to reflect , when any contradiction is given them ? may they not be likely to expect more regard from others , than is really due to them ? is it not probable , that they would be less considerate in giving offence , than ready to take offence at others ? may not heighth of spirit be nearer their temper , than true humility ? moreover , as they have no concern in the transacting with forreign nations in matters of government , they may be the less us'd to consider of the nature and reason of political managements , or to think how far it is incumbent upon a mother nation or supream government , to regulate all her colonies or members , so as that the tranquility of the whole empire may be best conserv'd ; and perhaps they may be subject to forget the obedience and duty which must be perpetually owing from them to her : these are humane infirmities , that may be very naturally incident , to a people under the fore-mentioned circumstances ; and i have met with ingenuous persons who have been bred up in such colonies , that have readily acknowledg'd , that their iudgments have been much rectify'd in these matters , when they have come to see more of the world , and been made sensible of the better accomplishments that are to be found in a more polite conversation ; they may perhaps attain to a good pitch of school-learning , but that can amount to no more than a very superficial knowledge , in respect to the far greater improvement that is to be gain'd by reading the great book of the world , and practising the ample study of men and things . i am tender of putting these things too home , because i know that though men should be brought to see their own infirmities , but few can endure to be told of them ; yet a marriner will esteem him for a friend , that warns him of the rocks and sands that lye in his way , and a wise man will never account such an one his enemy , who over-perswades him into the right way , when he was confidently going on in the wrong . i am sure , i want not good will to the people of ireland , and i believe no man that hath no concern there , can wish their prosperity more than i do , and i am very sensible , that 't is the interest of england to encourage them in all such improvements , as may conduce to their happiness and well being , provided they are such as may not prove highly prejudicial to her self . i shall think my pains in this vndertaking to have been very well bestow'd , if i have been able to offer any thing that may convince you , that 't is your undoubted interest utterly to abandon the thoughts or desires of being look'd upon by the parliamentary authority of england , to be a people wholly exempt from their iurisdiction : and as i know my name is too inconsiderable to add any authority to the argument , i hope i may be excus'd in concealing it from the odium of such , who may not discern the sincerity of my intentions towards you in this essay ; and yet i will not doubt , but there are others who will believe me to be , as i am resolv'd upon all occasions to the utmost of my capacity , to render my self , right honourable , honourable , &c. your real friend , and very humble servant . an answer to mr. molyneux . of all the freedom that hath been taken since the liberty of the press , we have scarcely seen so bold an attempt as that of this author , it being no less than to strike off from the kingdom of england with a dash of his pen , the whole nation of ireland , over which it hath exerciz'd a just dominion for many hundreds of years ; and yet i believe it will appear , that he hath not shewn the want of consideration more in his choosing an argument of so dangerous a consequence , than by his superficial , confus'd and mistaken way of managing it , the strength of any reasoning that he hath offer'd , being much more applicable to the native irish , with whom the original contract ( if there were any such ) must have been made , than to the brittish protestants inhabiting among them . but it is to be considered , that the political state of ireland hath suffered very considerable alterations since the first possession of it by the eng●ish ; for though that first submission of the irish was so universal , as that the english possess'd themselves of most of the considerable towns , and settled far and wide in the island , yet in after times , through the defection of the irish , and the mixing and uniting of many of the old english with them , that part which remain'd intirely under the english obedience , came to be confin'd to a narrow compass , perhaps not above four or five counties , which was till very lately di●tinguisht by the name of the english pale , and the far greater part of the country remain'd under many petty dominions , possess'd by the irish lords and great men , who paid but very little obedience to the government of england ; but on the contrary , some or other of them were almost continually giving disturbance to the english government that was settled there , by which means they were shut out from having to do with the english in the transacting of the publick affairs of the country ; and the reduction of them never came to any tolerable perfection , till so lately as the reign of queen elizabeth ; so that indeed those ancient parliaments , and other managements of the publick affairs there , which mr. molyneux mentions , did scarcely operate further than among the english settlements , which , as i said before , extended but to a small part of the island . there was yet another great occasion which made a very considerable alteration in the administration of the government of that country , and that was the change of religion ; for after the reformation came to be throughly establisht , and the roman catholicks were found to be continually designing against it , all of that religion were excluded from having to do in publick managements ; and this shut out not only the native irish , but even the old english , who mostly continued under that profession . but mr. molyneux takes no notice of the distinctions that ought to be made of these different interests , but that he may carry on his point , blends and confounds them all together ; as if they were to be considered alike , as one intire people , establisht and continuinuing upon the same bottom of government . if then due regard be had to these and other distinctions , which must be observ'd upon his way of arguing , i believe it will be found , that this doughty piece of irish learning will appear but a very indifferent performance . i would not however detract from any thing that may deserve applause , and therefore must commend his smooth way of expression , and own him to be a good master of words , but yet to have applyed them so ill , will still continue him under the censure of being much wanting either in integrity or judgment , and makes this book of his to deserve no better a character than that of vox & praeterea nihil . i have heard indeed , that some have been taken with the seeming modesty and submission with which he introduces his discourse , as if it were but an innocent representation of the ancient rights and liberties of the people of ireland , and a just remonstrance of some encroachments and invasions made upon them by the government of england ; but if it shall appear , that the kingdom of england hath a certain jurisdiction over them , and that it hath never treated them otherwise than according to the rules of justice , and with such a due policy as becomes every supream authority to exercise over all the members of its empire , for the conservation of peace and tranquility to the whole , and in that have not exceeded the bounds of a reasonable and just dominion ; that part of the empire that shall endeavour to withdraw themselves from the subjection which they justly owe to the supream government , that hath always protected and defended them , and shall challenge to themselves immunities and privileges , which never were or could be granted them , without prejudice and injury to the greater body of the government , deserve not to be considered as assertors of their own rights , but rather as invaders of the lawful authority which god hath placed over them ; and certainly it must rather be matter of contempt and derifion , than of commendation , to see a man treat his superiour with a strain of fine , smooth , gentle words , and fawning complements , upon a subject that is altogether imposing and odious to him . thus much i thought requisite to premise , and so shall proceed to the examination of his discourse . in which i intend to take notice only of such matters as i shall think most observable . in his dedication to the king , he humbly implores the continuance of his majesties graces to them , by protecting and defending those rights and liberties which they have enjoy'd under the crown of england for above 500 years , and which some of late do endeavour to violate . his most excellent majesty is the common indulgent father of all his countries , and hath an equal regard to the birth-rights of all his children ; and will not permit the eldest , because the strongest , to encroach upon the possessions of the younger . here is should be noted , that by the crown of england he must intend the kings of england , as distinct from the kingdom , ( although i think this a very improper way of expression ) which is evident from his simile of the eldest and youngest child , as well as by the whole design of his argument ; and this perhaps might have serv'd the turn in making his court to a mac ninny ; or a prince ●ond of the irish nation , but it looks but like a course complement to his majesty , to entertain him with a meer begging the question , when he knows right well , at what a va●t expence of the blood and treasure of england , that country was so lately ( under his glorious conduct ) reduc'd to its obedience ; and he is too just and generous a prince to endure that any parasite should perswade him , that any acquisition gain'd at the expence of great taxes rais'd upon the whole body of his subjects of england , and even appropriated by the parliament for the particular uses in which they were to be employ'd , can appertain to him in any propriety distinct and separate from the imperial crown of england . neither is it reasonable for him to expect , that his majesty should believe , that the some he means , are about to violate their rights and liberties , without clearer proof than any he hath brought . but it may be worth inquiry , to know in what sense he brings ireland in with us for an equal share of birth-right , allowing us no higher priviledge than that of being the elder child . if he means this with respect to the old irish , surely the many disturbances they have given us , and the many occasions we have had of reducing them by force of arms , may fairly admit us to some higher title over them ; but if he means it of the english inhabitants , they will certainly own themselves to be descended from england , and it would ill become them to start up and call their mother by the familiar appellation of sister . what he hints of encroaching upon their possessions , cannot be taken to have any fair meaning , unless he intends thereby to blame us for seizing the estates of those that have been in rebellion against us . in his preface he tells us , how unconcern'd he is in any particular inducement , which at this juncture might seem to have occasion'd his discourse . he hath no concern in wool or the woollen trade , he is not interested in the forfeitures or grants , nor solicitous whether the bishop or society of derry recover the lands they contest about . i believe seven eighths of those gentlemen of ireland , that have been so busie in soliciting against the woollen manufactury bill , might make as fair a protestation as this , and yet it seems they thought themselves concern'd in the consequence of that matter ; but his reach in this , is to shew his dislike of the parliament of england's medling with the business of the forfeited estates , as well as the rest . he says , 't is a publick principle that hath mov'd him to this vndertakeing ; he thinks his cause good , and his country concern'd ; 't is hard if they may not complain , when they think they are hurt , and give reasons with all modesty and submission : the great and iust council of england freely allow such addresses ; to receive and hear grievances is a great part of their business , and to redress them their chief glory , but that 's not to be done till they are laid before them , and fairly stated for their consideration . 't is yet but a private principle , to become an advocate for a part against the whole ; his name shews him to be of english extraction , and i know none of his neighbours under ▪ that circumstance , who don't reckon it a privilege , that they may still own old england to be their country , and be owned by her , though they are permitted to live in ireland if they please ; what if they are not hurt , and the nature of their complaint be such , as that it cannot be thought to be within the bounds of modesty and submission ? how could he be so fond of his project , as to imagine that the parliament of england would freely allow such an address , which impeaches their own just authority ? they will never think the publishing a book to the world , which is little better than sheba's trumpet of rebellion , to be a fair way of stating grievances ; but that 't is a part of their business and their glory , when they think it worth their while , to call such authors to account for their boldness . i begin now with his book , which as near as possible i shall follow in order , and for the authorities which he hath quoted , i shall leave them to him very little disturb'd , but take them as he gives them , whether they are right or wrong , only making such observations as may result therefrom , or from his own reasonings . he begins with a very fine complement again to the parliament of england , and then take upon him to give them due information in matters wherein ( as he says ) another people are chiefly concern'd ; and tells them , that he could never imagine that such great assertors of their own , could ever think of making the least breach upon the rights and liberties of their neighbours , unless they thought that they had right so to do ; and that they might well surmise , if these neighbours did not expostulate the matter , and this therefore , seeing all others are silent , he undertakes to do , ( but with the greatest deferrence imaginable ) because he would not be wanting to his country , or indeed to all mankind , for he argues the cause of the whole race of adam , liberty seeming the inherent right of all mankind . now it seems , from children of the same parent , we are become another people and neighbours ; the irish may be said to be another people , though they have not been very good neighbours to us sometimes ; but the english we may justly challenge to be our own , and not another people ; and we shall hardly admit them to be our neighbours in such a sense , as that we should transact with them in matters of government , upon the same foot , and at equal distance with our neighbours of france , holland , &c. if they expect this from us , i hope they 'll shew us the respect of sending their ambassadours to us , and do this champion of their liberties the honour to let him be the first . can he think the parliament of england will believe themselves to be civilly treated by him , because of his fine words , when he is suggesting to the world as if they acted so unadvisedly in their councils , as to proceed upon surmises , and to take upon them to do what they do but think they have a right to , when indeed they have none at all . but doubtless manking will ever have a higher veneration for those august assembles , than to think them as subject to be mistaken in these matters , as one presuming single gentleman : but he argues for liberty , the right of all mankind : a glorious topick indeed , and worthy of the utmost regard , especially from such great assertors of it as an english parliament : but if people should ask for more then ever was their due , and challenge a liberty of acting every thing they should think for their own profit , thought it were to the damage and injury of others ; to grant this would be an injustice , and a sinful liberty may as well be pleaded for ; such expostulations as these are abominable , and to assume such an equality with our superiours as was never granted us , is an arrogance that might rather have been expected from 〈◊〉 irish than an english man. and after all this , 't is not enough for a man to say , if the great council of england resolve the contrary , he shall then believe himself to be in an error , and with the lowest submission ask pardon for his assurance ; and he hopes he shall not be hardly censured by them , when at the same time he declares his intention of a submissive acquiescence in whatever they resolve for or against : such subjects as these ( as i have said before ) are beyond the bounds of modesty , and cannot admit of any such apologies . he comes now to tell us , the subject of his disquisition shall be , how far the parliment of england may think it reasonable to intermed●le with the affairs of ireland , and bind up those people by laws made in their house . this is certainly a very odd stating the question : what need has he now to enquire , since he knows already , how for the parliament of england have thought it reasonable to intermeddle ? another blunder as bad as this , is his talking of laws made in their house : dot● he not know , that our laws are not made without the concurrence of two houses , and the assent of the king also , as the third estate ? but we will take his meaning to be , to enquire how far it may be reasonable for the parliament of england to intermeddle , &c. and join issue upon that . next he gives us fix heads , from which he undertakes to argue , that they can have no such power . for the first , he pretends to give us the history of the first expedition of the english into ireland , his design being to shew , that the first adventurers went over thither ( yet with the king's license ) upon a private vndertaking , in which they were successful ; but that afterwards , when king henry the 2d . came over with an army , the irish generally submitted to him , and received him to be their king , without making any opposition , from whence he seems to suggest that ireland subjected it self only to the king , but not to the kingdom of england . but he should have considered , that the government of england was a limited monarchy , which was sufficiently acknowledg'd , even by william the 1st . ( commonly call'd the conqueror ) in his swearing to preserve the liberties and privileges of the people at his coronation , and confirming the same to them by his charter ; and though he did indeed afterwards violate them in a greater measure than ever they had been before or since , yet neither he nor his successors did ever take upon themselves to be absolute monarchs : the great power and prerogative of an english king then , can only be due to them as to the supream magistrate and head of the kingdom , and not in any seperate propriety annext to their persons , as distinct from the common-wealth . if then henry the second carried over an army of english into ireland , it ought to be considered as the army of the kingdom ; for it is held as a principle with us , that no king of england may raise any forces in this kingdom , but what are allow'd to be the forces of the kingdom . i am not here arguing whether ever any king did or did not take upon him such an authority , but 't is sufficient for me to offer , that he could not by right , and according to this authors own way of arguing , what may not be done of right ought not to be argued , or brought into president ; if our rights have at at any time been invaded and usurp'd upon , this nation hath had many opportunities of vindicating them , and we do not believe that what we enjoy at this day have been gain'd or extorted from the ancient authority or just prerogatives of the crown , but that they are due to us from the first constitution and time immemorial , and that such violations which have been made upon our constitution , by means of what was call'd the conquest or otherwise , have been justly retriev'd ; so that in respect of matters which regard the right and authority of the kingdom , we may judge according to what is visible , and without controversie admitted at this day : the right and reason of things ever were , and ever must continue to be the same ; according to these principles then , can it ever be admitted , that any acquisition obtain'd in ireland by an english army , under the conduct of king henry the second , could be appropriated to the king , distinct from the kingdom ? we do indeed freequently find in history , and we practice it no less in our common discourse , that the name of the king is us'd by way of eminency , to signifie things done under his authority and conduct as head and chief , when it is never intended to be applyed to his person ; for if i should say , the king of england took namure in sight of the french army , every body would know that i meant the confederate army , under the conduct of king william took it : in like manner we say , such a king made such laws , when indeed the parliament made them : and if it will but be allow'd , that the irish submitted to king henry not out of fear to his person , but for fear of his army , i can make no doubt but that the submission was made to him as king , and head of the kingdom of england , and not as duke of normandy . if he should lay stress upon their submitting to the king and his heirs ; that can import no more than what the words us'd at this day , to the king , his heirs and successors , do better explain . the second argument is to shew , that ireland may not properly be said to be conquered by henry the second , or in any succeeding rebellion . i shall not dispute with him in how many differing senses the word conquest may be taken , i will grant to him that ireland was not conquered by henry 2d . in such a sense as to enslave the people , or subject them to an absolute power , and yet for all that , the word conquest ( meaning a forcible gaining ) is much more applicale to henry the second's acquisition of ireland , than to william the first 's obtaining the crown of england ; he had a pretence , and came not to conquer but to vindicate his right ; he was encourag'd to come over , abetted and assisted by a great number of the people , who hated harold's government ; he fought against harold ( who was not generally consented to by the people as a lawful king ) and his abettors , but not against the body of the people of england ; he pursu'd not his victory like a conqueror , but receiv'd the chief of the people that came to him with respect and friendship ; they chose him for their king , he swore to conserve their laws and liberties , and to govern them as their lawful prince , according to their own form of government . on the other hand , king henry had no such pretence of right to the kingdom of ireland ; his descent was a prrfect invasion ; he was not call'd in by the people of ireland , and his business was nothing else than to conquer and subdue the kingdom : 't is true , the people made no opposition , but 't was because his power was dreadful to them ; what 's the difference between yielding to an invader without fighting , or after the battel , more than that one shews want of courage , the other of success ? but are not both alike to the gainer , when he hath got his point ? the irish made no terms for their own form of government , but wholly abolishing their own , they consented to receive the english laws , and submitted entirely to the english government , which hath always been esteem'd as one of the greatest signs of a conquest : but if he will be satisy'd in what sense the people of that time understood it , let him but look again into his giraldus cambrensis , and see how he can translate the words , hibernia expugnata ; and what 's the meaning of qui firmissimis , fiidelitatis & subjectionis vinculis , domino regi innodarunt ? but what may put it out of all doubt , that the body of the people of ireland made an intire submission to the kingdom of england , in the person of king henry the second , is his own quotations ; omnes archiepiscopi , episcopi , & abbates totius hiberniae , receperunt eum in regem & dominum hibernieae , jurantes ei & haeredibus suis fidelitatem , et regnandi super eos potestatem in perpetuum , et inde dederunt ei chartaes suas , exemplo autem clericorum , praedicti reges & principes hiberniae , receperunt simili modo , henricum regem angliae in dominum & regem hiberniae , et sui devenerunt , et ei et haeredibus suis , fidelitatem contra omnes iuraverunt . and in another , nec alicujus fere in insula vel nominis vel ominis er at qui regiae majestati et debitum domino reverentiam , non exhiberet . and yet after he hath made these and more such like quotations , 't is strange to see the same man come and say , from what forgoes , i presume it appears that ireland cannot properly be said so to be conquered by henry the second , as to give the parliament of england any jurisdiction over us . he makes out an entire submission to the king of england , and yet allows no jurisdiction to the parliament of england . let him shew us if he can , by what right a king of england may take to himself a separate dominion over a country , brought into subjection by the help of an english army , so as that it shall be no way subjected to the parliamentary authority of england : but such arguing as this , must either render him very ignorant of the constitution of our government , ( which i believe he would not be thought ) or wilfully guilty of maintaining an opinion destructive to the rights and priviledges of the people of england . i think him very much out , in asserting the rebellions of ireland to be of the same nature with the commotions that have happen'd in england : however historians may make use of the word rebellion , to please the party that 's uppermost , yet there 's an easie distinction to be made between a rebellion and a civil war ; when two princes contend for the supream government , and the people are divided into opposite parties , they fight not against the established government of the kingdom , the dispute being no more but who hath most right to be in the supream administration of it : or if the people find themselves opprest , and their liberties and properties invaded by their prince , and they take up arms to restore the government to its right basis ; in both these cases it may most properly be term'd a civil war ; and of these kinds have been the ruptures in england which he instances : but if people who live in a settled common-wealth , where the laws made or consented to by their ancestors are in force , and justice is duely administred , shall take up arms to oppugn the legal authority plac'd over them , to overturn the government , and assume to themselves liberties and priviledges prejudicial to the common good , or to dethrone a rightful prince , who hath govern'd justly ; this in its very nature is a rebellion . i am not ignorant , that all contending parties pretend to be in the right , and that they take up arms justly , and none will own themselves rebels , unle●s they are forc'd to it ; but yet 't is evident that there is a real right and wrong in these things , and there have been many instances in which the impartial world could easily judge where the right lay . if it be not so , i leave it to this gentleman to furnish the world with some other good reasons , why the old irish and ancient english have been so severely handled in that kingdom . his third inquiry is , what title conquest gives by the law of nature and reason ? mr. molyneux hath shewn himself a good advocate for the irish in what forgoes , but if he had been a general in the irish army , i see not what more powerful arguments he could have chosen , to stir them up to fight valiantly against the english ; than by telling them , as in effect he doth here , that the first invasion of the english upon them was altogether unjust ; that henry the second was an agressor and insulter , who invaded their nation unjustly , and with his sword at their throats forc'd them into a submission , which he cou'd never thereby have a right to ; that posterity can lose no benefit by the opposition which was given by their ancestors , which could not extend to deprive them of their estates , freedoms , and immunities , to which all mankind have a right ; that there is scarce one in a thousand of them , but what are the progeny of the ancient english and brittains : if the irish were conquered , their ancestors assisted in conquering them , and therefore as they were descended from these old english , they could never be subjugated or brought under the modern english. this is the substance of his own discourse , and according to his own notions of the freedoms and immunities to which all mankind has a right , he might have told them in consequence , that 't was their duty to exert their own rights and liberties , expel the english out of the nation as invaders , and make themselves and their posterity as free as any of the rest of the sons of adam . any one may judge of this gentleman's discretion , by his publishing such notions as these among the irish , with whom perhaps they may be taking , but the people for whom he designs his discourse won't be so easily caught with his sophistry . he grants us , that the practice of the world may not come up to the rectitude of his doctrines , but he is inquiring what right they have to what they do practice . well we have the world of our side at least , if after a possession of above 500 years , we don't now much trouble our selves to inquire what right henry the 2d . had to invade ireland with an english army . i wish i could find out the posterity of those o's or mac's , that were heretofore the rightful possessors of the lands which this gentleman now enjoys in ireland , and which they never parted with for any valuable consideration ; only to see , whether he would so much outdo the rest of the world , as to practice his own principles , and very fairly give up his lands to them , as to the right heirs at law. but to dispute a little with him about this matter : the end of all government is for the benefit of mankind , many nations have been subdued and conquered for their own good , and whoever hath been an invader that way , hath done them right and not wrong : so did the romans , conquer people from under the power of tyrants and oppressors , barbarism and ignorance , to make them members of the best and freest government in the world , and to civilize them into good manners and useful arts ; and thus is henry the second 's invasion of ireland to be justify'd and commended : he began to rescue the people from the oppressions and violences of their own wild princes , and the blood and rapine to which they were frequently expos'd , upon every quarrel and invasion of so many petty monarchs , and from which in process of time they were totally delivered by the authority of england : he gave the people the english laws , constituted parliaments , and the english form of government , to this , by his own confession they freely submitted , and doubtless they were convinc'd that 't was for their good : but no history tells us , that he reserv'd not the direction of the state to england , and constant practice all along shews the contrary . his plausible arguments for the liberty and right of all mankind ; that conquests cann't bind posterity , &c. are wholly misapply'd in this case , and he abuses mr. lock , or whoever was the author of that excellent treatise of government , in referring to that book on this occasion ; for that worthy gentleman doth therein argue the case of people whose just rights are violated , their laws subverted , and the liberty and property inherent to them by the fundamental laws of nature , ( which he very accurately describes ) is invaded and usurp'd upon , and that when this is as evident and apparent as the sun that shines in a clear day , they may then take the best occasion they can find to right themselves . this is a doctrine that all good men may assent to , but this is in no wise the case of ireland ; they did as he owns receive ( and 't was to their own advantage ) the english laws , and swear fealty to the king ( that is , to the government ) of england , and did reciprocally receive from him the priviledge of being admitted to be free denizons of england , whereby they evidently gave up themselves to be incorporated into , and become members of the english empire ; and to this day they remain to enjoy the liberties and priviledges of freemen of england , unless there happen to be such as have forfeited the same according to the municipal laws of the government ; but he endeavours to evade the possibility of their forfeiting , by suggesting as if they were to be considered as a different , contesting nation : and therefore , 't would be unreasonable to put the municipal laws of particular kingdoms in execution between nation and nation in the state of nature . if a nation that once was distinct , consent to imbody itself into the government of another that is more powerful , receive it's laws , and submit to its constitution without reserve , may they ever after be lookt upon as in the state of nature , or shall they not rather be esteem'd as a member of the greater body , and be held to obey all such ordinances as are calculated for the good and welfare of the whole ? if after this , without any breach made upon them on the part of the greater , they shall endeavour to withdraw themselves from the subjection they have sworn to , and shall take up arms , and commit hostilities upon their fellow-subjects , may not this be called a rebellion in a settled common-wealth ? and have not the municipal laws of the whole empire brought them under the forfeiture of life and estate ? doth the being separated at a small or greater distance by sea , ( as islands must be ) seperate them from continuing members of the common-wealth to which they were once join'd ? if these things are to be brought in question , the english of england and ireland both , must have much to ans●er for to the ancient irish. yet i am in no doubt but that the english have so fairly administred the government , as that they can well justifie themselves in all the severities that they have been forc'd to exercise upon the irish , as justly drawn upon themselves by reason of their r●bellion : have we not always own'd them to be freemen of england , and allow'd them the same privileges as english men ? have they not been permitted to exercise all offices , ecclesiastical , military , or civil , with the same freedom as english men ? if since the reformation , the roman catholicks have not been suffered to act in the government , have not the roman catholicks of england been as much restrain'd ? nay , have not the irish been much more indulg'd in the exercise of their religion by connivance , than those of england ? these treatments towards them , have given no occasion to this author to trouble himself so much , in inquiring into the state of slavery , and the terms that just or unjust conquerors may or may not use , for 't is not in the case . the premises considered , methinks , he should grant us that some of the disturbances the irish have given us , at least the massacres committed upon their fellow subjects , ( of our own blood ) should not be reckon'd as fair warring between nation and nation ; but that they might very well be accounted as rebellious ; and then why may not our subduing them , give us the title of rightful conquerors over them ? and if upon such delinquencies we had abridg'd their posterity in some of those privileges granted to their ancestors , upon their first coming in to us in henry the second's time , we had done no more than what he owns conquerors commonly do : and yet we have not put any such hardship upon the posterity of those people , for the fault of their rebellious fathers ; i know not that any irishman , quatenus an irishman , is at this day deny'd any of the privileges that an englishman can challenge ; if he be a deli●quent , or a roman catholick , he is us'd no worse than all englishmen that are in the same circumstances : if we have slain , executed or banish'd the persons of those that have been actually in rebellion , and seiz'd their estates as forfeited , this is no more than what he himself hath taken pains to prove may be done by the laws of nature , or the municipal laws of kingdoms : where 's then any room for complaint , or reason for his elaborate arguments , on a subject that does not concern us ? the author by saying so much that directly reflects upon what hath been acted by the english in ireland , hath given me the trouble to say thus much for the vindication of them ( and among the rest , i suppose his own ancestors ) in their conduct towards the irish , and to shew how well they have kept to the original capitulation on their part : but i cannot end this head without takeing notice of his remark , that even a iust conqueror gains nothing over those that conquered with him , and fought on his side : why should he trouble the world with arguments , to establish a position that no body ever deny'd . but if the progeny of the old english , that serv'd under henry the second in the conquest of ireland , have since joyn'd with the native irish in any rebellion against their mother country , their crime is greater than that of the irish ; and yet would he have us still treat them as conquerors of our side , when they are fighting against us ? certainly this must forfeit all the regard that was owing to them for the good services of their ancestors , and justly entitle them to the same treatment that is due to other rebels . yet for all this , if he or any body else ( as he proposes ) claims the like freedoms with the natural born subjects of england , as being descended from them : i know no body that will deny them to him , if ( as i said before ) he be of capacity , and qualified as the law now requires : he may come here , and even be a member of our legislature , ( if he can procure himself to be chosen ) as many others of that kingdom always are : and let him for ever hereafter remember , that we receive them , and treat them all as equal members of the same body with our selves ; and if it be at any time requisite for the good of the whole , that we should enact any thing binding upon ireland , we do it not in respect of their persons , but in regard to that part of the empire they live in ; and if i my self ( or any other englishman ) should think it for my interest to become an inhabitant there , i must be as subject to it as he is . his fourth proposition is , if a conqueror just or unjust , obtains an absolute , arbitrary dominion over the conquered , so as to take from them all that they have , and to make them and their posterity slaves ; whether yet if he grants them concessions , bounding the exorbitancy of his power , he be not obliged strictly to observe those grants ? i have shewn before , that he had no reason to aggravate the question to such extremities in our case , because we have never pretended to exercise so arbitrary a power over the people of ireland . he goes on then , to shew by precedents , records and history , what concessions have been granted them ; by what steps the laws of england came to be introduced into ireland ; he would prove , that anciently the parliament of england was not thought to have any superiority over that of ireland : and gives his answers to what obiections are moved upon this head. but i believe we shall find this as little to the purpose as the former . he might have spar'd his pains in taking up so many pages to convince us against all objections , that henry the second did establish the english laws and form of government in ireland ; that he gave them a modus tenendi parliamentum ; that an exemplification of it made in henry the fourth's time was extant ; nay , that they believe they have found the very original record of king henry the second , and to give us so ample an account through whose hands it hath pass'd ; it may be really so , or may be not so , for all its venerable , ancient appearance , we can conclude with no more certainty than he leaves it , only we may believe from the credit of the arguments produced by his nephew , samuel dopping 's father , the reverend and learned doctor dopping , late bishop of meath , that this old modus was found in the treasury of waterford by my lord longford's grandfather . my reader may perhaps think me as impertinent in this repetition , but i do it to shew that i have in this abbreviated about nine of his pages , which offers no more of argument to the matter , than that henry the second settled the kingdom of ireland under the very same coustitution of governm●nt with england ; and this we should as readily have granted as he could have propos'd ; and 't is sufficiently to our purpose that he hath abundantly prov'd ; that all ranks and orders of the irish did unanimously agree to submit themselves to the government of the king of england ; that they did thankfully receive the laws of england , and swear to be governed thereby ; and i know not what hath releas'd them from any part of that obligation to this day , himself owning , that there cann't be shewn a more fair original compact , than this between henry the second and the people of ireland , and we have desired no more from them , than that they should continue to be so governed . he tells us , it is manifest , that there were no laws imposed on the people of ireland , by any authority of the parliament of england , nor any introduced by henry the second , but by the consent and allowance of the people of ireland , and that both the civil and ecclesiastical state were settled there , regiae sublimitatis authoritate ; not only this , but the manner of holding parliaments also , to make laws of their own , ( which is the foundation and bulwark of the peoples liberties and properties ) was directed and established there by henry the second , as if 〈◊〉 were resolved , that no other person or persons should be the founders of the government of ireland but himself , and the consent of the people , who submitted themselves to him against all persons whatsoever . was it fit for the king to have carried a parliament about with him ? or because he had not a parliament there , must it follow therefore , that their authority could never have any concern in what was done ? the king was now abroad with the forces of the kingdom , and 't is not to be suppos'd , that his own authority was not sufficient to make terms with the enemy if they submitted ; we do not pretend that the power of our king is limited at that rate , yet whatever submission is made to his person on such occasions , is doubtless virtually made as to the supream authority of the kingdom , and that i believe every body will allow to be in our constitution , the king , lords and commons , in all whom the legislature resides , and not in either separate from the rest . the king may be said to be vested with the power of the whole , in the civil and military administration of the government , and yet whatsoever is acted or acquired under his authority as king of england , must doubtless be esteemed to be for the account of the nation , and not in any propriety peculiar to himself . to talk then , as if the parliament had nothing to do in this transaction , and that king henry the second acted in it as if he were resolv'd that no other person or persons , should be the founders of the government of ireland but himself , is language not becoming an englishman ; and i wonder that this author could have so little sense of what he was about , when he said this , for in the very next paragraph ( but one ) he gives us an instance , which shews beyond all contradiction , that king henry himself had no such opinion of his own seperate authority . and now he comes to the matter , and tells us , that king henry about the 23d . ●ear of his reign , and five years after his return from ireland , creates his younger son john king of ireland , at a parliament held at oxford ; and that by this donation ireland was most eminently set apart again , as a seperate and distinct kingdom by it self from the kingdom of england , and did so continue until the kingdom of england descended and came unto king john , after the death of his brother richard the first , which was about 22 years after his being made king of ireland ; during which time , and whilst his father and brother were successively reigning in england , he made divers grants and charters to his subjects of ireland , wherein he stiles himself dominus hiberniae , and in some dominus hiberniae & comes meritoniae ; by which charters both the city of dublin , and divers other corporations , enjoy many privileges and franchises to this day . we know that di●ers of our kings have at several times granted out parcels of their dominions to their sons or subjects , and endowed them with many royal privileges , yet always as feudatories of the empire , after the same manner , so much anciently practised in most kingdoms of europe ; such have been in england , the principality of wales , the counties palatine of chester , lancaster and durham , and what was much less considerable than these , the isle of man was given with the title of king in man , ( which was more than king iohn had ) which continues in the earls of darby at this day . in like manner also have proprietoryships been granted to the settlers of colonies in america in our time ; and such and no other was this grant of king henry the second to his son iohn ; but what is very remarkable in this case , is , that this grant was made in parliament . did ever ▪ man so expose himself in print ? what he hath been endeavouring to prove , is , that the irish were never so conquered by henry the second , as to give the parliament of england any jurisdiction over them , and yet here he tells us , that this same king henry created his son iohn king of ireland , in a parliament at oxford ; which to word it in the stile of this time , is to say , that about the twenty third year of henry the 2d . an act of parliament was made at oxford , by which iohn , the younger son of the said king , was created king of ireland . is it possible to think upon a greater instance , in which the authority of a parliament over a people can be exerted , than this of creating a king to rule them , and that without ever asking their consent ? and is it not plain from this , that king henry himself did never esteem the submission of the irish to have been made to him in respect of his person , ( according to this author 's new doctrine ) but in respect of the kingdom which he govern'd ? otherwise , why did he not make a king of ireland by his own authority , rather than thus eclipse his power and right , ( if he had it ) by submitting it to be done in parliament ? and i think if i should stop here , and give my self no further trouble , to trace him through the rest of his tedious , tho' shallow arguments , all impartial people would be satisfied in these four points , that the ancient irish did intirely submit their nation to become a member of , and be united to the english empire ; that the parliamentary authority of england hath ever obtain'd over all the parts of its dominions ; that they have exercis'd this authority over ireland even from its first union to this kingdom ; and , that the irish understood their submission in this sense , and paid obedience to this act of an english parliament without regret . but since i have undertaken it , i must go through with him . this creation however , as barely mention'd by him , is not authority enough for mr. molyneux to conclude positively , that , by this donation ireland was most eminently set apart again , ( he seems then to grant that 't was at first united ) as a ●●parate and distinct kingdom by it self from the kingdom of england . he produces no record for this , nor any authentick authority ; what he offers like proof for this perfect separate regality , is only the granting charters whilst his father and brother were reigning , but that 's no more than what hath been commonly practic'd by other feudatorys , and proves nothing of iohn's having an absolute independent jurisdiction . but he attempts further , and tells us , the very express words of the irish statute , 33 hen. 8th . c. 1. by which the style of dominus was chang'd to that of rex hiberniae , are , and he ( meaning k. iohn ) being created king in the parliament at oxford , under the stile and title of lord of ireland , enjoy'd all manner of kingly iurisdiction , preheminence and authority royal , belonging unto the imperial state and majesty of a king. hitherto i have not disputed any of the authorities quoted by mr. molyneux , but here he must pardon me , if i tell him , that if this will pass for an authority in ireland , yet it will not with us : 't is only an irish act of parliament , made as late as henry the 8th's time , that presumes that k. iohn did enjoy all manner of kingly jurisdiction , &c. without referring to any record that was extant for proving that assertion : so that this irish act of parliament is at most but a presumptive authority , and therefore he ought not to think that we can be so far impos'd upon , as without better proof than so saying , to grant that king henry the second , and king richard the first , disclaim'd all title to the dominion and regality of ireland , as if the same had been absolutely , without any reservation , vested in king iohn : besides , even this act of parliament does not use the words absolute and independent . but after all , though none of these proofs will stand good on mr. molyneux's side , i 'le shew him , that this whole business undeniably proves on t'other side , ●hat king iohn could at best be made no more by this donation than a feudatory kingly lord , as i have said before . mr. molyneux hath told us , that king iohn in his charters could not use any higher stile than that of lord of ireland ; can any body believe , that a prince wholly and seperately vested in a dominion and regality , absolutely granted unto him without any reservation , ( as he says king iohn was ) would content himself with any lower title than that of king , unless he had been limited in it by a superiour authority ? and was not that like to be this act of parliament ? can an act of parliament be said to make a king absolute and indedendent , when at the same time it keeps a reservation of the title ? is not this an evident demonstration , that they would not suffer him to be independent , but that they laid that restraint upon him , to shew , that they would always retain in england the supream imperial power over ireland ? how does mr. molyneux know what homage , rent , or other reservations were made ? doubtless all the records touching it are lost , and i presume , he has nothing stronger for this positive assertion of his than the old historians , gir. cambrensis , rog. hoveden , mat. paris , &c. and they don't make out this absolute independent title , without any manner of reservation : is it sense , to think that a people should conquer , or intirely subdue a countrey to themselves , plant a colony there , and then but five years after give it clear away again , never to have any thing more to do with it ? i would fain know what regalia were granted to this absolute king : the kings in man may wear a leaden crown , i 'm afraid king iohn was still but a lord in that respect too , and that he had no crown at all given him , else sure mr. molyneux , if he could have found any , would have told us on 't . but what 's worse than all this , is it possible for one and the same man to be both an independent king and a subject , at one and the same time ? it seems this donation was not so absolute , but that he was still to continue a subject ( as indeed feudatories must to the sovereignty to which they belong ) to old england , and after all his absolute kingship , 't was his misfortune to be try'd by his peers , ( not as king of ireland , but ) as earl of morton , who found him guilty of high treason , and accordingly he was condemn'd , but at the intercession of the queen their mother , king richard gave him his life . i doubt this was enough to loose his independent title to the kingdom of ireland for that time ▪ unless mr. molyneux can find him out another creation , which i believe could not be without another act of parliament ; but there happen'd to be no need on 't , for as he succeeded to the crown of england , ireland came in again well enough in our sense . yet further to put this matter out of all doubt , 't is a maxim not to be disputed , that the authority which grants , must always remain superiour to that which receives the grant , and therefore the feudal law determines that homage and fealty is inseparably annext to all such grants : and though mr. molyneux professes himself very well learn'd in the laws of nature , and reason , and nations , and the civil laws of our common-wealths , yet it seems he is altogether unacquainted with this feudal law ; and if he had been but as well read in the practice of the world as to these things , he might have been convinc'd , that the many feudatory princes still remaining in europe , are not exempted from this dependance : the princes and hans towns of the empire ▪ if they are by length of time grown up to a higher degree of sovereignty , and do not so immediately depend upon the emperour , who in his private capacity was but arch-duke of austria , &c. and but one of the eight electoral princes , yet they are still subject to the supream legislature of the empire , and the imperial avacatoria reaches them : and thus we see , that how great soever that jurisdiction was , which the king in parliament granted to his son iohn , he yet remain'd no more than a subject of the kingdom of england , and was treated accordingly , in his being try'd and condemn'd by the laws thereof . moreover it may be noted , that upon his accession to the imperial crown of england , whatever feudatory royalty he had before , became now merg'd and extinguisht in his own person , which by reason of it's being head and supream , could not at the same time be capable of any feudatory subjection ; so that there was an absolute determination of the former grant , which could not ag●in be reviv'd but by a new donation upon another person . i hope i have now so far remov'd this main pillar of mr. molyneux's structure , that i may take the liberty as often as i shall have occasion hereafter , to deny positively , that king iohn was ever made absolute king of ireland , without any dependance on england . here mr. molyneux had brought his argument up to a pitch , and concluded us under a perfect real seperation , and thus he puts it upon us ; let us suppose , that king richard had left issue , whose progeny had governed england , and king john 's progeny had governed ireland , where then had been the subordination of ireland to the parliament , or even to the king of england ? certainly no such thing could have been then pretended . but this is but a supposition , and fit for none but people of his size ; who take up matters by appearances and presumptions , and assume the confidence from thence to be positive in their assertions , giving no allowance for the possibility of being mistaken : but we need not suppose in this matter , but may be confident , that the supream authority over ireland must always have continued in the kingdom of england , as it does at this day , and he hath made nothing appear to the contrary . de non apparentibus , & non existentibus , eadem est ratio . yet i cann't but remark how he enjoys himself in this supposition , when he thought he had gain'd his point ; where then had been the subordination ? if any such there be , it must arise from something that followed after the descent of england to king john ; for by that descent england might as properly be subordinate to ireland as the converse , because ireland had been vested in king john twenty two years before his accession to the crown of england ; yes , and 't was the ancienter kingdom too . is it likely that king iohn , who had not before thought so well of his kingdom of ireland as to make it his residence , but chose rather to remain where he was but a subject , when he was now become a real king of england , should be so far taken with the fancy of the ancientest kingdom , ( if it were so ) as to put the greater , and by many degrees the more powerful , more pleasant , and more civiliz'd kingdom , in subordination to the less , which was then of no power or consideration in the world ? and that he should be better pleas'd with the stile of lord of ireland , and king of england , than that of king of england , and lord of ireland ? or is it likely , that england who in that very age had subdued ireland , and added it to its empire , should now be contented to submit it self , and become subordinate to ireland , so as that the administration of the government there should direct the grand affairs of england ? is not this perfect jesting and fooling with argument ? but he tells us , if perhaps it will be said , that this subordination of ireland to england , proceeds from ireland 's being annext to , and as it were united with the imperial crown of england , by several acts of parliament in both kingdoms , since king john 's time : this is well acknowledged , for it makes out clearly , that ireland is a kingdom as firmly united to the kingdom of england , as the legislature of both kingdoms could do it : if he would yet distinguish between the imperial crown ( as his words are ) and the kingdom , i have shewn before how there cannot be any such distinction in england . but though in the former passage of iohn's being created an independent king by act of parliament , he shews himself to be quite overseen and blinded , by his depending so much upon it through the rest of his argument ; yet he perceives plainly , that a fair inquiry into this annexing , will not turn to account for him , and therefore although he is not wanting to be very particular and exact in his numerous quotations of other authorities , yet here he is cautious of imparting any further light into this matter , than just to tell us , there are several such acts of parliament both in england and ireland : surely these english acts might be said to be binding upon ireland , and therefore too they must be conceal'd , and we shan't have one word of them anon , when he pretends to reckon up all those statutes that the english parliaments have made to affect ireland : and i cann't find that he meddles with it any more , tho' he says , that he shall enquire more fully hereafter how this operates : but for the present he only tells us , that he conceives little more is effected by these statutes , than that ireland shall not be alien'd or seperated from the king of england , who cann't hereby dispose of it otherwise than in legal succession along with england ; and that whoever is king of england , is ipso facto king of ireland , and the subjects of ireland are oblig'd to obey , &c. doth not this strongly assert the parliamentary authority ? if he had said , that it should not be alienated or separated from the kingdom , he had spoken english , and set the matter right ; but if he will insist upon so fine a conceit , as to divide between the political capacity of the king , and the kingdom , if it be not bad english , is however language that cann't be understood in england . now he tells us of king iohn's going again into ireland , about the twelfth year of his reign of england , where above twenty little irish kings did again do homage and fealty to him , and he constituted the english laws and cust●●s among them , placing sheriffs and other ministers , for the administration of iustice to the people , according to the english laws . this is a further proof of the intire resignation and submission of the irish to the government of england . he goes on , king henry the third , his ( king iohn's ) son , in the first year of his reign , granted to ireland one or two magna charta's , ( but he owns that 't was ) by the advice of his english privy council . let it again be observ'd , that this king did not transact this matter by any seperate authority , but did it in his privy council , which is exactly according to our constitution , and that being the same method in which all the administration of the government of the kingdom of england was directed , it shews that those kings govern'd ireland in no other manner than as a member of the english empire . we agree with him , that all the rights and liberties of english-men were granted to the people of ireland , that they had the privilege of holding parliaments , and in short , that they had a compleat jurisdiction and form of government settled and allow'd to be exercis'd among them , as far as was requisite for the well-governing and regulating the particular management of the affairs of so considerable a people , that were now become a member of the english empire , and were seperated by sea from the seat of the supream government : yet all this must be understood to be no otherwise than in subordination to the supream authority of england , which is evident , not only from the reason of the thing , but also from the practice that hath always been observ'd . can it consist with reason to believe , that any powerful government should subdue another nation much inferiour to them in strength , place a colony of their own people among them , make them denizons and endow them in all the privileges of their own subjects , and yet because they gave them their laws , and constituted the very same manner of government among them as was exercis'd by themselves , that therefore they could not be in any subordination to the kingdom that thus far subdu'd and settled them , but must ever after be esteem'd as a people fixt upon a distinct foundation , and as much seperated from them as they were in the state of nature ? sure this is too absurd to be insisted on ▪ but the constant practice which hath been us'd in the administration of that government , from the first times of their becoming a member of our empire , shews that the kings of england did never treat them as a propriety of their own , and distinct from the jurisdiction of this kingdom ; were not these magna charta's ( as his own authorities prove ) given with the advice of the privy council of england ? and have they not always had governours sent them from hence , whether under the title of lords lieutenants , deputies , justices , presidents or otherwise , and that not by the king alone , but nominated in the privy-co●ncil ? and have not these governours been accountable to our parliaments for any male-administration there . all the prime motions and supream managements of their government , are likewise consulted and directed by the king in his privy-council here , such as the calling , proroguing , or dissolving of their parliaments , and the approving all their acts , the sending over and establishing what english forces shall be kept there , the appointing all officers military and civil , &c. is this like a separate kingdom , an independent government , or a neighbour nation as free as in the state of nature ? can any man be so ignorant as to maintain , that the privy-council of england may have authority , where the supream legislature , the parliament , hath none ? doth this leave room to say , that england and ireland , though govern'd under one and the same supream head , yet are as seperate and distinct in their jurisdictions , as are the kingdom of england and scotland at this day ? the privy-council of england never intermeddle in the business of scotland , the king transacts the affairs of that kingdom through the hands of the scotch secretaries , who always attend him in england ; the royal family of the stuarts were their lawful kings , and when our king iames the first succeeded as right heir to the kingdom of england , although he remov'd his residence hither , because this was the much more considerable kingdom , yet no alteration could thereby be made upon their jurisdiction , but the constitution of their government remain'd as entire within themselves as before ; but this author himself hath sufficiently made out , that the accession of ireland to england was in such a manner , as totally abolish'd their former constitution , ( if they had any ) and subjected them to become a member of the english monarchy . i think i have said enough of these matters already , to set them in a truer light than this gentleman hath represented them , and shall not give my self the trouble to remark divers other passages which result from the same erroneous way of arguing , nor to meddle with his long history of what english laws , and in what manner they were introduc'd into ireland , more than to argue some few points with him . he says , if we now enquire what were those laws of england that became thus establisht in ireland ? surely we must first reckon the great law of parliaments , &c. is it not the highest sanction of the parliamentary authority , that all the subjects of the empire must obey its supream decrees ? in receiving then this great law of parliaments , were not the people of ireland for ever obliged as well as to all its former statutes , so also to whatever it should for the future enact , concerning the whole empire in which they now became comprehended ? but mr. molyneux means that law whereby all laws receive their sanction , the free debates and consent of the people , by themselves , or by their chosen representatives . his drift in this is to perswade us , that because it was granted to ireland to hold a parliament within themselves , by their own representatives , that therefore they ought not to be in any subjection to the parliament of england , wherein they have no representatives ; and 't is upon this point that he mightily values himself in much of his after discourse , yet he cann't tye this knot so fast , but that it may well enough be undone : this parliament of theirs could not be granted them further than for the managing their own affairs among themselves ; but the supream legislature of the whole body must be permanent and fixt in its head , according to the first constitution , and cannot be divided or granted away to any member or members of the body : can any thing grant away it self ? a father may grant his son a great deal of liberty , but he can never make any grant to divest himself of his paternal relation . but mr. molyneux can have no notion of liberty , if a man may be bound by laws whereto he hath not given his consent , by either himself or his chosen representative : a little distinction now will make us agree this matter ; 't is yet no oppression upon him , if he neglects to constitute a representative , when the privilege of doing it is not taken away from him : if a man go abroad , and stay many years out of his own countrey , shall he not be bound by the laws made by the community in his absence , because he gave no assent , neither in his person nor by his representative ? in like manner if a colony be settled abroad , shall not the legislature of their mother countrey bind them , if they think fit to enact concerning them , because they had no representatives in it ? yes , very reasonably , for that they are still fellow-subjects of the community , and if they are permitted to live abroad for their convenience , the main body of this their mother country must not be hindred from acting what they shall find necessary for the common good , because of their absence , even although it should respect themselves ; and this without depriving them of any their just rights , because their liberty and privilege still remain'd to them of choosing their representatives to the supream legislature , and they might have exercis'd it if they had stay'd at home , and may again , whenever they 'll please to come in place . they have indeed an authority delegated to them from the head , to enact such laws in their settlement , as may be requisite for the circumstance of that place , but no such privilege can ever be extended to rescind and abrogate their allegiance and subjection to the head of the empire : but i shall come to enlarge further upon this by and by . and now to go on with mr. molyneux : he speaks of two acts made by the parliament of ireland , viz. 10th hen. 4. and 29th . hen. 6. wherein it was enacted , that the statutes made in england should not be of force in that kingdom , unless they were allow'd and published there by parliament . it is not impossible , but that in those days there might be some people there who were of this gentleman's stamp , for assuming as much power as they could , right or wrong , if they could but colour it under the specious pretence of their ancient rights and privileges ; and they might think the reigns of those two princes a favourable conjuncture for such an attempt . the first of them got the crown of england by his sword , and manag'd things as smoothly and easily as possible , and perhaps never thought himself so secure as to exert the utmost authority of his government , on every occasion that might offer . henry the sixth was a weak prince , govern'd and manag'd at different times by the two factions of york and lancaster , from whence arise civil wars , and his own deposing : a better time could never happen , than during the troublesome reign of this king to attempt such innovations . but what if the parliament of ireland did enact a law , derrogating from the authority of the parliament of england , could this abate any thing of that right which england had before ? but 't is plain , that if they did any such thing , they did but think that english acts of parliament could not in any case bind ireland ; for 't is certain , both from the reason of the thing , and former practice , that in some cases they might and did , and even in the second year of this king henry the sixth , ( as he quotes it ) the staple act , expresly naming ireland , was made ; surely the parliament of england must consist of much more considerable men than the parliament of ireland in those days could , and they were most likely to know best what they had to do : and it seems as if the people of ireland themselves had no opinion of the validity of these invalidating acts , in mr. molyneux's sense , because they did not plead them in bar of the staple act , in the case of the merchants of waterford , which he gives us hereafter . there is yet much more reason to believe , that these statutes were made on the very occasion which he hints , to remove scruples , or satisfie the judges in relation to some laws for the administration of justice that were extant in england , and they might have some doubt , whether they ought not also to obtain there , since the generality of the english statutes were reciev'd in ireland , and therefore the parliament of ireland for the clearing any such difficulty for the future , might possibly declare that such statutes were not of force there , 'till they had been establisht by them . and i may easily grant him , that the end and intent of the institution of a parliament in ireland was , that as they were separated from england by the sea , they should have authority to make and adapt laws among themselves , suitable to their own circumstances , and fit for the well-ordering of the affairs of that kingdom ; and therefore the parliament of england did not think fit to impose upon them such laws as were from time to time enacted , suitable to the occasio●s of the realm of england , but left the people of ireland at liberty to choose or refuse such as they thought fit ; and from this reason it must be , that so many of the english statutes as he instances , have been introduc'd into ireland , by passing them into laws in their own parliament . the generous english constitution doth not impose any laws of this nature , or for raising taxes upon any of the subjects of their dominions , without their own consent by their representatives ; this is the great charter of english-men . and because 't was thought that the people of ireland could not conveniently send representatives to the parliament in englaand , they were therefore authorized to hold parliaments among themselves for the tran●acting such affairs ; we allow it to all our colonies in america ; and even wales , after their submitting to the government of england , was not taxt , 'till they were admitted to send their representatives to parliament . this i speak of such laws which regard the administration of commutative justice , regulating their own particular affairs , or raising taxes . but there is yet a higher kind of law inherent in the constitution , whether it may be call'd the law of parliaments , or the common law , i leave it to men of more judgment in these matters than my self to define it , but i mean that which comprehends the subjects of the whole empire , and must be of authority to ordain certain regulations which shall be binding upon the whole in extraordinary cases , where the well-being of the universality is concern'd : england must be allow'd to be the head of this empire , from whence all its members do derive their being , and must depend for their support and protection , the riches which she attracts from the benefit of her forreign trade , is the only means she hath to support her power , and maintain such fleets and armies as are requisite for the defence of all her territories , she must therefore prosecute all justifyable methods for the preserving her commerce , and hath the utmost reason to restrain her members from any prejudicial interfering with her in her trade , because this hath a direct tendency to weaken her power , and render her incapable of supporting the great charge of her government : for this end then , or the like extraordinary occasions , those laws have been made by which the distant dominions are bound , and such have been the acts of navigation , the acts for hindering the transportation of wools from ireland to forreign parts , &c. and though these statutes are enacted when the occasion requires , yet they are not so much to be lookt upon as new laws , ( to use his own expression ) as it were declaratory of the supream authority , virtually inherent in , and inseparably united to the imperial constitution ; and which hath been always exercis'd by this kingdom , and all other governments that have had colonies or territories lying at a distance from them . 't is only the exercise of this supream salutary authority that the parliament of england pretend to , and not to break in upon the just constitution so anciently granted , and ever since continued to the people of ireland , of enacting all such laws by their representatives in their own parliaments , as they think fit to be governed by , or may be conducive to the well ordering the affairs of their own countrey ; and therefore this gentleman hath no reason to tax us so often as he does , with any attempts upon their rights and properties , breaking in upon their old settled constitution , and rendring them the most unfortunate of all his majesties subjects , by weakning their rights to a greater degree than ever was done before . if poyning's law be some check to them , 't was made in favour of the english interest in ireland , and mr. molyneux finds no fault with it , but that still leaves them at liberty to consent or dissent to such laws as the king in his english privy-council may propose to them . the rights that were granted them , were large enough to secure them in the full enjoyment of their liberty and property , in the same manner as if they had liv'd in england ; these we have preserv'd to them inviolated , in as large a manner as ever they were granted ; let him shew any law from england , that hath ever innovated upon their judicatories , their persons , or their estates ; his exclamations can no way be applicable to us , unless it shall appear that we have wronged them in such rights as those : but this supream imperial authority was never granted to them , nor can reside any where as long as the monarchy lasts , but in the king , house of lords , and house of commons in england ; the absolute separation he pretends to in the persom of king iohn , proves a mistake , so that his many peremptory conclusions drawn from thence must fall , as having no foundation . the progeny of englishmen wherever they live , ( and are acknowledg'd to be such ) cannot be exempted from owing allegiance to this supream jurisdiction ; 't is known , that it hath power to command its subjects out of the territories of any other prince , upon the highest penalties , yea and to desert its colonies , and call home the people , if extremity shall so require : he that shall deny it these powers , denies the very essence of a supream government ; and how hard soever this doctrine may seem to people that have liv'd out of england , and have never considered these notions , yet the reason of the thing must obtain upon every impartial man , and convince him , that other principles than these , would have a tendency to scatter and break to pieces all humance societies , and bring people back again into the state of nature . men cannot therefore shake off the duty and obedience they owe to the community , and say , that an unbounded liberty is the right of all mankind , because this liberty was given from them when they were in the loyns of their ancestors , who consented to the terms of the constitution , when they first entred into societies , and which must continue as long as that society shall have a being . 't is plain then , that all just liberty must be bounded by the laws and agreements of the community , and no man ought to challenge to himself more liberty than that allows him . to apply this then to our argument : the people of england may not go out of the kingdom , and settle themselves in any other country , in manner of a colony , without leave first obtain'd of the king , ( as head of the kingdom ) neither may they enter into a new society , and erect a new form of government different from that of their own country , in any such settlement , but they must have directions and authority from the king , by his charters , letters patents or commission , whereby he grants them the exercise of the laws of england , and the power of calling together their own representatives , to enact such further laws ( not repugnant to the laws of england ) as shall be requisite for the good government of their affairs , in relation to which they are left to their own liberty and free-choice , and not interrupted by the government of england : if after all this , the king in parliament shall find these people or their posterity , attempting any thing in this settlement , which if it be not stopt , must prove very prejudicial and destructive to england : will any man pretend to argue , that the kingdom which permitted , assisted , and protected these people in their settlement , hath no authority left in her self , to restrain them in matters that tend to her own hurt and damage ? and yet such restraint is not to be accounted an invading the rights and liberties of englishmen ; 't is only a limitting them from acting or doing something in the place where they are , that however profitable it might be to themselves , would yet be very damnifying to the greater body of the community , of which they are a member ; neither is this restraint any more than in regard to the place , their persons are still free , and they may if they please , return to their own mother country , and practice the same thing there , with as much freedom as any other of their fellow subjects . if the reader should think i have been too tedious upon this point , i hope he 'll consider , that if many words be necessary at any time , 't is then when we are to perswade people out of that wherein they believe their own interest and profit greatly consists . i think the report of the case of the merchants of waterford is an authority which very much confirms what i have said ; but because he lays much stress upon it , not only here , but in another place , when he treats upon the lord chief justice cook 's opinion , i will transcribe the latin record at large as he gives it : dicebant quod terr . hibern . inter se habent parliament . et omnimo●o cur . prout in angl. et per idem parliamentum faciunt leges & mutant leges & non obligantur per statuta in anglia , quia non hic habent milites parliamenti , sed hoc intelligitur de terris & rebus in terris illis tantum efficiendo ; ( i believe it should be efficiendis ) sed personae eorum sunt subject . regis , et tanquam subjecti erunt obligati ad aliquam rem extra terram illam faciend . contra statut. sicut habitantes in calesia , gascoignie , guien , &c. dum fuere subjecti ; et obedientes erunt sub admiral . angl. de re fact . super altum mare ; & similit . brev . de errore de iudicio reddit . in hibern . in banco reg. hic in angl. i shall now take the liberty to vary somewhat from the verbal translation , and render it in that sense that i think this opinion of the judges of the court of exchequer may be taken : they say that the land of ireland hath a parliament within it self , and courts ( of judicature ) every way like to those in england ; and that they make and change laws by ( the authority of ) this ( their ) parliament , and ( therefore ) the statutes ( which are made to bind ) in england , do not bind them , because they have no representatives here , ( in the parliament of england . ) but 't is always to be understood , that this ( the laws made in the parliament of ireland ) must only have relation to that country , and to such matters as are transacted ( among themselves ) therein : but they ( the people of ireland ) are in their persons subjects of the king , ( and kingdom of england ) and as subjects , they shall be oblig'd not to do any thing out of that country , against statutes , ( made in england to prohibit them ) like as the inhabitants of calais , gascony , guien , &c. while they were subjects ; and they shall be obedient to the admiral of england in all things done upon the high sea : in like manner also a writ of error upon iudgment given in ireland , lyes from the court of king's bench in england . i confess this opinion is oddly worded , but i shall make no further comment upon it here , having occasion to speak at large to it in another place , where it will appear , whether the sense which i have put upon it , may not be more agreeable both to the passage it self , and to the opinion which we shall afterwards find the lord chief justice cook gave of it , than to that turn which mr. molyneux hath given it . but he notes upon it , that upon a second consideration of this case before the judges in the exchequer-chamber , the 1st . hen. 7. hussey the chief justice gave his opinion , that the statutes made in england shall bind those of ireland ; which was not much gain-said by the other iudges ; notwithstanding that some of them were of another opinion the last term. and he is offended at this opinion , and suggests as if 't was the presence of the chief iustice that influenc'd those other iudges , which had not been of the same mind : he notes also , that brook in his abridging this case , makes a note upon it , intimating thereby , that hussey 's opinion was not reasonable . yet this is no more than mr. molyneux's construction of this intimation ; but if he had any such scruple , is it strange thing for lawyers not to jump in their opinions in some cases ? yet it seems those that were present with hussey , and heard the arguments , were so far convinc'd as to become of his mind , without saying much against it : but i cann't believe that judges were so ea●ily to be influenc'd , contrary to their judgments , by a lord chief justice then , more than now , when we have seen two of them persist in an opinion , against the other ten. he comments also upon the first opinion in this case , and says , that those judges were not so concluding upon them as hussey , and they did almost seem to extend the iurisdiction of the english parliament over the subjects of ireland , only in relation to their actions beyond seas : even this is handle enough for us to lay hold on , for the doing whatever we shall think requisite for the preserving of our commerce . but he says , this will appear unreasonable , because by the same argument scotland may be bound by english laws , in relation to their forreign trade , as they are the king's subjects . the scots are subjects of the king , only as he is king of scotland , and we have no pretence to meddle in their government ; but ireland is upon another foot , 't is not an independent kingdom ; though it hath a parliament , it is not compleat in its own jurisdiction , but is subordinate to england , and they can transact nothing of weight in their administration , without orders and directions from the government of england , all this i think is clearly made out already . but he makes all the advantage possible of the words , personae eorum sunt subjecti regis , &c. and tells us , if being the king of england 's subjects be a reason why we ought to submit to laws , ( in relation to our trade abroad ) which have not receiv'd our assent , the people of england will consider , whether they also are not the kings subjects , and may therefore ( by this way of reasoning ) be bound by laws which the king may assign them , without their assent , in relation to their actions abroad , or forreign trade ; or whether they had not been subjected to the king of france , if our kings had continued in the possession of that country , and then if france had been the strongest , it might seem that the subjects of england might have been bound by laws made at paris , &c. what a parcel of argument is here ? i repeat so much on 't only to expose it . 't is evident , that the judges in their opinion , by the words subjecti regis , mean the same thing , as if they had said subjects of the kingdom of england ; for they say afterwards , that while they are subjects , they shall be under the admiral of england , &c. if they had said the king's admiral , could we have thought of any other than the admiral of the kingdom ? having noted this distinction , i will say no more to the rest . he tells us , that in the reigns of edward the first , and edward the third , knights , citizens and burgesses , were chosen in ireland , to serve in parliament in england , and that they have so served . what ? and could ireland be then a distinct and separate kingdom ? surely our ancestors ▪ would scarcely then have admitted them to sit together with themselves in their grand senate . i hope after this , what i have before alledg'd of ireland's haveing been always in the condition of a member of the english empire , ever since its first accession , will never more be doubted : they have been , when the circumstance of time hath made it convenient , admitted to send representatives to the english parliament , and may again , if our parliament think fit . he admits of the acts made in the 17th . of king charles the first , for encouraging adventurers to raise money for the suppression of the rebellion there , to be binding in ireland , but then they were made for their good ; and afterwards when the acts of settlements were made by the irish parliaments , these english acts were made of no force , which shews that they have a power of repealing such acts made in england . from hence 't is apparent , that our parliament have not been ready to exercise this authority , but when the welfare of the whole body requir'd it , and that they were then contented to take no notice of such alterations made by them , which might be needful and of use to them , and he hath reason to acknowledge their tenderness to them in this respect : but i believe these english acts were not repeal'd , and therefore this instance will not maintain the assertion which he raises from it ; that the parliament of ireland may repeal an act pass'd in england , in relation to the affairs of ireland . the acts of king charles 2d . reign , against planting tobac●o in ireland , for encouraging shipping and navigation , and for prohibiting the exportation of wool from ireland to any country except england , he acknowledges , do name and bind them too , so as they do not transgress them , and he hath nothing to urge to take off their efficacy ; but how rightfully this can be done , is the question . i answer , by that right which , as i have shewn before , must be inherent in the supream legislature of the english empire , for conserving the well-being of its body . the acts of his present majesties reign , he acknowledges to be such as the necessity of the time requir'd , and to be made in their favour ; but that these should be argued as a precedent of their submission , and absolute acquiescence in the iurisdiction of the parliaments of england over that kingdom , is what they complain of as an invasion of their legislative right . we have reason and precedents enough to vindicate the just authority of the english parliaments in these matters , and they are not under any ne●cessity of dating this power as commencing from the first of these acts , not over thirty seven years past ; so that he need not be concern'd to think , that they can make any ill use of these precedents : but whatever this gentleman's principles may be , his following expressions seem very arrogant , from a person who at fi●st pretended to so much submission ; but i hope the body of the protestants of ireland understand their duty , and their own interest better , than to offer at throwing off the authority that the kingdom of england hath for so many ages had over them ; and i doubt not but they will believe , the hazard of doing it would be much greater , than any inconvenience they have ever found in england's way of protecting them . we are now come to his fifth article , viz. the opinion of the learned in the laws , relating to this matter : and he begins with the lord chief justice cook , for whose name he bespeaks a great deal of respect , although he treats him but somewhat roughly ; but this seems to be the gentleman 's particular talent . he says , the lord chief justice cook quotes many authorities to prove that ireland is a dominion divided and separated from england , and in particular the fore-mentioned case of the merchants of waterford , but he finds fault with him for citing it unfaithfully and brokenly . the chief justice doth indeed abridge it , ( and it seems by the alteration of the words as if he had cited it by head , not transcrib'd it out of the book ) which is a thing not unusual , nor to be esteem'd a fault in such authors , if they give the passage its due weight , and that i think he does , as to the matter for which he quotes it ; but what he especially blames , is , that the chief justice upon the words of the report , that the statutes of england don't bind them , ( ireland ) adds in a parenthesis , ( which is to be understood , unless they be specially named ) and that herein he concludes magisterially , so it must be , this is my definitive sentence , without giving any other reason . it is not unusual for men of this judges authority , when they note their opinion transiently , not to dilate upon it ; if that be not the point they are directly handling , yet mr. molyneux confesses , that in another place he gives this assertion a colour of reason , by saying , that tho' ireland be a distinct dominion from england , yet the title thereof being by co●quest , the same by iudgment of law , migh● by express words be bound by the parliament of england . but this doth but make the matter worse with him : he hath before enquired how far conquest gives a title : but he would fain know what lord cook means by iudgment of law whether the law of nature , and reason , or nations ; or the civil laws of our common-wealths , in none of which senses , he conceives , will he or any man be ever able to make out his position . ; and now he gallops away with this , that there 's no stopping him for two or three pages , bespattering the chief justice all the way ; and though there is a great deal of his sort of reasoning in it , yet i think it not worth the readers trouble to repeat more of it , than that he conceives my lord chief iustice cook to have applyed himself so wholly to the study of the common laws of england , that he did not much enquire into the laws of nature and nations , else sure he could not have been guilty of so erroneous a slip. nay , this assertion of his is directly contrary to the whole tenour of the case he cites , for that very act of parliament on which the iudges debated , and which they deemed not to be of force in ireland , does particularly name ireland , so that here again lord cook 's error appears most plainly . well , if he 'll be but a little cool , we may deal well enough with him in this matter too , wherein he thinks he hath so much advantage : but now after all mr. molyneux's inquiries , he hath not said enough to convince me , that the lord chief justice cook is in the wrong , to believe that england hath a title to ireland by conquest : nay , i do believe further of the chief justice's side , that that conquest hath given her so just a title to all that supream authority which she pretends to hold over ireland , as that by judgment ( or in reason ) of law , her parliaments may bind ireland , if nam'd in the law , and that she is warranted therein by the laws of nature , reason , and nations , ( the civil laws of particular common-wealths i don't understand ) and also by the fundamental laws of the original constitution of the english government , and i have already endeavoured to make out this position so clearly , that i shall say no more to it here , but leave the matter referr'd to the reader 's judgment . the censure which he passes upon so venerable a person as the lord chief justice cook , that he must be very little acquainted with the laws of nature and nations , should methinks but ill become a writer so little known in the world as mr. molyneux , especially when in this first essay of his he hath discovered much more of his assurance than judgment . but now to vindicate the chief justice from the gross errors with which he charges him , we must look back again upon the opinion of the judges in the exchequer-chamber , as he hath deliver'd it in page 90 , 91. they were consulting , whether the staple-act , made in england , could bind the people of ireland ; they argue after this manner , ireland hath a parliament of its own , which makes law 's for the ordering matters among themselves , and therefore the statutes made in england don't bind them ; by which they must mean such statutes which are made in general terms , and for the particular occasions of england ; for 't is plain , that what they intend when they say , that the people of ireland , as subjects of the king , are oblig'd to act nothing out of that country against the statutes , is , of such english statutes as name ireland ; for the subject of their debate was about a statute wherein ireland was named . these judges of the exchequer do here make two conclusions , that seem contradictory : first , they say our laws don't bind them , but that is in respect of things transacted within themselves , wherein the parliament of england don't meddle ; but then in the second place , they say , our statutes did bind the people of ireland , in matters not relating to what was done within themselves , and therefore they concluded that this statute did , because they were particularly named , else there had been no such dispute about it , and this reconciles both these conclusions . soon afterwards ( as is aforesaid ) when this cause came to have a second hearing before the judges in the exchequer chamber , the chief justice hussey declar'd , that the statutes made in england shall bind those of ireland , to which the other iudges agreed , without saying much against it : but doubtless this opinion is to be understood of such statutes only which name ireland ; and as to this statute they all agree , that it had its full effect upon the people of ireland : where then is this erroneous slip of the lord chief justice cook ? in repeating the words of the first opinion , that our statutes don't bind them , he notes in a parenthesis the tenour of the latter opinion , ( unless they be especially named● ; ) this is not contrary , but agreeable to both the former opinions , how then doth he differ from them ? indeed the first opinion says only , that they should be obliged in matters done out of that country : but hussey and cook take no notice of this distinction , but give their opinion somewhat more general . cook infers , that if ireland be specially named , our statutes do bind them , which still is not contrary to the case which he cites , for that entirely agrees with him , excepting only in this difference , he infers that ireland is bound , that asserts that the people of ireland as subjects of the king are bound , the case stands stated alike to both , 't is if they are named in an english statute . if this distinction will do mr. molyneux any good , let him enjoy it , for me it sufficeth , if i have shewn that the lord chief justice cook 's assertion is not directly contrary to the whole tenour of the case which he hath cited : he notes , that the english statutes don't bind ireland , unless they are specially named ; this case shews , that because ireland was named in it , those judges were of the opinion , that the people of ireland as subjects were oblig'd to pay obedience to this staple act , as far as it required ; i see therefore no contrariety to it in this his assertion , but a great deal in that of mr. molyneux , where he says , 't was the vnanimous opinion of all the iudges then in the exchequer chamber , that within the land of ireland the parliaments of england have no iurisdiction , whatever they may have over the subjects of ireland on the open seas . i appeal to the words of the opinion , whether it denies , that the parliament of england hath any ( manner of ) jurisdiction within the land of ireland , there 's nothing in it so positive ; if it says , that ireland hath a parliament within it self , it notes also , that 't is only for ordering of matters fit to be transacted among themselves : if it says , that the statutes in england don't bind them , because they have no ▪ representatives there , it may well be understood of such statutes that are directed for the particular occasions of england , wherein ireland is not named ; it doth not in the least offer at the denying the jurisdiction of the parliaments of england , in naming ireland ; for it directly concludes them to be subjects of the king , which cannot be meant in any separate sense from the kingdom , because it says , they shall be under the obedience of the admiral of england , and the king hath no admiralty or navy distinct from the kingdom : nay ; their quoting the lying of a writ of error in the courts of ireland , ( after they had own'd them to have such courts , as well as a parliament , in the very same manner as those in england ) from the king's-bench in england , could be he here to no other purpose , than to shew that england had jurisdiction over ireland in some matters ; and certainly where england has any authority at all , it cannot be severed from the supream legislature . but since he lays so much stress upon the words , ad aliquam rem extra terram illam faciend . ( though it is to be noted by the way , that this deliberation was upon a statute respecting only matters to be done out of the kingdom ) yet i 'll do him all the reason possible , and if i should take the words in the strictest sense he puts them , and grant that those judges at that time had not considered the matter further , than to think that the jurisdiction of the parliaments of england did not extend to enact laws , binding within the land of ireland , he must yet allow that judges are sometimes mistaken in their opinions , and we do not admit their sentences to have the force of laws , as neither will he himself the opinions of the lords chief justices hussey and cook ; if then the reason of the thing , as well as ancient practice , be quite otherwise , ( as i hope i have sufficiently shewn in this case ) we may very warrantably conclude this opinion of these judges to be erroneous , if they intended it in the same sense which mr. molyn●ux takes it . he hath not yet done with the lord chief justice cook , but tells us , that this assertion is likewise inconsistent with himself in o●her parts of his works , where he says , that the laws of england had been granted to ireland , and thereby ireland being of its self a distinct dominion , and no part of the kingdom of england , was to have parliaments hold●n there as in england . the chief justice might well say , that ireland had a distinct dominion , and parliaments within themselves , every body must own it needful , because of their being divided from england by the sea , that they might thereby be enabled to regulate matters among themselves as the circumstances of time and place should require . may not the city of london be said to have a kind of a distinct dominion , and a sort of a parliament held within themselves , even after the pattern of the grand parliament of the kingdom ? the lord mayor , after the manner of the king , calls and dissolves their assembly ; the aldermen ( after once chosen ) have right of session for their lives , as the house of lords ; the common council-men ( resembling the house of commons ) are chosen annually by the respective wards , ( like the counties ) all these assemble in common council , and there enact laws for the good government of the citizens , which the grand parliament rarely , if ever , controul ; and though their jurisdiction be much less than that of ireland , yet it is a certain jurisdiction , so firmly establisht , as that it 's held that it cannot lawfully be taken away , or altered , by any power in england , but the supream legislature , and that it must stoop to ; and the same the lord chief justice cook says of this distinct dominion of ireland ; that notwithstanding it hath a power , jurisdiction , and authority , which is compleat within it self , yet it must pay obedience to the supream legislature of england , whenever any extraordinary occasion shall make it needful for that to name it specially ; and therefore the tenour of his judgment upon this whole matter shews , that by his terming them no part of the kingdom of england , ( because they have such a distinct administration among themselves ) he does not in the least intend , that they should be lookt upon so separated , as to be out of all reach of the supream imperial authority of england ; so that in all this there appears no inconsistency ; he never asserts what mr. molyneux assumes , that the king and parliament in ireland is a legislature equally as supream as that of the king and parliament in england , and it must be very unaccountable in any one to do so , who knows that all irish acts of parliament must be approv'd in the privy council of england ; i 'll warrant him , they 'll take care that they shall never enact different or contrary sanctions , so that he need not from this fear the consequence of ireland's having two supreams . he hath one touch more at the lord chief justice cook ; he quotes him , saying , if a king hath a christian kingdom by conquest , ( as king henry the second had ireland ) after the laws of england had been given them for the government of that country . &c. no succeeding king could alter the same without parliament : which by the way seems nothing contradictory to all that mr. molyneux hath quoted , of what he says concerning ireland , but is a farther indication that his opinion was always steady , that the king and parliament of england , and not the king alone , held the supream authority over ireland . and now he hath done with this reverend iudge , and i am very glad on 't , because i doubt i have tyr'd my reader with such an abundance that i have been forc'd to say for the judg's vindication ; but to make amends , i 'll try to divert him a little , by telling a short story upon my self : when i was a boy , i thought once that i had espy'd a fault in a performance of my master's , and i had the assurance to tell him on 't ; he first fairly convinc'd me , that i had not taken the thing right , and then very gravely told me with a bent brow , that 't was more like my boyish confidence to find faults where none were , than the solidity of his stronger judgment to commit such . now for pilkington's case : the king first grants a patent for an office in ireland , to be held by pilkington or his deputy ; but after this , the same king grants the same office to a , who who sues for it , and pleads an act of parliament in ireland , that no person might execute any office there but in his own person , on pain of forfeiture ; he proves that pilkington acted by a deputy ; the iudges thereupon decide in favour of a. what 's this to the parliament of england's jurisdiction over ireland ? it shews no more than that the judges of ireland were of the opinion , that the kings letters , patents could not over-rule an irish act of parliament . indeed he tells us , that in the pleadings 't was offer'd , that ireland time out of mind had been a land separated and distinct from england , and ruled and governed by its own customs , that they could call parliaments within themselves , &c. it seems two of the five judges held this prescription void , and thô i will not dispute ( as it seems they did ) about the word prescription , yet 't is well known , that what jurisdiction they had , was granted them by the supream authority of england , and i know no body denies it them , only we cann't admit them to strain it , beyond what was ever intended : it says further , that two of the iudges affirm'd , and the other three did not deny , that a tax granted in england , could not affect ireland , except it be approv'd in the parliament in ireland : this is not what we contest about , i never heard that england did ever raise taxes upon any members of her empire , without the consent of their representatives . as for the merchants of waterford's case , we have both said enough to that already : that of the prior of lanthony in wales comes next ; he sues the prior of mollingar in ireland , for an arrear of an annuity , and obtains iudgment against him , both in the common-pleas and kings-bench in ireland ; mollingar appeals to the parliament in ireland , and they revers'd both iudgments ; upon this lanthony removes all into the king's bench in england , but that court would not meddle in it , as having no power over what had pass'd in the parliament of ireland : lastly , he appeal'd to the parliament of england , and it does not appear that they did any thing in it . what of all this ? the court of king's-bench in england , although they had authority to determine upon matters brought before them by writ of error out of ireland , yet they did not believe , they had any power over the parliament of ireland : doubtless they were in the right ; but it seems 't was then believ'd that the english parliament had , else lanthony had never petition'd ; but it does not appear that they did any thing upon this appeal , the petition only being entered at the end of the roll : why ? that 's a plain sign , that 't was the very last thing of the session , and the parliament was dissolv'd , prorogu'd , or something , before they could go upon it , or perhaps the matter was agreed , or the prior's dead before next sessions , or fifty reasons more that might be offer'd against his sleeveless suggestion , that the parliament of england did not think themselves to have a right to enquire into this matter , because nothing more than the petition is found upon record ; but i 'll tell him a better reason of our side , 't is not probable that they would have receiv'd the petition , if they did not believe they had right to decide upon it . the next thing is about the acts of recognition , and this he begins with an ingenious confession , that the kingdom of ireland is inseparably annext to the imperial crown of england , and the obligation their legislature lies under by poyning's act , makes this tye indissoluble : this is enough to make out all our pretensions upon them ; 't is strange to see a man writing a book against the natural consequences , when yet he so easily agrees upon the premises . the imperial crown of england denotes the supream authority of the kingdom ; the material crown is but a badge of this authority , and is given to the king , not as his own separate propriety , but as an ensign of the authority which he enjoys , as head of the kigdom ; if any body should steal this material crown , and break it to pieces , as bloud did , the supream authority of the king and kingdom remains entire and inviolated : this supream authority always resides in the legislature , which in our constitution is inseparably vested in the king , lords , and commons ; there can be no annexing to the imperial crown of england , distinct from the supream imperial authority of the kingdom ; if any territory shall be annext to this imperial crown , it must become a member of the empire , otherwise 't is no annexing ; and because there can be but one supream legislature , every member or part of the empire must be in some subordination to that supream legislature , whatsoever other jurisdiction it may retain , as necessary to its own particular regulations within it self ; otherwise it can be no member , but must remain a perfect body of it self . i think these are positions that won't easily be disprov'd , and we have a compleat instance of them in the kingdoms of scotland and ireland , as they stand related to england ; scotland is an ancient , distinct , and ( saving the old pretensions of england upon them ) independent kingdom , hath an imperial crown of its own , worn by a long succession of kings , whose posterity came to inherit the kingdom of england , and remove their seat hither , yet 't was not in their power to annex the kingdoms , without their joint consent , so that they remain an intire sovereign kingdom , govern'd according to their own constitution , without any subordination to england to this day ; and therefore in the late happy revolution , when king william and queen mary had obtain'd the intire possession of the crown of england , they did not pretend to that of scotland , 'till the states of that kingdom had conferr'd it upon them by a free election . on the contrary ; ireland ( whatever it was anciently ) was no intire kingdom , when the english first took possession of it , but divided into many jurisdictions , under petty princes ; it had never any diadem or ensign of royalty , that ever i could hear of ; it was entirely subdued , and brought under the english government by conquest , ( as all authors , except mr. molyneux , agree ) it was brought into the form of a kingdom , and afterwards had that title conferr'd upon it , and was endow'd with laws , and a constitution of government , by the authority of england , who from the beginning reserv'd and exercis'd a superiority over them ; and ( mr. molyneux being quite mistaken in the grant made to king iohn ) it was never separated from being a member of the empire of england , but ( even as mr. molyneux confesses ) remains annext to it to this day . the supream legislature of england ( then in being ) presented the title of it to king william and queen mary , at the same time with that of england , without asking the leave of the people of ireland ; in like manner , they have proclaim'd all the english kings with that title at their first accession , and have , as he owns , concluded ireland in all acts of recognition . what if the parliaments of ireland have also recogniz'd ? 't was but to own their allegiance ; our kings were as effectually vested in the dominion over ireland before , by the authority of england , and double doing in such a case can be no harm ; neither can this be any argument to prove , their having all iurisdiction to an absolute kingdom belonging , or that they are not subordinate to any legislative authority on earth . now he tells us , as the civil state of ireland is thus absolute within it self , likewise so is the ecclesiastical ; and just so it is , but that is without any absoluteness in either . the multitude of the native irish , and the old english , were doubtless very averse to the establishment of the reformed religion , because they have continued rom●n catholicks ever since ; and yet this reformation was begun there by no other authority , than an order of the king and council in england , to the lord deputy , to cause the scriptures and the common prayers to be us'd there in the english tongue ; from whence 't is evident , that they did not then think their own ecclesiastical jurisdiction so absolute , as that they could oppose it to the authority of england . he quotes a record out of reyley , that edward the second , upon a motion of his parliament at westminster , had sent his letters patents to the lord iustice of ireland , that he should order that the irish might enjoy the laws of england concerning life and member : from whence he infers , that the parliament did not then think , that they had iurisdiction in ireland , otherwise they would have made a law themselves to this effect : can this be any more than an instance of what i have all along said ? that our parliaments have always been willing to leave the peop●e of ireland , as much as possible , to the exercise of their own form of government , in matters relating to themselves , and not to interpose their own supream authority , but upon extraordinary occasions , wherein the welfare of the whole was concerned ? but can it be any argument , that they thought they had no such authority , because they did not think ●it on this occasion to use it ? mr. molyneux finds , that the lying of a writ of error from the king's bench in england , on a judgment given in the king's bench in ireland , lyes heavy upon him , and therefore he labours mightily , and turns it every way to get rid on 't ; first he says , 't is the opinion of several learned in the laws of ireland , that this is founded on an act of parliament in ireland which is lost . how learned soever this opinion may be , i am sure 't is not very judiciously offer'd here ; for no body will believe that the legislature of a kingdom that thought it self absolute , could do so foolish a thing as to make a law themselves , that should put them under the administration of another kingdom , in so high a point as the controuling all their judicatures ; and therefore if ever they made such an act of parliament , 't is not to be doubted but that at that time they were very sensible , that whatsoever authority they had among themselves , was all deriv'd from , and in perpetual subordination to the supream authority of england . indeed he comes and says after , that this suit is made to the king only , the matter lies altogether before him , and the party complaining applyes to no part of the political government of england for redress , but to the king of ireland only , who is in england : that the king only is sued to , the law books make plain , &c. for above two pages . fine , very fine spun are these arguments , but withal so extream ●light , that they won't hang together : if the king was ever us'd to ●it there in person , was there not always four english judges constituted in that court , ( whom the king in those days could not remove at pleasure ) who had authority to judge , whether the king were present or absent ? or does he think , that when an irish appeal came before them , these judges could not meddle in it ? or if they did , whilst the king was present , they were all on a suddain swallowed up , or consubstantiated into the king ? or if they acted in his absence , an irish cause would immediately transubstantiate them all four into the real presence of one king of ireland , in his proper person ? but if this should be too gross to put upon mr. molyneux , we must e'en resolve it t'other way , and conclude , that he thinks the judges and courts of judicature are no part of the political government of england : he hath abundance of other pretty conceits , how and which way this business of the writ of error might come about , and in what sense it may be thought to operate ; but i 'll leave him in the quiet and peaceable enjoyment of them , because i think it not worth while to trouble my self or the reader more about them ● ▪ we may be sure he would not hav● us to conclude , that if the king's b●nch in ireland ●e subordinate to the king's bench in england , that therefore it must follow , that the parliament of irela●d is subordinate to that of england ; and though , as he sees , we have a very good argument for that , a fort●ort , yet what i have said before may satisfie him , that we have other demonstrations enough , to assure us in the constant subordination of that kingdom to this , besides the lying of this writ of error , which the very reason of the thing ( maugre all his endeavours to shift it ) will evince , that this preheminence must infallibly have been preserv'd to england from the first annexing of ireland ; for after they were become obliged to be rul'd and govern'd by our laws , whether should they resort to have them explain'd , but to that authority that gave them ? i cann't omit observing , how very pertinently he concludes this his fifth article , with a memorable passage out of their irish statutes : and that is the act of faculties made in ●●●land the 28th . hen. 8. reciting a former act , in the praeamble of which 't is declar'd , that this your graces realm recognizing no superiour but your grace , hath been , and yet is free from any sub●ection to any man's laws , but only such as have been devised within this realm , for the wealth of the same , or to such others , as by sufferance of your grace , and your progenitors , the people of the realm have taken at their free liberties , by their own consent ; and have bound themselves by long use and custom to the observance of , &c. now this very declaration , with the other clauses of the said english act , is verbatim recited in the irish act of faculties . behold the mighty force of this argument ! the people of england did in an act of parliament make a declaration of their ancient undoubted rights and liberties , proper and peculiar to their own constitution : the parliament of ireland pass the same act there , and take upon them to ape the very words of this declaration in their act , though the same could not be proper or rightly applicable to the circumstances of their constitution , ( for the laws given them at first from england , were never devised within that realm ) therefore the people of ireland cannot be under any subordination of the parliament of england . and now he 's come to the 6th . and last article , viz. the reasons and arguments that may be further offered on one side and t'other in this debate : and here mr. molyneux opens a very diverting scene , but fitter for ridicule and disdain than argument : he tells us , there remains another pretence or two for this subordination to be considered ; and one is founded on purchase : 't is said , that vast quantities of treasure has been spent by england from time to time , for reducing ireland , which has given them a just title at least to the lands of the rebels , and to the absolute disposal thereof in their parliament , according to the examples in forty one , and the late rebellion in this reign . i am sorry that he has so little sense of the great benefit which the protestants of ireland have receiv'd , by the interposing of the english power in their favour . 't is not to be disputed , that the late king iames had all the haereditary right that was entail'd upon their independent ( as he terms him ) king iohn ; and although he had abdicated the crown of england , yet by this gentleman's notions , he had still an undoubted title to the kingdom of ireland , which he came to possess , by the assistance of a very considerable power from france ; and ( if mr. molyneux's doctrine be sound ) could any body then blame the irish , and old english , of his own religion , to join with him , in the asserting his ancient right to that kingdom ? for my own part , i must own , that i know no other reason that can justifie us in our engaging in that war , for the recovery of ireland , than the old english principle , that ireland was our own , as an inseparable member of the english empire ; and i am sure , all the english protestants of ireland were then glad to have us assert that right , or else their fair estates in that country must have left the greatest part of them to go a begging at this day , unless perhaps they could have reconcil'd themselves by turning papists ; it being well known , that they were so far from valuing themselves upon their own strength , that ( excepting that gallant and resolute resistance made by the people of the north , at london-derry and inniskilling ) they gave up all , and generally ( meaning the people of note ) fled to england ; ( though many are of the opinion , that they might have done more for themselves than they did , if they had staid : ) thus were their estates lost to them , beyond hopes of recovery , but by the strength of england : indeed when we had sent over an army , some of them went back again , and together with those that remain'd in ireland , did expose themselves , and acted a fair part in the war ; yet all they were able to do , was so inconsiderable , in regard of the whole management of the war , that i believe it won't be pretended , that we were made masters of ireland one day the sooner for their help . the vast charge of an army , a●ms , artillery , ammunition , provision , shipping , &c. all this have we born , and paid for , by raising taxes upon our own estates , when we knew they were not able to contribute any thing themselves ; and after all this , what of a man can have the impudence to dispute with us , whether we have any right to the forfeited estates in ireland ? if the kingdom of england hath no just jurisdiction over ireland , i will affirm , that the irish were in no rebellion , but were in the exercise of the natural allegiance , and in the discharge of that duty which they ow'd to their lawful king ; there was no act of their parliament to declare king iames abdicated , and the throne vacant , neither indeed was there any pretence for it ; because he came , and was actually present among them , and in the full exercise of his de facto kingly power , as to them : but ( as i said before ) the people of england having in their convention ( which at that time was the representative of the nation ) conferr'd the crown of england and ireland , and all other territories and dominions belonging to the english empire , upon king william and queen mary ; the kingdom of ireland , as a member of the english body , was as much bound to submit to that revolution , as new-england , or any of the rest of our colonies ; and therefore the opposition made by the irish against it , was a perfect rebellion , and render'd them liable to all the pains and penalties which the municipal laws of the kingdom could inflict upon rebels : this then justly forfeited their estates to the king , as he is the head , but not as in any separate capacity from the kingdom of england : we know however , what authority the king hath to dispose of these estates , to such as may have deserv'd well ; and if the parliament of england shall acquiesce therein , that 's no argument that therefore they have no authority to intermeddle in that matter , and their former practice ( as he confesses ) hath shewn the contrary . he owns , that in a war , the estates of the unjust opposers , should go to repair the damage that is done ; but theirs do not resemble the common case of wars between two forreign enemies , but are rather rebellions , or intestine commotions . and so we say . but , he continues , if the protestants of ireland , by the assistance of their brethren of england , and their purse , do prove victorious : a fine turn indeed ; the matter of fact is , that the army of england prov'd victorious , and that without any thing that might reasonable be call'd assistance from their brethren , ( as he , though somewhat assumingly in this case , calls themselves ) the protestants of ireland , and yet forsooth the victory must be theirs : no man of modesty , as this gentleman would bespeak himself , could dare to put upon the world at this rate . well , but he tells us , the people of england ought to be fully repaid ; but then the manner of their payment , and in what way it shall be levyed , ought to be left to the people of ireland , in parliament assembled . he owns the debt , and that we ought to be paid , but how , and which way , and when , ought to be left to them ; a pretty new-fashion'd priviledge this gentleman is inventing for his country ; provided they own the debt , the creditor must be contented without any security , without any terms , and ( consequently ) without any interest , how long soever he may be kept out of his money ; he ought to leave all that to the good will and pleasure of his honest debtor ; but i believe mr. molyneux would be loth to pass for such a fool , in his own way of dealing in the world , and sure he must measure us by an irish understanding , if he thinks this sort of reasoning will go down with us . he goes on , and so it was after the rebellion of forty one ; that 's a mistake , ( though it deserves a harder word ) for he tells us , the adventurers had several acts of parliament made in england for their reimbursing , by disposing to them the rebels lands ; so that it was not then left at the discretion of the people of ireland : but after all , it was thought reasonable , that the parliament of ireland should do this in their own way , and therefore the acts of settlement and explanation made all the former english acts of no force , or at least did very much alter them in many particulars . here'tis plain , that acts of parliament were made in england , for disposing the forfeited estates of ireland , which were be liev'd to be of validity , and a sufficient security to the adventurers at the time when they were made , otherwise people would not have advanc'd their money upon them ; and though i am no lawyer , and don't think it concerns me to look after those acts , yet from the reason of the thing , i cann't believe that those persons that advanc'd this money , could afterwards be legally depriv'd of the interests granted them by those english acts , by any after authority of an irish parliament : if any were , i would advise them yet to s●e to an english parliament for relief . 't is true , there had happen'd a revolution , and perhaps some people that had those lands , might be lookt upon as under delinquencies to the government that then came to be uppermost , and we know that some of the irish papists were very strangely restor'd to their estates , and the possessors put out ; yet if some injustice was done , at such a time when many things were carried by extreams , nothing will prove an invalidating of those english statutes , less than either a total repeal of them , and that he seems not to stand upon here , ( though he suggested it in another place ; ) for he only says , they were made of no force , or at least were very much alter'd in many particulars ; which is a certain sign they were not repeal'd : or to shew that they were so altered , as to take away all the lands that were possess'd by any of those adventurers , or their descendents , by virtue of those acts of parliament : if that cann't be made out , ( which sure he won't pretend to ) it will remain , that those english acts of parliament did really dispose of the rebels lands in ireland ; and if there be any after settling or confirming them to the safety of the proprietors , by act of parliament in ireland , that cannot impeach the authority of the first acts. well , he still allows , that we shall be repaid our expences ; all they desire , is , that in preservation of their own rights and liberties , they may do it in their own methods , regularly in their own parliaments : and if the reim●ursment be all that england stands on , what availeth it , whether it be done this way or that way , so it be done ? a pretty loose way of talking this ; he speaks as confidently of reimbursing us , as if that were a small matter , and they had this way and that way , ways enough to do it ; and they are so well prepar'd , that they desire nothing else but liberty , to let them do it in their own methods . i am sorry we han't heard one word like this offer'd in their parliaments , 't would have lookt much better from them , than from mr. molynellx , to have taken notice of this great debt to england , and to have at least declar'd their intent of paying it ; but he is a member , and perhaps he knows their minds better than i do ; and because he proposes so fairly , i am willing to strike a bargain with him ; if he 'll undertake on the behalf of ireland , i 'll undertake on t the part of england , that if they are in good earnest , willing and able to pay us his debt , the parliament of england ( and i hope my good intention in this matter , will obtain their pardon for my presumption ) will leave them intirely at liberty , to raise it according to their methods , as regularly in their own parliaments as he desires ; and this being ( as he says ) all they ask , let him but publish himself in print once more , and engage to pledge his own estate ( which by the way he may value the less , by how much he is indebted to me , and the rest of the good people of england , for what we have paid to redeem it ) to the publick , for the performance ; i 'll engage not only my estate ( which is somewhat to me , if it be not so great as his ) but my life too , that the parliament of england will assent , to give them what time they please , for the payment of the principal , if they can but give security for the payment of the interest at 6 per cent. ( though the interest of ireland is 10 ) and i believe i might adventure to promise , that upon the performance of such articles , they would make him as compleat a king of ireland as ever his king iohn was , and also give him a better estate to support that dignity , than was given to that prince . i don't love banter , but how can a man treat such discourse otherwise ? is it not certain , that we have expended more money ( besides the invaluable blood of our people ) in the reductions of ireland , than all the lands in the possession of the english are worth ? and yet we have been so generous to them , as hitherto not to ask for one penny of reimbursment from them . but see the inconsiderateness of this gentleman , he hath been so far overseen , in the saying any thing that he has thought could give the least support to his unreasonable argument , as not only to scatter many pernicious notions , which the irish may lay hold on to the prejudice of the english ; but here also he hath started a thought , that is capable of being improv'd more to the benefit of england , than to the advantage of his own country-men , ( as he distinguishes ) the english of ireland . is there not reason , that those who receive the greatest benefit by the publick expence , should contribute a proportion towards it ? the people of england receive but a distant advantage by the reduction of ireland , and yet they have born the whole charge ; the protestants of ireland have receive'd an immediate benefit , by being restored to very great and improving estates , and yet they have paid nothing ; the government of england is extreamly in debt , and the taxes will continue to lye very heavy upon the inhabitants of england , where the means of sustsistance is much harder ; but ireland is recover'd into a flourishing condition , and through the great plenty and cheapness of provisions , the people there by a little abatement of their abundant way of living , may spare taxes much more easily then england : what then if the parliament of england should entertain this thought of his , and become of his opinion , that they ought to be repaid their expences ; and that the people of ireland are now in a condition to contribute something towards it ? especially since they are already become so upish , and retain so small a sense of gratitude for the great support we have so lately given them , as that not only this gentleman , but others also have shewn their readiness to fly at our heads , and even threaten us with the consequences of their resentments , for our only offering to check their progress in a manufacture , which cannot be carried on there but to the ruine of england : i say , if upon these considerations , and so extraordinary an occasion , they should require a certain summ from the people of ireland , i know not but that it may well consist with that supream authority , which ( as i have endeavoured to shew ) must be of the essence of every compleat empire ; and that it would be no violation upon that constitution which was given them , if our parliament should be content , that in preservation of their own rights and liberties , they may have liberty to raise it in their own methods , regularly in their own parliaments . perhaps mr. molyneux will tell us , that they have a negative upon us ; but he hath before put us in mind of an unlucky hank that our admiralty hath on them . i doubt the gentlemen of ireland won't be well pleas'd with me for touching upon this point , but they must reflect upon their own advocate , but for whom it had never come into my mind ; and they ought not to be offended with me , for answering him in such a way as his own arguments require : i never design'd them any ill office , and if any advantage should be taken by this , i am as ready as mr. molyneux himself , for my part in it , with the lowest submission to ask their pardon . what follows next may be prefac'd with a monstrum horrendum , informe , ingens , cui lumen ademptum . we have an example of this in point between england and holland , the glorious revolution under his present majesty ; holland in assisting england expended six hundred thousand pounds , and the english parliament fairly repaid them : it would look oddly , for holland to have insisted on disposing of lord powis's , and other estates , by their own laws , to reimburse themselves . an example in point ; then holland must once have conquer'd england , and have ever since retain'd a title to this kingdom , and exercis'd an authority over us , in directing all the principal managements of our government : neither can there be any semblance of their assisting us at that time with six hundred thousand pounds ; that assistance was advanc'd wholly on the credit of their stadtholder , the ( then ) prince of orange , and the assistance we had was only owing to him , who by the success of that glorious expedition came to be elected our king ; and then the parliament of england considering , the inestimable benefit england had receiv'd by that most happy revolution , thought it reasonable to repay them the full charge which the states had advanc'd on this account : besides , if the fact had been true , the dutch knew we were well able to repay them , and they have had their money to their content , but we knew that the people of ireland , if they would have beggar'd themselves , could never have reimburst us , and therefore we have not , and perhaps ( then ) never intended to ask them for it : may this be call'd an example in point too ? after this , can there be a more odious comparison than what he infers , that the dutch had as much reason to insist on the disposing lord powis's and other estates , as our parliament had to meddle in the matter of the forfeited estates of ireland ? i have sufficiently shewn how the government of england hath a just right to the for●eited estates in ireland , but surely the dutch cann't pretend to any right to estates forfeited in england , by our municipal laws ; and it does indeed look oddly enough in him , to controvert this with us , before we are repaid one farthing of a vastly greater expence , and tell us , here 's an example in point for us : such treatment as this would raise the blood of an englishman , and though a fitting modesty and regard to my reader doth restrain me from venting the resentment due to so great an indignity put upon the english nation ; yet i hope i may be indulg'd to imprecate upon my self , if ever i should discover so little thought , as to make use of examples highly reflecting upon my superiours , and yet no way agreeing with the fact in hand ; may i be censured for an eternal blockhead , and condemn'd to wear my book affixt on my back , as a perpetual badge of my insolence and folly. i am weary enough of this head of purchase , and yet i will take the pains to transcribe the last paragraph on 't from end to end : he says , 't is an ungenerous thing to vilify good offices , i am far from doing it , but with all possible gratitude acknowledge the mighty benefits ireland has often receiv'd from england , in helping to suppress the rebellions of this country ; to england's charitable assistance our lives and fortunes are owing : but with all humble submission , i desire it may be considered , whether england did not at the same time propose the preventing of their own danger , that would necessarily have attended our ruine ? if so , 't was in some measure their own battails they fought , when they fought for ireland ; and a great part of their expence must be reckon'd in their own defence . if mr. molyneux had had a due sense of what he was saying , he could never have so solemnly protested against the ungenerousness of vilifying good offices , and yet in the next breath attribute no more to england , in what she hath done for them , than just her helping to suppress the rebellions : is not this vilifying with a witness ? after we have reduc'd ireland , and put them into the possession of their estates , upon our own proper cost and strength , to have it lessen'd to no more than a little lending them a hand at a dead lift , and for which they are very willing to repay us ( in words ) ? why , this is not worth his acknowledging with all possible gratitude , the mighty benefits they have received from england , &c. but after all , this mighty hodge-podge of an harangue is but to tickle us into a good humour , that he may slyly usher in his plea in abatement of damages , and so pay us all off with the flap of a fox-tail ; it is to be considered , whether england did not at the same time prevent their own danger , and consequently in some measure fight their own battels : we have been pretty well us'd to this ungrateful complement from others of his countrey men , who have been apt on all occasions to reflect upon us , that 't was not for their sakes , but our own , that we reduc'd ireland ; only mr. molyneux , like himself , gives it us in finer language : what if we also have receiv'd some advantage by this reduction ? i should think that a people who had any due sense of gratitude , might remain so well content with the great benefit that accrew'd to themselves , by the re-enjoyment of the estates which they had lost , as not to upbraid us with any such reasonable convenience which we might draw from it , without prejudice to them . can they think it had been fit for us to engage in so mighty an expence , for no other reason than to recover their estates for them ? well , suppose we had thought fit only to fight our own battails , and when we had done , to have bridled the irish by strong garrisons , and had no reguard to have restor'd them to their estates ; perhaps we might have as well secur'd our own interest that way : however , the tenderness we had for them , ( how ill soever some of them seem to have deserv'd it ) would not suffer us to use so severe a policy , which yet if we had practic'd from the beginning , and kept our own people at home , would have turn'd to much better account to us , than if we should at last be so far overseen , as to suffer a colony of our own to contest with us for our trade . but yet i am for complying with mr. molyneux in this matter , and i am content that a part of this expence , in proportion to the benefit england shall be thought to have receiv'd by the reduction of ireland , shall remain upon our account ; but then i hope the vast advantage which immediately aocrews to the people of ireland by the recovery of their lands , and the fair time we have spar'd them from contributing any thing , may be thought justly to intitle them to the far better part of this charge ; and if mr. molyneux can with as much ingenuity find a way to pay it , as he hath been ready to own it , he will very much oblige the government of england , at a time when their own occasions do so much want it . so much for mr. molyneux's feign'd pretence of purchase , which can be but an invention of some such pregnant brain as his own ; for i never before heard , that the people of england had set up any pretention for their superiority over ireland upon that foot ; such another is that which follows . another thing alledg'd against ireland is this ; if a forreign nation , as france or spain for instance , prove prejudicial to england in its trade , or any other way ; england , if it be stronger , redresses it self by force of arms , or denouncing war ; and why may not england , if ireland lyes cross their interests , restrain ireland , and bind it by laws , and maintain these laws by force ? he discusses this point very gravely , but since no body ever thought of making this any argument but himself , and we never pretended to have so little to do with them as with france and spain , i 'll trouble my self no further about it , but let it pass for a meer whimsie . mr. molyneux tells us , the last thing he shall take notice of , that some raise against them , is , that ireland is to be lookt upon as a colony from england : here he attempts to delude us with a falacious argument ; but that is very easily solv'd by an obvious distinction . if he would not have ireland lookt upon as a colony , yet i believe there can be no notion of a colony clearer , than that the english planted there , are so in the strictest sense , and that i shall undertake to prove anon , although he calls it , the most extravagant of all objections against them ; and then without doubt it must follow , that , as the roman colonies were subject to the laws made by the senate at rome , so ought ireland by those made by the great council at westminster . i may add , or any where else , where our parliament may sit to enact laws . but he would not have this be thought to have the least foundation or colour from reason or record ; does it not manifestly appear by the constitution of ireland , that 't is a compleat kingdom within it self ? i say no , 't is but the form of a kingdom ; for since 't was first subdu'd to england , governours have always been set over it by england , and it never had authority of it self to exercise a legislature , but by directions from england . but now he 's resolv'd he 'll confute us , though bellarmine stood in the way ; do not the kings of england bear the stile of ireland , ( and why did he not mind the arms too ) among the rest of their kingdoms ? is this agreeable to the nature of a colony ? do they use the title of kings of virginia , new-england , or maryland ? don't the great turk bear the title of a great many kingdoms ? yes , and some of them have a more compleat dominion among themselves than ever we gave ireland ; are they therefore all compleat kingdoms within themselves ? the kings of spain have so many titles of kingdoms , that they have quite lost the knowledge where some of them grow ; they have us'd the stiles of king of the east and west-indies , and yet their acquisitions there have been but colonies ; mexico and peru are not compleat kingdoms within themselves , though they have that title , yea , and their governours , have the style of vice-roys , and that 's a higher feather than ever those of ireland wore , ( i should have excepted their absolute king iohn : ) the kings of england have never call'd virginia , new-england , or maryland , by the name of kingdoms ; is there such a deal of weight in that ? the potuguez gave the style of a kingdom to goa in the east-indies , but they never did to brazil , thought it be much the more considerable colony : and now i think on 't , we were once about making our dominions in america into a vice-royalty , under the duke of albermarle , sure then they must have made as compleat a kingdom as ireland ; for they have as absolute a distinct dominion within themselves , and i beleive , are endow'd with authority for the regulating the affairs of their own governments , as ample in all respects as ireland , excepting only the punctilio of a titular kingdom , and the denomination of a parliament , to the very same thing that in the others is call'd an assembly : are not all these things done or not done , according to the humour or fancy of princes ? is there any thing of essence or reality in them ? if the english of ireland are in all other respects under the circumstances of a colony of england , will any body besides mr. molyneux imagine , that this title of a kingdom doth exempt them ? but he has more to say ; was not ireland given by henry the second , in a parliament at oxford , to his son john , and made therby an absolute kingdom , separate and wholly independent on england , till they both came united again in him , after the death of his brother richard without issue ? no , he continued a subject of england , and was try'd for his life as such ; the parliament of england limited him from using the style of king : can the king of a separate kingdom be limited , and yet his kingdom remain wholly independent ? he continues , have not multitudes of acts of parliament , both in england and ireland , declared ireland a compleat kingdom ? but never independent : is not ireland stiled in them all the kingdom or realm of ireland ? do these names agree to a colony ? yes , are not the names of colonies agreeable to mexico and peru , because the acts of state in spain stile them kingdoms ? have we not a parliament , and courts of iudicature ? do these things agree with a colony ? yes , and other colonies have effectually the same . neither doth this involve so many absurdities as he thinks , if we do but consider what sort of a thing a colony is . when people began to multiply in the world , and fill those tracts that were first inhabited , they were necessitated to spread themselves farther and farther , for the better conveniency of living ; and thus the remoter parts came in process of time to be peopled , with such as are call'd the aborigines of nations : in the first and innocent ages of the world , these liv'd in an undisturb'd quiet , contented in the enjoyment of such things as with their own easie cultivation , nature plentifully bestow'd in an abundance , sufficient for the support of all mankind , 'till the malice and enmity of the devil , operating upon the deprav'd minds of men , through the curse entail'd upon on them , for the disobedience of our first parents , stirr'd up in them the unnatural desire of living according to their own wills , without regard to the principles of reason , and the laws of nature , which god had eternally stampt upon their minds : this soon began to break the first harmony and good order of the creation , and came in time to change the whole face of humane affairs , and introduce a very different kind of oeconomy among men. hence it was , that the more powerful communities , if they found their own borders too strait for them , would not give them●elves the trouble of removing to distant uninhabited parts of the earth , but took the liberty to incroach upon their neighbours , and possess themselves of what the industry of other men had made their own just right and property . these violations of the law of nature taught the more scatter'd people to enter into societies , and unite together for their mutual defence against the invasions of others ; and for the well-ordering of matters , and preventing private injuries that might occur among themselves , they thought upon the constituting laws , for the defining of liberty and property , and executing justice upon such as should offend against them ; they apply'd themselves also to the inventing of all such further policies as might be conducive to the acquiring and preserving the good of the whole society ; and whether they thought best to commit the chief conduct of their government to one person as supream , to rule them with the assistance of subordinate ministers ; or that they plac'd this supream authority to govern in several , with joint power , the end and intent was still one and the same , to procure and conserve the good of the whole people , though the names were differing , as that of kingdom , common-wealth , &c. those that institu●ed the best policies , and most suitable to their circumstances , generally became the most power●ul ; a sense of their strength , and an opinion of their skill in politick managements , made them ambitious to gain dominion , and rule over others : some united through fear , or for convenience , and others were subdu'd by force ; thus from small beginnings grew up mighty empires , who apply'd their whole power to bring and keep all they could reach , under their own dominion ; by which means the frame and constitution of many kingdoms and countries came to be altered from their original settlements . there were yet another sort of invaders , whose manner was only to make room for the too numerous broods of their off-spring , who did as it were swarm out in huge multitudes , to take up new dwellings , where they lik'd best ; with no intent to erect any united empire , or to return again to their native countries ; these destroy'd , drove away , or opprest the aborigines , or former inhabitants , where they came , and possess'd themselves of their habitations . of this latter sort have been the ancient scythians , the goths , vandals , huns , and others of their descendents , branch'd out into many other appellations ; but these may by no means be said to settle colonies , because they retain'd not any dependance upon their original countries , but erected new and absolute governments upon their own foundation . of those that aim'd at the gaining and keeping together of a mighty empire and vast dominions , the romans were the last , who grew to the greatest heigth , and excell'd all others in power and policy , and the present kingdoms and states of europe retain many of their notions and principles of government to this day , though in many places with a large mixture of the gothick constitution ; but 't is from them that we have principal'y learn'd the way of settling and managing of colonies , and to their practice we ought to have recourse in such matters as relate thereto : and though we are not to expect , that the circumstances of other governments , and latter times , were obliged to follow the roman pattern in every particular , yet i believe , upon comparing them it will appear , that few have trac'd it nearer than we did , in the subduing and settling of ireland . when the romans had by conquest , or any other means , brought any country under subjection to their government , they then gave the country the name of a roman province , possess'd themselves of the most considerable towns and fortresses , wherein they plac'd competent garrisons , and then withdrew the body of their army , appointing a governour in chief over them , whom they at any time afterwards recall'd , and sent another at their pleasure . did not the english in their subduing ireland , so far imitate this way of management , as that the countrey became united to their empire , in the very nature of a roman province ? as the inhabitants of the countrey made more or less resistance against them , the romans granted them the more or less liberty , so that they put considerable tributes or services on some , and suffer'd others to enjoy great franchises and privileges ' : in like manner , the irish making little or no resistance , had the laws and liberties of englishmen granted them . this is the nature of a province , but a colony is yet another thing : if the romans lik'd the province , and saw it convenient for them , they sent sufficient numbers of their own people to settle in this province , divided out such lands to them as had been gain'd , to cultivate and manure for their own advantage , and the possession thereof to remain to their posterity ; the exercise of the roman laws was granted them , and sometimes also they had a senate allow'd among themselves , who might enact such things as the circumstances of their own affairs did require ; they and their posterity always remain'd free denizons of rome , and were always protected and defended by her , as long as she had power to do it ; but they were ever obliged to pay an intire obedience to the pream decrees of the senate of rome , and were subject to be call'd home , if the romans thought fit to dissolve the colony . let the reader apply this to the circumstance of ireland , and consider whether it be not a better example in point , than mr. molyneux lately gave us . i have taken the pains to say thus much on this head , that if possible i might open the understandings of mr. molyneux and his admirers , that they may no longer lye under a mistake in this matter : if the inhabitants of countries and nations can be made up of no more than these three sorts of people , aborigines , swarming invaders , ( if i may so call them ) or colonies ; ( as i think 't is impossible to find more original stems , whatever branches or . unions there may be ) . i am sure the english of ireland won't pretend to be aborigines there ; neither can they reckon themselves to be upon the same bottom with the gothick excursions , for that was quite out of fashion , and the practice forgotten , ages before they were born ; all these parts of the world were setled under kingdoms and polite governments , which with little alteration , ( i don't say in their forms of governing , but ) by conquest , or otherwise , except by unions , continue much the same to this day : they have frequently needed help , and had been many times destroy'd , or driven quite away , but for the constant protection and support they have always had from their mother england ; and they have ever receiv'd a governour , and directions for all the principal managements of their government from her ; these circumstances can be no way agreeable to an original gothick settlement ; and since there 's nothing else left , if mr. molyneux won't let them be a colony of old england , i see no room for them to take up any where , but in his notion of the state of nature , and then there will be need of reducing them again to order as wild-men . and though i take the liberty to answer mr. molyneux after this manner , no body can imagine that i could think of such a reflection upon the worthy english gentlemen of ireland , i am sure they will be much more ready to agree with me in the same thoughts of their duty to their mother countrey , which i have discours'd in page 75 , and 76. mr. molyneux thinks , he hath now answered the only remaining arguments that are sometimes mentioned against them , and so he proceeds to offer what he humbly conceives , demonstrates the iustice of their cause ; and this takes up about twenty four pages to the end , in which he hath summ'd up his discouse ; much of which is a repeating over again , what are the natural rights and freedoms of mankind ; that no body can be bound without their own free consent in parliament , quoting mr. hooker , &c. and telling us again , of the concessions made to them : but he might have spar'd himself and the reader this pains ; we value mr. hooker , and all the rest that have written upon that excellent subject , as much as he ; we have maintain'd the people of ireland in the full enjoyment of all that could be granted them in the first constitution ; they act as freely in their own parliaments , in matters pertaining to themselves , as ever any body of men in their circumstances did in the world ; our parliaments have always shewn that regard to the legislature which they own to be their right , as that we have rarely medled with it , and never but upon very extraordinary occasions , either to help them in the time of their distress , and when they were not in a capacity to act for themselves , ( as he confesses ; ) or when the good of the whole english empire ( of which they are a part ) did eminently require it , and which we should have done as effectually if they had sent representatives to our parliament , as we have done it without them , and as we do it to kent and sussex , in restraining the owling trade , notwithstanding they do send representatives , who cannot hinder , if they vote against ; and to be sure , if they vote for those laws , act against the confent of those that send them ; and then why may not they complain of the infringement of the rights due to all mankind , by putting laws upon them , without their consent ? but mr. molyneux may say , they have representments ; what if they don't consent ? may not these people then strongly insist , that they are not bound ? yes , sure , if general notions of liberty must be swallowed all in a lump , without distinguishing ; but here 's a majority in the case , and that obliges ; if it be ask'd further , why should a man be bound by ever so great a majority , so as to be restrain'd from doing what he will with his own , according to the liberty inherent in all mankind , by the law of nature ? because he that is not born in the state of nature , is effectually bound by the consent of his ancestors , to submit to the constitution of his countrey , and that with us determines that the majority shall bind . publick societies can never be kept together , nor the good of the whole conserv'd , without some such binding , such limitations of freedom as this ; and this is what we have reason to require from the english of ireland , who are certainly a colony of england , sent thither by us , bred up , cherish'd and protected by us , in the enjoyment of good estates and ample privileges , sufficient to preserve the intire freedom of their persons and their properties , in all manner of liberty and perfect enjoyment ; excepting only , that if they should presume to extend it to such a latitude , as would be highly injurious and prejudicial to england , and consequently to the whole english empire , by wounding its head ; whereon also themselves always have , and must relye for assistance , so that in whatever they weaken her , they work their own destruction : and the world will easily judge , that as we have the utmost of reason on our sides , so if we are a perfect government , we must have sufficient power residing in our constitution , to act upon all extraordinary occasions , whatever we shall find absolutely necessary to our preservation , even to the binding of all the members of our empire , without being oblig'd to ask their assent . the rest is little more than dilating upon conclusions , arising from such premises , which i hope i have sufficiently refuted in my former discourse , and therefore i shall meddle no more with it , but to touch upon two passages : the one is , where he tells us , that it is against the king's prerogative , that the parliament of england should have any co-ordinate power with him , to introduce new laws , or repeal old laws established in ireland : but his argument upon this is either false printed , or down-right nonsense , or at least so confus'd , that i confess i cann't unravel it , and i 'll begg the reader , if he would see it , to look for it in page 167. for 't is too long to transcribe and comment upon , where any on't is intelligible : but to take it in the gross , 't is no more than a weak attempt to raise a jealousie , about hurting the king's prerogative , when yet nothing that he hath offer'd looks like it , but rather shews the king's prerogative to be less there than in england . i wonder mr. molyneux should render himself so ignorant of our constitution , in magnifying the negative vote , which their parliament hath upon whatever law is sent to them from the king in his privy council , as if that were a higher privilege than the english parliament has ; whenas a little inquiry into these matters would have inform'd him , that the king can , if he please , bring a bill into parliament here , and either house may reject it , if they don't like the law : but then what laws he sends to their parliament , must be first approv'd in the privy council here , and doth not that shew that an authority inferior to our high court of parliament , hath a sort of co-ordinate power with him in the legislature of ireland ? and is it not an evident demonstration , that the king doth not act any thing in relation to ireland , upon any distinct prerogative , as various and differing from what was inherent in the imperial crown of england ? nay , is not the king's prerogative exerted in a higher degree , in the manner of his passing an english law , where he comes into the house of lords , and exercises in his own person alone , ( and without taking the advice of the privy council of either of his other kingdoms ) one full third part of the legislative authority , and in power above one half , as having the casting vote , by which he can deny against the other two estates ? and when he thus passes any law , affecting ireland , can any thing be more absurd , than to suggest , that he thereby suffers a precious iewel of his crown to be handled roughly ? the last passage i shall observe , is his parting-blow , the last three pages , wherein he cautions us two or three times over , how vnsafe it may be for us to assume a iurisdiction , whereby the lords and people of ireland may think themselves ill used , their rights and li●erties invaded and taken away , and they may be driven into discontent ; from whence he hints , there may be ill consequences : we may easily see his meaning to be a menace , and though there may be some few of them as inconsiderate as he is , yet we have a better opinion of the body of the english protestants there , than to believe that they will ever give us occasion to think , that we have need of exercising severe methods , to keep them in their due obedience ; nay , had we the least doubt of this , it would behoove us not to suffer any gentleman , who hath an estate in ireland , to bear any command in our army there , 'till he had given us the utmost assurance that he was not tainted with mr. molyneux's opinions . however , let me tell him , that a supream authority ought not to be set upon at the rate he does . and now i will take leave to shew the lords and gentlemen of ireland , some of the ill consequences that may attend them , if mr. molyneux's positions should gain an intire credit . first , if the parliament of england should be perswaded , that they ought to look upon ireland as a distinct , separate and absolute kingdom , with which they have nothing to do ; they might not think it unreasonable for them , to demand a speedy payment of all the expences england hath been at , in the many assistances which they have given them ; and if they shall refuse to pay it , whether it may not be just to recover our own from any neighbour nation by force , if we shall think our selves able to do it ? secondly , if the kingdom of ireland belongs to the king as his own propriety , distinct from the kingdom of england ; if the irish should at any time hereafter believe that the king of england could not be able to protect his potestant subjects there , without the assistance of men and money f●om his english parliament , and should thereupon make another attempt to drive them out , and seize their e●tates ; whether the parliament of england would think themselves oblig'd to be at any further expence , to protect a people with whom they had nothing to do , and who had shewn so little gratitude for what had been done for them formerly . thirdly , if ireland be such an absolute , independent kingdom , by virtue of the conce●●ions formerly granted to them by england , those concessions were made to the native irish and old english settled there ; all that mr. molyneux hath argued is intirely their case , and they alone have right to be considered , and treated with as the body of that kingdom ; but the modern english protestants can have no interest in these ancient grants ; they are still our own people , went thither with our leave , and may not stay there without our permission ; if then the governme●t of england should think fit to recall them , ( as they may those that are in france , holland , &c. ) whether the irish papists could either have will or power to protect or keep them from us ? and now as i have been necessitated upon several former occasions , to shew that mr. molyneux hath started many things , that may be made use of to the disadvantage of the english of ireland ; so i think , i have also demonstrated , that upon the foregoing considerations , his notions , if they should be thought reasonable , so far as to obtain upon the parliament of england , to believe that they ought to quit all manner of pretensions of their superiority over ireland , as amply as he desires ; the consequence must draw immediate destruction and ruine upon them ; which i should think might sufficiently convince the gentlemen of ireland , that mr. molyneux hath not deserv'd well of them in writing this book : and i hope they will think , that i have employ'd my time much more to their advantage , if it may convince any that have been lead into his mistakes , that 't is the true interest of the protestants of ireland , to remain constant and firm in their loyalty and obedience to the king and kingdom of england , and to esteem it their great happiness , that they a●e annext in so easie a subordination , to a kingdom that is so well able to protect them , and hath requir'd so little from them ; and never more to think that their being restrain'd from interfering with us in our principal trade , can be too great a re●●ibution for the many benefits and frequent preservations which they have receiv'd from us , especially since they are in much easier circumstances than the people of england to live without it ; whereas the robbing england of it , must inevitably introd●ce a decay of her riches and power , and render her incapable to give i●elind that large assistance that she may pos●ibly at some time or other need again . england hath been , and must still continue to be at a mighty expence to maintain her navies , and the civil list , from all which they receive the benefit of being protected in their estates and trade , without being hitherto ask'd to pay one penny towards it , so that they may clearly see , that 't will be much easier for them to continue in such a subordination , than to aspire to the dignity of an independent kingdom , which they cannot be able to suppo●● . i have now done with mr. molyneux's book , and since i have taken so much pains with it , i hope i may be permitted to give it such a character at parting , as i think to be in a most peculiar manner agreeable to it : 't is an abundance of well chosen words , and fine rhetorical turns to prove nothing ; 't is a multitude of arguguments and authorities , brought together to confute its own author ; and 't is a promulgating of such inconsiderate notions , as would ruine and undo the people , for whom it undertakes to be a zealous advocate . if it should be thought by some , that i have been too sharp in some expressions , there are yet others , whose judgment i have taken , that are of the opinion , that so in●olent an argument merits no less ; and i think such a discourse cannot well be treated with that coolness and indifference , which might become a modest controversie : subjects that so rashly undertake to disturb the minds of people , and assail the authority of a powerful kingdom , in matters of so high a nature , deserve at least to suffer such a correction , that others may be deterr'd from the like bold attempts ; let it be remembered , that salmasius was lash'd to death by a pen , provok'd in ( what in those times he thought ) the cause of his country , and mr. molyneux may be thankful , that we have no mil●on living to handle him . i am a perfect s●ranger to the gen●leman , and can have no personal disrespect for him ; and if he 'll give me leave to distinguish , as nicely as he does between the king and the kingdom , 't is his book , not him that i would expose ; after all , if in regard to his person , i do with the lowest submission ask his pardon in the end , i hope i shall come off with as good manners , as he does with the 〈◊〉 of england , in ●asking theirs in the beginning of his discourse . last of all , to r●flect a little upon my self , i ought to ask pardon of the world for what mistakes i may have committed ; for i cannot think so well of my self , but that some may have slipt my own observation : reading hath not been my business , and therefore it may seem somewhat strange , that i should have undertaken to deal with a book that prof●●ses so much ; i was resolv'd therefore to handle it in such a way wherein i might be most safe . there was inde●d room enough for me to shew , from undenyable authorities , that mr. molyneux hath very extra ▪ vagantly err'd and fallen short , in his representation of this matter ; for there are many english acts of parliam●nt extant , which prove , that as well in ancient times , as since poyning's law , the constant practice of england hath been to make laws binding upon ireland , as oft●● as they saw fit ; whereof he hath tak●● 〈◊〉 manner of notice ; which must conclude him either to have dealt very disingeniously , or what will no less reflect upon him , that he was too igno●ant in matters of fact , for so considerable an attempt : but this part being undertaken by a much able● pen , i was resolv'd to let all that alone , and meddle with no autho●ities but what mr. molyneux hath produc'd ; and as far as possible to admit of his own arguments , and only endeavour to turn the reason , which naturally flows from them , against him . can there be a fairer opposition , than to fight a man at his own weapons ? i have indeed he●e and there , as occasion hath required , asserted some things that may have occurr'd to me , through that small stock of reading or conversation that hath fallen to my share ; and ●f my memory don't serve m● so well as to be able to prove them out of authors , i don't think 't will be thought any great fault ; it may be sufficient for ●e to say , that they are become principles to me ; and i think them so conspicuous , that the reasonable part of mankind don't disagree about them : besides , i was ●esolv'd to have a care of mr. molyneux's failing , least i should chance to quo●e any authorities which might with more advantage be used against me . i had never medled in this matter , but that i saw mr. molyneux was so egregiously out in it , as that a man of indifferent reasoning might undertake it , and 't was that part only that i was willing to attempt : neither did i resolve to go on with it , when i was told that a very learned gentleman had an answer in hand , 'till shewing what i had written to some gentlemen of better judgments than my own , i was encourag'd by them to go through in the way i had begun , because they believ'd mr. attwood would principally handle the learned part , and mine might also have its service . how meanly soever i have been able to perform it , i am sure it will appear that my intentions were right , and i need no more to recommend me to the charitable part of mankind , and he that is afraid of the rest , ought of all things in the world ▪ to forbear writing in this critical age. finis . some few faults have escaped the press , ●hich the reader is desired to correct . page 14 of the epi●●le , line 4 rea● 〈◊〉 feud●tory . page 13 ▪ line 〈◊〉 read as with . 34 14 reb●llio●s . 75 14 person . 〈◊〉 13 i●dep●●dent . 1●8 ● this debt . 156 8 representatives . books printed for r. parker , under the royal-exchange in cornhill . of wisdom three books , written originally in french by the sieur de charron , with an account of the author , made english by george stanhop● , d. d. late fellow of kings colledge in cambridge , from the best edition . correcte● and enlarged by the author a little before his death . the roman history , from the building of the city to the perfect settlement of the empire . by augustus caesar ; containing the space of 727 years , designed as well for the understanding the roman authors , as ●he roman affairs . by lawrenc● e●hard , a. m ▪ the roma● history from the settlement of the empire by aug●●●●● caesar , to th● removal of the imperial seat by constantine the great , containing the space of 355 years , vol. 2. for the use of his highness the duke of gloucester , by l. eachard , a. m. the history of the revolutions in sweden , occasioned by the change of religion , and alterations of the government in that kingdom . written originally in french , by the abbot vertot : printed at paris ; and done into english by i. mitchel , m. d. with a map of sweden , denmark and norway . the second edition . in which the whole work is revis'd and corrected ; and almost the whole second part , which was done by another hand , newly translated . a relation of a voyage made in the years 1695 , 1696 , 1697. on the coast of africa , streights of magellan , brasil , cagenna , and the antilles , by a squadron of french men of war , under the command of m. de ●ennes . by the sieur f●oger , voluntier●engineer on board the e●●glis● falcon. illus●r●ted with divers strange figures , drawn to the life . the modest critick , or remarks on the most eminent h●storians , ancient and modern ; with useful cautions and instructions as well for writing , as reading history ; wherein the sense of the greatest men on this subject is faithfully abridg'd , by one of the society of the port royal. poems on several occasions , written in imitation of the manner of anacreon , with other poems , letters , and transla●ions . by mr. old●ixon . the gentleman's journal , or the monthly miscellany , by way of l●tter to a gentleman in the country ; consisting of news , history , philosophy , poetry , musicks , &c. compleat sets or single ones . by mr. motteux . busby's greek grammar . cambridge phrases . dr. syden●am's compleat method of curing almost all diseases , and description of their symptoms , to which are now added , five discour●es of the same author , concerning the pleurisie , go●t , hysterical pa●sion , drop●ie and rheumatis●s , abri●g'd and faithfully translated out of the original latin , with short and useful notes on the former part , written by a learned physitian , and never before printed . the third edition . the art of preserving and rest●ring health , explaining the nature and causes of the distempers that afflict mankind . also shewing , that every man is , or may be his own physitian . to which is added , a treatise of the most simple and effectual remedies for the diseases of men and women . written in french by i. hammond , m. d. and faithfully translated into english. mr. brady's sermon at the funeral of l. general tolmash , at hel●ing●am in suffolk , i●●e 30. 1694. his sermon at the death of the queen , preach'd before the countess of d●rby and the mourning ladies , march 3. 1695. his sermon before the company of apothecaries , sept. 12. 1695. his sermon on the occasion of the late horrid plot , march the 1st . 1696. his farewell sermon at cree ch●rch , iune 29. 1696. mr. butler's fast sermon before the lord mayor , 1680. the usefulness of the stage , to the happiness of mankind , to government , and to religion : occasion'd by a late book , written by ieremy collier , m. a. by mr. dennis . plays . marriage hater match'd , a comedy by mr. d'urfey . intriegues at versailes , or a jilt in all humours , a comedy by mr. d'urfey . plot and no plot , a comedy by mr. dennis . love's last shift , or the fool in fashion , a comedy by mr. cibber . agnes de castro , a trajedy by a young lady . neglected virtue , a trajedy . unhappy kindness , a tragedy by mr. scott . traytor , a tragedy by mr. rivers . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a26165-e210 28 h. 8. ch. 2. ch. 8. ch. 19. 33 h. 8. ch. 1. p. 99. notes for div a26165-e2170 page 2. p. 3. p. 4. p. 6. p. 8. p. 12 ▪ p. 12. p. 9. p. 10. p. 17. p. 18. p. 18. p. 22. p. 24. p. 20. p. 19. p. 21. p. 25. p. 22. p. 23. p. 19. p. 20. p. 27. p. 28. p. 29. p. 30. p. 32. p. 35. p. 36. p. 37. p. 38. p. 38. p. 39. p. 40. p. 40. p. 41. p. 41. p. 117. p. 42. p. 42. p. 43. p. 44. p. 44. p. 45. p. 46. p. 55. p. 56. p. 64. p. 90. p. 91. p. 92. p. 93. p. 94. p. 96. p. 100. p. 103. p. 104. p. 104. p. 106. p. 110. p. 115. p. 116. p. 117. p. 117. p. 119. p. 120. p. 120. p. 121. p. 121. p. 122. p. 122. p. 124. p. 125. p. 127. p. 128. p. 128. p. 129. p. 131. p. 136. p. 139 ▪ p. 140. p. 142. p. 142. p. 143. p. 143. p. 144. p. 144. p. 144. p. 154. p. 145. p. 148. p. 149. p. 149. p. 166. p. 167. p. 172. for a finall answer to your proposition of the 13. of this instant concerning delinquents, &c. his majestie will consent, that all persons who have had any hand in the plotting, designing, or assisting the rebellion of ireland, shall expect no pardon, as exprest in the first branch of this proposition. ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78788 of text r211008 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.13[29]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78788 wing c2311 thomason 669.f.13[29] estc r211008 99869750 99869750 162924 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78788) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162924) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f13[29]) for a finall answer to your proposition of the 13. of this instant concerning delinquents, &c. his majestie will consent, that all persons who have had any hand in the plotting, designing, or assisting the rebellion of ireland, shall expect no pardon, as exprest in the first branch of this proposition. ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for richard royston, [london] : 1648. title from first lines of text. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. dated at end: tuseday, october 17. 1648. place of publication from wing. the king consents to no pardon for the instigators of the irish rebellion. for other persons in the first branch, they should be allowed to compound at a moderate rate, but may be debarred from office or court. others to pay a moderated composition and be debarred from sitting for three years. dated: tuesday, october 17. 1648. the king claims: 1) to be put in a position of honour, freedom and safety; 2) his lands and revenues; 3) composition for the court of wards, etc.; 4) an act of oblivion -cf. steele. annotation on thomason copy: "8ber [i.e october] ye 26th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78788 r211008 (thomason 669.f.13[29]). civilwar no charles r. for a finall answer to your proposition of the 13. of this instant concerning delinquents, &c. his majestie will consent, that al england and wales. sovereign 1648 422 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit charles r. for a finall answer to your proposition of the 13. of this instant concerning delinquents , &c. his majestie will consent , that all persons who have had any hand in the plotting , designing , or assisting the rebellion of ireland , shall expect no pardon , as is exprest in the first branch of this proposition . as to all the rest of the propositions , his majesty cannot consent thereunto , as is proposed , otherwise then is here afterwards expressed , viz. as for all other persons comprised in the said first branch , his majestie for satisfaction of his two houses will give way , that they may moderately compound for their estates , and desires they may be admitted to the same . and for removing of distrust , and interruptions of the publique settlement , his majestie will consent as followeth . that such of them as the two houses , of parliament will insist on shall not be admitted to his councels , and be restrained from comming to the court , at such distance , as both houses shall thinke fit , and shall not have any office and employment in the common-wealth , without the consent of both houses of parliament , or shall absent themselves out of the kingdome for some time , if both houses of parliament shall thinke fit . that all other persons in this proposition shall submit to a moderate composition , and for the space of three years shall not fit , or serve as members , or assistants in either house of parliament , without consent of both houses of parliament . tuseday , october 17. 1648. his majesties propositions . 1. that his majesty be put into a condition of honour , freedome and safety . 2. that safely he may be restored to his lands , and revenues . 3. that he may have composition for the court of vvards , and such of his revenues , as he shall part with . 4. that there may be an act of oblivion and indempnity . mr. vines gave in a paper in answer to his majesties , to satisfie his majesties conscience touching bishops : then the commons delivered a paper , desiring a more satisfactory answer to the businesse of the church . printed for richard royston , 1648. by the right honourable the commissioners for manangement of the several forfeited estates, goods and chattels of the rebells of ireland ireland. commissioners appointed to enquire in to forfeited estates. 1690 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46012 wing i353 estc r218740 99830311 99830311 34761 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46012) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 34761) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2072:10) by the right honourable the commissioners for manangement of the several forfeited estates, goods and chattels of the rebells of ireland ireland. commissioners appointed to enquire in to forfeited estates. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by andrew crook, assignee of benjamin tooke, printer to the king and queens most excellent majesties; and are to be sold on ormonde-key, dublin : [1690] "dated at the council-chamber, dublin, 19th day of july, 1690". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the right honourable the commissioners for management of the several forfeited estates , goods and chattels of the rebells of ireland . whereas we are informed that several persons do scruple , and doubt , whether we , by vertue of a commission grauted to us , by their majesties , bearing date the twelfth day of july , in the second year of their majesties reign , do intend to seize , and sequester , into our hands , for their majesties use , the personal goods and chattels of persons lately in rebellion , or aiding and assisting to the irish rebels , though they , or any of them should come in , and live quitely , and that within the time limited in his majesties gracious declaration , given at the camp near finglass , the seventh day of july , 1690. now , for the prevention of any such mistake , and though , in the very preamble of our order , of the 16th day of this instant july , we have expressed these words ( the goods and chattels of those fled through guilt , from their places of abode ) . we do hereby declare , our commission hath a reference to the aforesaid declaration ; and we do declare , the goods and chattels personal , of all those comprised within the said declaration , are not intended to be seized , or sequestred by us , or our orders . dated at the council-chamber , dublin , 19th day of july , 1690. longford , anth. meath , r. fitz-gerrald , hen. fane , robert gorges , joseph coghlan , edward corker , henry davys . dublin , printed by andrew crook , assignee of benjamin tooke , printer to the king and queens most excellent majesties ; and are to be sold on ormonde-key . an act for granting an additional duty on tobacco and for continuing unto his majesty, an aid, or additional custom on several goods and merchandizes : and also for continuing the additional duty on beer and ale, and other liquors, till the twenty fifth day of december, one thousand, seaven hundred and two. ireland. 1697 approx. 26 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45969 wing i305 estc r39284 18367633 ocm 18367633 107356 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45969) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107356) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1636:19) an act for granting an additional duty on tobacco and for continuing unto his majesty, an aid, or additional custom on several goods and merchandizes : and also for continuing the additional duty on beer and ale, and other liquors, till the twenty fifth day of december, one thousand, seaven hundred and two. ireland. 17 p. printed by andrew crook ..., dublin : mdcxcvii [1697] reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tobacco -taxation -ireland. beer -taxation -ireland. ireland -history -1691 ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2003-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2004-11 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an act for granting an additional duty on tobacco , and for continuing unto his majesty , an aid , or additional custom on several goods and merchandizes . and also for continuing the additional duty on beer and ale , and other liquors , till the twenty fifth day of december , one thousand , seaven hundred and two. dvblin : printed by andrew crook , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty , on cork-hill , near copper-alley . mdcxcvii . an act for granting an additional duty on tobacco ; and for continuing unto his majesty an aid , or additional custom on several goods and merchandizes . and also , for continuing the additional duty on beer and ale , and other liquors , till the twenty fifth day of december , one thousand seaven hundred and two. anno regni nono guilielmi tertii . chap. xxix . we your majesty's obedient and faithful subjects , the commons of ireland , in parliament assembled , being by duty obliged , and always ready to the utmost of our abilities , to supply and furnish your majesty with such summs of money , as may defray the necessary charge of the government of this kingdom , and to provide for such publick works , as may tend to the quiet and good of the same ; do with all gratitude and humility , express our thankfulness to your majesty , for having upon the address of commons in parliament assembled , given orders to grant respites from time to time , to the collecting of quit-rents , crown-rents , and composition-rents , due to your majesty , out of the houses and lands , which through the calamites of the late rebellion , have beén waste from the five and twentieth of march , one thousand six hundred ninety two , to the five and twentieth of march , one thousand six hundred ninety five , and thereby have beén disabled to pay the same ; and also for giving orders and directions for the due regulation and government of the army in this kingdom , by which means the soldiers have beén less grievous and burthensome to the same then formerly , in their respective garrisons and quarters . but forasmuch as it is found to be absolutely necessary ; as well for the good discipline and order of your majesty's army , as for the wellfare of your majesty's liege people of this realm ; that the said army should be disposed of , and lodged , and quartered in barracks , whereby they will not only be kept together , under the eye and care of their several officers , but your majesty 's other subjects of this kingdom , will thereby be eased of quartering in their houses , to which they have formerly , for the necessity of affairs submitted : therefore , as a further supply to your majesty , and also towards the building and erecting barracks , in such convenient and necessary parts of this kingdom , for the use of the army , as to your majesty shall seém most proper for the same ; and that the said respited arrears of quit-rent , crown-rent , and composition-rent , due out of waste houses and lands , from the five and twentieth of march , one thousand six hundred ninety two , to the five and twentieth of march , one thousand six hundred ninety five , may be effectually answered unto your majesty's exchequer , and to answer the other uses hereafter in this act provided for , in addition to the supplies already granted to your majesty this session of parliament ; we humbly beseéch your majesty , that it may be enacted . and be it enacted by the king 's most excellent majesty , by , and with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal , and commons in this present parliament assembled , and by the authority of the same , that an additional duty of one penny per pound , be raised and levyed upon all tobacco that shall be found to be , or to have beén in this kingdom , in the hands of any merchant or other person whatsover , the first day of november , one thousand six hundred ninety seaven , whensoever the same was imported : also upon all tobacco that shall be imported into this kingdom after the first day of november , one thousand six hundred ninety seaven , until the five and twentieth of december , which shall be in the year of our lord , one thousand six hundred ninety nine . and whereas it is found necessary to answer the ends aforesaid , that the additional custom granted to his majesty , on several goods and merchandizes , by several acts made in this session of parliament , shall be continued till the five and twentieth of december , one thousand seaven hundred and two be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that all tobacco , muslin , callicoes , and all sorts of liunen , scotch-cloth , and wines , except wines of the growth of spain , and of the dominions thereunto belonging , that shall be imported into this kingdom at any time , from and after the four and twentieth day of december , one thousand six hundred ninety nine , unto the five and twentieth day of december , which shall be in the year one seaven hundred and two , and no longer , shall answer and pay unto his majesty , his heirs and successors , over and above all rates and duties due or payable for , or out of the same , by uertue of any former , or other law in force in this kingdom ( except only the several statutes formerly made in this present session of parliament , which laid several additional duties on the said goods , until the said five and twentieth day of december , which will be in the year one thousand six hundred ninety nine ) the several rates and duties hereafter mentioned . ( that is to say ) for every pound weight of tobacco to be imported within the time aforesaid , two pence half-penny , sterling , for every ell of muslin , callicoe , and of all and every other sorts of linnen , imported within the time aforesaid ( scotch-cloth excepted ) six pence sterling , and for every yard of scotch-cloth imported within the aforesaid time , six pence sterling ; for every tunn of wine ( except wines of the growth of spain , and the dominions thereunto belonging ) imported within the time aforesaid , threé pounds sterling , and so proportionably for a greater , or lesser quantity : which several duties shall , and may be raised , collected and levyed , and paid unto his majesty , his heirs and successors , during the time aforesaid , at the same times , and in the same manner and place , and by such rules , and ways , and means , and under such penalties and forfeitures , as are mentioned and expressed in one act of parliament , made in a session of parliament , which began the eighth day of may in the thirteénth year of the reign of the late king charles the second , intituled , an act for settling the excise , or new impost , upon the said late king charles the second , his heirs and successors , the same to be paid upon merchandizes imported and exported into , or out of the kingdom of ireland , according to the book of rates to the said act annexed . provided always , and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that the merchant , or other importer , of any tobacco , so charged , as aforesaid , which the said additional duty of one penny per pound weight , until the twenty fifth of december , one thousand six hundred and ninety nine , and with the additional duty of two pence half-penny , per pound , from that time till the fifth of december , one thousand seaven hundred and two , shall have like time for payment of such additional duty and duties , as they had , or ought to have by vertue of the above-named act of excise , or new impost ; any thing herein contained to the contrary , notwithstanding . and be it further enacted , that from and after the twenty fourth day of december , which will be in the year one thousand six hundred ninety eight , there shall be throughout this his majesty's kingdom of ireland , raised , levyed . collected and paid unto his majesty , his heirs and successors , unto the twenty fifth day of december , which shall be in the year of our lord god , one thousand seaven hundred and two , for beér , ale , and other liquors hereafter expressed , by way of excise , over and above all other duties , charges , and impositions thereout , then payable , the excise , or duty hereafter following : ( that is to say ) for every thirty two gallons of beér , or ale , above six shillings the barrel price , brewed within his kingdom , by the common brewer , or in his uessels , or by any other person or persons who doth , or shall sell beér or ale publickly , or privately to be paid by the common brewer , or by such other person or persons respectively , one shilling and six pence , and so proportionably for a greater or lesser quantity , over and above the duties payable for the same , if this act had not beén made . and for every thirty two gallons of beér , or ale of six shillings the barrel , price , or under , brewed by the common brewer , or other person or persons who doth or shall sell beér , or ale publickly , or privately , to be paid by the common brewer , or by such other person or persons respectively , for a greater or lesser quantity , threé pence , over and above what would be payable for the same , if this act had not beén made . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that from and after the twenty fourth day of december , in the year of our lord god one thousand six hundred and ninety eight there shall be throughout this his majesty's kingdom of ireland , raised , levyed , collected , and paid unto his majesty , during the aforesaid space and term of four years , ending on the twenty fourth day of december , one thousand seaven hundred and two , an additional duty , or excise of threé pence upon every gallon of aquavitae , strong-waters , and balcan , or other potable spirits , made or distilled in this realm for sale . whether of foreign , or domestick spirits , or materialls ; the same to be paid by the first maker or distiler thereof , and so proportionably for a greater or lesser quantity , over and above all other the duties , that would have beén payable for the same , if this act had not beén made . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that the several rates and duties of excise , hereby granted on the several liquors aforesaid , shall be raised , levyed , collected , recovered and paid unto his majesty in the same manner and form , and by such ways and means , and under such penalty and penalties , and forfeitures , as are mentioned and expressed , and directed for the collecting , gathering , and recovering of the several duties of excise , in , and by the said act of excise , or new impost , made in the fourteénth year of the late king charles the second , intituled , an act for settleing of the excise , or new impost , upon his majesty , his heirs and successors , according to the book of rates therein incerted , or by any other law now in force , with the like liberty of appeal to , and for the parties grieved , as in , and by the said former act is respectively provided . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that no inkeéper , uictualler , or other re-tailer of beér or ale , at any time hereafter , during the continuance of the aforesaid additional duties on beér and ale , by this act imposed , shall be sued , impleaded , or molested by indictments , informations , action , or otherwise , for selling and uttering of beér and ale , at any other , and higher prices , then the prices heretofore limitted and appointed ; but that all officers and other persons , concerned in assizeing of beér and ale throughout this kingdom , shall take care to assize the same , with regard to the additional charge or duty aforesaid . and be it further enacted and ordained by the authority aforesaid , that all , and every merchant , importer , shop-keéper , re-tailer , or other person or persons , inhabiting or tradeing within the city of dublin , and all other towns corporate , ports , and all other places of this kingdom , do within the several times herein-after mentioned ( that is to say ) in the city and suburbs of dublin , within four days after the first day of november , one thousand six hundred ninety seaven ; and in all other places , within ten days after the first day of november , one thousand six hundred ninety seaven , make and deliver under his , or their hands , to the commissioners of excise for the time being , their sub-commissioners , collectors , or other chief officers of excise , of the district , in which he or they live or inhabit ; a true and perfect account , of all tobacco remaining in the possession of every such merchant , shop-keeper , re-tailer , or other person whatsoever ; or in the possession of any other , to his or their use , at the respective times aforesaid ; and shall likewise make oath before the said commissioners , sub-commissioners , collectors , or other chief officer as aforesaid , who , or any of them , hereby are authorized to administer the same , that the account by him or them given , is a true , iust , and perfect account , of all the tobacco in his possession or in the possession of any other in trust for him or them ; and the said commissioners of excise , or their said sub-commissioners , collectors , or other chief officer , respectively , are hereby charged and required , to send one , or more officer or officers , to enter into the cellar , uault , store-celler , store-house , ware-house , or other place , or places whatsoever , to any merchant , or other person in this kingdom belonging , to search , seé , and try , whether the quantity of tobacco do not exceéd such account given under hand , as aforesaid ; and if the same shall be found to agreé , that then the duty of one penny , per pound , shall be immediately paid down at the usual allowance of imported excise , or bonds with sufficient security , be immediately passed to his majesty , for payment of the same in threé months time ; and in case any merchant , or other person lyable to give an account , as aforesaid , shall neglect , omit , or refuse to make and deliver in such an account at the time aforesaid , or else making and delivering in such account , shall not upon demand thereof , by such officer or officers as shall be thereunto appointed , suffer him or them to enter into his or their house or houses , ware-house , store-cellar , store-house , ualts , or any place or places , to him or them belonging , or admitting them , as aforesaid ; shall hide , conceal , or not shew all , and every , his and their uaults , store-house , ware-houses , and other places ; or shall make a short return of any tobacco to him or them belonging ; or conceal it from uiew of the officer or officers , appointed to search for , and uiew the same , shall for every such offence , forfeit five pounds sterling , over and above such quantity or quantities of tobacco , as shall be found to exceéd such his account , returned under his or their hand or hands , the one moyety to his , majesty , his heirs and successors , and the other moyety to the informer ; the said penalties and , forfeitures , to be prosecuted , recovered , and condemned in the same manner , and according to the methods prescribed in the said act , for settleing the new excise , or impost , upon the said late king charles the second . and be it further enacted , that whatsoever summ or summs of money , the said aid , or additional duty shall yeild unto his majesty , over and above the summ of fifty thousand pounds , sterling ; immediatly , and in the first place payable unto his majesty , be , and shall be paid and applied to the several uses following , and to no other use whatsoever ( that is to say ) the summ of twenty five thousand pounds , which shall be first raised , levyed and received out of the aid aforesaid , over and above the said summ of fifty thousand pounds , shall be imployed in , and applyed to the building of barracks , for soldiers , in the most useful , convenient and necessary parts and places in this kingdom , according to the directions of the chief governor , or governors , for the time being ; which barracks , shall be forthwith begun , and carried on from time to time , as fast as any part of the said summ of twenty five thousand pounds allotted for the building thereof , shall come in and be received , out of the said additional duties , or aid , granted to his majesty by this present act. and we humbly beseéch your majesty , that your majesty will be graciously pleased , to accept of the further summ of twenty one thousand , and twenty seaven pounds , threé shillings , and six pence half-penny , to be raised and levyed out of the said additional customs , or duties , by this present act , granted unto your majesty , in full discharge of the arrears of quit-rent , crown-rent , and composition-rent , due to your majesty out of the houses and lands that were returned to be waste , from the five and twentieth day of march , one thousand six hundred and ninety two , to the twenty fifth of march , one thousand six hundred ninety five ; the collection whereof , was respited upon the humble application of your majesty's subjects , the commons of ireland in parliament assembled . and be it further enacted , that the several lands , tenements , and hereditaments , returned to have beén waste , from the twenty fifth of march , one thousand six hundred ninety two , to the twenty fifth of march , one thousand six hundred ninety five , and respited as aforesaid , shall be , and always hereafter shall be taken , deémed , and adjudged to be freé and discharged of , and from all quit-rents , crown-rents , and composition-rents , and of , and from all arrears thereof contracted , incurred , or become due , between the said twenty fifth day of march , one thousand six hundred ninety two , to the twenty fifth of march , one thousand six hundred ninety five , inclusive ; and that no person or persons whatsoever , hereafter shall be distrained , or otherwise sued , uexed , processed or impleaded for , or on account for the same , or any part whatsoever thereof ; and that no officer or other person whatsoever do distrain , or issue any process for the same , or any part thereof , under the pain and penalty of paying to the person grieved thereby , double costs , and double damages , for such unjust sute , molestation , or uexation . and to the end the arrears of quit-rents , crown-rents , and composition-rents , hereby intended to be discharged , may be ascertained . be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that the commissioners of his majesty's revenues , from the books and other papers which have beén transmitted to them , from the collectors and other officers of his majesty's revenues , before the one and twentieth day of august , one thousand six hundred ninety seaven , wherein any such rents are mentioned to be respited , as being charged upon any houses or lands that are wasted , shall make a particular account in writing , of all such arrears so respited for the time aforesaid , in case they do not exceed twenty one thousand twenty seaven pounds , threé shillings and six pence half-penny ; and if they do exceéd twenty one thousand twenty seaven pounds , threé shillings and six pence half-penny , then an apportionment shall be made of the said rents , so that the said account shall not exceéd in the whole , twenty one thousand twenty seaven pounds , threé shillings and six pence half-penny ; and that the said commissioners shall deliver the said account into the office of the auditor-general , before the twenty fifth day of march , one thousand six hundred ninety eight , to which all persons concern'd , shall have freé access without feé or charge . and it is hereby provided and enacted , that nothing in this act contained , shall extend to discharge any arrears of quit-rents , crown-rents , or composition-rents , charged on any houses or lands for being wasted , unless such particular arrear be contained in the said account of arrears to be discharged as aforesaid . and in case the said commissioners shall refuse , or neglect to make , and deliver into the auditor's office , the said account within the time aforesaid , they , and every of them , shall forfeit treble damages to every person who shall be grieved by such neglect , or refusal , to be recovered by action of debt , bill , plaint , or information , in any of his majesty's courts of record at dublin , in which no essoyn , protection , wager of law , or more then one imparlance shall be allowed , any thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding . and if any person or persons shall be hereafter impleaded , or molested , contrary to the scope or intent of this act , that such person , or persons , shall not be obliged to discharge himself by plea , or record , from such charge , but shall be admitted to discharge himself by motion , in his majesty's court of exchequer , without any charge , feé , or reward , and by shewing unto the said court this present act , and making it appear by affidavit , and certificate of the auditor-general , that the quit-rent , crown-rent or composition-rent , for which he is distrained , sued , or impleaded , become due , betweén the twenty fifth of march , one thousand six hundred ninety two , and the twenty fifth of march , one thousand six hundred ninety five , inclusive , out of houses , or lands returned waste , as aforesaid , before mentioned , and are mentioned , and comprehended in such account , transmitted to the auditor-general , to be charged upon waste lands , and for that reason respited as aforesaid ; which certificate , the auditor-general shall be obliged to give on demand , to the person requiring the same , without feé or reward . and be it further enacted , that from and after the time that the said summs of fifty thousand pounds , and twenty five thousand pounds , and twenty one thousand pounds , and twenty seaven pounds , threé shilling and six pence half-penny shall have beén levyed and paid unto his majesty out of the present aid , or additional custom , granted unto his majesty by this present act , that what other or further summs , shall , and may be levyed and collected , by vertue thereof , shall and may be paid , and applyed to the use following : that is to say . whereas sir audley mervin , knight , prime serjeant to his majesty king charles the second , was in his life-time speaker of the house of commons , in the parliament which began in this kingdom , in the year , one thousand six hundred and sixty one , and continued so till the disolution of the said parliament , in the year one thousand six hundred and sixty six ; during which time , the said sir audley mervin not only spent great part of his fortune supporting the state and dignity of that honourable imployment , but wholly declined his practice at the bar , which was very considerable . and whereas the said house of commons , humbly addressed themselves to the government , in behalf of the said sir audley mervin , for the summ of six thousand pounds , sterling , to be bestowed on him , for his great services done to his majesty , and the english interest of this kingdom , in that station , of which summ , however , he never received any part , so as the said sir audley mervin , was forced to charge his real estate with great summs of money , for portions and otherwise , and the same hath beén and still is greatly incumbred with debts : that the summs that shall be levyed , as aforesaid , after the payment of the said summs of fifty thousand pounds , twenty five thousand pounds , and twenty one thousand , twenty seaven pounds , threé shillings , six pence half-penny , be applyed and paid as followeth , viz. threé thousand pounds thereof to audley mervin , esquire , eldest son of henry mervin , esquire , son and heir of the said sir audley mervin , and the other threé thousand pounds to be equally divided betweén hugh mervin , and george mervin , esquires , younger sons of the said sir audley mervin . and also , that after the payment of the said summ of six thousand pounds , that the further summ of six hundred pounds sterling , shall , and may be levyed , collected and paid , over out of the said aid , or additional custom , or duties , unto richard warburton of garryhinch , in the queens-county , esquire , being a summ due to the said richard warburton , for services by the said richard warburton performed , during the said parliament , which began in this kingdom in the year of our lord god , one thousand six hundred sixty and one . finis . we judging it requisite for his majesties service, that all officers and souldiers of the army in this kingdom, do according to their duty, constantly remain in their respective garrisons and quarters ... by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1672 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46091 wing i690 estc r36854 16143733 ocm 16143733 104838 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46091) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104838) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:44) we judging it requisite for his majesties service, that all officers and souldiers of the army in this kingdom, do according to their duty, constantly remain in their respective garrisons and quarters ... by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1672. title from first 5 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at his majesties castle of dublin; the 22th of november, 1672. hen: ford." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2006-12 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland . essex , we judging it requisite for his majesties service , that all officers and souldiers of the army in this kingdom , do according to their duty , constantly remain in their respective garrisons and quarters , and not absent themselves from the same , upon any pretence whatsoever , without our licence in writing first obtained , have thought fit hereby strictly to command and require all officers of his majesties army , in this said kingdom ( except such as are members of his majesties privy council ) and all private souldiers , now absent from their commands and duties , forthwith after publication hereof , to repair to the several and respective garrisons and quarters appointed them , where they , and all such others as are at present upon their duty , are for time to come constantly to remain , and not absent , themselves without licence from vs as aforesaid . and hereof we require all officers and souldiers concerned , to take notice , and yield due obedience , as they , and every of them will answer the contrary at their peril . given at his majesties castle of dublin ; the 22th of november , 1672. hen : ford. god save the king . dvblin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the kings most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde in castle-street . 1672. the character of the protestants of ireland impartially set forth in a letter, in answer to seven queries ... : with remarks upon the great charge england is like to be at with those people, and the destruction of that kingdom by famine, if not prevented. halifax, george savile, marquis of, 1633-1695. 1689 approx. 55 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a44660 wing h301 estc r23371 12068179 ocm 12068179 53417 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44660) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 53417) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 72:9) the character of the protestants of ireland impartially set forth in a letter, in answer to seven queries ... : with remarks upon the great charge england is like to be at with those people, and the destruction of that kingdom by famine, if not prevented. halifax, george savile, marquis of, 1633-1695. [2], 30 p. printed for dorman newman ..., london : 1689. attributed to george halifax. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in yale university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -ireland. ireland -economic conditions. 2003-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-12 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-12 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the character of the protestants of ireland , impartially set forth in a letter , in answer to seven queries ; their original , humour , interest , losses , present condition , apprehensions , and resolutions . with remarks upon the great charge england is like to be at with those people , and the destruction of that kingdom by famine , if not prevented . london , printed for dorman newman , at the king's arms in the poultrey , mdclxxxix . the character of the protestants in ireland , impartially set forth in a letter , &c. sir , that i have not sooner performed my promise , and your commands , has been the difficulty of your injunctions ; which were , that i should give a full account of these seven particulars : first , the original . secondly , the humour . thirdly , the interest . fourthly , the losses . fifthly , the present condition . sixthly , the apprehensions . and lastly , the resolutions for the future settlement of the gentlemen of ireland . since i undertook the work , i thought my self obliged to be as perfect in it , as some few weeks would admit ; but when i had spent some , and almost as many as i designed for the whole , i found my weeks must be turned into months , and my enquiry in london reach to bristol , and other parts of the kingdom ; for that i found such different accounts even in matter of fact , that i could not well depend upon any thing : and to say the truth , at my first onset i was much discouraged by the diversity of characters i received from them , both of things and themselves ; which after some time , i found might easily be reconciled , as you will find in the sequel of this discourse . but to detain you no longer , in setting forth my conduct in this irish travel , i shall come to your particulars : first , as to the original of those , we most improperly call british protestants , who are of all nations , and might be rather , with st. iames , the twelve tribes scattered through the earth . i have discoursed with dutch , french , germans , scotch , welsh , and with as many born in our foreign plantations , new-england , virginia , barbadoes , &c. and to complete this diversity among them , those of our own nation being of different counties , are so in their humours , as we know by experience among our selves . now these gentlemen of ireland being composed , or rather compact of such variety , i do not wonder , as most do , that they are so dis-joint in their affections and representations of each other . a common calamity is more equally considered by indifferent persons , than by them who lie under it ; for though it be common in the affliction , yet it is particular in the several attempts of each to get out of it ; and the frailty of our nature is apt to lead us beyond our charity to our neighbour , when we want it our selves ; a fault no ways to be extenuated , yet too common , and i fear too much the practice of some among these gentlemen : but i have digressed . these several nations and people i before mentioned , are such as they call new interest-men , and came into ireland by and since cromwel's conquest , after the rebellion of forty one. these men , though of such differing interests among themselves , yet are a joint body and separate from the other interest of the protestant party of that kingdom , which they call the old interest ; and they are the off-spring of the several soldiers and adventurers , since strongbow's going into that kingdom . these men , it seems , thought their interest infallible ; no questioning of their title , because it was the forfeitures of several rebellions in the time of popery , and of that in queen elizabeth's reign , when the irish call'd in the spaniards : but the rebellion of forty one they palliate with several concessions and articles made , though they were , when the irish saint ( the then duke of york ) stood their champion , found frivolous . but these gentlemen of the old interest , i i find like our welsh here , value themselves above the other they call cromwelists ; and on the other hand , the cromwelists look on them as mungreliz'd by the irish ; among whom , many of them have match'd , and therefore in cromwel's time not much trusted ; though now , i think , the new and old interest unite against the common enemy : i mean without the least respect of consanguinity or affinity , the irish papist being odious to them both . thus in short ( for i presume you expect not the genealogy of the protestants of ireland ) i have given you the present interest and place from whence they derive themselves . secondly , for the humour and disposition of the people , i find them in their religion much like us of england , of different persuasions , yet not in any proportion with us for dissenters : the north of ireland being generally scotch , have most presbyterians , but in other parts of the kingdom dissenters are thin ; insomuch that in some is counties not one dissenting meeting : and however they use one another in their characters , they shame us in one thing , that is , in giving respect to their clergy . they are of a generous temper , and even now in their wants , may be seen to have been a people of great hospitality , lived in great plenty , and therefore the more unfit to undergo want ; and if my observation be right , are apter to starve than complain , and too haughty to undertake that they call a mean way of earning their living . i have discoursed with some that were but farmers of ten or twenty pounds sterling a year , whom i questioned how it chanced they were not gone in the army for ireland ; their answer was , they could get no command , and they knew not how to live upon six-pence a day ; but if they could have of their own country to command them , ( for none else they think will fight , ) they would go over voluntiers . this spanish humour i find in them ; but that which nourished it , is that which the spaniard wants , plenty of provisions both for back and belly . such a tenant , as i mentioned before , of ten pounds a year , lives better than a free-holder in england of an hundred pounds a year estate ; keeps a couple of good geldings in his stable , good drink always in his celler , and better clad than our yeomen of kent . this may serve to shew the humour and disposition of the people , and the cause of it ; only this i must add , that i believe them a very stout and warlike people , which is occasioned by their being like the hungarians , in continual action ; the irish being upon the least occasion up in arms , and running out tories , which the english are in continual hazard of , and as furiously pursue . having heard much talk of these tories , i made particular enquiry into the nature and practice of that sett of men , which i shall give you a short account of , as they have stood since cromwel's conquest ; for no farther i shall look back in all my relation of ireland . these men , after the reducing of ireland , and the lord musgrave ( since earl of clancarty ) laying down arms , had no commission , and therefore called tories . they came not in upon musgrave's articles , because there were no terms for any guilty of murther , of which most of them that staid out tories were in cromwel's government , they were so hunted , and the irish that were under protection so punished for any robbery they committed in the parish where it was done , that they were soon destroyed : but upon every alteration in england , some ran out , as if they were immediately to recover the kingdom : and so they did upon king charles the second's restauration , expecting , as they then gave out , to be restored the sooner for being found in their defence against the english , who they then hoped would be judged the greater rebels ; so after , upon the dutch war , several got up , insomuch that the farmers of the excise had abatements for the ravage these made in the country hindering affairs . there was one redmond hanly , that kept out several years , though great attempts of the army continually made to take him ; and another in munster , called colonel poore , with many others , in all parts of the kingdom , who kept the english in continual action , and to me seems a reason for making them bold and good soldiers , and most serviceable against the irish , as having been their former masters , and conquerors : and trogus pompeius relates a story of a country , which being over-run with slaves , was not reduced , till laying aside other arms than those of chastisement , their masters reminded them of their servile fears , and so at last regained their empire over them , as their ancient masters , not competitors of the field . and i find many of oliver's soldiers alive , and free enough to go against the irish , if they had but english commanders of their own countrey ; they complaining much of some that are sent over , yet modestly expressed ; for i find them of a quiet and obedient disposition . thirdly , for their interest , i find them unanimous for their present majesties : and i have wondred in so great a number , as i have personally , and by proxy conversed with , that i should never find but four men , so much as scrupling our present happiness , and of them three clergy-men . the character , i first gave you of their original , is argument enough for their affection to our present government , since they are stripp'd of all by the late king , of whom they relate such things , as are not fit to come among humane , much less christian ears . if the english , or protestants of ireland are considered in their personal or real estates , their interest that way , i find to be thus : few of them had any thing in england , the temptation of buying land cheap , and rents better payed than in england , made them lay out all there , and consequently few monied men among them . those that did not purchase , laid out in improvements . plate i do not find they so much affected , as we in england ; yet few families without some ; jewels were less in use among them . those of personal estates had generally great stocks of cattel ; and land being cheap , the country for these late years was over-burthened with them . but that which is scarce to be credited in so plentiful a country , situate beyond any place in the christian world for trade , there should be no merchants : in all my enquiry , i cannot find one that may bear the character of a compleat merchant . they tell me , there were two or three in dublin of universal trade ; but growing rich , took honours , and purchased lands ; since them there appears nothing but factors , and home-bred-men , like our planters in the west-indies : and this is to me the reason , why ireland is so contemptible in its trade , that might otherwise be the most flourishing empire in europe , there being so few dealers resident in that kingdom . the interest of those fled from thence , is comprehended under those already named in stock and real estate ; and that brings me to your fourth head , the losses of the protestants of ireland . and here i find both you and i have been not only mistaken , but prejudicate . the evil characters of some , and too light behaviour of others , gives , i confess , too great occasion of censuring that people : but if ten righteous men would have prevented sodom's condemnation , many tens of ill men should not condemn a kingdom , where there is more hundreds deserving . fourthly , their losses , and deplorable condition , seems exceeding any modern account ; and the more unhappy , since 't is scarce perceived . we pitied the french fugitives more than these , that are our bone and our flesh ; and the reason seems to be , that every one of them was distinguished by garb and speech , but these from ireland are by neither , and so in the croud not discerned ; nor shall we hear them complain , for the reasons i have before mentioned : but to come to their losses . i need not tell you what the list given into the house of commons mentions , to which some have made exceptions , that the returns are favourable ; but that will not be believed by those , that discourse the gentlemen concerned in them ; a more derogating temper , i confess , i never saw among a people , not in the least inclinable to favour one another . i am loth to say , it is giving most of them the lye , to have honourable thoughts of their best men : but i would not make so general a reflexion , for i have met with some worthy and intelligent men among them ; and such as complain of some busie men , whose employments of agency and solliciting , gave them the opportunity and practice of characterizing men , in which they were too free , as well as faulty in possessing great men with : but to return . the losses of the nobility and gentry , were most in their real estates ; few of them had money , and not considerable in plate or iewels ; they that had any of the three , did in time send it over for england . that which i take to be as considerable , or more than the real estates , is the loss of personal estates in stock ; and that is vastly beyond our common estimation , and will , perhaps , be so in acceptation : but what i shall relate , i have such good authority for , that i question not the truth . it is usual in that kingdom for a tenant that pays but twenty pounds a year , to have from an hundred to two hundred head of black cattel on it ; and for others that pay not two hundred pounds a year rent , to make more than three hundred a year of their wool. i should exceed the bounds of a letter , to enumerate all on this head : but upon the whole , at a moderate computation , it is believed they have lost in stock , and other personal estates , to the value of more than eight millions sterling , allowing but an hundred pounds sterling for a family : now these men are more to be pitied than they who are out of their lands , for that will be found again , ( though they believe of little value ; ) but those that have lost their stocks , are utterly ruin'd without hopes of reparation ; and under this qualification , they compute more than eighty thousand families , one half of which are still in ireland , more to be lamented than those that are here . i mention nothing of the clergy's livings , nor men of civil employments , because they come under the head of free-holders being for life ; however it is worse with them than gentlemen of estates , in regard they can make no disposition to purchase bread , as those of lands may . fifthly , but now to your fifth query , what their present condition , and that , after what has before been related , must be bad , and i doubt worse than we imagine ; for they tell you , most of them came over when they could bring little with them , but the cloths on their backs ; they have been here some ten months , and most six months ; they acknowledge the charity of london great , but say little of the other parts of the kingdom ; the whole is said not to exceed thirty thousand pounds : and a greater gift than that , they say , was offered by them in ireland , viz. thirty thousand biefs to be given to the distressed of london , when burnt ; of this a reverend prelate of theirs hath some testimonial by him , his grace the arch-bishop of tuam , who is among them of universal esteem , and in which he is singular . now this publick charity is not , as we thought , dispersed among all gentry , as well as others , but only to the poor , such as had scarce stocks in the kingdom , but were poor mechanichs , husband-men , and labourers . some of the clergy have also support out of it ; and although they that are intrusted with the disposing this money , lengthen it out as much as possible , giving to most not above ten shillings a month ; yet they say about nineteen thousand pounds of the money is already gone , and yet all complain , as if there were not an equal distribution ; but i find little ground for it , only one or two men are a scandal to the rest ; and had they been left out , i believe the noise you heard in the country would not have reached so far . now all this while , the men of greatest quality , and , perhaps , of greatest want , are put to their shifts ; but they most of all , whose estates lay in stock , for that they can have no credit , there being no expectation for their recovery : when i think of these men , i must confess my heart aches , they are the most miserable men that have been among us , this age having lived plentifully , worth thousands , bred to nothing but rural matters , know not how to get bread by any other imployment , and so turned naked into the world , when they were going , by their age , out of it ; ( i wish many of them go not silently away for want of bread ; ) and yet under the charge this kingdom lies , maintaining the arms of three kingdom 's forces in holland , and a great navy at sea , it is not easie to find out an expedient to help them . i have been in discourse with some of them ; and putting the case to one , whether they could reasonably expect we should raise money for them by a tax , since by collection it comes to so little , and is indeed the worst way of raising money ; for that only the good man , not the rich , pays it any farther than he is charitable ; whereas a tax imposeth according to a man's ability . to this i was answered , that they did believe it reasonable : and more , that it was profitable for us to do it . i was surprized with the assertion , and desired to hear his reasons for it , which were as follows : first he affirms there were forty thousand families fled from ireland into england ; that they had one with another spent at least , twenty pound a family , which amounts to eight hundred thousand pounds sterling : this was so much added to the stock of england , and therefore deserved some return , since it was there all ; and had so much money been spent in holland , they would have considered a distressed people that had done it . he illustrated the discourse with mercantine observations , of which he was master , and i foreign too , and therefore can no more relate than understand . his notions seem'd reasonable , and all terminated in this , that england has had in specie , mony , and plate , more from them than ever was brought in clear , and resting in the kingdom in one year ; for that he accounted all theirs was lodg'd here , and took nothing out of the kingdom : and when i objected , that our lead , tin , woollen-manufacturies , and even the east-india commodities , brought us in five times the summ he insisted on : he answered , that as it slow ▪ d in , so like the tide it had its ebb out , otherwise england would not hold its treasure ; it would come to an immensity , if but half a million a year was added to england . we then come to that part of his assertion , that it is profitable for england to raise money for them ; and that he would prove thus : first , that england had been for many years a gainer by their trade , contrary to the common opinion : and this point , i confess , he handled beyond my expectation ; and it must be better heads ▪ than mine that can answer him . first , he laid down , that ireland took more of our manufactories , and native commodities , than virginia , our darling plantation ; and that if we pleased , we might raise as great a revenue by ireland , as we do out of our tobacco . then that we made above two millions sterling a year of their wool ; that by the act of navigation we had barr'd them from the use of all foreign shipping , and that in effect we had prohibited them from trade to our foreign plantations ; by which , whatever the gain of their trade was , we had it by our shipping and plantation-commodities : that they were prohibited by our acts of parliament from bringing any of their commodities but what we stood in need of ; a thing ( as they set it out ) so severe , as never used but to an enemy . the native commodities never prohibited a country in amity ; the most is to lay heavy duties on them : but ireland in its chiefest commodities made a nusance . and to close all , he affirmed that ireland added to the trade of england ▪ three millions a year ▪ all this he thought worth their securing . that the gaining the kingdom would not do it , if the inhabitants that were used to the country , were not preserv'd and sent thither again : that many had already sought dwellings in foreign parts , and more were on the wing . this is as much as i can remember of our discourse , and i wanted one to oppose him ; for from me he carried his hypothesis . sixthly , as to your sixth query , what the general apprehensions of them are ? i cannot give you a single solution to that , since i find them differing so much among themselves : one party , and those that were the latest planters in that kingdom , i find generally resolv'd to return no more , but rather bend their thoughts for carolina , virginia , and new-england . these believe that ireland will not soon be reduced , and that it will never be at quiet ; for that the french lying so near it , and taking upon him the guardianship of the pretended prince of wales , will ever be infesting that kingdom ; and that the irish will be always ready to receive them : so that the quiet of ireland will depend upon the success of the french. a successful campaign with him , will raise a tory-camp in ireland ; for that , they say , they have experience by three several instances , in less than two years . first , upon the death of king charles the second , they got up in all parts of the kingdom , not having patience to see what their guardian-angel , the late king , would doe for them . that was scarce quieted with the assurance of his being a catholick majesty ; but upon monmouth's appearing ; they got up again ; that was soon after pretty well laid by the arrival of that good man the earl of clarendon , so they term him ; and then up they got again , upon the arrival of tyrconnel ; so they say the tories ever do upon the least change of government . these are the apprehensions of those they call new purchasers , that came for ireland since the act of settlement , which was made upon the restauration of charles the second . another set of them i find more resolute , and they are those they call cromwelians : these are such as were soldiers in that conquest , or the sons of them ; a rough sturdy people , and full of indignation against the irish , rendring them a bloody , but cowardly people , easily conquer'd , if fallen suriously upon . but the way now taken ( they say ) will put courage in the irish , who never saw themselves fear'd or treated like a formidable enemy before , the english being more troubled to find than overcome them ; and never considered odds , but thought them brave if they would engage them , being five to one : they instance the same in the few english that got together . now those they call iniskilling-men , which were not of that place , but most of connaught , the remains and off-spring of oliverians , that were under the former lord kingstone , and headed by the young lord his son , who , they say , inherits his father's courage ; and had he not been betrayed by lundy , would have done great things in ireland , as his men have done since , where less than twelve hundred half naked men , routed five thousand of the flower of the irish army , posted in a most inaccessible place . this ( they say ) was three to one greater odds than our army stands upon ; and believe if they had been sent over under their own old commanders , there would have been a good account of ireland by this time . this is the opinion they have of themselves , and yet fansie the king will use them at last , and believe his majesty would at first , but that they had enemies , who gave a false account of them . for the new interest-men , they are sure not a man but would venture his life for their majesties in any part of the world. but to come to that which hath more authority with it , and that is , they say , that when cromwel landed in ireland , the english and british had the chief of the kingdom , dublin , cork , toughall , kingsale , and all the north , where there was stock of cattel , and pretty store of pillage near the garisons . that cromwel made quick work , took drogheda , and several places of moment in few weeks after his landing ; so that before the spring , ( he landing in august , ) the whole kingdom was in a manner in protestants hands ; the irish pent up in garisons . and yet after all these advantages and opportunities of sowing corn , when the war was over in fifty one , the famine , and its usual attendent , the plague , swept away more than the sword had done in all the war of the irish , and many thousands of the english. in the city of dublin there died in one year two and twenty thousand . there is a worse prospect now of the same fate , for that the protestants have not an ear of corn in the kingdom ; nor have the irish much , scarce any winter-corn , for that at the season for sowing , they have been imbroil'd in arms. nor can there be any spring-corn considerable , for the same reason . from all which they infer , there must inevitably be a famine next year ; which will in the first place fall upon those protestants that escape this winter , many are perished already ; for that the irish keep the men prisoners , after having robb'd them of all they have , and leave the poor women and children starving in their houses . upon the whole , they conclude , that the kingdom will be in a manner dispeopled , let what will now happen ; and that those few , both of english and irish , who escape the destroying angel in war , famine , and plague , and live to see peace , will yet perish for want of bread ; the mony of the kingdom being already sent to france by the late king , and brass farthings left as half-crowns in the room of the silver ; so that they will have nothing to purchase food . they farther add , that after the last rebellion , the kingdom was suller of money than ever it was since ; that corn was much cheaper in england , than it is like to be now . that then they had great quantities of corn from france , now there can be none ; and after all these helps , ( which now they will want , ) yet great part of those left in fifty one perished by famine ; and wanting of people to bury the dead , infected the air , and brought the plague , the irish scarce covering their dead with earth . some objections i made to these desponding conjectures , which were chiefly two : first , that it was not to be imagined but the irish would keep some silver-money ; and that in robbing the english they must get some . to this i was answered , that the irish are seldom masters of money , their treasure being cattel ; that the course the late king took , was invincible to draw out every penny of silver they had ; for at the same time he proclaimed his brass coin to pay his army , and to pass betwixt man and man , it was provided , that all his revenue , as quit-rent , hearth-money , excise , customs , &c. should be paid in silver , so that as long as there was a penny among them , it came into the treasury . for their having money of the english's , or plate , i find they are so ingenious , most of them , as to confess , they believe the english left little money or plate behind them . my second objection was , that though there were no trade , yet in such a fertile countrey it was easie for the irish to get roots , hearbs , milk , flesh , and their great food , potatoes , which we see here in england , after once setting , are never to be got out of the ground , so that of them they can never want . to all which i was answered , that the irish ( for by the way it is granted , that the english will not be admitted , nor are able to doe any of these ) are great strangers to garden-stuff ; nor is there garden-seeds in the kingdom , the english always fetching them from england . milk , it is true , is one part of their summer's provision , but they presume they will have as great want of cattel , as corn , especially cows ; for which they give me a reason , that carries probability with it , though it be novel : they tell me , in ireland the very english give little or no fodder in winter to their black cattel , by which means their cows , which they call gowneys , that is , such as had not calves the last summer , being with calf the winter following , are best in flesh all the winter ; and being so , the hungry irish , in regard there is no command of them , being soldiers , and rambling where they please , fall upon these cows , and by that means they are without cattel to give them milk next summer ; and for demonstration they say , that after the last war a milch cow in ireland would yield eight pounds , when an ox as big again , might be bought for three . for their potatoes , they say , it is a mistake to think that after being once set they need no more labour ; they must be every year new dug , and dunged : and besides , these potatoes come not in till next winter , and these gentlemen here agree , as is already past , that they will be all starved next summer , and that such as do escape , will not be the english , for that they will first perish . the quantity of corn and beer that was brought into ireland in one year after the last war , is incredible , as they relate it . a person of good quality and fortune told me , he was then a merchant , and lived in england , but traded for ireland , that he sent great quantities of wheat and malt himself ; above ten thousand of our quarters in one year went to waterford ; that to all parts there went not less than one hundred thousand quarters in one year ; and if so much was wanting when there had been so much of the kingdom in pretestant hands , what will there be after an universal ravage and destruction , for so they conclude the condition of that kingdom ? i cannot omit the foot of a discourse i had with the most intelligent man i met among them ; it was this : ireland , as it stood at the death of charles ii. he believed had about two millions of souls ; a minute computation to that gentleman's , who in a pamphlet makes the british protestants half that number , who were never accounted a fifth part of the whole , the irish being thought near eight for one , but this gentleman , who made his computation two millions , supposes a dolefull account , that two thirds will , by flight , the sword , famine , and sickness , be taken off before ireland can be reduced , hoping it be done next summer , there will then not remain seven hundred thousand souls in the kingdom ; allow them but two bushels a mouth for a year , which is but about three farthings worth of bread a day , which allowance will starve more than feed ; yet at this rate , there must be one hundred and seventy five thousand quarters of bread-corn , to keep their distressed remains alive , besides the army , that must be better provided for . i was startled at this computation ; and when i went to make some objection , i was stopped with this , that if the deliverance of these poor creatures happen to be greater than what he expected , then the provision of corn must be greater ; and that for help in the kingdom , there was no expectation considerable : it was more than could be expected , if they could find of any sustenance to make up a living . i find their apprehensions very remote , as to the re-planting that kingdom , grounded upon their experience in oliver's time ; which is this , that the reducing of that kingdom happened to be just after the winding up of that fatal catastrophy of the civil wars of england and scotland , which obliged many thousands of the loyal party to shift their habitations , and that brought them for ireland : there were also numbers that came from new-england , and other foreign plantations , having friends and relations promoted in ireland . there was also such an absolute conquest , and power over the irish , that they were rather numbred among the beasts of the field , than thought on as a people in a possibility of disturbing the government . not five men in the kingdom restored to their estates , the most of them transplanted into a country they call connaught , surrounded with the sea , and a great river ; so that it was not possible to have greater security , and more incouragement than was at that time ; and yet after all this , for near five years after the conquest , wales , scotland , and england , for some provisions , were their markets ; and land was set , some years after the laying down of arms , for forty shillings a year , that in ten years after , was set for two hundreds pounds a year : so then , if with all the advantages that then attended ireland , it was yet so many years in rising to a bare living , how will it be now improved , when none of those advantages attend it , but just the contrary . they name particulars , which i shall not trouble you with , being easily understood . i have given you the sentiments of two sets of these people , i now come to a third ; for i find them of three distinct interests and affections one to the other : these last are of the old interest , and seem to be more affected to ireland , than either of the former , and think it the paradise of the earth ; would willingly engage their lives in that war , but desire to be excused from the bravery of the gentlemen before-mentioned . they have better hopes of ireland ; have , with their own , the remarks of their ancestors ; how frequent the rebellions of ireland have been , and yet the country soon made habitable again . they confess it looks worse now than ever ; and that the irish were never a formidable enemy before ; and therefore they fear the country will be waste before it be reduced . they have the same apprehensions with the former , of the french infesting the western and southern parts of the kingdom , and fear , above all , the pardoning the men of estates , which they say was ever the ruine of that kingdom : the irish grandees , first by bribes , and , in process of time , by marriage into english families , got such friends in the court of england , that whatever rebellion happened , they always had some of their great men to head it , and , in the whole , or part , pardon'd , when they had done the like they fear now : and if any one of the great clanns doth get his estate , he will be , upon any opportunity a head to new rebellions : but if they be quite extirpate , i mean the men of estates , then they fear nothing , but , in the end , to be the better for this war , which , they hope , will make a lasting settlement for that kingdom . i had almost forgot a remarkable difference in opinion i find between these gentlemen , and those of the new interest : they of the new believe nothing will contribute more to the enriching that kingdom , than the bringing in foreigners , dutch , french , and of any nation , that are of the reformed religion ; but those of the old interest , that are the off-spring of the first english that went for ireland , have differing sentiments , and say , they had rather have the slavish irish , than the rhedomontado french , or stubborn dutch , that they cannot govern ; and i find the old english of ireland have always been jealous of new comers , which makes a division among the people . seventhly , i now come to the seventh query , what the resolution of them in general is , and of that i can give no certain account , since they seem not fixed themselves ; some despairing , others in hopes , and the rest resolute , to take their fortunes there : but by the nearest computation i can make , the greatest numbers are in condition neither to go , nor stay , having nothing here , and have lost all there . these are men , whose estates lay all in stock . it would hardly be credited , how much these farmers exceed ours in their stock ; it being common for men there of not a penny free-hold , to have five hundred head of black cattel , and a thousand sheep . many of two and three thousand pounds worth of stock , all which being lost , and they being bred to no other imployment , are in a helpless condition , their misfortune such as i never read any thing like it in story , exceeding the cruelty of the most unchristian government . they were no ways engaged against the late king ; no not so much as pretenders to any of the irish estates , but many of them tenants to the irish , pretended ( as some of them tell me ) to be zealous for the late king , in hopes , by that means , to keep their stock , but all would not do : every thing they had swept away ; and even those that were protected , and stay'd there , in obedience to his proclamation , were all alike used . now what government under the copes of heaven did ever exert such authority , that obedience under it should be no security . i had like to have wish'd those gentlemen who , under pretence of conscience , advocate his cause that doth all this , were under his government : but god forbid there should be more martyrs , or sacrifices to moloch ; for they cannot be called martyrs , that suffer without refusing any so much as pretended law. those gentlemen that had real estates , and are here in england , i find most of them in want of money , as much as those that had all in personal estates , having spent all they brought with them , which could not be much , by their own computation , of having spent eight hundred thousand pounds in this kingdom , which is twenty pounds a family , for forty thousand families ( they say ) are in england ; but i take their computation of expence to be modest , and much short of what such numbers must have spent in six and nine months , as most of them have been here . i have no more to add , having given you as impartial an account to all your queries as possible , both of the people , their humors , and present condition ; i beg your pardoning my vanity , if i say , that i believe , you have it in this , with more indifferency , than it can be had from any of themselves : out of them all i have gathered this relation , which i presume none of them will arraign . i know you will expect my opinion , and remarks upon the whole of my observations , which are more than i could commit to writing ; and this is a greater difficulty than all the rest , which is no more than matter of fact : but this of making critical observations , is a work of judgment , to which i have but a slender pretence ; however my thoughts , such as they are , you have as follows . for the people , you have their character in the first paragraph of their original : they are , by all the account that ever i meet with , from those that have been among them in ireland , the most hospitable people in the world , and that humour carries them above their condition in their expence ; they generally complain of the strait hands of england , especially in the country . what will become of them , is past my understanding , they seem too many for england to maintain ; yet at the same time , i see no other way to preserve them from starving . it is true , we have been yet at no charge with those of best quality , and , for ought i see , in greatest want : i wish the pride of some of them , and the narrowness of our hearts , have not already sent some into another world , that rather pine away than beg ; i have heard of one , a man of five hundred a year , that did so . i am loth to censure men in affliction ; yet why those of the north , whose estates are all free and quiet , don't return , is unaccountable : i think them enemies to their country-men , that have yet no estates to go unto ; for that it is natural for us to believe , they are not in want , who will not go to their own estates ; and some may have the same thoughts of such as cannot . it would be well for these poor gentlemen that are in want , if these men were distinguished ; for while they are in england , the other will be the less considered . i confess , it was at first a surprize to me , that men who talk of hundreds , and thousands a year , in the north of ireland , should think themselves entituled to the charity of the parliament ; but enquiring into the matter , i found these gentlemen were some of them livers here before this deprivation , and that for their pleasures . others ( i may say most of them ) are making interest for employments , and to be privy counsellors ; how agreeable this is , for men to neglect their common interest ; leave their brethren there in misery ; and now they might help , and encourage them by their return , stay here to enjoy their pleasure , and make themselves great men , you may judge . they put a hard task on the king , and people of england , to conquer their country for them , if they will not at least sit down in it , as fast as it is recovered ; so that the king's army may pursue their victories , and not stay to keep the country , as they get it ; they to whom the land belongs may sure do that , or else the king must raise another army . there is no comparison to be made with cromwel's conquest , and this ; he found three protestant armies in the kingdom , all the north in their hands , and most of the chief cities and ports in the kingdom : the enemy a shabby miserable people , with very few arms , and less ammunition , never appeared in the field , but like tories ; so as the gentlement of ireland say themselves , their trouble was to find them : but now it is not so ; they have a numerous army , their pretended king in the head of them , and all the kingdom in their hands , but the north , that his majesty's forces have recovered back ; so that i doubt they go too fast , that think we might have regained ireland last summer . i most lament the poor protestants that are in the irish hands , by what i can understand , they must inevitably perish this winter , for that they have nothing of their own : and what can be expected from such barbarous enemies as the irish , who in the last rebellion , murdered two hundred thousand persons , using all manner of exquisite tortures , and now have the more accomplished way of the french , their masters , to starve the hereticks . there seems no prospect for the return of any of the people of ireland untill next summer , except those of the north go to their estates ; if they do , we shall still have three fourths left on our hands ; and if they at a moderate computation could not live these six months past for six hundred thousand pounds , how will they for the future ? if they live but with the allowance of prisoners , fifty thousand pounds per month will not defray the charge : and this is not all ; suppose we keep them alive untill next summer , and then they are restored to ireland , there they must have bread , and considering the want of our usual granary , france , and our great expence for naval provisions , and that corn is already rising , i cannot see how england can spare any , scotland can give but a small help ; so then our expectation must be from the east-sea , and considering that all europe is in arms , the expence of corn will be greater than in the memory of man , which will raise the price so , that one year's provision of grain , allowing but one third of the people of ireland to be alive the next year , may reasonably be supposed to cost a million sterling ; all which must come out of the treasury of england , or those people will perish by famine . this you may think ( as i doubt not most do ) a remote prediction , and may as well not be , as come to pass , i could wish it were so ; but methinks , it is a poor confutation , only to say , it will not be , and yet give not so much as probability for the contrary , when for my assertion there is plain demonstration , and former experience . but you will then say , what will be the end of all this , and where the remedy ? if it were in my province , i could answer in point the several ways that are open for it , which they at the helm no doubt have before them . to comply with your desire , and since all i have said is but matter of discourse , not enquiries into government , much less dictates to it , i shall give you my thoughts in two particulars . first , that this course taken by our army in ireland , in that we call delay , is the best expedient to preserve that kingdom from being depopulated , i mean of the common irish ; for it seems of consequence to preserve them , and they will ( if former experience has any weight ) soon become demeanable to the english government if their heads are removed from them . now had our army , as soon as they landed , attacked these people , there would have been in probability great destruction of them ; and those that were left , thereby made desperate , and told by their leaders , nothing but destruction would attend them , if they did not fight it out ; and nothing makes a coward stout like necessity : if death attend on all parts , his only hope is the death of his enemy , and that makes him fight : now this hazard is prevented , by giving them time to consider their danger , and offering them terms of peace , and enjoyment of all their properties : i still mean the common people ; for the landed men , i find by all hands , are never to be restored to their estates : but the commonalty are of absolute use in the kingdom ; and they are , as the mantle thrown off tells us , followers of their lands ; whoever commands the one , hath the other . and i have heard the gentlemen of ireland say , that their irish tenants would in their common discourse say , that if the english had an army to protect them , swearing the common oath , by their souls , they would keep their cabins , and not fight to get land for other men : they must be slaves , let who will have it , and worse used by the irish than english landlords . and however it is generally said , that these poor people go voluntarily into their army ; the most judicious of the irish gentlemen i meet with , say , it is a force upon the greatest part of them ; and that it is so , i believe may be the reason of duke schomberg's taking the methods , which vulgar heads condemn ; but in the end , may be found of great advantage to that kingdom : for that it is more than probable , great part of the late king's army , will from their winter-quarters run home to their cabins from a summers , this year's service having given them enough of the discipline of war. for by the way , i find the irish marry very young , so that of their infantry , there is not one of ten a single man , from whence i make this remark , that the reason which is usually given for the irish , not fighting so well in their own country , as in foreign parts , is not all concluded in knowing where to run upon a rout , but it seems as much reason , that they run to their wives . upon the whole , it then seems to me of weight , that the irish have this winter given them to run away in : and though i am no prophet , yet do predict we shall have a slender account next spring of the irish army ; and it seems undeniable , that this way of bringing in the irish , will preserve that kingdom , both in its provisions and people ; for that the irish will by this means preserve all they can , since they will have hopes to enjoy them under their old masters , the english. secondly , that which will make the settlement of that kingdom easie , and speedy , may be the present return of those that fled from it ; they talk of many thousands in england , and , no doubt , are men of courage , and fit for action ; and although i cannot see any need of enlarging his majesties troups there , yet these gentlemen would be of great use in that kingdom , both to plant , and secure the countrey , as it falls into his majesty's hands ; they tell me near half the kingdom is so already , as to the acres , though the chief towns are not : all ulster , and a great part of connaught may be quietly possessed by his majesties loyal subjects . now if they were there , all the foregoing fears were at an end , and that of the great charge those gentlemen would be to england , if they live upon the charity of the kingdom . i have heard several of them that expect the benevolence of the parliament say , that if they had but a quarter of what they have spent since they came into england , to carry them back , they would not tarry a day longer . the house of commons ( they say ) are now upon addressing their majesties in their behalf for sixty thousand pounds for a year ; if that were made an hundred thousand pounds , and paid them in one entire summ , by what i can perceive , they would give us no farther trouble : if they have spent eight times the summ here , we may afford it ; and as remote as some think that kingdom looks , i have the faith to believe we shall see that work done in time , to visit monsieur next summer with greatest part of that army . i am , sir , yours , &c. a proclamation by his majesties commissioners for executing his gracious declaration for the settlement of ireland ireland. commission of lands and for the settlement of ireland. 1661 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46051 wing i430 estc r39299 18367739 ocm 18367739 107372 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46051) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107372) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1636:34) a proclamation by his majesties commissioners for executing his gracious declaration for the settlement of ireland ireland. commission of lands and for the settlement of ireland. 1 broadside. dublin printed by william bladen, by special order, and now reprinted at london ..., [london] : 1661. reproduction of original in the guildhall, london library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed 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guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1660-1688. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-02 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal english blazon or coat of arms a proclamation by his majesties commissioners for executing his gracious declaration for the settlement of ireland . whereas the kings most excellent majesty by his commission under the great seal of this kingdom of ireland , bearing date the nineteenth day of march , in the thirteenth year of his reign , hath nominated and appointed vs commissioners for the putting in execution his majesties gracious declaration of the thirtyeth of november last , for the settlement of this kingdom of ireland , and satisfaction of the several interests of adventurers and soldiers , and other his subjects there , according to the tenor of certain instructions to the said commission annexed ; and whereas by the said instructions , we are amongst other things required to cast up the whole debt , and demand of the adventurers , as well those that are satisfied , as those that are in part , or in whole deficient , and also all the forfeited lands assigned for the said adventurers satisfaction , in order to the more particular apportioning and dividing the said lands amongst the said adventurers , and satisfying their deficiencies , and assertaining their respective proportions . we therefore in order to the more speedy and effectual execution of the said commissions and instructions , have thought fit to publish and declare , and do hereby publish and declare , that all and every adventurer and adventurers for lands in ireland , his or their assignee or assignes , as well those who have received satisfaction either in lands or houses for their said adventurers , or those who are in part or in whole deficient , do by themselves , or their agent or agents suficiently authorized , within forty dayes after publication hereof , deliver unto vs in writing under their hands and seals a paricular of the summes of money for which he or they do demand satisfaction by way of adventure out of any forfeited lands or houses in this kingdom : and therein do also insert the names of such persons , in whose right they claim the said adventure , and also the place where the same by lots formerly drawn amongst the said adventurers is fallen to be satisfied . and further , that such of the said adventurers who have received satisfaction either in lands or houses for the sums of money so by them adventured , or any part thereof , do therein also insert a perticular of the houses and lands by them possessed , together with the content and number of acres both profitable and unprofitable in each town-land , village , balliboe , or quarter of land , as the same were admeasured to them or for their use , and if such adventure be for houses in any city , such adventurers are to deliver in , not only the particular houses and tenements by them possessed , but also the values of them resectively as set out to them , or any other for their use . and we do further hereby publish and declare , that his majesty by his said idstructions to vs hath signified his pleasure , that if any adventurer , or the assignee , or assignes to such adventurer , shall neglect to return unto us such certificate , or shall willingly make and deliver a false certificate of the summes he was to be satisfied according to the acts for satisfaction of adventurers , or of the town-lands , villages , quarters , or other denomination of land assigned or given out for satisfaction of such debt or demand , or of the contents or number of acres according as the same were set out unto him or them , such adventurer or his assignee , shall forfiet for three years the rents and profits that such houses , lands , tenements or hereditaments shall yield that he shall so omit to certifie , or that he shall not rightly certifie . and we do hereby further require all such of the said adventurers as have taken surveyes of their lands , that they do forthwith bring unto vs the said surveyes or duplicates thereof , together with the field-books , if in their possession , to the end , the said surveyes may be compared with such other surveyes , as by order of the late pretended powers have been taken of such lands : and hereof all persons concerned are to take notice . dated at the kings-inn in dublin this 27 day of march 1661. in the thirteenth year of his majesties reign . god save the king. montgomery . r. coote . santry . hen. tichborne . jo. bysse , art. forbess . ja. ware. ol. s t. george . john cole . au. mervyn . ja. cuff. hen. warren . dvblin , printed by william bladen , by special order : and now reprinted at london , an. dom. 1661. by the king. whereas divers lewd and wicked persons have of late risen in rebellion in our kingdom of ireland, ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79149 of text r209728 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[30]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79149 wing c2876 thomason 669.f.3[30] estc r209728 99868595 99868595 160588 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79149) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160588) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[30]) by the king. whereas divers lewd and wicked persons have of late risen in rebellion in our kingdom of ireland, ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641. [i.e. 1642] title from caption and opening lines of text. with engraving of royal seal of charles i at head of document. "given under our signet at our palace at vvestminster, the first day of january, in the seventeenth yeer of our reign. 1641". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. a79149 r209728 (thomason 669.f.3[30]). civilwar no by the king. whereas divers lewd and wicked persons have of late risen in rebellion in our kingdom of ireland, ... england and wales. sovereign 1641 576 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king . whereas divers lewd and wicked persons have of late risen in rebellion in our kingdom of ireland , surprised divers of our forts and castles , possessed themselves thereof , surprised some of our garrisons , possessed themselves of some of our magazins of arms and munition , dispossessed many of our good and loyall subjects of the brittish nation and protestants of their houses and lands , robbed and spoiled many thousands of our good subjects of brittish nation , and protestants of their goods , to great values , massacred multitudes of them , imprisoned many others , and some who have the honour to serve vs as privie councellours of that our kingdom : we therefore having taken the same into our royall consideration , and abhorring the wicked disloyaltie and horrible acts committed by those persons , do hereby not onely declare our just indignation thereof , but also do declare them and their adherents , and abettors , and all those who shall hereafter joyn with them , or commit the like acts on any of our good subjects in that kingdom , to be rebels and traitors against our royall person , and enemies to our royall crown of england and ireland . and we do hereby strictly charge and command all those persons , who have so presumed to rise in arms against vs and our royall authority ( which we cannot otherwise interpret then acts of high rebellion and detestable disloyaltie , when therein they spoil and destroy our good and loyall subjects of the brittish nation , and protestants ) that they immediately lay down their arms , and forbear all further acts of hostility ; wherein if they fail , we do let them know , that we have authorised our iustices of ireland , and other our chief governour or governours , and generall , or lieutenant generall of our armie there ; and do hereby accordingly require and authorise them , and every of them , to prosecute the said rebels and traitours with fire and sword , as persons who by their high disloyalty against vs their lawfull and undoubted king and soveraign , have made themselves unworthy of any mercy or favour , wherein our said iustices , or other chief governour or governours , and generall or lieutenant generall of our said army , shall be countenanced , and supported by vs and by our powerfull succours of our good subjects of england and scotland , that so they may reduce to obedience those wicked disturbers of that peace , which by the blessing of god that kingdom hath so long and so happily injoyed , under the government of our royall father and vs . and this our royall pleasure , we do hereby require our iustices , or other chief governour or governours of that our kingdom of ireland , to cause to be published and proclaimed , in , and thorowout our said kingdom of ireland . given under our signet at our palace at westminster , the first day of january , in the seventeenth yeer of our reign . 1641. ❧ god save the king . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill , 1641. articles of peace made and concluded with the irish rebels and papists by james earle of ormond ... also, a letter sent by ormond to col. jones, governour of dublin, with his answer thereunto : and a representation of the scotch presbytery at belfast in ireland : upon all which are added observations. ireland. lord lieutenant (1641-1649 : ormonde) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a25942 of text r495 in the english short title catalog (wing a3863). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 155 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 34 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a25942 wing a3863 estc r495 13413826 ocm 13413826 99462 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a25942) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99462) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 782:27) articles of peace made and concluded with the irish rebels and papists by james earle of ormond ... also, a letter sent by ormond to col. jones, governour of dublin, with his answer thereunto : and a representation of the scotch presbytery at belfast in ireland : upon all which are added observations. ireland. lord lieutenant (1641-1649 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. milton, john, 1608-1674. observations upon the articles of peace with the irish rebels. [2], 65 p. printed by matthew simmons ..., london: 1649. "publisht by autority [sic]" the "observations" are attributed to john milton. cf. bradshaw irish collection, v. 2, no. 6959. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng ireland -history -1649-1775. a25942 r495 (wing a3863). civilwar no articles of peace, made and concluded with the irish rebels, and papists, by james earle of ormond, for and in behalfe of the late king, and ireland. lord lieutenant 1649 28268 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2002-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-12 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-12 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion articles of peace , made and concluded with the irish rebels , and papists , by james earle of ormond , for and in behalfe of the late king , and by vertue of his autoritie . also a letter sent by ormond to col. jones , governour of dublin , with his answer thereunto . and a representation of the scotch presbytery at belfast in ireland . upon all which are added observations . publisht by autority . london ; printed by matthew simmons in aldergate-streete . 1649. by the lord lieutenant generall , and generall governour of the kingdome of ireland . ormond : whereas articles of peace , are made , concluded , accorded , and agreed upon , by and between us , james lord marquesse of ormond , lord lieut. generall , and generall governor of his majesties kingdome of ireland , by vertue of the authority wherewith we are intrusted , for , and on the behalfe of his most excellent majesty of the one part , and the generall assembly of the roman catholickes of the said kingdome , for and on the behalfe of his majesties roman catholick subjects of the same , on the other part ; a true copy of which articles of peace is hereunto annexed . we the lord lieut. do by this proclamation , in his majesties name publish the same , and do in his majest. name strictly charge and command al his majesties subjects , and all others inhabiting or residing within his majesties said kingdome of ireland to take notice thereof , and to render due obedience to the same in all the parts thereof . and as his majesty hath been induced to this peace , out of a deep sence of the miseries and calamities brought upon this his kingdome , and people , and out of a hope conceived by his majesty , that it may prevent the further effusion of his subjects blood , redeem them out of all the miseries and calamities under which they now suffer , restore them to all quietnesse and happinesse , under his majesties most gracious government , deliver the kingdome in generall , from those slaughters , depredations , rapines , and spoyles which alwayes accompany a war encourage the subjects and others with comfort to betake themselves to trade , traffique , comerce , manufacture , and all other things , which un-interrupted , may increase the wealth and strength of the kingdome , beget in all his majesties subjects of this kingdome , a perfect unity amongst themselves , after the too long continued division amongst them ; so his majesty assures himselfe , that all his subjects of this his kingdom ( duely considering the great and inestimable benefits which they may find in this peace ) will with all duty render due obedience thereunto . and we in his majesties name , doe hereby declare , that all persons so rendering due obedience to the said peace , shall be protected , cherished , countenanced , and supported by his majesty , and his royall authority , according to the true intent and meaning of the said articles of peace . given at our castle of kilkenny 17 january , 1648. god save the king . articles of peace , made , concluded , accorded and agreed upon , by and between his excellency james lord marquesse of ormond , lord lieutenant general , and generall of his majesties kingdome of ireland , for and on the behalfe of his most excellent majesty , by vertue of the authority wherewith the said lord lieutenant is intrusted , on the one part ; and the generall assembly of the roman catholickes of the said kingdome , for and on the behalfe of his majesties roman catholicke subjects of the same , on the other part . his majesties roman catholique subjects , as thereunto bound by allegiance , duty and nature , doe most humbly and freely acknowledge and recognize their soveraigne lord king charles to be lawfull and undoubted king of this kingdom of ireland , and other his highnesse realms and dominions ; and his majesties said roman catholicke subjects , apprehending with a deep sence , the sad condition whereunto his majesty is reduced . as a further testimony of their loyalty : doe declare , that they and their posterity for ever , to the utmost of their power , even to the expence of their blood and fortunes will maintaine and uphold his majesty , his heires and lawfull successors their rights , prerogatives , government and authority , and thereunto freely and heartily will render all due obedience . of which faithfull and loyall recognition and declaration so seasonably made by the said roman catholickes ; his majesty is graciously pleased to accept , and accordingly to owne them his loyall and dutifull subjects ; and is further graciously pleased to extend unto them the following graces and securities . 1. in primis , it is concluded , accorded , and agreed upon , by and between the said lord lieutenant , for , and on the behalfe of his most excellent majesty ; and the said general assembly , for and on the behalf of the said roman catholick subjects , and his majestie is graciously pleased , that it shall be enacted by act to be passed in the next parliament to be held in this kingdome , that all and every the professors of the roman catholicke religion within the said kingdom , shall be free and exempt from all mulctes , penalties , restraints and inhibitions that are , or may be imposed upon them by any law ; statute useage or custome whatsoever , for or concerning the free exercise of the roman catholick religion : and that it shall be likewise enacted that the said roman catholicks or any of them shall not be questioned or molested in their persons , goods or estates , for any matter or cause whatsoever for , concerning , or by reason of the free exercise of their religion , by vertue of any power , authority , statute , law , or useage whatsoever ; and that it shall be further enacted , that no roman catholique in this kingdome shall be compelled to exercise any religion , forme of devotion or divine service other then such as shall be agreeable to their conscience , and that they shall not be prejudiced or molested in their persons , goods or estates for not observing , using or hearing the booke of common-prayer or any other forme of devotion or divine service by vertue of any coulor or statute made in the second yeare of queen elizabeth , or by vertue or coullor of any other law , declaration of law , statute , custome or usage whatsoever made or declared , or to be made or declared ; and that it shall be further enacted , that the professors of the roman catholicke religion , or any of them be not bound or oblieged to take the oath commonly called , the oath of supremacy expressed in the statute of 2 elizabeth c. 1 or in any other statute or statutes ; and that the said oath shall not be tendered unto them , and that the refusall of the said oath shall not redound to the prejudice of them , or any of them , they taking the oath of allegiance in haec verba , viz. i a. b. doe hereby acknowledge , professe , testifie and declare in my conscience , before god and the world , that our soveraigne lord king charles , is lawfull and rightfull king of this realme , and of other his majesties dominions and countries ; and i will beare faith and true allegiance to his majesty , and his heires and successors , and him and them will defend to the uttermost of my power against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever which shall be made against his or their crowne and dignitie , and do my best endeavour to disclose and make knowne to his majesty , his heires and successors , or to the lord deputy , or other his majesties cheife governour or governors for the time being , all treason or traiterous conspiracies which i shall know or heare to be entended against his majesty or any of them , and i doe make this recognition and acknowledgment , heartily , willingly and truly , upon the true faith of a christian , so helpe me god , &c. neverthelesse the said lord lieutenant doth not hereby intend that any thing in these concessions contained shall exten'd or be construed to extend to the granting of churches , church-livings , or the exercise of jurisdiction , the authority of the said lord lieutenant not extending so far , yet the said lord lieutenant is authorized to give the said roman catholicks full assurance as hereby the said lord lieutenant doth give unto the said roman catholicks full assurance that they or any of them shall not be molested in the possession which they have at present of the churches and church-livings , or of the exercise of their respective jurisdictions as they now exercise the same untill such time as his majesty upon a ful consideration of the desires of the said roman catholicks in a free parliament to be held in this kingdome shall declare his further pleasure . 2 item , it is concluded , accorded ; and agreed upon , by and between the said parties , and his majestie is further graciously pleased that a free parliament shall be held in this kingdome within six months after the date of these articles of peace , or as soon after as thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskery , francis lord baron of athunry , allexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnewall baronet , jefferey browne , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neile , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esquires , or the major part of them will desire the same , so that by possibility it may be held , and that in the mean time , and untill the articles of these presents , agreed to be passed in parliament be accordingly passed , the same shall be inviolably observed as to the matters therein conteined , as if they were enacted in parliament ; and that in case a parliament be not called and held in this kingdom within two yeares next after the date of these articles of peace , then his majesties lord lieutenant , or other his majesties cheif governour or governours of this kingdome for the time being , will at the request of the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costollogh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskery , francis lord baron of athunry , allexander mac donnell esquires , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnewall baronet , geffery browne , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neile , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esquires , or the major part of them , call a generall assembly of the lords and commons of this kingdom , to attend upon the said lord lieutenant or other his majesties cheife governour or governours of this kingdom for the time being , in some convenient place , for the better setling of the affairs of the kingdome ; and it is further concluded , accorded and agreed by , and between the said parties , that all matters that by these articles are agreed upon to be passed in parliament , shall be transmitted into england , according to the usuall forme , to be passed in the said parliament , and that the said acts so agreed upon , and so to be passed , shall receive no dis-junction or alteration here , or in england ; provided that nothing shall be concluded by both , or either of the said houses of parliament , which may bring prejudice to any of his majesties protestant party ; or their adherents or to his majest. roman catholicke subjects or their adherents , other then such things as upon this treaty are concluded to be done , or such things as may be proper for the committee of priviledges of either or both houses to take cognizance of , as in such cases heretofore hath been accustomed , and other then such matters as his majesty will be graciously pleased to declare his further pleasure in , to be passed in parliament for the satisfaction of his subjects , and other then such things as shall be propounded to either or both houses by his majesties lord lieut. of other cheif goveror or governors of this kingdome for the time being , during the said parliament , for the advancement of his majesties service , and the peace of the kingdom , which clause is to admit no construction which may trench upon the articles of peace or any of them and that both houses of parliament may consider what they shall thinke convenient touching the repeale or suspension of the statute commonly called poynings act , entitled an act , that no parliament be holden in that land , untill the acts be certified into england . 3 item , it is further concluded , accorded and agreed upon , by , and between the said parties , and his majesty is graciously pleased ; that all acts , ordinances , and orders made by both , or either houses of parliament , to the blemish , dishonour or prejudice of his majesties roman catholicke subjects of this kingdome , or any of them , fithence the seventh of august 1641. shall be vacated ; and that the same and all exemplifications and other acts which continue the memory of them be made voide by act to be past in the next parliament to be held in this kingdome , and that in the meane time the said acts or ordinances , or any of them shall bee no prejudice to the said roman catholickes or any of them . 4 item , it is also concluded and agreed upon , and his majesty is likewise graciously pleased , that all indictments , attainders , outlawries in this kingdome , and all the processes and other proceedings thereupon , and all letters , pattents , grants , leases , customes , bonds , recognizances , and all records , act or acts , office or offices , inquisitions , and all other things depending upon , or taken by reason of the said indictments , attainders or outlawries , fithence the seventh day of august , 1641. in prejudice of the said catholickes , their heires , executors , administrators or assignes , or any of them , or the widdowes of them , or any of them shall be vacated and made void in such sort as no memory shall remain thereof , to the blemish , dishonour or prejudice of the said catholikes , their heires , executors , administrators , or assignes , or any of them , or the widows of them , or any of them ; and that to be done when the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord vise . muskerry , francis lord baron of athunry , alexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwell baronet , jeffery brown , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neal , miles reilie and gerrald fennell esquires , or the major part of them shall desire the same , so that by possibilitie it may be done , and in the mean time that no such inditements , attainders , outlaries , processes , or any other proceedings thereupon , or any letters , patents , grants , leases , custodiums , bonds , recognizances , or any record or acts , office or offices , inquisitions , or any other thing depending upon , or by reason of the said indictments , attainders , or outlawries , shall in any sort prejudice the said roman catholikes , or any of them , but that they and every of them shall bee forthwith upon perfection of these articles , restored to their respective possessions , and hereditaments respectively , provided that no man shall be questioned by reason hereof , for measne rates , or wastes , saving wilfull wastes committed after the first day of may last past . 5. item , it is likewise concluded , accorded , and agreed , and his majesty is graciously pleased , that as soon as possible may be , all impediments which may hinder the said roman catholikes , to sit or vote in the next intended parliament , or to choose , or to be chosen knights , and burgesse , to sit or vote there , shall be removed , and that before the said parliament . 6. item , it is concluded accorded , and agreed upon , and his majestie is further graciously pleased , that all debts shall remain as they were upon the 23. of october 1641. notwithstanding any disposition made , or to be made , by vertue or colour of any attainder , outlawrie , fugacie , or other forfeiture , and that no disposition or grant made , or to be made of any such debts , by vertue of any attainder , outlawrie , fugacie , or other forfeiture shall be of force , and this to be passed as an act in the next parliament . 7. item , it is further concluded , accorded , and agreed upon , and his majesty is graciously pleased ; that for the securing of the estates or reputed estates of the lords , knights , gentlemen and freeholders , or reputed freeholders , as well of connaght , and county of clare , or country of thomond as of the counties of limerick and tipperary , the same to be secured by act of parliament , according to the intent of the 25. article , of the graces granted in the fourth year of his majesties reign the tenor whereof for so much as concerneth the same doth ensue in these words , viz. wee are graciously pleased , that for the inhabitants of connaght , and country of thomond , and county of clare , that their several estates shall be confirmed unto them , and their heires against us , and our heires and successors , by act to be passed in the next parliament to be holden in ireland , to the end the same may never hereafter be brought into any further question , by us or our heires and successors . in which act of parliament so to be passed , you are to take care , that all tenures in capite , and all rents and services as are now due , or which ought to be answered unto us out of the said lands and premises , by any letters pattents , past thereof , since the first year of king henry the eight , or found by any office taken from the said first year of king henry the eight , untill the 21. of july 1645. whereby our late dear father or any his predecessors , actually received any profit , by wardship , liveries , primer-seisins , measne , rates , ousterlemains or fines of alienations without licence , be again reserved unto us , our heires and successors , and all the rest of the premises to be holden of our castle of athlone by knights service , according to our said late fathers letters , notwithstanding any tenures in capite found for us by office , since the 21. of july 1615. and not appearing in any such letters patents , or offices , within which rule , his majesty is likewise graciously pleased , that the said lands in the counties of limerick and tipperarie be included , but to be held by such rents and tenures only , as they were in the fourth year of his majesties reign ; provided alwaies that the said lords , knights , gentlemen and freeholders of the said province of connaght , county of clare , and countrey of thomond , and counties of tipperarie and limerick shall have and enjoy the full benefit of such composition and agreement which shall be made with his most excellent majestie , for the court of wards , tenures , respits , and issues of homage , any clause in this article to the contrary notwithstanding ; and as for the lands within the counties of kilkennie and wickloe ; unto which his majestie was intituled by offices , taken or found in the time of the earl of straffords government in this kingdom , his majestie is further graciously pleased that the state thereof , shall be considered in the next intended parliament , where his majestie will assent unto that which shall be just and honourable , and that the like act of limitation of his majesties titles , for the securitie of the estates of his subjects of this kingdome be passed in the said parliament as was enacted in the 21. year of his late majestie king james his reign in england . 8. item , it is further concluded , accorded , and agreed upon , and his majestie is further graciously pleased , that all incapacities imposed upon the natives of this kingdome or any of them , as natives , by any act of parliament , provisoes in patents or otherwise , be taken away by act to be passed in the said parliament ; and that they may be enabled to erect one or more innes of court in or neer the city of dublin or elsewhere , as shall be thought fit by his majesties lord lieutenant , or other chief governour or governours of this kingdom for the time being ; and in case the said innes of court shall be erected before the first day of the next parliament , then the same shall be in such place as his majesties lord lieutenant , or other chief governor or governors of this kingdom for the time being , by and with the advice and consent of the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh , lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerrie , francis lord baron of athunrie , alexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwall baronet , jefferie brown , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neal , miles reily , gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them shall thinke fit ; and that such students natives of this kingdom as shall be therein , may take and receive the usuall degrees accustomed in any innes of court , they taking the insuingoath , viz. i a. b. doe hereby acknowledge professe , testifie and declare in my conscience , before god and the world that our soveraign lord k. charles , is lawful and rightful king of this realm , and of other his majesties dominions and countries ; and i will bear faith and true allegiance to his majesty , and his heirs and successors , and him and them will defend to the uttermost of my power against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever , which shall be made against his or their crown and dignity , and do my best endeavour to disclose and make known to his majesty , his heires and successors , or to the lord deputy , or other his majesties cheife governour or governors for the time being , all treason or traiterous conspiracies which i shall know or heare to be entended against his majesty or any of them , and i doe make this recognition and acknowledgment , heartily , willingly and truly , upon the true faith of a christian , so help me god , &c. and his majestie is further graciously pleased that his majesties roman catholike subjects may erect and keep free schools for education of youths in this kingdom , any law or statute to the contrarie notwithstanding ; and that all the matters assented unto in this article be passed as acts of parliament in the said next parliament . 9. item , it is further concluded , accorded , and agreed upon , by , and between the said parties , and his majestie is graciously pleased ; that places of command , honour , profit and trust in his majesties armies in this kingdom shall be upon perfection of these articles actually and by particular instances conferred upon his roman catholike subjects of this kingdom , and that upon the distribution conferring and disposing of the places of command , honour , profit , and trust in his majesties armies in this kingdome , for the future no difference shall be made between the said roman catholikes , and other his majesties subjects . but that such distribution shall be made with equall indifferency according to their respective merits and abilities ; and that all his majesties subjects of this kingdom , as well roman catholikes as others , may for his majesties service , and their own security , arme themselves the best they may , wherein they shall have all fitting incouragement ; and it is further concluded , accorded and agreed upon , by and between the said parties , and his majestie is further graciously pleased ; that places of command , honour , profit , and trust in the civill government in this kingdome , shall be upon passing of the bills in these articles mentioned in the next parliament , actually and by particular instances conferred upon his majesties roman catholike subjects of this kingdome , and that in the distribution , conferring and disposall of the places of command , honour profit , and trust , in the civill government ; for the future no difference shall be made between the said roman catholikes , and other his majesties subjects , but that such distribution shall bee made with equall indifferencie , according to their respective merits and abilities , and that in the distribution of ministeriall offices or places which now are , or hereafter shall be void in this kingdom , equalitie shall be used to the roman catholike natives of this kingdom , as to other his maiesties subiects ; and that the command of forts , castles , garrison towns , and other places of importance in this kingdom , shall be conferred upon his majesties roman catholike subjects of this kingdom upon perfection of these articles actually and by particular instances , and that in the distribution conferring and disposall of the forts , castles , garrison towns , and other places of importance in this kingdome , no difference shall be made between his maiesties roman catholike subiects of this kingdom , and other his maiesties subiects , but that such distribution shall be made with equall indifferencie , according to their respective merits and abilities , and that untill full settlement in parliament fifteen thousand foot , and two thousand and five hundred horse of the roman catholikes of this kingdom shall be of the standing armie of this kingdome : and that untill full settlement in parliament as aforesaid , the said lord lieutenant or other chief governour or governours of this kingdom for the time being , and the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord visc. muskerry , francis lord baron of athunry , alexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwall baronet , jeffery brown , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neal , miles reilie and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them , the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh , lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerie , francis lord baron of athunry , alexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwall , jefferie brown , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neal , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esquires , shall diminish or adde unto the said number , as they shall see cause from time to time . 10. item , it is further concluded , accorded and agreed upon , by and between the said parties , and his majesty is further graciously pleased , that his majestie will accept of the yeerly rent , or annuall sum of twelve thousand pounds sterling , to be applotted with indifferencie and equalltie , and consented to be paid to his majestie , his heires and successors in parliament , for and in lieu of the court of wards in this kingdom , tenures in capite , common knights-service , and all other tenures within the cognizance of that court , and for , and in lieu of all wardships , primer-seizins , fines , ousterlemains , liveries , intrusions , alienations , measne rates , releases , and all other profits , within the cognizance of the said court , or incident to the said tenures or any of them , or fines to accrew to his majestie by reason of the said tenures or any of them , and for and in lieu of respits and issues of homage , and fines for the same . and the said yearly rent being so applotted and consented unto in parliament as aforesaid , then a bill is to be agreed on in the said parliament to be passed as an act for the securing of the said yeerly rent , or annuall sum of twelve thousand pounds to be applotted as aforesaid , and for the extinction and taking away of the said court , and other matters aforesaid in this article contained . and it is further agreed , that reasonable compositions shall bee accepted for wardships fallen since the 23. of october 1641. and already granted , and that no wardships fallen and not granted or that shall fall , shall be passed untill the successe of this article shall appear ; and if his majesty be secured as aforesaid , then all wardships fallen since the said 23. of octob. are to be included in the agreement aforesaid , upon composition to be made with such as have grantees as aforesaid , which composition to be made with the grantees since the time aforesaid , is to be left to indifferent persons , and the umpirage to the said lord lieutenant . 11. item , it is further concluded , accorded , and agreed upon , by and between the said parties , and his majesty is further graciously pleased , that no nobleman or peer of this realm in parliament shall be hereafter capable of more proxies then two , and that blanck proxies shall be hereafter totally dis-allowed ; and that if such noble men or peers of this realm as have no estates in this kingdom do not within five yeares , to begin from the conclusion of these articles purchase in this kingdom as followeth , viz. a lord baron 200 l. per annum , a lord viscount 400 li. per annum , and an earl 600 l. per annum , a marquesse 800 l. per annum , a duke 1000 l. per annum , shall loose their votes in parliament untill such time as they shall afterwards acquire such estates respectively ; and that none be admitted in the house of commons , but such as shall bee estated , and resident within this kingdome . 12 item , it is further concluded , accorded and agreed upon , by and between the said parties , and his majesty is further graciously pleased ; that as for and concerning the independency of the parliament of ireland on the parliament of england , his majesty will leave both houses of parliament in this kingdom to make such declaration therein as shall be agreeable to the laws of the kingdome of ireland . 13 item , it is further concluded and agreed upon , by and between the said parties , and his majesty is further graciously pleased , that the councel-table shall containe it selfe within its proper bounds in handling matters of state and weight fit for that place , amongst which the pattents of plantation and the offices whereupon those grants are founded to be handled as matters of state , and to be heard and determined by his majesties lord lieutenant , or other chiefe governour or governours for the time being , and the councell publickly at the councell-board , and not otherwise , but titles between party and party grown after these patents granted , are to be left to the ordinary course of law , and that the councel-table do not hereafter intermedle with common businesse , that is , within the cognizance of the ordinary courts , nor with the altering of possessions of lands , nor make , nor use private orders , hearings or references , concerning any such matter , nor grant any injunction or order for stay of any suites in any civill cause ; and that parties grieved for or by reason of any proceedings formerly had there , may commence their suites and prosecute the same in any of his majesties courts of justice or equity for remedy of their pretended rights , without any restraint or interruption from his majesty , or otherwise by the cheife governour or governours , and councell of this kingdome ; and that the proceedings in the respective presidency courts , shall be pursuant , and according to his majesties printed book of instructions , and that they shall containe themselves within the limits prescribed by that book , when the kingdom shall be restored to such a degree of quietnesse , as they be not necessarily enforced to exceed the same . 14 item it is further concluded , accorded and agreed upon , by and between the said parties and his majesty is further graciously pleased : that as for and concerning one statute made in this kingdome , in the eleventh year of the reigne of queene elizabeth intituled , an act for staying of wooll , flockes , tallow , and other necessaries within this realme ; and another statute made in the said kingdome , in the twelfth year of the reign of the said queen , intituled an act and one other statute made in the said kingdome , in the 13 year of the reign of the said late queen , intituled an exemplanation of the act made in a session of this parliament for the staying of wooll , flocks , tallow ; and other wares and commodities mentioned in the said act , and certaine articles added to the same act , all concerning staple or native commodities of this kingdom shall be repealed , if it shal be so thought fit in the parliament ( excepting for wooll and woollfells , and that such indifferent persons as shall be agreed on by the said lord lieutenant , and the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costollogh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskery , francis lord baron of athunry , allexander mac donnell esquires , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnewall baronet , geffery browne , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neile , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them shall be authorized by commission under the great seal , to moderate and ascertain the rates of merchandize to be exported or imported out of , or into this kingdome , as they shall think fit . 15 item , it is concluded , accorded , and agreed , by and between the said parties , and his majesty is graciously pleased , that all and every person and persons within this kingdome pretending to have suffered by offices found of several countries , territories , lands and hereditaments in the province of ulster , and other provinces of this kingdome in or since the first year of king james his reign , or by attainders or forfeitures , or by pretence and coulor thereof , since the said first year of king james or by other acts depending on the said offices , attainders and forfeitures may petition his majesty in parliament for reliefe and redresse ; and if after examination it shal appeare to his majesty , the said persons , or any of them have been injured , then his majesty will prescribe a course to repaire the person or persons so suffering according to justice and honor . 16 item , it is further concluded , accorded and agreed upon by , and between the said parties , and his majesty is graciously pleased ; that as to the particular cases of maurice lord viscount de rupe & fermoy , arthur lord viscount iveagh , sir edward fitz gerrald of cloanglish boronet , charles mac carty reag , roger moore , anthony mare , william fitz gerrald , anthony linch , john lacy , collo mac brien mac mahowne , daniel castigni , edmond fitz gerrald of ballimartir , lucas keating , theobald roch fitz miles , thomas fitz gerrald of the vally , john bourke of loghmaske , edmond fitz gerrald of ballimalloe , james fitz william gerrald of glinane , and edward sutton , they may petition his majesty in the next parliament , whereupon his majesty will take such consideration of them as shall be just and fit . 17 item it is likewise concluded , accorded , and agreed upon , by and between the said parties , and his majesty is graciously pleased , that the citizens , free-men , burgesses and former inhabitants of the city of corke , townes of youghall and downegarven shall be forthwith upon perfection of these articles , restored to their respective possessions and estates in the said city and townes , respectively where the same extends not to the endangering of the said garrisons in the said city and townes . in which case so many of the said citizens and inhabitants as shall not be admitted to the present possession of their houses within the said city and towns , shall be afforded a valuable annuall rent for the same untill settlement in parliament , at which time they shall bee restored to those their possessions . and it is further agreed , and his majesty is graciously pleased , that the said citizens , free-men , burgesses , and inhabitants of the said city of corke , and townes of youghall and downegarven respectively shall be enabled in convenient time before the next parliament to be held in this kingdome to chuse and returne burgesses into the same parliament . 18 item it is further concluded , accorded and agreed upon , by and between the said parties , and his majesty is further graciously pleased that an act of oblivion be past in the next parliament , to extend to all his majesties subjects of this kingdom and their adherents , of all treasons and offences , capitall , criminall and personall , and other offences of what nature , kind , or quality soever , in such manner as if such treasons or offences had never been committed , perpetrated or don ; that the said act do extend to the heires , children , kindred , executors , administrators , wives , widowes , dowagers or assignes of such of the said subjects and their adherents who dyed on , before , or since the 23 of october 1641. that the said act doe relate to the first day of the next parliament , that the said act doe extend to all bodies politicke and corporate , and their respective successors , and unto all cities , burroughs , counties , baronies , hundreds , townes , villages , thitlings and every of them within this kingdom , for and concerning all and every of the said offences , or any other offence or offences , in them , or any of them committed , or done by his majesties said subjects , or their adherents , or any of them , before , in , or since the 23 of october , 1641. provided this act shall not extend to be construed to pardon any offence or offences , for which any person or persons have been convicted or attainted of record at any time before the 23 day of october in the year of our lord 1641. that this act shall extend to piracies , and all other offences committed upon the sea , by his majesties said subjects , or their adherents , or any of them , that in this act of oblivion , words of release , acquittall and discharge be incerted , that no person or persons , bodies politicke , or corporate , counties , cities , burroughs , baronnies , hundreds , townes , villages , thitlings , or any of them within this kingdom , included within the said act be troubled , impeached , sued , inquieted , or molested , for , or by reason of any offence , matter or thing whatsoever , comprised within the said act : and the said act shall extend to all rents , goods , and chattles , taken , detained or growne due to the subjects of the one party from the other since the 23 of october 1641 to the date of these articles of peace ; and also to all customes , rents , arrears , of rents , prizes , recognizances , bonds , fines , forfeitures , penalties and to all other profits , perquisits and dues which were due , or did or should accrew to his majesty on , before , or since the 23 of october 1641 untill the perfection of these articles , and likewise to all measne , rates , fines , of what nature soever , recognizances , judgements , executions thereupon , and penalties whatsoever , and to all other profit due to his majesty since the said 23 of october and before , untill the perfection of these articles , for by reason , or which lay within the survey or recognizance of the court of wards ; and also to all respits , issues of homage and fines for the same ; provided this shall not extend to discharge or remit any of the kings debts or subsidies due before the said 23 of october 1641 which were then or before levyed , or taken by the sheriffes , commissioners , receivers , or collectors , and not then or before accounted for , or since disposed to the publick use of the said roman catholick subjects , but that such persons may be brought to account for the same after full settlement in parliament , and not before , unlesse by , and with the advice and consent of the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskery , francis lord baron of athunry , allexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnewall baronet , jefferey browne , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neile , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seaven or more of them , as the said lord lieut. otherwise shall thinke fit ; provided that such barrowys and inhumian crimes as shal be particularized and agreed upon by the said lord lieutenaut , and the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costollogh lord president of connagh lord viscount muskery , francis lord baron of athunry , allexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnewall baronet , jeffry browne , donnogh o callaghan , tirlagh o neile , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them , as to the actors and procurers thereof bee left to bee tryed and adjudged by such indifferent commissioners as shall be agreed upon by the said lord lieutenant , and the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costollogh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskery , francis lord baron of athunry , allexander mac donnell esq. sir lucas dillon kt. sir nicholas plunket kt. sir richard barnewal baronet , jeffrey browne , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neile , miles reily and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them ; and that the power of the said commissioners shall continue onely for two yeares next ensuing the date of their commission , which commission is to issue within six months after the date of these articles ; provided also , that the commissioners to bee agreed on for tryall of the said particular crimes to be excepted ; shall hear , order and determine all cases of trust where reliefe may or ought in equity to be afforded against all manner of persons according to the equity and circumstances of every such cases , and his majesties cheife governor or governours and other magistrats for the time being , in all his majesties courts of justice and other his majesties officers of what condition or quality soever be bound and required to take notice of , and pursue the said act of oblivion without pleading or suite to bee made for the same , and that no clerke or other officers doe make out or write out any manner of writs , processes , summons or other precept for , concerning , or by reason of any matter , cause , or thing whatsoever released , forgiven , discharged , or to be forgiven by the said act under pain of 20li . sterling , and that no sheriffe or other officer , do execute any such writ , processe , summons or precept ; and that no record , writing or memory , do remain of any offence or offences , released or forgiven , or mentioned to be forgiven by this act ; and that all other clauses usually inserted in acts of generall pardon or oblivion , enlarging his majesties grace and mercy , nor herein particularised , bee incerted and comprised in the said act when the bill shall be drawn up with the exceptions already expressed and none other . provided always that the said act of oblivion shall not extend to any treason , felony , or other offence or offences which shall be committed or don from or after the date of these articles untill the first day of the before mentioned next parliament , to be held in this kingdome ; provided also that any act or acts which shall be done by vertue , pretence , or in pursuance of these articles of peace agreed upon , or any act or acts which shall be don by vertue , coulor or pretence of the power or authority used , or exercised by and amongst the confederate roman catholicks after the date of the said articles , and before the said publication , shall not be accounted , taken , construed , or to be , treason , felony , or other offence to be excepted out of the said act of oblivion ; provided likewise that the said act of oblivion shall not extend unto any person or persons that will not obey and submit unto the peace concluded and agreed on by these articles ; provided further that the said act of oblivion or any thing in this article contained shall not hinder or interrupt the said tho. lord visc. dillon of costologh lord presid. of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskery , francis lord baron of athunry , allexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnewall baronet , jeffrey browne , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neile , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them , to call to an account , and proceed against the councell and congregation , and the respective supream councells commissioners generall , appointed hitherto from time to time by the confederate catholickes to manage their affaires , or any other person or persons accomptable to an accompt for their respective receipts and disbursements , since the beginning of their respective imployments under the said confederate catholickes , or to acquit orrelease any arrears of excises , customes , or publicke taxes to be accounted for , since the 23 of octo. 1641. and not disposed of hitherto , to the publicke use , but that the parties therein concerned may be called to an account for the same as aforesaid , by the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskery , francis lord baron of athunry , allexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnewall baronet , jeffrey browne , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neile , miles reily and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seaven or more of them , the said act or any thing therein contained to the contrary notwithstanding . 19 item , it is further concluded , accorded and agreed upon , by and between the said parties , and his majestie is graciously pleased , that an act be passed in the next parliament , prohibiting that neither the lord deputy , or other chief governor , or governors , lord chancellor , lord high-treasurer , vice-treasurer , chancellor , or any of the barons of the exehequer , privie councel or judges of the foure courts be farmers of his majesties customes within this kingdom . 20. item , it is likewise concluded , accorded and agreed , and his majestie is graciously pleased , that an act of parliament passe in this kingdom against monopolies , such as was enacted in england 21. jacobi regis , with a further clause of repealing of all grants of monopolies in this kingdom , and that commissioners be agreed upon by the said lord lieutenant , and the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerrie , francis lord baron of athunrie , alexander mac donnell . esquire , sir lucas dillan knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwall baronet , jeffery brown , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neal , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them , to set down the rates for the custome and imposition to be laid on aquavitae , wine , oile , yarne and tobacco . 21. item , it is concluded , accorded , and agreed , and his majestie is graciously pleased , that such persons as shall be agreed on by the said lord lieutenant , and the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh , lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerie , francis lord baron of athunrie , alexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwell baronet , jeffery brown , donnogh o callaghan , tirlagh o neal , miles reilie , and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them shall be as soon as may be authorized by commission under the great seal , to regulate the court of castle-chamber , and such causes as shall be brought into , and censured in the said court . 22. item , it is concluded , accorded , and agreed upon , and his majesty is graciously pleased , that two acts lately passed in this kingdom , one prohibiting the plowing with horses by the tail , and the other prohibiting the burning of oates in the straw bee repealed . 23. item , it is further concluded , accorded , and agreed upon by , and between the said parties , and his majestie is further graciously pleased , for as much as upon application of agents from this kingdome unto his majestie in the fourth yeer of his reign , and lately upon humble suit made unto his majestie , by a committee of both houses of the parliament of this kingdom , order was given by his majestie for redresse of severall grievances , and for so many of those as are not expressed in the articles , whereof both house , in the next insuing parliament shall defire the benefit of his majesties said former directions for redresse therein , that the same be afforded them , yet so , as for prevention of inconveniences to his majesties service , that the warning mentioned in the 24. article of the graces in the 4. yeer of his majesties reign be so understood , that the warning being left at the persons dwelling houses be held sufficient warning , and as to the 22 article of the said graces , the proces hitherto used in the court of wards doe still continue , as hitherto it hath done in that , and hath beene used in other english courts , but the court of wards being compounded for so much of the aforesaid answer as concernes warning and processe shall be omitted . 24. item , it is further concluded , accorded , and agreed upon by , and between the said parties , and his majesty is further graciously pleased , that maritine causes may be determined in this kingdome , without driving of merchants or others to appeal and seek justice elsewhere ; and if it shall fall out that there bee cause of an appeal , the party grieved is to appeal to his majestie in the chancerie of ireland , and the sentence thereupon to be given by the deligates , to be definitive and not to be questioned upon any further appeal except it be in the parliament of this kingdome , if the parliament shall then be sitting , otherwise not , this to be by act of parliament , and untill the said parliament , the admiraltie and maritine causes shall be ordered and setled by the said lord lieutenant , or other chief governor or governors of this kingdome for the time being , by and with the advice and consent of the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh , lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerie , francis lord baron of athunrie , alexander mac donnel esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard ( barnwall baronet , jeffery brown , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neal , miles reily and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them . 25. item , it is further concluded , accorded , and agreed upon , by and between the said parties , and his majestie is graciously pleased , that his majesties subjects of this kingdom be cased or all rents and increase of rents lately raised on the commission or defective titles in the earl of straffords government , this to be by act of parliament ; and that in the mean time the said rents or increase of rents shall not be written for , by any processe , or the payment thereof in any sort procured . 26. item , it is further concluded , accorded , and agreed upon , by and between the said parties , and his majestie is further graciously pleased , that by act to be passed in the next parliament , all the arrears of interest mony , which did accrue and grow due by way of debt , mortgage or otherwise , and yet not so satisfied since the 23. of october 1641. untili the perfection of these articles , shall be fully forgiven and be released , and that for and during the space of three yeeres next ensuing , no more shall be taken for use or interest of money then five pounds per centum . and in cases of equitie arising through dis-abilitie , occasioned by the distempers of the times , the considerations of equitie to be like unto both parties ; but as for mortgages contracted between his majesties roman catholike subjects and others of that partie , where entry hath been made by the mortgagers against law , and the condition of their mortgages , and detained wrongfully by them without giving any satisfaction to the mortgages , or where any such mortgagers have made profit of the lands morgaged above countrey charges , yet answer no rent , or other consideration to the mortgagees , the parties grieved respectively to be left for releife to a course of equitie therein . 27. item , it is further concluded , accorded , and agreed upon , and his majestie is further graciously pleased , that immediatly upon perfection of these articles , the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh , lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerrie , francis lord baron of athunrie , alexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwall baronet , jefferie brown , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neal , miles reily , gerrald fennell esquires , shall be authorized by the said lord licutenant to proceed in , hear , determine , and execute in , and throughout this kingdom , the ensuing particulars , and all the matters thereupon depending , and that such authoritie and other the authorities hereafter mentioned shall remain of force without revocation , alteration or diminution , untill acts of parliament be passed , according to the purport and intent of these articles , and that in case of death , miscarriage , disabilitie to serve , by reason of sicknesse or otherwise of any the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerie , francis lord baron of athunrie , alexander mac donnel esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwall baronet , jeffery brown , donnogh o callaghan tirlagh o neal , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esquires , and his majesties lord lieutenant or other chief governor or governors of this kingdom for the time being , shall name and authorize another in the place of such as shall be so dead , or shall miscarrie himselfe , or be so disabled , and that the same shall be such person , as shall bee allowed of by the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerry , francis lord baron of atbunry , alexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwall baronet , jeffery brown , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neal , miles reilie and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them then living . and that the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh , lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerie , francis lord baron of athunry , alexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket kt. sir richard barnwal baronet , jeffery brown , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neal , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them shall have power to applot , raise and leavie meanes with indifferencie and equalitie by way of excise or otherwise , upon all his majesties subjects within the said kingdom , their persons , estates and goods , towards the maintenance of such armie or armies as shall be thought fit to continue , and be in pay for his majesties service , the defence of the kingdom , and other the necessary publike charges thereof , and towards the maintenance of the forts , castles , garrisons , and towns of both or either partie , other then such of the said forts , garrisons and castles , as from time to time , untill there shall bee a settlement in parliament shall be thought fit , by his majesties chief governor or governours of this kingdom for the time being , by and with the advice and consent of the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerie , francis lord baron of athunrie , alexander mac donnel esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwal baronet , jefferie brown , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neal , miles reily , and gerrald fennel esquires , or any seven or more of them , not to be maintained at the charge of the publike , provided that his majesties lord lieutenant or other chief governor or governors of this kingdome for the time being , be first made acquainted with such taxes , levies , and excises as shall be made , and the manner of leavying thereof , and that he approve the same ; and to the end that such of the protestant party , as shall submit to the peace may in the severall counties where any of their estates lyeth , have equallitie and indifferencie in the assessements and levies that shall concern their estates in the said severall counties . it is concluded , accorded , and agreed upon , and his majestie is graciously pleased , that in the directions which shall issue to any such county , for the applotting , subdeviding , and levying of the said publike assessements , some of the said protestant party shall be joyned with others of the roman catholike party to that purpose , and for effecting that service ; and the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerie , francis lord baron of athunrie , alexander mac donnel esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwell baronet , jeffery brown , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neil , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them shall have power to leavie the arrears of all excises and other publike taxes imposed by the confederate roman catholikes , and yet unpaid , and to call receivers and other accomptants of all former taxes and all publike dues to a just and strict account either by themselves , or by such as they or any seven or more of them shall name or appoint ; and that the said lord lieutenant , or any other chief governor or governors of this kingdom for the time being , shall from time to time issue commissions to such person and persons as shall be named and appointed by the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh , lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerie , francis lord baron of athunrie , alexander mac donnel esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwall baronet , jefferie brown , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neal , miles reily and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them , for letting , setting and improving the estates of all such person and persons , as shall adhere to any partie opposing his majesties authority and not submitting to the peace ; and that the profits of such estates shall be converted by the said lord lieutenant , or other chief governor or governors of this kingdom for the time being , to the maintenance of the kings armie , and other necessary charges , untill settlement by parliament ; and that the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerie , francis lord baron of athunry , alexander mac donnel esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwal baronet , jefferie brown , donnogh o callaghan , tirlagh o neal , miles reily , and gerrald fennel esquires , or any seven or more of them shall have power to applot , raise and leavie meanes with indifferencie and equalitie for the buying of armes and ammunition , and for the entertaining of frigots in such proportion as shall be thought fit by his majesties lord lieutenant , or other chief governors of this kingdom for the time being ; by and with the advice and consent of the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh , lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerie , francis lord baron of athunrie , alexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwall baronet , jefferie brown , donnogh o callaghan , tirlagh o neal , miles reily , and gerrald fennel esquires , or any seven or more of them , the said armes and ammunition , to be laid up in such magazines , and under the charge of such persons as shall be agreed on , by the said lord lieutenant , and the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerie , francis lord baron of athunrie , alexander mac donnel esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwal baronet , iefferie brown , donnogh o callaghan tirlagh o neal , miles reily , and gerrald fennel esquires , or any seven or more of them , and to be disposed of , and the said frigots to be imployed for his majesties service , and the publike use and benefit of this kingdom of ireland ; and that the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerrie , francis lord baron of athunrie , alexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwall baronet , jeffery brown , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neal , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them , shall have power to applot , raise , and levie meanes with indifferencie and equallitie , by way of excise or otherwise , in the severall cities , corporate towns , counties , and part of counties , now within the quarters , and only upon the estates of the said confederate roman catholikes , all such sum and summes of money as shall appear to the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh , lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerie , francis lord baron of athunrie , alexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwell baronet , jeffery brown , donnogh o callaghan , tirlagh o neal , miles reilie , and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them to be really due for and in the discharge of the publike ingagements of the said confederate catholikes , incurred or grown due before the conclusion of these articles ; and that the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh , lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerie , francis lord baron of athunrie , alexander mac donnel esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwall baronet , jeffery brown , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neal , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them shall be authorized to appoint receivers , collectors , and all other officers , for such monies as shall bee assessed , taxed , or applotted , in pursuance of the authorities mentioned in this article , and for the arrears of all former applotments , taxes , and other publike dues yet unpaid ; and that the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerie , francis lord baron of athunrie , alexander mac donnel esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwell baronet , jeffery brown , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neil , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them , in case of refractories , or delinquencie may distrain and imprison , and cause such delinquents to be distrained and imprisoned . and the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerie , francis lord baron of athunrie , alexander mac donnel esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwal baronet , jefferie brown , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neal , miles reily , and gerrald fennel esquires , or any seven or more of them , make perfect books of all such monies as shall be applotted , raised , or levied , out of which books they are to make severall and respective abstracts to be delivered under their hands or the hands of any seven or more of them to the severall and respective collectors which shall be appointed to levy and receive the same . and that a duplicate of the said books under the hands of the said thomas lord visc. dillon of costologh , lord president of connaght , donnogh lord visc. muskerie , francis lord baron of athunrie , alexander mac donnell esq. sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwall baronet , jefferie brown , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neal , miles reily , gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them be delivered unto his majesties lord lieutenant , or other chief governor or governors of this kingdom for the time being , whereby a perfect account may be given ; and that the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerie , francis lord baron of athunrie , alexander mac donnel esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwall baronet , jeffery brown , donnogh o callaghan tirlagh o neal , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esq. or any seven or more of them shall have power to call the councell and congregation , and the respective supream councells , and commissioners generall , appointed hitherto from time to time by the said confederate roman catholickes , to mannage their publick affaires , and all other persons accountable to an account for all their receipts and disbursments since the beginning of their respective imployments under the confederate roman catholicks . 28 item it is concluded , accorded , and agreed , by and between the said parties , and his majesty is graciously pleased , that for the preservation of the peace and tranquility of the kingdome , the said lord lieutenant , and the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costollogh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskery , francis lord barron of athunry , allexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnewall baronet , jeffrey browne , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neile , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seaven or more of them shall for the present agree upon such persons who are to be authorized by commission under the great seale to be commissioners of the peace , oyer and terminer , assises and goale delivery , in , and throughout the kingdome , to continue during pleasure , with such power as justices of the peace , oyer and terminer , assizes and goale delivery in former time of peace , have usually had , which is not to extend unto any crime or offence committed before the first of may last past , and to be quallified with power to hear and determin al civil causes coming before them , not exceeding ten pounds ; provided that they shall not intermeddle with titles of lands ; provided likewise the authority of such commissioners shall not extend to question any person or persons , for any shipping , cattle or goods heretofore takēn by either party from the other , or other injuries done contrary to the articles of cessation , concluded by and with the said roman catholicke party , in , or since may last , but that the same shall bee determined by such indifferent persons as the lord lieutenant , by the advice and consent of the said thomas lord visc. dillon of costollogh lord presi . of connagh , donnogh lord viscount muskery , francis lord baron of athunry , allexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnewall baronet , jeffry browne , donnogh o callaghan , tirlagh o neile , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them shall think fit , to the end , that speedy and equall justice may be done to all parties grieved ; and the said commissioners are to make their estreats as accustomed of peace , and shall take the ensuing oath , viz. you shall sweare , that as justice of the peace oyer and terminer , assizes , and goale delivery in the counties of a. b in all articles to the commission to you directed . you shall do equall right to the poore , and to the rich after your cunning , and wit and power , and after the lawes and customes of the realme , and in pursuance of these articles ; and you shall not be of councell of any quarrell hanging before you ; and the issues , fines and amerciaments which shall happen to be made , and all forfeitures which shall happen before you , you shall cause to bee entred without any concealment or imbeazling , and send to the court of exchequer , or to such other place as his majesties lord lieut. or other cheif governor orgovernors of this kingdome shall appoint , untill there may be accesse unto the said court of exchequer ; you shall not let for gift or other cause , but well and truly ; you shall doe your office of justice of the peace , oyer and terminer , assises and goale delivery in that behalfe , and that you take nothing for your office of justice of the peace , oyer and terminer , assizes and goale delivery to be done , but of the king , and fees accustomed ; and you shall not direct , or cause to be directed any warrant by you , to be made to the parties , but you shall direct them to the sheriffs and bayliffs of the said counties respectively , or other the kings officers or ministers , or other indifferent persons to doe execution thereof , so helpe me god , &c. and that as well in the said commission , as in all other commissions and authorities to be issued in pursuance of the present articles , this clause shall be incerted viz. that all officers , civill and martiall , shall be required to be aiding and assisting , and obedient unto the said commissioners , and other persons to be authorized as above said in the execution of their respective powers . 29 item , it is further concluded , accorded and agreed upon , by and between the said parties , and his majesty is further graciously pleased that his majesties roman catholicke subjects , do continue the possession of such of his majesties cities , garrisons , townes , forts and castles which are within their now quarters , untill settlement by parliament , and to be commanded , ruled and governed in cheife , upon occasion of necessity ( as to the martiall and military affairs , by such as his majesty , or his cheife governour or governours of this kingdom for the time being , shall appoint ; and the said appointment to be by , and with the advice and consent of the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskery , francis lord baron of athunry , allexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnewall baronet , jefferey browne , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neile , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seaven or more of them , and his majestyes cheife governour or governours is to issue commissions accordingly , to such persons as shall be so named and appointed , as aforsaid , for the executing of such comand , rule , or government , to continue untill all the particulars in these present articles agreed on to passe in paliament , shall be accordingly passed , only in case of death or misbehaviour , such other person or persons to be appointed for the said command , rule and government to be named and appointed in the place or places , of him or them , who shall so dye , or misbehave themselves as the cheife governor or governors for the time being , by the advice and consent of the said thomas lord visc. dillon of costologh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskery , francis lord baron of athunry , allexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnewall baronet , jeffrey browne , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neile , miles reily and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seaven or more of them , shall thinke fit , and to bee continued untill a settlement in parliament as aforesaid . 30 item , it is further concluded , accorded and agreed upon by , and between the said parties , and his majesty is further graciously pleased , that all customes and tenths of prizes belonging to his majesty , which from the perfection of these articles , shall fall due within this kingdome , shall be paid unto his majesties receipt , or until recourse may be had thereunto in the ordinary legal way , unto such person or persons , and in such place or places , and under such controls as the lord lieutenant shall appoint to be disposed of , in order to the defence and safety of the kingdome , and the defraying of other the necessary publicke charges thereof , for the ease of the subjects in other their levyes , charges and applotments . and that all , and every person or persons who are at present intrusted and imployed by the said roman catholicks , in the entries , receipts , collections , or otherwise , concerning the said customes and tenths of prizes , doe continue their respective imployments in the same , untill full settlement in parliament accountable to his majesties receipts , or untill recourse may be had thereunto ; as the said lord lieutenant shall appoint as aforesaid , other then to such , and so many of them ; as to the cheife governour or governours for the time being , by , and with the advice and consent of the said tho. lord visc. dillon of costologh lord pres. of connaght , donnogh lord visc. muskery , francis lord baron of athunry , allexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnewall baronet , jeffrey browne , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neile , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them shall be thought fit to be altered ; and then , and in such case , or in case of death , fraud or misbehavior , or other alteration of any such person or persons , then such other person or persons to be imployed therein , as shall be thought fit by the cheife governour or governours for the time being , by , and with the advice and consent of the said tho. lord visc. dillon of costollogh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskery , francis lord baron of athunry , allexander mac donnell esq. sir lucas dillon kt. sir nicholas plunket kt. sir richard barnewal baronet , jeffrey browne , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neile , miles reily and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them ; and when it shall appeare , that any person or persons who shall be found faithfull to his majesty , hath right to any of the offices or places about the said customes wherunto he or they , may not be admitted untill settlement in parliament as aforesaid , that a reasonable compensation shall be afforded to such person or persons for the same . 31. item , as for and concerning his majesties rents , payable at easter next , and from thenceforth to grow due , untill a settlement in parliament . it is concluded , accorded , and agreed upon , by and between the said parties , and his majestie is graciously pleased , that the said rents be not written for , or levied untill a full settlement in parliament , and in due time upon application to be made to the said lord lieutenant , or other chief governor or governors of this kingdome by the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costologh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerie , francis lord baron of athunry , alexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas planket knight , sir richard barnwal baronet , jeffery brown , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neal , miles reily , and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them for remittall of those rents , the said lord lieutenant , or any other chief governor or governors of this kingdome for the time being , shall intimate their desires , and the reason thereof to his majestie , who upon consideration of the present condition of this kingdome will declare his gracious pleasure therein , as shall be just and honorable , and satisfactorie to the reasonable desires of his subjects . 32. item , it is concluded , accorded , and agreed , by and between the said parties , and his majestie is graciously pleased , that the commissioners of oyer and terminer , and goal deliverie to be named as aforesaid , shall have power to hear and determine all murthers , man-slaughters , rapes , stealths , burning of houses and corn in rick , or stack , robberies , burglaries , forcible entries , detainers of possessions and other offences committed or done , and to be committed and done since the first day of may last past , untill the first day of the next parliament , these present . articles or any thing therein contained to the contrary notwithstanding ; provided that the authority of the said commissioners shall not extend to question any person or persons , for doing or committing any act whatsoever , before the conclusion of this treaty , by vertue or colour of any warrant or direction from those in publike authoritie among the confederate roman catholikes , nor unto any act which shall be done after the perfecting and concluding of these articles , by vertue or pretence of any authority which is now by these articles agreed on ; provided also that the said commission shall not continue longer then the first day of the next parliament . 33 item , it is concluded , accorded by and between the said parties , and his majestie is further graciously pleased , that for the determining such differences which may arise between his majesties subjects within this kingdome , and the prevention of inconvenience and disquiet , which through want of due remedie in severall causes may happen , there shall be judicatures established in this kingdome , and that the persons to be authorized in them shall have power to do all such things as shall be proper and necessary for them to doe ; and the said lord lieutenant by and with the advice and consent of the said thomas lord viscount dillon of costollogh lord president of connaght , donnogh lord viscount muskerry , francis lord baron of athunry , alexander mac donnell esquire , sir lucas dillon knight , sir nicholas plunket knight , sir richard barnwall baronet , jeffery brown , donnogh o callaghan , tyrlagh o neal , miles reilie and gerrald fennell esquires , or any seven or more of them shall name the said persons so to be authorized , and doe all other things incident unto , and necessarie for the setling of the said intended judicatures . 34. item at the instance , humble suit and earnest desire of the general assembly of the confederate roman catholikes ; it is concluded , accorded , and agreed upon , that the roman catholike regular clergie of this kingdom , behaving themselves conformable to these articles of peace , shall not be molested in the possessions , which at present they have of and in the bodies scites and precincts of such abbies and monasteries belonging to any roman carholike within the said kingdom , until settlement by parliament ; and that the said clergie shall not be molested in the enjoying of such pensions as hitherto since the watres they enjoyed for their respective livelihoods from the said roman catholikes , and the scites and precincts hereby intended are declared to be the bodie of the abbie , one garden and orchard to each abbie , if any there be , and what else is contained within the walls , meares or ancient fences or ditch that doth supply the wall thereof , and no more . 35. item , it is concluded , accorded , and agreed , by and between the said parties , that as to all other demands of the said roman catholikes , for or concerning all or any the matters proposed by them , not granted or assented unto , in and by the foresaid articles , the said roman catholikes be referred to his majesties gracious favour and further concessions . in witnesse whereof , the said lord lieutenant , for and on the behalfe of his most excellent majestie , to the one part of these articles remaining with the said roman catholiques hath put his hand and seal ; and sir richard blake knight in the chaire of the generall assembly of the said roman catholikes , by order , command , and unanimous consent of the said catholikes in full assembly to the other part thereof remaining with the said lord lieutenant , hath put his hand and the publque seal hitherto used by the said roman catholiques the 17. of january 2648. and in the 24. year of the reign of our soveraign lord charles by the grace of god , king of great brittain , france and ireland , &c. sir , i have not thus long forborn to invite you with these under your command to a submission to his majesties authoritie in me , and a conjunction with me in the waies of his service out of any the least aversion i had to you or any of them , or out of any dis-esteem i had to your power to advance or impede the same , but out of my fear , whiles those that have of late usurped power over the subjects of england held forth the least colourable shadow of moderation in their intentions towards the settlement of church or state , and that in some tollerable way with relation to religion , the interest of the king and crown , the freedom of parliament , the liberties of the subject , any addresses from mee proposing the withdrawing of that party from those thus professing , from whom they have received some , and expected further support , would have been but coldly received , and any determination thereupon deferred in hope and expectation of the forementioned settlement , or that you your selfe , who certainly have not wanted aforesight of the sad confusion now covering the face of england , would have declared with me , the lord inchequeen , and the protestant army in munster in prevention thereof , yet my fear was it would have been as difficult for you to have carried with you the main body of of the armie under your command ( not so clear sighted as your self ) as it would have been dangerous to you , and those with you well inclined , to have attempted it without them , but now that the mask of hypocrisie , by which the independent armie hath ensnared and enslaved all estates and degrees of men is laid aside , now that barefaced , they evidently appear to bee the subverters of true religion , and to be the protectors and inviters , not only of all false ones , but of irreligion and atheisme , now that they have barbarously and inhumanely laid violent , sacrilegious hands upon , and murthered gods annointed , and our king , not as heretofore some patricides have done to make room for some usurper , but in a way plainly manifesting their intentions to change the monarchy of england into anarchy , unlesse their aime bee first to constitute an elective kingdome , and crumwell or some such iohn of leiden being elected , then by the same force , by which they have thus far compassed their ends to establish a perfect turklsh tyranny ; now that of the three estates of king , lords & commons , whereof in all ages , parliaments have consisted , there remains only a small number , and they the dregs and scum of the house of commons , pickt and awed by the armie , a wicked remnant left for no other end ; then yet further , if it be possible to delude the people with the name of a parliament : the king being murthered , the lords and the rest of the commons , being by unheard of violence , at severall times forced from the houses and some imprisoned . and now that there remaines no other libertie in the subject but to professe blasphemous opinions , to revile and tread underfoot magistracie , to murther magistrates , and oppresse and undoe all that are not like minded with them . now i say , that i cannot doubt but that you , and all with you under your command will take this opportunitie to act and declare against so monstrous and unparaleld a rebellion , and that you and they will cheerfully acknowledge , and faithfully serve and obey our gracious king charles the second undoubted heir of his father crown and vertues ; under whose right and conduct we may by gods assistance restore protestant religion to puritie , and therein settle it , parliaments to their freedome , good laws to their force , and our fellow-subjects to their just liberties , wherein how glorious and blessed a thing it will bee , to be so considerablie instrumentall , as you may now make your self , i leave to you now to consider . and though i conceive there are not any motives relating to some particular interest to be mentioned after these so weightie considerations , which are such as the world hath not been at any time furnished with , yet i hold it my part to assure you , that as there is nothing you can reasonably propose for the safety , satisfaction or advantage of your self , or of any that shall adhear to you in what i desire , that i shall not to the uttermost of my power provide for , so there is nothing i would , nor shall more industriously avoid , then those necessities arising from my duty to god and man , that may by your rejecting this offer force me to be a sad instrument of shedding english blood , which in such case must on both sides happen . if thir overture finde place with you , as i earnestly wish it may , let me know with what possible speed you can , and if you please by the bearer in what way you desire , it should bee drawne on to a conclusion . for in that , as well as in the substance you shall find all ready complyance from me that desire to bee your affectionate friend to serve you , ormond . carrick march 9. 1648. for colonel michael jones governour of dublin . my lord , your lordships of the ninth , i received the twelfth instant , and therein have i your lordships invitation to a conjunction with your self ( i suppose ) as lord lieutenant of ireland , and with others now united with the irish , and with the irish themselves also . as i understand not how your lordship should be invested with that power pretended , so am i very well assured , that it is not in the power of any without the parliament of england to give and assure pardon to those bloodie rebels , as by the act to that end passed may appear more fully . i am also well assured that the parliament of england would never assent to such a peace ( such as is that your lordships with the rebels ) wherin is little or no provision made either for the protestants or the protestant religion nor can i understand how the protestant religion should bee setled and restored to its puritie by an armie of papists , or the protestant interests maintained by those very enemies by whom they have been spoiled and there slaughtered : and very evident it is that both the protestants and protestant religion are in that your lordships treaty , left as in the power of the rebels to be by them born down , and rooted out at pleasure . as for that consideration by your lordship offered of the present and late proceedings in england , i see not how it may be a sufficient motive to mee ( or any other in like trust for the parliament of england in the service of this kingdome ) to joyn with those rebels upon any the pretences in that your lordships letter mentioned , for therein were there a manifest betraying that trust reposed in me in disserting the service and work committed to me in joyning with those i should oppose , and in opposing whom i am obliged to serve . neither conceive i it any part of my work and care to take notice of any whatsoever proceedings of state forreign , to my charge and trust here , especially , they being found hereunto apparently destructive . most certain it is , and former ages have approved it , that the intermedling of governors and parties in this kingdom , with sidings and parties in england , have been the very betraying of this kingdom to the irish , whiles the brittish forces here had bin thereupon called off , and the place therin laid open , and as it were given up to the common enemie . it is what your lordship might have observed in your former treatie with the rebels , that upon your lordships thereupon withdrawing , and sending hence into england the most considerable part of the english army then commanded by you ; thereby was the remaining brittish party , not long after over-poured , and your quarters by the irish over-run to the gates of dublin , your self also reduced to that low condition , as to be besieged in this very citie ( the metropolis and princpall cittadell of the kingdom ) and that by those very rebels , who till then could never stand before you ; and what the end hath bin of that party , also , so sent by your lordship into england , ( although the flower & strength of the english army here both officers and souldiers ) hath bin very observable . and how much the dangers are at present ( more then in former ages ) of hazarding the english interest in this kingdom , by sending any parties hence into any other kingdom upon any pretences whatsoever is very apparent , as in the generalitie of the rebellion , now more then formerly ; so considering your lordships present conclusions with , and concessions to the rebels , wherein they are allowed the continued possession of all the cities , forts , and places of strength , whereof they stood possessed at the time of their treatie with your lordship , and that they are to have a standing force ( if i well remember of 15000 foot , and 2500 horse ( all of their own party officers and souldiers ) and they ( with the whole kingdom ) to be regulated by a major party of irish trustees chosen by the rebels themselves , as persons for their interests and ends to be by them confided in , without whom nothing is to be acted . therein i cannot but mind your lordship of what hath been sometimes by your self delivered , as your sence in this particular ; that the english interest in ireland must be preserved by the english , and not by irish , and upon that ground ( if i be not deceived ) did your lordship then capitulate with the parliament of england , from which cleer principle i am sorrie to see your lordship now receding . as to that by your lordship menaced us here , of blood and force , if dissenting from your lordships waies and designes , for my particular i shall ( my lord ) much rather chuse to suffer in so doing ( for therein shall i doe what is becomming and answerable to my trust ) then to purchase my self on the contrary the ignominious brand of perfidie , by any allurements of whatsoever advantages offered me . but very confident i am , of the same divine power which hath still followed me in this work , and will still folllow me ; and in that trust doubt i nothing of thus giving your lordship plainly this my resolution in that particular , so i remain , dublin march 14. 1648. your lordships humble servant , signed mic : jones . for the lord of ormond these . by the lord lieutenant generall of ireland . ormond , whereas our late soveraign king charles of happie memory hath bin lately by a party of his rebellious subjects of england most traiterously , maliciously , and inhumanely put to death and murthered ; and forasmuch as his majestie that now is , charles by the grace of god king of england , scotlana , france and ireland , is son and heir of his said late majestie , and therefore by the laws of the land , of force , and practised in all ages , is to inherit . we therefore in discharge of the dutie we owe unto god , our allegiance and loyaltie to our soveraign , holding it fit him so to proclaim in and through this his majesties kingdome , doe by this our present proclamation declare and manifest to the world , that charles the second , son and heir of our late soveraign king charles the first of happy memory , is , by the grace of god the undoubted king of england , scotland , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. given at carrick febr. 26. 1648. god save the king . a necessary representation of the present evills , and eminent dangers to religion , lawes , and liberties , arising from the late , and present practises of the sectarian party in england : together with an exhortation to duties relating to the covenant , unto all within our charge ; and to all the well-affected within this kingdome , by the presbytery at belfast , february 15th 1649. when we doe seriously consider the great , and many duties which we owe unto god , and his people , over whom he hath made us overseers ; and for whom we must give an accompt ; and when wee behold the laudable examples of the worthy ministers of the province of london , and of the commissioners of the generall assembly of the church of scotland , in their free and faithfull testimonies against the insolencies of the sectarian party in england . considering also the dependency of this kingdome upon the kingdome of england , and remembring how against strong oppositions we were assisted by the lord the last yeare in discharge of the like dutie , and how he punished the contempt of our warning upon the despisers thereof : we finde our selves as necessitated ; so the more encouraged to cast in our mite in the treasury , least our silence should involve us in the guilt of unfaithfulnesse , and our people in security , and neglect of duties . in this discharge of the trust put upon us by god , we would not be looked upon as sowers of sedition , or broachers of nationall and divisive motions , our record is in heaven , that nothing is more hatefull unto us , nor lesse intended by us , and therefore we shall not feare the malicious , and wicked aspersions , which we know satan by his instruments is ready to cast , not onely upon us , but on all who sincerely endeavour the advancement of reformation . what of late have been , and now are the insolent , and presumptuous practises of the sectaries in england , is not unknowne to the world : for , first , notwithstanding their specious pretences for religion , and liberties , yet their late , and present actings , being therewith compared , doe clearly evidence that they love a rough garment to deceive ; since they have with a high hand despised the oath in breaking the covenant , which is so strong a foundation to both , whilest they loaden it with slighting reproaches , calling it a bundle of particular and contrary interests , and a snare to the people ; and likewise labour to establish by lawes an universall toleration of all religions , which is an innovation over-turning of unity in religion , and so directly repugnant to the word of god , the two first articles of our solemne covenant , which is the greatest wickednesse in them to violate , since many of the chiefest of themselves , have with their hands testified to the most high god , sworne , and sealed it . moreover ; their great dis-affection to the settlement of religion , and so their future breach of covenant doth more fully appeare by their strong oppositions to presbyteriall government ( the hedge , and bulwarke of religion ) whilest they expresse their hatred to it , more then to the worst of errours , by excluding it under the name of compulsion ; when they imbrace , even paganisme , and judaisme in the armes of toleration . not to speake of their aspersions upon it , and the assertors thereof , as antichristian , and popish , though they have deeply sworn to maintaine the same government in the first article of the covenant , as it is established in the church of scotland , which they now so despite , and fully blaspheme . againe , it is more then manifest that they seek not the vindication , but the extirpation of lawes , and liberties , as appeares by their seizing on the person of the king , and at their pleasures removing him from place to place , not onely without the consent , but ( if we mis-take not ) against a direct ordinance of parliament : their violent surprizing , imprisoning , and secluding many of the most worthy members of the honourable house of commons , directly against a declared priviledge of parliament ( an action certainly without parallell in any age ) and their purposes of abolishing parliamentary power for the future , and establishing of a representative ( as they call it ) in stead thereof . neither hath their fury stayed here , but without all rule , or example , being but private men , they have proceeded to the tryall of the king , against both the interest , and protestation of the kingdome of scotland , and the former publique declarations of both kingdomes ( besides the violent hast , reiecting the hearing of any defences ) with cruell hands have put him to death ; an act so horrible , as no history , divine or humane , hath laid a president of the like . these , and many other their detestable insolencies , may abundantly convince every unbyassed judgement , that the present practise of the sectaries , and their abettors , doe directly over-turne the lawes and liberties of the kingdomes , roote out lawfull , and supreme magistracy ( the just priviledges whereof we have sworne to maintaine ) and introduce a fearfull confusion , and lawlesse anarchie . the spirit of god by solomon tells us , pro. 30. 21. that a servant to reigne is one of the foure things for which the earth is disquieted , and which is cannot heare : we wonder nothing that the earth is disquieted for these things ; but we wonder greatly , if the earth can beare them , and albeit the lord so permit , that folly be set in great dignity , and they which sit in low place ; that servants ride upon horses , and princes walke as servants upon the earth , eccles. 10. ver. 6 , 7. yet the same wise man saith , pro. 19. 10. delight is not seemely for a foole , much lesse for a servant to have rule ever princes . when we consider these things , we cannot but declare and manifest our utter dislike and detestation of such unwarrantable practises , directly subverting our covenant , religion , lawes , and liberties . and as watchmen in sion warne all the lovers of truth , and well-affected to the covenant , carefully to avoyde compliance with , or not bearing witnesse against horrid insolencies , least partaking with them in their sinnes , they also be partakers of their plagues . therefore in the spirit of meeknesse , wee earnestly intreate , and in the authority of jesus christ , ( whose servants wee are ) charge , and obtest all who resolve to adhere unto truth , and the covenant , diligently to observe , and conscientiously to performe these following duties . 1. first , that according to our solemne covenant , every one study more to the power of godlinesse , and personall reformation of themselves , and families , because for the great breach of this part of the covenant , god is highly offended with these lands , and justly provoked to permit men to be the instruments of our misery and afflictions . 2. secondly , that every one in their station and calling earnestly contend for the faith which was once delivered to the saints , jude 3. and seeke to have their hearts established with grace , that they be not unstable , and wavering , carried about with every winde of doctrine ; but that they receive the truth in love , avoyding the company of such , as withdraw from , and vilifie the publique ordinances ; speake evill of church-government ; invent damnable errors , under the specious pretence of a gospel-way , and new light ; and highly extoll the persons and courses of notorious sectaries , least god give them over to strong delusions ( the plague of these times ) that they may beleeve lies , and be damned . 3. thirdly , that they would not be drawne by councell , command , or example , to shake off the ancient , and fundamentall government of these kingdomes by king and parliament , which we are so deeply ingaged to preserve by our solemne covenant , as they would not be found guilty of the great evill of these times ( condemned by the holy ghost ) the despising of dominion , and speaking evill of dignities . 4. fourthly , that they doe cordially endeavour the preservation of the union amongst the well-affected in the kingdomes , not being swayed by any nationall respect : remembring that part of the covenant ; that wee shall not suffer our selves directly , nor indirectly , by whatsoever combination , perswasion , or terrour , to be divided , or withdrawne from this blessed union , and conjunction . and finally , albeit there be more present hazard from the power of sectaries , ( as were from malignants the last yeare ) yet wee are not ignorant of the evill purposes of malignants , even at this time in all the kingdomes ; and particularly in this ; and for this cause we exhort every one with equall watchfulnesse to keep themselves free from associating with such , or from swerving in their judgements to malignant principles ; and to avoyd all such persons as have been from the beginning knowne opposers of reformation , refusers of the covenant , combining themselves with papists , and other notorious malignants , especially such who have been chiefe promotors of the late ingagement against england , calumniators of the worke of reformation , in reputing the miseries of the present times unto the advancers thereof , and that their just hatred to sectaries , incline not their mindes to favour malignants , or to thinke that because of the power of sectaries , the cause of god needs the more to feare the enmity , or to stand in need of the helpe of malignants . observations upon the articles of peace with the irish rebels , on the letter of ormond to col. jones , and the representation of the presbytery at belfast . although it be a maxim much agreeable to wisdom , that just deeds are the best answer to injurious words , and actions of what ever sort , their own plainest interpreters ; yet since our enemies can finde the leisure both wayes to offend us , it will be requisite we should be found in neither of those wayes neglectfull of our just defence . to let them know , that sincere and upright intentions can certainly with as much ease deliver themselvs into words as into deeds . having therefore seen of late those articles of peace granted to the papist rebels of ireland , as speciall graces and favours from the late king , in reward , most likely , of their work don , and in his name and authority confirm'd and ratifi'd by james earle of ormond ; together with his letter to col. jones , governour of dublin , full of contumely and dishonour , both to the parliament and army . and on the other side , an insolent and seditious representation from the scotch presbytery at belfast in the north of ireland ; no lesse dishonourable to the state ; and much about the same time brought hither ; there will be needfull as to the same slanderous aspersions but one and the same vindication against them both . nor can we sever them in our notice and resentment , though one part intitl'd a presbytery , and would be thou ghta protestant assembly , since their own unexampl'd virulence hath wrapt them into the same guilt , made them accomplices and assistants to the abhorred irish rebels , and with them at present to advance the same interest : if wee consider both their calumnies , their hatred , and the pretended reasons of their hatred to be the same ; the time also , and the place concurring , as that there lacks nothing but a few formall words , which may be easily dissembl'd , to make the perfetest conjunction ; and between them to divide that iland , as for these articles of peace made with those inhumane rebels and papists of ireland by the late king , as one of his last master-pieces . we may be confidently perswaded , that no true borne english-man , can so much as barely reade them without indignation and disdaine , that those bloudy rebels , and so proclaim'd and judg'd of by the king himself , after the mercilesse and barbarous massacre of so many thousand english , ( who had us'd their right and title to that countrey with such tendernesse and moderation , and might otherwise have secur'd themselvs with ease against their treachery ) should be now grac'd and rewarded with such freedomes and enlargements , as none of their ancestors could ever merit by their best obedience , which at best was alwaies treacherous , to be infranchiz'd with full liberty equall to their conquerours , whom the just revenge of ancient pyracies , cruell captivities , and the causlesse infestation of our coast , had warrantably call'd over , and the long prescription of many hundred yeares ; besides what other titles are acknowledg'd by their own irish parlaments , had fixt and seated in that soile with as good a right as the meerest natives . these therefore by their own foregoing demerits and provocations justly made our vassalls , are by the first article of this peace advanc'd to a condition of freedome superior to what any english protestants durst have demanded . for what else can be the meaning to discharge them the common oath of supremacy , especially being papists ( for whom principally that oath was intended ) but either to resigne them the more into their own power , or to set a mark of dishonour upon the brittish loyalty ; by trusting irish rebels for one single oath of alleageance , as much as all his subjects of brittaine for the double swearing both of alleageance and supremacy . the second article puts it into the hands of an irish parlament to repeale , or to suspend , if they thinke convenient , that act usually call'd poynings act , which was the maine , and yet the civillest and most moderate acknowledgement impos'd of their dependance on the crown of england ; whereby no parlament could be summond there , no bill be past , but what was first to be transmitted and allowd under the great seale of england . the recalling of which act , tends openly to invest them with a law-giving power of their own , enables them by degrees to throw off all subjection to this realme , and renders them who by their endlesse treasons and revolts have deserv'd to hold no parlament at all , but to be govern'd by edicts and garrisons , as absolute and supream in that assembly as the people of england in their own land . and the 12th article grants them in expresse words , that the irish parlament shall be no more dependent on the parlament of england , then the irish themselves shall declare agreeable to the lawes of ireland . the two and twentieth article more ridiculous then dangerous , coming especially from such a serious knot of lords and politicians , obtaines that those acts prohibiting to plow with horses by the tayle , and burne oates in the straw , be repeald ; anough if nothing else , to declare in them a disposition not onely sottish but indocible and averse from all civility and amendment , and what hopes they give for the future , who rejecting the ingenuity of all other nations to improve and waxe more civill by a civilizing conquest , though all these many yeares better shown and taught , preferre their own absurd and savage customes before the most convincing evidence of reason and demonstration : a testimony of their true barbarisme and obdurate wilfulnesse to be expected no lesse in other matters of greatest moment . yet such as these and thus affected , the ninth article entrusts with the militia ; a trust which the king swore by god at new-market , he would not commit to his parliament of england , no not for an houre . and well declares the confidence he had in irish rebels , more then in his loyaliest subjects . he grants them moreover till the performance of all these articles , that 15000 foote and 2500 horse , shall remaine a standing army of papists at the beck and command of dillon , muskery , and other arch rebels , with power also of adding to that number as they shall see cause . and by other articles allows them the constituting of magistrates and judges in all causes , whom they think fie : and till a settlement to their own minds , the possession of all those townes and countreys within their now quarters being little lesse then all the iland , besides what their cruelty hath dispeopl'd and lay'd wast . and lastly , the whole managing both of peace and warre is committed to papists , and the chiefe leaders of that rebellion . now let all men judge what this wants of utter alienating and acquitting the whole province of ireland from all true fealty and obedience to the common-wealth of england . which act of any king against the consent of his parliament , though no other crime were layd against him , might of it selfe strongly conduce to the dis-inthrowning him of all . in france henry the third demanding leave in greatest exigencies to make sale of some crown lands onely , and that to his subjects , was answerd by the parlament then at blois , that a king in no case , though of extreamest necessity , might alienate the patrimony of his crown , whereof he is but onely usu-fructuary , as civilians terme it , the propriety remaining ever to the kingdome , not to the king . and in our own nation , king john , for resigning though unwillingly his crown to the popes legate , with little more hazard to his kingdome then the payment of 1000 marks , and the unsightlinesse of such a ceremony , was depos'd by his barons , and lewis the french kings sonne elected in his roome . and to have carried onely the jewells , plate , and treasure into ireland without consent of the nobility , was one of those impeachments that condemn'd richard the second to lose his crown . but how petty a crime this will seem to the alienating of a whole kingdome , which in these articles of peace we see as good as done by the late king , not to friends , but to mortall enemies , to the accomplishment of his own interests and ends , wholly separate from the peoples good , may without aggravation be easily conceiv'd . nay by the covenant it self , since that so cavillously is urg'd against us , wee are enjoyn'd in the fourth article , with all faithfulnesse to endeavour the bringing all such to public triall and condigne punishment , as shall divide one kingdome from another . and what greater dividing then by a pernicious and hostile peace , to disalliege a whole feudary kingdome from the ancient dominion of england ? exception we finde there of no person whatsoever ; and if the king who hath actually done this , or any for him claime a priviledge above justice , it is againe demanded by what expresse law , either of god or man , and why he whose office is to execute law and justice upon all others , should sit himself like a demigod in lawlesse and unbunded anarchy ; refusing to be accountable for that autority over men naturally his equals , which god himself without a reason givn is not wont to exercise over his creatures ? and if god the neerer to be acquainted with mankind and his frailties , and to become our priest , made himself a man , and subject to the law , we gladly would be instructed why any mortal man for the good and wellfare of his brethren beeing made a king , should by a clean contrary motion make himself a god , exalted above law ; the readiest way to become utterly unsensible , both of his human condition , and his own duty . and how securely , how smoothly , with how little touch or sense of any commiseration , either princely or so much as human , he hath sold away that justice so oft demanded , and so oft by himself acknowledg'd to be due for the bloud of more then 200000. of his subjects , that never hurt him , never disobeyd him , assassinated and cut in pieces by those irish barbarians , to give the first promoting , as is more then thought , to his own tyrannicall designes in england , will appeare by the 18th article of his peace ; wherein without the least regard of justice to avenge the dead , while he thirsts to be aveng'd upon the living , to all the murders , massacres , treasons , pyracies , from the very fatall day wherein that rebellion first broke out , he grants an act of oblivion . if this can be justified , or not punisht in whomsoever , while there is any faith , any religion , any justice upon earth , there can no reason be alleg'd why all things are not list to confusion . and thus much be observd in brief concerning these articles of peace made by the late king withhie irish rebells . the letter of ormond sent to col. jones governour of dublin , attempting his fidelity , which the discretion and true worth of that gentleman hath so well answerd and repulst , had pass'd heer with out mention , but that the other part of it not content to doe the errand of treason , roves into a long digression of evill and reproachfull language to the parlament and army of england . which though not worth their notice , as from a crew of rebells whose inhumanities are long since become the hornour and execration of all that heare them , yet in the pursuance of a good endeavour , to give the world all due satisfaction of the present doings , no fit opportunity shall be omitted . he accuses first that we are the subveters of true religion , the protectors & inviters not only of all false ones , but of irreligion & atheism . an accusation that no man living could more unjustly use then our accuser himself ; & which without a strange besottednesse , he could not expect but to be retorted upon his own head . all men who are true protestants , of which number he gives out to be one , know not a more immediate and killing subverter of all true religion then antichrist , whom they generally believe to be the pope and church of rome , he therefore who makes peace with this grand enemy and perscutor of the true church , he who joynes with him , strengthens him , gives him root to grow up and spread his poyson , removing all opposition against him , granting him schools , abbeyes , and revenues , garrisons , fortresses , townes , as in so many of those articles may be seen , he of all protestants may be calld most justly the subverter of true religion , the protector and inviter of irreligion and atheism , whether it be ormond or his maister . and if it can be no way prov'd , that the parlament hath countenac'd popery or papists , but have every where brok'n their temporall power , thrown down their public superstitions , and confin'd them to the bare enjoyment of that which is not in our reach , their consciences , if they have encouragd all true ministers of the gospel , that is to say , afforded them favour and protection in all places where they preacht ; and although they think not money or stipend to be the best encouragement of a true pastor , yet therein also have not been wanting nor intend to be , they doubt not then to affirm themselves , not the subverters , but the maintainers and defenders of true religion ; which of it self and by consequence is the surest and the strongest subversion , not onely of all false ones , but of irreligion and atheism . for the weapons of that warfare , as the apostle testifies who best knew , are not carnall , but mighty through god to the pulling down of strong holds , and all reasonings , and every high thing exalted against the knowledge of god , surprising every thought unto the obedience of christ , and easily revenging all disobedience , 2 cor. 10. what minister or clergy-man that either understood his high calling , or sought not to erect a secular and carnall tyranny over spirituall things , would neglect this ample and sublime power conferrd upon him , and come a begging to the weak hand of magistracy for that kind of ayd which both the magistrate hath no commission to afford him , and in the way he seeks it hath been alwayes found helplesse and unprofitable . neither is it unknown , or by wisest men unobserv'd , that the church began then most apparently to degenerate , and goe to ruine , when shee borrow'd of the civill power more then fair encouragement and protection ; more then which christ himself and his apostles never requir'd . to say therefore that we protect and invite all false religions , with irreligion also and atheism , because wee lend not or rather missapply not the temporall power to help out , though in vaine , the sloth , the spleen , the insufficiency of church-men , in the execution of spirituall discipline , over those within their charge , or those without , is an imputation that may be layd as well upon the best regulated states and governments through the world . who have been so prudent as never to imploy the civill sword further then the edge of it could reach ; that is , to civill offences onely ; proving alwayes against objects that were spirituall a ridiculous weapon . our protection therefore to men in civill matters unoffensive we cannot deny ; their consciences we leave , as not within our cognisance , to the proper cure of instruction , praying for them . neverthelesse , if any be found among us declar'd atheists , malicious enemies of god , and of christ ; the parlament , i think , professes not to tolerate such , but with all befitting endeavours to suppresse them . otherwaies to protect none that in a larger sense may be tax'd of irreligion or atheism , may perhaps be the ready way to exclude none sooner out of protection , then those themselves that most accuse it to be so generall to others . lastly , that we invite such as these , or incourage them , is a meer slander without proof . he tells us next that they have murderd the king . and they deny not to have justly and undauntedly , as became the parlament of england , for more bloudshed and other hainous crimes then ever king of this land was guilty of , after op'n tryall , punisht him with death . a matter which to men whose serious consideration thereof hath left no certain precept , or example undebated , is so farr from giving offence , that wee implore and beseech the divine majesty so to uphold and support thir spirits with like fortitude and magnanimity , that all thir ensuing actions may correspond and prove worthy that impartiall and noble peece of justice , wherein the hand of god appear'd so evidently on our side . wee shall not then need to feare what all the rout and faction of men basely principl'd can doe against us . the end of our proceedings , which he takes upon him to have discover'd ; the changing forsooth of monarchy into anarchy , sounds so like the smattering of some raw polititian , and the overworne objection of every triviall talker , that wee leave him in the number . but seing in that which followes he containes not himself , but contrary to what a gentleman should know of civility , proceeds to the contemptuous naming of a person , whose valour and high merit many enemies more noble then himself have both honour'd and feard , to assert his good name and reputation , of whose service the common-wealth receaves so ample satisfaction , t is answerd in his behalf , that cromwell whom he couples with a name of scorne , hath done in few yeares more eminent and remarkable deeds whereon to found nobility in his house , though it were wanting , and perpetuall renown to posterity , then ormond and all his auncestors put together can shew from any record of thir irish exploits , the widest scene of thir glory . he passes on in his groundless conjectures , that the aime of this parlament may be perhaps to set up first an elective kingdome , and after that a perfet turkish tyranny . of the former wee suppose the late act against monarchy will suffice to acquitt them . of the latter certainly there needed no other patterne then that tyranny which was so long modelling by the late king himself , with strafford , and that arch prelat of canterbury , his chief instruments ; whose designes god hath dissipated . neither is it any new project of the monarchs , and their courtiers in these dayes , though christians they would be thought , to endeavour the introducing of a plain turkish tyranny . witnesse that consultation had in the court of france under charles the ninth at blois , wherein poncet , a certain court projector , brought in secretly by the chancellor biragha , after many praises of the otteman government ; proposes means and wayes at large in presence of the king , the queen regent , and anjou the kings brother , how with best expedition , and least noyse the turkish tyranny might be set up in france . it appeares therefore that the designe of bringing in that tyranny , is a monarchicall designe , and not of those who have dissolvd monarchy . as for parlaments by three estates , wee know that a parlament signifies no more then the supream and generall councell of a nation , consisting of whomsoever chos'n and assembld for the public good ; which was ever practis'd , and in all sorts of government , before the word parlament , or the formality , or the possibility of those three estates , or such a thing as a titular marquess had either name or being in the world . the originall of all which we could produce to be farr newer then those all ages which he vaunts of , and by such first invented and contriv'd , whose authority , though it were charles martell , stands not so high in our repute , either for himself , or the age he liv'd in , but that with as good warrant we may recede from what he ordain'd , as he ordaine what before was not . but whereas besides he is bold to allege that of the three estates there remaines onely a small number , and they the dreggs and scum of the house of commons , this reproach and in the mouth of an irish man concernes not them onely , but redounds to apparent dishonour of the whole english nation . doubtless there must be thought a great scarcity in england of persons honourable and deserving , or else of judgement , or so much as honesty in the people , if those whom they esteem worthy to sit in parlament be no better then scum and dreggs in the irish dialect . but of such like stuffe wee meet not anywhere with more excrescence then in his own lavish pen ; which feeling it selfe loose without the reines of discretion , rambles for the most part beyond all soberness and civility . in which torrent he goes on negotiating and cheapning the loyalty of our faithfull governour of dublin , as if the known and try'd constancy of that valiant gentleman were to be bought with court fumes . he layes before him that there remaines now no other liberty in the subject but to professe blasphemous opinions , to revile and tread underfoot magistracy , to murther magistrates , to oppresse and undoe all that are not like minded with us . forgetting in the mean while himself to be in the head of a mixt rabble , part papists , part fugitives , and part savages , guilty in the highest degree of all these crimes . what more blasphemous not opinion but whole religion then popery , plung'd into idolatrous and ceremoniall superstition , the very death of all true religion ; figur'd to us by the scripture it selfe in the shape of that beast , full of the names of blasphemy , which wee mention to him as to one that would be counted protestant , and had his breeding in the house of a bishop . and who are those that have trod under foot magistracy , murder'd magistrates , oppress'd & undone all that syded not with them , but the irish rebels , in that horrible conspiracy , for which ormond himselfe hath either been or seem'd to be their enemy ; though now their ringleader . and let him aske the jesuitea about him whether it be not their known doctrine and also practise , not by faire and due processe of justice to punish kings and magistrates , which we disavow not , but to murder them in the basest and most assassinous manner , if thir church-interest so require . there will not need more words to this windy railer , convicted opnly of all those crimes which he so confidently and yet falsely charges upon others . we have now to deale , though in the same country , with another sort of adversaries , in show farr different , in substance much what the same . these write themselves the presbytery of belfast , a place better known by the name of a late barony , then by the same of these mens doctrine or ecclesiasticall deeds ; whose obscurity till now never came to our hearing . and surely wee should think this their representment farr beneath considerable , who have neglected and past over the like unadvizednesse of their fellowes in other places more neer us , were it not to observe in some particulars the sympathy , good intelligence , and joynt pace which they goe in the north of ireland , with their copartning rebels in the south , driving on the same interest to loose us that kingdome , that they may gaine it themselves , or at least share in the spoile : though the other be op'n enemies , these pretended brethren the introduction of their manifest out of doubt must be zealous ; their duty , they say , to god and his people , over whom he hath made them overseers , and for whom they must give accompt . what meane these men ? is the presbytery of belfast , a small town in ulster , of so large extent that their voyces cannot serve to teach duties in the congregation which they oversee , without spreading and divulging to all parts farr beyond the diocesse of patrick , or columba , their writt'n representation , under the suttle pretence of feeding their owne flock ? or doe they think to oversee or undertake to give an accomht for all to whom their paper sends greeting ? st. paul to the elders of ephesus thinks it sufficient to give charge that they take heed to themselves and to the flocke , over which they were made overseers ; beyond those bounds hee inlarges not their commission . and surely when we put down bishops , and put up presbyters , which the most of them have made use of to enrich and exalt themselvee , and turn the first heele against their benefactors , we did not think that one classick fraternity so obscure and so remote , should involve us and all state affairs within the censure and jurisdiction of belfast , upon pretence of overseeing their own charge . wee very well know that church censures are limited to church matters , and these within the compasse of their own province , or to say more truly of their own congregation : that affaires of state are not for their medling , as we could urge ev'n from their own invectives and protestations against the bishops , wherein they tell them with much fervency , that ministers of the gospell , neither by that function nor by any other which they ought accept , have the least warrant to be pragmaticall in the state . and surely in vain were bishops for these and other causes forbid to fit and vote in the hous , if these men out of the house , and without vote shall claim and be permitted more license on their presbyteriall stooles , to breed continuall disturbance by interposing in the common wealth . but seeing that now , since their heaving out the prelats to heave in themselves , they devise new wayes to bring both ends together which will never meete , that is to say their former doctrine with their present doings , as that they cannot else teach magistrates and subjects their duty , and that they have besides a right themselves to speake as members of the common wealth , let them know that there is a wide difference between the generall exhortation to justice and obedience , which in this point is the utmost of their duty , and the state disputes wherein they are now grown such busie bodies , to preach of titles , interests , and alterations in government : more then our saviour himselfe , or any of his apostles ever took upon them , though the title both of caesar and of herod , and what they did in matters of state might have then admitted controversie anough . next for their civill capacities , we are sure that pulpits and church-assemblies , whether classicall or provinciall , never were intended or allowd by wise magistrates , no nor by him that sent them , to advance such purposes ; but that as members of the common wealth they ought to mixe with other commoners , and in that temporall body to assume nothing above other private persons , or otherwise then in a usuall and legall manner : not by distinct remonstrances and representments , as if they were a tribe and party by themselves , which is the next immediate way to make the church lift a horne against the state , and claim an absolute and undepending jurisdiction , as from like advantage and occasion ( to the trouble of all christ'ndome ) the pope hath for many ages done ; and not only our bishops were climing after him , but our presbyters also , as by late experiment wee find . of this representation therefore wee can esteem and judge no other then of a slandrous and seditious libell , sent abroad by a fort of incendiaries , to delude and make the better way under the cunning and plausible name of a presbytery . a second reason of thir representing is , that they consider the dependance of that kingdome upon england , which is another shamelesse untruth that ever they consider'd ; as their own actions will declare , by conniving , and in thir silence partaking with those in ulster , whose obedience by what we have yet heard , stands dubious , and with an eye of conformity rather to the north , then to that part where they owe thir subjection ; and this in all likelihood by the inducement and instigation of these representers : who are so farr from considering thir dependence on england , as to presume at every word to terme proceedings of parliament , the insolencies of a sectarian party , and of private men . despising dominion , and speaking evill of dignities , which hypocritically they would seeme to disswade others from ; and not fearing the due correction of their superiors , that may in fit season overtake them . when as the least consideration of their dependance on england would have kept them better in their duty . the third reason which they use , makes against them ; the remembrance how god punisht the contempt of their warning last yeare upon the breakers of covnant , whenas the next year after they forget the warning of that punishment hanging over their own heads for the very same transgression , their manifest breach of covnant by this seditious representation accompanied with the doubtfull obedience of that province which represents it . and thus we have their preface supported with three reasons ; two of them notorious falsities , and the third against themselves ; and two examples , the province of london , & the commissioners of the kirk assembly . but certain , if canonicall examples bind not , much lesse doe apocryphall . proceeding to avouch the trust put upon them by god , which is plainly prov'd to be none of this nature , they would not be lookd upon as sowers of sedition , or authors of divisive motions , their record , they say , is in heaven , and their truth and honesty no man knowes where . for is not this a shamelesse hypocrisie , and of meer wolves in sheeps cloathing , to sow sedition in the eares of all men , and to face us downe in the very act , that they are authors of no such matter . but let the sequell both of their paper , and the obedience of the place wherein they are , determine . nay while we are yet writing these things , and foretelling all men the rebellion which was eevn then design'd in the close purpose of these unhallow'd priestlings , at the very time when with thir lips they disclaim'd all sowing of sedition , newes is brought , and too true , that the scottish inhabitants of that province are actually revolted , and have not only besieg'd in london-derry those forces which were to have fought against ormond , and the irish rebels ; but have in a manner declar'd with them , and begun op'n war against the parlament ; and all this by the incitement and illusions of that unchristian synagogue at belfast , who yet dare charge the parlament , that notwithstanding specious pretences , yet thir actings doe evidence that they love a rough garment to deceive . the deceit we own not , but the comparison , by what at first sight may seem alluded , we accept : for that hairy roughnesse assum'd won jacob the birthright both temporall and eternall ; and god wee trust hath so dispos'd the mouth of these balaams , that comming to curse , they have stumbled into a kind of blessing , and compar'd our actings to the faithfull act of that patriarch . but if they mean , as more probably thir meaning was , that rough garment spok'n of zach. 13. 4. we may then behold the pittiful store of learning , and theology , which these deceivers have thought sufficient to uphold their credit with the people , who , though the rancour that levens them have somewhat quickn'd the common drawling of thir pulpit elocution , yet for want of stock anough in scripture-phrase to serve the necessary uses of thir malice , they are become so liberall , as to part freely with their own budge gownes from off their backs , and bestow them on the magistrate as a rough garment to deceive ; rather then not be furnish'd with a reproach though never so improper , never so obvious to be turn'd upon themselves . for but with half an eye cast upon that text , any man will soon discern that rough garment to be thir own coate , thir own livery , the very badge and cognisance of such false prophets as themselves . who , when they understand , or ever seriously mind the beginning of that 4th . verse , may be asham'd every one of his lying vision , and may justly fear that foregoing denouncement to such as speak lies in the name of the lord , vers. 3. lurking under the rough garment of outward rigor and formality , whereby they cheat the simple . so that this rough garment to deceiv we bring ye once again , grave sirs , into your own vestry ; or with zachary shall not think much to fit it to your own shoulders . to bestow ought in good earnest on the magistrate , we know your classic priestship is too gripple , for yee are alwayes begging : and for this rough gown to deceav , we are confident yee cannot spare it ; it is your sundays gown , your every day gown , your only gown , the gown of your faculty ; your divining gowne ; to take it from ye were sacrilege . weare it therfore , & possesse it your selvs , most grave and reverend carmelites , that all men both young and old , as we hope they will shortly , may yet better know ye and distinguish ye by it ; and give to your rough gown where ever they meete it , whether in pulpit , classis , or provincial synod , the precedency , and the pre-eminence of deceaving . they charge us next that we have brokn the cov'nant , & load'n it with slighting reproaches . for the reproaching , let them answer that are guilty , wherof the state we are sure cannot be accus'd . for the breaking , let us hear wherin . in labouring say they , to establish by law a universall tolleration of all religions , this touches not the state ; for certainly were they so minded , they need not labour it , but do it , having power in thir hands ; and we know of no act as yet past to that purpose . but suppose it done , wherin is the covnant broken . the covnant enjoyns us to endeavor the extirpation first of popery and prelacy , then of heresy , schism , and prophaness , and whatsoever shall be found contrary to sound doctrin and the power of godliness . and this we ceas not to do by all effectuall and proper means : but these divines might know , that to extirpat all these things can be no work of the civil sword , but of the spirituall which is the word of god . no man well in his wits endeavoring to root up weeds out of his ground , instead of using the spade will take a mallet or a beetle . nor doth the covnant any way engage us to extirpate , or to prosecute the men , but the heresies and errors in them , which we tell these divines and the rest that understand not , belongs chiefly to their own function , in the diligent preaching and insisting upon sound doctrin , in the confuting not the railing down errors , encountring both in public and private conference , and by the power of truth , not of persecution , subduing those authors of hereticall opinions , & lastly in the spirituall execution of church discipline within thir own congregations . in all these ways wee shall assist them , favour them , and as far as appertains to us joyn with them , and moreover not tolerate the free exercise of any religion , which shall be found absolutely contrary to sound doctrin or the power of godliness ; for the conscience we must have patience till it be within our verge . and thus doing we shall believ to have kept exactly all that is requird from us by the covnant . whilst they by thir seditious practises against us , then which nothing for the present can adde more assistance or advantage to those bloudy rebels and papists in the south , will be found most pernicious covnant breakers themselves , and as deep in that guilt as those of thir own nation the last year ; the warning of whose ill successe like men hardn'd for the same judgment , they miserably pervert to an incouragement in the same offence , if not a fat worse ; for now they have joyn'd interest with the irish rebels , who have ever fought against the covnant , wheras thir country-men the year before made the covnant thir plea . but as it is a peculiar mercy of god to his people , while they remain his , to preserve them from wicked confederations : so it is a mark and punishment of hypocrites to be drivn at length to mix thir cause , and the interest of thir covnant with gods enemies . and wheras they affirm that the tolerating of all religions in the manner that we tolerat them , is an innovation , we must acquaint them that we are able to make it good if need be , both by scripture and the primitive fathers , and the frequent assertion of whole churches and protestant states in thir remonstrances and expostulations against the popish tyranny over souls . and what force of argument do these doctors bring to the contrary ? but we have long observ'd to what passe the bold ignorance and sloth of our clergy tends no less now then in the bishops days , to make thir bare sayings and censures authentic with the people , though destitute of any proofe or argument . but thanks be to god they are discern'd . thir next impeachment is , that we oppose the presbyteriall government , the hedg and bulwark of religion . which all the land knows to be a most impudent falshood , having establishd it with all freedom , wherever it hath been desir'd . nevertheless as we perceave it aspiring to be a compulsive power upon all without exception in parochiall , classicall , and provinciall hierarchies , or to require the fleshly arm of magistracy in the execution of a spirituall discipline , to punish and amerce by any corporall infliction those whose consciences cannot be edifi'd by what authority they are compell'd , we hold it no more to be the hedg and bulwark of religion , than the popish and prelaticall courts , or the spanish inquisition . but we are told , we imbrace paganism and judaism in the arms of toleration . a most audacious calumny . and yet while we detest judaism , we know our selves commanded by st. paul , rom. 11. to respect the jews , and by all means to endeavor thir conversion . neither was it ever sworn in the covnant to maintain a universal presbytery in england , as they falsly allege , but in scotland against the common enemy , if our aid were calld for : being left free to reform our own country according to the word of god , and the example of best reformed churches ; from which rule we are not yet departed . but heer utterly forgetting to be ministers of the gospel , they presume to op'n their mouths not in the spirit of meeknesse , as like dissemblers they pretend , but with as much devillish malice , impudence and falshood as any irish rebell could have utter'd ; and from a barbarous ●ook of ireland brand us with the extirpation of laws and liberties ; things which they seem as little to understand as ought that belongs to good letters or humanity . that wee seisd on the person of the king . who was surrendred into our hands an enemy and captive by our own subordinate and paid army of scots in england . next our imprisoning many members of the house . as if it were impossible they should deserve it , conspiring and banding against the public good ; which to the other part appearing , and , with the power they had , not resisting , had bin a manifest desertion of thir trust and duty . no question but it is as good and necessary to expell rott'n members out of the house , as to banish delinquents out of the land : and the reason holds as well in forty as in five . and if they be yet more , the more dangerous is thir number . they had no privilege to fit there and vote home the author , the impenitent author of all our miseries to freedom , honour , and royalty , for a few fraudulent if not destructive concessions . which that they went about to doe , how much more clear it was to all men , so much the more expedient , and important to the common-wealth was their speedy seisure and exclusion ; and no breach of any just privilege , but a breach of their knotted faction . and heer they cry out , an action without parallel in any age . so heartily we wish all men were unprejudic'd in all our actions , as these illiterat denouncers never parallelld so much of any age as would contribute to the tithe of a century . that wee abolish parlamentary power , and establish a representative instead thereof . now we have the hight of them ; these profound instructors in the midst of thir representation , would know the english of a representative , and were perhaps of that classis , who heretofore were as much staggerd at trienniall . thir grand accusation is our justice don on the king , which that they may prove to be without rule or example , they venture all the credit they have in divine and human history ; and by the same desperate boldness detect themselves to be egregious liars and impostors , seeking to abuse the multitude with a show of that gravity and learning which never was their portion . had thir knowledge bin equall to the knowledge of any stupid monk , or abbot , they would have known at least , though ignorant of all things else , the life and acts of him , who first instituted thir order : but these blockish presbyters of clandeboy know not that john knox , who was the first founder of presbytery in scotland , taught professedly the doctrine of deposing , and of killing kings . and thus while they deny that any such rule can be found , the rule is found in their own country , givn them by thir own first presbyterian institutor ; and they themselves like irregular friers walking contrary to the rule of thir own foundation , deserv for so grosse an ignorance and transgression to be disciplin'd upon thir own stools . or had thir reading in history bin any , which by this we may be confident is none at all , or thir malice not highth'n'd to a blind rage , they never would so rashly have thrown the dice to a palpable discovery of thir ignorance and want of shame . but wherefore spend we two such pretious things as time & reason upon priests , the most prodigal mis-spenders of time , and the scarsest owners of reason ? t is sufficient we have publishd our defences , giv'n reasons , giv'n examples of our justice don ; books also have bin writt'n to the same purpose for men to look on that will ; that no nation under heav'n but in one age or other hath don the like . the difference onely is , which rather seemes to us matter of glory , that they for the most part have without form of law don the deed by a kinde of martial justice ; wee by the deliberate and well-weighd sentence of a legal judicature . but they tell us , it was against the interest and protestation of the kingdom of scotland . and did exceeding well to joyn those two together : heerby informing us what credit or regard need be givn in england to a scotch protestation ; usherd in by a scotch interest : certainly no more then we see is givn in scotland to an english declaration , declaring the interest of england . if then our interest move not them , why should theirs move us ? if they say , wee are not all england ; we reply they are not all scotland : nay , were the last year so inconsiderable a part of scotland as were beholding to this which they now term the sectarian army , to defend and rescue them at the charges of england from a stronger party of thir own countrymen , in whose esteem they were no better then sectarians themselves . but they add , it was against the former declarations of both kingdomes , to seize , or proceed against the king . we are certain that no such declarations of both kingdomes as derive not thir full force from the sense and meaning of the covnant , can be produc'd . and if they plead against us the covenant , to preserve and defend his person ; we aske them briefly whether they take the covenant to be absolute or conditionall ? if absolute , then suppose the king to have committed all prodigious crimes and impieties against god , or nature , or whole nations , he must neverthelesse be sacred from all violent touch . which absurd opinion , how it can live in any mans reason , either naturall or rectifi'd , wee much marvell : since god declard his anger as impetuous for the saving of king benhadad , though surrendring himselfe at mercy , as for the killing of naboth . if it be conditionall , in the preservation and defence of religion , and the peoples libertie , then certainly to take away his life beeing dangerous , and pernicious to both these , was no more a breach of the covnant , then for the same reason at edinburrow to behead gordon the marquess huntley . by the same covnant we made vow to assist and to defend all those that should enter with us into this league : not absolutely but in the maintenance and pursuing thereof . if therefore no man else ever were so madd as to claime from hence an impunitie from all justice , why should any for the king ? whose life by other articles of the same covnant was forfet . nay if common sense had not led us to such a cleer interpretation , the scotch commissioners themselves might boast to have bin our first teachers : who when they drew to the malignance which brought forth that perfidious last years irruption against all the bands of covnant or christian neighbourhood , making thir hollow plea the defence of his majesties person , they were constraind by thir own guiltinesse to leave out that following morsell that would have choakd them , the preservation and defence of true religion , and our liberties . and questionless in the preservation of these , wee are bound as well , both by the covnant , and before the covnant , to preserve and defend the person of any private man , and the person and authoritie of any inferior magistrate : so that this article objected with such vehemence against us , containes not an exception of the kings person , and autoritie to doe by privilege what wickedness he list , and be defended , as som fancy , but an express testification of our loyaltie , and the plaine words without wresting will beare as much , that wee had no thoughts against his person , or just power , provided they might confist with the preservation and defence of true religion and our liberties . but to these how hazardous his life was , will be needless to repeat so oftn . it may suffice that while he was in custody , where wee expected his repentance , his remorse at last and compassion of all the innocent bloud shed already and hereafter likely to be shed for his meer wilfulness , he made no other use of our continuall forbearance , our humblest petitions and obtestations at his feet , but to sit contriving and fomenting new plots against us , and as his own phrase was , playing his own game , upon the miseries of his people : of which wee desire no other view at present then these articles of peace with the rebells , and the rare game likely to ensue from such a cast of his cards . and then let men reflect a little upon the slanders and reviles of these wretched priests , and judge what modesty , what truth , what conscience , what any thing fit for ministers , or wee might say reasonable men can harbour in them . for what they began in shamelesness and malice , they conclude in frenzie : throwing out a sudden rapsody of proverbs quite from the purpose ; and with as much comliness as when saul propheci'd . for casting off , as he did his garments , all modestie and meekness wherewith the language of ministers ought to be cloath'd , speaking especially to thir supreme magistrate , they talke at random of servants raigning , servants riding , and wonder how the earth can beare them . either those men imagin themselves to be marvellously high set and exalied in the chaire of belfast , to voutsafe the parlament of england no better stile then servants , or els thir high notion , which wee rather beleeve , falls as low as court parasitism ; supposing all men to be servants , but the king . and then all thir paines tak'n to seem so wise in proverbing , serves but to conclude them down right slaves : and the edge of thir own proverb falls reverse upon themselves . for as delight is not seemly for fooles , much less high words to come from base minds . what they are for ministers , or how they crept into the fould , whether at the window , or through the wall , or who set them there so haughtie in the pontificall see of belfast , wee know not . but this wee rather have cause to wonder if the earth can beare this unsufferable insolency of upstarts ; who from a ground which is not thir own dare send such defiance to the sovran magistracy of england , by whose autoritie and in whose right they inhabit there . by thir actions we might rather judge them to be a generation of high-land theevs and red-shanks , who beeing neighbourly admitted , not as the saxons by merit of thir warfare against our enemies , but by the courtesie of england to hold possessions in our province , a countrey better then thir own , have , with worse faith then those heathen , prov'd ingratefull and treacherous guests to thir best friends and entertainers . and let them take heed , lest while thir glence , as to these matters , might have kept them blameless and secure under those proceedings which they so feard to partake in , that these thir treasonous attempts and practices , have not involv'd them in a farr worse guilt of rebellion ; and ( notwithstanding that faire dehortatory from joyning with malignants ) in the appearance of a co-interest and partaking with the irish rebells . against whom , though by themselves pronouncd to be the enemies of god , they goe not out to battell , as they ought , but rather by these thir doings assist and become associats . the end . the trve informer who in the following discovrse or colloqvie discovereth unto the vvorld the chiefe causes of the sa[]d distempers in great britanny and ireland / deduced from their originals ; and also a letter writ by serjeant-major kirle to a friend at vvinsor. howell, james, 1594?-1666. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a44760 of text r30343 in the english short title catalog (wing h3122a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 117 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a44760 wing h3122a estc r30343 11298699 ocm 11298699 47342 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44760) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 47342) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1464:9) the trve informer who in the following discovrse or colloqvie discovereth unto the vvorld the chiefe causes of the sa[]d distempers in great britanny and ireland / deduced from their originals ; and also a letter writ by serjeant-major kirle to a friend at vvinsor. howell, james, 1594?-1666. kirle, robert. 43 p. [s.n], [london] printed : mdcxliii [1643] attributed by wing, nuc pre-1956 to howell. letter signed: r.k. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -politics and government -1642-1660. ireland -politics and government -17th century. a44760 r30343 (wing h3122a). civilwar no the trve informer, who in the following discovrse, or colloqvie, discovereth unto the vvorld the chiefe causes of the sa[]d distempers in gr howell, james 1643 21827 8 10 0 0 0 0 8 b the rate of 8 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-02 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-02 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the trve informer , who in the following discovrse , or colloqvie , discovereth unto the world the chiefe causes of the sad distempers in great brittany and ireland , deduced from their originals . magna est veritas , & prevalebit . and also , a letter writ by serjeant-major kirle , to a friend at vvinsor . printed in the yeare , m. dc . xliii . an interlocutory discourse betwixt patricius and peregrin , touching the distractions of the times , with the causes of them . patricius . gentle sir , you are well met , and welcome to england , i am heartily glad of your safe arrivall , hoping now to apprehend some happy opportunity whereby i may requite part of those worthy favours i received from you in divers places t'other side of the sea . peregrin . sir , i am as joyfull to see you , as any friend i have upon the earth ; but touching favours , they deserve not such an acknowledgment , i must confesse my selfe to be far in the arreare to you , therefore you teach me what to speake in that point : but amongst other offices of friendship you have beene pleased to do me from time to time , i give you many thanks for the faithfull correspondence you have held with me since the time of our separation by intercourse of letters , the best sort of fuell to warme affection and to keep life in that noble vertue friendship , which they say abroad , is in danger to perish under this cold insulary clime for want of practise . patr. truely , sir , you should have had an account of matters hence more amply and frequently , but that of late it hath beene usuall , and allowed by authority , to intercept and breake open any letters ; but private men need not complaine so much , since the dispatches of ambassadors , whose packets should be held as sacred as their persons , have beene commonly open'd , besides some outrages offered their houses and servants ; nay , since their majesties letters under the cabine signet have beene broke up , and other counterfeit ones printed and published in their names . pereg. indeed i must confesse , the report hereof hath kept a great noyse abroad ; and england hath suffered much in point of nationall repute in this particular ; for even among barbarians it is held a kinde of sacriledge to open letters ; nay , it is held a baser kind of burglary , than to breake into a house , chamber , or closet : for this is a plundring of outward things only , but hee who breaks open ones letters , which are the idea's of the minde , may bee said to rip up his brest , to plunder and rifle his very braine , and rob him of his most precious and secretest thoughts . patr. well , let us leave this dista stefull subject ; when these fatall commotions cease , this custome , i hope , will be abhorred in england : but now , that you are newly arrived , and so happily met , i pray bee pleased to make me partaker of some forraigne newes , and how the squares goe betwixt france and spaine , those two great wheeles , that draw after their motion ( some more , some lesse ) all the rest of the westerne world : and when you have done , i will give you account of the state of things in england . pereg. i thought you had so abounded with domestick newes , that you had had no list or leisure to heare any forraigne ; but to obey your commands , you know that i have beene any time this six yeares a wanderer up and downe the world ; and truly i could not set foot on any christian shore that was in a perfect condition of peace , but it was engag'd either in a direct , auxiliary , or collaterall warre , or standing upon its guard in continuall apprehensions and alarmes of feare : for , since that last flaming usher of gods vengeance , that direfull comet of the yeare 1618. appear'd in the heavens , some malignant and angry ill-aspected star hath had the predominance ever since , and by its malignant influxes , made strange unusuall impressions upon the humours of subjects , by inciting them to such insurrections , revolts , and tumults ; which caused a jewish rabbi to say lately , that it seemes the grand turke thrives extraordinarily in his devotions , it being one of his prime prayers to mahomet , that he should prevaile with god almighty to continue dissentions still among christian princes . and truly as the case stands , one may say , that the christian world is all in pieces ; you know well with what fearefull fits of a high burning feaver poore germany hath beene long shaken , which hath wrought a lethargie in some of her members , by wasting of the vitall spirits , which should diffuse themselves equally through that great body ; and how she still fostereth a cold northerne guest within her bosome , and is 〈◊〉 annuall feare of a worse from the levant : in the netherlands one shal● heare the half-sterved souldier murmure in every corner , and railing ●gainst his king , and ready to mutiny for want of pay . in france you shall see the poore asinine peasant half weary of his life , his face being so pitifully ground , ever and anon with new taxes . you know there are two soveraigne princes , who have a long time wandred up and downe in exile , being outed out of their own antient patrimoniall territories , and little hope yet god wot , of restoring them . the world knowes how savoy is become of late a kinde of province to france . nay , spaine , who hath beene so dexterous to put her neighbours together by the eares , and to foment warre a farre off , to keepe her owne home secure , is now her selfe in the midst of two fearefull fires , kindled on both sides of her by quite-revolted subjects , the portugues and catalan , and is so puzzled , she cannot tell what saint to pray unto . the venetian also , with the pope , and all the princes of italy are arming apace ; the hollander only , salamander-like , thrives in these flames ; and as i have heard of some , that by a long habituall custome , could feed on poyson , and turne it to nourishment , so hanse alone growes fat by these wars . and being weary of eating my bread in such a distracted world abroad , and hopeing to take some sweet repose in england , i finde that she is in as bad a case , if not worse , than any other . so much newes i give you in a lump , i will be more particular with you some other time , if you please to spare me now . patr. i heare , not without much resentment , these pithy expressions you have been pleased to make of the torn estate of europe abroad , and since you mention that blazing star , i remember what a noble knight told me some yeares agoe , that the astronomers , who lay sentinel to watch the motion and aspect of that comet , observed , that haveing pointed at divers climats , at last it seem'd to looke directly to these north-west islands , in which posture it spent it selfe , and so extinguished ; as if thereby it meant to tell the world , that these islands should be the stage whereupon the last act of the tragedie should be plai'd . and how many scenes have passed already , both here and in ireland , we know , god wot , by too too wofull experience . pereg. there is a saying , when your neighbours house is on fire , by its light you may see in what danger your owne stands . and was england so blinde , as not to take warning by so many fearful combustions abroad : when i took my leave last of her , i left her in such a compleat condition of happinesse , both in court , countrey , citie and sea , that she was the envie of all europe , in so much , that that golden verse might be fitly applied to her then golden times : mollia securae peragebant otia gentes . the court was never so glorious , being hansell'd every yeer almost with a new royall off-spring ; the gentrie no where more gallant and sportfull ; the citizen never more gorgeous and rich , and so abounding with treasure , bullion and buildings , that no age can parallel ; commerce inward and outward was never at that height ; the customes increasing every yeer to admiration ; the narrow seas were never guarded with braver ships , nor the navie royall for number of vessels and magazines of all sorts of materials was ever so well replenished ; the universities had never such golden dayes ; and lastly , the church did so flourish , that amongst the rest of the reformed churches of christendom , i have heard her call'd the church triumphant . besides , ireland was arriv'd almost to the same degree of prosperitie , for all the arrerages of the crown were paid , and not a peny sent hence for many yeers to maintain the standing armie there , or for any other publique charge , as formerly ; traffique came to that monstrous height , that in few yeeres the crown-customes came to be five times higher . in fine , ireland was brought not onely to subsist of her selfe , but inabled to contribute towards the filling of the english exchequer , and to make some retribution of those vast expences the crown of england hath been at any time these 400 yeers , to reduce her to civilitie ; her bogs were almost all dri'd up , and made good land , her mudwals turn'd apace to bricke in divers places ; so that one sommer that i fortun'd to be there , above 50. new bricke-houses were built in one town . but it hath been the fate of that island to be oftentimes neer a condition of a setled happinesse , and yet to have some odde accident still intervene to crosse it . in conclusion , there wanted nothing to make england and her united crownes so exactly blessed , that she might have assumed the title of one of the fortunate islands . good lord , how comes it to passe , that she is now fallen into such horrid distempers , and like a distracted bodie , laying hands upon her selfe , would thrust the sword of civill war into her own bowels ? i beseech you , sir , impart unto me the true cause of this change ; for i know none so capable to do it as your selfe . patr. infandum peregrine , jubes renovare dolorem . first , sir , in the generall you know , that it is with the regions upon earth , as it is with those of the ayre● sometimes we have a clear azur'd skie , with soft gentle ventilations , and a sweet serenitie throughout the whole hemisphete ; at other times we know the face of the heavens is overcast with frownes , with frog vapours , and thicke cloudes of various shapes , which look like monsters , hovering up and down , and break at last into thunder and fulgurations , and so disquiet and raise a kinde of war in the aereal common wealth . just so in the regions that are dispers'd up and down this earthly globe , & peopled with men ( which are but a composition of the elements ) you have sometimes a gentle calme of peace and quietude , with a generall tranquillitie all the countrey over ; at other times you have ugly mishapen cloudes of jealousies , feares and discontentments do rise up , which break out at last into acts of disobedience , rebellion , and furie . and as those aereall meteors and monsters above are ingendered of those watery fogges and mists which are drawn up out of fenny and rotten low grounds here upon earth ; so in the region of the minde , the ill vapours which ascend to the brain from rotten and impostumated hearts , from desperate and male-contented humorists are the causes of all civill commotions and distempers in state . but they have much to answer for in the world to come ( though they escape it in this ) who for any private interest or respect whatsoever , either of promotion , vain glorie , revenge , malice , or envie , will embroyle and plunge their own native countrey in any publike ingagement or civill war , by putting a partition-wall betwixt their soveraigne prince and their fellow subjects . truly , in mine opinion , these may be called the worst kinde of betrayers of their countries : but i am too farre transported from satisfying your request in relating the true causes of these calamities : i will now fall to worke , and bring you to the very source of them . there is a packe of perverse people ( composed for the most part of the scummy and simplest sort ) multiplied in england , who by a kinde of naturall inclination , are opposite so point blanke to monarchie in state , and hierarchie in church , that if they were in heaven ( whither 't is to be feared they run a great hazard ever to enter , it being a rule , that he who is rotten hearted to his king , can never be right hearted to his creatour ) i say , if these men were in heaven , they would go near to repine at the monarchicall power of god almighty himselfe , and at the degrees of angels , and the postures of holinesse in the church triumphant . they call every crotchet of the brain , tendernesse of conscience : which being well examined , is nothing else but a meer spirit of contradiction and disobedience ( to all higher powers ) which posseseth them . there are no constitutions either ecclesiasticall or civill can please them , but they could cast both into such a mould , which their crack'd braines would fain devise , yet are never able to bring to any perfection ; they are ever labouring to bring religion to the dock , to be new trimm'd , but they would take down her fore-caste , and scarce allow her the kings armes to adorn her ; they are great listners after any court newes , and pricke up their eares when any thing is spoken of king , queen , or privie counsellour , and are alwayes ready though upon loose trust , to take up any report whereby they may whisper in conventicles and corners , and so traduce the government . these great zealots use to look upon themselves most cōmonly through multiplying glasses , which make them appear to be such huge santons , that it renders them not onely uncharitable in their opinions of others , but lucifcrian-like proud in their own conceit , insomuch that they seem to scorne all the world besides , believing that they are the onely elect , whose soules worke according to the motion of the spirit ; that they are the children of promise , whose faces alone look towards heaven ; they are more pleased with some new reach or fancie , ( that may puzzle the pericranium ) than a frenchman is with some new fashion in cloathing ; they are nearest to the nature of the jew of any people upon earth , and will converse with him sooner than with some sort of christians ; and as in the pharisaicall disposition they symbolise with the jew , so in some of their positions they jumpe pat with the iesuit ; for though they are both in the extremes , and as contrary one to the other as the scales of a diameter , yet their opinions and practices are concentrique to depresse regall power ; both of them would binde their kings in chaines , and the nobles in linkes of iron ; they both deny all passive obedience , and as the one would have the morter of the temple tempered with bloud , so the other would beat religion into the brain with the pole-axe . their greatest master-piece of policie is to forge counterfeit newes , and to divulge and disperse it as farre as they can , to amuse the world , for the advancement of their designes , and strengthening of their partie : but the iesuit doth it more cunningly and modestly , for he fetcheth his newes from farre , so that before the falshood of it can be controll'd , his worke is commonly done , and the newes forgotten ; but these later polititians use to raise lyes hard by home , so that the grosnesse and palpablenesse of them is presently discovered . besides , to avoid the extremes of the other , these later seem fall into flat prophanenesse , for they may be called a kinde of enemies to the very name , crosse , and church of christ . touching the first , they repine at any reverence to be done unto it , though spontaneous , not coercive . for the second , which was held from the beginning to be the badge and banner of a christian , they crie it up to be the marke of the beast ; and for the last , they would have it to be neither beautifull , holy , nor amiable , which are the three main properties which god requires in his house . to conclude , when any comes to be season'd with this sower leaven , he seemes to degenerate presently from the nature and garbe of a gentleman , and fals to be of a sordid and low disposition , narrow hearted , and close handed ; to be timorous , cunning and jealous , and farre from the common freedom , and sweetnesse of morall societie , and from all generous and loyall thoughts towards his king and countrey . these , these have been the chiefest machinators , and engineers of these unhappy divisions , who viper like have torne the entrailes of their own mother , their dear countrey ; but there were other externe concurrent causes , and to finde them out , i must look northward , for there the cloud began to condense first ; you know sir , the scotish nation were ever used to have their king personally resident amongst them ; and though his late majestie by reason of his age , bountie , and long breeding there , with other advantages , drew such extraordinary respect from them , that they continued in good conformitie ; yet since his death , they have been overheard to mutter at the remotenesse and absence of their king , and that they should become now a kinde of province by reason of such a distance : some of their nobles and gentrie found not at the english court , nor at his majesties coronation in edenburgh that countenance , familiaritie , benefit , and honours , which haply they expected , and 't is well known who he was , that having been denied to be lorded , took a pet , and went discontented to his countrey , hoping that some title added to the wealth he had got abroad , should have purchased him more respect . these discontented parties tamper'd with the mercenary preachers up and down scotland , to obtrude to the people what doctrines they put into their mouthes , so that the pulpits every where rung of nothing but of invectives against certain obliquities and soloecismes ( and i cannot tell what ) in government , and many glances they had upon the english church ; yet all this while there was not matter enough for an insurrection , nor to dispose the peoples hearts to a mutinie , untill by the policie ( as some affirmed ) of the said discontented partie , the english lyturgie was sent thither : this by the incitement of those fiery pulpiteers , was cried up to be the greatest idoll that possibly could be brought into their kirk , insomuch that when it was first offer'd to be read , the women and baser sort of mechanickes threw stooles and stones at the bishops heads , and were ready to tear them in pieces : and here began the storme . his majestie having notice hereof , sent a most gracious proclamation , signifying , that whereas he had recommended that book to be practic'd amongst them , wherein he himselfe served god almightie twice a day , he did it out of a pious endeavour to breed an uniformitie of publike divine service in all his dominions , specially in that his native kingdom . but since it had produced such dangerous effects , he was contented to revoke it absolutely ; for it was never his purpose to presse the practise of the said book upon the consciences of any , he did onely commend , not absolutely command the use of it : therefore he exhorted and required that every one unto whom it had given any scandall , should returne to his pristine obedience , and serve god as formerly , offering here with a gracious pardon , and to passe an act of amnestia for an abolition of all faults passed . peregr . and would not this suffice ? in naturall motions we finde that the cause being taken away , the effect ceaseth , and will not this hold in civill actions ? patr. no , this would not serve the turne , but there was a further reach in it , and for an inch to take an ell : you know , the scots since their single lion came to quarter with our three , are much elevated in their spirits , more respected , employed and trusted abroad , and heightened in their resolutions and aimes , and will questionlesse be dayly more and more . you have heard of a mine that reach'd from our exchecquer to edenburgh . and i beleive you have not forgot boccolinies balance , that was shewed us in italie , wherein lorenzo de medici weighed all the states of christendom , and throwing in england amongst the rest , you know how much he made her to weigh lesse by this addition . the former proclamation i say , and pardon would not suffice , but they took opportunitie to fish in those troubled waters , and vent their spleen further , by an utter extirpation of episcopacie , and by trampling the mitre under their feet , hoping to have some of the birds plumes , being pluckt , to feather their own nests ; and they brought their worke about . good lord , what a deal of dirt was presently thrown into the bishops faces by every rurall petty clerke ! what infamous ballads were sung , what a thicke cloud of epidemicall hatred hung suddenly over them , so farre , that a dog with blacke and white spots was called a bishop amongst them up and down the streets . the chiefest contrivers of this uproar , finding their designe to go on so well , and perceiving the whole countrey so eagerly bent against bishops , ( and what artifices and suggestions were us'd to render them so odious is incredible ) but finding withall his majestic unwilling to alter the government his father ( of so fresh and famous memorie ) had left him , and to which he had been sworne at his coronation , they put themselves in armes , and rais'd forces to beat down the mitre , with the sword , if the scepter would not do it . to the frontiers they came with a great armie , ( not halfe so great as was bruited ) pretending they came as petitioners ( though they brought their petition upon their pikes point . ) some of the great ones about the king grew cold in the action : and what a pacification was then shuffled up , and how a parliament was called thereupon in scotland , with other passages , is a fitter subject for a storie than a discourse . peregr . i could have wish'd two things , that either his majestie had given them battail then , having the flower of his nobilitie and gentrie with him , who i understood came with all chearfulnesse and promptitude to attend him , or else that after the said pacification , his majestie had shaken off all jealousies , and with a royall freedom and a commanding confidence gone amongst them to hansell their new parliament house at edenburgh ; for it is probable , it had averted those showers and cataracts of miseries which have fallen upon us since : but i pray sir , proceed . patr. as they say , there is no winde but blowes some bodie good , so it was thought , this northerne cloud did england some advantage , for a parliament was summon'd hereupon ; a parliament do i call it ? it was rather an embryo of a parliament , an ephemeran of 20 dayes . in this sitting his majestie declared unto both houses the indignities he had received by his scotch subjects , and therefore purpos'd a supply to be made of 12 subsidies to suppresse that rebellion ; and in lieu thereof he was willing to forbear and utterly abolish the ship money , which he had reason to thinke legall at first , being advised thereunto by noy his attourney generall , who had such a mighty repute in the law ; yet he would not rest there , but he advised further with his learned councell , who concurred in opinion with noy ; nor would he rest there also , but he had the approbation of all the iudges singly , and afterwards the major part of all the twelve , joyntly upon a demurre . this was enough to induce his conscience to hold it legall all this while ; it was clearly proved that the monies levied this way , were employed to no other but the intended service , the guarding of the narrow seas ; and not onely for that , but to preserve his right of dominion in them , being the fairest flower of his crown , which was not onely discoursed of abroad , but began to be questioned : and touching danger , how could england be but in apparent dangers ? considering how all her next neighbours were in actuall hostilitie , which made huge fleets of men of war , both french , dunkerkers , hamburgers and hollanders to sail ever and anon in her channels , and hard before her royall chambers : nor came there one penny of that publike contribution to his private coffers , but he added much of his own demeanes for the maintenance of a royall fleet every sommer : yet he was ready to passe any bill for the utter abolishing of the said ship money , and for redressing of any other grievances , provided they would enable him to suppresse this scots rebellion : some say the house was inclinable to comply with his majesties demands , but ( as the ill spirit would have it ) that parliament was suddenly broke up , and i would that they who gave that counsell had been in arabia , or beyond the line , in their way to madagascar , who neverthelesse have got to be in high request with this present parliament . his majestie being reduced to these streights , and resenting still the insolence of the scot , proposed the businesse to his privie councell , who suddenly made up a considerable and most noble sum for his present supply , whereunto divers of his domesticke servants and officers did contribute . amongst others who were active herein , the earle of strafford bestirr'd himselfe notably , and having got a parliament to be called in ireland , he went over , and with incredible celeritie raised 8000 men , who procured money of the parliament to maintain them , and got over those angry seas again in the compasse of lesse than six weekes . you may infer hence to what an exact uncontrollable obedience he had reduced that kingdom , as to bring about so great a worke with such a suddennesse and facilitie . an armie was also raised here , which marched to the north , and there fed upon the kings pay a whole sommer . the scot was not idle all this while ; but having punctuall intelligence of every thing that passed at court , as farre as what was debated in the cabinet counsell , and spoken in the bed-chamber , ( and herein amongst many others , he had infinite advantage of us ) he armed also , and preferring to make england the stage of the war , rather than his own countrey , and to invade rather than to be invaded , he got over the tweed , and found the passage open , and as it were made for him all the way till he came to the tine , and though there was a considerable armie of horse and foot at newcastle , yet they never offered so much as to face him all the while . at newburgh indeed there was a small skirmish ; but the english foot would not fight , so newcastle gates flew open to the scot without any resistance at all , where it is thought he had more friends than foes , and who were their friends for this invasion , i hope time , and the tribunall of justice will one day discover . his majestie being then at yorke , summoned all his nobles to appear , to advise with them in this exigence : commissioners were appointed on both sides , who met at rippon , and how the hearts and courage of some of the english barons did boil within them , to be brought to so disadvantageous a treatie with the scot , you may well imagine . so the treatie began , which the scot would not conforme himselfe unto , unlesse he were made first rectus in curia , and the proclamation wherein he was declared traitour , revoked ; alleadging it would be dishonourable for his majestie to treat with rebels . this treatie was ad●ourned to london , where this present parliament was summoned ( which was one of the chiefest errands of the scot , as some thinke , and thus farre by these sad and short degrees , have i faithfully led you along to know the true originals of our calamities . peregr . truly sir , i must tell you , that to my knowledge these unhappy traverses with scotland , have made the english suffer abroad very much in point of nationall honour ; therefore i wonder much that all this while there is none set a worke to make a solid apologie for england in some communicable language , ( either in french or latin ) to rectifie the world into the truth of the thing , and to vindicate her , how she was bought and sold in this expedition , considering what a partie the scot had here , and how his comming in , was rather an invitation than an invasion , and i believe if it had been in many parts of the world besides , some of the commanders had gone to the pot . patr. it is the practise of some states i know , to make sacrifice of some eminent minister , for publike mistakes : but to follow the thred of of my discourse . the parliament being sate , his majestie told them , that he was resolved to cast himselfe wholly upon the affection and fidelitie of his people , whereof they were the representative bodie ; therefore he wished them to go roundly on to close up the ruptures that were made by this unfortunate war , and that the two armies , one domestique , the other forreigne , which were gnawing the very bowels of the kingdom , might be dismissed . touching grievances of any kinde ( and what state was there ever so pure , but some corruption might creep into it ? ) he was very ready to redresse them : concerning the ship-money , he was willing to passe a bill for the utter abolition of it , and to establish the propertie of the subject ; therefore he wished them not to spend too much time about that . and for monopolies , he desired to have a list of them , and he would damne them all in one proclamation : touching ill counsellours , either in westminster hall , or white hall , either in church or state , he was resolved to protect none , therefore he wished that all jealousies and mis-understandings might vanish : this , with sundry other straines of princely grace he delivered unto them , but withall he told them , that they should be very cautious how they shook the frame of government too farre , in regard it was like a watch , which being put asunder , can never be made up again , if the least pin be left out . so there were great hopes of a calme , after that cold northerne storme , and that we should be suddenly rid of the scot , but that was least intended , untill some designes were brought about . the earle of strafford , the archbishop of canterbury , the iudges , and divers monopolists are clapt up , and you know who took a timely flight to the other side of the sea : and in lieu of these , the bishop of lineolne is enlarged , bastwick , burton , and prynne are brought into london , with a kinde of hosanna . his majestie gave way to all this , and to comply further with them , he took as it were into his bosome , i mean , he admitted to his privie counsell those parliament lords , who were held the greatest zelots amongst them , that they might be witnesses of his secretest actions ; and to one of them he gave one of the considerablest offices of the kingdom , by the resignation of another most deserving lord , upon whom they could never fasten misdemeanour ; yet this great new officer will come neither to the same oratorie , chappell , or church , to joyne in prayer with his royall master , nor communicate with him in any publike exercise of devotion ; and may not this be called a true recusancie ? to another he gave one of the prime and most reposefull offices about his own person at court , and thereby he might be said to have given a staffe to beat himselfe . moreover , partly to give his subjects an evidence how firmely he was rooted in his religion , and how much he desired the strengthening of it abroad ; the treatie of marriage went on 'twixt his eldest daughter and the young prince of orange . hereunto may be added as a speciall argument of compliance and grace , the passing of the bill for a trienniall parliament ; and lastly , ( which is the greatest evidence that possibly can be imagined , of that reall trust and confidence he reposed in them ) he passed the act of continuance . peregr . touching the trienniall parliament , there come some wholesome fruit out of it , for it will keep all officers in awe , and excite the nobilitie , and young gentrie of the kingdom to studie , and understand the government of the land , and be able to sit and serve their countrey in this great senate ; but for this act of continuance , i understand it not ; parliaments are good physicke , but ill meat ; they say abroad that england is turned hereby from a monarchie to a democracie , to a perpetuall kinde of dictatorship ; and whereas in former times there was an heptarchie of seven kings in her , they say now she hath seventy times seven . but in lieu of these unparallell'd acts of grace and trust to the parliament , what did the parliament for the king all this while ? patr. they promised , specially upon the passing of the last act , that they would make him the most glorious , the best beloved , and richest king that ever reigned in england : and this they did with deep protestings and asseverations . but there intervened an ill favoured accident which did much hurt , viz. a discourse ( for truly i thinke it was no more ) which some green heads held to bring up the northerne armie , to checke the puritan partie , and the rabble of the citie : this kept a mighty noise , and you know who fled upon it , and much use was made of it to make that cloud of jealousie which was but of the breadth of an hand before , to appear as big as a mountain . yet his maiestie continued still in passing acts of grace , and complying with them in every thing . he put over unto them the earle of strafford , who after a long costly triall ( wherein he carried himselfe with as much acutenesse , dexteritie , and eloquence , as humane brain could be capable of for his defence ) he was condemned to the scaffold , and so made a sacrifice to the scot , who stayed chiefly for his head , which besides those vast summes of money , was given him to boot . peregr . touching the earle of strafford , 't is true he was full of abilitie , elocution , and confidence , and understood the lawes of england as well as any , yet there were two things , i heard , wherein his wisdom was questioned ; first , that having a charge readie against his chiefest accusers , yet he suffered them to have the prioritie of sute , which if he had got , he had thereby made them parties , and so incapable to be produced against him . secondly , that during the time of his triall , he applied not himselfe with that compliance to his iury as well as to his iudges , for he was observed to comply onely with the lords , and not with the house of commons . patr. howsoever , as some say , his death was resolved upon , ( si non per viam iustitiae , saltem per viam expedientiae ) which appeares in regard the proceedings against him are by a clause in the act not to be produced for a leading case or example to future ages and inferiour courts . i blush to tell you how much the rabble of the citie thirsted after his bloud , how they were suffer'd to strut up and down the streets before the royall court , and the parliament it selfe , with impunitie ; they cried out , that if the common law fail'd , club law should knocke him down , and their insolencie came to that height , that the names of those lords that would not doom him to death , should be given them to fix upon posts up and down ; and this was the first tumult that happened this parliament , whereof so many followed after their example , being not onely conniv'd at , but backed by authoritie , for there were prohibitions sent from the parliament , to hinder all processe against some of them . these myrmidons , as they termed themselves , were ready at a watch-word , so that one might say there was a kinde of discipline in disorder . peregr . were there any troubled for delivering their votes in the houses ? i thought that freedom of opinion and speech , were one of the prime priviledges of that great nationall senate . patr. yes , those that were the minions of the house before became now the subjects of popular malice and distraction , because against the dictamen of their consciences , they would not vote the earle of strafford to death , and renounce their owne judgements , and captivate it to the sense of others , yet they stood firme to their first grounds , that hee was a delinquent in a high nature , and incapable ever to beare o ffice in any of his majesties dominions . per. i perceive sir by your speeches , that one of the chiefest causes of these combustions may be imputed to the citie of london , which may be called the metropolis of all these evils , and i little wonder at it , for it hath beene alwayes incident to all great townes , when they grow rich and populous , to fall into acts of insolence , and to spurne at government ; where so many pots ( so many braines ) are a boyling , there must needs be a great deale of froth , but let her looke to her self , for majestie hath long armes , and may reach her at last . but the truth is , that london beares no proportion with the size of this island , for either one should be larger , or the other lesse : london may be well compared to the liver of a cramm'd italian goose , whose fatning emacerates the rest of the whole body , and makes it grow leane and languish , and she may well be termed a goose now more than ever , for her feathers are pluck'd apace ; but now that you have done with the earle of strafford , what is become of all the rest who were committed ? pat. they are still in durance , and have continued so these two yeares and upward , yet are not proceeded against , nor brought to their answer to this very day , though al thecourts of justice have been open ever since . many hundreds more of the best sort of subjects have beene suddenly clapt up , and no cause at all mentioned in many of their commitments , and new prisons made of purpose for them , where they may be said to be buried alive , and so forgotten , as if there were no such men in the world : and how this can stand with magna charta , with the petition of right ( to vindicate which , there was so much paines taken the last parliament ) let any man of a sane judgement determine , yet one of the judges , who hath an empeachment of high treason still lying dormant against him , though he be not rectus in curia himselfe , is suffered to sit as judge upon the highest tribunall of england , whereas another for a pretended misdemeanour onely is barr'd from sitting there . others who were at first cryed up and branded to be the most infamous projectors and monopoliz●s of the land , are not only got loose , but crept into favour , and made use of . per. hath the house of commons power to commit any but their owne members without conference with the lords ? or hath any order or ordinance of one of the houses singly , or of both conjunctly , to enjoyne a virtuall binding power of generall obedience without the royall consent . pat. the power of parliament , when king , peeres and commons , which is the whole kingdome digested into one volume , is indefinite ; but what either of both houses can do of themselves singly , or joyntly , without the king who is the life of the law , i dare not determine : especially when a visible faction reignes amongst them . — tantas componere lites nonopis est nostroe — but for mine owne opinion , i think it is as impossible for them to make a law without the king , as it was for paracelsas to make a man without coition , either for abolishment of old , or establishment of new lawes . the results of parliament without the royall consent , are as matches without fire ; and it is an incontroulable principle , that the old law must be our guide , till new be made , nor is any act of the subject justifiable , but what is warrantable by the old . but to proceed in the true discovery of these domestick scistures , my lord of strafford being gone , we hop'd faire weather would follow , ( he who was the cause of the tempest , being throwne over-boord ) but unluckie mists of jealousie grew thicker and thicker ; yet the scots were dismist , having had fidlers fare , meat , drinke , and money , for eleven long moneths together . so his majestie went to scotland , where the parliment there , did but aske and have any thing , though it be the unquestionable prerogative of majestie to grant or denie petitions , and to satisfie his conscience before any councell . but during his sojourne there , this formidable hideous rebellion broke out in ireland , which though it may be said to be but an old play newly reviv'd , yet the scene was never so tragicall and bloody as now : for the barbarismes that have been committed there have been fo sanguinarie , and monstrously salvage , that i thinke posterity will hold them hyperbolicall . the irish themselves affirm there concurr'd causes to kindle this fire . one was the taking off straffords head , ( who aw'd them more then any deputy ever did ) and that one of his accusations should be to have used the papists there too favourably . secondly , the rigorous proceedings and intended courses against the papists here in england . lastly , the stopping of that regiment of irish , who was promised by his majesties royall word and letter to the king of spaine , who relying upon that imployment , rather than to beg , steale , or sterve , turned rebels : and that which hath aggravated the rebellion all this while , and heightned much the spirit of the irish , is the introduction of the scot , whom they hate in perfection above all people els , and the designe spoken of in our parliament , to make an absolute conquest , and nationall eradication of them , which hath made them to make vertue of necessity , and to be valiant against their wills . per. indeed i heard that act of staying the irish regiment , considering how the marquesses de valada , and malvezzi , and don alonso de cardenas , who were all three ambassadours here for the king of spaine at that time , having by relyance upon the sacred word and letter of a king , imprested money , and provided shipping for their transport , and been at above 10000. crowns charges , i say this act was very much censured abroad , to the dishonor of his majesty , and our reproch . patr. i am very sorry to heare it . well sir . his majesty by his presence having setled scotland , was at his returne to london received with much joy , and exultation , but though he was brought in with a hosanna at one end of the towne , he found a crucifige at the other : for at westminster there was a remonstrance fram'd , a worke of many weeks , and voted in the dead of night , when most of the moderate , and well-thoughted members were retired to their rest , wherein with as much industry and artifice as could be , the least moat in government was exposed to publike view , from the first day of his majesties inauguration to that very houre : which remonstrance as it did no good to the publike ; but fill peoples heads with doubts , and their hearts with gall and retard the procedure of all businesse besides , so you may wel think , it could expect but cold entertainment with his majesty , who hoped his great councell according to their often deep protestations , had done something for his welcome home , that might have made him the best beloved king that ever was amongst his people . per. 't is true , there is no government upon earth , made up of men , but is subject to corruption , there is no court of judicature so cleane , but some cobwebs may gather in it , unlesse an act of parliament could be made to free and exempt men from infirmities and errour ; it cannot be denyed , but scotland might have something to complaine of ( though i thinke least of any ) and so leapt first into the poole to bee cured ; and what she fish'd besides in those troubled waters 't is too well knowne . england also no doubt might have some grievances , which his majestie freely offered , not only to redresse for the present , but to free her of all feares for the future , from falling into relapses of that kinde ; but to redresse grievances by armes , by plunging the whole countrey into an intestine warre , this makes the remedy worse then the malady , it is as if one would goe about to cure a sick body by breaking his head , or let him blood by giving him a dash on the nose ; it is as mad a trick as his was who set the whol house a fire to roast his egs . but truly sir , in my opinion ; his majesty at his returne from scotland might have justly expected some acts of compliance and gratitude from his parliament , considering what unparalleld acts of grace he had passed before . pat. his majesty did not rest there , but complyed further with them by condeseending to an act for putting down the star-chamber-court , the high commission , the court of honour ; nay , he was contented his owne privie councell should be regulated , and his forrests bounded not according to ancient prerogative , but late custome ; nay further , he passed a bill for the unvoting , and utter exclusion of the spirituall lords from the parliament for ever , whereby it cannot be denyed , but by the casheering of twenty five votes at a clap , and by excluding the recusant lords besides ( who subsist most by his grace ) hee did not a little enervate his owne prerogative . adde hereunto that having placed two worthy gentlemen lieutenants of the tower , he removed them both one after another , and was content to put in one of their election : and lastly , he trusted them with his greatest strength of all , with his navie royall , and called home that knowing knight who had the guard of the narrow seas so many yeares . per. truly sir , i never remember to have heard or read of such notable acts of grace and confidence from any king : but would not all this suffice ? pat. no , but they demanded all the land souldiery and military strength of the kingdome to be disposed of by them , and to be put into what posture , and in what equipage , and under what commanders they pleas'd ; and this was the first thing his majesty ever denyed them , yet he would have granted them this also for a limited time , but that would not serve the turn ; hereupon his majestie grew a little sensible , how they inch'd every day more and more upon his royall prerogatives and intending to go to his town of hull to see his magazine , he was in an hostile manner kept out , canons mounted , pistols cockt , and leveld at him . but whether that knight did this out of his fidelitie to the parliament , or out of an apprehension of fear that some about the king , being mov'd with the barbarousnesse of the action would have pistol'd him , i will not determine . peregr . i have read of divers affronts of this kinde , that were offer'd to the french kings , rochel shut her gates more than once against henry the great , and for the king now regnant , they did not onely shut him out of many of his townes , but upon the gates of some of them , they writ in legible characters roy sans foy , ville sans peur , a faithlesse king , a fearlesse town . yet in the greatest heat of those warres , there was never any town refus'd to let in her king , provided he came attended onely with his own train , and besides other people abroad , i heard the scoi's nation did abhor that act at hull . but i pray sir go on . patr. his majestie being thus shut out of one town , he might justly suspect , that an attempt might be made to shut him in , in some other ; therefore he made a motion to the yorke shire gentlemen , to have a guard for the preservation of his person , which was done accordingly . but i am come too forward , i must go backe and tell you how the king was driven from westminster . when his majestie was returned from scotland , he retir'd to hampton court , whence upon the lord maior's and the cities humble sollicitation , he came backe to white-hall to keep his christmas . but when the bill against bishops was in agitation , which businesse lasted near upon 10 weekes , a crue of bold sturdie mechanicks , and mariners , came from the citie and ruffled before white-hall , and westminster-hall , and would have violated the abbie of westminster , so that for many nights a court of guard was forced to be kept in the bodie of that church , ( the chiefest sanctuarie of the kingdom . ) moreover , his maiestie having impeached some of the members of both houses , of high treason , and being denied to have them delivered up , he went himselfe to the lower house to demand them , assuring the house they should have as fair and legall a triall as ever men had . but as it pleased god , they were not there , but retir'd to london for refuge ; the londoners grew starke wilde thereupon , and notice being sent to all the adjacent counties , this act of the kings ( though it wanted no precedents of former times ) was aggravated in the highest degree that possibly could be . hence you may easily inferre , what small security his majesty had at white-hall , and what indignities hee might have exposed himselfe unto , by that which had passed already from the rabble , who had vilified and cryed tush at his proclamations , and disgorg'd other rebellious speeches with impunity , therefore hee retired to hampton court ( as we read , our saviour withdrew himselfe once from the multitude ) thence to windsor castle , whence accompanying her majestie , with his eldest daughter to the sea side for holland , and having commanded the prince to attend him against his returne at greenwich , the prince had beene surpriz'd and brought to london , had not the king come a little before . thence he removed to yorke , where hee kept his court all the sommer . but to returne to london , the very next day after their majesties departure , the countrey about , especially bucking hamshire being incited by the citie and parliament , came in great swarmes , and joyning with the london mechanicks , they ruffled up and downe the streets , and kept such a racket , making the fearfullest riot that ever i believe was heard of in parliament time : so those members which formerly were fled into the citie , were brought to the house in a kinde of triumph , being garded by land and water in warlike manner by these champions : after this , sundry troopes of horse came from all the shires neare adjoyning to the parliament , and buckingham men were the first , who while they expressed their love to their knight , forgot their sworne oath to their king , and instead of feathers they carried a printed pretestation in their hats , as the londoners had done a little before upon the pikes point . per. this kept a foule noise beyond sea i remember , so that upon the rialto in venice , it was sung up and downe , that a midsommer moon ( though it was then midst of winter ) did raigne amongst the english , and you must thinke that it hath made the venetian to shrinke in his shoulders , and to looke but il favourably upon us , since wee 'l have none of his currans . but sir , i heard much of that protestation , i pray what was the substance of it , pat. it was penn'd , and injoyn'd by the parliament for every one to take , and it consisted of many parts , the first was , to maintaine the true protestant religion against all popish innovations , which word popish ( as some think ) was scrued in of purpose for a loop-hole to let in any other innovation ) the second was to maintaine the prerogative and honour of the king ; then the power and priviledge of parliaments ; and lastly , the propriety and liberty of the subject ; for the two first parts of this protestation , the people up and downe seemed to have uttrly forgotten them , and continue so still , as if their consciences had beene tyed only to the two last , and never was there a poore people so besotted , never was reason and common sense so baffled in any part of the world . and now will i goe to attend his majestie at yorke , where as i told you before , being loth to part with his sword , ( though he had half parted with his scepter before ) by denying the parliament an indefinite time to dispose of the militia , ( alleadging , that as the word , so the thing was new ) he sends forth his commissions of array according to the old law of england , which declares it to be the undoubted right , and royall signiory of the king , to arme or disarme any subject . the parliament sends out clean counter-mands for executing the said militia ; so by this clashing twixt the commission of array and the militia , the first flash of this odious unnaturall war may be said to break out . the pulse of the parliament beat's yet higher , they send an admirall to the sea , not onely without , but expresly against the kings speciall command . they had taken unto them a military gard from the citie for their protection , without his majesties consent , who by the advice of the lord keeper and others , had offered them a very strong gard of constables and other officers to attend them , which the laws usually allow ; yet the raising of that gard in yorkshire for the safegard of his majesties person , was interpreted to be levying of warre against the parliament , and so made a sufficient ground for them to raise an armie , to appoint a generall , with whom they made publike declarations to live and die . and they assumed power to conferre a new appellation of honour upon him , as if any could conferre honour but the king ! and this army was to be maintained out of the next contribution of all sorts of people ; so a great masse of money and plate , was brought into the guild-hall , the semstresse brought in her silver thimble , the chamber maid her bodkin , the cook his spoones , and the uintner his bowles , and every one something to the advancement of so good a worke , as to wage war directly against the sacred person of their soveraigne , and to put the whole countrey into a combustion . per. surely it is impossible that a rationall christian people should grow so simple and sottish , as to be so far transported , without some colourable cause , therefore i pray tell me what that might be ? patr. the cause is made specious enough , and varnished over wonderfull cunningly ; the people are made to believe they are in danger , and a prevention of that danger is promised , and by these plausible wayes the understanding is wrought upon , and an affection to the cause is usher'd in , by aggravation of this danger , as one would draw a thred through a needles eye : this huge bug-bear danger , was like a monster of many heads , the two chiefest were these , that there was a plot to let in the pope ; and to cast the civil government into a french frame ; it is incredible to thinke how the pulpits up and down london did ring of this , by brain-sicke lecturers , of whom some were come from new england , others were pick'd out of purpose , and sent for from their own flocke in the countrey , to possesse , or rather to poyson the hearts of the londoners , to puzzle their intellectuals , and to intoxicate their braines by their powerfull gifts ; it was punishable to preach of peace , or of caesars right , but the common subiect of the pulpit was either blasphemie against god , disobedience against the king , or incitements to sedition , good lord , what windy , frothy stuffe came from these fanaticke braines ! these phrenetici nebulones , ( for king james gives them no better character in his {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) who may be said to be mad out of too much ignorance ; who neverthelesse are come to that height of prophanenesse and pride , that they presume to father all their doctrines , all their non-sence raptures and ravings upon the holy spirit . nor did the pulpit onely helpe to kindle this fire , but the presse also did contribute much fewell ; what base scurrilous pamphlets were cried up and down the streets , and dispersed in the countrey ? what palpable and horrid lyes were daily printed ? how they multiplied in every corner in such plentie , that one might say there was a superfaetation of lyes , which continue unto this day ! one while the king of denmarke was comming over from the sound ; another while the king of france had an huge armie about calais design'd for england ; another while there was an armie of irish rebels comming over with the privitie of the king ; another while a plot was cried up and down to burne london ; another while there were subterranean invisible troopes mustered under ground in wales , and thousands of papists armed in lancashire , & divers reports of this nature were daily blown up , and though the authors of them were worthles & mean futilous persons , yet the reports themselves had that credit as to be entertain'd and canvas'd in the high court of parliament . but these false rumours produc'd one politicke effect ( and it was the end indeed for which they were dispers'd ) they did atemorize , and fill the peoples hearts with feares , and so dispose of them to uproares and to part with money . peregr . i know there be sundry sorts of feares ; there are conscientious feares , there are pannik feares , there are pusillanimous feares , and there are politck feares . the first sort of fear proceeds from guilt of conscience , which turnes often to phrensie . the second sort of fear may be call'd a kinde of chymera , 't is some sudden surprizall or consternation arising from an unexpected strange accident . pusillanimous fear makes a mountain of a molehill , and proceeds from povertie of spirit , and want of courage , and is a passion of abject and degenerous mindes , and may be call'd cowardise , and this fear is alwayes accompanied with jealousie . politicke fear , is a created forg'd fear wrought in another , to bring some designe about ; and as we finde the astronomers ( the comparison is too good ) do imagine such and such shapes and circles in the heavens , as zodiak , equinoctiall , colures and tropiques , with others , though there be no such things really in nature , to make their conclusions good ; so the politician doth often devise and invent false imaginarie feares , to make his proceedings more plausible amongst the silly vulgar , and thereby to compasse his ends and as the sun useth to appear farre bigger to us in the morning than at noon , when he is exalted to his meridian , and the reason the philosophers use to give , is the interposition of the vapours which are commonly in the lower region , through which we look upon him , as we finde a piece of silver look bigger in a bucket of water than elsewhere , so the politician uses to cast strange mists of fear , and fogges of jealousie before the simple peoples eyes , to make the danger seem bigger : but truly sir , this is one of the basest kindes of policie ; nor can i believe there be any such politicians amongst the cabalists of your parliament ; who pretend to be so busie about gods worke , a glorious reformation ; and you know there is a good text for it , that god needeth not the wicked man , he scornes to be beholding to lyers to bring about his purposes : but i pray sir , deal freely with me , do you imagine there was a designe to bring in the masse again ? patr. the masse ? you may say , there was a plot to bring in mahomet as soon , to bring in the alchoran , or talmud as soon , for i dare pawn my soul , the king is as cordiall a protestant , as any that breathes under his three crownes , which besides his publike deep protestations , and his constant quotidian exemplary open practise , many other convinceing private reasons induce me to believe , and it is in vain to thinke the pope can take footing here to any purpose without the kings leave . you know as well as i sir , that of all the reformed churches in christendom , the lutheran retaines most of the roman , both in his positions and practise , and comes much nearer unto him than we do , yet i have observed , that from the first day of his reformation , to this , he is as averse , and as farre off from rome , as the rigidest calvinist that is ; and shall i thinke , because there are some humble and handsome postures , and decent vestures revived in ourchurch , for they were never abolished , because the communion table stands in the east end where it ever stood since christianitie came in all our cathedrals , which should be a rule to all interiour churches , which yet the seperatist cries out to be an innovation : because her majestie hath a few simple capuchins , fewer than was allowed by the matrimoniall capitulations , whither to retire sometimes : because schismatickes were proceeded against with more care , and the government of the church borne up lately with more countenance , shall i believe that the pope must presently come in ? shall i believe the weaknesse of our religion to be such , as to be so easily shaken and overturn'd ? yet i believe there was a pernicious plot to introduce a new religion , but what i pray ? not poperie , but presbyterie , and with it to bring in the doctrine of buchanan and knox , for civill government , and so to cast our church and state into a scots mould . peregr . indeed , i heard the english much censur'd abroad for enslaving as it were their understanding and judgement in points of religion to the scot , whom they made christians , and reformed christians first , and now for the english to run to them for a religion , and that the uniformite should proceed from them , they having disdain'd us formerly , what a disparagement is it thinke you to the anglican church ? this with other odde traverses , as the ecclipsing the glorie of the king , and bringing him backe to a kinde of minoritie , the tampering with his conscience , i will not say , the straining of it so farre , the depriving him of all kinde of propertie , the depressing of his regall power , wherein the honour of a nation con●●sts , and which the english were us'd to uphold more than any other , for no king hath more awfull attributes from his subjects , as , sacred soveraigne , gracious and most excellent majestie , nor any king so often prayed for , for in your morning lyturgie he is five times prayed for , whereas other princes are mentioned but once or twice at most in theirs , i say this , with interception of letters , some incivilities offered ambassadors , and the bold lavish speechees that were spoken of the greatest queenes in christendome , and his majesties late withdrawing his royall protection from some of his merchant-subiects in other countries , hath made the english loose much ground in point of esteeme abroad , and to be the discourse , i will not say the scorne of other people . they sticke not to say , that there is now a worse maladie fallen upon their mindes , then fell upon their bodies about an age since by the sweating sicknesse , which was peculiar only unto them , and found them out under all climes . others say , there is a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} amongst them , that they are turn'd to wolves , ( as you know it is a common thing in lapland , ) and that the old adage is verifyed in them , homo homini lupus . nay our next neighbours give out , that the saying was never truer then now , rex anglorum , rex diabolorum . nor is it a small disrepute to the english , that the word cavallier , which is an attribute that no prince in christendome will disdain , and is the common appellation of the nobilitie and gentry in most parts of the world , is now us'd , not only in libels and frivilous pamphlets , but in publike parliamentary declarations , for a terme of reproach . but truly sir , what you have related touching the pulpit and the presse , transformes me into wonder , and i should want faith to believe it , did you not speake it upon your knowledge ; but the english when they fall to worke upon a new humour , use to overdo all people . patr. you have not yet the tith of what i could give you , you would little think that coachmen , and feltmakers , and weavers were permitted to preach up and downe without controlement , and vent their venome against church and state , to cry down our hierarchie and liturgie , by most base and reviling speeches . per. touching your lyturgie , i have heard it censured abroad by the rigidest calvinists of geneva and dort , yet i never heard any other character given of it , but that it is a most pious , pathetick , and perfect piece of devotion , both for the matter and forme of it , which i have beene a little curious to observe . it begins with some choise passages of holy scripture , and a previous declaration or monitory to excite us to the worke in hand ; the first addresse we make to god is by an humble and joynt confession which is applyable to any conscience , and comprehends in it all kind of sins . then followeth a pronuntiation of gods promises and pronesse to pardon and absolve us ; wee goe on to the lords prayer , which having beene dictated by our saviour himselfe , we often use , and is as amber throwne in amongst our frankincense , to make the sacrifice more precious and pleasing unto god . then we proceed to some choice psalmes , and other portions of holy scripture taken out of the old and new testament ; then we fall to the symbole of saith , where of we make a solemne joynt confession in such a posture as shews a readinesse and resolution in us to defend it : and so to the letany , wherein the poore penitent peccant soule may be said to breath out her self into the bosome of her saviour by tender ejaculations , by panting groanes , and eviscerated ingeminations , and there is no sinne , no temptation whatsoever that humane frailtie is subject unto , but you shall finde a deliverance from it there ; it is so full of christian charity that there is no condition of people , but are remembred and prayed for there . then we proceed by holy alternatif interlocutions ( whereby we heare our selves speak as well as the minister ) to some effectuall short prayers ; because in long prayers the minde is subject to wander , as some zelots now a dayes use to bring their hearers into a wildernesse by their prayers , and into a labyrinth by their sermons . then goe we on to the decalogue , and if it be in a cathedrall , there is time enough for the hearer to examine himselfe , while the musicke playes , where and when he broke any of gods holy commandements , and ask particular forgivenesse accordingly ; then after other choice portions of scripture , and passages relating to our redemption , and endearing unto us the merits of it , with a more particular confession of our faith , we are dismissed with a benediction : so that this lyturgie may be called an instrument of many strings , whereon the sighing soule sends up various notes unto heaven . it is a posie made up of divers flowers , to make it the more fragrant in the nostrills of god . now touching your bishops i never knew yet any protestant church but could be content to have them , had they meanes to maintaine the dignitie , which the churches of france with others have not in regard the reformation began first among the people , not at court , as here it did in england : for unlesse there be some supervisers of gods house , endowed with eminent authoritie to check the fond fancies , and quench the false fatuous fires of every private spirit , and unlesse it be such an authoritie that may draw unto it a holy kinde of awe and obedience , what can be expected but confusion and atheisme ? you know what became of the israelites when the wonted reverence to the ark , and the ephod , and the priest , began to languish amongst them : for the braine of man is like a garden , which unlesse it be senced about with a wall or hedge , is subject you know to be annoyed by all kinde of beasts which will be ready to runne into it ; so the braine unlesse it be restrain'd and bounded in holy things by rules of canonicall authority , a thousand wilde opinions , and extravagant fancies will hourely rush into it : nor was there ever any field so subject to produce cockle and darnell , as the braine is rank and ready to bring forth tares of scisme and heresie of a thousand sorts , unlesse after the first culture the sickle of authority be applyed to grub up all such noisome weeds . pat. yet this most ancient dignitie of bishops is traduced and vilified by every shallow-pated petty clerke , and not so much out of a true zeale , as out of envie that they are not the like . and touching our lyturgie , whereof you have beene pleas'd to give so exact a character , people are come to that height of impiety , that in some places it hath beene drowned , in other places burnt , in some places torn in peeces to serve for the basest uses , nay it hath beene preached publikely in pulpit , that it is a peece forged in the divels shop , and yet the impious foule mouthd babbler never was so much as questioned for it . nor did the church only eccho with these blasphemies ; but the presse was as pregnant to produce every day some monster either against ecclesiasticall , or secular government . i am ashamed to tell you how some bold pamphleters in a discourse of a sheet or two , would presume to question , to dispute of , and determine the extent of monarchik jurisdiction , what sturdie doubts , what saucie quaeries they put , what odd frivolous distinctions they fram'd , that the king though he was gods anointed , yet he was mans appointed : that he had the commanding , not the disposing power : that he was set to rule over , not to over rule the people ; that he was king by humane choice , not by divine charter ; that he was not king by the grace of god , so much as by the suffrage of the people ; that he was a creature and production of the parliament : that he had no implicite trust , nor peculiar propertie in any thing ; that populus est potior rege : that grex lege , lex . est rege potentior ; that the king was singulis major , universis minor , whereas a successive monarch — uno minor est love — sometimes they would bring instances from the states of holland , sometimes from the republike of venice , and apply them to absolute and independant royaltie ; but i finde that the discourse and inferences of these grand statists were bottomed upon foure false foundations , viz. that the king of whom they speake must be either a minor , an idiot , an insufferable tyrant , or that the kingdome they mean , is elective ; none of all which is appliable , either to our most gracious and excellently quallified king , or to his renowned kingdom , which hath been alwayes reputed an ancient successive monarchie , governed by one supreme , undeposeable and independent head , having the dignitie , the royall state , and power of an imperiall crown , and being responsible to none but to god almightie and his own conscience for his actions , and unto whom a bodie politicke compacted of prelates , peeres , and all degrees of people is naturally subject ; but this is a theme of that transcendencie , that it requires a serious and solid tractat , rather than such a slender discourse as this to handle . but i pray excuse me sir , that i have stept aside thus from the road of my main narration ; i told you before , how the clashing 'twixt the commission of array , and the militia , put all things in disarray throughout the whole kingdom ; the parliament as they had taken the first militarie guard , so they began to arme first , and was it not high time then for his majestie to do something think you ? yet he assayed by all wayes imaginable to prevent a war , and to conquer by a passive fortitude , by cunctation , and longanimitie . how many overtures for an accommodation did he make ? how many proclamations of pardon ? how many elaborate declarations breathing nothing but clemencie , sweetnesse and truth did drop from his own imperious invincible pen , which will remain upon record unto all ages , as so many monuments to his eternall glorie ? yet some ill spirit stept still in , between his grace and the abused subject , for by the peremptorie order of parliament ( o monstrous thing ! ) the said proclamations of grace , and other his majesties declarations were prohibited to be read , fearing that the strength and truth of them would have had a virtue to unblinde , or rather unbewitch ( for rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft ) , the poor besotted people ? what deep protestations , and holy vowes did he reiterate , that the main of his designes was to preserve the true procestant religion , the known lawes of the land , and the just priviledges of parliament ? how often did he dehort and wooe the citie of london ( his imperial chamber ) from such violent courses , so that she may justly be upbraided with the same words , as the prince of peace upbraided jerusalem withall : london , london , how often would i have gathered thee , as an hen doth her chickens under her wings , yet thou wouldest not ? how often did he descend to acknowledge the manner of demanding the one and five members in his publike remonstrances ? and if there was an errour in his proceedings , how oft did he desire his great councell to direct him in a course how to go on in the empeachment ? which they never did , but would reserve the priviledge to themselves to be judge and partie . peregr . can your parliament protect high treason ? i am sure the character of an ambassadour cannot , which the late french ambassadour ( who for his time play'd his cards more cunningly than ever count gondomer did ) knew well ; and therefore , as i heard some french men say , he got letters of revocation before his designed time : but it seemes strange to me , that the king who is the protectour of the law , and fountain of justice , cannot have the benefit of the law himselfe , which the meanest of his vassals can claim by right of inheritance ; 't is strange , i say , that the law should be a dead letter to him who is the life of the law , but that for omission of some puntillio in the forme of the processe , the charge of high treason should be so slightly wav'd , speçially treason of so universall concernmen● , that it may be call'd a complication of many treasons ; for if in every petty state it be high treason to treat onely with any forraigne power without the privitie of the prince , it must needs be treason of an higher nature actually to bring them in ; and hereof i could alleadge you many pregnant instances , antient and moderne , but that i do not desire to interrupt you in your relation . patr. the parliament , as i told you before , armed apace , it was not fitting then his majestie should sit idle ; therefore he summons those nobles and others , who had an immediate relation unto him by office or service , to attend him at yorke , according to their particular obligation and oath : but it seemes the parliament assumed power to dispence with those oathes , and excuse their attendance , which dispensation prevailed with some ( tender ) consciences ; yet the great seal posted to court , and after it most of the nobles of the land , and the flower of the gentrie , with many of the prime members of the commons house ; so that were it not for the locall priviledge , the parliament , for number of members , might be said to be ever since about the king : these nobles and gentlemen resenting his majesties case , and what practices there were on foot to alter the government both of church and state , not onely advised his majestie to a royall war for defence of his crown and dignitie , but contributed very cheerfully , and have stood constant to the worke ever since . peregr . they have good reason for it , for the securitie of the nobilitie and gentrie depends upon the strength of the crown , otherwise popular government would rush in like a torrent upon them . but surely those nobles , and those parliament gentlemen , and others , some of whom i understand , were reputed the wisest and best weigh'd men for experience and parts thorowout the whole kingdom , and were cried up in other parliaments to be the most zealous patriots for the proprietie and freedom of the subject , would never have stucke so firmely to his majestie , had they not known the bottome of his designes , that it was farre from his thoughts to bring in the pope or french government ; for thereby they should have betrayed their own posteritie , and made their children slaves . patr. to my knowledge , these nobles and gentlemen are still the very same as they were in former parliaments , wherein they were so cried up for the truest lovers of their countrey , and best common-wealths men ; yet now they are branded , and voted to be seducers and traitors , because according to their oathes and consciences , they adhere to the king their master and liege-lord , for maintenance of that religion they were baptized and bred in . those most orthodox and painfull divines , which till the parliament began , were accounted the precisest sort of protestants , are now cried down for papists , though they continue still the very same men , both for opinions and preaching , and are no more papists , than i am a pytbagorean . in fine , a true english protestant is put now in the same scale with a papist , and made synonyma's . and truly these unhappy schismatickes could not devise how to cast a greater infamie upon the english protestant , than they have done of late by these monstrous imputations ; they would fasten upon him such opinions which never entred into his thoughts , they would know ones heart better than himselfe , and so would be greater kardiognostickes than god almightie . but to draw to a conclusion ; the parliaments armie multiplied apace in london , the kings but slowly in the north , so that when he displayed his royall standard at nottingham , his forces were not any thing considerable , so that if the parliaments generall had then advanced towards him from northamptou , he had put him to a very great strait ; they encreased something at derby and stafford , but when hee was come to shrewsbury , the welch-men came running downe the mountaines in such multitudes , that their example did much animate the english ; so that his army in lesse than a moneth that the court continued in shrewesbury , came to neere upon twenty thousand horse and foot ; nor was it a small advantage to his majesties affaires , that the nephew-princes came over so opportunely . the first encounter prince rupert had with the parliaments forces was at worcester , where he defeated the flower of their cavalrie , and gave them a smart blow . at shrewsbury his majestie tooke a resolution to march with his whole armie towards london , but after seven dayes march he understood the parliaments forces were within six miles side long of him , and so many miles he went out of his road to find them out , and face them : upon a sunday morning he was himself betimes on edge-hill , where the enemies colours plainly appear'd in the vale before keinton ; it was past two in the after-noon before all his infantery could get to the bottom , who upon sight of the enemies colours ran as merrily down the hil , as if they had gone to a morris-dance . so his majestie himselfe being generalissimo , gave command the great ordnance should flie for a defiance : so the battell began , which lasted above three houres ; and as some french and dutch commanders told me , they never remembred to have seene a more furious fight for the time in all the german warres . prince rupert pursued the enemies horse like a whirle-winde neere upon three miles , and had there beene day enough , when he came back to the infanterie , in all probabilitie a totall defeat had beene given them : so that the same accident may bee said to fall out here , as happened in that famous battell at lewis , in henry the thirds time , where the prince of wales ( afterwards edward the first ) was so eager , and went so far ( by excesse of courage ) from the body of the army in pursuance of the londoners . his majestie ( to his deserved and never-dying glory ) comported himself like another caesar all the while , by riding about and encouraging the souldiers , by exposing his person often to the reach of a musket-buller , and lying in the field all that bleake night in his coach . notwithstanding that many lying pamphlets were purposely printed here , to make the world believe , that he had retired himselfe all the time of the fight ; what partiall reports were made in the guild-hall to the londoners , and by what persons , i am ashamed to tell you : but that his majestie was victorious that day ( a day which i never thought to have seene in england ) there be many convincing arguments to prove it ; for besides the great odds of men which fell on their side , and cannons they lost , some of their ordnance were naild by the kings troopes the next morning after , in the very face of their armie . moreover the king advanced forward the next day to his former road , and tooke banbury presently after ; but the parliamenteers went backwards , and so from that day to this , his majestie continueth master of the field . 't is true , that in some places , as at farnham , winchester , and chichester , they have prevailed since , but no considerable part of the royall army was there to make opposition ; and i blush to tell you , how unworthily the law of armes was violated in all those places . perig . good lord , how can the soules of those men that were in the parliaments army at keinton battell , dispense with the oaths of supremacie and alleageance , besides the protestation you speak of , they have taken to preserve the person , honour , and prerogative of the king , when they thus actually bandy against his person , and appeare in battell with all the engines of hostility against him . pat. i would be loth to exchange consciences with them , and boggle so with god almighty ; but these men by a new kind of metaphysick have found out a way to abstract the person of the king from his office to make his soveraigntie a kinde of platonick idea hovering in the aire , while they visibly attempt to asiail and destroy his person ( and progeny ) by small and great shot , and seek him out amongst his life guard with fire , and sword ; yet they give out they fight not only not against him , but for him , and that their army is more loyall to him than his owne ; who , they say , fight only for the name king , though they have his person really amongst them , commanding and directing : thus they make him a strange kind of amphibium , they make him in one instant a king and no king of the same individuum ; a power which the casuists affirm god almighty never assumd to himself , to do any thing that implys a contradiction . pereg. noble sir , you make my heart to pant within me , by the pathetick relation you have beene pleased to make mee of these ruthfull times ; but one thing seemes to me to be no lesse than a miracle , how his majestie hath beene able to subsist all this while , considering the infinite advantages the adverse partie hath had of him ; for they have all the tenable places and townes of strength , both by land and sea ; they have the navie royall , they have all the ammunition and armes of the crowne , they have all the imposts and customes , poundage and tonnage ( which they levie contrary to their former protestation before the bill be passed ) they have the exchequer at their devotion , and all the revenue of the king , queene and prince , and lastly , they have the citie of london , which may be called a magazin of money and men , where there is a ready supply and superfluitie of all things , that may feed , clothe , or make men gay to put them in heart and resolution : truly considering all these advantages , with divers others on their side , and the disadvantages on the kings , it turnes me into a lump of astonishment , how his majestie could beare up all this while , and keepe together so many armies , and be still master of the field . pat. i confesse sir , it is a just subject for wonderment , and we must ascribe it principally to god almighty , who is the protectour of his anointed , for his hand hath manifestly appear'd in the conduct of his affaires , he hath beene the pilot , who hath sate at the helme ever since this storme began , and will doubtlesse continue to steere his course till he waft him to safe harbour againe ; adde hereunto , that his majestie for his owne part , hath beene wonderfully stirring , and indefatigable both for his body and minde ; and what notable things her majestie hath done , and what she hath suffered , is fitter for a chronicle , then such a simple discourse . hereunto may be added besides , that his majestie hath three parts of foure of the pceres , and prime gentry of the kingdome firme unto him , and they will venture hard , before they will come under a popular government and corporations ; or let in knox or calvin to undermine this church and state . pereg. truly sir amongst other countries , i extreamely longed to see england , and am no sooner come , but i am surfetted of her alreadie , i doubt the old prophecie touching this island is come now to be verified . that the churchman was , the lawer is , and the souldier shall be . i am afraid the english have seene their best dayes ; for i finde a generall kind of infatuation , a totall eclipse of reason amongst most of them ; and commonly a generall infatuation precedes the perdition of a people , like a fish , that putrifieth first in the head ; they say abroad , t is the scots turne now to be a great nation . therefore i will trusse up my baggage and over againe , after i have enjoied you some daies , and received your commands . patr. dear sir , if you seriously resolve to crosse the seas again so soon , i may chance bear you companie , for as you have since the short time of your sojourne here judiciously observed a nationall defection of reason in the people of this island , which makes her so active in her own ruine ; so by longer experience , and by infallible symptomes , i finde a strange kinde of vertigo to have seized upon her , which i fear will turne to the falling sicknesse , or such a phrensie , that will make her to dash out her own braines ; nor are her miseries , i fear , come yet to the full ; it is the method of the almightie , when he pleases to punish a people , to begin with roddes , to go on with scourges , and if they will not do , he hath scorpions for them ; therefore , i will breathe anywhere sooner than here : for what securitie or contentment can one receive in that countrey , where religion and justice , the two grand doriqne columnes which support every state , are fallen down ? which makes all conditions of men , all professions and trades to go here daily to utter ruine . the church man growes every day more despicable , as if he had no propertie in any thing , nor is there any way left him to recover his tithe , but by costly troublesome sutes . the civilian , a brave learned profession , hath already made his last will ; and the common lawyers case is little better ; the courtier cannot get his pension ; the gentleman cannot recover his rents , but either they are sequestred by an high hand of unexampted power , or else the poor tenant is so heavily assess'd or plundered , that he is disabled to pay them in ; all kinde of commerce both domesticke and forraigne visibly decayes , and fals more and more , into the hands of strangers ( to the no small dishonour of the wisedome of this nation ; ) nor can the tradesman recover his debts , parliamentary protections continue still in such numbers , so that it is a greater priviledge now to be a footman to the meanest of the lower house , than to be of the kings bed-chamber : prentises run away from their masters , and against their fathers intent turne souldiers , and for money , which is the soul of trade , i believe since the beginning of this parliament , above one halfe of the treasure of the kingdom is either conveyed to the other side of the sea , or buried under ground , whence it must be new digg'd up again . moreover , all things are here grown arbitrary , ( yet that word took off the earle of straffords head ) religion , law , and alleageance is grown arbitrary ; nor dares the iudge upon the tribunall ( according to his oath ) do justice , but he is over-awed by ordinance , or else the least intimation of the sense of the lower house is sufficient to enjoyne him the contrary , so that now , more than ever , it may be said here , — terras astraa reliquit . peace also hath rov'd up and down this island , and cannot get a place to lay her head on ; she hoped to have had entertainment in yorkshire , by the agreement of the best gentlemen in the country ; but an ordinance of parliament beat her out of doores , then she thought to rest in cheshire , and by a solemne covenant she was promised to be preserved there ; the principall agents of that covenant having protested every one upon the word of a gentleman , and as they did desire to prosper , both themselves , their tenants and friends , should strictly observe it ; but the like ordinance of parliament battered down that agreement . then she thought to take footing in the west , and first in dorsetshire , then in cornwall and devonshire , and by the holy tie of the blessed sacrament , she was promised to be preserved there ; but another ordinance of parliament is pursuing her , to dispense with the commissioners of the said agreement for their oathes . lastly , his majestie is mainly endeavouring to bring her in again thorowout the whole land ; but the furious , phrenetique schismatickes will have none of her ; for as one of them ( besides a thousand instances more ) preach'd in one of the most populous congregations about the citie , it were better that london streets ran with bloud , and that dead carkasses were piled up as high as the battlements of pauls , than peace should be now brought in . and now that peace is shut out , learning is upon point of despair , her colledges are become courts of guard , and mars lieth in mercuries bed . honour also , with her court , lieth in the dust ; the cobler may confront the knight , the boor the baron , and there is no judiciall way of satisfaction ; which makes monarchie fear she hath no long time of abode here , publike faith also , though she had but newly set up for her selfe , is suddenly become bankrupt , and how could she choose ? for more of the kingdomes treasure hath been spent within these thirty moneths , than was spent in four-score yeares before ; but she hopes to piece up her selfe again , by the ruines of the church ; but let her take heed of that , for those goods have been fatall to many thousand families in this kingdom : yet she thinkes much , that those publike summes which were given to suppresse one rebellion ( in ireland ) should be imployed to maintain another rebellion ( in england ) and lastly , me thinkes , i see religion in torne ragged weeds , and with slubber'd eyes , sitting upon weeping crosse , and wringing her hands , to see her chiefest temple ( pauls church ) where god almightie was us'd to be serv'd constantly thrice a day , and was the rendezvouz , & as it were the mother church , standing open to receive all commers and strangers , to be now shut up , and made onely a thorow-fare for porters ; to see those scaffolds , the expence of so many thousand pounds , to lie a rotting ; to see her chiefest lights like to be extinguished ; to see her famous learned divines dragg'd to prison , and utterly depriv'd of the benefit of the common law , their inheritance : me thinkes , i say , i see religion packing up , and preparing to leave this island quite , crying out , that this is a countrey fitter for atheists than christians to live in ; for god almightie is here made the greatest malignant , in regard his house is plunder'd more than any . there is no court left to reforme heresie , no court to punish any church officer , and to make him attend his cure , no court to punish fornication , adulterie , or incest ; me thinkes i hear her crie out against these her grand reformers ( or refiners rather ) that they have put division 'twixt all degrees of persons . they have put division 'twixt husband and wife , 'twixt mother and childe : the son seekes his fathers bloud in open field , one brother seekes to cut the others throat ; they have put division 'twixt master and servant , 'twixt land-lord and tenant ; nay , they have a long time put a sea of separation 'twixt king and queen ; and they labour more and more to put division 'twixt the head and the members , 'twixt his majestie and his politicall spouse , his kingdom ; and lastly , they have plung'd one of the flourishingst kingdomes of europe in a war without end ; for though a peace may be plaster'd over for the time , i fear it wil be but like a fire cover'd with ashes , which will break out again , as long as these fierie schismatickes have any strength in this island , so that all the premisses considered , if turke or tartar , or all the infernall spirits and cacodaemons of hell had broken in amongst us , they could not have done poor england more mischiefe . sir , i pray excuse this homely imperfect relation , i have a thousand things more to impart unto you when we may breathe freer aire ; for here we are come to that slaverie , that one is in danger to have his very thoughts plundered ; therefore if you please to accept of my companie , i will over with you by gods helpe , as soon as it may stand with your conveniencie , but you must not discover me to be an englishman abroad , for so i may be jear'd at and kickt in the streets ; i will go under another name , and am fix'd in this resolution , never to breathe english aire again , untill the king recovers his scepter , and the people their senses . a letter writ by sergeant-major kirle , to a friend at windsor . sir , you were pleased to command a constant account from me , as the onely requitall you would receive for admitting me an officer in the parliament armie ; and though divers things have come from us , which have been either doubted or contradicted , and seem to have no other credit than the close committee ; yet what i am now about to tell you , shall run none of those dangers , but that with a great deal of confidence you may report , both in publique to the house , and in private ●o my friends , that i am now at oxford ; nor shall your wonder last long , for by that time i have declared upon what grounds at first i undertook that service , and upon what reasons i have since deserted it , i shall without doubt ( where there is charitie or reason ) free my selfe from the imputation of dishonour , and undeceive others that are , as i was , seduced . about the time these distempers began here , i returned from serving the swede in germanie , and the states of holland ; in both which countries , i cannot without vanitie say , i did nothing to the dishonour of mine own : as this absence made me ignorant of the condition of the kingdom , so it rendred me more inclinable to receive an imployment from the parliament : for though neither my youth , nor this profession are curious after the affaires of state ; yet so common were the grievances in that unhappy conjuncture of time , when i went abroad , that i retain'd the same impressions in me at my comming home , especially when i saw the complaints remain , but did not know that the causes were taken away : thus possessed with prejudice , it was no hard thing for me to believe , that the pretences of war , ( in themso specious ) and the imployment therein , to be full of honour , justice , and pietie ; and that there needed not the importunitie of my nearest friends , or an argument from the necessitie their former severitie had cast upon me , nor an invitation from your selfe , to seek for the preferferment you speedily procured me . how i behaved my selse , while i was of your mind , and in that service , will be best judged by those , that know that from a lieutenant i was soone preferred to be captaine of a troop raised to my hand : and shortly after , to be sergeant-major to the earle of stamfords regiment of horse : what prisoners i took , what contribution i brought in , what places and townes i secured , appeares by the testimony given of me , and the thankes i received from you . it is not therefore necessity has made me leave you to goe to the king , from whom you have taken not only his revenues which should give him bread , but the benevolences ( as far as in you lies ) of his people that should maintaine his army . it is not ambition , to forsake a certaine benefit for an uncertaine imployment , and ( in justice ) as doubtfull a pardon : it is not malice for any particular neglect or injury , for i must confesse no man received greater kindnesse from his superiour officers , or more ample thankes from your selves then i have done ; no civill humane respect , but a perfect discoverie of those false lights , that have hitherto misled me , and the deepe apprehension of the horrour which attends the persevering in such errours . i must confesse ( though you would little thinke it ) that master sedgwicke , chaplaine to that regiment , first opened my eyes , and moved me to that reflection upon my self , which set me since in the right way ; not by his perswasions or conversion , ( for i can assure you , you may still confide in him ) but by the spirit ( not that pretended to of meeknesse and peace , but ) of fury and madnesse ; he revealed the mystery of this war , and in his inspired rage , brake the shell , religion , safety of the king , libertie and proprietie ; and shewed us the kernell , atheisme , anarchie , arbitrary government and confusion what was meant else by his sawcie and impertinent talking to god almightie , whom he seemed rather to command than intreat ? what was meant else by his traducing the king and cursing him , while he seemed to pray for him ? and presently with a tone as gentle as his language magnifie the worthies the estates assembled in parliament ; what was meant else by incouraging violence , and sharing in things plundered ? nor had one man given me a just prejudice of the cause , but that i saw the whole lump of these pseudo clergie , seasoned with the same leaven , who hate ( and so instruct the people ) an innocent ceremony , but thirst after blood ; who abhorre learning and bishops , but adore ignorance and division ; who while they are severe ( and therein they doe well ) against drunkennesse and adultery , they make robbery , rebellion , sacriledge , and murder become vertues , because they are in order to effect their designes ; and truly i had not trusted my eares , if the same and much more had not beene confirmed by my eyes ; for those few regiments then with us were a perfect modell of the whole armie , and most certaine i am , that all the officers of no one company were all of the same opinion what religion they fought for : some loved the booke of common-prayer and bishops , others were zealous for extemporary prayers and elders , another thought bishops so many elders , and elders so many bishops , and therefore they fought to set jesus christ in his throne , meaning independencie : some liked the chaplaine of the regiment , another thought his corporall preached better ; some had so much of the spirit they wanted courage , and when they should fight , thought it better to pray , or els declared it was revealed unto them they should be beaten , and to fulfill the prophecy , threw downe their armes ; and one would thinke , that every companie had been raised out of the severall congregations of amsterdam ; who wanted not scripture for every mutinie ; who plunder and call it gods providence , who if they cannot prove any of qualitie to be a papist , yet as he is a gentleman he shal want grace ; and that is title enough to possesse the estates of all that are more richer than themselves : and in truth had it not beene for this perswasion , you might have made riots , but not a war ; for under the promise of malignants estates are included , not onely those that directly take part with the king , but all those too that shall not concur with you in all things : hence it is that those were thought meritorious , who voted bishops out of the house of peeres , but are become malignants , because they will not put them out of the church : hence some that contributed with a large hand to this war , received marks of favour , but are become malignants , because they will not give all that they are worth : hence those that in tumults cried for justice were worthy of thanks , but are become malignants , because they will not helpe to depose the king . i shall not need to tell what dishonourable and indirect meanes have beene used to these ends , what burdens have beene laid upon weak consciences of some men by divines , what preferment have beene promised to some , what threatnings have beene used to others ; the sending of horses , monie , plate , shall expiate for past sins , or cover others which by their busie emissaries they have found out , and will otherwise discover : he that has power in his countrie and will use it for you may oppresse his neighbour , who must not sue him because he is in their service , and if he would be revenged ; it is no hard thing to procure a warrant and the sergeants man , and lay him up till he find an accusation , to produce one he never meanes to prove . i could instance in divers , who have beene by these allurements , invited to this war , and so to the ruine both of themselves and families ; nor can i forget that more obvious artifice , which has made the presse the fruitfull mother of many bastards ; when the taking three scouts in an alehouse , has beene made at london , a castle and the defeat of a regiment , and cler. parl. has made the pamphlet sell for a truth : when a defeat has beene voted a victory , and to amuse the people an order has beene made , that god should be thanked for it , and indeed the officers at last found that to tell truth when they had the worst , sometimes endangered their casheering , alwaies procured them an ill opinion , and when they saved the labour of doing the contrary , they were the better used , and therefore of late have justly wracked betwixt this scylla and charibdis , while they rather complied with their humour then obeyed truth , so that religion is but the reverent name for blood and ruine : and it is most evident , it was onely used as a disguise , that we might with the more ease devoure one another , which nature otherwise would forbid us to doe . next to this nothing wrought more upon me , then that strange mysterie , that fighting for the safety of the king was shooting at him ; as at edge-bill and elsewhere , where i thanke god i was not ; for sure the apprehension is so horrid unto me , that had i been in that action , the wounds of my conscience would never have beene healed . i am told the lawes are very severe not only against those that raise armes against the crowne , and offer violence to the person of the king , but extend even to the intentions , words and thoughts : certaine i am , religion and nature ranke treason and rebellion among the fowlest sinnes , and followes them with the worst of punishments ; and doubtlesse ravailliac might as well have excused his bloody fact , by saying the king was in his way , when he stabbed him , as those that justifie these late actions , by saying his majestie was among their enemies , when he was on his owne ground and amongst his own servants . and who ever shall consider what his majestie has done before this war began , in reparation of these errours past , what calumnies and reproaches he hath suffered since ( injuries not to be born by private spirits how beyond hope and expectation his armie rise from being despised to be justly feared ; and lastly , what royall promises , and sacred protestations he has so often and so solemnly made , cannot but renounce charitie and honour , or else he must believe and trust his majestie , resent his sufferings , and acknowledge the miraculous hand of god in his preservation . but i confesse the reason of complaining against you for using the king no better , seemes to grow lesse , whilest the subject is in a much worse condition . lawes we have indeed , but they are so little exercised , that shortly they will be buried in the places of those late risen fundamentals , which no man yet could ere discover where they lay ; when for the libertie of the subject , there is such good provision made , that whereas one gaole was enough for a whole countie , now there is more than one almost in every parish ; when the superscription of a letter ( and may be that fained too ) the information of a malitious neighbour , a fear , a jealousie , deprives many of their libertie , some of their lives ; most of their healths and fortunes ; when the petitioning for lawes established , and for peace ( without which we can enjoy neither lawes nor truth ) are become ( with the crime of loyaltie ) the onely things punished ; and with such a severitie that as no condition , so no age is spared ; the youth entring into the world , and having undergone the labour of an apprentiship , instead of being made free of the citie , are to serve again in a prison ; and those reverend aldermen , who have gone through the severall offices of london with honour , stooping under the weight of many yeares , and the infirmities thereof , have been drawn from their hospitable houses , ( and some from their beds , where extreme age had kept them many yeares before ) to loathsome prisons , from thence at midnight in cold and stormie weather , in a little boat to gravesend , and from thence to the unwholesome aire of some port-town , that they might not live long , to bewayle that banishment from their dear wives and children . and herein i acknowledge the greatest justice , for proprietie has no priviledge above libertie ; for being lately at london i found prisons and plundering went hand in hand , and it is worth the observing how these disbursements like hastie weeds , grew on a sudden to so great an height ; as first a gentle benevolence , then subscription , then sending in plate , next taxations by an order , at last the twentieth part by an ordinance ; besides those smaller diversions of under-writing for ireland , and spending it in this war , of gathering for the distressed protestants of that nation , and bestowing that charitie upon the ministers of our own , whose seditious sermons , had brought a just povertie upon them ; of sequestring estates and benefices , of taking portions , and keeping orphans upon publique faith , of seizing the stockes of churches , till by the same publique faith , they build or repair the same ; and doubtlesse were not my thoughts more for the generall , than my private interest , i might easily and by authoritie grow rich with the spoiles of that proprietie you seem to defend , and as others be gallant with the overplus taken for the twentieth part ; who likewise by an order take the coach-horses of persons of qualitie , and use them afterwards in their visits , and to tavernes for the service of the common-wealth . i had not made instance in so many particulars , but to justifie my selfe thereby to all the world for what i have now done , which upon these considerations will be rather approved than condemned , by any that have not wholly given up their reason unto faction , for doubtlesse dishonour is fixt upon levitie , ambition , cowardize , upon the persisting in that course which by conscience is declared unjust & irreligious . the breach of articles renders void all covenants , much more when that which is contracted for , is not onely altered but subverted . they were but pretences not realities i have hitherto served under , & justice and honour commands me to leave them . some souldiers take honour in so large a sense , that if they took pay under the turke they would not desert him : the comparison is not amisse : but sure where there is such an indifferencie , as to serve any for pay , religion is no part of their honour , but if they be of the mahometan perswasion , i shall not blame them to be true to that service , no more than i do those here , if their consciences tell them decencie and order is antichristian , and authoritie and magistracie heathenish : for certain i am , there is nothing more base and unworthy a gentleman and a christian , than to forsake the dictates of his own reason and conscience , to persist in an erroneous way , because he has already entred into it : if this false opinion of honour should be received as orthodox , it will be in the power of every subtle sophister , and cheating mountebanke , to ingage men for ever in ignoble actions , because they brought them once to an opinion that conduced thereunto . and lastly , whereas the end of war is peace , what hope can there be of a reconciliation , or that those that have got the regal and supreme power into their hands , should ever leave that which they have usurped , to resume that which they were borne to ; or that the officers of that armie should consent to a peace as long as they can have supplies of money : since that then a great part from being colonels and captaines , must again betake themselves to their aprons and shops , and instead of receiving pay , must bethinke themselves how to satisfie their beguiled creditours : for my part , i am borne to no inconsiderable fortune , and as i abhorre my name should be branded with treason , or that forfeited by a confiscation , so am i as loath we should ever be reduced to have a paritie in either ( which is aimed at ) or have both buried in the ruines of this miserable nation . i do protest , had none of these promises wrought upon me , yet the very sight of his majesties armie would have done it ; the discipline , unanimitic , and exact obedience thereof , the excellent conversation of so many gallant and noble personages who know no other emulation than that of honour , who dare do any thing but what is base , and ( on my soul ) daily expresse heartie desires of peace ( not out of any defect in the armie ) but to prevent the ruine , and procure the happinesse of their countrey . to conclude , what english gentlemen that ever heard of the ancient honour of this kingdom , or would preserve that of himselfe and familie , can tamely see our courage ( terrible sometimes to forreigne nations ) basely degenerate into a rebellion against our naturall prince , to whom malice it selfe can object no crime , and therefore casts upon him the faults of others , and since it cannot touch his person , quarrels at his crown : you see him powerfull at the head of his armie , and may see him glorious in his throne of peace , you ought not to doubt his justice , and ( if you will ) you may ( as i have done ) obtain his mercie . sir , i have freely told you my sense , if it hath any proportion to yours and so incline you to that effect it hath wrought in me , i shall take it ( next to the condition i am in ) as the greatest happinesse , and if i be so fortunate , since in these dangerous times you cannot safely convey it by letters , let me know it by your publishing this , whereby also you may happily benefit others , and certainly oblige your humble servant , r. k. finis . whereas wee are informed, that divers merchants, strangers, & others, have lately brought into this kingdom several peices [sic] of dutch coyne, commonly known by the name of new lyon dollars, stamped with a lyon rampant on the one side ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1677 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46206 wing i973_variant estc r36961 16164474 ocm 16164474 104952 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46206) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104952) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:70) whereas wee are informed, that divers merchants, strangers, & others, have lately brought into this kingdom several peices [sic] of dutch coyne, commonly known by the name of new lyon dollars, stamped with a lyon rampant on the one side ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1677. title from first 6 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin, the 9th. day of april 1677." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng coinage -law and legislation -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 jason colman sampled and proofread 2006-12 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the lord lieutenant and council . essex . whereas wee are informed , that divers merchants , strangers , & others , have lately brought into this kingdom several peices of dutch coyne , commonly known by the name of new lyon dollars , stamped with a lyon rampant on the one side , and a man with an eschutchion ●overing his lower parts , and a lyon charged in it on the other side , coyned in the years 1674 , 1675 , or 1676 , with this motto confidens domino non movetur , and the year of our lord in the same round with the motto over the head of the lyon , and that they by themselves , their agents or factors , have dispersed and uttered the same in paiment amongst his majesties subjects at the rate of four shillings nine pence per peice , as moneys allowed to be issued in trade and commerce . and whereas we have caused some of the said peices to be tryed and essayed by the essay master of this city , and do find , that the said peices are worse than his majesties standard of england , by two ounces 5 peny . weight upon the pound weight . and that these new dollars are intrinsically worth no more than three shillings four pence one farthing sterling , and ( in proportion to the spanish mony commonly current here ) worth three shillings nine pence . and whereas none of the said peices , nor any of that kind and species have been at any time allowed by his majestie , or by proclamation from us the lord lieutenant , or any his majesties former cheif governors and council of this kingdom , to pass as current mony within this realm , and yet are commonly paid off ( as we are informed , ) at the rate aforesaid . now we the lord lieutenant and council duly weighing the premisses , and the many inconveniencies which by such fraudulent practices may befall his majesties good subjects , if not timely prevented , have thought fit to publish and make known the same by this our proclamation , and hereby to caution and advise , that none of the officers or ministers of his majesties revenue , or any other person or persons of what nature , quality or condition soever he be , is or are by any law required or inforced to take or receive any of the said peices , commonly called new lyon dollars stamped in manner as aforesaid in any payment or payments whatsoever , and hereof we require all manner of persons , who are or shall be therein any wise concerned , to take special notice at their perills . given at the council chamber in dublin , the 9th . day of april 1677. ja : armachanus . lanesborough . hen : midensis . ca : dillon . char : meredith . j : povey . ro : booth . abrah : yarner . ja : cuffe . tho : newcomen . god save the king. dublin printed by benjamin tooke printer to the king 's most excelent majestie and are to be sold by joseph wilde book-seller in castle-street . 1677. whereas the parliament stands prorogued untill the first day of december next, and whereas for sundry causes and considerations, we have thought it fit and convenient and necessary further to prorogue the said parliament untill the seventeenth day of january next ... by the lord deputy, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. 1664 approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46184 wing i919 estc r36946 16161622 ocm 16161622 104936 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46184) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104936) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:54) whereas the parliament stands prorogued untill the first day of december next, and whereas for sundry causes and considerations, we have thought it fit and convenient and necessary further to prorogue the said parliament untill the seventeenth day of january next ... by the lord deputy, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. ossory, thomas butler, earl of, 1634-1680. 1 broadside. printed by john crooke ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1664. title from first 7 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin the seventeenth day of november, 1664." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland. -parliament. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord deputy . ossory , whereas the parliament stands prorogued untill the first day of december next ; and whereas for sundry causes and considerations ; we have thought it fit and convenient and necessary further to prorogue the said parliament untill the seventeenth day of january next ; we do therefore will and require all persons to whom it doth or shall appertain to take due notice thereof , to the end that in the mean time they may repair to their houses or otherwise apply themselves about their private affairs at their pleasures , and then to give their attendance here again , at the day and time aforesaid , in the usual place appointed for that intended service , whereof they may not fail . given at the council chamber in dublin the seventeenth day of november , 1664 . god save the king . dvblin , printed by john crooke , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , and are to be sold by samuel dancer in castle-street . 1664. a true and impartial account of the most material passages in ireland since december, 1688 with a particular relation of the forces of londonderry / being taken from the notes of a gentleman who was eyewitness to most of the actions mention'd therein during his residing there, and now being in england is desired to publish the same for the further satisfaction of this nation ; to which is added a description and map of londonderry as he took it upon the place. bennet, joseph. 1689 approx. 78 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a27391 wing b1885a estc r17776 13400430 ocm 13400430 99372 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a27391) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99372) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 835:8) a true and impartial account of the most material passages in ireland since december, 1688 with a particular relation of the forces of londonderry / being taken from the notes of a gentleman who was eyewitness to most of the actions mention'd therein during his residing there, and now being in england is desired to publish the same for the further satisfaction of this nation ; to which is added a description and map of londonderry as he took it upon the place. bennet, joseph. 31, [1] p., [1] leaf of plates : 1 map. printed for john amery ..., london : 1689. written by josph bennet. cf. bm. "licens'd july 22, 1689; j. fraser." reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -war of 1689-1691. great britain -history -william and mary, 1689-1702. great britain -history -1660-1714. londonderry (northern ireland) -history. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion londonderry the new fortified spur prnited for iohn amery at the sign of the peacock in fleet street . a true and impartial account of the most material passages in ireland since december 1688. with a particular relation of the forces of londonderry : being taken from the notes of a gentleman who was eye-witness to most of the actions mention'd therein , during his residing there ; and now being in england , is desired to publish the same , for the further satisfaction of this nation . to which is added a description and map of londonderrry , as he took it upon the place . licens'd july 22. 1689. j. fraser . london : printed for john amery , at the peacock , against st. dunstan's church , in fleetstreet . 1689. a true and impartial account of the most remarkable passages in ireland , &c. in december last , the protestants of ireland had very great expectation of an army suddenly to be sent over into that kingdom for their relief , and were privately arming themselves , and securing what ammunition they could to prepare to join with the english forces , assoon as they should land ; and to make the people more earnest to put themselves in a posture of defence , in case the earl of tyrconnel , the then lord deputy , should offer any violence to them , there was by way of letter a relation given from some persons of note in the north to two or three lords in dublin , and to several persons of quality throughout the kingdom , that the irish were generally to rise on the 9th of december , with intent to massacre and totally destory the whole body of english , and all of the protestant religion in that kingdom . these letters did so run about the nation , that in few days all the protestants were upon their defence , and every private man making his house a garrison , by keeping great and strong guards in the night-time , insomuch that if their nearest relations had come to visit after night , they were answered out of casements , spike-holes , or windows , with blunder busses on guns at their breasts , to know their business : and particularly on the 9th of december ( as is mention'd before ) it was credibly reported , that there was not a protestant in the whole kingdom , but was on his guard that whole night in his own respective dwelling , or joined with some neighbours in some sort of strength . the earl tyrconnel finding the whole kingdom in this great consternation , sent to some of the gentlemen in dublin , who had received this advice , and assured them with oaths and execrations , that there was no such thing intended against the protestants ; but being doubtful that the english of that nation had but very small regard to his oaths , did call a grand council , in order to propose some way to appease the people : the result of which was , that a proclamation should be immediately issued out , commanding all people to repair to their respective dwellings , assuring them that no injury was intended against them , making it penal for any man afterward to desert his own house , or associate himself with any riotous people in any garrison-town or strong houses . but notwithstanding all these fair promises and threats , the people were so universally alarmed by these circular letters ( whether true or false ) that they daily joined themselves in greater numbers , and many of them went into england , scotland , and the isle of man for safety , carrying with them what they conveniently could . the earl of tyrconnel observing the humour of the people , and how apprehensive they were of the irish cruelty , and likewise being informed of the vast number of people daily leaving dublin , and many considerable merchants and house-keepers lying at rings-end for a wind to carry them off , sent the earl of roscommon and the lord mountjoy to rings-end to discourse to the people , and endeavour to prevail with them to return to their own dwellings , and follow their employments ; but what they said either at rings-end , or elsewhere , made no greater impression on the minds of the people than the former proclamations he had issued out , which occasioned his excellency to redouble his oaths , and burn some hats and wigs , that being his accustomed way of appeasing his rage and passion : during all this time , the people having advice of the great success of his present majesty against the late king james's forces , were encouraged to appear more bare-fac'd ; and they appeared in greater bodies than formerly in munster , connaght , and vlster , and the protestants of leinster daily made their escapes into the north , leaving all their substance to the disposal of the insatiable ravenous irish , who would impudently in the day-time drive horses and cows , with thousands of sheep , from the owners thereof before their faces , who dared not to ask them what they did ; and the protestants of the counties of dublin , east-meath , west-meath , longford , lowth , and the upper part of the county of cavan , being the greatest sufferers , repaired with this great loss quietly to the north , esteeming it the mercy of god that they escaped with their lives . the very great success of his present majesty , and the late king 's abdicating his kingdom , so much encouraged the protestants , that then they began to appear in great bodies of horse and foot , and take possession of towns and forts , and declare their design . and now being londonderry and iniskilling were the first that shut their gates against the irish , it 's necessary that i give an account of them , before i proceed to speak of other places of the same country . the news of his present majesty's design in landing an army in england , did so alarm the earl of tyrconnel , that he very speedily put what forces was then in arms , into such garrisons as he thought fit ; but it seems , upon some orders from the late king james , two regiments of foot , and one of dragoons , were to be forthwith sent into england ; whereupon his excellency gave directions for the regiment of foot , quartered in londonderry , belonging to the lord mountjoy , to march up to dublin , in order for their embarquing for england , which was accordingly marcht to dublin , and a new regiment belonging to the earl of antrim , newly raised , was ordered to march into londonderry , to secure that garrison ( the same being left to the government of the townsmen and inhabitants of that place ) but whether it was , that these new levies looked so dreadfully starved , or the townsmen had an inclination to keep popery out , they shut the gates of the town on the appearance of this new regiment , and utterly denied them entrance ; but some of the officers being desirous to go into the town , the inhabitants allowed them that priviledge , and upon some debate the inhabitants declared , they would secure the garrison for the king and their own preservation , and sent the gentlemen out with this answer to the earl of antrim . this coming by an express to his excellency , and considering how indiscreetly he had commanded the whole regiment to march out of the garrison before others were ordered to possess that place , he burned another wigg , and then thought to retake that strong hold with about 6 companies of the lord mountjoy's regiment with pike and musket , who were within three days after their arrival at dublin , and after a long march of 110 miles , being the depth of winter , ordered to march back again ; but indeed it was altogether needless , until the lord mountjoy came in person , and proposed to the inhabitants . that if they would admit of any of the army to quarter in that town , he would disband all the papists in those six companies , and put protestants in their places , and that colonel robert lundy should be their governour ; to which the whole town agreed , and after that time there were six companies of protestants belonging to the lord mountjoy , who are now it that place , and colonel lundy continued governour until of late . the little town of iniskilling being situated in an island in a great lake , so that there was no access but by water , the inhabitants thereof did no less gallantly secure that place , opposing two foot-companies which were sent by the earl of tyrconnel to secure that garrison , looking on it as a most advantageous place bordering on connaght ; but not timing his intrigue well , the inhabitants of iniskilling never suffered these two companies to come nearer than two miles of the town , and so sent them back again with as much shame as the earl of antrim's regiment left londonderry , and very soon after the said town of iniskilling declared for the prince of orange ( the now king ) and the protestant religion , and have very gallantly ever since defended that place with great courage and zeal , altho' they were like to have been surprised by some of the disaffected gentlemen in that country several times . since which time this town has not been idle ; for after the army had marched against the counties of downe , antrim , &c. under the command of lieutenant general hamilton and colonel sheldon , the lord galmoy with about 2000 horse and foot , was ordered to march against this place , and the country thereabouts being boggy , and very bad way to bring great guns against the place , there was a contrivance of a tin gun covered with leather , and this was drawn by eight horses to the top of a hill near the town : after this great bugbear ( for so it might be term'd ) was fairly planted against the town , the lord galmoy sends a trumpet with a summons for surrendring the garrison , offering large conditions , but the town refused him entrance , and set his lordship and his great gun at defiance ( not knowing but the same was real ) and sallied out in the night , killed about thirty six , took some prisoners , and this extream weighty gun , which one man triumphantly brought into town on his shoulder , that was drawn by eight horses the day before . this defeat so much shamed the lord and his party , that they drew off , and never troubled the place more , nor dare they ever since come near the town , but permit the souldiers of it to ride thirty or forty miles in the best planted countries , driving before them such cattle , and bringing such provisions as they think most convenient for the use of the garrison , without the least obstruction . when the lord galmoy was on his march towards iniskilling with his tin gun , he happened to take one wolston dixie , eldest son to the dean of kilmore , and one edward charleton , as they were carrying off some concerns of the dean's ; and this young gentleman coming but newly from the colledge , and being with a party of horse , the lord galmoy said he was a captain , and instrumental in making so much trouble in the north ; the gentleman disowned it , and said he only was securing his father's goods ; but in short , he and mr. charleton were hanged at belturbet ; and there being an accident , either by the breaking of the rope , or the gate whereon they were hanged , this young gentleman fell down alive , and then the question was put , whether he would turn roman catholick , and pray for king james ? he said he would not alter his opinion , but would pray for the king : whereupon command was given to hang him up again , and being half dead , was cut down , his head and mr. charleton's being kicked about the streets , and afterwards fixed on the market-house . this piece of cruelty was done by that bloody villain the lord galmoy at belturbet in the county of cavan . after the towns of londonderry and iniskilling had thus opposed the earl of tyrconnel and his proclamations , the county of cavan being the neighbouring county , began to appear very briskly ; for on the 8th of january there being a quarter-sessions to be held at the town of cavan , and there also being many irish justices of the peace on the bench , one captain robert sanderson , of castle sanderson , came with about eighty horse into that town . after the country had met , this gentleman demanded of the irish justices to shew by what commission they sat there ? they replied , it was by king james his commission ; whereupon captain sanderson told them , that was no good authority at that time of day , and ordered the country to return to their own dwellings ; some of the reilys , being great men of that country , and justices of the peace , began to thwart him , which controversie had been ended by the captain 's cane , if the justice had not fled off the bench , and escaped his fury ; this so alarmed the whole court and town , that the quarter-sessions were broke up , and none kept there ever since . this news went very soon to the earl of tyrconnel's ears , who threatned to send some troops of horse into that rebellious country ( as 't was then termed ) which so much terrified the people , that almost every man was in arms. the irish then began even to break and plunder houses in corporation-towns , and take away the protestants goods at pleasure . not long after this , one sir gerrard irwin having gone to dublin , was made lieutenant colonel to the earl of granard's regiment of horse to be then raised , and in order to the better raising of the same in the county of fermanagh , the said sir gerrard brought with him several cases of pistols , holsters , and other furniture , with carbines , swords , &c. from dublin , with powder and ball , which did so much terrifie the hearts of the english thereabouts , that they resolved to seize both the knight and his arms , &c. which was accordingly done by one mr. dan. french and mr. hen. gwillyms , who came from belturbet to the town of cavan with about sixty horse , and there seized on the arms , and took sir gerrard prisoner to belturbet , who was delivered to the lord blany's disposal , being there at that time , upon his viewing the forces of that country , who sent sir gerrard prisoner to iniskilling , the country wherein he purposed to raise his men , to be secured by them . this was not long from the earl of tyrconnel's ears ( viz. that the protestants had broke the county-goal at cavan , and discharged the protestant prisoners , who were hourly threatned to have their throats cut by the papists in the said goal ) who was exceedingly troubled at it , but dared not to send any forces into that countrey , lest they would be served with the same sauce , as sir gerrard irwin was : so that he did only send some troops of horse and dragoons to navan and kells , in order to prevent captain sanderson's motion to dublin with his horse , being by this time alarm'd on the other side of his head by the lord mount alexander , my lord blany , sir arthur rawdon , and several other persons of quality , being all up in arms in the counties of downe , antrim , &c. and having the standing army but in a very bad condition at that time ( the best whereof being sent for england on the prince's landing ) and few or no new men raised , seemed to be so apprehensive of the scotch army marching to dublin , that he had scouts for fifty or threescore miles together , to observe the motion of the rebels in the north ( as he termed them ) , and it is most certain , that if some troops had marcht up towards dublin , the earl of tyrconnel would certainly either have fled , or surrendred the castle , not having above ten companies of foot , and some few horse in dublin , and these being all new rais'd raw men. but the gentlemen of the north , although they were in an indifferent condition , and had a great desire to effect this , yet were unwilling to appear any otherwise than in their own defence , until commissions should come out of england . the earl of tyrconnel considering how numerous the scotch in the north were , and how weak and insignificant the standing army was , and how useless the rabble of the irish would be to him , very cunningly engag'd the lord mountjoy to send letters to his friends in the north , to be very careful of affairs ; assuring them , that no forces should be sent into the north , or any new levies made , or soldiers quartered upon private houses ; and that all things would be very well , to their own satisfaction ; for , that he was going into france , to receive orders from king james , to make tyrconnel lay down the sword. this so much pleased the people , that all things began to grow pretty still and quiet again ; in which time the earl of tyrconnel was raising men , and sending arms , privately into the countrey , to such as he had given commission ; and in a very short time , notwithstanding his promises to the lord mountjoy , had raised and armed several regiments of dragoons , and foot , and secured the town of newry , being a great pass , and very disadvantageous to the protestants in the norths . the irish having secured this pass of newry , the earl of tyrconnel thought himself very safe , and then daily sent down arms to all that countrey , and secured the towns of drogheda and dundalke , by leaving great parties both of horse and foot in them . so that the protestants had no manner of correspondence that way ; and likewise had taken care , that all other by-passes cunningly should be secured ; which was the only mischief the protestants met with ; for by this means the earl of tyrconnel could march down his army against them when he pleased , and at his own leisure , and they never have the least account of their motion , which has proved too true , as you shall hear hereafter . the irish having got this considerable strength ( as i have mentioned before ) , then it was their business , and indeed the positive commands from the respective parish-priests , and under the danger of a curse too , that they should endeavour to secure and seize all strong castles , or gentlemens houses of any strength , as soon as possible they could , which indeed they effected with much integrity , either by cunningly stealing into them by nights , or setting fire to their gates . while the earl of tyrconnel was fortifying the newry , and re-enforcing several other garrisons , there were several odd companies of foot , and troops of dragoons quartered about the countrey , who indeed were willing to be gone from amongst the scotch army ; and amongst the rest , ( i cannot pass by giving you an account of the troop of dragoons quartered in armagh ) it seems lieutenant aspoll , commanding in chief in that town , perceiving how vastly numerous the protestants were in that countrey , and how vigorously they armed themselves , was apprehensive of some danger ; therefore gave private orders to all the men to be ready against a certain hour , and march out of the garrison with all the privacy imaginable . but this was not so secretly managed , but it took wind in the town , and the very morning the dragoons were to march away , the townsmen surprized the officers in their chambers , and secured all the horses and arms they could find ; and there being about ten of the dragoons on the guard that night , posted themselves in the session-house , and endeavoured to secure that place ; but the townsmen were so forward and resolute , that they came up to the doors of the house , fireing on both sides very smartly : but at last the dragoons surrendered , after a serjeant was shot in the arm , and they with the rest of the troop , all sent prisoners to the church , after having lost both horse and arms , which were distributed amongst the men who performed this service ; and the dragoons after some days confinement , discharg'd , who upon their march in the county of lowth , got near the value of all their horse and arms at captain blany's house , having taken all his best horses and houshold-goods , to a very considerable value . this late action at armagh much stir'd up his excellency's passion ; insomuch , that he swore , he would send down a very powerful army against the north ; but being awed by a considerable force under the lord inchiqueen , in munster , and by another under the lord kingston in connaught , durst not send so great an army as he would ; and therefore for some time rested quiet . the northern gentlemen understanding , that the earl of tyrconnel did not intend an army to divert them , so soon as expected , were willing to give themselves some recreation ; and the taking of carrickfergus ( where the earl of antrim was governour , and mark talbot , natural son to the earl of tyrconnel , commander of the forces there ) was the subject ; and it was reported on all hands , that if there had not been a mis-management in the matter , the design had taken effect ; but since it did not , i shall not trouble the reader with a relation of the manner of besieging that town , or how they left it . after the forces were drawn back which went against the town of carrickfergus , the council at hilburragh thought convenient to send some forces to secure the pass at loghbricklan , and other places thereabouts , lying within some few miles of newry , where the irish had made a considerable strength , both by manning the bridge , and intrenching the town ; and at armagh the lord blany , with about a regiment of horse , and a regiment of foot , secured that pass , in case the enemy should move that way . things being ordered in this manner , there happened several skirmishes both between the enemy at newry , and that part of the protestant army at loghbricklan , in some part of which a very worthy gentleman , one captain poe , was slain , with about nine more , as they went a forraging , by an ambuscade ; as also several skirmishes between the lord blany's party , and the enemy at charlimount , and other flying parties who were pillaging the countrey : so that scarcely a day passed without killing and taking some . this being about the beginning of march , things arrived to a very great pitch , and the irish grew more insolent than formerly : insomuch that many people fled from their concerns , leaving all , or most of their substance behind , to the disposal of the enemy , and grew almost impatient for relief out of england , expecting every fair wind would bring over an army , which would settle that kingdom : and indeed a very small number of men , with arms and ammunition , might have effected it , when the prince of orange ( the now king ) his proclamation came over , requiring the irish to surrender themselves and their arms by the 10th of april : which proclamation was sent by the lord blany to the garrison of charlimount : and the said lord blany had his majesty proclaimed at armagh , with all the solemnity imaginable , which was likewise done at hillsburrough , and several other places in the north. when the earl of tyrconnel had advice , that our present king william was proclaimed in armagh , and several other places , he by this time had put his army into some better condition than before , and ordered some horse and dragoons , commanded by collonel dominick sheldon , with a considerable body of foot , commanded by collonel richard hamilton ( who was sent out of england , with conditions for the irish ) to march towards the north : and having stopt all correspondence from the protestants , from newry downwards , that army marched within some few miles of loghbricklan , before any particular account came to the lord mount alexander , or the council at hillsburrough : whereupon it was thought fit to withdraw what forces were quartered at loghbricklan , and thereabouts , nearer drumore and hillsburrough , and to burn and destroy all the countrey they marched through , to make the same uneasie for the earl of tyrconnel's horse , in regard there was not much forrage in that countrey . however , collonel hamilton and sheldon finding the garrison of loghbricklan deserted , immediately moved forward ; and having some troops in the forlorn , marched within some few miles of drumore : sir arthur rawdon then commanding at drumore , sent out some scouts , to observe the motion of the enemy , and to discover their number : the scouts informed him , that there could not be above three or four troops of horse , and that they approached near the town : whereupon sir arthur rawdon drew out about five hundred men , or thereabouts , to prevent the enemies coming farther into that countrey ) and upon view of the body of horse ( the rest of the army lying obscurely under a great hill ) , resolved to charge them ; but before there was any close engagement , the great army which lay secure behind the hill , moved forward , and were much too strong for sir arthur's party : whereupon the protestants fled , and made their way through hillsburrough , the enemy killing several , having the pursuit of them for about five or six miles , and getting great plunder of rich portmantions , and other things left on the way ; but finding themselves near hillsburrough , and not knowing but the body of the protestant army were in a reserve thereabouts , thought it convenient to make a halt until they had brought up the rest of the army . but to give sir arthur rawdon his due , he behaved himself with as much courage as any man could do in this engagement ; and had there been but reasonable odds , he and major baker , now one of the governours of londonderry , had defeated the enemy ; but the loss of the protestants was not much ( considering the advantage of the pursuit the enemy might have made ) losing about 100. upon the news of this , most of the people about hillsburrough fled ; but some kept the castle , being a place of a reasonable good strength , and having about a thousand pound in money , and an incredible store of oatmeal , and other provision , were resolved to defend the place ; but in a very little time surrendred it , and all the money , &c. to the enemy , col. hamilton and sheldon giving protections to all people who desired them , on his march , which was their policy ; for thereupon many remained in their own houses . after the break of drumore , sir arthur rawdon brought what horse and foot he could with him to colerain ; and thereupon what forces were in lisnegarvy , belfast , antrim , and other places thereabouts , made their way to that garrison , thinking to secure that pass , and prevent the enemy going over the ban water , having cut down the bridge at porteglanone , about ten miles from colerain , and ordered all the boats on lough neagh , and the river to be burnt , which was esteemed the only way to retard the enemies march into the county of londonderry and donegall ( having no way to pass but by a tedious march by charlimount ) : but the great oversight of not sinking or burning these boats , proved very fatal , as you shall hear hereafter . the garrison at hillburrough being surrendred , and all the protestant forces making their way to colerain , there was nothing left to oppose the irish army in all that country , where they got very great plunder , especially in lisnegarvy , belfast and antrim , besides to the value of 3 or 4000 l. belonging to the lord massereen in money and plate , hid about his house , and discovered by his own servant , for a reward of 10 guinies ; and besides this , they got all the furniture of his house , as it stood , to a very great value : and in this plentiful country the enemy thought fit for some time to refresh themselves , which indeed they did . now i must return to armagh , monaghar and glasslogh , to give account of the forces there , under the command of the lord blany , and the other forces of the counties of cavan and fermanaugh , commanded by capt. francis hamilton , now sir francis hamilton , who for the good of his country and religion , deserted the late king james's army , and brought off about 16 or 20 of the best men in his troop , and forced his way , escaping several imminent dangers . the irish of the north-west having advice , that the army had conquered all before them in the north-east country , very violently prest the taking in of strong houses and castles : wherefore the protestants thought good to make a fair escape to iniskilling , where many of them now are , to the number of about 10000 of good men , under the command of gustavus hamilton , some time cornet to the lord galmoy ; and many of the protestants got into the castle of monaghan ; but the irish were so numerous about that place , and so very earnest in getting it , that the protestants were forced to desert it , and make to glasslogh ; but this was no resting place for them long ; for one john macanna came against it with about 600 men , and intended to have seized the lady blany , and some other persons of quality in the castle , if matthew auctle , esq ; a person of undaunted courage , had not drawn out what forces were in that small village , consisting not of above two troops of horse , and three companies of foot , to fight the enemy , who advantageously lined a large fort on the top of a hill , and gauled the protestants as they advanced ; but this gentleman , mr. auctle , very bravely forced his way into the fort , notwithstanding their fire , and put them to the rout , where there was about 89 kill'd , besides macanna himself , his son , and another son taken prisoner ; and immediately after this passage a rogue lay behind a bush ; and shot mr. auctle dead , being the only person lost in this skirmish . but the enemy being thus routed , the lady blany , and the other persons in the castle , with the two troops and three foot companies , had afair opportunity of making their escape , and quitting that place , made their way to londonderry . then what forces were left in this country , were at armagh with the lord blany , to secure that frontier garrison ; but coll. lundy not sending any men to re-enforce the place , as was expected , and the enemy in a manner surrounding the town , before the lord blany would stir , or quit it , was at length forced to make his way to colerain , with about 7 troops of horse , and 8 companies of foot , with which his lordship did narrowly escape ; for the garrisons of charlimount and mountjoy , having notice of his march , ordered about 1200 men , on the 16th of march , to get the pass at ardea-bridge ; and if that was done , 500 more were to fall on in the rear , and so destroy the whole party ; but my lord marching his men in good order , and with all the speed he could , by good fortune got the bridge , not a quarter of an hour before the enemy appeared , and fired in the rear : whereupon the horse and foot were drawn up , and about two companies sent out for the forlorn , to the bridge , to make a handsome engagement of it ; but the enemy at the very first fire ran . upon which the horse fell on , and killed about 155 , as was then found on the spot , besides several that were drowned : and in this exploit there was not a man killed or wounded of the lord blany's party , nor any harm done , save two horses lost ; so that party marched forward to colerain . there was seven companies of foot more which belonged to the lord blany ; but they thinking to make a nearer way to colerain , were all disarmed near antrim , and no other harm done them , as i gave you an account before . about this time 8000 arms , and 500 barrels of powder , with 550 l. for coll. lundy's good service , arrived at derry , which came most seasonably for the use of the protestants . during this encounter , hamilton and sheldon were refreshing their men in that plentiful country ; for it pleased them so well , that they did not very eagerly press forward towards colerain , until that garrison was made very strong by great bodies of horse and foot of the protestants , coming daily to them : and the first thing the enemy did , was to secure all the boats which were drawn up ( as i formerly told you ) , and then about two troops of horse came to view the place , and went so near , that their leader was shot by one from the garrison , which caused the rest to retreat , after they had taken a good view of the situation of the town , and the fortification of it , being a mud wall of a considerable height , and a deep wet ditch round three parts of the town , and the ban water , with a draw-bridge on it , fortifying the other 4th part . the chief commander of the place was major gastavus hamilton , who did not spare any charge or labour to make the place tenable . the enemy having thus received the garrison , sent word , that they would give them a visit the next day about ten a clock ; and indeed they were as good as their promise ; for about the same hour they marched up with five pieces of cannon , three whereof they planted against the gate near the river , attended with a body of dragoons , and the other two guns were planted against king's-gate , attended by a body of horse , and their foot drawn up in the centre : they began to play very warmly at the town , and the town as hotly at them ; but there being many hedges and gardens near the works , the enemies foot got into them ; which much preserv'd them from the shot of the town ; as also did a water-mill very near the town , where about thirty or forty of the granadeers got , near night , and when they found there was no good to be done with the town , marched off their foot in a shower of snow , so that the town could not observe their motion ; when the foot were clearly drawn off , the dragoons followed , and then the horse marched ; but in such confusion and disorder they were , that had the town sallied out with some troops of house , and a brisk party of foot , they certainly had ruined the enemy , who were so terrify'd at a great body of horse , being the lord blany's regiment , and some foot drawn out on a hill beyond the town , that they dropt two of their cannon on the road , with much of their baggage and luggage , and the next morning came and brought them away , having lost about sixty men the day before , and several wounded ; amongst whom , sir gregory birne was shot in the head , but recovered of the wound . the enemy meeting with this repulse , contrary to expectation , ( for they really thought to get the town on their first appearance ) marched back to balymony , balymenagh , antrim , and other towns thereabouts : and now , since they could not pass the ban-water at colrain , and the bridge at portglanone being cut down , ( as i mentioned before , ) they make use of the boats which should have been burned , and attempted in a few days to get over their forces ; but there being some troops of horse and dragoons , and about two regiments of foot attending their motion , along the river-side , could not easily make their way , sir arthur rawdon taking such great care to prevent them : however , this matter was not long in dispute ; for col. nugent ( son to the earl of west-meath ) with about sixty granadeers , on the 10th of april , before day , came over a little above the bridge of portglanone in a boat , and marched his men so close , and firing in such good order , that he soon gained the trench , where about forty of the protestants were , who deserted the same for want of ammunition ( as it was reported , ) and then the rest of the foot fled ; arthur rawdon , capt. james magill , capt. dunbar , and capt. henly stood , and charged nugent and his sixty men , ( although their men left them ; ) and disputed the matter for a short time , where capt. magill was slain , and capt. henly desperately wounded ; and then sir arthur , after a close engagement with nugent , the bullets flying thick about him , was forced to retreat as gallantly as col. nugent's attempt was great . the business being over , on viewing the body of capt. henly , being strangely mangled , col. nugent observed him to move ; and asking whether he was not dead , capt. henly said , he was not ; and therefore desired honourable quarters , which was given ; and he sent to the hospital near colrain , and well recovered of his wounds , by the particular directions of col. nugent ; and the lord of duntreath , either out of fear or vexation , that the army was broken , died at kilmore . this news of the enemies passing the river , coming to col. lundy , the governor of london-derry , he forthwith ordered all the forces at and about colrain , to march into the laggan , and to quit the garrison of colrain , although it might have been kept for a considerable time ; but his orders were observed , and all the forces marched to london-derry ( burning and destroying all the country between colrain and derry , before them ; where col. lundy assured the army that they should fight the enemy very soon ; and to that end a proclamation was set forth , which very much encouraged both officers and soldiers . within some few days the enemy began to appear on the other side of the river of derry , which was not much regarded , or taken notice of ; but within two days the whole army was observed to march towards strabawne , of which col. lundy had a full account , and was advised , that the enemy could not stay in that country , which was ruined before by the protestant army , and therefore must of necessity press and force their way into the laggan , being a plentiful countrey ; wherefore col. lundy was desired to march even with the enemy on the one side of the river , that they may be at the passes as soon or sooner than the enemy ; and if lifford , claydy and fin-waters were secured , there was no danger of the enemy getting into that good country , where the whole army may be maintain'd till relief came out of england ; but these reasons made no sound in his ears , or at least seemed little to regard them , and suffered the enemy to have a days march before him ; so that when he had ordered some few regiments of foot to secure these passes , the enemies whole body were drawn up near these places , and broke in at claydy-ford , ( whether upon a sign from col. lundy or not , i cannot positively say , ) and then col. lundy fled , crying out , you are all cut off , shift for your selves ; suffering about two hundred of the protestants to be cut off , he making his way to london-derry , and indeed the whole regiment posted at lifford , had certainly been lost , had not some gentlemen of greater courage or more honesty , made a a halt with the horse , and brought up the foot , after the loss of 100 of them ; and then according to col. lundy's directions , all the army marched with what haste they could to derry ; but when they came there , the gates were shut , and about 8000 kept out of the walls , and dispersed about the country ; so that if the enemy had pursued , all these poor souls might have been lost ; but as it was , many of them were lost , for they made down to evishein , where several of them were killed , as well by the rabble of the country , as the army , besides getting a great many good arms. when the enemies horse and foot , that were drawn up at claydy , observed the protestants to run , the horse eagerly pressed over , by swimming the river , dragging the foot by tail and mane after them , very few being lost , save only major robert nangle , and two troopers drowned . the next day ( and as all looked upon as a great providence ) col. cunningham and col. richards appeared in loghfoyle , about four miles from the town , with nine sail and a man of war , which brought over two regiments for the relief of derry : this indeed comforted the people ; but alas ! it was to little purpose ; for as soon as col. cunningham and richards came up to the town , col. lundy assured them there was not ten days provision in the garrison ; and thereupon a council of war was called , and 't was concluded , that the town was not tenable , for want of provisions : upon which , cunningham and richards immediately returned to their men on board , and waited two days to bring off col. lundy , leaving the town to make conditions for themselves , having before brought off most of the considerable men of the army , who , neither through fear , or disaffection to the cause they had espoused , left the place , but meerly cheated and deluded by this blind council of war. this sudden resolution of the relief going back , amazed the town , and especially those who knew nothing of the design , and the town being in a good condition , both as to provision and a considerable army both of horse and foot in it , sent three several messengers to col. cunningham and richards , that if they would accept of the garrison , and secure it for their present majesties , what horse and foot were in town , would take the field , and leave the town to themselves , ( for in that time they were in a condition to do it , but they returned no answer , nor did the messengers return ever since , while col. cunningham and richards were in the logh , the late king james marched all his forces within a small way of london-derry , and thought to get the garrison without the least opposition ; but upon his approach , the townsmen gave him a warm salute with their great guns , and kill'd three of his horse with a cannon-ball ; which put a stop to his career . col. lundy observing how violent the men were , sent col. thomas whitney round the walls , to command the men not to fire any more ; which orders the said whitney delivered ; but had he not made soon off , he had certainly been thrown over the walls : col lundy finding how resolute the men were , resolved to let them take their own measures ; and within some few hours after , the earl of abbercorne was sent with a parly from the late king , for to surrender , permitting them their lives , estates , religion , and a free pardon for all offences past ; but all this would not work with the people , who utterly denied to surrender on any conditions . col. lundy , seeing this way would not do what he designed ( as the town had strong presumptions to believe , ) it seems the key of the ferry-gate was lost , and the gun before the gate uncharged , and the gunner not to be found ; this being discovered , the whole town was allarm'd , and every man repair'd to the wall , and col murray appointed governor that night , upon which , col. lundy secur'd himself in his house under a guard of his own red-coats , fearing the soldiers of the town would use violence against him . the next day , it appearing that col. lundy had absconded , the town unanimously chose mr. george walker clerk , and lieut. hen. baker , their governors , and col. murray the general in the field upon all sallies . this election mightily pleas'd the people , and were , notwithstanding col. cunningham and richards had left them , resolved to defend the place . now there was a hot discourse in the garrison , that king james was in person before the town , and that if they would not believe it , two gent. who knew him , might go out and see : whereupon , mr. arch-deacon hamilton , and capt. nevil were appointed ; who returned not again to the garrison . then another paper came , under the hand and seal of the late king , to desire the garrison to send out any number under twenty , to see him ; but answer was return'd , that whether he was there or not , the town should not be surrendred . when the late king found himself thus slighted by the town , he did then tamper with capt. robert galbreath , capt. william and benjamin adaire , for the surrender of the fort of kilmore , which indeed took effect ; but before this , col. lundy , one giluer brasier , and lieut. wildman , made their escapes in disguise , and went down to kilmore , with benjamin adaire , who came for powder to the town , and so got off to scotland . this news of the surrender of kilmore , was a second surprize to the town ; but all this would not perswade them to surrender , and by this time most of the horse in the town were forced to be turned out for want of forage , and only one hundred kept , being two troops , col. murray capt. of the one , and nathanael bull capt. of the other : and now the town being surrounded , they came to examine their provision and number of fighting men , and upon search , it plainly appear'd there was provision for 12000 men for ten or twelve weeks : whereupon the men were regimented , and brought to an allowance , and have ever since most gallantly defended the place , their sallies being frequent and brave . i will only say , that by the prudent government of these two gentlement , being encouraged by many in the garrison , the town has been preserved . in munster the lord inchequin commanded the protestants ; but being surprized by major general macarty , were all disarmed , and no farther harm done them . before i proceed any farther to give an account of the town of london-derry , and the situation of the place , i must give a relation how that honourable person , the lord kingston , with about 1000 horse and foot , were decoyed out of the two strong forts at sligoe , which might very well have held out as long as derry , and been a great relief to many of the protestants in connaught . col. lundy , governor of london-derry , writes to this honourable person , to march his men to joyn the protestants in the laggan ; upon this letter , the lord kingston accordingly marched his men as far as ballyshannan and donegall ; but when his lordship had come that length , he had advice , that there was no room for his men , or forage for his horse in london-derry , and therefore desired him to shift for himself , and that his men might take the late king james's protection . upon which , the lord kingston made for england , forcing a french vessel that lay near castledoe , and brought some of his men with him , and the rest got into iniskilling : this carries the face of contrivance , in regard his lordship was not able to make his way to london-derry , nor to return to sligoe , the enemy possessing themselves of those forts so soon as they were deserted . and now i must return to london-derry : as i have informed you how the late king james used all means to get that town , so there was one expedient more found out , ( which was thus ; ) a sham-letter was sent into the garrison , that the lord kingston's party had engaged some of the enemy at fin-water , and routed them , and therefore earnestly pressed the governor to send 500 foot , with twenty barrels of powder to meet him about raphoe , and that his lordship doubted not to repel the enemy ; but the governors very discreetly considering the unreasonableness of that letter , inasmuch as the greatest part of the irish army lay between the town and raphoe , looked upon it as a trick to get the powder and arms ; the truth of which was afterwards made very plain , in regard the lord kingston had not writ any such letter , nor was he near that place , or ever engaged any part of the irish army . the town , by this time , was very well allarm'd by the approach of the enemy , and having an account of a considerable quantity of salmon , about sixty tun , belonging to the lord massereen , in a ware-house near the town , made a shift to get it all , excepting forty barrels , which afterwards came to the hands of the enemy , and a great stack of hay , which stood within a quarter of a mile of the town , which might easily have been brought in , but was not . the enemy having now got the fort of kilmore by surrender , ( which lies on the mouth of the river ) wherein was 300 foot , belongnig to the town , and some powder and salmon , the soldiers made conditions to carry out their swords and baggage , ( leaving their fire-arms behind ; ) but these conditions were not performed , for most of them had their swords , hats , &c. taken from them in the garrisons of colrain , balymenagh and antrim , for want of guards to conduct them from garrison to garrison , as agreed upon ; upon which complaint being made to general hamilton , all the satisfaction he gave , was , that if the persons wronged could discover who plundered them , they should be punished ( if soldiers , ) but was not able to prevent the barbarous actions of the rabble . after the fort of kilmore was surrendred , the irish army were quartered from st. johnstons along the country , about eight miles in length , and brook-hall was ordered for the duke of berwick , mr. fitz-james , and general hamilton's quarters . they also placed about 100 men in the fort of kilmore , and about two batallions of foot at pennyburne-mill , lying a mile from the tomn ; so that most of their foot were near that place , and the greatest body of their horse , consisting of two regiments , belonging to the lord gallmoy and sir maurice eustace of castlemartin , and a regiment of dragoons , belonging to the lord duleeke , were quartered about st. johnstons and the carrigans ; all which did not amount to more than 7000 on derry side , and about 3000 attending a battery raised near strongs-mill , in view of the whole town , on the other side of the water ; in which battery were seven cannon , which play'd very warmly against the town , and especially against the walls , but did no great prejudice ; the governors ordering blinds to be built on the walls , to prevent the enemy's shot against the men who were posted on the works : the harm they did against the town , was very small , and only brake some slates and tiles on the tops of houses . the governors being apprehensive of some bombs to be thrown into the town , ordered a great part of the pavements to be pulled up , lest the fall of a bomb might do some injury by breaking of the streets , and casting the stones about ; and this was done by the advice of an experienced old soldier , and all the timber which was saved out of houses pull'd down without the gates , laid round on the walls to be flung over in case of a storm : besides this , there is a wind-mill within a small space of that garrison , in which was posted about 60 fire-locks , which indeed kept the enemy at some distance , and was of good use to the besieged . the enemy having thus encamped themselves , ( if i may call it so , ) the besieged began to make some sallies ; but little execution was done , ( for want of horse , ) having turned their whole body of horse , save 100 , out of the gates , for want of forage , until the 20th of april ; at which time our new general murray , had a very great desire to take a breathing to blood his soldiers ; the manner of it was pretty ingenious , ( if so designed , ) and therefore will ask leave to give some account of it , and of his behaviour in the enterprize . as i said on the 20th of april he ordered 500 fire-locks to march out by small numbers , as secretly as they could , and lodge themselves in the ditches between the town and pennyburn-mill ; this being done with great secrecy , he , and one captain nathaniel bull , marched out with two troops , and moved towards this mill , where two batallions of the enemies foot lay , who immediately received the allarm , and ordered a body of horse to advance and charge general murray ; but he finding them too many for him , made a halt , and ordered 500 fire-locks more to march out , who were drawn upon the top of the hill , in view of the enemy ; upon which the foot at pennyburn-mill , drew out in two bodies , and the besiegers horse advanced on the strand to charge colonel murray , but received some prejudice by the men lodged in the ditches , who flanked their horse ; and altho' several of them dropp'd , yet the rest made good the charge against the towns-men , who at the first fire ran in the rere , leaving the general , with captain bull , and some others , engaged ; but whether colonel murray , and these with him , knew that the party retreated , i cannot justly say , however he charged through the enemies horse , and forced his way back , without receiving any prejudice , only his horse shot in the counter ; and to give the party who engaged them their due , about 15 pursued , pistolling and slashing the protestant horse , within carbine-shot of the gates ; but some of them never returned to brag of their valour , being all slain but two by the men who had lined the ditches near the strand ; in this skirmish monsieur mamoe , the french general of horse , was killed ; major toafe , brother to the earl of carlingford , captain fitzger●●● captain bourke , and 9 officers more , with 60 private men ; and now the 500 fire-locks , posted on the top of the hill with the foot which lined the ditches , made their retreat towards the town , ( having an account of the lord gallmoy , and sir eustace's 2 regiments of horse , marching with all speed to get between them and home , ) and narrowly escaped , with the loss of 7 men , and a lieutenant ; and then the guns from the town forced the enemies horse to retreat . within three or four days after , there was another sally , wherein the duke of berwick received a slight wound on his back , monsieur puscinian , and the french general of foot killed , and monsieur pontee , the chief ingeneer , wounded in the head , the earl of abbercorn's horse killed under him , and he very narrowly escaping , leaving his scarlet cloak , saddle , &c. for a prey to the besieged ; some others were killed and wounded , but their names i cannot particularly mention ; but such was the execution done by the protestants , that by some few sallies many of the besieged were richly clothed in the late king jame's livery , which afforded great diversion to the governors to see their soldiers strut in scarlet laced with silver and gold , and others in buff , whose fortune afforded them no better . these sallies proving so successful , and the men seeing some action , occasioned the whole town to be greatly satisfied with their new governors , and general murray ; in so much that they often importuned their officers to go out ; and the great freedom and familiarity of the governors and officers , had so prevailing a power over the soldiers , that nothing was dearer than their commanders , and the defence of the town ; whereupon a firm resolution was set up to defend the place to the utmost extremity ; and therefore certain rules were agreed upon , ( by a general council of war , ) to be observed in the garison , of which i must beg leave to give the reader some short account . there being 12000 men in arms in the town , it was ordered , that two entire regiments should be on the guard each night . that each regiment had a post assigned on the walls , where they were to repair on all allarms without farther order , and there remain till drawn off . that every regiment should have their quarters assigned them to be together ; and all the drums of that regiment to be quartered in one house in case of allarms . that the adjutants of the whole g●rrison should be quartered together , that they may be found on all occasions ; and that the adjutant of each regiment should remain on the main guard till the regiment would be relieved from duty to which he belonged . that no tipling or drinking should be after eight of the clock at night , or candles lighted , which might direct the enemy to fire their cannon against the town in the night-time . that each private soldier should have a salmon and a half , two pounds of salt beef , and four quarts of oatmeal in the week , and the inn-keepers not to take more than a peny a quart for beer , in regard the soldiers receiv'd no pay. that the ammunition should be removed out of the grand store , and lodged in four several places , in case of accidental fire , or treachery ; so that all might not be lost at one time . that the keys of the gates should be lodged on the main-guard , and the same to be delivered to no person under the degree of a captain , there being two to attend at each gate every night . that all merchants goods belonging to the merchants who went away , should be brought into common stores , and inventories taken of them , to prevent soldiers from breaking shops and cellars . that no soldier should fire a shot in the garrison needlesly , to waste powder and ball , until there should be occasion . all which orders and rules were duly observed by the soldiers , as well for their own safety , as by the command of the governors . after the garrison was brought to this good order , and the hearts of the people a little at rest , ( after some suspected had left the town , ) they now unanimously resolve to stand to their work , and consider , that if they had surrendred , and taken protections to go to their own dwellings , all was gone from thence before they came , and then they would be exposed to the mercy of the rabble , who would not only plunder them of what they had , but might barbarously murther them ; and if they escaped murthering , must of necessity perish for want ; and therefore of the two chose rather to die on the walls , than run those hazards ; so that now all thoughts of surrendring was quite removed from them , and a siege began to grow something familiar . the governors finding the humor of the people , and that london-derry was likely to be some time besieged before relief was sent from england , considered what places about the town could annoy them most , and from what part of the town the guns could most conveniently prejudice the besiegers . the first thing they went upon , was the burning of all the houses clear round the town without the walls , and levelling their rubbish and ditches , so that the enemy might not sculk in them , and gall the men on the walls ; and also considering that the great quick-set hedge round alderman tompkins's orchard , and the orchard it self , might be prejudicial likewise to the walls , ordered the same to be razed . these things were no sooner thought of , and orders given , but the soldiers as readily and chearfully put them in execution , and in a very small time perfected this work to admiration . and as the wise governors and officers considered what might be disadvantageous to themselves , resolve upon something to be equally prejudicial to the enemy , and knowing there were some guns to spare , which were brought up from the fort of kilmore , ordered two of them to be mounted on the top of the steeple of the church , being a great heighth , commanding all places about the town within cannon-shot : this work was no sooner ordered , but in a manner finished , and indeed to the satisfaction of the whole garrison ; for those guns exceedingly gall'd the enemy in the battery on the other side of the water , insomuch that their battery was several times broken , and at length , when they discovered a gun to be fired from the steeple , the soldiers would either run out of the works in great disorder , or fall flat on their bellies to avoid the shot . now the town being a very strong place by its natural situation , built on the extream north-point of a long tract of ground environed on the east-side with the river about 300 yards broad , on the west with a bogg or marsh ground , and on the south is the way leading to it , which is but very narrow , and a sort of a fort cast up at the wind-mill , to secure that entrance : besides this , the town is oval in its form , and a regular fortification being built by the londoners in the time of queen elizabeth , or the beginning of the reign of king james the first , the outward wall being about 21 or 22 foot high , and of a great thickness , and the inward wall rising as high or near the heighth of a man of the outward wall , and between these two , earth filled up in the middle , whereon eight or ten men may walk in breast , so that no gun can batter it to make a breach to storm : there are four gates belonging to this town , viz. bishopsgate , ferry-key-gate , ship-key-gate , and butchers-gate ; they stand directly opposite to each other , there being a square in the centre of the town , in which square the market-house stands , and a large street answering every gate from this square ; at every gate there is a gun planted within twenty yards of the gate , and four guns planted at the market-house , one directly against each gate , to clear the streets : there are nine bastions about the town , and about three or four guns on each bastion ; besides this , there is a dry ditch round the town , over which there are two draw-bridges , one at bishopsgate , and the other at ferry-key-gate ; but in some places this ditch is filled up , not being kept clean for a long time : but to satisfie the reader 's curiosity of the place , i have here given a draught or map of the town . but to return to my former discourse , i must again proceed to give some account of the trouble the governors and the officers were under , fearing his present majesty would not send relief to them in the time they were really able to maintain that garrison ; for it was but reasonable to think his majesty would imagine the place was either lost , or not able to hold out long , in regard col. cunningham and richards had returned with the relief they brought thither : and now the fort of kilmore being surrendred , which commanded the river , and the irish army lying round the town on both sides of the river , a council of war was called , and a proposal made by the governors , that it was absolutely necessary to give the king an account of the state and condition of that garrison ; but there being no manner of way to effect this , but by sending some person who durst adventure to make his way through the irish camp , and take shipping at the next port he could compass ; which service was undertaken by one then present , and by a contrivance in making some of the townsmen , posted at the windmill , fire some loose shot after him in view of the enemies scouts , was received by them as a deserter , who afterwards , ( as i have been informed , ) made his way into scotland , and so to england , escaping several imminent dangers ; and after his departure from london-derry , the ensuing action happened in the county of downe . the irish army having run through all the north , and many of the protestants having taken protections from lieut. gen. hamilton , all the ards-isle of kele , and the lower part of the county of downe were forced to give a certain quantity of oatmeal , and other grain out of every parish , to be delivered at the garrisons of charlimont , or carrickfergus , before they could get protections , and upon delivering such meal , &c. they were not to be disturbed in their dwellings , and that those who did molest them , should be deem'd as common robbers . the poor protestants being filled with great hopes of peace , immediately sent in their composition-meal , &c. and indeed before the time limited , ( although some of them wanted to support their families , ) thinking to get the greater favour : but this agreement was not unlike the articles with the protestants at kilmore , ( which were broke as soon as the castle was surrendred ; ) for the lord evagh's regiment of mountaniers , newly rais'd in the upper part of the county of downe , ( of meer wild irish , ) came down and plundered all the ards and isle of kele , notwithstanding the conditions which were exactly performed by the protestants . at this time one hen. hunter , one of the seven captains disarm'd near antrim , ( as i mention'd before , ) being in the county of downe , when those outrages were committed by the lord evagh's ragged regiment , informed the people , that it was lawful to kill any person who should rob or plunder them after their conditions were fulfilled ; and having some acquaintance in that country , and troubled for being disarmed , prevailed upon the people to stand on their own defence against these common plunderers : this advice soon fastned upon the poor oppressed protestants , insomuch that in some few days capt. hunter got near 3000 horse and foot in a body , with what arms they had , and were fully resolved to defend that country until an army landed out of england ; and sir maxwel's house at killeleagh , was the chief garrison , where capt. hunter brought an old iron gun which lay some years at downe-patrick , and mounted it there . the news of this soon was with the late king james at dublin , and and thereupon the whole royal regiment , then before london-derry , part of the lord gallmoy's regiment of horse , sir eustace's regiment of horse , and the lord duleeke's regiment of dragoons , were ordered to march immediately from the camp against this hunter , and to joyn some foot quartered at antrim , carikfergus , belfast and lislegarvey , under the command of major general bouchar , and lieut. col. mark talbot ; this was so suddenly done , and all correspondence being stopt with col. hunter , about the 28th of april , the enemy surprized capt. hunter , falling in between his horse and foot , near comlir , putting them to the rout , killing about 300 , besides several wounded , and taken prisoners ; captain hunter himself making his escape in a small boat into the isle of man. in this business some of the enemy were slain , and especially cornet lock , who it's thought was killed by some of his own party , who had a design on his place , he being a protestant ; for he was shot in the back with a brace of bullets , which could not be done by the protestant party , in regard the cornet was in the centre , and the ranks never broke ; which fully demonstrates the good will of papists to protestants , although they fight under the same general , and the same cause . this rebellion of the protestants in the ards , ( as it was called ) gave a fair opportunity for the lord evagh's regiment , which indeed did not let it pass them ; for in a very short time most of the protestants thereabouts were plundered , and turned out of their own houses , and afterwards chased by the lord duleeke's dragoons to donaghadee , driving them into the sea ; but one agnew riding at anchor , and having four small guns on board , and observing how barbarously the irish were forcing the poor wretches into the sea , fired two guns at the enemy ; upon which they halted ; so that capt. agnew brought 68 on board , and landed them in scotland , without taking one penny fraight . the enemy having met with these repulses against the town and finding the place impregnable by storm , and believing the garrison wanted both commanders , provisions , and were scarce of fresh water , now resolved to block it up , and stop all manner of correspondence between the besiegers and england , by which means they hoped they would surrender , and the rather that they were discouraged by col. cunningham and richards going away , and afterwards by the loss of kilmore ; and therefore from the 25th of april , till the 11th or 12th of may , there was little or no action , except the townsmen now and then killing some of the enemy , who too eagerly came into alderman tompkins's orchard , and the meadows and parks about the town , to take away the horses before they had eaten the grass thereabouts : about this time the besieged made a sally , and defeated a small party of foot , and then forced into the town , and upon their retreat , they were protected by the guns of the town-walls ; in this sally some small booty was had , but not so much as generally reported . some few days before this , the enemy had a warm salute by a detached party out of the garrison , who beat off col. ramsey and his party , coming to secure the small rivulet near the town , thinking the besieged had their fresh water there ; in which sally some officers and soldiers fell of the enemies party . this , with the several other defeats , disheartned the irish army very much , who were indeed weary of that long fatigue of a siege , generally drinking water , and but very indifferent meat : whereupon it was resolved , that they should draw off some small distance from the town , ( and level all the ditches wherein the besiegers frequently gall'd them , ) until a supply of provisions came from dublin to the camp. about this time the men of iniskilling , having advice of some provisions going towards london-derry with a convoy , under the command of col. sarsfield , intercepted them , took all the provisions , and kill'd some of the convoy , the rest escaping narrowly . the town of london-derry being thus successful in all their enterprizes , now daily expect relief from england , and at length major general kirk , with about three regiments , appeared in logh-foile , with three and twenty sail , and three frigats ; some few days after capt. richards the engineer , had got off with his vessel , which ran on the sands for want of a skilful pilot ; he lost some men , and came for england , but major general kirk still remains in the logh , about a mile from kilmore , and four miles off the town , in view of the besiegers , to their great satisfaction , although he cannot get into the town , the river being boomb'd between the castle of kilmore and the garrison , and durst not land his men , they not being able to fight their way through the enemies camp , and therefore expect farther relief to be able to take the field . finis . advertisement . an exact and perfect list of their majesties royal fleet , now actually at sea , with the number of men and guns which every ship carries ; and also the names of all the commanders of the said fleet. printed for john amery at the peacock against st. dunstans-church in fleet-street ; and are to be sold by randal taylor , near stationers-hall , price 2 d. a letter from ireland to an honourable citizen of london communicated to the lord mayor. w. p. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a54172 of text r35089 in the english short title catalog (wing p132). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a54172 wing p132 estc r35089 14989046 ocm 14989046 103031 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54172) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103031) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1576:15) a letter from ireland to an honourable citizen of london communicated to the lord mayor. w. p. 1 broadside. s.n., [london : 1660] signed at end: your humble servant w.p. imprint suggested by nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng ireland -history -1649-1660. a54172 r35089 (wing p132). civilwar no a letter from ireland to an honourable citizen of london: communicated to the lord mayor. w. p 1660 557 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from ireland to an honourable citizen of london : communicated to the lord mayor . sir , yours i have received , and find that the condition of affaires in england is still dubious , and no judgement to be made whether party shall govern and prevail , we are here it seems in no such perplexities being not obliged by estates unduly purchased to continue their distractions any longer , which you may see in the ensuing relation . on tuesday being the 13. of this instant , about four of the clock in the evening , here was a very sad uproar , and the citizens very much afrighted with the comming into the city of several troops of horse with some companies of foot ; the horse men being ready drawn , both sword and pistol , all crying out for a free parliament , and a settlement of the old protestant religion , according unto the laws and establishment of several parliaments ; the foot likewise with lighted matches , all things being in a readiness ; the design was so laid by those men that were the principal heads , as to this enterprize ; namely , sir theophilus jones , col. werden , col. bridges , lieut. col. warren , major warren , with divers other inferiour officers ; that when they had notice from the castle by firing three guns , that then they should secure the commissioners , who sat in councel at the custom house , that being a certain token that the castle was then their own ; capt. joeir , capt. bond , with their companies , entred the castle by a soft knocking at the gates , one of their men the sentinel opening the dore , they presently thrust in , very suddenly surprised all within it , and turned capt. laurences company out , so that now they have the castle in possession : the names of those that are seised on and made their prisoners , are col . john jones and miles corbit , esq sir matthew tomlinson , col . richard laurence lieut. col . hen. johns , mr. standish , treasurer , and capt. tombs the store-keeper of the castle ; there came into the castle five hundred barrels of gunpowder but on monday : the officers and souldiers in this city are unanimously consenting to what hath been done ; and by the symptomes of joy are shewn in all parts of this city the citizens seem to be very well pleased , for there was bon-fires in all the streets , bells ringing ; and i verily believe there never was so sudden a surprizall since the creation : and in all this action there hath not been one man kill'd nor wounded , nor no injury proffered to any man . we expect much an account from london of the state of affairs there ; and we hope we have taken the readiest way towards a settlement , having no other intention then to be instrumentall to forward that long desired peace , which the lord of his mercy grant us , and prosper all the actions and councels conducing thereunto . no more at present from your humble servant w. p. a remonstrance of divers remarkeable passages concerning the church and kingdome of ireland, recommended by letters from the right honourable the lords justices, and counsell of ireland, and presented by henry jones doctor in divinity, and agent for the ministers of the gospel in that kingdom, to the honourable house of commons in england this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a87629 of text r202619 in the english short title catalog (thomason e141_30). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 208 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 45 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a87629 wing j943 thomason e141_30 estc r202619 99862846 99862846 115024 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a87629) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 115024) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 25:e141[30]) a remonstrance of divers remarkeable passages concerning the church and kingdome of ireland, recommended by letters from the right honourable the lords justices, and counsell of ireland, and presented by henry jones doctor in divinity, and agent for the ministers of the gospel in that kingdom, to the honourable house of commons in england jones, henry, 1605-1682. [8], 80 p. printed for godfrey emerson, and william bladen, and are to be sold at the signe of the swan in little-brittain, london : 1642. the first leaf bears the license to print (lacking on film). in this edition c4r ends "twentieth". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. a87629 r202619 (thomason e141_30). civilwar no a remonstrance of divers remarkeable passages concerning the church and kingdome of ireland,: recommended by letters from the right honoura jones, henry 1642 33875 47 0 0 0 0 0 14 c the rate of 14 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-05 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a remonstrance of divers remarkeable passages concerning the church and kingdome of ireland , recommended by letters from the right honourable the lords justices , and counsell of jreland , and presented by henry jones doctor in divinity , and agent for the ministers of the gospel in that kingdom , to the honourable house of commons in england : london , printed for godfrey emerson , and william bladen , and are to be sold at the signe of the swan in little-brittain . 1642 , to our very assured loving friend , master lenthall esquire , speaker of the honourable the commons house of parliament in the kingdom of england . there hath been presented unto us , a remonstrance of the deplorable estate of this church of ireland , and the lamentable condition of the clergy therein , occasioned by the present rebellion ; the remonstrants desiring our letters in the representing of the same to the honourable house of commons in england ; unto whose grave and wise consideration they do apply themselves . we shall not need to say much in a matter , so much speaking it self , and the experience we have of the true sence they have of this distracted state , gives us great assurance , that they will take to heart this our miserable church , and gods servants therein , reduced unto unexpressable extremities , both church and state being now involved in one common calamity . the bearer hereof , henry jones , doctor in divinity , is intrusted by the clergy to negotiate in their behalf , and we have intreated him to solicite the cause of the poor robbed english , expressed in our letters to you of the fourth of this moneth . we therefore do crave leave to recommend him in this imployment to that honourable house , he being a person who is able to say much in this businesse , having been some while a prisoner in the hands of the rebels , and observed much of their proceedings , and being intrusted with others , as a commissioner to take the examinations out of which the remonstrance now to be by him offered to that honourable house , is extracted . as for himself , he hath suffered much in his private fortunes by these troubles , and in respect of his abilities and learning , and painfulnesse in his ministry , he deserveth favour and encouragement ; besides we have found him very diligent , and forward in attending all occasions , for promoting the publike services here by timely and important intelligence given to us of occurences , during his imprisonment with the rebels ; and since especially in his information made to us of the approaches of the enemy to drogheda , when we could not conceive they would rise to that boldnesse , by which information ( amongst others ) we had the opportunity of sending thither the present garrison , without whom it might have been in danger of surprising ; and so we remain from his majesties castle of dublin the seventh day of march , 1641. your very assured loving friends w. parsons , jo. borlace , r. dillon , ad. loftus , j. temple , cha. coote , tho. ratherham , fran. willoughby , rob. meredith . to the honorable assembly of the knights , citizens , and burgesses in the commons house of parliament , in the kingdom of england . the undernamed in the behalf of themselves and their brethren , the poore dispoiled and distressed ministers of the gospel in ireland , with the widdowes and orphans of such , humbly represent their lamentable condition , shewing , that by the instigation of popih priests , friers , and jesuites , with other fire-brands and incendiaries of the state ; partly such of them as have been resident here in this kingdom of ireland before , partly flocking in from forraign parts , of late in multitudes more then ordinary ; and chiefly by such of them as resorted hither out of the kingdom of england : and out of that ancient and known hatred the church of rome heareth to the reformed religion ; as also by reason of the surfet of that freedome and indulgence , which through gods forbearance for our tryall , they of the popish faction have hitherto enjoyed in this kingdom : there hath been beyond all paralell of former ages , a most bloudy and antichristian combination and plot hatched , by well-nigh the whole romish sect , by way of combination from parts forraign , with those at home , against this our church and state ; thereby intending the utter extirpation of the reformed religion , and the professors of it : in the room thereof , setting up that idoll of the masse , with all the abominations of that whore of babylon : this also ayming at the pulling down and defacing the present state and government of this kingdom under his sacred majesty , theirs , and our undoubted soveraign ; and introducing another form of rule ordered and moderated by themselves , without dependance on his highnesse , or the kingdom of england , whence have proceeded such depredations of of the goods , and such cruelties exercised on the persons and lives of the loyall subject ; such wasting and defacing of all minuments of civility , with such prophanation of holy places , and religion , that by the most barbarous and heathenish nations , the like could not in any age be found to be perpetrated . all which doth daily appear unto us your suppliants appointed to enquire upon oath of the premisses , and other particulars depending thereupon , by vertue of a commission to us directed under the great seal of this kingdom of ireland , bearing date the three and twentieth day of december , in the seventeenth year of his majesties reign ; and by one other commission further enlarged concerning the premisses , dated the eighteenth of january , in the year aforesaid . copies whereof , together with the copies of such and so much of the depositions as answer to the particulars of this our remonstrance we have hereunto annexed ; that both the validity of our proceedings , and the truth of this our sayd remonstrance may the better appear . vpon view of all which , it doth very evidently appear , that in the present most dangerous designe against this kingdom , the popish faction therein hath been confederate with forraign states , if we may rely upon the report made therof by the conspirators themselves , and their adherents here , whereof the following examinations are full . it being confessed that they had their commission for what they did from beyond the seas . a that from spain they did expect an army before easter next , consisting , if of none others , yet of the irish regiments , and commanders serving in flanders , and else where , under that king ; together with a great quantity of powder , ammunition , and arms , for a great number of men to be raised in ireland . this kingdome ( as they make up their estimate ) being able to make up the body of an army of two hundred thousand , or more . b from france also they looke for ayd . c being in all this further encouraged by bulls from rome ; some of these rebels requiring to the popes use , and in his name , the yeelding up of such places of strength as they had beleaguered . d in all which respects , and in allusion to that league in france , they terming themselves the catholike army , e and the ground of their war the catholike cause . and to this purpose hath this present year , 1641. been among them proclaimed a year of jubilce , and pardons before hand granted , of all sins of what sort soever that shall be therein committed , tending to this great work . f excommunications also thundred against any that shall refuse to joyn therein . g it doth secondly appear , that they had their correspondents in england , for raising the like rebellion there ; this not being a report made to us from one part , but confirmed from all places of this kingdome , whence the passage hath not beene stopped by the present obstructions . h that thirdly , they reported themselves to have had the like partie in scotland ; that the scots joyned with them i and were their friends . k that the like troubles were to be raised in scotland . l that the scots were joyned with them in covenant , not to leave a drop of english bloud in england , as they the irish rebels would do the like in ireland . for which they pretended a writing signed with the hands of the prime nobility of scotland . m and that the tower of london , the castle of edenborough , and the castle of dublin , were to be surprised all upon one day . n as for that part of that cursed faction within this kingdom of ireland , the actors therein acknowledge it to be a plot of many years , some say two , o some eight , p some 14 or 17 years . q a plot wherein all the popish nobilitie and men of quality were interessed ; r and by sir phelim ô neale ; that arch-rebell , it is professed , that what he did , was by the consent of the parliament of ireland , s thereby intending the popish members therof . notwithstanding all which , that this appeareth to have been a long-laid conspiracie ; yet these traytors for giving some colour to their rebellion , pretend as if the occasion moving them thereunto were new , unexpected , and pressing , so that with the safety of their lives , and duty which they owed god and their country ; they could not do lesse then they have done : falsly pretending that there was a plot layd in this kingdome , grounded on a pretended act passed in the parliament of england , for the cutting off of all the nobilitie and others the papists in ireland , t and all this to be done in one day ; v and that to be on the 23 or 24th of november now last past ; for preventing whereof , they laid ( say they ) this their counterplot a full moneth before , viz. on the 23 of october . w for effecting which their wicked and devillish design , the sayd conspirators and traitors have entred into a most accursed covenant , and bound themselves by an oath of confederation , the same being subscribed by the hands of the chiefest rebels , and certaine men being appointed to administer the same to all such as shall either offer themselves , or be pressed to serve as souldiers in that cause ; others also being sent abroad , and in chief , the popish primate reily , x who hath compassed far and neer , to draw into this conspiracy such as had not before been there withall acquainted . as also to satisfie any scruples , if any were that did or might retard any from entring thereinto ; the popish clergie being observed for the most forward advisers and putters on of the people in this way . for whereas many of the rebels seemed no give eare to a proclamation of grace , dated the first of november 1641. they were forbidden by their priests , assuring them it would be their undoing . y hence it is that these rebels are so hardned in their course of wickednesse , that they professe against accepting of any quarter , and that they will not accept of any but a generall pardon . a others again disclaiming any pardon , casting out words to the dishonout of his sacred majesty , as if his royall word and seale were not to be relyed upon . b and yet for making the more plausible introduction into their said wicked rebellion ; the conspirators aforesaid , have traiterously , and impudently averred and proclaimed , that their authoritie therein is derived by commission from his highnesse . sometimes at distance , making offer to shew a large patent or commission with a broad scale , giving out that in that their power did appear . c others taking upon them to read ( some forged writing ) to that purpose . d all which they stick not publikely in market-places to proclaim ; e falsly also reporting , that his highnesse was among them in the north of ireland , riding up and down disguised , and with glasse eyes desiring not to be discovered . others againe pretending their commission to be from the queens highnesse , and professing themselves her souldiers , and that what they did , was under the hands of the best of the nobility of england ; which yet in favour of the english , they did not ( say they ) execute to the full . ( g ) all which they falsly reported , to the end , that thereby they might distract the mindes , and discourage the hearts of the true subject , and that therein they might gain more upon such as they desire to draw into their party ; or if any should for a time stand aloose as newters , to win a better opinion with them , then to be accounted traytors , or their enterprise a rebellion . whereas it is apparant , that allegiance or obedience to his majesty , is not the thing they ayme at , the contrary being plainly confessed and professed by themselves ; now that they are entred as far as they can into their diabolicall practise ; and that their confederates are for the most part declared and drawn unto an head . for some of them , to the making way for their trayterous intentions f have given out , that the king was dead , and that the young king was gone to masse : g that they would have the prince in ireland , whom they would make their vice-roy , tutoring him in the romish religion ; and that the king should live in scotland h : sometimes , that the duke of york should live with them . but others more fully unvizard themselves , professing , that they would have a king of their own , and him crowned within a fortnight i . that they had him already k : and that it was from their new king that they had their commission so much spoken of l : declaring also their new king according to their severall fancies ; some being for the earl of tyron m ; others for sir phelim ô neal n : if perhaps these two be not intended for one and the same , thus we finde the said sir phelim honoured with the style of , his majesty o : others yet being rather for the lord maguire p ; there being some that said they had a consecrated crown for the best deserver * . but of his sacred majesty , how contemptuously do they speak ? let your king ( say they ) fetch you out again q : these being their words to some of his majesties subjects , oppressed by them ; we care not for the king of england , say others r ; a third , that neither king nor queen shall govern ireland any longer , for they would govern it themselves s ; and that their religion should flourish in despight of king or state ( t ) . in all which , having broken thorow the due bounds of their allegiance , their vain and ambitious thoughts rove without knowing any limits . it will not now content them to settle anew , and mold again this kingdom to their own modell , by calling of parliaments , making laws , and appointing their own governours ( v ) . thus discourse they of the modestest sort : but they will , with the assistance of spain and france , set footing in england , and after that in scotland w ; where all things being setled to their desires , the whole forces of ireland , in way of retribution , and acknowledgement of gratitude , are intended for the king of spain , against the hollanders x . unto which their disloyalty to theirs and our most gracious soveraign , they have added expressions of unheard of hatred to his brittish subjects of this kingdom ; banishment or slavery are the greatest favours that would be afforded them ; but their generall profession is for a generall extirpation , even to the last and least drop of english blood y : which , that it may be drayned to the full , such of the english as cannot prescribe a settlement in this kingdom for two hundred yeers , are to be cut off , and that notwithstanding they be of the romish sect : it being to that end provided , that such as do revolt to their part , should , for the present , be accepted of ; yet so disposed , as being drawn into the list of their army , they should be set upon the most dangerous enterprises , so either to be made away , or to serve their own turns of them : and what the sword cannot , for the present , effect , an inquisition , like that in spain , for finding out the jewish and moorish blood , shall in time thorowly accomplish z . as for the future , their covenant is , that no english should ever set footing again in ireland a ; even the very language must be forgotten , none being to speak english , under a penalty b . but that which exceeds all , not an english beast , or any of that breed must be left in the kingdom c . and as we finde the hearts of these men in their tongues , so in their actions , doing what they professe ; and being in both beyond all measure profane and heathenish in their impious words and behaviours towards god , and the holy scriptures , religion , and the places of gods publike worship . blaspheming our god , bidding his servants , whom they had first t v stripped naked , to go to their god , and let him give them clothes d . breaking into churches , burning pulpits , pues , and all belonging thereunto , with extreme violence , and expression of hatred to our religion , and triumphing also in their impiety e . professing , that not one protestant should be left in the kingdome f : dragging some professors thorow the streets by the hair of the head , into the church ; where stripping , whipping , and cruelly using them , they added these taunting words ; if you come tomorrow , you shall hear the like sermon g . how have our sacred books of holy scriptures been used ? gods book hath been , o horrible ! cast into , and tumbled in the kennell ; thence taken up , and dashed in the faces of some professors , with these words , i know you love a good lesson , this is an excellent one ; come to morrow , you shall have as good h . they have torn it in pieces i , kicked it up and down k , treading it under foot , with leaping thereon , they causing a bag-pipe to play the while l ; laying also the leaves in the kennell , leaping and trampling thereupon , saying , a plague on it , this book hath bred alltne quarrell , hoping within three weeks all the bibles in ireland should be so used , or worse , and that none should be left in the kingdom m : and while two bibles were in burning , saying that it was hell-fire that was burning n ; wishing they had all the bibles of christendome , that they might use them so . but what pen can set forth , what tongue expresse , whose eye can reade , ear hear , or heart , without melting , consider the cruelties , more than barbarous , dayly exercised upon us by those inhumane , blood-sucking tygers ! stripping quite naked men , women , and children , even children , sucking upon the brest o , whereby multitudes of all sorts in the extremitie of that cold season of frost and snow have perished . women being dragged up and down naked , p women in child bed thence drawn out , and cast into prison . q one delivered of a childe while she was hanging . r one ripped up , and two children taken away , and all cast unto , and eaten by swine . s one other stabbed in the breast her childe sucking . t an infant cruelly murthered , whom they found sucking his dead mother slain by them the day before . v a childe of 14 years of age taken from his mother , in her sight cast into a bog-pit , and held under water while he was drown'd . ( w ) the forcing 40 or 50 protestants to renounce their profession , and then cutting all their throats . * what should we speak of their murthers , x their hanging , half-hanging , and that oft times reiterated ; they delighting in the tortures of the miserable . z hence some being left wounded , in vain crying out that they might be dispatched . a this being purposely done , that these wretches might languish in their miserie ; their tormentors affirming that their priests commanded them so to do . b what should we speake of those 30 or 40 burnt in one house , and 50 in another . c the denying of buriall to the dead , d whereby christians have been eaten by dogs , and dogs tearing children out of the wombe ; the bloudy beholders relating such things with boasting and great rejoycing : e and to make perfect the measure of their cruelty , two were said to be buried alive , f and others that had been long buried , digged up ; they saying that the churches could not be consecrated , while hereticks bodies or bones lay therein . g the cruell usage of those 48 poore prisoners in the gaole of monaghan . h of those in the county of armagh , after drowned in the river of the ban , to the number of 80 , i or 100. k or 196 , l as it is diversly reported , those 45 drowned together . m and those 179 burnt in one house . x all these we refer to the reading of the severall depositions concerning them hereunto annexed . but how can that be forgotten , or where shall it be beleeved , which we hear to have been done in the church of newtown in the county of fermanagh ; where a childe of thomas strettons was boyled alive in a caldron : a thing which as one bare reports we durst not , so neither can we now with confidence enough present it to that your honourable assembly , nor can we averre it for true , otherwise then as by concurring examinations we finde them solemnly deposed , whereunto we desire to be referred . n to which may well be added , the forcing of one duke wade to drinke unto drunkennesse , and then hanging him therein , to take a full revenge both on body and soul . ( p ) of which their aforesaid many and barbarous cruelties , each day doth afford us variety of new instances . this city of dublin being the common receptacle for these miserable sufferers . here are many thousands of poore people , sometimes of good respects and estates , now in want and sicknesse , whereof many daily dye , notwithstanding the great care of those tender hearted christians ( whom god blesse ) without whom all of them had before now perished . in all which , as our sufferings are generall , the hatred of the enemy being expressed to the whole nation , and to all the professors of the truth . so in chief and above all others o do we finde it with the deadliest venome spit against the persons of us the ministers of the gospel , towards whom their rage is without bounds . of this we see enough in the miserable condition of mr george cottingham , a batchelor in divinity , and a painfull labourer in the lords vineyard . p the like we see in the cruell murther of mr blyth , slain with sir pheliom ô neals safe conduct in his hands , q it being lift up by him unto heaven , as a witnesse of his treachery . q the same we finde in the murther of mr thomas grafford , and mr william fullerton . r lastly , that among a multitude , we may content our selves with a few ; we see it in the cruelty exercised upon mr sharpe the minister of kells . s of all which , the following examinations shall speak morefully . such of us as have best escaped the hands of these tyrants have been turned out of all . we , with such other of our brethren , ours and their wives and children coming on foot hither , through waies tedious and full of perill , being every minute assaulted , the end of one but leading to the next danger , one quite stripping off , what others had in pity left . so that in nakednesse we have recovered this our city of refuge , where we live in all extremity of want , not having wherewithall to subsist , or to put bread in our mouthes . of those of our brethren who have perished on the way hither , some of their wives and children do yet remain . the children also of some of them , wholly deprived of their parents , and left for desserted orphans . all of us being exposed to apparent ruine , if not speedily relieved . this our most miserable condition therefore , and of our brethren , and of this our whole distressed church of ireland , we do in most humble manner remonstrate and lay downe at the feet of that your pious , charitable , and honorable assembly . praying , that we and all of us your suppliants , together with our brethren , may finde a place among others in your tender considerations , and never exhausted bounty . so , and in such manner as to your wisedomes shall be esteemed most fitting . humbly desiring that we who have borne the burthen and heate of the day , may not be cast off , not having what to eate , or what to put on . that the ministry may not in our wants be rendred despicable to our own , as it hath suffered despight from our adversaries . and that the rather we may finde this admittance into your charity , in that our sufferings are professed by our enemies to proceed ( which we glory in ) from that your zeal for the church of god . god almighty blesse and further those your honorable and pious desires and designs , and restrai●the fury of our adversaries , for which we desire the prayers of our brethren . and he grant , that of his goodnesse all of them may be long preserved from knowing what we suffer , otherwise then by a brotherly and compassionate fellow feeling . which are the daily prayers of your honors servants and votaries , henry iones . roger puttocke . iohn watson . iohn sterne . henry brereton . randall adams . william hitchcoke . william aldrich . the severall commissions whereupon the following examinations are grounded ; out of which the foregoing remonstrance hath been extracted . charles by the grace of god , king of england , scotland , france , and ireland , defendes of the faith , &c. to our welbeloved henry jones , dean of kilmore , roger puttock , william hitchcock , randall adams , john sterne , william aldrich , henry brereton , and john watson clerks , greeting . whereas divers wicked and disloyall people have lately risen in arms in severall parts of this kingdome , and have robbed and spoiled many of our good subjects , brittish , and protestants , who have been seperated from their setled habitations , and scattered in most lamentable manner . and forasmuch as it is needfull to take due examination concerning the same . know ye , that we reposing especiall trust and confidence in your care , diligence , and provident circumspection , have nominated and appointed you to be our commissioners ; and do hereby give unto you , or any two or more of you , full power and authoritie from time to time to call before you , and examine upon oath on the holy evangelists ( which hereby we authorize you , or any two or more of you , to administer ) as well all such persons as have been so robbed and spoiled , as all the witnesses that can give testimony therein , what robberies and spoiles have beene committed on them , or any other to their knowledge , since the two and twentieth of october last , or shall hereafter be committed on them , or any of them , what the particulars were , or are , whereof they were or shall be so robbed or spoiled ; to what valew , by whom , what their names are , and where they now , or last dwelt that committed those robberies , or what day or night the said robberies or spoiles committed , or to be committed , were done ; what traiterous or disloyall words , speeches , or actions were then , or at any other time uttered or committed by those robbers , or any of them , what violence or other lewd actions were then performed by the sayd robbers , or any of them , and how often : and all other circumstances touching or concerning the said particulars , and euery of them . and you our sayd commissioners are to reduce to writing , all the examinations , which you , or any two or more of you shall take as aforesaid : and the same to return unto our iustices , and councell of this our realm of ireland , under the hands and seales of you , or any two or more of you as aforesaid . witnesse our right trusty and wel-beloved councellors , sir william parsons knight and baronet , and sir john borlase knight , our iustices of our said realm of ireland . at dublin the three and twentieth day of december , in the seventeenth of our reigne . carleton . charles by the grace of god , king of england , scotland , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to our wel-beloved , henry jones dean of kilmore , roger puttock , william hitchcock , randall adams , john sterne ; william aldrich , henry brereton , and john watson clerks , greeting . whereas divers wicked and disloyall people , have lately risen in arms in severall parts in this kingdome , and have robbed and spoiled many of our good subjects , brittish , and protestants ; who have been seperated from their setled habitations , and scattered in most lamentable manner ; and many others have beene deprived of their lands , rents , goods , and chattles . and forasmuch as it is needfull to take due examination concerning the same . know ye , that we reposing especiall trust and confidence in your fidelities , care , and provident circumspection , have nominated and appointed you to be our commissioners ; and do hereby give unto you , or any two or more of you , full power and authority , from time to time , to call before you and examine upon oath ( which we hereby authorise you , or any two or more of you , to administer on the holy evangelists ) as well all such persons as have been so robbed and spoiled , or deprived of their lands , rents , goods , or chattles , as all the witnesses that can give testimony therein , what robberies and spoiles have been committed on them , or any other to their knowledge , since the two and twentieth of october last , or shall hereafter be committed on them , or any of them ; what lands , rents , goods , or chattles , whereof any person , or persons were or shall be so robbed , spoiled , or deprived ; to what valew , by whom such robberies or spoiles were committed , what their names are , and where they now , or last dwelt that committted those robberies , or spoiles , on what day or night the said robberies or spoiles committed , or to be committed were done ; what traiterous or disloyall words , speeches , or actions were then , or at any other time uttered or committed by those robbers , or any of them ; and what unfitting words or speeches concerning the present rebellion , or by occasion thereof were spoken at any time , by any person or persons whatsoever ; what violence or other lewd actions were then performed by the said robbers , or any of them , and how often , what numbers of persons have been murthered by the rebels , or perished afterwards in the way to dublin , or other places whither they fled or retired for refuge , either by way of defence , or otherwise . what person , or persons , clergimen , or other protestants have become papists since the said two and twentieth day fled or retired for refuge , either by way of defence , or otherwise . what person , or persons , clergimen , or other protestants have become papists since the said two and twentieth day of october last , and all other circumstances and things touching , or concerning the said particulars , and every of them , either before the three and twentieth of october , or since . and for the better performance of this service , all incumbents , curats , parish-clerks , and sextons of churches in this kingdome , are hereby required to give in to you our said commissioners , to the best of their knowledge , the names and numbers of the poore so spoyled , who have beene buried in their respective parishes , and hereafter in and about dublin , they are to give in weekly bills under the hands of the ministers , or church-wardens of such parishes , of such of the said persons as shall be so buried in the said parishes . and you our said commissioners , or any two or more of you , as aforesaid ; are to reduce to writing all the examinations which you , or any two or more of you shall take as aforesaid , and the same to return to our iustices , and councell of this our realm of ireland , under the hands and seals of you , or any two or more of you , as aforesaid . witnesse our right trusty and wel-beloved councellors , sir william parsons knight and baronet , and sir john borlase knight , our iustices of our realme of ireland . at dublin , the eighteenth day of january , in the seventeenth yeare of our reigne . carleton . examinations taken before us his majesties commissioners thereunto appointed , by vertue of a commission to us , or any two or more of us , directed under the great seal of ireland : dated the 23th day of december , in the 17th yeare of his majesties reigne . and by vertue of one other commission directed as aforesaid , bearing date the 18th day of january , in the yeare aforesaid . the examination of john day of drumleiff in the county of cavan , weaver . this examinate duely sworne deposeth inter alia , that the rebells bad him open the doors of his house , otherwise they would fire his house ; and they said that they had a commission from the queene , and from beyond the seas for what they did , and that they would not suffer an english-man to stay in the land . jur. 8. feb. 1641. john day . william aldrich . william hitchcock . the examination of lucy spell of drogheda in the county of lowth . this examinate duly sworn deposeth inter alia . that at ballendary where she was prisoner three weeks , and lodged in john parsimers house ; during which imprisonment , she saw one time john malon a fryar ; who taketh upon him the title of chaplain to the catholike army in ireland ; together with michael murffy , garret newgent of drogheda marchant , john griffin , and patrick griffin of the same , merchants , roger belin of the same , merchant , with others in their company ; and heard them in their conference say , we will shortly have the prince of england here in ireland , and make him vice-roy , and we will tutor him , and bring him up in the catholike religion , and the king himselfe shall live in scotland ; and before easter day next , we shall have an army out of spain , and then we will go all into england , and with the helpe of the catholikes there ( all whose names the said fryar said that he had ) . we will put all the puritans and protestants to the sword . the marke — of the said lucy . jur. 5. feb. 1641. william aldrich , william hitchcock , john sterne , henry brereton . the examination of john biggar of miltown in the county of dublin , clerke . this examinate being duely sworn deposeth inter alia , that these words were spoken by the rebells , especially by their leader . ( for the third of december ) edmond eustace of ballymore-eustace , that they did give us but our owne law . for whereas there was an act made by the councell of england , in the abs●nce , and without the consent or knowledge of the king , for the expelling , banishing , and putting away the papists out of england , and seizing of their goods ; which when they had there effected , would have brought the like over hither , for extirpation of the irish nation that are papists . these considerations for the defence of the religion , the queens person , and by the kings license , moved them to take arms , having the scots for a president ; they have also vowed not to leave an english-man in ireland . the kingdome they will have in their own hands , lawes of their own , and a deputy of their own , without molestation or interruption of any other nation . this night , at the widdowes house of one lawrence purcell , i met with one george staples , who for late years had taught the children of the chiefe of the gentry in our parts . having beene formerly acquainted with him , he began to examine me what course i intended to take , i told him i could not tell , untill i came to dublin , and therefore i desired to have his counsell and advise . he began after this manner . you intend to go to ublin saith he , if you do , you must go speedily ; for within two dayes the irish army will be before dublin , so that you cannot passe ; if you should get so much favour as to passe , yet when you come to dublin , you will not be admitted to come within the gates ; and in the suburbs there are sixe or seven score dying daily for want of food , so that there will be no abiding place for you , if you intend to go for england , the least childe you have will not be carried under twenty shillings , and you ( saith he ) have not one penny ; if you should finde so much friendship as to passe gratis , there are such a multitude of people that are gone out of this kingdom , that england being but a small island , and populous of it selfe , is not able to receive you ; if you should be received , there can be no long continuing place for you , for the papists are striving in england as well as here ; the queene being fled into france for some abuses offered her own person , her servants and chaplains , which indignities the king of france intending to revenge , hath leavied an army of 40000 men to invade england , and the cardinall in flanders hath leavied the like number , to the like end and purpose , therefore it will be no purpose to go thither . lord , mr staples ( said i ) what shall i do then ? if you stay here , you must do as they do , and turn to masse ; yet they will not trust you ( sayd he ) fearing least if the king of england should ever be able to bring an army into this country , the turn-coat english should joyne with them , and cut the irish throats in a night , as the english once did the danes in england . therefore whosoever of the english should turn to the romish church , they would also compell to take armes and place them in the front , and eminent place of danger , that so they might fall . and for hereafter , when they had gotten the kingdome into their own hands , which they make no question but to have in a short time ( having all the forts , castles , and strong-holds in ireland in their own hands already , but the castle of dublin , and drogheda ; and these two places they would not for many thousand pounds have gotten , for reasons known unto themselves ) but when they have once obtained them , and the kingdome ; those english that have not fallen by the sword , the holy church hath so ordered it , that they shall be cut off by the inquisition , so that they will not leave an english-man alive , whose ancestors hav● not been here for 200 years , with many other like words . jur. 29. jan. 1641. john biggar . john sterne , william aldrich , william hitchcock . the examination of john mountgomery , late of clounish in the county of monaghan , gent. this examinate duely sworn , e deposeth inter alia . that in their journey , and marching within the county of monaghan , the rebells murthered of his knowledge , at the least fourescore protestants , and committed a number of other wicked barbarous and notorious robberies and actions , and by their owne relation , robb'd , stripped naked , kill'd and drowned 45 of the scots at one time ; and that the same robbers also murthered mr blyth , and master mathew ( two constant protestant preachers within the county of tiron ) and murthered one master fullerton , parson of loughall in the county of armagh ; and neere fourescore more english more of protestants , by drowning , and throwing them all over the bridge of portdown in the said county , into the river bann . and further saith , that the rebells aforesaid , or some of them confessed unto him , and so he was told also by divers scottish-men , that they the same rebells when they came to armagh , monaghan , and dungannon , set all the prisoners at liberty , and that they broke open and defaced the church of armagh , and burned the pewes , pulpit , and the best things in the said church . and this deponent whilest he was with the same rebells , saw them to pull in peeces , kick up and down , deface and spoyl all the protestant bibles , and other protestant books that they found in any place where they came ; neither this deponent , nor any other protestant prisoner nor other , durst so much do as to save , or looke upon any of them in their sight ; nor would they willingly suffer any one to speak the english tongue . and further , it was pretended that it was agreed in the parliament house of england , thet the nobility and gentry of ireland , should be sent for to dublin , unde , colour of passing patents of their lands ; and there should be imprisoned , untill such time as they should either go to the protestant church , or should be put to death : and if they should go to the church , yet not to be released untill they had given security that their followers should go to the church also ; otherwise , to bring them in to be censured . and further saith , that when the rebells of the county of monaghan had surprized , or had command of all that county , some of them said that they would be governed by the roman law , and some by the english law , which they knew better . and said further , that when they had taken dublin and drogheda , derry and knockfergus , which they did not doubt but to conquer before candlemas then next , they would have a parliament , and would settle a government , but would have no protestants amongst them ; but that they would suffer english or scottish to be deputies , lords justices , or judges , so that one of the irish nation might be joyned with them , and so that all should go to masse . and the same rebells publikely and generally also said , that they made no account but to keep ireland for ever , in regard they had of their own souldiers two hundred thousand fighting men , besides labourers ; and they expected from the king of spain , according to his promise fifteen thousand souldiers , and arms and money fit for them : and from the king of france , some ayd , because the queen of england , his sister , was so deprived of liberty of religion . and the same rebells also further said , in this deponents hearing , that in all forraigne parts it was agreed and resolved that all protestants or others that would not go to masse , should be put to the sword . and this deponent further saith , that he did hear neale mac kenny , baron of trough , neer glaslock , a notorious captain of the rebells , say , that the king had sent directions from scotland , that sir pbelomy roe ô neale , knight , should be generall of all his majesties forces in ireland , against the english ; and that he the said neale mac kenny should be governour of the three counties of tyrone , armagh , and monaghan ; and that therefore he the said neale mac kenny , and the rest of the irish forces would , after their conquest of ireland , go into england , and there , by the assistance of the english papists , also conquer the same ; and that from thence they would go into scotland , and by the like assistance subdue that kingdom , and settle their religion in all places . and further saith , that he , this deponent was in the county of armagh credibly informed by some cots , and the same was confessed and confirmed to be true by some of the irish , that one ● mr keoon , neer cregance , in the said county , and his souldiers , did take a scottish-man , and a woman , and tortured them , by hanging them up in a rope to confesse their moneys ; but still before they were dead , let them down again . and saith further ; that o●e bryan mac erowny , a ring-leader of rebells in the county of fermanagh , and his souldiers , killed one ensigne lloyd , and robert workman , both of the same county , gentlemen , and four of their servants ; one of which they having wounded , but not to death , they buried quick . and this deponent was credibly informed , that the daughter in law of one ford , in the parish of clonnish , and county of monaghan , being delivered of a childe in the hills ; the rebells , who had formerly killed her husband and his father , killed her also , and two of her children , and suffered their dogs to eat up and devour her said new born childe , which they found with her in that place . and saith further , that cole , mac bryan , mac mabon the colonell and his souldiers did kill and murther at mellifant , at the lord moores house , 18 of the said lord moors servants , and would not suffer the greater part of them to be buried , but to lie upon the ground , and be devoured by dogs , crows , and revenous creatures . and this deponent had , and hath seen and observed the like to be done by the rebells since this rebellion began , within the county of monaghan , to divers other protestants that they had murthered . jur. 26 jan. 1641. john mountgomery . iohn sterne , william hitchcocke , roger puttocke , vvilliam aldrich , hen. brereton . the examination of patrick ô bryan , of the parish of galoon , in the county of fermanagh . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that donagh , mac guye , of the county aforesaid , said , that it was against his will that this was begun ; but seeing he had put to his hand , he would not give out ; for if i should come in , i should be used like tyron , who was persecuted , notwithstanding his many pardons . con oge mac con mac hugh , mac mabon , of aghneholagh , and county of monaghan , said , that the king knew of this rebellion , and that it was as hot in england and scotland as here , at the same time . and he further said , that all the nobles of this kingdom which were papists , had a hand in this plot , as well as my lord maguire , and hugh oge mac mahon , and that they expected ayd out of spain , by one owen roe ô neal , viz. 10000 men , and arms for as many . item , the said deponent further saith , that he heard colonell plunckett say ; that he knew of this plot eight yeers ago : but within these three yeers he hath been more fully acquainted with it : the cause of this deponents knowledge is , that he was sent with a letter unto the said colonell plunckett , from mr. nicholas vvilloughby , and heard the same from the said plunckett as aforesaid . patrick ô bryan . deposed before us , ion. 29. 1641. henry iones , iohn sierne . the deposition of henry jones , doctor in divinity , and dean of kilmore . i henry iones , doctor in divinity , in obedience to his majesties commission ; requiring an accompt of the losses of his loyall subjects , wherein they suffered by the present rebellion in ireland : requiring also a declaration of what trayterous words , projects , or actions were done , said , or plotted by the actors or abettors in that rebellion ; do make , and give in this following report of the premisses , to the best of my knowledge . as for the present rebellion , howsoever the first breaking out of this fire into a flame , began first on the 28 of octob. 1641 , yet was it smoking , as may well be conjectured for many yeers before ; god having given us many and apparant grounds for the discovery of it , had they been duely considered , or fully prosecuted to a discovery , of which kinde we finde these following four particulars : 1. the first , that about three or four yeers since , amongst many books brought into limrick from forraign parts and seized upon by the reverend bishop of that sea , as prohibited , being thereunto authoriz●d by the state , one had a written addition to the first part , which was printed , the manuscript containing a discourse of the friars of the augustine order , sometimes seated in the town of armagh , in vlster , but by reason of the times , and that present resident ( as that writing imported ) in the city of limrick in munster , that while it flourished at armagh , it was protected , and largely provided for by the then earl of tyrone : since whose expulsion out of ireland , that convent was also decayed , and driven to those distresses it did for the present undergo ; but that within three yeers ( this is , as i remember , the time limited ) ireland should finde , that he had a sonne inheriting his fathers vertues , who should restore that kingdom to its former liberty , and that convent to its first lustre , or words to that effect . this was related unto me by that zealous and learned prelate doctor vvebb , now bishop of limrick , who saw and read the said passage ; purposing as his lordship told me , to send that book to the lord president of munster , to be taken into further consideration . 2 hereunto was added a second passage , about the same time at limrick aforesaid ; where a popish priest gave out , that within three years there should not be a protestant in ireland , or words to that purpose , with some other materiall circumstances which i do not now remember ; yet all so concurring with the former , or the first with this ( for which preceded i know not , both being about one time ) that it was thought fitting to be considered of , the sayd priest being sent unto the lords at dublin , and he committed to the castle . 3 the third , did agree with the two former , and fell out about the same time in the county of vvestmeath , in the province of limster ; where vvalter newgent of rathaspeck in the said county , eldest son to vvalter newgent esquier ( a man of great fortunes ) upbraiding an irish protestant , who was the parish clerk of rathaspeck aforesaid , with his religion ; and both speaking latine , the said newgent uttered these words ; infratres annos venient tempus , & potentia in hibernia , quandò tu longè ( likely meaning diu . ) pendebis in cruce propter diabolicam vestram religionem . ( the party to which this was spoken feared the power of the man ) durst not speak of it , only in private . yet being called upon and examined juridically , upon oath he deposed these words . and being demanded whether the words were in hiberniam , or hibernia ; the first importing an invasion , the other , an insurrection at home : he deposed the latter , having time given him to consider of it . these examinates were sent to sir george radcliffe ; newgent was sent for , and committed to the castle of dublin , and remained in long durance , but after was dismissed . 4. hereunto was added a fourth , about the same time near the naas , about 12 miles from dublin , where a popish priest newly arrived out of flanders , did make his addresse to the then lord deputy , and informed his lordship of an intercourse of letters between the earl of tirone , with others in flanders , and the popish primate of armagh , rely ; concerning an invasion within a short time intended upon ireland ; the said priest offering ( so his person might be secured ) to direct such as should be thereunto appointed to the place , where the said letters were in the custodie of the said rely : rely was thereupon sent for , together with the popish vicar generall of armagh , as i remember it ; both were committed to the said castle of dublin , but soon after released , and the informer dismissed , with x. l. and a suit of clothes , or some such reward . 5. hereunto may this be further added another , not so plain as the former ; that about the same time the lord baron of dunsany did ride disguised throughout all the parts of mounster , pretending to satisfie his curiosity in the knowledge of places and persons : he not being discovered untill his return at the birr , where having offerd himself to be bound for one in his company , he writ himself in his own stile ; being loth to leave under his hand a testimony of his disguised person , and assumed name . hereunto may be added , a motion made by the recusant party in the parliament of ireland , for hindring the sending away of certain colonels with their forces raised in the kingdom , and pretended to be for service in foreign parts , many wondring it should proceed from them ; but therein , considering these their former practises , their intentions may be discovered to be far different from what others conceived thereof , who assented thereunto : the imploying of so many thousands abroad , being a great weakning of the forces they purposed for this their soon after following rebellion . to descend now from the antecedents of this treason , to the falling in thereupon ; and lastly , to the consequents , & what therby hath been intended , supposing it to succeed , and that it attained the desired effect , which by them was not doubted of . and first , for the entrance thereinto : howsoever that the ground-work were long since laid , yet would they not have it so to seeme : but new occasion must be found , as the sole cause of their breaking out , this being intended for the satisfying the mindes of such of their own , as have not hitherto bin acquainted with the depth & mystery of this iniquity , that they might not stand amazed at the suddennesse of the undertaking , or stand off from joyning with them , the worst part of their designes , it being an apparent rebellion . the fittest means for this , must have bin by casting aspersions on the present governmēt , which if long tolerated , would prove extremely dangerous , not onely to their religion , but their lives and posterity . for effecting hereof , reports were cast out , that in the parliament of england , the cutting off of all the papists in ireland , of what degree soever , was concluded upon , the execution of that resolution being committed to the counsell in ireland ; the lords ( said they ) had laid down a day for this work , being the 23 of nov. then next following , and now last past , or thereabouts . for the better , more secure , and more secret managing of this pretended plot , such of the popish nobility and gentry of both houses as appeared in parliament at dublin , should be secured . and for the drawing together of the rest , amongst other pretences , this alledged to be one , that his majesties rents were purposely omitted , and not called upon in easter-term with that earnestnesse as formerly ; and that such as made default should be summoned to appear in michaelmas-term at dublin , and there surprised ; such of them as were in the country , wanting the heads , being easily cut off . they say that this pretended plot , was i know not how discovered to them : so that for the safety of their lives , and profession , they were inforced to stand upon their guard , and to counter-work that day of the 23 of nov. laid for their destruction , by their declaring themselves in arms on the 23 of octob. a moneth before . the serious part of this discourse was related to me by a friar intimate in their counsel , and by a priest a popish vicar generall , therby to give me satisfaction , and to justifie their proceedings , whose names i do for the present forbear , in respect of his majesties service . by others also it was informed , that this plot was mainly intended in that session of parliament , next after the earl of straffords beheading , and the manner concluded upon in the popish private meetings , which were then observed to be frequent , and by some suspected might prove dangerous , and that for discovery of what provision of armes and amunition our store of dublin afforded ( it being by some suspected , that most was sent before to carrickfergus ) one of the popish faction , in the house of commons put one of the protestant members to move , that some of the earle of straffords men had cast out some threatning words against the parliament in revenge of his lord , which could not be conceived to end in lesse than a blowing up of the whole houses of parliament , the store lying under them : whereupon a committee of both houses , many of them prime papists , were appointed to make search in all the corners in the store : amongst these the lord mac guire was one who was observed , without occasion to be liberall in disposing of money to some of the officers of the store , in a way more than was ordinary with him . the last session of parliament being prorogued , and the time drawing nigh for putting their designe in execution , there was a great meeting appointed of the heads of the romish clergie , and other lay-men of their faction , said to bee at the abbey of mullifarvan , in the countie of westmeath , where is a convent of franciscans , thereof openly and peaceably possessed for many yeares last past : the day of their meeting being also on their saint francis day , about the beginning of october last , but the time and place i cannot confidently affirm , yet howsoever the severall opinions and discussions are as follow , like as i have received it from the said fryer , a franciscan , and present there being a guardian of that order , where among many other things there debated ; the question was what course should bee taken with the english , and all others that were found in the whole kingdom to be protestants . the councell was therein divided . 1. some were for their banishment , without attempting on their lives ; for this was given the instance of the king of spaines expelling out of granado , and other parts of his dominions , the moores to the number of many hundreth of thousands : all of them being dismissed with their lives , wives and children , with some part of their goods ( if not the most part ) that this his way of proceeding redounded much to the honour of spaine , whereas the slaughter of many innocents would have laid an everlasting blemish of cruelty on that state , that the like usage of the english their neighbours , and to whom many there present owed ( if no more ) yet their education ; would gaine much to the cause , both in england and other parts : that their goods and estates seized upon , would bee sufficient without medling with their persons , that if the contrary course were taken , and their blood spilt , beside the curse it would draw from heaven upon their cause : it might withall incense and provoke the neighbour kingdome of england , and that iustly taking a more severe revenge on them and theirs , even to extirpation if it had the upper hand . 2 on the otherside , was urged a contrary proceeding to the utter cutting off all the english protestants , where to the instance of the dismissed moores , it was answered , that that was the sole act of the king and queene of spaine , contrary to the advise of their councell , which howsoever it might gaine that prince a name of metcy , yet therein the event shewed him to be most unmercifull , not onely to his owne , but to all christendome beside . that this was evident in the great and excessive charge that spaine hath beene since that time put unto by these moores and their posterity to this day . all christendome also hath and doth still groane under the miseries it doth suffer by the piracies of algiers , sally , and the like dennes of theeves . that all this might have beene prevented in one houre by a generall massacre , applying that it was no lesse dangerous to expell the english : that these robbers and banished men might againe returne with swords in their hands , who by their hard usage in spoiling might bee exasperated , and by the hope of recovering their former estates , would bee incensed farre more than strangers that were sent against them . being neither in their persons injured , nor grieved in their estate , that therefore a generall massacre were the safest and readiest way from freeing the kingdome of any such feares . 3. in which diversity of opinions , howsoever the first prevailed with some , for which the franciscans ( saith this frier , one of their guardians ) did stand , yet others inclined to the second : some again leaning to a middle way , neither to dismisse nor kill . and according to this do we finde the event and course of their proceedings . in some places they are generally put to the sword , or to other miserable ends : some restrain their persons in durance , knowing it to be in their hands to dispatch them at their pleasures ; in the mean time , they being reserved either for profit by their ransome , or for exchange of prisoners , or gaining their own pardons by the lives of their prisoners , if time would serve , or by their death ( if the worst did happen ) to satisfie their fury . the third sort , at the first altogether dismissed their prisoners , but first having spoiled them of their goods , and after of their raiment , exposing the miserable wretches to cold and famine , whereby many have perished by deaths , worse then sword or halter . hitherto of their counsells , and the effects of them . now for their intentions , all being reduced , which god forbid , into their power ; and thereof do they as by some law , give such peremptory conclusions , that it may well be wondred the thoughts of men professing themselves wise , should be so vain : and herein i do still follow mine informer . first , their loyalty to his majestie shall be still reserved . thus say they of the modest sort : but both his revenues and government must be reduced to certain bounds : his rents none other then the ancient reservations before the plantation , and the customes so ordered , as to them shall be thought fitting . secondly , for the government , such as would be esteemed loyall , would have ▪ it committed to the hands of two lords iustices , one of the ancient irish race , the other of the ancient british inhabitants in the kingdom ; provided that they be of the romish profession . thirdly , that a parliament be forthwith called , consisting of whom they shall think fit to be admitted , wherein their own religious men shall be ass stants . fourthly , poinings act must be repealed , and ireland declared to be a kingdom independant on england , and without any reference unto it in any case what soever . fiftly , all acts prejudiciall to the romish religion , shal be abolished ; and it to be enacted , that there be none other profession in the kingdom but the romish . sixtly , that onely the ancient nobility of the kingdom shall stand , and of them , such as shall refuse to conform to the romish religion to be removed , and others put in their room ; howsoever the present earl of kildare must be put out , and another put in his place . seventhly , all plantation lands to be re-called , and the ancient prepriators to be re-invested in their former estates , with the limitations in their covenant expressed ; that they had not formerly sold their interests an valuable considerations . eightly , that the respective counties of the kingdom be subdivided , and certain bounds or baronies assigned to the chief septs and others of the nobility ; who are to be answerable for the government therof : and that a standing army may be still in being , the respective governours being to keep a certain nūber of men to be ready at all risings out ( as they term it : ) they also being to build and maintain certain fortresses in places most convenient within their precincts ! and that these governours be of absolute power , onely responsible to the parliament . lastly , for maintaining a correspondencie with other nations , and for securing the coasts . that also they may be rendred considerable unto others , a navie of a certain number of ships is to be maintained : that to this end five houses are to be appointed one in each province , accounting meth for one of them : that to these houses shall be allotted an annuall pension of certain thousands of pounds to be made up of part of the lands appropriate to abbeys : and a further contribution to be raised in the respective provinces to that end : that these houses are to be assigned to a certain order of knights , answerable to that of malta , who are to be sea-men : and to maintain this fleet , that all prizes are to be apportioned ; some part for a common bank , the rest to be divided ; to which purpose the felling of woods serviceable for this use , is to be forbidden : the house for this purpose to be assigned to the province of leinstor , is kilmainham , or rather howth , the lord of howith being otherwise to be accommodated , provided be joyn with them ; that place being esteemed most convenient , in respect of situation , which they have small grounds to hope for . for effecting of all which , they cast up the accounts of the forces of this kingdom , that it is able to make up readily , two hundreth thousand able men , wanting onely commanders , and some expert souldiers for the present with arms and ammunition : of all which , they expect a speedy supply out of flanders , their own regiments there exercised , being to be sent over , and some shipping from spain allotted for service : that this kingdom being setled , there are thirty thousand men to be sent into england , to joyn with the french and spanish forces , and the service in england performed , joyntly to fall upon scotland , for reducing both kingdoms to the obedience of the pope ; which being finished , they have ingaged themselves to the king of spain for assisting him against the hollanders . and for drawing their followers to some head , and for giving the fairer glosse to their foul rebellion , it is to be admired , what strange and unlikely rumours of their own devising they cast abroad ; sometimes that many sail of spaniards are landed now at one port , then at another : that drogheda was taken at such a day and hour , with all the circumstances at large , and letters to that purpose dated from drogheda by the rebels that besieged it : that dublin was taken : and being infinitely ambitious of gaining the earl of ormond to their part , for the greater countenance to their cause , giving out that he was their own ; which was so long beleeved by the said followers , until that noble earl giving daily those honorable testimonies to the contrary , and they finding it to their cost , though with the hazard of his own person , further then his place might well allow ; they are now otherwise satisfied , and place him in the rank of their mortall enemies , together with that terrour to them , sir charls coot , and others . and thus have i laid down all that i have heard to me related , omitting what i finde others more largely to insist upon . all which their treacherous , vain , and ayry projects god disappoint . as for my own private sufferings by the present rebellion , i refer them to another schedule , this being so far taken up . deposed before us , march 3. 1641. hen. jones . roger puttock . john sterne . iohn watson . william aldrich . william hitchcock . the examination of edmund welsh of moylerstown , in the kings county . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that piers fitz-gerald of ballisonan , in the said county , taking his peternell ready cocked , presented the same to this deponents brest , saying ( when this deponent offered to draw his sword ) that it was in vain for him to strive against so many , and so disarmed him , and took from him his sword and dagger , with eight guns , with certain powder and lead , alleadging , that there was an excommunion from the chief of their church , against any of his religion that would not do the like ; and if he had not done so , and that soon , some of his neighbours would have had his head ; and that they would never ask any quarter , nor accept of any pardon . and these trayterous words were then and there spoken , and these hostile and outragious acts committed as aforesaid : all which this deponent upon oath averreth . edmund welsh . iur. 22 ian. 1641. vvilliam aldrich , iohn sterne . the examination of john edgworth , esquire , high sheriff of the county of longford . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that he sending abroad to know what the meaning of this insurrection was , word was brought him by one thomas stafford , once a servant to this examinate , that he heard there was a commission come from his majesty to the irish , by which they had power to destroy the english in this kingdom , and in so doing , to revenge the wrong done to his majesty by the puritans of england , who had not onely taken away his prerogative , but had also deposed him , and put up the palsgrave in his stead : this examinate discoursing further with the said stafford , asked him if there were not a great meeting of friers and priests about the the third or fourth of october last , being saint francis day , at the monastery of multefarnam , in the county of vvestmeath : to which the said stafford answered , there was : and being further asked by this examinate what was the meeting for , he answered he did not know ; onely thus much , that some of the friers told him that this was a yeer of iubilee , and that there was a plenary indulgence or bull ( as he termed it ) from the pope , for all the sins committed , and all that should be committed this yeer of iubilee . iohn edgworth . deposed before us , febr. 23. 1641. hen. iones , vvilliam aldrich . the examination of john brooks of ballyheys , in the county of cavan , yeoman . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that by some of the rebells this deponent , and other english protestants were threatned to be presently murthered , unlesse they would presently be gone : and if they went to dublin , they should finde small relief there ; if for england , as little there ; for england was in the same case . and further said , that they had long paid rents to the english , but they would make them pay it back again : further alleadging , that what they did , they had authority for the same from the king , or words to that eff●ct . iohn c brooks his mark . jur. 5 ian. 1641. roger puttock , iohn vvatson . the examination of grace lovett , wife to fran. lovett of ballew-hillan , in the county of fermanagh . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that patrick mac collomac donnell , edmond mac donnell , and the rest of their company , the 25. day of october last , entred into severall parcells of land , and outed this deponent and her children ; as also took away the lease , writings , will , and escripts that this deponent had , that concerned the estate of the severall parcells of land . and further deposeth , that she heard one of the company of captain rory magwire ( who , as this deponent heard , was a friar ) say , that it was well that this deponent was come into their company to save her life ; for if she should go for dublin , it would be as bad ; and if she went for england , it would be worse ( for said he ) we have the kings broad seal for what we do : and for the reason of our rising , it is because the puritans preferred a petition against us , and could not let us enjoy our religion quietly , for we stand for our lives ; and if we should not have done this , we had all lost our lives upon one day , or words to that effect . and further this deponent saith , that she this deponent , her husband , and four children , were all stript naked by the said rebels , belonging to the said captain rory , the said 25. day of october last , at newtown alias castlecool . grace ● lovets mark . deposed before us , jan. 5. 1641. hen. jones , hen. brereton . the examination of elizabeth coats of drumully in the county of fermanagh widdow . this examinate duely sworne , deposeth , inter alia . that she heard some of the rebellious company , say , and ask the english protestants that were there robbed , what they intended to do , or whether to go , saving unto them : if they went for dublin , that was taken by the lord magwire upon saturday before , and there they should finde small relief , if for england , or scotland , it was as bad there , as here ; saying further , that what they did , they had the kings commission for it . elizabeth m coats her mark . deposed this fourth of ian. 1641. before us , randal adams , iohn watson . the examination of nicholas willoughby of the carrow in the county of fermanagh , esquire . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia . that con oge mac mabon said , that all the counties in ireland were in action , or rebellion , as well as monaghan and fermanagh , and that there was warre in england and scotland , between the papists and them . and moreover he said , that the irish were certainly enformed that there was a course to be suddainly taken with them , to make them go to church , or else to loose their lives , and that they had seen some writing , or letter to that effect ; and said that owen mac art ô neal was come out of spain , and landed about strangford , or that side , and that he had brought store of arms and men with him , and that there were many redshanks come over out of the highlands in scotland , to take their parts . nicholas willoughby . deposed before us , febr. 23. 1641. hen. jones , vvill . hitchcock . the examination of thomas crant of cavan in the county of cavan . this examinate duely sworne , deposeth inter alia . that the said donnagh mac gwire expressing , that he was not made privy to the generall cause , untill two or three dayes afore the day came , if he had been made of the councell , he would advise other wayes , then to take up arms ; but that now it was so , his hand was in , and that he would not take it cut , and that if the lord of eveskillin was ill used , we should be farre worse ; and that if he suffered , we should all be destroyed , not one should escape , and that for his part he would never lock for pardon , for that he knew well enough , that they could pick a fault in any pardon , after that he was come in , to destroy him , for that how many pardons soever the earl of tyren had , as yet they did him no good : therefore he would not trust to any , but would stand out to defend his country with his bloud , expressing that the scots were , and had been alwaies their friends , and that they had a covenant to shew , whereby it might appear the fair correspondency between them , the irish , and the scors in scotland ; which covenant imported , that the irish should never take part with the english against the scots ; and that the scots should never take part with the english against the irish ; and that it was so covenanted between many of the lords of scotland , and many of the lords , and their gentry of ireland ; and that hugh mac mahon had the covenant to shew ; saying , that he was more a papist then a protestant , and that the puritan parliament of england , was the cause of all this , that they had laid a plot , that at the next sessions of parliament , here in ireland , that the papists of the house should be all committed to the castle , or murdered , and the protestants were to murder all the papists throughout the kingdom , and that they having intelligence of that ; therefore they did begin first , and would now continue , and that all the whole kingdom did rise , as they did the self same day the 23. of october , and that all the papists in england did so that same day , rise in arms against the protestants ; and also that some papist earls and lords in scotland , did likewise so too ; so that there was warres in england and scotland , as there was here in ireland . divers women and children murdered , lying unburied till dogs spoiled their corps , women with childe murdered , and some dyed for cold , after being stript forth of their cloaths , lying unburied , that dogs gnawed their children forth of their wombs , which this examinate heard some of the vulgar people report with a cheerfulnesse . also there he heard reported by con oge mac con mac hugh mac mahon , patrick oge mac rosse magwyre , that upon christmas-day , they with a matter of a 1000. men , went down to eneskillin fiedge , and there they burnt the house of lisgoole , where into was come of men , women , and children , a matter of fifty souls of scots , who they burnt all in the house , except master iames dunbarre and his sister , whom they gave quarter to ; and took them forth of a window , and keepe them prisoners ; as also they had burnt a castle called tullin ; wherein was a matter of thirty or forty souls of scots , and that as yet they could not do any good on moone-castle , nor of eneskillin . a poor man was met withall , by a couple of irish women , who knockt him in the head , and killed him , the lord of dunsany sent for the women , examined the reason why they did so , they answered , that barnaby reyly was hanged at dublin , and they did it to revenge his death , the lord of dunsany committed them to prison , what since is done with them , this examinate knoweth not . at my being at racaine , i heard it credibly reported , that on the sunday before christmas-day , that after edmund mac mulmore ô rely had pillaged bishop bedle of kilmore , and sent him with his two sonnes to cloughwater castle to restraint ; that the romish bishop mac swine , came to the church of kilmore , and there did consecrate it anew , and set up an altar there , and so said masse , and there liveth in the bishops house . thom. crant . iur. 13. febr. 1641. roger puttock , vvill . aldrich . the examination of elizabeth parker late of battydust in the county of catherlagh , vviddow . this examinate duely sworne , deposeth inter alia . that when she and others were wishing themselves in england ? what should you do in england , for it was as bad as in ireland ; besides , the seas were very dangerous ; and comerfords wife further said , that the queens priest was hanged in england , which was the cause of the insurrection in this kingdom , or to that effect . iur. 13. ian. 1641. coram . elizabeth parker . roger puttock , iohn vvatson . the examination of ockar butts late of bollganreagh in the county of wexford , gentleman . this examinate duely sworne , deposeth inter alia . that one of the rebels of the said company , being ( as he said ) the leader or commander over them , spake these words , viz. that they had full power and commission from their generall , to execute such and the like exploits against the protestants ; and that we should have no longer respite to remain in this kingdom , then untill the next day following ; and that then all protestants should have generall warning to depart this kingdom upon pain of death . and they then made question , whether we should be permitted to land in any part of england , or no . and that such straight commission was granted , and sent over unto their generall by the queen , and some of the best nobility of england . and also that they did not neer execute towards us protestants , the tenure and rigour of their said commission ; protesting with great prophane oathes , that they shewed much favour unto us . oekar butts . iur. ian. 25. 1641. coram nobis , iohn vvatson , hen. brereton . the examination of edward denman of belturbut , in the county of cavan , merchant . this examinate du●ly sworn deposeth inter alia , that he asking john rely why they did not meddle with the scots , he said the scots did joyn with them . jurat . coram nobis . 27 jan. 1641. edward denman . iohn watson , randall adams . the examination of geo. fercher of toneheye , in the county of fermanagh , clerke . this deponent being duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that con oge mac mabon , of the county of monaghan , and barony of dartrie , did say , that what they did against the english , was done by commission from his majesty ; and that all the scottish nation was joyned with them in a covenant , for the extirpation of the english ; and to that effect he said he was able to let me see the earl of argile his hand , together with the hands of the greatest part of the prime nobility of scotland . deposed before us , ian. 4. 1641. hen. iones , randall adams . geo. fercher . the examination of elizabeth dickinson , neer clounish , in the county of fermanagh . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that some of rory magwire his company did , in the hearing of this deponent , say , that the scots were to leave never a drop of english blood in england , and that the irish had command to leave never a drop of english blood in ireland ; and that they were the queens souldiers . and further sayeth not . deposed before us , ian. 3. 1641. roger puttock , hen. brereton . eliz. dickinson . the examination of john shorter of callahill , in the county of fermanagh . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that they asked this deponent whither he would go ( to whom he answered , for england ) then said they , this day dublin castle is taken , the tower of london , and castle of edenborougb ; and you have but four and fourty hours to live , and then both english men and women , and children shall be slain . deposed before us , ian. 5. 1641. roger puttock , vvilliam aldrich . john sborter . the examination of thomas knowles of newtown , alias castle-cool , in the county of fermanagh , yeoman . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that hugh mac mabon , and one patrick magwire told this deponent , that they had commission from his majesty for what they did ; and that the same doings was done thorowout the whole kingdom at that time , their plot having been working for two yeers last past ; and that certainly god had a great hand in the same ; all places of the protestants abode being taken and yeelded , except three , viz. london-derry , eneskellin , and another town , this deponent now not remembring the name ; and that those towns could not long withstand their forces , because the lord magwire had taken dublin castle ( as they said ) the saturday before , otherwise if it had not been taken , and that their plot had been discovered , the said lord magwire had been with them again upon saturday aforesaid . deposed before us , ian. 3. 1641. hen. iones , roger puttock . tbo. knowles . the examination of john kerdiff , rector of the parish of diserte reagh , in the barony of dungannon , and county of tyrone . this examinate duely sworn , inter alia , deposeth , and saith , that the trayterous actions committed , and words spoken by the rebells against the protestants , were as followeth : october the 23 , and 24 , they surprised these forts , viz. dungannon , charlemont , castle caufield , mountjoy , munnymore , castle blaney , monagban , newry ; in a word , all the chiefe forts in the counties of armagh and tyrone● , and ransackt every town and house which belonged either to english-man or scottish . they murthered the very first day mr mader , minister of the parish of donoghmore , by some of the donellies : within a while after , they murthered mr. new , curate to mr. bradley , of the church of ardtra , by one of the the minister of dungannon ( mr. blyth ) with eight more , were murthered , being first stript , and after driven out of the town , under colour of conduct ; and within half a mile to the town murthered mr. blyth , holding sir phelomies protection in his hand , as if he would call gods vengeance down on such treacherous truce-breakers . it was also related to me , that mr. fullerton , minister of loughgale , and master morgan aubery were kild at the bridge of port of downe , at which time about eighty or an hundred of the inhabitants of loughgale were cast into the river and there drowned . many more murthers were committed on the english and scotch . robberies . master bradley was robbed to the value of one thousand pounds , and whilest he was robbing , sir phelim ô neal and his company passed by , and soone after he was turned out naked out of his house ; the rebels neither leaving dublet , coate , hat , nor shirt , with him . his wife is falne into an extream frenzey by these outrages . master dunbarre minister of donoghemie , with his wife , and five or six small children , with an old father and mother , were all of them stript and robbed of whatsoever goods , or wearing cloaths they had ; so that for a while the man was distracted , and after compelled to tye some straw about his thighs , to cover his nakednesse , and was whipt as i was certainly informed , and what is become of him , his wife , or children , no man in the county could tell me , though i lived within three miles of him . master vvright , archdeacon of dromore , had his house which cost him much , burnt ; i saw himself , his wife , and two children , in extream misery at charlemont , from whence they journied to kinard . master robinson , minister of kinard , and his wife , lived miserably at loughgale , having nothing left to satisfie nature , but what they could procure by others distressed like . master hasting , minister of tullaniskin , was turned out of his lodging , and stript starke naked , and clad in beggars cloaths , no a shoe to his foot , in which state he came to the house , wherein i was lodged , where the people of the house durst not give him lodging , fearing least he should be murthered ; for twice the next day , there was search made for him . sir vvilliam brumley had his town and castle burned , and all his goods taken away . what shall i say more , all the english and scotch in the counties of armagh and tyrone ( a few onely excepted ) were not left worth a farthing . at armagh archdeacon maxwell related , that about fourty men , women , and children were drowned at cor bridge , neer glaslough ; the children going merrily hand in hand , as to a place of refuge ; and one of their company having license to pray , prayed so effectually , that one of his executioners went frantick with the conceit of his impious fact . the words which i took notice of , were these : sir phelim ô neal told , in my hearing , that he had commission for what he did , not only from most of the chief of the nobility of this kingdom , but from his majesty ; and had also letters to that purpose from the earl of argile . and that their intentions were onely for the liberty of their religion , and for the recovery of their lands , which should appear by the law of the land to be unjustly held from them . colonell plunket told us at armagh , that seeing this exploit was begun , he was one of the chief plotters thereof , and was seven yeers emplyed in the compassing of it . frier malone of skerries did take the poor mens bibles , which he found in the boat , and cut them in pieces , and cast them into the fire , with these words , that he would deal in like manner with all protestant and puritan bibles . at master connors house ( where the frier was ) they had hanmors chronicle , out of which they animated the rebells with the story of the danes discomfiture by the irish , though for the most part unarmed , and paralelled the history with these times . this frier acknowledged that he was fourteen yeers employed to bring this designe to passe . at donga●non they reported of a vision seen a little before this insurrection began , a woman compassing about the town with a spear in her hand ; when any would approach her , she would seem to go from them ; when any would go from her , she would draw neer unto them : the like , they say , appeared before tyrones former rebellion . at armagh , colonell pluncket told us of another vision seen at lisneigarvey , which he and about twenty more beheld , after the battle ( wherein the irish lost very many of their men , and most of their arms ) there was an house set on fire at the end of the town ; by the light of which fire , they discerned a number of horse-men riding to and fro ; the number seemed to the colonell , to be about a thousand , or fifteen hundred : upon which relation , i was bold to enquire whether they seemed their own , or their enemies : he answered , that sometime they conceived them their own , other while their enemies . yet i believed they could hardly seem their own , because amongst them they had not neer so many horses . i further desired to know what they supposed them to be : he said , they were conceived to be fayries , or such like . at ardtra we were set upon by some of the scots ( of whom robert stewart , brother to the lord of castle-stewart was chief ▪ ) who took some of the goods out of the house , and many of our horses and arms from us . jurat . ult. feb. 1641. john kerdiff . william aldrich , john sterne . the examination of edward how , of the parish of galoon , in the county of fermanagh , clerke . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that he heard donagh mac quire say ( when hugh mac mahon , of the county of fermanagh excused my lord magwire , and said , that others had perswaded him of late to stirre in this action ) that my lord magwire knew of it long before , and all the nobility and men of quality that were papists in this kingdom : moreover i heard conoge mac con mac hugh mac mahon , of aghnebolah , and county of monaghan say , that if my lord lievtenant had not been put to death , they had not made this insurrection . further i heard him say , that there was an act made by the present parliament of england , that all papists there , or else-where in this kingdom , should go to church , otherwise be hanged at their own doors , and therefore they would begin with us , lest we should begin with them here , as they did in england ; for he said they had hanged a jesuite in london , which was the queens chaplain . and further this deponent cannot say . deposed before us , ian. 29. 1641. edw. how . hen iones , iohn sterne . the examination of george cook , late of lissnegney , in the county of cavan , yeoman : and of john cook his son . the deponent being duly sworn , inter alia , deposeth and further saith , that as he and his wife and children fled away towards dublin , they met at kells with a protestant minister , by name master sharpe , who had three children , and carryed two of them on his back ; whom the rebells perceiving to be a protestant minister , did most barbarously hack , cut in pieces , and murther , thrusting into his body three or four pikes together , and threw him into a ditch of water , where they left him : but because the deponent fled to save his life , he cannot tell what became of the said ministers poor children . and the depoponent john cook further saith , that the same night one tirlogh brady took away the deponents fathers goods : he the said tirlogh told the deponent , that that action was a great rebellion , and that all the papists in ireland were in rebellion against the king and counsell , and that the lord mac guire had then taken the castle of dublin ; and that the protestants must be banished out of the kingdom , and the papists would have the same themselves . and about the same time one tirlogh ô gowen alias smith , a popish priest , demanded the key of the church of lara of this deponents brother : which being delivered unto him , he the said tirlogh said , that the papists would have their churches lands and kingdom from the english , and be no more slaves to the english as they had been , or else they would lose their lives . jur. jan. 22. 1641. george cooke . hen. brereton . vvilliam aldrich . john cooke . the examination of john jesop of cloynmoore in the county of kildare . this examinate duely sworne , desposeth inter alia . that he hath credibly heard , that all the papists in the county of wexford , and kilkenney , and in all the counties of ireland , are actors , abettors , or at least secret well-wishers unto this rebellion . iohn iesop . iur. 8. ian. 1641. coram nobis . hen. brereton , w●ll . hitchcock . the examination of john greg of levileglish in the county of armagh yeoman . this examinate duely sworne , deposeth inter alia . that his wife and five small children are in the rebels hands , who were most cruelly stripped before he left them , even to the childe that sucked the brest ; further he saith , that his said wife being stripped to the skin by one of the donnells , was by him most cruelly beaten with his drawn sword in a triumphing and rejoycing manner , and with singing . further he saith one captain art ô neal , of the parish of levileglish aforesaid , gentleman , who pretended friendship to him , said that unlesse he would take up arms , and go to masse , there was no hope of his life , unto whom he replyed , that that was great cruelty , neither to suffer him the said gregg to live a slave amongst them , nor suffer him to passe into his native countrey , unto whom the said captain replyed , that neither of those requests would be granted , affirming that it was intended by them , not to leave an english protestant alive in this kingdom , and that there was no hope of peace for tenne yeers to come . he further saith , that in the aforesaid parish , there were divers english-men , most cruelly murthered , some twice , some thrice hanged up , and others wounded , and left half-dead , crying lamentably for some to come and end their misery by killing them out . and further he saith , that the names of the chiefest of the rebels in those parts , are phelomy ô neal of kinnard in the county of tyron , knight , and turlagh ô neal esquire , his brother , and one colonell pluncket , and captain manus oge ô caban of the county of armagh , gentlemen , and redmond ô mullan , of the grange in the county of tyron , gentleman , and patrick ô mullan now of armagh , gentleman , who wrote proclamations in his majesties name . and further he saith , that he heard by credible english-men , that the said phelomy ô neal affirmed , that his taking up arms was by his majesty , and the queens consent , and the parliament in this kingdom ; and further that one captain shane ô neal , in the county of tyron , stiled the said phelomy ô neal , with the title and stile of his majesty . iohn greg. iur. 7. ian. 1641. coram nobis . will. hitchcock , roger puttock . the examination of henry raynolds of cornemuekley in the county of cavan , yeoman . this examinate duely sworne , deposeth inter alia . that he heard one whose name , as he thinks is , ferdoragh ( an irish priest ) say that they had the kings hand for what they did , and the cause of there rising , was because , there was a statute made in england , that all papists should go to church before a certain time , or be banished . hen. raynolds . deposed before us . 4. ian. 1641. hen. iones , io. watson . the examination of charles crafford of navan in the county of meath , gentleman . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia . that the reason generally given by them for their doing , was , that they had found a letter , wherein the english had resolved to hang the irish at their doors , if they would not go to church ; and that therefore they would begin with the english first . charles ▪ craffords mark . iur. 22. ian. 1641. roger puttock , io. sterne , ioh , vvatson , vvill . aldrich . the examination of john wood of new-rath in the county of wicklow , gentleman . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that these words were spoken by nicholas byrne , james mac cahire , and divers other of the rebels , that they were discontented gentlemen ; and having their lands unjustly taken away by the plantation , could not have any satisfaction , but by the sword ; therefore it was their colonell luke tooles pleasure , that all protestants should depart the kingdom upon pain of death : and for dublin if that did stand out long with them , they made no question to burn it ; but if they could take it , and not fire it , so they might have the head of my lord parsons , and three or four more of the chiefest of the city , all the rest should fare so much the better . and they further said , that there was an act of parliament in england , that all papists in ireland , should upon pain of death , either go to church , or be banished the kingdom by such a day of the moneth , which as i take it , was by the 24. of november ; and therefore they desired liberty of conscience , and to enjoy all that land which there predecessors did formerly enjoy . for why should not they have there demands , as well as the scots . john wood . jur. 17. feb. 1641. john stern , randall adams . the examination of henry steel , curate of cluntubbrid . this examinate duely sworn deposeth inter alia . that when they were imprisoned in the dungeon in the county goal , ( all the robbers and rogues first set at liberty ) they remained there in a most miserable estate , there being in number , about forty eight , more or lesse , where they had no roome to stand or lye . and further deposeth , that he by gods great mercy being enlarged , his wife yet prisoner in castle-blaney , he came away with one master barnewell , and being in a place called cabret , where one master fleming liveth , whose daughter is married to the lord magwire , he heard the servants of the house , and other irish relating that this magwire , and the popish primate , whose sirname is rely , were a long space travelling through the kingdome together , to perswade them all to condiscend to this most inhumane plot , and this rely was then at this flemings house . hen. steel . deposed this 10. of ian. 1641. will. aldrich , iohn sterne . the examination of katherine graunt of navan in the county of meath , widdow . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia . that the whole town and corporation of the navan made good preparation for the entertainment of the northern rebels in victuals and drink for them ; very many of them went to the rebels before they came to town , and generally all of them , met them with great joy , and welcoming of them when they came to town . she further deposeth , that she heard the priest that came with the rebels from the north , ( and the priest of the navan , master fay among them , as she verily beleeveth ) all charging divers of the captains not to go back , nor come in upon the proclamation of pardon , that came from the state ; for if they did , they were all undone . kath. ▪ graunts mark . deposed this 5. of ian. 1641. roger puttock , hen. brereton . the examination of hugh madden , late of kirreke in the county of wickloe , gentleman . this examinate duely sworne , deposeth inter alia . that after he had been first besiedged , by at least eight hundred of the rebels , having conference with some of them , they then gave out in words , that that businesse which they had begun , they would pursue till it were effected , and would not look for a pardon for the same , or to that effect . hugh madden . iur. 23. feb. 1641. iohn vvatson , iohn sterne . the examination of john right , late of newtown , alias castle-c●ol , in the county of fermanagh , butcher . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that rory magwire shewed to him , and others whom he then robbed , a parchment or paper with a great seal affixed , which he affirmed to be a warrant from the kings majesty for what he did . and he further deposeth , that when he and his neighbours then robbed , complained of their miserable condition , being robbed and stripped : the said rory replyed , that if they were not content with what was done , they should see worse within a few dayes . iohn right . jurat . jan. 5. 1641. coram nobis . randall adams , iohn sterne , the examination of george french of karbery , in the county of kildare . this examinate duely sworne , deposeth inter alia . that he demanded of the rebells why they dealt so with vvilliam coleman ; to whom luke brumingham answered , that they had a commission from his majesty for what they did ; and gerald fitz gerald of carbery aforesaid read the commission : that was a supposed commission from his majesty to take away all english mens goods . geo. ▪ french his mark . jur. 1 feb. 1641. cor. john sterne , randall adams . the examination of jane mansfeild , lately of the parish of castle-jordan , vvidow . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that she coming towards dublin , in her way coming to one master philip fitz-gerralds house , neer miltowne , in the county of kildare , this deponent heard him utter these words : we are like to have great troubles , but we must all rise in arms , and not leave an english-man in ireland ; and that the king was on their side in the north among them . jane mansfeild . deposed 3 jan. 1641. roger puttock , henry brereton . the examination of henry palmer late of fetherd , in the county of wexford , brick-layer . this examinate being duely sworn inter alia , deposeth ; that dermot mac dowling cavanagh , head of the rebells there , and his company , said to this deponent with others , be gone you english dogges ; for we do onely take your goods now , but worse shall follow : and they went into the church , and cut the pulpit-cloth and the ministers books in pieces , and strewed them about the church-yard , and caused the piper to play whilest they danced and trampled them under their feet , and called the minister dog , and stript him out of his clothes : and that they wounded severall persons that were in the castle of fetherd , and the town there ; of which , some , by reason of their wounds , cold , and want , died . and what clothes this deponent had left , being but mean , coming to dublin , were also taken from him : and the irish denyed them lodging and relief , insomuch that they were constrayned to lie out of doors naked all night . and further saith , that one welsh of killcullen bridge , in the county of kildare , inne-keeper , after that this deponent was robbed and stripped , told this deponent , that he the said vvelsh knew , that the king was in the north of ireland , and rode disguised , and had glassen eyes , because he would not be known . henry palmer . jur. 12 january , 1641. coram nobis , john sterne , william hitchcock . the examination of john perkins , of sleigkogh , in the county of cavan . this examinate duly sworn deposeth inter alia , that they said that the king was dead , and that the young king went to masse ; and they were the queens souldiers , and we were traytors . and the said words were affirmed by cormack mac cloney , parish-priest of killan . iohn i. p. parkins his mark . deposed before us , 8 jan. 1641. roger puttock , john sterne . the examination of tho. midlebrook of leagne caffry , in the county of fermanagh , yeoman . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that on the 26 day of october last , he heard cahell boy mac dermott say , that within one fortnight they should have a new king of iceland crowned one of the ô neals , or words to that effect : which words were spoken by the said cahell , in the presence of alice tibs , this deponents sister , and avis braishaw , wife of iohn braishaw . and further , that he both heard that the rebells had murthered about threescore english protestants ( that lived in good manner within the said parish . ) and further saith , that there cannot be so few as one hundred english protestants ( that lived in good manner within the said parish ) perished and dead since the said rebells did banish and drive them from their habitations . deposed before us , ian. 4. 1641. roger puttock , henry brereton . tho. i. midlebrook . his mark . the examination of alice tibs of ringvilly , in the county of fermanagh , widow . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that she heard cahell boy mac dermott of killrout , in the county aforesaid , yeoman , say , that dublin castle was taken , and that they could afford the english two or three barrells of powder ; and that the irish within one fortnight would have a new king , or words to that effect : which words he spake in the hearing of this deponent , avis braishaw , wife to iohn braishaw , and thomas milebrooke , the five and twentieth day of october : and did after hear another irish man ( whose name she knoweth not ) say , that it was pity that any of the english or their breed should be suffered to live , for fear they should grow strong again ; or words to that effect . this deposed before us , jan. 4. 1641. roger puttock , hen. brereton . alict vv. tibs her mark . the examination of avis braishaw , late of agheruskie moore , in the county of fermanagh . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter aliae , that she heard cahell boy mac dermott of kilrout , in the county aforesaid , say , that dublin castle was taken , and that they could afford the english three or four barrells of powder , and that the irish would have a new king within a fortnight after : which words , or to that effect , he spake in the hearing of this deponent , tho. midlebrook , and alice tibs , the 25 day of october last . this deposed before us , jan. 4 1641. roger puttock , hen. brereton . avis vv braishaw her mark . the examination of rich. knowles of newtowne , alias castle-cool , in the county of fermanagh , yeoman . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that there is one hundred of the said parishioners ( that lived in good rank and fashion ) since they were driven out of their habitations , and banished by the said rebellious irish ( being all english protestants ) perished and dead : and this deponent is the rather confident that there is one hundred or more dead , by reason they dayly die in such abundance ; this deponent well knowing the said parishioners , being his neighbours ; and this deponent being a butcher by trade , had some dealing with the most of them . deposed this 10 of jan. 1641. iohn vvatson : william aldrich . rich. r. knowls his mark . the examination of robert barton of newtowne , alias castle-cool , in the county of fermanagh , black-smith . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth iuter alia , that some irish rebells neer unto virginia , in the way towards rells , did strip this deponent , and said , that they had a new king , and commission from him for what they did . and further deposeth , that he heard that captain rory , or some other of his company , had murthered of the said parishioners , to the number of fourty , or thereabouts . deposed before us , jan. 5. 1641. iohn brereton , william hitchcock . the examination of hugh culme of leitrim in the county of monaghan , gentleman . this examinate duely sworne , deposeth inter alia , that he was told that one art mac mahown , who lived in the parish of tehollan , said that they which spoke english , should pay 10s to the king ; the party to whom he spoke it , desired to know what king desired it , his answers was , what other king , but the earl of tyrone . and this deponent heard one thomas mac aleares wife , of the same county and parish , say , that captain bryan mac mahon of tehollan , said he would hang any that would speak english . and heard the priest mac clerey of tehollan say , that all the english in monaghan must be hanged , i asked him why , he said , meat was soarce , and they would not be at the charge to keep us . and heard more by very honest men , that mr. cottingham minister of monaghan , being in a dungeon bolted , desired for gods sake to get a little straw to lye upon , being put to such extremitie . and that mr. richard blaney justice of peace in the county of monaghan , was hanged in this manner . art roe mac bryan sanaght of hislough in the county of monaghan , marshall to the rebels , came to mr. blaney to the dungeon , and desired him to come out to speak with him , when he came out to him , he led him to my lord blaneys orchard in monaghan , and said to him , do you remember , how you hanged my brother , and made me flye my country for three yeers ; but i will hang you before you go , but if you will , you shall have a priest , he said no , but he desired to have master cottingham , the minister of monaghan , but they would not , but hanged him there , and flung him in a ditch , and he was two dayes unburied . and this deponent heard that there was one luke vvard a scotchman , which had indicted a man , the quarter sessions before this rising , the same man came to him where he was in the goal , and carried him to an alehouse , and made him drunk , and when he had done , carried him into the backside and hanged him , after he was cut down , they flung him into a river , and i could never hear that he was buried . hugh culme . deposed before us , ian. 25. 1641. hen. iones , hen. brereton . i heard master mountgomery , minister , and master hollis with severall other men of good worth , report , that the sunday before this rising of the rebels , that there was seen a sword hanging in the ayre , with the point downwards , the half seeming to be red , and the point turned round . hugh culme . the examination of mistresse martha culme of leitrim in the county of monaghan . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia . that she being by the r●bels forced from her dwelling , and robbed of all her goods , she was enforced to shift from place to place , for safeguard of her life : particularly at vvilliam boy , flemings house , in the parish of tehollan , in the county of monaghan , where she did hear the said fleming in detestation of the cruelty of the rebels , to relate that while sir phelomy ô neal did lye with his forces before the ogber , in the county of tyrone , the irish women would follow after the irish rebell souldiers , and put them forward in cruelty , with these and such words , spare neither man , woman , nor childe , god so pitty your souls , as you pitty them , intending those words , to cruelty . this examinate further saith , that in the said flemings house , one art mac patrick mac toole boy mac mahon of the barony of balline cargy in the said parish , speaking to this examinate in irish , she desired he would deliver himself in english , for she understood not irish , he answered in english , that such as spake english , should forfeit ten shillings to the king , what king saith this examinate have we , that will not allow the speaking of english , what king saith he , but the earl of tyrone , she asked where the earl was , he answered in the north , where he was landed with 40000. spaniards , whereof 10000. were then with sir phelim ô neal. martba culme . deposed before us , feb. 14. 1641. hen. iones , henry brereton . the examination of elizabeth gough late of ballanenagh in the county of cavan spinster . this examinate duely sworne , deposeth , inter alia . that the irish purposed to have a king of their own in ireland , and that phelomy ô neal should be he . elizabeth ▪ gough her mark . deposed before us , feb. 8. 1641. hen. jones , hen. sterne . the examination of anne gill of newtown in the county of fermanagh , widdow . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia . that when rory magwire had taken the church at newtown , aforesaid , he the said rory ( in the presence and hearing of this deponent , and a great many of his neighbors , the kings majesties loving subjects ) gave forth that it was to no purpose for them to fly to dublin , for succour , for dublin was taken by the lord magwire , who was to be king of ireland . anne l gill her mark . jur. 29. jan. 1641. john stern , vvilliam aldrich . the examination of elizabeth vause late of creigs toune longhfield in the county of leitrim , widdow . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that when this deponent asked why the rebels so robbed them , they asked again who sent you over , and being answered , that god and the king did it , they the said rebells , said let your king fetch you out again . and saith further , that the said rebels burned divers houses , and two children , and one old man in them ; and that very many protestants that fled for safety and succour to the castle of sir james craige knight , being neer them , were there famished , starved , and dyed , for want of means . eliz. ▪ vause her mark . jur. 9. die feb. 1641. john sterne , william hitchcock . the examination of nicholas michael of farnan in the county of cavan . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that the parties that robbed this deponent , said they have an irish king amongst them , and they regarded not king charles the king of england . nich. ʒ michaels ▪ mark . deposed before us , ian. 15. 1641. vvill . hitchcock , hen. brereton . the examination of andrew foster of mocredin alias caryetsfort in the county of wickloe , gentleman . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that the rebels said , that they would within a week burn dublin , and that neither king nor queen should govern ireland any longer , for they would govern it themselves . andrew foster . iur. 17. febr. 1641. vvilliam aldrich , john sterne . the examination of richard witton of kilnane in the county of wickloe , miller . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that luke burne gentleman of kilnane said , he would have their religion flourish , no thanks to king or subject . rich. witton . deposed this 11. of jan. 1641. will. aldrich , vvill . hitchcock . the examination of edward taylor late of saint margarets alias raven in the county of wexford , clerk . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that one piers synnot of ballyvodogg in the said county , and his sonne david , and other their complices before this rebellion burst out , did dispossesse this deponent of his goods and church livings , into which he was long since invested by his majesties presentation , for which abuse this deponent impleaded some of them in this last parliament at dublin , and a little before the beginning of this said rebellion , he shewed the said david an order from the said parliament , for this deponents quiet enjoying his said church livings , and restitution of the profits thereof , by them wrongfully detained , to which the said david synnot answered , that he cared not for that and that it was no parliament , but meet him at dublin in michaelmas-term next and question him if he durst , for then they would have a parliament of their own , in which parliament he said , the deponent durst not complain , or words to that effect . edward taylor . iur. 23. feb. 1641. coram nobis , iohn sterne , hen. brereton . the examination of nathaniel higginson of the castle of knockballymore in the county of fermanagh , gentleman . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that the rebels then said , that they had a commission , or broad-seal from the king for what they did , and that when they the said rebels had vanquished , or over runne this kingdom , they would go over into england , where they would have the assistance of spain and france , for over running the same . nath. higginson . jur. 7. ian. 1641. coram . roger puttock , hen. brereton . the examination of anne marshall of castle-waterhouse in the county of fermanagh , widdow . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia . that some of the rebels , most cruelly murthered vvilliam marshall , husband unto this deponent , giving him sixe severall mortall wounds , then said , that the scots were at that time sent to leave never a drop of english bloud in england , and that the irish now had authority , and command from the king , to leave never a drop of english bloud in ireland . and further deposeth , that the common speech of the said rebels was , that they were the queens souldiers . anne marshall . deposed before us , 3. ian. 1641. roger puttock . hen. brereton . the examination of jathniell mawe of ferringrin in the county of fermanagh , gentleman . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that he heard some of the rebellious irish company say , that there should not be one english man , woman , or childe , left within this kingdom , and that they had the kings broad-seal for what they did . iathniell mawe . deposed before us , ian. 3. 1641. hen. iones , vvill . aldrich . the examination of richard cleybrook of ballyellis in the county of wexford farmer . this examinate duely sworne , desposeth inter alia . that he heard luke toole say , that he intended soon after to march to killeothery , and take it , and afterwards to come to dublin , and take the castle there , and that he would not leave an english man , nor english woman in the kingdom , but they all should be banished , and that he would not leave any english beast a live , nor any of the breed of them . he saith also , that he heard the said luke toole say , that he would have his own religion setled in this kingdom , and that he would pull the lord parsons hat from his head . richard ▪ cleybrook his mark . coram me . ia. vvare the examination of margaret farmeny , and margaret leadly , vviddows , both of acrashaniey , in the parish of clowish , and county of fermanagh . these deponents duely sworne inter alia , depose , that on the 23 day of october last , the rebells in that county , to the number of an hundred , or thereabouts , robbed the deponents of their goods and chattells , and bound their hands behinde them , urging them to confesse money . and that the said rebells bound one of the deponents husbands , and led , and dragged him up and down in a rope , and cut his throat in her own sight with a skean , having first knockt him down , and stript him . and at the same time murthered 14 persons more , all english protestants ; the said rebells then alleadging , that they had the kings broad seal to strip and starve all the english , and that they were his souldiers . and as the deponents fled for succour towards dublin , they were stripped on the way by the irish seven times in one day , and left stark naked , being aged women of 75 yeers old : and the rebells that saw the deponents naked , bid them go and look for their god , and let him give them clothes . iur. 3 ian. 1641. john sterne , william hitchcock . the examination of henry fisher of powerscourt , in the county of wicklow . this examinate duely sworne , deposeth inter alia , that luke toole , chief of the rebells in those parts , said , that there was landed at wexford nineteen thousand of the spanish enemy : whereupon they leaped and danced for joy . and this examinate further deposeth , that bryan linch of powerscourt , revolted and fell from the protestant religion , to masse ; and the said linch , with severall other rebells , entered the parish church of powerscourt , called staggonnell , and burnt up pues , pulpits , chests , and bibles belonging to the said church , with extreme violence and triumph , and expression of hatred to religion : and this convert linch strongly laboured to have this deponent hanged . hon. fisher . jur. ian. 25. 1641. iohn sterne , vvill . hitchcock . the examination of adam clover of slonosy , in the county of cavan . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that this deponent and his company that were robbed , observed , that 30 persons , or thereabouts , were then most barbarously murthered and slain out-right ; and about 150 more persons cruelly wounded , so that traces of blood issuing from their wounds , lay upon the high way for 12 miles together , and many very young children were left and perished by the way , to the number of 60 , or thereabouts , because the cruell pursuit of the rebells was such , that their parents and friends could not carry them further . and further saith , that some of the rebels vowed , that if any digged graves wherein to bury the dead children , they should be buried therin themselves ; so the poor people left the most of them unburyed , exposed to ravenous beasts and fowl , and some few their parents carried a great way to bury them , after they were dead , and some were hid in bushes , that the rebells should not finde them . and this deponent further saith , that he saw upon the high-way a woman left by the rebells stripped to her smock , set upon by three women , and some children , being irish , who miserably rent and tore the said poor english woman , and stripped her of her smock in a bitter frost and snow , so that she fell in labour in their hands and presence , and both she and her childe miserably died there . and this examinate further deposeth , that iames ô rely of , or neer to the parish of ballyheys , yeoman , and hugh brady , of , or neer the parish of vrnagh , and divers others of the rebells , did then often take into their hands the protestant bibles , and wetting them in the dirty water , did five or sixe severall times dash the same on the face of this deponent and other protestants , saying , come , i know you love a good lesson , here is a most excellent one for you , and come to morrow , and you shall have as good a sermon as this ; and used other scornfull and disgracefull words unto them . and further saith , that one owen brady , of the parish of armagh , gent. being one of the principall guard to philip mae hugh mac shane ô rely , did take divers protestants ( as they went by their court of guard to the church ) by the hair of the head , and in other cruell manner , and dragging them into the church , there stripped , robbed , whipped , and most cruelly used them , saying , if you come tomorrow , you shall hear the like sermon ; or to that effect : with other scornfull and opprobrious words . deposed before us , ian. 4. 1641. hen. iones , randall adams . the mark of adam glover . the examination of elizabeth tayler , wife of iohn tayler of the newtowne , alias castlecool , in the parish of drumuly , and balf-barony of the coole and county of fermanagh , weaver . this deponent being duely sworn , deposeth , that ( inter alia ) she and her said husband , with the rest of their neighbours , fled for the more safety of their lives , into the church of the newtown , being a fair church , new built by the inhabitants of that parish , and there remained untill the munday following , being the 25 of october last , when about ten of the clock in the forenoon captain rory mac quire , brother to the lord magwire , where they so were , came , accompanied with a great multitude of irish , to the number of 1000 persons , and upwards ; which they not being able to resist , upon his faithfull promises that they should quietly enjoy their own , and receive no harm , they let him and his company into the said church ; wherein to he had no sooner entred , but in contempt of god and his sacred word , he went up into the pulpit , and took down the english bible that was there , and rent and tore the same in pieces , and he and his company trampled the same under their feet ; and then perfidiously fell upon the english , and rifled and stript them naked , and turned them out of the town , and fired and burnt the same down . eliz ▪ tayler her mark . deposed before us , ian. 8. 1641. hen. iones , hen. brereton . the examination of edward slack of gurteen , in the county of fermanagh , clerk . the examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that on the 24 of october last , the rebells in the county of fermanagh aforesaid , took his bible , opened it , and laying the open side of it in a puddle of water , leapt and trampled upon it , saying , a plague on 't , this bible hath bred all the quarrell , and they hoped that within three weeks , all the bibles in ireland should be used as that was , or worse ; and that none should be left in the kingdom ; and also that the said rebels burnt this deponents house , and after some other rebels cut and wounded him twice in the head . edw. slack . deposed before us , 4. ian. 1641. hen. jones , vvill . aldrich . the examination of edward dean late of oghram in the county of wicklow tanner . this examinate duely sworne , deposeth inter alia . that the irish rebels made proclamation , that all english men and women , that did not depart the country within twenty four houres , should be hanged drawn and quartered , and that the irish houses , that kept any of the english children should be burned . and further saith , that the said rebels burned two protestant bibles , and then said , that it was hell fire that burnt . edw. dean . jur. 7. jan. 1641. coram nobis . roger puttock , iohn watson . the examination of katherine bellew alias bedlew , late of blittock in the county of monaghan , widdow . this deponent being duely sworn ( inter alia ) deposeth , that one mistresse elcock , who being in child-bed , was neverthelesse carryed away to prison , together with the lady blaney , and her seven children . the mark of the said katherine . jurat . 5. febr. 1641. coram nobis . vvill . aldrich , hen. brereton . the examination of john wisedome of ardmagh parish , clerk of the cathedrall there . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia . that at loughgall in the county of ardmagh , the engilsh being promised a safe conduct by the rebels , from garrison to garrison , till they came to the next haven , and there to take shipping for their own country , by the way some of them were murthered , viz. master william fullerton , parson of loughgall , and two or three others , as the deponent heard , the rest which they found at loughgall , and about the countrey there , to the number of eightscore persons , which they drowned at port a down bridge , as the deponent is informed by one william pitchfork that was present at their suffering , but escaped himself , being begged by an irish rebell to be his servant , and about the same time , they fired many in one house neer ardmagh . and this deponent further saith , that master roger holland related to him , that he was told by one john babe an owner of a boat in carlingford , that mistris holland was hanged at carlingford , and delivered of a childe while hanging . and further this examinate saith , that he was credibly informed by master franklin of dublin , who came part of the way towards dublin in the deponents company , that at the newry a man was carryed out , and so wounded , that he was laid for dead , but after recovering , he was again set upon , and murthered , and his wife also having her belly ript up , and two children fell out . and the examinate further saith , that at the corr in the county of armagh , there were drowned at once one hundred and twenty persons , men , women , and children , which the deponent heard from master holland aforesaid . john vvisedome . iur. 8. feb. 1641. coram nobis . roger puttock , hen. iones . the examination of philip taylor late of port a-down in the county of armagh , husbandman . this examinate duely sworne , deposeth inter alia . that about the 24. of october he was taken prisoner at port a-down aforesaid by toole mac cann now of port a down gentleman , a notorious rebell , and a commander of a great number of rebels , together with those rebels , his souldiers to the number of an hundred persons , or thereabouts ; at which time the rebels first took the castle and victualled it , then they assaulted and pillaged the town , and burnt all the houses on the further side of the water : and then the said rebels drowned a great number of english protestants , of men , women , and children in this deponents sight , some with their hands tyed on their backs . and this deponent further saith , that the number of them that were drowned then , amounted to an hundred ninety and sixe persons , as this deponent hath been credibly informed , and the same rebels then also threatned to shoot to death one master tiffin a zealous protestant minister there , and discharged a peece at him accordingly , but as it pleased god , they mist him , and at length he escaped from them . and the deponent further saith , that the said rebels kept this deponent in prison at port a-down aforesaid , for the space of seven weeks , and set a horse lock upon his leg , but at length he got a passe from the said toole mac cann , and so got away from them : but whilest he stayed there , many poor protestants were by the rebels murthered in severall places about loughgall . and they also that time stript of the cloaths of one master iones a minister at segoe neer port a-down aforesaid , who afterwards escaped from them to the town of lisnegarvey . and the deponent further saith , that he hath credibly heard , that one master fullerton a minister , and another in his company were also murthered by the rebels , before the drowning of the protestants aforesaid , and that the rebels aforesaid killed a dyers wife of rossetrever at newry , and ript up her belly , she being with childe of two childrrn , and threw her and the children into a ditch , and this deponent drove a sow away that was eating one of the children . sig : philip taylor . iur. 8. febr. 1641. william aldrich , iohn watson . the examination of john mandefield late of miltown in the county of dublin , barber chirurgeon . the deponent being duly sworn , deposeth inter alia , that some of the rebels in that county did strike his wife , and stab her with a skean ●n the breast , when she had a young childe sucking on her , which wound this deponent being a chirurgeon with much difficulty healed . iohn mandefield . jur. 3. feb. 1641. coram nobis . hen. iones , will . hitchcock . the examination of margaret stoaks , the wife of hugh stoaks late of clonkelly in the county of fermanagh . the said deponent being duely sworn , inter alia deposeth , that whilest she was in the said county , she heard credibly among the irish , and observed by their discourses one with another , that the castle of lissegoal neer eniskillin ( which belonged to the lord hastings ; and wherein one master segrave dwelt , was burned by the rebels , with all the english and scots that were therein , which were very many ; and that almost all the english and scots that dwelt in mageryboy , were likewise killed and robbed by the rebels , and that there was a woman , who when the said castle was a fire , let down through a window her young childe whom she gave suck unto , and after leapt out of the window herself , which the rebels observing , presently killed the said woman , and the next morning finding the young childe alive , sucking the dead mothers breast , they cruelly murthered the childe . this deponent further saith , that as she was coming on the way to dublin at ballybayes , she heard for certain , that handicraftsmen and tradesmen , and others of the english that were remaining at belturbart , were killed and murthered by the rebels , about the last of ianuary last past ; and the rebels hanged the men , and drowned the women and children . the deponent further saith , that when the rebels , or any of them had killed any english man in the country , many others of them would come one after another , and every of them would in most cruell manner , stab , wound , and out him , and almost mangle him , and to shew their further malice , would not suffer , nor permit any to bury them , but would have them to lye naked for the dogs , beasts , and fowles of the aire to devoure them . the deponent further saith , when they had so killed the english , they would reckon up and accompt the number of them , and in rejoycing and boasting manner would often say , that they had made the divell beholding to them in sending so many souls to him to hell . the deponent likewise saith , inter alia , that as she was coming towards dublin about dunshaghlin , the rebels that were in garrison there , said unto her , that if they thought she and her children , had but one drop of english bloud in them , they would kill both her and her children . margaret stoakes . jurat . coram , gerrardo louther . the examination of mary woods late of the town and county of kildare , widdow . this examinate being duly sworn and examined , inter alia , saith that since the beginning of this present rebellion , she hath been stripped and robbed of her goods by the rebels in those parts , since which time the bodies of severall deceased protestants buried in the church there , were taken up , and thrown away into filthy places , exposed to be devoured of dogs , and other beasts , which was done partly by the commandement or direction of james dempsie a priest , peter sarsfield , thomas fitz gerald , iames flatisbury , and iohn leighe , esquires , and others , whom she knoweth not . and further saith , that the said rebels and others about that town , did of late first strip her husband of cloaths , and after stabbed him , and after that shot him , and last of all most barbarously buried him alive , where he remained with earth upon him above an hour before the breath went from him . sig : prae : anne vvoods . jur. 23. feb. 1641. coram nobis , joh. vvatson , john sterne . the examination of thomas huetson of the town and county of kildare . this deponent being duely sworn , and examined deposeth , that ( inter alia ) about a moneth , or three weeks since , one iohn courtis of kildare aforesaid , weaver , and martin courtis his sonne , walter white of the same labourer , bondventure berry of the same own , the reputed son of william berry of the same town , a popish priest , and thomas berry of kildare aforesaid , neer kinsman to the said priest , and divers other rebells of the irish , did in the cathedrall church of k●ldare aforesaid , dig the graves of dominick huetson , this deponents brother , who had bin buried about twenty moneths before ; and christian huetson the deponents grandmother , who had bin buried about a week before , and took their corps out of the same graves , and church , and laid them both in a hole which they digged up for that purpose , within a garden , out of the walls of the churchyard ; which was done by the command or procurement of rosse mac geoghegan titular bishop of kildare , iames dempsie the popish vicar generall there , the foresaid william berry priest , dominick dempsie guardian to the fryars there , iames flanagan a fryar , bryan ô gormooley a fryar , and other fryars , whose names he now remembreth not . and the deponent also saith , that the said berry the priest brought this deponent before the said titular bishop , and informed him , that the deponent was looking in at the church window when the corps of his said brother , and grandmother were taking up , and that he there writ down the names of those parties that so took them up , and so desired to know what must be done with this deponent ; who answered , that if he found that report to be true , or that this deponent should do any thing against their catholike cause , he would imprison and hang him . and this deponent further saith , that the parties above named with divers others of the town of kildare , said , that they could not sanctifie , nor hallow the said church of kildare , untill the heretikes bones were removed out of it . thomas huetson . jur. 15. feb. 1641. roger puttock , vvilliam aldrich . the examination of rebecca collis , late of the town and county of kildare . this deponent being duly sworn and examined , deposeth , that since the beginning of this rebellion , she and her husband have been robbed and despoiled of their goods by the rebells in those parts . and further saith , that about christmas last , the titular bishop of kildare , the guardian , and other priests and friars there , did take away the chapter-chest belonging to the cathedrall church of kildare , and did cause the same to be carryed to the house of peter sarsfeild of tully esquire . and shortly after a consultation had amongst the said peter sarsfeild , james flatishury , thomas fitz-gerald , iohn leigh , esquires , iames dempsie , vicar generall to the said titular bishop ; by whose directions or command , the dead bodies of divers deceased protestants were digged out of the church of kildare , and cast into a filthy ditch , to be devoured by beasts and dogs . iur. 23 febr. 1641. coram nobis . rebecca collis . iohn sterne , will . aldrich . the examination of margaret parkin of newtowne , in the county of fermanagh , widdow . this deponent being duely sworn and examined , deposeth inter alia , that by the information of divers credible persons , she understood that the rebells boyled a young childe to death in a great ketle , in the church at newtown aforesaid . iur. 29 ian. 1641. margaret parkin . roger puttock , william aldrich . the examination of elizabeth bairsee of newtown , in the county of nagh . the deponent being duely sworn , ( inter alia ) deposeth , that she was credibly informed by a great number of people of newtown aforesaid , that about the 23 of october last , or since , the rebells did boyl a childe of one iohn strettons , about 12 yeers old , to death . jur. 19. jan. 1641. elizabeth bairsee . roger puttock , john sterne . the examination of henry boyne late of mullaghtean in the county of tyrone , clerke . this deponent being duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , and further saith , that as he was come to his own house , he found there an irish woman that was come ( out of good will ) from donaghmore about sixe miles distant from his said house , to tell the deponents wife , that it were best for the deponent to be gone , least he might be killed ( for as the said woman related ) the rebels there had cut of one master madders head a minister , and that there chief malice was against church-men . hen. boyne . iur. 16. febr. 1641. roger puttock , john sterne . the examination of elizabeth trafford , late wife of thomas trafford , late vicar of ballincormock in the county of longford , clerk . this deponent being duely sworn , deposeth ( inter alia , ) that since the beginning of this rebellion , the rebels in those parts robbed and stript her , and her said husband of all their goods and cloaths : and then one of the rebels called iohn raynolds , stabbed her husband with a sword , whereof he lay languishing three houres , and then the rebells stabbed him into the throat , and wounded him in the head , so that he dyed , and then turned her and her poor children naked away , exposed to hunger and cold . and at the same time , the said rebels or some of them , stabbed and killed one francis marshall merchant , matthew baker vintner , iohn smith , thomas allen , iohn a butcher , and another who was a sadler , another that was a millner , and by report divers others . and further deposeth , that the rebels said , that it was the kings pleasure , that all the english should be banished , and loose their goods , because the queens priest was hanged before her face . iur. 8. ian. 1641. coram , henry iones , iohn vvatson . eliz. trafford . the examination of margery sharp , late wife to john sharp of kells , in the county and diocesse of meath , minister of gods word . this deponent being duely sworn and examined , deposed inter alia , that and further deposeth , that her said husband was by the rebells in those parts wounded , that he was deprived of his life ; but in such a blessed manner , that god gave him strength to pray unto him , and to expresse himself ; and being ready to die , another company of irish rebells came and wilfully murthered him in the same place where they found him , being coming towards dublin to seek for refuge : and after breath was departed from him , this deponent sought to have him buryed in christian buryall , which the portreiffe or suffraigne of the navan would not admit , but sent to cause the grave to be made in the same place where he was murthered . and further saith , that before her said husband was murthered , he carryed away , for fear of the rebells , a good number of his best divinity books , and divers bonds , specialties , and writings . and she further saith , that the souldiers under the command of the rebell capt. ô rely meeting with him , stripped him of all his clothes , and inforced him , being naked , to trample and tread upon his said books and papers in the water to spoil them , and then the said rebells threw them away , and tossed many of them in the winde . sign . praed. margery . jur. 29 jan. 1641. iohn sterne , william hitchcock . the examination of reynold griffith , late of tandergee , in the county of armagh . this deponent being duely sworn , deposeth inter alia . and further saith1 , that neer the newry severall rebells took from this deponents wife a childe of hers of 14 yeers of age , and drowned it in a bog or pit , and held it down before her face with a sword whilest the said childe was a drowning . reynold griffith , and eliz. his wife . jur. jan. 6. 1641. john sterne , hen. brereton . the examination of charles campbell , late of shamulloghe , in the parish of clonnlsse , in the county of monaghan , gentleman . this deponent being duely sworn and examined , deposeth inter alia , that the said deponent likewise , whilest he was amongst the rebells , observed these severall passages ensuing , viz. first , the burning of the castle of lisgowle , in the county of fermanagb , containing the number of sevenscore persons , men , women and children , whereof none escaped death , except one man who was taken prisoner ; which cruelty severall of the mac mahons , and mac guires did confesse to this deponent ; one cassedy a frier , being the chief instrument thereof . another priest also , one philip mac enany told this deponent , that it was no sinne to kill all the protestants , for that they were all damned already . and the said deponent was an ocular witnesse of the hanging and killing of thirty persons in one day , at clonnisse , by patrickoge mac rosse mac guire , rory mac mahon , patrick mac aperson ô connelly , and severall others , the said deponent being likewise upon the ladder , with a wyth about his neck , ready to be cast off , but delivered by the intercession of the said rory mac mahon and his wife : afterwards this deponent , with robert aldrich , and matthew brown , being then prisoners with the said deponent , were sent unto the siege of drogheda , by captain rory mac mahon his wife , conducted by an hundred rebells , or thereabouts ; where they remained for the space of three weeks , untill this deponents escape : in which time aforesaid , one ever mac mahon , brother to captain redmond mac mahon , told this deponent , that there was not a romane catholique in ireland , that could dispend ten pounds per an. but was accessory to the rebellious plot . this deponent likewise heard severall of the mac mahans affirm , that the earl of antrim was also guilty of the said plot . and this deponent was credibly informed , that with sir phelim ô neal were conversant the lord of gurmanston , the lord nettervyle , the lord lowth , with many other the chief gentry of the pale ; and did see the lord of dunsany frequent the said rebells company ; and that the countyes of meath and lowth did furnish the rebells there , with all sorts of victualls , and such necessaries . cb : campbell . jur. 2 martii , 1641. john sterne , vvilliam hitchcock . the examination of alexander creigchton , late of glasloghe , in the county of monaghan , gent. this deponent being duely sworn and examined ( inter alia ) deposeth . and further saith , that when he this deponent was so robbed by the rebells , they imprisoned him and his brother in law , andrew lesk , alexander bailie , james anderson , iohn mewrhead his son , alexander ballengall , and his son vvilliam , and kept them there in glaslock castle for 14 dayes , or thereabouts , in great misery , neither suffering their wives or friends to come and bring them relief : from thence the rebells sent them to the gaole of monaghan for 14 dayes more , where they were in no lesser misery than before : from thence they were sent back to glaslock aforesaid , and there art mac bryan ô samogh mac maghan , did gather all the whole british prisoners , aswell those afore-named , as others , to the number of 22 or thereabouts , and sent them to corbridge : but in their going , another company , by the direction of the said art mac bryan , way-layd them , and slew 16 of them , and the next morning murthered 46 more english at corbridge aforesaid ; where this deponent escaping with his life , was admitted to go to sir phelim ô neal , who gave him a protection for himself , his wife , and childe . and then this deponent heard the said sir phelim say , that he would make no man account for what he did , and that he had his majesties commission for what he did under the great seal of england : and being asked who did put master richard blany , senescall to the lord blany , and one of the knights of the shire to death , because it was reported that one art mac bryan ô samagh mac maghan put him to death ; he answered , let not that gentleman be blamed , for my hand signed the warrant for his hanging , for the persecuring of my cousen ô rely . and further saith , that there were killed by the name or sept of the ô hughes , 12 families of men , women , and children of english and scotish protestants ; and that edmond boy ô hugh , foster-brother to the said sir phelim ô neal , did at kinard , at the entry of the said sir phelims gate , shoot to death with a brace of bullers , behinde his back , the lord cawlfeild : and that night after killed seven families of english men , women , and children that lived on the land of the said sir phelim . and as this deponent hath heard , there were above twenty families slain betwixt kinnard and armagh by the rebells : and after the repulse given at lisnegarvy , shane oge mac canna , and a company of rebells under his command , marched thorow all the barony of trough , in the county of monaghan , and murthered a great number of brittish protestants ; amongst others , ensigne peirce , gentleman , ambrose blany , gentleman , william challengwood , gentleman , and william his sonne ; david draynan , gentleman , andrew carr , weaver , john lasley , labourer , and his wife . and this deponent heard it credibly reported amongst the rebells at glaslogh aforesaid , that hugh mac ô degan mac guire , a priest , had done a most meritorious act in the parish of glanally , and county of fermanagh , in drawing betwixt 40 or 50 of the english and scottish there to reconciliation with the church of rome , and after giving them the sacrament , demanded of them whether christs body was really in the sacrament or no ; and they said , yea. and that he demanded of them further , whether they held the pope to be supreme head of the church , they likewise answered he was ; and that thereupon he presently told them they were in a good faith : and for fear they should fall from it , and turn hereticks , he and the rest that were with him , cut all their throats . and this deponent further saith , that the wife of master luke ward told him , that the rebells had forced her husband to be drunk in drinking of his part of 3s in drink ; and that they when he was so drunk , hanged him : and she shewed this deponent the place where he was executed . and saith also , that the rebells pulled up , and took away the 〈◊〉 in the church of monaghan up to the quire , and carried them ●● the goal , and made fires with them for the friers ; and that the ●…ls did at glaslock aforesaid , burn two or three bibles or ser●●● books : and heard them say , they would never lay down arms , till their church were put into its due place , and that all the plantation lands were given to the right owners ; and that if they had once gotten the city of dublin taken , they would hold it no rebellion to follow the kings sword , in doing any act they pleased : and this deponent heard brian ô hugh , priest to the said phelim ô neale say , that they had fifteen hundred thousand of the irish bloud , to maintain their wars begun : and the said alexander further deposeth , that about the beginning of feb. last , one ensigne william pew of glaslogh in the county of monaghan , being stripped , robbed , and expulsed by the rebels , was seven times in one day taken up and hanged on a tree , and taken down again for dead every time by patrick duff , mac hugh , mac rosse , a captain of the rebels near monaghan : which cruelty was practised by the instigation of patrick mother mac wade , who had informed , that the said william pew had monies ; the confession and knowledge whereof was intended to be extracted by the foresaid hard usage . iur. primo martii , 1641. alexander creichton . iohn sterne . william hitchcock . the examination of roger holland of glaslogh , in the county of monaghan . this examinate duly sworn , deposeth inter alia , that during his imprisonment , he was credibly informed , that there were 38 persons , men , women , and children drown'd , being thrown over into the river of corr-bridge in the county of armagh ; and also saith , that sir phelim ô neale , under pretence of sending a convoy with many of the english of loghgall , and thereabouts , the said convoy did drown at the bridge of pontie-down , 68 persons , as he is credibly informed : and likewise , that he did see 14 or 15 kill'd by the irish as he passed in the country . and further saith , that friar malone , when this examinate arrived at skerries , that his company shot one shot at the vessel ; and that the said company asked whether we had a passe or not , which we told them we had ; whereupon they replyed , that if we had not , we should all suffer : but so soon as we shewed them our passe , they made much of us , & told us that we should take no hurt ; which they performed the next day , being christmas-day . the said friar took a boat , to go to the boat to see whether there were a leak in our vessell or not , and searching for the leak , he found some bibles , and other prayer-books , which said books he cast into the fire , and wished that he had all the bibles in christendom , and he would serve them all so , and demanding of him what was the reason , he answered , that it was fitting for every man to have the bible by rote , and not to misinstruct them which should have it by rote : and the said roger sitting by him alone , demanded of him , what might be the reason of their going out in such manner , as in killing and robbing the english , and perswading him to make peace ; he replyed , unlesse all men that had estates lost , by the kings giving them unto great men , that were little worth in former times , unlesse they had their estates given under the kings broad-seal , that they would never yeild ; and withall , that it they had not the duke of york for their governour and ruler in this kingdom , and to be a papist , they would never yeild as aforesaid . and further said , that they would have the whole kingdom to themselves , and that they have been about this plot this seventeen yeers past , but never had so fit an opportunity as now they had . and the said roger saith further , that being in company with colonell pluncket at newry and carlingford , the said colonell told the said roger and many others , that this said plot was for these seventeen yeers past in plotting , and that the said fryar malone and himself , and one of the lord of trimbortons sonnes , which is a fryer , with many others of the nobility of the pale , and in the north , knew it of long time , but that others of the nobles knew not of it , but of late ; but as for the rest they have known of it the space and yeers aforesaid : and that they said they would have their religion or not any , or else that they would loose both their lives and estates , for in strength they were able enough , for he said all the irish would not fail , but stick close to them , for they fought for god and their country , for certain they knew that there cause was just , and that god would not see them suffer , and that they were sure of dublin , for there was not any thing done , but that they had such friends , that they heard out of dublin every day , and as for sir phelomy ô neal he made no accompt as he said , of all ireland to be his own , and others , for that was there intents . and further saith , that at carlingford , when the foresaid roger was there three or four dayes , sir con magenis sent his warrant , to send away all such prisoners as came from newry over to green castle ; which warrant was directed to one jo. babe provost marshall , directed by sir con magenis : which provost marshall , according to his direction , sent them away : which prisoners were sent , for the releasing of some prisoners that were taken at down-patrick : but no sooner came the aforesaid prisoners unto green-castle , but they were all cut off : and the next day following , the said sir con magenis sent a convoy with all such prisoners as were there left ; and what became of them , this examinate cannot tell . and further saith , that an owner of a boat in carlingford told him , that one mris holland was hang'd ; and as she was hanging , was delivered of two children ; and further cannot say . jurat : this 4 of march , 1641. roger holland . william aldrich , hen. brereton . the examination of george cottingham , parson of monaghan . this examinate duely sworn , deposeth inter alia , that about the 30 day of october , this examinate , with most of the english , was cast into the dungeon , which was a place of that noysomenesse , by reason of great heaps of mens excrements , that had been there a long time , that they were almost stifled ; the dungeon was so little , and the people so many , being some fourty eight persons , that they were fain to lie one upon another ; so that the examinate , after he had been some seventeen dayes , sometimes in the dungeon , sometimes in the goal , got such a loosenesse , with cold and hard lodging , that he was not able to go , but as he was carried betwixt men . during their continuance in this miserable restraint , no meat was allowed the prisoners by the rebells , neither would they scarce suffer either their wives or friends to see or speak with them ; but oftentimes , both in the night and day , severall of the rebells came to the prisoners with swords , and skeans drawn , with pistolls cocked , to the great terrour of the prisoners : and some came often and scarched them ; and if they found any silver , either more or lesse , they took it from them , and stripped them of their clothes , in the very dungeon , and left many almost naked , with few or no rags to cover them : and when these prisoners were set at liberty , soon after many were murthered with skeans , some drowned , and some hanged : master richard blaney , who was prisoner in another place , being bolted with irons , was taken forth suddenly , and hanged , and cast into a kinde of a boggie place , without buriall , stark naked . the same day one master luke vvard was taken and hanged in the same town of monaghan ; in the beginning of the night , and was never told he should die ; but being taken by one patr : oge ô connelley , was brought into a house in town ; and there patr : gave him worth 12d or more of drink , as though no hurt were intended , presently went to the back side , and called out the said luke vvard , and with others of his company laid hold on him , and hanged him , and after threw him into a little river , where he lay naked and unburied : the next morning many of those that were let out of prison , being almost starved and famished , were murthered with skeans , and others drowned : master oliver peirce , ensigne to the lord blaney , murthered with swords and skeans ; master john francis , edward lewis , richard bollard , and vvilliam iones , murthered with skeans and swords ; and many others pursued , who escaped that night : thomas vvest was never heard of since . a poor english-man unknown came stragling to the towne , having escaped from some other place , was hanged . some of those that were imprisoned , were sent out of the town of monaghan , to glaslough , where they had lived formerly ; and there they , with others , to the number of fourty , were cast into a river at the edge of the county , men , women , and children : in the mean time , so many as escaped were in great misery and fears , dayly hearing , that not an english man , woman , or childe should be left alive ; that there was the like stirre in england and scotland ; and that never a protestant must be suffered to live in any of the three kingdoms ; and that the seas were full of spanish and french shipping ; and that all the irish in other parts , were coming homewards to help to subdue the english in ireland , and then they were to be in england before may for the same purpose ; and the like to be done in scotland also . it was usually reported that none must bear rule in ireland , but onely the natives ; and that all the lands which were enjoyed by any of the british , must forthwith be taken from them ; which was accordingly done in all parts hereabouts . it was frequently noysed and reported , that the kings majesty was dead , or not to be had ; and that there was a crown consecrated for some other that should deserve it best ; and when afterwards it was reported his majesty was in england , it was said that sir phelim ô neal was made generall by his majesties appointment ; and that there were others that had command by the same appointment . we dayly heard of most cruell murthers of prisoners on all sides of us , besides what we saw committed in our own town : in some places neer were hanged sometimes 17 , sometimes 22 at a time ; as at clownish , and carrick mac rosse . and within seven miles were murthered some 25 men , women , and children in the night ; and every hour we expected the like usage , being often threatned that not any english should be left in ireland . convoyes were sent with many , pretending to bring prisoners safe to such places as they were desired to go , and were most pitifully murthered and drowned by the way by such as conveyed them , others were turned out without any convoy , and so murthered . about six weeks since , i , my wife , and four small children , with some other english , were turned out of the town of monaghan , about three of the clock in the afternoon , the drum beating , and art roe mac st patrick mac art moyl , who is chief governour there , went before , and declared that we must be gone forthwith , and not suffered to return , on pain of death ; when we were assured , that not past a quarter of a mile before us , there were men with swords and with skeans , lying in wait to murther and strip us , of which we were fully assured ; but it pleased god we escaped that time , by means of one bryan mac hugh mac rosse mac mahon , about a week after we had leave to come as far as within a mile of drogheda , called bewley ; neer unto which place are encamped many rehels , which came from towards monaghan , and other places of the north ; at which place sr phelim ô neal was , where might he perceived by the speeches of the rebels , that they were very confident to take drogheda , and dublin , but during this examinates remaining there , were driven off the walls , which they assayed to assault with scaling-ladders , on sunday last was a sennight , in the morning before day , and many praised be god , run from the walls , and left some of their muskets and pikes behinde them , as they related amongst themselves , from thence this examinate was sent into drogheda , and a prisoner released thence for him , and from thence is gotten to dublin by sea with his wife and four small children , neer famished and starved , being left quite destitute of all relief for the present . george cottingham . iura . martij 4. 1641. hen. jones , will . aldrich . and whereas the sufferings of the loyall subjects of this kingdom of ireland , do consist as in the cruelties exercised on the persons , so in the spoiling and robbing them of their estates , fortunes , and livelyhoods , whereof the said severall commissioners , do authorize , and require a strict inquiry to be made . and whereas in the foregoing remonstrance , depredation of the goods of the subjects , is one part of the charge laid to these rebels , and humbly offered by the remonstrants to be considered off by the honourable house of commons in england . they the said remonstrants and humble petitioners , for the fortifying of that their allegation , do here withall present the generall summes of such counties , as have answered to that particular from the 30. of december last past , untill the 8. day of march , 1641. the whole amounting unto above six hundred thirty five thousand three hundred seventy five pounds , four shillings and nine pence ; the persons thereunto appearing , being in all hitherto examined but six hundred thirty seven : whereas this by the following considerations may be readily conceived hardly to be the five hundreth part of the full losses of the whole kingdom . i. for first , out of the whole province of munster , containing these following large and rich counties , viz. tipperary , limerick , cork , kerry and clare , no one hath yet appeared . ii. out of the whole province of connaght , containing these counties , roscomon , mayo , galway , sligoe and leitrim , there have only eleven out of leitrim given in their losses being — 1352l — 04s — 08d iii. out of the province of vlster , these alone have appeared themselves , viz.       1 s d out of lowth , 6. examinates their losses 4332 01 04 cavan , 113. examinates 47418 07 00 fermanagh , 94. examinates 26947 10 08 armagh , 8. examinates 03802 12 08 tyron , 2. examinates 01667 00 00 london-derry , 1. examinate 01911 00 00 monaghan , 31. examinates 36181 00 08 none appearing out of the counties of down , antrim , or donegall . iv. fourthly , for the province of leinster , the number of the examinates is as followeth ,       1 s d in the county of dublin , 72. exam. their losses 120032 15 03 county of kildare , 57. ex. 098967 17 04 county of wickloe , 65. ex. 132457 14 02 county of wexford , 38. ex. 062519 12 04 county of catherlagh , 16. ex. 010270 01 08 county of kilkenny , 5. ex. 008312 00 00 county of meath , 46. exam. 033678 14 03 county of vvestmeath , 7. ex. 003512 12 00 kings county , 9. examinates 011525 04 08 queens county , 14. exam. 018884 15 09 county of longford , 28. ex. 016440 10 08 v. fifthly , of those counties that have come in , one being considered with another , not the five hundred part hath appeared , there being of them , 1. many imprisoned , or besieged by the rebels . 2. many gone into england , before the beginning of this commotion , and since . 3. multitudes murthered , and none hitherto appearing for them . 4. many thousands by reason of the danger of the wayes , not daring to appear . 5. many being sick and weak , by reason of their sufferings , so not able to appear . 6. many there are who ( in time ) purpose to give in the particulars of their losses , but for the present forbear being in many respects not prepared for the doing thereof . 7. lastly , of such as have given in their particulars , few can depose to the full of their losses , wanting the help of their papers torn from them , or of their agents , who could inform them of their estates , they being remote in the country , and there imprisoned , or besieged , or by reason of the danger of the wayes , not daring to adventure from such places of safety , as they have betaken themselves unto , if perhaps they have not altogether perished by the hand of the enemy . the same consideration may also induce any to beleeve that of the other particulars in the said remonstrance , either for words blasphemous against god , impious against religion , or traiterous towards his sacred majesty , or for actions , wicked , cruell , or barbarous , or for discovery of the minds and intents of these conspirators , and their adherents , the least part hath been set forth in the said remonstrance , and examinations thereunto annexed ; and yet that alone is sufficient , and more then enough to set forth the miserable condition of the poor distressed church , and miserable wasted kingdom of ireland . of all which we the commissioners aforesaid , do herein give up a true report attested under our respective hands this seventh of march . 1641. hen. jones , roger puttock , john watson , john sterne , william aldrich , randal adams , william hitchcock , hen. brereton . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a87629e-350 a iohn day com. cavan , exam. feb. 8. 1641. ex . 1. b lucy spell , com. lowth , ex . feb. 5. 1641. ex 2. iohn biggar , com dublin , exam. ianu. 29. 1641. ex . 3. iohn monatgómry , com. monaghan . exam. ianu. 26. 1641. ex . 4. patr. bryan , com. fer. ianu. 29. ex 5. doctor iones , ex . 6. george cottingham , ex . 78. c iohn biggar , and iohn montgomery praed. d edmond . welch , com. rs. ianuary . 22. exam. 7. e lucy spell praed feb. 5. f io. edgworth esq . com. lengford , feb. 23. ex . 8. g edm. walsh . h io. brooks , com cavan . ian. 5. ex . 9. grace lovet , com. ferm ian. 5. ex . 10. eliza. coats , com. fer. ian. 4 ex . 11. nicholas willoughby , com. praed. feb. 23. ex . 12. thomas crant . com. cavan feb. ex . 13. io. biggar com. dublin , ian. 29. eliza. parker , com catherlagh . ian. 13. ex 14. ocker butts com. wex. la . 25. lucy spell , ex . 15. i edw. denman , com. ca. ian. 27. ex . 16 k thomas crant . com. cavan , feb. l thomas crant , patr. bryan , com. fer. ian. 29. g. cottingham , ex . 78. m geo. fercher , com. per ian. 4 ex 17 eliza. dickinson , gom. paerd ian. 3. ex . 18. n io. shorter . com. fer ian. 5. ex . 19. o thomas knowles , com. fer. ian. 3. ex . 20. p patr. bryan . q mr iohn cardiff , ex . 21. r ge. cottingham . edw. how , com fer. in 29. ex . 22. tho knowls . geo. cooke , com cavan ian. 22. ex . 23. io. gesso● , com. cilk , ianu. 8. ex . 24. s iohn gregg , com. arm. ian. 7. ex . 25. t hen. reynolds , com cavan , ian. 4. ex . 26. iohn mountgomry . dr jones tho. crant charles crafford , com. meath , ian. 22. ex 27. v grace lovet . w dr iones . io. wood , com wick. feb. 17. ex . 28 x henry stile , com. monagh , ianu. 10. ex . 29. y kath. crant . com. meath , ianu. 5. ex . 30. a edm. walsh . b patr. bryan . hugh madden , com. wickloe , feb. 23. ex 31. c io. wright , com. fer. ian. 12. ex . 32. d george french , com. kildare , feb. 1. ex . 33. e iane mansfield , com meath , ianu. 3. ex . 34. henry palmer , com. wexford , ian. 12. ex . 35. f ocker butts . g io. perkins com. cav. i a. 8. ex 36. h lucy spell . rog. holland , ex . 77. i tho middleborough co. fer ia. 4. ex . 37. alice tibbs co. praed. ia. 4 ex 38. avis bradshaw co. praed. ia 4. ex . 39. k richard knowles co. praed. ia. 10 ex . 40. l robert barton co. praed. ia 5. ex . 41. m hu. culm co. mon. ia 22. ex . 42. marth. culm co. praed. feb. 14. ex 43. n eliz. gough co. cav feb. 8 ex . 44. o io. greg p anne gill. co. fer ia. 29. ex . 45. * george cottingam . ex . 78. q eliz vause co. leitrim feb. 9. ex . 46. r nicholas michael co. cav. ian. 15. ex . 47. s andr. foster co. wickloe . feb 17. ex . 48. w io. mountgomery . nath. higginson , com. ferm ia 7. ex . 51. george cottingam . ex . 78. x dr. iones . y anne marshall , co. ferm . ian. 3. ex 52 iathuell maw , co fer. ian. 3. ex . 53 iane mansfeild . z io. biggar . a hugh madden . b iohn mountgomery . hu. culme . marth. culme c rich. cleybrock . co. wex. his exam. taken at the councell table , ex . 54 t rich. witlon co. wickloe . ia. 11. ex . 49. v io. biggar . tho. crant . edw. taylor . co. wexford , feb. 23 ex . 50 d marg. farmen , co fer. ia. 3 ex . 55. marg. leadly , co. fer. ia. 3. e hen. fisher , co. wickloe , ia. 25. ex . 56. f io. greg. with infinite others ▪ g adam glover , com. cav. ia. 4 ex 57. h adam glover . i eliz. taylor , com. fer. ian. 8. ex . 58. k io. mountgomery . l hen palmer , com. wex , ia. 12. m edw slack , com. fer. ia. 4. ex . 59. n edward dean , com. wickloe , ia. 7. ex 60. roger holland , ex . 77. o io. greg. p katherine bellew , com. mona . feb. 5. ex 61 q io. wisedome , com. arm. feb. 8. ex . 62 roger holland ex . 77. r io. wisedome . 〈◊〉 tayl●r , com. arm. feb. 8 ex , 63 s io mandevile , com. dublin , feb. 3 ex 64 t m●g stocks , com. fer examined by directions from the councell bo●rd , ex 65 v r●ynold gri●fith , co. arma . ex . 74 * alex. creig●hton . x ad. glover , ro. barton , with infinite others . z io. gregg . alexander creig●hton , ex 76. richard skinner , co. k●●●ore , feb 8. a iohn gregg b nath. hi●genson . c thomas crant d adam glover . io. mountgomery e thomas crant marga. stocks f ● . mountgomery . mary woods , com. ki●dare , feb. ●3 ex 66. g thomas 〈…〉 kildare , feb 15. ex . 67. mary woods . reb. collis , co. kild . feb. 23. ex . 68. h ● . ● . ●tile . hugh culme . i io mountgomry . k w. clerk . l mr philip tayler m io. mountgomry . x cha. campbell , ex . 75. n marga. parker of newtown , com. fer. ian. 19. ex . 69. elizabeth bursses of the same . ex . 70. o alex. creighton . ex . 76. geo. cottingham , ex . 78. p henry boyne , com. tiron , feb. 16. ex . 71. q hugh culme . henry stile . q io. cardiff . r eliz. trafford , com . long f. ian. 8. ex . 72. william cleark . s geo. cooke . margery sharpe , com . meath , ian. 29. ex . 73. notes for div a87629e-5040 ex. 3. ex. 5. ex. 6. ex. 7. ex. 8. ex. 9. ex. 10. ex. 11. ex. 12. ex. 13. ex. 14. ex. 15. ex. 16. ex. 17. ex. 18. ex. 19. ex. 20. ex. 21. ex. 22. ex. 23. ex. 24. ex. 25. ex. 26. ex. 27. ex. 28. ex. 29. ex. 30. ex. 31. ex. 32. ex. 33. ex. 34. ex. 35. ex. 36. ex. 37. ex. 38. ex. 39. ex. 40. ex. 41. ex. 42. ex. 43. ex. 44. ex. 45. ex. 46. ex. 47. ex. 48. ex. 49. ex. 50. ex. 51. ex. 52. ex. 53. ex. 54. ex. 55. ex. 56. ex. 57. ex. 58. ex. 59. ex. 60. ex. 61. ex. 62. ex. 63. ex. 64. ex. 65. ex. 66. ex. 67. ex. 68. ex. 69. ex. 70. ex. 71. ex. 72. ex. 73. ex. 74. ex. 75. ex. 76. ex. 77. ex. 78. whereas by our proclamation, bearing date the twenty sixth day of june last, all persons concerned in any of the transplanted lands in the province of connaght, and county of clare ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1677 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46113 wing i737 estc r39305 18367797 ocm 18367797 107378 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46113) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107378) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1636:40) whereas by our proclamation, bearing date the twenty sixth day of june last, all persons concerned in any of the transplanted lands in the province of connaght, and county of clare ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : [1677] title from first 5 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 19th day of february 1676." imperfect: torn, with loss of print. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng land tenure -ireland. priorities of claims and liens -ireland. ireland -history -1660-1688. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . essex . whereas by our proclamation , bearing date the twenty sixth day of june last , all persons concerned in any of the transplanted lands in the province of connaght , and county of clare , were required to put in their claimes thereunto before his majesties commissioners , for hearing & determining the said claims before the first day of august last , & that they should with all convenient speed apply themselves to the said commissioners for hearing & determining the said claims , & prosecute the same with effect . and whereas in pursuance of his majesties letters on that behalf , we have amongst other instructions to the said commissioners directed , that an exact survey , be made of all the lands within the extent of their commission , which shall not be adjudged to the several persons in possession thereof ; and after a due calculation of all the just demands , which shall be made out of that stock , and before any distribution thereof towards satisfaction of such deficiencies or reprisalls , to compare both together , that so right measures may be taken in the application thereof , and such further instructions given , as the nature of the affaire shall require ; to the intent therefore that the ascertaining of the said stock , and the distribution thereof , may not be delayed longer than the necessitie of the said stock doth require , and that no person may be surprized in haveing his land cast into the said stock , nor any person who is iustly intitled to any deficiencie or reprisall , disapointed of his iust satisfaction for want of a due and timely prosecution of their claimes thereunto : we have thought fit hereby againe to require all persons concerned in any of the said claimes , or that are intitled to any of the said lands , or deficiencies . that they forthwith apply themselves to the said commissioners , and prosecute the same with effect , and take out certificate for the said lands before the first day of april next , as they desire to avoid the inconvenience aforesaid , which may fall upon them through their neglect herein ; and we do hereby require the said commissioners , that forthwith after the said first day of april , they proceed to the making up of the bookes of the stock of such lands which shall not be past by certificate to the severall persons in possession thereof . given at the council chamber in dublin , the 19th day of february 1676. ja : armachanus . mich : dublin canc. thomond : lanesborough : hen : midensis : r : coote . robt : fitz : gerald. ca : dillon . char : meredith . jo : povey . ro : booth . jo : bysse . ric : gethin . ja : cuffe . vvm : flower . god save the king. dublin printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the kings most excellent m 〈…〉 and are to be sold by joseph wilde bookeseller in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereas for sundry good causes and considerations, we have thought it convenient and necessary to prorogue the present parliament ... by the lords justices, mau. eustace canc., orrery, mountrath. ireland. lords justices and council. 1661 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46138 wing i778 estc r39306 18367811 ocm 18367811 107379 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46138) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107379) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1636:41) whereas for sundry good causes and considerations, we have thought it convenient and necessary to prorogue the present parliament ... by the lords justices, mau. eustace canc., orrery, mountrath. ireland. lords justices and council. eustace, maurice, sir, ca. 1590-1661. mountrath, charles coote, earl of, ca. 1610-1661. orrery, roger boyle, earl of, 1621-1679. 1 broadside. printed by john crook ... and are to be sold by sam. dancer ..., dublin : 1661. title from first 3 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at dublin the tenth day of december, in the thirteenth year of the reign of our soveraign lord charles the second, by the grace of god king of great britain, france and ireland. 1661." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1660-1688. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2 r honi·soit·qvi·mal·y·pense diev·et mon·droit royal coat of arms by the lords justices . ●au . eustace canc. orrery . mountrath . whereas for sundry good causes and considerations , we have thought it convenient and necessary to prorogue the present parliament , until the one and twentieth day of january next being tuesday , when it is purposed ( god willing ) the same shall be recontinued : we do therefore will and require all persons to whom it doth or shall appertain , to take due notice thereof , to the end , that in the mean time they may repair to their houses , or otherwise apply themselves about their private affairs , at their pleasures ; and then to give their attendance here again , at the day and time aforesaid , in the usual place appointed for that intended service : whereof they may not fail . given at dublin the tenth day of december , in the thirteenth year of the reign of our soveraign lord charles the second , by the grace of god king of great britain , france and ireland . 1661. god save the king dublin , printed by iohn crook , printer to the kings most excellent majesty : and are to be sold by sam. dancer bookseller in castle-street , anno dom. 1661. o lord of hosts, almighty and eternall god, whose high and glorious name is king of kings and lord of lords ... bulkeley, lancelot, 1568?-1650. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a77774 of text r175631 in the english short title catalog (wing b5402a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a77774 wing b5402a estc r175631 45578192 ocm 45578192 172146 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a77774) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 172146) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2615:41) o lord of hosts, almighty and eternall god, whose high and glorious name is king of kings and lord of lords ... bulkeley, lancelot, 1568?-1650. ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [s.l. : 1642] signed: la dublin. "28 of february. 1642: i require all preachers and chaplaines of the army to use the above forme of praier at all times of publique praier in all expeditions. ormonde." reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng prayers. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. broadsides -england -17th century. a77774 r175631 (wing b5402a). civilwar no o lord of hosts, almighty and eternall god, whose high and glorious name is king of kings, and lord of lords: heare from heauen thy dwelling bulkeley, lancelot 1642 438 1 0 0 0 0 0 23 c the rate of 23 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion o lord of hosts , almighty and eternall god , whose high and glorious name is king of kings , and lord of lords : heare from heauen thy dwelling place the prayers and supplicatious of vs thy servants , assembled together to sight thy battels against the enemies of thy truth and gospell , many in number and most maliciously bent are they that are risen by against vs : but if thou ( o lord ) be with vs , we will not feare what man can doe against vs ; as our hope of helpe is in thee , so let our helpe and assistance be from thee , send thy blessed angels to keepe vs in all our wayes , direct and prosper our councells , encourage our hearts and strengthen our hands , graunt vs victorie in the day of battle , and perfect thy strength in our weakenesse , strike the hearts of our enemies with thy terrors , disperse their numbers , make vaine their devices , and glorifie thy power and wisedome in our safetie , and their conversion or confusion , o lord of hosts convert them in thy mercie , or avenge vpon them their treason and disloyallty towards thine anoynted , our dread soveraigne , returne into their bosomes the blood of our brethren , which they have shed with crueltie , and vpon their heads the mischiefes which they have wrought , wash away the guilt of all our sinnes by the bloud of thy son jesus christ , which was shed as a ransome for vs all ; sanctifie our hearts by the grace of thy holy spirit , that our sinnes cause not the removeall of thy presence from vs , sanctifie our campe , and dwell therein , and grant the event and successe of this our present warfare , m●y be the advancement and establishment of the true auncient catholike , apostolike protestant faith , the rooting out of popery , idolatry and superstition , the conversion of this rebellious seduced nation vnto loyaltie and obedience of thy gospell , the honor and contentment of our gracious soveraigne king charles , the settlement of peace in this desolate kingdome , and the glory of thy great and fearefull name , and that for the meritt of thy onely son jesus christ our lord , amen . la. dublin . 28 of february . 1642. i require all preachers and chaplaines of the army to use the above forme of praier at all times of publique praier in all expeditions . ormonde proclamation against the importation of irish cattle, &c. edinburgh, the first day of feb. 1667. scotland. privy council. 1667 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05472 wing s1610 estc r233277 52612292 ocm 52612292 179593 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05472) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179593) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2793:65) proclamation against the importation of irish cattle, &c. edinburgh, the first day of feb. 1667. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1649-1685 : charles ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by evan tyler, printer to the kings most excellent majesty, edinburgh : 1667. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. text in black letter. signed: pet. wedderburne cl. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng foreign trade regulation -scotland -early works to 1800. animal industry -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -commerce -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -commerce -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 scott lepisto sampled and proofread 2009-01 scott lepisto text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense proclamation against the importation of irish cattle , &c. edinburgh , the first day of feb. 1667. charles , by the grace of god , king of great britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith. to all and sundry our liedges and subjects whom it effeirs , greeting : forsomuch as by an act of our late parliament , entituled , act asserting our prerogative in the ordering and disposal of trade with forraigners ; it is declared , that the laying on of restraints and impositions upon forraign imported commodities , doth belong to us and our surcessors , as an undoubted priviledge and prerogative of our crown ; and that by vertue thereof we may so order and dispose upon foraign trade , as we shall judge most fit for the good of that our kingdom . and whereas many humble addresses have been made to us by the convention of our estates , in august , 1665. and by the lords of our privy council , for restraining of irish cattle , corn , and some other commodities , from coming in to this kingdom , as being most prejudicial thereto , by reason that our subjects are more then sufficiently provided within themselves ; and incase of trade with forraign kingdoms and states ( which is now for the most part stopped ) are able to spare and export considerable quantities of all these commodities , and we being most willing to gratifie the subjects of that our ancient kingdom : therefore , and in testimony of our just resentment of their loyalty and affection to our service , we , with advice of the lords of our privy council , have discharged ; and by these presents discharges the importation of all irish cattle ( except horses ) as also , irish salt beef , and corns of whatsoever grain , or meal made thereof , to any town , port , or harbour , or any other place of that our ancient kingdom , in any ship or vessel whatsoever , after the first day of march next to come . as also , discharges all persons whatsoever to receive or pasture any of the saids cattle upon their lands or pasturage , or to sell and dispone thereupon , or to reset or receive any quantities of the victual so prohibited , or to conceal the same within their houses or cellers : and do hereby authorize and command all magistrates of our burghs royal , sheriffs , or iustices of peace in all shires where the goods or vessels shall arrive , to prohibit the unloading thereof : and incase of contravention , to seize , or cause seize upon the samine , to be confiscat , the one half thereof for our use , and the other half for the use of these who shall attach and seize upon the same . and further , requires the saids magistrates , or either of them , to apprehend the persons of the contraveeners , and to secure them by imprisonment till they advertise the lords of our privy council , that order may be given to proceed against them as contemners of our royal authority , that all condign punishment may be inflicted upon them without mercy . and ordains these presents to be printed and published at the mercat cross of edinburgh , pear and shore of leith , and at the mercat crosses of all burghs royal , and burghs of regality and barony lying in the western parts of this kingdom , where the saids goods and victual are ordinarily imported , and other places needful , that none pretend ignorance . pet. wedderburne cl. s ti concilii . edinbvrgh , printed by evin tyler , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , 1667. die sabbathi 13 novemb. 1647 whereas by an ordinance of this present parliament bearing date the fourteenth day of july 1643. it was granted, ordained, and declared, that all those who should advance one full fourth part of their former adventures for lands in ireland, ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83606 of text r210712 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.11[101]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83606 wing e2469 thomason 669.f.11[101] estc r210712 99869479 99869479 162753 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83606) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162753) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f11[101]) die sabbathi 13 novemb. 1647 whereas by an ordinance of this present parliament bearing date the fourteenth day of july 1643. it was granted, ordained, and declared, that all those who should advance one full fourth part of their former adventures for lands in ireland, ... england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) for john wright at the kings head in the old baily, printed at london : 1647. recites provisions of ordinance 14 july 1643. adventurers advancing one-fourth of their former adventure should have double the land promised -cf. steele. at foot of page, in oversized typeface: printed december the first 1647. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a83606 r210712 (thomason 669.f.11[101]). civilwar no die sabbathi 13 novemb. 1647 whereas by an ordinance of this present parliament bearing date the fourteenth day of july 1643. it was granted england and wales. parliament. 1647 893 1 0 0 0 0 0 11 c the rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die sabbathi 13 novemb ▪ 1647 whereas by an ordinance of this present parliament bearing date the fourteenth day of july 1643. it was granted , ordained , and declared , that all those who should advance one full fourth part of their former adventures for lands in ireland , or that should de novo , become adventurers by advancing any summe or summes of money , should have a double proportion of land ; that is , twice so much as was granted by any of the preceding acts or ordinances of parliament to adventurers in that behalfe . now for as much as the said ordinance being without limitation of time for such advances to be made , may much disadvange the state , the lords and commons in parliament assembled taking the same into consideration , and to the end that thirty thousand pounds , and no more money , may be advanced by paying in one full fourth part upon the said ordinance , to have a double proportion of land , as is therein expressed , do ordaine , and it is ordained by the said lords and commons , that the time limited for the coming in subscription and payment of any sum of money for a full fourth part of any the former adventures for lands in ireland , or otherwise upon the said ordinance of 14. july 1643. shall be within twenty dayes next after the passing and printing of this present ordinance by all such persons , corporations , or bodies politique as are in london , or within ten miles thereof ; and the time limited shall be within forty dayes after the passing and printing of this ordinance for the comming in subscription and payment of any money for a full fourth part , as aforesaid , by all other persons , corporations , or bodies politique of the first adventurers for land in ireland , that will advance and pay one full fourth part thereupon or otherwaies . and it is further ordained by the authority aforesaid , that in case the said thirty thousand pounds shall not be advanced and paid within the said forty dayes , as is before declared , that then it shall and may be lawfull for any person or persons whatsoever , within seven dayes next after the expiration of the said forty dayes to advance and pay the full fourth part of any the said first adventures whereunto the said fourth part is , or shall not be then added , and upon payment thereof shall have and take that advantage to himselfe which the said first adventurer should or might have had by payment of the said full fourth part by vertue of the said ordinance of parliament of the fourteenth of july 1643. before mentioned . and whereas many of the first adventurers intended to have paid in their whole money according to their subscription within the times limited for payment , but were hindred by reason of the then great troubles , and of the warre in this kingdome ; it is therefore ordained and declared by the said lords and commons in parliament assembled , that all such adventurers shall be admitted to make payment of their full adventure and subscription of money , and to adde a full fourth part thereunto of their said full adventure and subscription , according to the said ordinance of the 14 july 1643. and upon payment thereof , according to the severall and respective limitation of lives before mentioned , and not otherwise , shall have and take the like benefit of the said ordinance of the 14. july 1643. for a double proportion of land in ireland as is therein declared , any act or ordinance of parliament to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . and it is also ordained by the said lords and commons in parliament , that all such comming in subscriptions , or payment of any money , and the benefit or profit that may or should accrew thereupon as shall be made in pursuance of the said ordinance of parliament of the 14 of july 1643. by any person or persons , or for any corporations or bodies politique whatsoever after the end and expiration of the said seven dayes next comming after the forty dayes before mentioned , are and shall be by vertue of this present ordinance void and of none effect , and from thenceforth shall be accompted null and void , and to be so interpreted to all intents and purposes , any thing in the said ordinance to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . and it is hereby further ordained , that the said thirty thousand pounds , or so much thereof as shall be advanced , shall be paid in unto master thomas andrews , master thomas foot , master john kendricke , and master samuel avery , aldermen of the city of london , who are hereby appointed treasurers for the said service , and to issue forth the said money as they shall be ordered by both houses of parliament . printed december the first 1647. printed at london for john wright at the kings head in the old baily . 1647. the deplorable state of the kingdom of ireland, and the just apprehensions of a new massacre from the papists there, have forced many thousands of families to fly over into england, 1689 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b02633 wing d1076a estc r174606 49521464 ocm 49521464 174119 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02633) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 174119) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2665:14) the deplorable state of the kingdom of ireland, and the just apprehensions of a new massacre from the papists there, have forced many thousands of families to fly over into england, lamplugh, thomas, 1615-1691. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [s.l. : 1689?] title from first line of text. signed: tho. ebor [i.e. thomas lamplugh] ... [and 4 others]. date of publication suggested by wing. reproduction of original in: christ church (university of oxford). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -war of 1689-1691. broadsides -england -17th century. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the deplorable state of the kingdom of ireland , and the just apprehensions of a new massacre from the papists there , have forced many thousands of families to fly over into england , who coming away on the sudden , and being obliged to abandon their houses and estates , that they might have their lives for a prey , are reduced to the greatest straits imaginable ; many of them wanting the necessary supports of life , and not a few thousands who some months ago liv'd in great plenty , are now upon the point of starving , if they are not speedily and vigorously reliev'd ; besides that great numbers are daily coming over , and like to do so , as long as the kingdom of ireland continues in this distressed condition . this hath wrought so much on the charity and piety of their majesties , that they have issued out their letters patents for a general collection over the whole kingdom , of which a copy is herewith sent you . and we who are among many others appointed by the brief to take care of the execution of it , have thought it incumbent on us to write to you , ( no way doubting of your great zeal for carrying on so good and so necessary a charity ) to move you to use all possible care and diligence for the advancement of it ; hoping you will represent to the people , that as these our distressed brethren are driven from their houses and possessions by the enemies both of our religion and country : so if we have any regard either to the name of an english-man , or a protestant , we must be deeply affected with their misery . it is not long since we our selves had the dreadful prospect of being forc'd to abandon our country , and of choosing a voluntary exile . but god of his great mercy has preserved us from those miseries , into which he has suffer'd these our brethren and country-men to fall . we hope therefore you will endeavour most effectually to perswade your respective charges , to shew that liberal charity to their distressed fellow-christians upon this great occasion ; which they would have wished others would have shewn to them , if themselves had fallen into the like calamity ; and that they will stir up all men to consider what a grateful acknowledgment it will be to almighty god , who has deliver'd us from the hands of our enemies , to shew a most extraordinary compassion to those who are fallen into this great distress . and how justly such as can harden themselves against such objects , may expect to fall under extreme misery , and to find none to pity them . and in particular we do desire that every minister after the reading of the brief , will also read this letter to his congregation . and that on the sunday before he begins to gather this charity , he will at the conclusion of his sermon earnestly exhort his parishioners to an extraordinary liberality suitable to the pressing necessities of so great a number , in so great a distress . and all this we most earnestly recommend to your care , not doubting but you will so far charge your own consciences with it , as becomes men of your holy profession . and we think fit to acquaint you , that for the publick satisfaction there will be printed and published an exact account of the monies that are gather'd in every arch-deaconry , and every parish thereof , together with an account of the distribution of all the monies that are received upon this brief attested by the commissioners therein mentioned . we are your loving friends , tho. ebor. h. london . p. winchester . w. asaph . gi. sarum . the memoirs of james, lord audley, earl of castlehaven, his engagement and carriage in the wars of ireland from the year 1642 to the year 1651 written by himself. castlehaven, james touchet, earl of, 1617?-1684. 1680 approx. 148 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 72 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a31226 wing c1234 estc r4054 13677399 ocm 13677399 101258 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31226) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101258) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 841:30) the memoirs of james, lord audley, earl of castlehaven, his engagement and carriage in the wars of ireland from the year 1642 to the year 1651 written by himself. castlehaven, james touchet, earl of, 1617?-1684. [8], 136, p. printed for henry brome ..., london : 1680. first edition, which is "said to have been suppressed by the author."--lowndes, v. 1, p. 387. errata: p. [2] created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng castlehaven, james touchet, -earl of, 1617?-1684. ireland -history -1625-1649. ireland -history -1649-1660. 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-06 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion errata . page 33. l. 24. charge that defeated . read . charge ; defeated . p 35. l. 16. understood . r i understood . p. 62. l. 16. use . r. used . p. 64. l. 10. places . r. place . p. 97. l. 21. after , that . r after that , p. 99. l 9. remembred . r. remember . p. 100. l. 3. force●s . r. forces . p. 106. l. 10. note . r. a note . p. 124. l. 24. forceable . r. foordable . p. 115. l. 13. speak . r. spake . the memoir's of james lord avdley earl of castlehaven , his engagement and carriage in the wars of ireland , from the year 1642 to the year 1651. written by himself . london , printed for henry brome at the gun in st. pauls church-yard , 1680. to the king . sir , i lay at your majesties feet these my memoir's : and if your time may permit that you will read them , they are contracted in so little a volume the more to invite you to it . i am persuaded that your majesty will find amongst them , some thing new , though many years past . the stile is plain and simple ; otherwise it could not be mine . but the truth may make amends . for i pass them on my word not to contain a lie , or mistake , to my knowledge . your majesties most faithful subject and dutiful servant , castlehaven audley . to the reader . i being one day in s. pauls church-yard , amongst the stationers , some books fell into my hands lately set forth : histories of the rebellion begun in ireland , in the year 1641. with the wars and transactions that followed on that occasion ; and finding my self in many places cited , acting as a confederate catholick , which in plain english is as a rebel : i thought fit to publish something , setting forth my own story ( not to excuse the rebellion , for all the water of the sea cannot wash it off that nation , it having been begun most bloodily on the english in that kingdom , in a time of setled peace , without the least occasion given ) but what i write , is chiefly to draw from the world some compassion , my case being singular , as i hope the memoires will make out . i take god to witness , i never bad the least hint of the rebellion , till being one night at supper with my lord of kery , at his house in that county ; his lordship being a privy-counsellor , shewed me a letter which he then received from the justices , setting forth the attempt on the castle of dublin , and the rebellion in the north , from whence sprung that unjustifiable war , in which i was unfortunately engaged : but on my repentance , purused by my actings to bring on the first cessations , and the peace of 46. i had many testimonies from the late king of blessed memory , and his lieutenant , the now duke of ormond , that my faults were forgiven me . since i have always purused my duty in faithfully serving the king ; and after his death , his majesty that now reigns : for which , though most unworthy , i have received many marks of his favours ; and since his happy restoration , ( for my better security ) hath given me his gracious pardon ; by virtue of which , i have sate in the parliament of ireland , as being a peer of that kingdom . now to gratifie the reader for the trouble given by these memoires , and to induce him to a favourable construction , i shall ( god willing ) e're long , by the help of a friend , annex to this little book , an appendix representing in short the state of ireland from the year of the world 1756. to the year of christ , 1652. where among other things , he shall find the true original causes of the late rebellion throughly discovered . castle-haven , audley . james lord audley earl of castlehaven his memoir's . sect . i. the occasion and motives of his engaging in those wars . his being in ireland , in his way to france , when the rebellion brake out . his service proffer'd to the lords justices , but rejected . his retirement to his country-house , indictment of treason , and commitment to sheriff woodcocks at dublin . sir john read put to the torture of the rack . the memory of the earl of strafford's death . the kings answer at york to colonel mervin tuchet . his escape out of dublin , and flight to kilkenny . the model of government , and oath of association . what induced me to write these memoires , is to answer a wonder , that reasonably may be made : how i being a peer of england , and an english-man both by birth and descent on all sides , should engage my self amongst the irish in their wars : not speaking a word of their language , and having little in their kingdom . i say then , that i never designed it , but fell into those troubles by chance , and much against my will. the story thus . i was newly come from my travels abroad : where my genius leading me to see whatever was to be seen in armies , i went of purpose to the siege of turain in italy . after my return , i attended the king at berwick , till the first pacification with the scots . and then , hearing that the prince cardinal governor of the spanish netherlands was preparing to march towards the relief of arras besieged at that time by the french : i pass'd over again to flanders and artois ; and saw an end of that expedition , and arras yielded to the besiegers . in short , my inclinations were to war , and so intended to make it my trade , by putting my self into the service of some foreign prince . to this effect , having settled my affairs in england , i made as i thought a step into ireland , to do the like there . but it proved a longer stay . the occasion take out of the ensuing letter to me from my brother colonel mervin tuchet . hearing your lordship is writing a narrative of your concerns in ireland during the late war , & how you came to be engaged : i having been at that time with you , may possibly mind you of some passages , more in my knowledge than yours . when the rebellion broke forth in the north , you were in mounster : and on the news , you immediately repaired to dublin , to the lords justices , sir william parsons , and sir john burlace : where you acquainted them , with your willingness , to serve the king against the rebels , as your ancestors had formerly done in ireland , on like occasions . to which they replyed , your religion was an obstacle . there being then a parliament in that kingdom sitting , you were resolved to see the event , sending me to your house at madingstown , in the county of kildare , to secure and defend it , in case there were any rising in those parts . vpon my coming , i found many poor english stript : whom i took into the house and relieved , defending them in the best manner i could . some time after , the parliament being dissolved , you desired of the justices a pass to go for england . but they refusing , you acquainted them that your estate there , was not in a condition to maintain you in dublin ; and desired that you might be supplied with some mony , for your subsistance , until such time , that you could apply your self , to the parliament in england for a pass to bring you over ; which they denied . you prest them then to direct you , what course you should steer . to which they replied : go home and make fair weather . you took this advice , and being come ; my lord of antrim and my lady dutchess of buckingham , soon followed ; and you were very well pleased with so good company to spend your provisions . but in a short time , the irish came and drove away great part of your stock , to a village near . it being night , you desired me to take your servants and endeavour the recovery . which i did , bringing with me two or three of the chiefest conductors of this rabble . this enrag'd the irish so much , as you conceiv'd i was not safe there : and therefore sent me to dublin , to attend the justices orders , and assure them of your readiness to return on a call , they sending a convoy . which they promis'd to do , as occasion required . when i went from you , you thought it necessary , that i should take with me , all the poor english that were saved ; and to let them go with the carts , which were loaden with wool for dublin ; leaving only one of them , who was a sadler , then my lord of antrims servant . in the passage neer rath-cool , the rebels fell upon them , and barbarously killed some , and wounded others : my self and one more escaping by the goodness of our horses . but a servant of mine governing the carts , and being an english-man , they took . and whilst they were preparing to hang him , sir john dungans eldest son , watt dungan came forth of his fathers house with a party , and rescued him with the rest of those that were left alive , and brought them safe to dublin , where i was gotten . the sadler that i had left in my lord of antrims service , some time after met me , complaining , that coming for dublin he had been taken by the rebells , by means of a boy that served your lordship : and if i would not give him forty shillings , being he was damnified ( in so much ) he would complain . i told him , that the boy he mentioned was no servant of yours ; but kept out of charity , and to whip the dogs out of doors : being blind of an eye , and lame of a leg. he replied , that although he were blind and lame , he had a note from my lord of antrim , to have him apprehended by those that were neither blind , nor lame , which he gave to them , who took him prisoner , and carried him to the garrison of leixlipp , kept by the rebels . i bad him do what he pleased : for i would not give him one farthing . the next i heard of it , was that he had complained ; and that your lordship was indicted of high treason . vpon which i made my addresses to the lords justices again , to let them know , that they had not kept their words with me , in suffering this clandestine proceeding against my brother ; but however , i would go and fetch you : and to that purpose desired them to let me have a party of horse . but that they refused . i then came down to you with some of my friends , and acquainted you with what had past . you answered , that you knew nothing of it , and went immediately with me to dublin ; where you addressed your self to my lord of ormond , as i did my self in your behalf to the lord justices and council , to acquaint them that you were come . they replied , that they could say nothing to it , till you appeared before them . which you did the next day ; and then they ordered you to come the day following . at which time without calling you in , they committed you to mr. woodcocks house , one of the sheriffs of dublin . now i seeing this rigorous usage towards you , and being refused a pass for my self to go for england , made a shift to get away in a small boat , and go directly to the king at york , and petition him that you might be sent for over to be tried here by your peers . but his majesties answer was , that he had left all the affairs of ireland to the parliament . vpon which i went to london , and petitioned the parliament to the same effect . their answer was , that they could do nothing without the king ; of which i gave you an account by letter . this was the last correspondence i had with you , being after that continually serving his majesty in england . but the king coming from newark to oxford , he sent me with dispatches to my lord lieutenant , and ordered me to go to you , and use my endeavours to persuade you to hasten a peace . you received the commission as very agreeable , saying that from the beginning of the war you had always laboured for a peace , and that you hoped it would soon be done . before i returned , i saw it proclaimed : and it goes by the name of the peace of 46. london the 17th . of may. 1680. now that you have seen what my brother writes of the occasion of my longer stay in ireland , so much contrary to the design of my going thether : i will hence forth in my own method go on with the story of my own adventures in that kingdom . but to this end i must once more place myself in madenstown ; whether , as you see in my brothers letter , i was first retired by advice of the lords justices . i continued there some five or six moneths after in peace and quietness ; and , for the greatest part of the time , in so noble and excellent company as that of the dutchess of buckingham , and the lord marquess of antrim her husband , who did me that very great honour . in the mean while parties were sent out by the justices from dublin , and the towns adjacent , to kill and destroy the rebels , and the like was done through all parts of the kingdom . but the officers and soldiers did not take care enough to distinguish between rebels and subjects ; but killed in many places promiscuously . on which partly , and partly on other provocations that preceeded , and some too that followed , the whole nation , finding themselves concerned took to arms for their own defence , and particularly the lords of the pale did so : who yet at the same time , desired the justices to send their petition to the king. which was refused . and , for their farther discouragement , sir john read , his majesties sworn servant ( a stranger to the country , un-engag'd , and an eye-witness of their proceedings , then upon his journey to england ) prevailed with by them to carry their remonstrance to his majesty the late king of ever blessed memory , and to beg his pardon for what they had done , coming to dublin , and not concealing his message , was put to the rack for his good will. the said lords having tried this , and other ways , to acquaint the king with their grievances , and all failing , an open war broke forth generally throughout the kingdom , and very unfortunately for me . one encounter happened in the sight of my house , between my lord of ormond commanding the english , and my lord richard vicount of mount-garret the irish . the latter was defeated . this encounter goes , by the name of the battel of kill-rush , and was fought the 15 th . of april . 1642. my lord of ormond after this being to pass with his army just by my door , some of his people being of my acquaintance came galloping before , assuring that my lord of ormond would be with me in half an hour . on which , my lady dutchess , and my self be-stirred our selves , and having two or three cooks , a good barns door , and plenty of wine , we patcht up a dinner ready to be set on the table at my lords coming in . but some that came with him , turned this another way , magnifying the entertainment beyond what it was , and publishing through the army , that it was a mighty feast for my lord of mount-garrett and the rebels ; and this through the english quarters past for currant . i believe it was much the cause of that under-hand villanous proceeding against me , mentioned in my brothers letter . my lady dutchess and my lord of antrim soon left me going into their own country in the north. for a while i tided it out alone , till my brother fetcht me to dublin . you have seen by my brothers letter how i was imprisoned , and no hopes of any relief from either the king , or parliament sitting in england . so that after twenty weeks that i had remained in prison , i was ordered to be removed to the castle of dublin . which startled me , and brought to my thoughts the proceedings against the earl of strafford , who confiding in his innocency lost his head . i concluded then , that innocency was a scurvy plea in an angry time . besides i looked upon the justices and most of the council to be of the parliaments persuasion . wherefore i resolved to attempt an escape , and save my self in the irish quarters . which i did in this manner . after the battel of killrush there was one george lidwidge an irish-man and trooper left wounded in my house ; who being recovered , in acknowledgment of kindnesses received , often visited me in prison . i found so much fidelity in the man towards me , that i trusted him with my design ; desiring his assistance : which he promis'd . i then , giving him mony , ordered him to buy me three horses for my self and two servants , with sadles and pistols : which he did . and the next night just as the maid was to shut the door , it being dark , i slipt into the street : leaving my two men in the house , and appointing them where they should find me in the morning . about nine of the clock they came out of the house , bidding the maid make no noise , pretending that i was not well , and had not rested that night . they coming to me , the guards of the town withdrawn , and the pattroles come in , were sent before with the son of the trooper to the place , where our horses stood , to have them ready : the trooper and my self soon following , but i as his man carrying a saddle under my arm. to be short , we mounted all on horseback ; march'd as troopers carelesly out of the town ; and took our way by temple-oage towards the mountains of wicklow . where being come , i cared little for the justices . but before dinner my escape was discovered by the people of the house ; and on notice given to the justices , i was pursued by a party of horse taking their way to my house at madingstown . in the night they invested it : but not finding me , after having possest themselves of what i had within , and without , they killed many of my servants , and burnt the house . i kept on my way towards kilkenny , as much through the fast country as i could , till i arrived . where i found the town very full , and many of my acquaintance : all preparing for their natural defence ; seeing no distinction made ; or safety , but in arms. to this end they had chosen amongst themselves , out of the most eminent persons a council , and gave it the title of the supream council of the confederate catholicks of ireland : and formed an oath of association by which all were bound to obey them . they had made four generals of the four provinces : preston of leinster , barry of mounster , owen-roe o neal of vlster , and one burk of conaught : and being to give commissions they caused a seal to be made , which was the seal of the council . i was sent for to this council to tell my story , which i did . and then being askt , what i intended to do : i answer'd , to get into france , and so to england . upon which they told me their condition , and what they were doing for their preservation ; persuading me to stay with them , being i was beloved in the country , had three sisters married amongst them , was persecuted on the same score they were , and ruined so , that we had no more to lose but our lives . i took two or three days to think of this proposition ; examining the model of government , they had prepared against the meeting of the general assembly , and most particularly their oath of association . which oath i judged to be very reasonable , as the case stood , it being as here followeth . the oath of association . i a , b. do profess , swear and protest , before god , and his saints , and his angels , that i will , during my life , bear true faith and allegiance to my sovereign lord charles by the grace of god , king of great-britain , france , and ireland , and to his heirs and lawful successors : and that i will to my power , during my life , defend , uphold , and maintain , all his and their just prerogatives , estates and rights , the power and priviledge of the parliament of this realm , the fundamental laws of ireland , the free exercise of the roman-catholick faith , and religion , throughout this land , and the lives , just liberties , possessions , estates , and rights of all those that have taken , or shall take this oath , and perform the contents thereof : and that i will obey and ratifie , all the orders and decrees made , and to be made , by the supream council , of the confederate catholicks of this kingdom , concerning the said publick cause : and that i will not seek directly or indirectly , any pardon or protection , for any act done , or to be done touching this general cause , without the consent of the major part of the said council : and that i will not directly or indirectly do any act or acts , that shall prejudice the said cause ; but will to the hazard of my life , and estate , assist , prosecute , and maintain the same . moreover i do farther swear , that i will not accept of , or submit unto , any peace , made or to be made , with the said confederate catholicks , without the consent and approbation of the general assembly of the said confederate catholicks . and , for the preservation and strengthening of the association , and union of the kingdom , that upon any peace , or accomodation to be made , or concluded with the said confederate catholicks , as aforesaid , i will , to the utmost of my power insist upon and maintain , the ensuing propositions , until a peace as aforesaid be made , and the matters to be agreed upon , in the articles of peace , be established and secured by parliament . so help me god , and his holy gospel . sect . ii. he takes the oath , and employment . chief heads of the model of government . burras , fore-faukland , byrrh , and ballinikille yield to preston : who not long after was twice defeated . castlehaven begins his command with an action of charity . and then he forces crawford from the siege of balli-brittas : takes ballinunry , clogrenen , and ballilenan ; and withall defeats the succour . on the whole matter i returned to this council , thank'd them for their good opinion of me , and engaged my self to run a fortune with them . whether anger and revenge did not incline me to it as much as any other consideration , i cannot resolve . this i well remember , that i consider'd how i had been used , and seen my house burning as i pass'd by : besides , that i was a light man , with no charge , and not any hopes of redress from the king , who was then engaged in an intestine war. now being thus a confederate , and having taken the oath , they made me one of the council , and general of the horse under preston . the assembly met the 24. of oct. 1642. it differ'd nothing from a parliament , other then that the lords and commons sate together , and not in two houses . this you see was a force put upon us ; and we hoped in time , the storm being pass'd , to return to our old government under the king. we had many learned in the law amongst us , whom we encouraged to keep us , as near the old government as might be , holding to the ancient laws of the land. that assembly without delay approved all the council had done , and settled a model of government . viz. that at the end of every general assembly , the supream council should be confirmed or changed as they thought fit . that it should consist of 25. six out of each province , three of the six still resident . the 25 th was my self with no relation to any province , but to the kingdom in general . every province had a provincial assembly , which met on occasions : and each county had commissioners for applotting money within themselves , as it came to their shares on the general applotment of the province . many other things there were , as to government . if a letter came to them written in irish , it would be wonder'd at ; and hardly could one be found to read it . we were not in case to bring to justice those that begun the rebellion . but i never saw any of them esteemed or advanced . the general assembly being put off , the generals fell to their work : and my general took in burras , fort-faukland , and birrh in the kings county , where i was with him . and i had the good fortune to begin my first commanding in the wars with an action of charity . for going to see this garrison of birrh before it marcht out , i came into a great room , where many people of quality were both men and women . they with many tears so soon as they saw me , fell on their knees , desiring me to save their lives . i was astonished at their posture and petition : and , desiring them to rise , ask'd what the matter was ? they answered , that from the first day of the wars , there had been continual action and much blood shed between them and their irish neighbours , and little quarter on either side . and that therefore understanding that i was an english man , some knowing me , they desired that i would take them into my protection . i doubted that there was too much reason for their fears , considering they were to march two or three days , through the woods of iregan and waste countreys , before they came to athy their next friends garrison . i went immediately to the general , and desired that i might command their convoy : which he granted . then culling out two hundred horse and three hundred foot , in whom i had most confidence , i march'd and delivered them with their baggage safe . they were at least eight hundred men , women and children . i was with this general the 18 th . of march 42. when he was beaten at ross by the marquess of ormond ; and by colonel monk , since duke of albermarle , at timochoe in the queens county the 5 th . of octob. 42. yet afterwards he besieging ballynckill in the same county , i ventured once more with him . where he having intelligence that major general crawford was besieging ballybritas , a castle belonging to the vicount clanmaleer , he sent me with a party of fifteen hundred horse and foot , to endeavour the succouring of that place : which i did . crawford drawing off , in passing the river of the barrow in a skirmish had his thigh broken with a musquett-shot . i returned as ballynekill was rendred ; and conveyed that garrison too , as i had done the other of byrrh . after this i remained at kilkenny with the supream council ; and preston went into the lower parts of the province with the army . of whose absence the enemies garrisons in the county of catherloe , and queens county taking advantage , alarm'd the county of kilkenny even to the gates of the city . i was then by the council commanded to go against them . and therefore having gotten together about 2000 men with some cannon , i marched to ballenunry in the county of catherloe , and took it , as also clogrenan . where the county of wexford regiment mutined ; but were reduced , and some examples made , served well for the future . i marched thence into the queens county , and besieged ballilenan commanded by the grimes's a valiant people , with a strong garrison . but a great breach being made , their succour came by the way of athy . i was not well at this alarme , but laid upon my bed in my tent. however i made no great matter of it , knowing the succour could not be considerable . but my old lord richard vicount of mountgarret being abroad , sent me advice that they were coming on in great hast , and stronger than i thought , both in horse , and foot , and were then near the end of the tougher : which is a great way cut through a bog , and i believe in length at least half a mile . now i had a great guard of horse and foot at my end of the tougher , with a line thrown up before them . so i judged the danger not great . however i got on horse-back , taking with me 400 horse : and coming to my guard , i saw some of the enemy on the tougher in their march. whereupon i bad my horse and guards follow me , and march towards them ; thinking to have fought them upon the tougher . but they retired , and formed on a plain two musquet-shot off . i having pass'd the tougher , prepared to charge . but they drew off again , and did not stand me till they had gotten through a gap in a ditch with water to the belly . being past they lined the ditch with musqueteers , drawing up their horse and foot close by to defend this gap. sir walter butler with his squadron , begun the fight ; but being wounded in the ditch with a pike through his thigh , his men sell off ; and a second squadron charged and did the like . but the enemy seeing more squadrons coming on , in the smoke took their advantage to run away : which we could not see , till the smoke was over . then we followed , and could not engage them till they recovered athy , which was near . i guessed them to be about three hundred horse , and seven or eight hundred foot. their succour thus beaten in their view , the besieged garrison yielded on condition to march out with their arms. the small garrisons in those parts made no resistance . i was much favoured in these my first undertakings , by having been in my youth a great hunter in those parts of deer , wolves , and foxes . so that there was no passage in bog or mountain , or ford in a river that i did not know . this little beginning gave me some reputation and as near as i could what i wanted in experience was supplied by diligence and good intelligence . sect . iii. he defeats sir charles vavasor in mounster . by occasion of a trumpet sent from ormond he moves the council for peace . commanded with three thousand men against monk , he takes dullarstown , tully , laccach , and many other castles in the county of kildare , and in leix . submits to the cessation . my lord of inchiquin was all this while master of the field in mounster ; having won some battels , beaten the irish in all parts , and in a manner subdued that province , four or five towns excepted . and with these he was going now to work , beginning with kilmallock in the county of limbrick , and sitting down before it with an army of seven thousand men . this alarmed the general assembly then sitting at kilkenny : but most particularly those of that province . whereupon , after many consults among themselves , they concluded at last to ask succour of the general assembly ; though they saw but little hopes of any in that exigency : for preston was far off with the army . wherefore opening themselves more clearly , than perhaps they would have otherwise done , they layed claim to me , as having my earldom and estate in their province , though i was an officer of leimster . alleadging farther that their general was old and unfortunate : and that if i had the command all would joyn in the defence of their country , and take new courage . i was present at this proposition ; and , though i had ambition and vanity enough , did heartily oppose it , having no prospect of any success . but my lord of muskry , being my great friend , and of that province , desired the assembly to command me by vertue of the oath of association . which they did ; and then there could be no more reply . it being thus ordered : and , which was pursuant to it , that my commission under the great seal of the confederates to command in chief for that expedition , should be immediately dispatched : i was ask'd , what troops were near at hand ? i answered , that i knew of none , but of my own life-guard of horse . 't is true i had observed many stragling horse in the town ; but they would not be brought together without mony. some money was then given out , and by ten of the clock next morning i had gotten together eighty horse , and put them under the command of garrett talbot brother to sir robert talbot . these with my life-guard commanded by captain fits gerrald , commonly called garrat garrah , made in all one hundred and twenty horse . with these i march'd , accompanied with my lord of muskry , since made earl of clancarty , and some others of the province . on the frontier of it i met about a hundred and twenty horse more , most gentlemen , and formed into a squadron . but at cashel i was received by the general of the province barry , the lieutenant-general purcel , and some other officers with seven hundred foot. that night i had intelligence , that the lord of inchiquin had raised his siege , and march'd with four or five thousand men into the county of kerry . but had sent sir charles vavasor with sixteen or seventeen hundred men , to take in clohlea , a castle then belonging to the condons . i marched immediately towards him , and before night encamped within three miles of him ; the mountain only between us . my brother richard butler , brother to the duke of ormond , was sent out the same night to discover the enemy . in the morning word was brought that the castle was taken , and the garrison after quarter given put to the sword , and my brother engaged . i lost no time , but march'd in all hast with my horse to his succour : which joyned with his , made up two hundred and forty , or two hundred and fifty at the most . the foot marched also . but the old general came on so slowly that i had defeated the enemy before he came within two miles . the manner thus . sir charles vavasor , though he had taken the castle , remained still in his camp , till seeing me on the top of the mountain above him , come to succour mine that were skirmishing , he drew to arms ; but being amongst hedges and ditches , and the castle between us , i could not come at him , till he marched towards castle lions : where in a large plain he formed . but i , going by the advantage of a great valley , came into the plain unseen , almost as soon as he . and , having ordered three or four squadrons of boys on horse-back to possess the ground from whence i came , i lost no time in the charge ; that defeated his horse ; who to save themselves broke in on the foot. their cannons were useless , being past the black-water . this , with gods blessing , and a great shower of rain , gave me the victory with little or no loss . sir charles that commanded , with several other officers remained prisoners ; their cannon and baggage taken ; all their foot defeated ; but their horse for the most part escaped . this happened on a sunday , the 4 th of june 1643. about twelve a clock at noon . now having left the best advice i could for the improving this advantage , i took leave of the general with others of the province : and returning to kilkenny gave the assembly an account of what had passed , in order to their commands . soon after , the assembly being broke up , and a supream council chosen to govern in their absence , i retired to kilkash my brother butlers house to rest my self . the council went to ross : and whilst they were there , a trumpet brought them a letter from the marquess of ormond , setting forth his being appointed by the king to hear our grievances , and to treat for an accommodation . the particulars of the letter i knew not ; but the trumpet was quickly dispatched with some slight answer . which coming to my knowledge , i repaired to kilkenny , whether the council was returned . and on information finding what i had heard to be true , i sent for sir robert talbot , sir richard barnwel , colonel walter bagnal , and such others as were in the town being well affected and leading men of the assembly , though not of the council . now being in my lodging , i acquainted them with what understood : and , that if they would stick to me , i would endeavour to give it a turn . we all agreed on the way : which was , to go to the council then sitting , take notice of the kings offer , and their return , and to mind them , that the consideration , and resolutions concerning peace and war , the general assembly , reserved to themselves only : and therefore to require that they would send immediately a trumpet of their own , with a letter to the marquess of ormond , giving him to understand , they had issued summons for a general assembly , in order to acknowledge the kings gracious savour in naming him his commissioner to hear our aggrievances and redress them . this we put in execution , and gained our point without much resistance . the marquess of ormond being thus brought into a treaty , the consederate commissioners met at seginstown near the nasse as his excellency had appointed , in order to a cessation of arms. at which time all parties laboured to get into possession of what they could . colonel monk after made duke of albermarle march'd into the county of wicklow to take in the harvest , and possess some castles . i being then commanded by the council to go against him , and having rendevouz'd my troops consisting of about three thousand horse and foot , at ballynekil in the county of caterloe , notice was brought me that colonel monk was march'd away in all hast , to the assistance of the lord moor , then facing owen-roe oneal near portlester . i finding my self now to have nothing to do , thought it worth the while to endeavour taking in dulerstown , tully , lacagh , and all other castles in the county of kildare , between the rivers of the barrow and liffe . which i did , leaving garrisons in them . this done i repast the barrow at minster-evin , march'd into leix , and took threee or four small places . but as i was going on , had advice from the commissioners at seginstown , that they had on the 15 th septemb. 1643 concluded a cessation of arms with the marquess of ormond . to which i submitted . sect . iv. scots of ulster obey not the cessation . owen o neal in the assembly at waterford . castlehaven chosen general of the northern expedition ( which should have consisted of 11000 ) against monro's army of 17000. his apprehensions thereupon . before this campagn open'd , he is sent to reduce castle-carroe and castlebar in connaught ; and does so . rendevous at granard . scots design to surprize him there , frustrated : and so his to surprize them at toinregaoh . horse fight here . he camps at charlemont , and monro hard by at ardmagh ; neither able to force the other . owen o neal performs nothing promis'd . stratagem ; safe retreat , and putting the army ( consisting of above 8000 ) into winter-quarters . but general monro sometime before being arrived in vlster , from scotland with ten thousand new scots : and having sir robert steward joyned to him with five or six thousand of the old scots natives of that province ; as also some english under the command of sir audley mervin , sir theophilus jones and others ; would not submit to this cessation . they forced general o neal , to so great straits , having sometime before defeated him , in the encounter where con-o neal was killed with many others , that in the beginning of winter , leaving his troops & crejaghts to shift the best they could , he came to the general assembly , held at waterford . where he set forth the lamentable condition of his people , desiring the assistance of the other three provinces : and in the name of his province , undertaking to joyn to their forces four thousand foot and four hundred horse : but withal declaring , that otherwise he with his forces and creiaghts should be obliged to save themselves in the other provinces : and so get subsistance as well as they could . this last point of owen o neals speech , besides their persuasion that the scots would not fail soon to follow him and visit them , made the assembly come to a quick conclusion , and agree to send six thousand foot and six hundred horse out of the other three provinces . so that the army was to consist of ten thousand foot and one thousand horse . but it coming to the question who should be general of this army , they went to the election after this manner . the assembly sitting , those they thoughtfit to come in competition , they caused their names , one under an other , to be written down , and from each a long line drawn . then at the table where the clerk sate , every member of the general assembly , one after another with a pen puts a dash , on the line of him that he would have to be general . and to the end that none should mark more than once , four or five were chosen out of the assembly , two of which were bishops , to overlook this marking , being on their oath . now , contrary to owen o neals exspectation , who had designed this generalship for himself by which he would be generalissimo , i was chosen . which he took extremely much to heart ; as i have reason to believe . however he carryed it fairly ; and came to congratulate me ; giving withal great assurances of his performance and readiness to serve me . next day a commission was sent me , with orders to prepare all things for this expedition ; which i did . but the farther i look'd into the matter , the worse i liked it . for i considered that i was now to make war in a country where i had never been : and in a country too where we had not so much as one town ; but the enemy had many . that by all intelligence they could draw into the field sixteen or seventeen thousand men . that if owen o neal should perform , and deal fairly with me : yet all i was to expect did not exceed ten thousand foot , and a thousand horse . that having no towns in the province , we should be forced to bring all our provisions from the other provinces where i had my magazines . that i must depend upon o neal for intelligence . for by such lights i always guided my self in my former small undertakings . but that which most of all troubled me , was that i did not see how i could avoid a battel , if the enemy had a mind to it : being i was to make an ossensive war. i had also this other consideration to discourage me , that although our parties had commonly the better ; yet our armies had commonly the worst . this was experimented in several battels . and the reason was clear and obvious . most of all the great towns in the kingdom were the enemies and garisoned ; and of the few towns we had , there was but one , to wit kilkenny , that would receive a garison . so that at our coming out of every field as the enemy returned into their garisons , where they were with their officers and kept in discipline ; ours were dispersed all the kingdom over , into little villages and odd houses ; never seeing an officer till the next campagne . and therefore they came to their rendevous in the beginning of every field like new men half changed ; and for the horse , so haggled out in riding up and down to see their friends , that they seem'd hardly able to draw their legs after them ; and both horse and foot with rusty arms and not fixt . but how plainly soever i saw my ill condition , i must through as well as i could ; yet withal resolving to avoid a battel by all means , and seek to make my war by parties , and surprises , where new men are as good as old . now having more then time before the campagne , i was commanded by the supream council to march into connaught to reduce some of our own party , which had set up for themselves in the county of mayoe , and had possessed castle carroe , and castle barre ; the former commanded by one burk ; the latter by the lord of mayoe . i took with me two thousand men , and past the shanon at fort-faukland ; the marquess of clanrichard permitting me to pass through his country . these castles made little resistance . after they had yielded , i sent my party , under the command of sir james dillon , into the county of roscommon , to reduce the armsbyes and some others that held garisons and would not submit to the cessation . when he had done his work , which he was not long about , he return'd into leinster , and lodg'd the troops as he was ordered . in the mean while , i had gone to kilkenny , and set my self to the great work ; still having some mistrust of owen o neal's performance . wherefore i desired the council , to grant me four hundred horse and dragoons more , in case i could raise them without charge : which i did . the first rendevous that i made in order to this field , was 1644 about midsummer , in the county of longford , at a place called granard where i had appointed three thousand horse and foot with two or three field-pieces : intending there to have expected the coming up of the whole army , which might be four or five days ; for o neal was neer encamped at portlester , and the rest were marching as ordered . by my spies , that met me at this rendevous , and came in hast , all agreed that they had left the enemy near a certain mountain threescore miles of ; that they were seventeen thousand strong , with one and twenty days provision in oaten meal , which they carried on their own , and little horses backs ; no cannon or other baggage ; and were ready to march. i thought my self pretty secure for that night ; but at twelve of the clock , one from cavan assured me that he had left the whole army there : and that their horse and dragoons would be with me in the morning . on this advice , i packt off as fast as i could , and gain'd port-lester , ordering the rest of the army to come thither : and at the instant commanded a colonel with five or six hundred foot and a hundred horse to defend the bridge of fienagh . it was of stone , and a castle on our end. i sent with him shovels , pickaxes , and spades , with plenty of ammunition . the enemy , according to my intelligence , came at sun-rising into the camp i had left , and shewed themselves the next day before that bridge . my unfortunate colonel , sent over his horse to skirmish ; and when they were far enough out , on a sudden the enemy mingled with them . which was the cause that our foot could do nothing ; but through fear to kill their own , left bridge , castle , and all free for the enemy . however this availed them little . for finding me well posted , though o neal was of another opinion , their provisions shrunk , and being at least twelve days march from their own country , they staid not to give me farther trouble , but hastened homewards . now then i was at leisure to call on general o neal for his four thousand foot and four hundred horse ; being resolved to follow the enemy , and try my fortune in vlster , as i was designed to do . he excused himself by reason of the continual alarms in his countrey , that he could not at present make good his word ; but withal assuring me again , that so soon as i came into the province i should have no reason to complain . having this assurance , i march'd on with my six thousand foot and a thousand horse and dragoons : and o neal joyned to me about two hundred horse and three or four hundred foot ; his creiaghts marching with us , being all the irish with their cattle of that province . when he had drawn me on as far as toinregoah , i had intelligence that the enemy had revictualled themselves , and were returning to encounter me . whereupon i prest o neal very hard to make good his word . who plainly told me that he could not do it ; alledging that his people were all amongst the creiaghts , and every one looking to save what he had . in this sad condition , i blamed my own weakness in being persuaded with fair promises , to come so far into an enemies country ; however i was resolved to see the enemy , then encamped at drummore jueagh . and therefore taking such guides as o neal would give me , and leaving the command of the camp to him , in the evening i march'd with my thousand horse and dragoons , and fifteen hundred commanded foot. these i left on a pass about three miles from my camp , to make good my retreat ; intending to fall with my horse into their horse-quarter . but , whether wittingly or willingly in my guides , it was sun-rising when i came within two miles of their horse-quarter . and yet still though i had lost my design , i would see the enemy . and to this end , perceiving some of their horse at grass , i , being drawn under a hill near a little river , where there was a stone-bridge , sent a party to take those horses ; which they did , and brought them to me . but their guard of horse being near , after my horse were come back , seized the bridge and defended it . i sent men to beat them off ; but it would not do . then i sent another party ; the same still . whilst this was a disputing , i perceived a hundred foot coming over a great plain . then i galloped down my self with some officers , and more horse . so passing the bridge , i had the cutting oft that hundred foot , without resistance . a party of mine pursued the horse that ran from the bridge ; but before they overtook them they were met with another which routed them . and others of mine put them also to the run . before this fight ended , most of the horse on both sides were engaged . the enemy at last drew off : and so did i to my army . being returned to my camp , i acquainted o neal with what had past , and how the enemies army were advancing according to my intelligence . whereupon he advised me to retire to charlemount , a fort where he had a garison . i followed his advice , and found it a very good post , there being a large plain joyned to it , on the one side runs the black water , and near the fort a bridge over it ; the rest surrounded with bogs and moorish ground . my horse lay encamped at benborb , on the other side the river . at the same time that i came into this place , monro with his army arrived at armagh about two or three miles distant , and there encamp'd fortifying himself . thus neither of us being able to engage the other , we lay in pretty good correspondence : and the small war we had was chiefly in cutting off of convoys . my provisions came much harder to me than his to him : and o neal began to be very weary of sometimes assisting me with cows . so that after two months , i resolved the endeavouring to gain my own country : seeing no hopes of any forces from o neal. which to effect , for i did not desire fighting , i caused a tougher or great way to be cut through the bog , near the fort , leading to toinregaoh by which their provisions came . this way being finisht , i knowing their days took my time , to pass most of my horse , and some foot , shewing them beyond the tougher , as if that night i intended straight for toinregaoh . monro having this intelligence posted away , a great party of horse and foot to secure his convoy . but the night being come i turned , and in stead of marching towards toinregaoh , past over the bridge with the whole army : leaving my cannon and baggage in the fort , with a strong garison , plenty of ammunition , and all the provision i could possibly scrape to put in . that night i march'd , and all the next day , taking a great round before i could have my own country on my back ; which having obtained , in the county of cavan i faced towards the enemy , about five or six miles from them . which monro knowing , and finding that i lay easier for my provisions then he did , raised his camp and march'd to his own country . it being now late in the year ; i , thus free of him , sent a party of horse and foot to bring off my cannon , and what i left in the fort ; and so march'd to fienaegh , where i met commissioners from the supream council to receive the army , and lodge them on the three provinces , together with fifteen hundred vlster men which on my order came to me out of conought , being of no army but endeavouring to live by strong hand ; which i could not admit . thus ended the vlster expedition , like to be so fatal to the confederate catholicks of ireland , through the sailing or something else of general owen roe o neal. but after all , the three provinces had no reason to complain of this campagne . for this army they sent , kept them from being troubled either with scots , or vlster people , that year . sect . v. views the siege of duncannon , how laid , and that strong place taken by general preston . is sent with an army to mounster against inchiquin , of late declared for the parliament . dean boyle's message . capper-quin and michaelstown taken . skirmish of horse near the black-water . mallow , donerail and liscarrol yield . miltown and conycastle taken by a storm of 3000 garsoons , meer servant boys that belong'd to the army . a flood hinders the relieving of ballimartir . yet he surprizes rostellan and several officers in it : and then forces castle-lions and lismore to surrender . marches straight to cork . blind scustle there by night . returns to tallow , and thence goes to youghhal . in that way all the little castles submit . an unexspected mutinous accident at one of them . what done at youghal . the snow falling , he retires to capper-quin , and so ends this campagne . having thus left the army with commissioners , on muster , more than eight thousand strong , ( for i had been recruited with several companies ) i took my way to kilkenny , ill pleased that the treaty of peace train'd so long : and designed not to stir from the council till i saw it concluded . but coming there , i found the supream council in great consternation . for duncannon that commanded the harbour of waterford , was declared for the parliament : as also my lord of inchiquin commanding in mounster , who before , had not only submitted to the cessation , but carried with him a considerable number of his troops into england to serve the king. now taking there some disgust , as 't is said , because the presidency of mounster was given to the earl of portland , he returns , and declares for the parliament , commanding by their commission as president of mounster . those of waterford now pressed the taking in of duncannon : making great offers to the council of large assistance . preston is named for this work , and sent with three or four thousand men , miners , and a good train of artillery ; it being within his province . and i having the curiosity to see it , left the council , and followed him . i will relate the particulars of this siege , because the only in form that i saw in ireland . he made not any line of circumvallation , fearing no succour that could come on the land-side : but began his approaches with two attacks : and being come near the place , joyned them with a line of communication : and then ran them on divided to the two ends of the curtain . those within made a good defence , and lost nothing in six weeks , only the besiegers had made a lodging in the ditch . at this time two or three parliament frigats arriv'd , with succour of men , ammunition , and provisions ; coming to anchor within less then cannon-shot of the fort. but before they could man out their boats ; so horrible a storm arose , that in eight or ten days none could come on shore . whereupon those within , being in despair , and press'd with some essential want , yielded . all this while my lord of inchiquin over-ran mounster , and coming to cashel , the people retired to the rock , where the cathedral church stands , and thought to defend it . but 't was carried by storm , the souldiers giving no quarter . so that within and without the church , there was a great massacre , and amongst others more than twenty priests and religious men kill'd . towards the spring the council ordered me to go against him ; and to begin the field as early as i could . the enemy in this province had always been victorious , beating the confederates in every place ; never having received check , but in the mentioned encounter at cloghleah . so that every gentlemans house , or castle was garisoned , and kept the country in awe . to begin this field then , i made my first rendevous at clonmel , and the army encamped near it . thither dean boyl , now lord chancellor of ireland , and then married to my lord of inchiquins sister came , and there he found me . his business was to persuade me , to spare donerail , and other houses , and castles , not tenable . i answered , that i desired it , as much as he ; though hitherto they had annoyed the country equally , as if they had been strong . i told him in short , i had order to take all i could : and such as i thought not fit to garison , to destroy . yet , if he pleased to cause the garisons to be drawn out , and by letters from the owners , to put them into my hands , i would appoint some few men into them , with commanders in whom i most confided , and make it my business to preserve them , by interceeding to the council . the dean and i parted very good friends . but whether he could or no , prevail with my lord of inchiquin or the owners , i know not . i am sure , i heard no more from him . soon after , that is , about the 5. of ap. 1645. i marched towards capper-quin , my army consisting of about five thousand foot , a thousand horse , and twelve brass pieces of cannon , some of twenty four , and others of eighteen pound bullet . viewing the place , i soon perceived where they mistook that besieged it formerly , and after much time spent with great loss of men , were enforced to quit it . there being a town and a castle that commanded it , they attack'd the town ; and i , on the contrary , the castle ; which yielded , the town could not resist . drommane fell likewise into my hands . whilst i was ordering these places , i wrote a letter to the commander of lismore , a house of my lord of corks , i think one major poor . i endeavoured to persuade him to put that place into my hands , that it might be preserved : for let the garison be what he pleased ; it could not resist . i gave him many reasons why i desired the preservation of that place , as if it were my own . but he answered that his honour was above all : that he would hold out to the last : and doubted not of timely succour . so i left mr. poor , and marched to michaelstown ; which after some shot of cannon , was rendred . then , having intelligence that six or seven hundred horse were come over the black-water , marching towards me , and at that time drawn up , on a hill in the great plains of roches country : i march'd the army towards them , not knowing whether my lord of inchiquin might not be near with his army . but these horse , when we were well in sight , retired . whereupon lieutenant general purcel with several other officers and gentlemen of the country ) who had been viewing them at near hand , came galloping to me , and saying that the enemy were running away , prest me earnestly to let him have my horse , for they had them so sure that they could not escape . i making difficulty , they said it was , because i knew not the country . but i saw so much that yielding to their desire i should be left expos'd in a great champion country , with an army of foot and cannon , without horse . yet after all ( which i count certainly among other my follies ) i suffered my self to be persuaded : they march'd away in great hast : i followed slowly ; and coming to the black-water , near the ford of fermoy , drew my foot and cannon into an old danes work ; ireland being full of them . having staid there pretty long , and hearing no news of my horse , i began to be uneasie . but remembring that i had a guard of horse on some beeves , that were for the provision of the army , i sent for them . and at the same time , unexpected , came garrot garrow with my old life-guard of horse to me out of leinster . these and those making in all a hundred , i presently took with me , to see what became of the troops sent with purcel . but first i ordered fifteen hundred foot to stand in a readiness . then finding by the track , that my horse had passed the ford , and taken their way towards castle-lions : i followed . being come near the top of the hill above the ford , i left these few horse i had with me drawn up ; and with some officers went my self to the height to discover . thence i saw all the enemy formed in a great plain , with a shrub wood before them : and my horse in hast , marching through to charge , having with them a hundred commanded foot. but the enemy seeing the squadrons broken , as they came on the plain , gave them no time , but charged and defeated them . on sight of this disorder , and the enemy pursuing , when they came near me , i advanced , crying out to my own men , that they should rally behind me . the enemy , seeing these fresh horse , and not knowing but the army might be near , pursued no farther , but drew up . the fifteen hundred commanded foot that i had sent for , soon came to me . on sight of which the enemy retiring to castle lions , i followed ; but could not engage them , it beginning to be dark . hence i march'd to malloe and took it , but with some shot of cannon , and left a garison in it . donerail and liscarrel made no resistance . but miltown , a better place and a good garison , stood out . so that i thought it would cost some trouble . but whilst the batteries were preparing , 2 or 3000 boys belonging to the army that use to form themselves into battallions , having gotten crows of iron , pickaxes , and other instruments , a little before sun-set fell on the place , intending as i think , only to have taken the cows and sheep within a court , which was walled . but success carried them farther , and they took the castle by strong hand . so all that side of the black-water being cleared , i sent the army for some days into quarters of refreshment : & i went my self to kilmallock , and other places where my magazines were . in the mean time my lord of inchiquin , having taken rosstellan , besieged ballymarter , a castle belonging to his unkle , edmund fitz gerrald senescal of imokelle . my army being come together , i march'd to succour it . but there being a flood in the black-water , i was hindred for two days . so that when i came in sight of the place , i found it taken , and burning , and the enemy retreating , some to cork , others to youghal . having thus lost my design of succouring the place , and that , which i wisht most , engaging the enemy : i staid encamped near this burnt castle two or three days : thinking what to do . at length i got intelligence , that colonel henry obryan brother to the lord of inchiquin , and lieutenant colonel courtney , with several other officers , were come by boat to rostellan to make merry : and that , the tide fallen , their boats were a ground , and so would continue till high-water . on the certainty of this i lost no time , but sent immediately a party to seise the boats , lying more than musquet-shot from the castle ; following as fast as i could with the army : which being come up , i presently fell to the work , planting my guns : the batteries made by my lord of inchiquin not being destroyed . in the morning the places yielded on discretion . hence i march'd to castle lions : which after some battering yielded . i took my march then towards lismore . but cony-castle lying on a pass in my way , and sending , on summons , a desiance , i encamped before it : thinking to plant my guns that night . but the boys eased me of the trouble , and took it before it was dark by storm , as they did the former . i wrote again to the governour of lismore , to put that place into my hands , that i might turn the army another way ; having as much kindness for the owner as he could have . but , not prevailing , i invested it . and , having ordered the batteries , left lieutenant general purcel to command , and trie if he could have better success with that place now , than formerly he had had , when he besieged it ; and so rode to kilkenny , as not willing to be present at the destruction of a house , where i had formerly received very many civilities . at my return , being five or six days after , i found the place yielded , and the garison marching out . after which , being encamped at tallow , intelligence was brought that colonel mac william ridgeway , was gone from cork into the county of limbrick with a great party of horse and some foot. i marched immediately with all my horse , and fifteen hundred foot , straight for cork . coming near , i left the foot to make good my retreat . about an hour in the night i arrived near the gates ; and put my self on the way to malloe ; by which mac william was to return : and gently marching , met some of the enemy . they being charged made no resistance : but the night being extremely dark , scattered . so , little execution could be done upon them ; though some were killed , and others taken . in this blind scuffel captain james brown , brother to sir valentine brown , a brave gentleman , was slain . by the prisoners we found that their commander mac william ridgeway had been killed that day , shot out of a castle in roches country . which way they had taken to return with the body , we could not find . we marched a little forwards ; but it being so dark that nothing could be done , i return'd with my party to tallow , and march'd the army towards youghal . all castles on the way submitted on easie terms . i will only take notice of one , because of the accident ; though i have forgotten the name of the place . i remember it was a castle that yielded early in the morning without resistance . now presently after the yielding of it , the weather being very fair , i went a hunting ; leaving colonel henesey to see the quarter made good ; which was to march with their arms , bag and baggage . but the soldiers having been used to taking of places by strong hand , and so enriching themselves by plunder , would have done the like by this , though it had conditions . to prevent any such matter , the colonel and several officers went into the castle , joyning with the garison in its defence . but the foot nevertheless fell on : and great shooting there was on all sides . which i hearing returned in hast , thinking my lord of inchiquin had attempted something . the soldiers seeing me come sooner than they expected , ran all into the woods adjoyning . when i came to the castle , and colonel henesey had related the matter , i made the garison march out , according to their conditions . then i began to enquire after my mutineers , causing the trumpets to sound , and drums to beat , for drawing all to their arms. some time it was before these gentlemen , could be gotten together . being now in order of a battel both horse and foot , i went from battallion to battallion telling them their fault : and what the consequence might have been : and concluded that they all merited death . which they acknowledging , i added , that some justice must be done : and asked them , whether they were contented for examples sake to deliver two out of each battallion , as it should fall amongst them by lots . they agreed . but when they came to be shot , i thought the number too great , and made them throw again for two only ; which suffered . being come before youghal , i encamped loosly , thinking to distress the place : and towards the sea near crokers works , i sent major general butler with fifteen hundred men , and some small pieces to hinder succour that might come by sea. whilst this was doing , i in a night with a party and two peices of cannon , past the black water at temple michael : and before day had my two guns planted , at the ferry point over against youghal , and within less than musquet-shot of two parliament frigats . at the second shot one blew up . but the town , endeavouring to requite my kindness , in a morning fell on major general butler , and took one of his guns . soon after this came a fleet of boats , and bigger vessels sent by my lord of inchiqnin from cork , with supplies of men and provision , and succosred the town . on which i march'd off , and tris●led out the remain of the campagne in destroying the harvest . only a party of my men attempted to plunder the great island near barries court. but being ill guided in passing , and the sea coming in sooner than they counted , their design failed . besides there were of the enemy that opposed their coming on the firm land. captain turlough obryan was killed by a loose shot , out of a castle in the island . now it being the latter end of november the snow falling , i retired to capper-quin . and commissioners being come to lay out winter quarters for the army : i left it and repaired to kilkenny . thus ended my mounster expedition , and the last that i served under the confederate catholicks . whose kindness and confidence in me , i shall never forget , but acknowledge it where ever i am . sect . vi. the peace of 46. proclaimed . lord lieutenant comes to kilkenny . that peace opposed at waterford , limmerick , &c. lord castlehaven sent to the nuncio ; but in vain . he advises the lord lieutenant to march back to dublin with all speed : waits on his excellency all along : and carries the sword before him through that city . the nuncio marckes with two armies to besiege it ; but comes short of his expectation . lord lieutenant treats and concludes with the parliament commissioners . castlehaven goes for france . lord lieutenant's admirable steddiness , and most loyal constancy . he departs for england , & thence a little after to paris . glamorgan's peace discover'd , but not allowed by him. the breach of the 46 peace how fatal . since the cessation there was always a treaty of peace held on with the marquess of ormond lord lieutenant , and , after many obstructions , at length concluded ; since called the peace of 46. which being proclaimed both at dublin and kilkenny , his excellency came to this town , accompanied with many noble men and others , with twelve hundred foot , and two hundred horse the supream council received him with all due respect , and surrendred their government to him . but this sun-shine lasted not long . the news was brought , that those of limbrick had rejected the peace , declaring for the popes nuncio : and had stoned the king at arms , going to proclaim it . clonmel shut their gates on the same score . general owen roe o neal , being proud by a late victory he had gained over the scots in vlster , declared also for the popes nuncio . preston general of leinster , being at birrh in the kings county , lookt very cloudily ; yet had correspondence with my lord lieutenant ; but withal excusing his atendance on pretence of some indisposition . the popes nuncio joannes baptista rinuccini archbishop and prince of fermo , being at waterford in the head of a great congregation of archbishops , bishops , and other clergy men secular and regular : and having by his excommunications thus broken us : the lord lieutenant by the advice of the commissioners of trust , sent me to trie if i could persuade him to let the peace go on . but all i could do was in vain ; he declaring his resolution to oppose it to the utmost . for all this my lord lieutenant continued his design of going into mounster , and i think to limbrick , and march'd with all his party . but coming to carrick a house of his own , word was brought him there , that mac thomas had declared for the nuncio , and was drawn up near clonmel with three or four hundred horse . i was sent to him by his excellency , as thinking my interest might have gained something on him , because he had served most of the wars under my command . when i came and delivered him my message , he answered me , that he was engaged with the nuncio , according to his conscience , and would not quit him . i acquainted his excellency with this answer , and that i saw no hopes of reclaiming this man. yet my lord lieutenant would go on , and took his march towards cashel ; mac thomas marching for the most part in sight of us . coming near the town , and making halt , his excellency received notice , i think , from my lord dillon , residing at athlone , that o neal was marching against him with all the force he could make . whereupon my lord was pleased to call me to him : & telling me his intelligence askt my opinion what was to be done . i gave it quickly , that he should immediately march back the shortest way , and endeavour to gain laughlin bridge . he followed my advice . and , passing near kilkenny , sent his brother sir george hambleton and my self , to let the magistrates of that city know what intelligence he had from all hands . however if they pleased , he would come to them , with the party he had , and venture his fortune with them . they received the message with all kindness and duty : and answered , that if he pleased to come to them , they would serve him with their lives ; though they did believe , it would be the loss of him and them together . on our report his excellency kept on his march for the gaining of laughlin : where there was a bridge that crossed the river of the barrow , and a fort at the end , on the county of catherloe side , commanded by colonel walter bagnal . having gained this point , we lost no time in our march to dublin . where , coming near , i think the whole people of the city came forth to meet his excellency , with as much joy as ever man was received ; having for several days judged him and his party lost . coming near the subburbs , his excellency honour'd me with carrying the sword before him through the city , and into the castle . i can give no reason for it ( besides his own goodness ) other than that , i had been always a promoter of the peace , and the only of the confederate catholicks , that came with him , and never left him in these his adventures . the nuncio now thought all his own : committing to several prisons such of the late supream council and others as he called of ormonds party . and having gotten his forces together , march'd them in one army though they took , for their better conveniency in their march , two different ways towards dublin , o neal and preston as generals commanding under him . they were noised so numerous and powerful , that in good earnest the people , officers and souldiers did not know what to make of it , and shewed apprehension enough . his excellency perceiving this , as it was too plain , called for me : and we discoursed the whole matter . i took the boldness to give my opinion . which was , that this army of the nuncio could no longer subsist in any place then as they found provision , where they came . that neither of his generals ever had any magazines during the war. that they undertook this matter , in confidence of the plenty they should find in his quarters . that i thought it was a thing of too great hazard to oppose them in the field ; and yet if they were not stopped , they would come on , and at least live upon him till they had eaten all . lastly , that on consideration of the whole , i thought it best to prevent their coming too near . which could not be done any other way then by destroying the quarters . his excellency was of the same opinion : and therefore sent orders immediately , to all people within eight miles of the town , to bring in whatever they had : giving them three or four days for it . and what was found abroad after the time prefixt , parties were ordered to burn and destroy ; particularly forrage and mills : for now all the harvest was in . this was all effected , before the nuncio and his army were come to kilcullin-bridge . and yet how disappointed soever they were they advanc'd as far as leixlip and newcastle : both which places , lying within three miles distance one of an other , and six from dublin , they made their head-quarters : preston at leixlip , and owen o neal at newcastle : the nuncio with his council remaining at seginstown , some six miles farther off . but not being able to live long by the air : for from their own countries they expected not much : and the continual rains and prodigious swelling of the river liffy , hindering that little that was coming to them ( for all the bridges over it were broken and great jealousies ( even more than the ordinary old ones ) arising 'twixt the two generals , and 'twixt the nuncio also and preston : they returned several ways , in greater hast than they came . the quarters being destroyed ; and athlone betrayed to the nuncio by dillon , a fryer ; and the harbour of dublin blockt up by parliament men of war : my advice was ask'd by his excellence in this extremity , with which of his enemies he should treat ? i answer'd , that i was confident he had resolved that before , there being no question in the case . for giving up to the parliament , when the king should have england he would have ireland with it ; but to the nuncio and his party , it might prove far other ways , and the two kingdoms remain separate . what weight this discourse had , i know not . but immediately my lord lieutenant engaged himself in a treaty with the parliament . during which treaty , his excellency was forced to march into the county of westmeath , and other parts to feed his people . where we were not much at our ease . for by owen o neal we were kept in continual alarme . now all being agreed for the delivery of the places under his command to the parliament , i took my leave of his excellency resolving to go for france : though with much grief of heart to leave this noble lord , who had shewn so much loyalty , justness and steddiness in his proceedings during these transactions ; even from the meeting at seginstown , to the conclusion of the peace , made with the confederates ; and now again to the giving up of his government to the parliament . for which i doubt not but he shall remain in story , as he deserves , a fixed-star , by the light of which others may walk in his steps . but alass ! whilst this noble lord was acting above board with the confederates , there was another game playing under him and in the dark between the earl of glamorgan , and those of the nuncio's party . this earl i know did pretend large commissions from the king. but of his treating a peace , it was so secret that i never knew it ( though i was at that time of the suprcam council ) till that after the archbishop of tuam was killed , the peace made with him was known at dublin ; it being found in the archbishops pocket ; and the benefit of it earnestly pretended by the nuntio and his party , but as resolutely refused and rejected by my lord lieutenant . this peace goes by the name of glamorgans peace . however the nuntio having this colour , improves it : and by his emissaries of the clergy insinuates to the people , his threats of excommunicating those that should accept of ormonds peace , as they called it . this broke and divided the catholicks extremely . which the nuncio perceiving , followed it with a thundring excommunication to that effect . now let the failour of this peace lie at whose door it will , 't is no rashness to say , that story mentions not any one thing that had so fatal a consequence . for if this peace had gone on , the king had presently been supplyed with great forces from ireland , both of english and irish : and so probably might have been prevented , the ensuing mischiefs that shortly after happen'd both to him and all his loyal subjects throughout his dominions . but the irish had a more particular ill fate than the rest by this breach of faith. for albeit they , discovering their error , did , not long after , mightily endeavour to make amends the best they could by a second and very solemn agreement ; which their commissioners signed , and themselves confirmed and sealed it with the blood of more than twenty thousand of their best men , who lost their lives to maintain it : refusing in the mean while all offers of peace , and that even to the very last , from the parliament : yet since his majesties happy restauration , their estates are , by the acts of settlement , given away ; some very few excepted . as if all the confederate catholicks of ireland had been as guilty as those who begun the rebellion of the north : or as those that were the only authors of breaking the peace of 46. sect . vii . private treaties 'twixt inchiquin and taaf . agents sent to paris from the confederates . ormond return'd , and the peace of 48. concluded . by it castlehaven made general of the horse . with 5000 foot and a 1000 horse he regains mary-borough , athy , and all leix from owen o neals people . lord lieutenant marches to dublin . some difference happen'd in point of command , makes castlehaven withdraw . the uproar at kilkenny suppress'd by him . the marquess of ormond , having perform'd agreements with the parliament , left ireland : and , after some time spent in england , went to france . at st. germains he attended the queen , and prince of wales . it was not long before my lord of inchiquin , having some discontent given him by the parliament , entred into secret treaties with the lord taaf , ( since made earl of carlingford ) and other general or principal leaders amongst the irish : who , since the rejection of the peace , having lost two great battels , the one at dungan's-hill , ( alias linch's knock ) under general preston , the other at knock na noss under my lord taaf ( albeit this nobleman had never been either of owen o neal's party , or the nuncio's ; and then had fought against the parliament ) considering also they had lost in both those battels eight thousand men at least , kill'd down right , besides prisoners : and looking on these great losses of their side , as heavy judgments of heaven to punish the late unparallel'd breach of publick faith ; begun to be as weary of the nuncio , as my lord of inchiquin was of the parliament . wherefore they concluded to contrive the marquess of ormond's return : and , when he was come , to declare for the king. to this end agents are sent from the confederates to france , viz. the marquess of antrim , the lord viscount muskry , and jeffrey brown esq ; upon their offers , the queen and prince of wales dispatch'd my lord lieutenant to ireland . accordingly he shipt at haver-de-grace in a states man of war , and landed at cork : my self and many others attending him . my lord of inchiquin was then with the army in the field , but soon came to him ; i went before to kilkenny . where without delay , but not before his excellency also was come thither , a new treaty was set on foot , between him and the irish ; an assembly of them sitting at that time in the town . after many disputes and reasonings ( which is not my business to relate ) a peace was concluded , called since the peace of forty eight . what agreement there was between my lord lieutenant and my lord of inchiquin i know not . but am sure , that my lord of inchiquin demanded of my lord lieutenant all mounster , for the recruiting and strengthening his army : and had it . by which the irish standing regiments of that province came to little or nothing . but to introduce my own story , i am to tell you , that in the peace of forty six there was an article by which it was left to the confederate catholicks to name certain persons , for general officers , to whom my lord lieutenant was to give commissions . now i having served them long , as has been seen by the story ; and the same article being confirmed in this peace : they named me , as they had done in the former , to be general of the horse of the kingdom of ireland . which his excellency approved , and accordingly gave me a commission , and soon after sent me into the queens county with five thousand foot , a thousand horse and some cannon to reduce the fort of lease , ( otherwise called mary-borough ) athy and other garisons , possest by o neals people . these troops , for the most part , were commanded by sir tho. armstrong , colonel treswel , and other english officers : men that had always followed my lord lieutenants fortune : and had been recruited and reinforced out of their winter-quarters , as kilkenny and some counties about . with them having well executed my order , without any considerable resistance , i marched to laughlin-bridge , and encamped , giving an account to his excellency what had pass'd : and that i would there expect his farther orders . but 't was not many days , before my lord lieutenant , the lord of inchiquin , lieutenant general of the army , the lord taaf master of the ordnance , mr. daniel o neal governour of his excellencies guards of horse , with other generals , and the whole army of my lord inchiquin , and some irish regiments joyned us . so with a goodly train of artillery , we passed the river barrow , and that night encamped in the county of catherloe . where something pass'd in point of command , that gave me ground to judge my self wronged . besides i was harassed by my marches and labours in the queens county . in consideration of which , his excellency , at my request , gave me leave to retire , for the refreshing my self : and his excellency marched on and invested dublin . but , being returned to kilkenny , i found the city in an uprore . the occasion , and issue of it , take as followeth . one father caron , at that time commissary general of the recollects all over ireland , being in kilkenny , to reform the abuses of some of his order there , was by the commissioners of trust desired to remove one brenan , and six or seven more , out of the monastery of that town , and send them elsewhere to be kept under discipline . the reason of this desire was , that those men , were notoriously known to be still most violent sticklers for the ways of the nuncio : and that they made it their business to incense the people anew against the peace ; alienate them from the government ; and draw them wholly to owen o neal , who yet stood out against all agreement with the king. to satisfie so just a demand of the commissioners , father caron appoints a day for brenan and his associates to depart kilkenny , and go to the several other convents , which he had appointed for them . and because he found by their answers , they were resolv'd not to obey him : the commissioners of trust , upon notice thereof , more effectually resolve to force their obedience to his commands , by sending them away conducted by guards , but yet guards of roman catholick souldiers , to the convents appointed them by him , who was their undoubted spiritual superior . of this resolution of the commissioners of trust , brenan and his refractory brethren having timely notice : and seeing very well there was no sence for them against this flail , but by that of some extraordinary means : and then reflecting on their interest , as natives in the town ; for three or four of them were so , as one , by name rooth , was brother to the mayor : besides , considing mightily in the common people , whom they had already possess'd with many lies : but above all persuading themselves , that no catholick durst attempt to violate the sanctity of their habit , or priviledge of their profession , by laying violent hands upon them ; and protestants there were none in town at that time ; which they knew very well : what do they conclude at last ? even very religiously to raise a most dangerous tumult : and that by the most damnable malicious lye that could be forged . when the day appointed was come , they by themselves and their emissaries , inform the heads of the rabble abroad , and throughly possess them , that the commissary and father peter walsh , with some five or six more of their company , men that had always stood up for the kings government , had privately introduced a number of the baron of inchiquins protestant irish souldiers into their convent , and there clothed , in the habit of that order , all of them like friers ; of purpose to seise at night those few religious men that remain'd unalterable in their obedience to the apostolick see : and for that cause , and unknown to any , at such a time of darkness and silence , either to drown them in the river neoir that runs by their garden ; or wasting them over it by boat , to lead them to a more cruel death elsewhere , in some unknown place . this lie enslam'd so the meaner sort in the town and suburbs ( pretty well , before it , prepar'd by many other inventions ) that upon a suddain vast numbers of them force their way into the monastery , cursing & exclaiming against those that would turn away their friends . and then , arming themselves with what ever came next to hand ; and with all fury imaginable attacking a little castle , whereinto the commissary with his company had withdrawn , they force this too . nor could lieutenant general bellew and captain dillon hold out long . these two gentlemen , so soon as they saw the door of the castle flying open , rush'd in among the first , and with their swords drawn plac'd themselves on the narrow stairs that lead up to the garret ; whether the commissary and his associates were now gotten . but the odds was too great , and their two swords were too short and weak , against so many more spits and poles . so they also being beat from their post ; the commissary , and fathers with him had no retreat , but to the battlement , through the garret window . the shutter of this window was pretty thick and of oak : and for that reason fastened by them , as well as they could , in the outside towards themselves . which they had scarce done , when the assailants , gotten up to the garret , with stones and rafters pelt at this last defence . and now the fathers , utterly despairing of life , lay themselves on their knees , praying to god , and shrieving one an other . onely father walsh put himself in another posture . which was , standing at a corner of the battlement , and speaking and preaching thence as from a pulpit to the people : not only discovering their great error , and representing the horrour of what was a doing ; but upbraiding them also with the greatest ingratitude imaginable towards himself . and then asking them ( for it began to be dusky ) did not they know him , that lived so many years among them ? or were they ignorant , it was he that was chiefly sought for to be murdered ? and yet did not they remember , it was he alone that with the hazard of his own life , but two years before , did save them all ? their mayor and aldermen from being hang'd at their gates by owen roe o neal ? their whole city from being sack'd by his then victorious exasperated army ? and their castle from either receiving in an vlster garrison ; or being seiz'd upon a few days after , by the nuncio himself in person ? to this utmost extremity were these besieged fathers brought , only one single window leaf , a board that was not above an inch thick , and it a forcing too , parting them and death : when i had the good fortune to rescue them . for , just in that nick of time , i came to town , accompanied with two or three trumpets , about a dozen horse , with five or six gentlemen ( of which sir george hamilton was one ) and some footmen . and , being inform'd of the matter , i gallop'd presently with those of my company to the place ; had a charge sounded ; and fell in among the rabble , firing of pistols , and crying kill , kill , kill . the multitude hearing the trumpets , and seeing the fire ( for 't was now grown dusky ) and knowing my voice , found themselves surpriz'd , and thought themselves betray'd ; as knowing the army to be far off in their march to dublin ; and therefore immemediately routed and run away ; though they had brought those in the castle so low ; that ( to speak within compass ) they could not hold out half a quarter of an hour . these fathers being thus relieved , after four hours defence ; i inquired who governed this siege : and found it to be seven or eight fryers in a house by , the chiefest of them the forementioned brenan , and rooth . i call'd for them down . and whilst i was speaking , came to my assistance the town major , one archer , with a hundred musquetiers , and presently followed the mayor and aldermen . whom after i had ratled soundly for suffering this disorder , i commanded to lay hold of these friers and carry them prisoners to the castle . at which they staggering , and this brenan a sturdy frier , saying he would fain see what man durst , toutch his habit : i laying hold on him said , lies the enchantment there ? and after this the mayor , town major , and all the rest carried them away prisoners to the castle , as i had appointed . sect . viii . he returns to the army . inchiquin marches to mounster with 1100 horse from the siege of dublin . that siege rais'd . cromwel landed at dublin , takes drogheda by storm . the lord lieutenant forms a good army in the county of kilkenny . inchiquin worsted at glascarrig . castlehaven relieves wexford : which after is betray'd by stafford . castlehaven relieves duncannon : and the siege of it raised . cromwel takes ross , and thence marches to the county of cork , where all the towns open to him . tickle's treacherous undertaking . castlehaven made commander in chief of leinster . he storms athy . gowran betray'd to cromwel . the plague raging at kilkenny , cromwel besieges and takes it by composition . castlehaven's orders not obeyed ; he goes to my lord lieutenant in the county of clare . now after a while that i had diverted my self a hunting , i repaired to limbrick : and there lay ; causing by fair and foul means all people both in that city and county , to bring in what remained , due to the king of their aplotments . having got ten thousand pound together , i delivered it to sir george hambleton treasurer of the army . my lord lieutenant now wrote to the commissioners of trust sitting at kilkenny to let me know , that i should come to the army , and that all difficulties concerning command should be removed to my satisfaction . i obeyed , and sir george and my self with our ten thousand pound went to the army ; which we found in their march , removing from the phenix side of dublin to rath mines , where they encamped . but my lord of inchiquin , soon after acquainted his excellency with some letters he had received from his officers in mounster , that cromwel was to land there . which if so , all his towns would revolt , if not prevented by his speedy repair thither , with some or all his army . in order to this , my lord of inchiquin desired his excellency's consent that he might march away with eleven hundred horse : and his excellency imparted all to me . at which i was infinitely surprized , alleadging the whole army too weak for the work in hand . i remember my lord lieutenants answer . but 't is not my business to speak more of this subject , having been always kept a stranger to the undertaking of this siege . 't is enough for me to tell you here , that my lord of inchiquin with eleven hundred horse march'd away : and you may imagine many more . soon after this , happen'd the defeat before dublin . and , not long after , that , cromwell with his army landed there ; march'd to tredath ; and took it with all the towns in those parts . my lord lieutenant , not being able to stand before him , retired with what troops he had to the county of kilkenny . where my lord of inchiquin came to him , and in a short time they formed a good army . for , besides my lord of inchiquins forces , many vlster regiments of foot joyned them : owen o neal having by this time , though too late for himself and the king's service , come in upon articles , which he sign'd upon his death-bed , after he had been rejected by the parliament . cromwel being retired to dublin refresh'd his army ; sitted himself for a new undertaking ; and took his march by the sea side through the county of wicklowe to besiege wexford . my lord of inchiquin was sent to oppose him . they met on the strand in the county of wexford towards glascarrig : fought ; and my lord was worsted . my lord lieutenant being with his army come to ross , and fearing a want of men within wexford ; i , knowing the town and country about it , offer'd to attempt the relief . my lord accepted my good will , and ordered me as many regiments of vlster foot , as made fifteen hundred men . the colonels were my lord of eveah , and one mac coffre , also i think another , and appointed two hundred horse to escort us . i took a great compass and came before day to the ferry , near sir thomas esmond's house called ballin-treman , who as i remembred was with me . then leaving the horse for my return , i passed that arm of the sea in boats : and having delivered the foot to sir edmund butler the governor ; i took the same way homewards as i came . the town thus manned was impregnable , as to cromwel by force . yet he took it by the advantage of a castle that was betray'd unto him by the governour , one james stafford . this castle , was strong , and stood about two or three hundred paces from the wall. the communication with the town could not be cut. so that the danger was least there , if treachery had not been in the case . but the castle being betray'd , it mastered all that part of the wall. so cromwel's force●s entred , and made almost as great a slaughter as at drogheda . my lord lieutenant then with his army , retired over the river of ross , and encamped on the county of kilkenny side . from whence his excellency sent me into the county of waterford to passage , over against bally-hack , to look after the relieving of duncannon , besieged by some of cromwels people ; i think ireton commanded . and for all there were parliament ships before it , i ventured one morning with a boat , and got into the place , to the governour a brave gentleman , one colonel wogane , whom my lord sometime before had sent to command : and with him , besides the irish garison , about a hundred english officers , who had served the king in the wars of england . he from the highest part of the rampart , shewed me how the enemy lay . after i had well considered all , i offered to send him that night by sea , eighty horse sadled and with pistols , if he would mount them with so many of his english officers , and before day , with them and some foot , make a sharp sally . he lik'd it extremely , but doubted my part , for putting in the horse , it being about three miles by sea. i bad him leave that to me . having thus concluded , i took my boat , returned , and set my self to my business . the tide serving at the beginning of the night , and having provided boats , i commanded eighty choice horse to come to the sea side . where , making the horsemen alight , i caused the horses to be boated , sending some to hold them . they entred the place , and all was executed as designed ; great slaughter made , and the cannons seised . for the confusion amongst the enemy was great , by reason that they judged it , the falling in of an army from abroad , hearing and seeing horses , and knowing none to be in the fort. our people retiring before day , the enemy raised the siege in the morning , and marched off . his excellency shortly after this , made me governour of waterford : whither i went , with a thousand men . but the town would not admit them entrance . on which i , after several days dispute , being in despair , marched away in the night . all this while the armies were not idle . for cromwel , after the rendition of wexford , came to ross : making a breach , took it : passed the river there : marched through the county of kilkenny to carick : and passing the river of the shower into the county of waterford , march'd on into the county of cork ; where all my lord of inchiquins towns opend their gates to him . the particular actings between the armies , i must leave to those that know better ; for i was seldom with them , but imployed up and down , as you see . the persons principally intrusted by my lord lieutenant for the government of the army , were my lord of inchiquin and my lord taaf , till the spring following . then cromwel began to move again , having drawn his forces together : and had gained one captain tickle to secure him a gate or two of kilkenny , when he should think sit . the plague strangely raged now in this city : as it had done for a long time in all our towns. and cromwel , having left his garisons in the county of cork , in good order , was advanced into the county of tipperary , in his way to the siege of kilkenny . i , having nothing to do , went one morning early a fox-hunting , as i was accustomed all the winter . my lord lieutenant joyning me in my way , said , he would see what we did . being a little farther out of town , he began to tell me how he had discovered this treachery of tickle ; cromwels approach ; and his design to besiege this place . after some discourse it was not long , before my lord came to the point , and told me that it was resolved in council that he should immediately repair into the county of clare , & from thence and the adjacent countries endeavour theraising an army to attend the motions of cromwel : and that , in his absence , he should appoint me commander in chief of the province of leinster . any man may judge how i was pleased , with this honour . but my obedience , though i thought my self lost by it , obliged me to a submission . so i cast my self at my lords feet to dispose of me as he pleased . the commission with all necessary orders dispatched , his excellency with his generals and commissioners of trust left kilkenny , and went straight to the county of clare . i lost no time , and bestirr'd my self , making major james walsh governour of the castle , and sir walter butler of the city . i did all i could to furnish it with men , provision , and ammunition of all sorts : then march'd out my self leaving the garisons strong , about two hundred horse and a thousand foot. cromwel now having left cashel , and being on his march to callen , i went to catherlow , hoping to have met there such troops from all parts of the province as i had ordered . but those quartered in the lower divident under the command of the lord dillon , intirely failed , being about the number of two thousand five hundred foot , and six or seven hundred horse : and in their stead i received a letter from his lordship , as if he were sending them in great hast . but they never came , though i repeated often my orders . these , and other troops not appearing , i knew not well what to do . for i had only with me 800 foot of the province , and an vlster regiment of twelve hundred more . sir thomas armstrong commissary general of the horse , a brave commander , was my chief counsellor . his regiment , with my lord lieutenants commanded by colonel treswel , and some other troops , made up near a thousand horse . at this time an irish man was brought unto me , taken by some of my guards ; who , being to be examined , desired to speak with me alone . which being granted ; he produced a piece of yellow wax , in form almost round ; which he was to swallow on occasion . within it there was note from huson to cromwel , intimating that he with his forces were on their march from dublin towards him ; but desired his orders in respect that i lay in his way . having copied the note , i roul'd it in the wax , as i had it . and the fellow having assured me of his return with cromwels answer i trusted him , & suffer'd him to go on his way . the second or third day he came to me , and delivered me another piece of wax , as the former , with cromwel's order to huson inclosed ; which i kept . however huson held on his march , and pass'd the river barow eight or ten miles below me . now though i was not of strength to meddle with his army , i made some advantage of my intelligence , and marched to athy a town with a bridge eight miles above on the same river ; where huson had a magazine , with seven hundred men in garison : and , coming before it about an hour before sun-set , i took it by storm , with all the garison prisoners at discretion . but the place not being tenable , i slighted it : and not knowing what to do with my prisoners , i made a present of them to cromwel ; desiring him by letter , that he would do the like with me , as any of mine should fall into his power . but he little valued my civility . for in a very few days after he besieged gowran , where colonel hammond commanded : and the souldiers mutining and giving up the place with their officers , he caused this gouernor hamond and some other english officers to be shot to death . which being done , and all other places in the county of kilkenny cleared by him , he salls to work and besieges kilkenny it self . whereupon i took my march to baliraget within 7 miles of him . but finding my self too much exposed there , i marched into ossory , and made my head quarter at castletown , a place belonging to mr. fits patrick . whence i sent again to the lord dillon to come unto me with all the force he had . he gave me still fair promises ( as before ) but never came . i then with the advice of sir thomas armstrong and colonel treswel , resolv'd with my party to enter kilkenny . which was easie to be done ; the side where the river runs being open , but when i came to our rendevous , my vlster regiment appeared not , but were marched away to their own country ; alleadging they came to fight against men , but not against god. their meaning was because of the plague . this design being thus broken , and a great breach made in the wall near the castle , which had been assaulted two or three times , and no hopes ever to be succoured ; i sent orders to the governors to make conditions when they thought fit , and both to joyn at the same time , though the castle might hold out two or three days longer than the town . cromwel being thus master of kilkenny , i retired into the kings county . where , understanding that carloe castle was besieg'd , i appointed a rendevous ; intending to attempt the succour . but coming to the place , i found not half my foot. the rest were march'd into mounster , i know not by what order . now finding my self thus used : and reflecting on several other hardships put upon me since the peace of 48 in despair of success , i left leinster , and went to my lord lieutenant in the county of clare . where i rendred him an account , how i had been failed , to the end he might do as he thought fit . sect . ix . made commander in chief of mounster , and limbrick receiving him , ireton raises his siege that night . transports 2000 men by boats into kerry . persuades clanrickard to accept of the government . sends orders to the several provinces ; which are not obeyed . passes with 1000 horse through limbrick to the silver mines : and how this design failed . hinders the general assembly from agreeing with the parliament . relieves tecrochan ; and fox hang'd . ireton sitting down again before limmerick ; he defends the pass at killaloe . sent for to galway , hinders the agreement with the duke of lorrain . return'd to killaloe receives letters from ireton , and answers them ; but is betray'd at bryan's bridge by captain kelly , and at killaloe by colonel fennel . athlone given up , and galway besieged , he is sent from clanrickard to the king. the kings answer , and orders to clanrickard . on which castlehaven takes service under the prince of conde . reflections . i had not been long there attending his excellency , before ireton sate down before limbrick , on the county of limbrick side , leaving tomond's side open . his excellency repaired thither : and , being come near the end of the bridge , sent to the mayor , to let him know that he was there , with some troops , and ready to enter with them for the defence of the place . the mayor having consulted his brethren , made excuse as if they had no need of relief . several messages pass to and fro , till at length his excellency losing all patience , declared unto them that if they would not receive and obey him , he would leave the kingdom . all would not do . and so , turning aside , he called me to him , and told me that he was in good earnest , and would be gone : but commanded me to stay , and keep up a bussel as long as i could ; it being the kings service . i was very unwilling to remain behind , seeing he took with him my lord of inchiquin , my lord taaf , colonel daniel o neal , and other his friends . but the sound of the kings service so charmed me , that i abandon'd my own judgment , and submitted to what his excellency should order . he then gave me a commission to be commander in chief of the province of mounster , and the county of clare ; having before that of leinster . thus qualified , together with my being general of the horse of the kingdom , his excellency gave me possession of his troops there standing in their arms , together with his life-guard to serve me as they had done him ; and , as i counted , they were in all about two thousand foot , and a thousand horse . his excellency for my better encouragement assured me , that he would leave a commission for my lord of clanrickard , to be lord deputy . now my lord being gone , and not suffering me to accompany him more than a mile , i went into the town addressing to the mayor and aldermen . i told them how i was left , and ask'd them whether they were pleased with it , and would obey me ? they took no long time to consult , but submitted themselves to my pleasure . on which i immediately visited their walls : and at the same time took a view of the enemy : whom i judged to be very loose and exposed , if vigorously assaulted . on which , i resolved , in the first of the night , to draw my troops into the town , and a little before day to make a sharp sally . on what intelligence , i know not , but ireton raised his siege , and marched off in the night . this done , i returned my troops to their quarters and remained my self in the town , till i had sent my orders to all officers , commanding in the several provinces , and particularly to my lord of muskry then in kerry , ordering him to make himself so strong as he could , and that i would soon be with him to encrease his forces . which i performed , passing the shanon about twelve miles below limbrick , with two thousand men . and though the river was full of parliament ships and two miles over , yet i had not the least loss . 't is true i took the night , and landing in kerry near drombeg , i marcht till i came to my lord of muskry at tralie . having acquainted him with what had past , and ordered what i would have done , particularly in raising of forces , i left my men with him , and returned to iniss , my residence in the county of clare . where being come , and a little refresh'd , i went to portumne to visit the marquess of clanrickard , and came there before dinner . he bad me very welcome . after dinner , i desired to retire my self for an hour or two . he brought me to my chamber , and asked , whether it would not be troublesome that he took a pipe of tobacco by me ; i said , no , but the contrary ; yet , shewed my self melancholy . he did what he could to divert it : but i pretended withal not to be very well , and spake to a servant of his that stood at the door , to bring me a glass of sack : my lord was much pleased with that , and called for a bottle . now , my point was to get him to take the government , by accepting the commission left by my lord lieutenant : yet i speak nothing of it , hoping he would begin ; which he did . the passages on this subject are too long to relate here . but before we parted , i got him to send to the commissioners of trust , ( these were men named by the confederates , and agreed to by my lord of ormond to see the performance of the articles of peace ) then sitting at loghreah , requiring them to send him his commission : for he would take upon him the government . and to lose no time , i gave him the best account i could of the forces in the kingdom , as well friends as foes . for he during the war had been no more than a spectator , beloved and respected of all , and might have so continued , had not his great loyalty drawn him to take up this commission : which was little less than to sacrifice himself and his , only to give the king time to trie his fortune with cromwell : their armies being near sterling in scotland , encamped near together , as the kings letters to us imported , brought by deane king , an express newly come . we agreed at this meeting , that his lordship should immediately raise a thousand horse as an addition to the standing forces of conaught , and that i should march with my thousand horse , out of the county of clare to the silver mines in the county of tipperary , passing through limbrick in the night , and be at such a day and hour at the rendevous , and there i should meet fifteen hundred foot , that he would send with a good officer . his part was little more than crossing the shanon at his door , and marching four or five miles ; no enemy in those parts . i complied punctually with my order , and the mayor of limbrick , as i marched through the city , on demand gave me a hundred foot. the alarm of my march was soon given to sir hardress waller , or my lord brochil , or both , lying near kilmallock with great forces . they pursued me ; and i coming to our appointed rendevous , no news there was of the fifteen hundred foot. having lost this anchor , i was put to my wits ends . but not having much time to think , the enemy coming on , i resolved to thrust into the next fastness , and save my self as well as i could . but there was a castle of the o-machers that stood in the way , possest by the enemy . and there being no other passage , i sent to the adjacent villages , and got together crows of iron , pickaxes , and what else that could be found necessary ; and making my horse-men to alight , i fell a storming the castle . which with the assistance of the limbrick foot , in three or four hours time was yielded . i left my hundred men in this place to secure the pass . now being pretty safe , i lodg'd that night at my ease , where collonel fitz patrick came to me , who had for some time kept in those fastnesses with a good party of foot and some horse . my men being well refreshed , i took the plain countrey near burras : and after entring the woods at the foot of the mountain sleau bleauma , i met sir walter dungan then commissary general of the horse , as was ordered . he brought with him only three hundred horse ; but i finding my self still pursued with horse and foot , besides what were gathering round on all sides , i took leave of sir walter , ordering him to return from whence he came , and to stop all forces that i had sent for , as well from vlster as leinster . so i with my thousand horse marched into conaught , passing by the bridge of athlone . being there , i posted to loghreah , where my lord deputy was , with a general assembly sitting in his house . i , coming into his chamber , found with him about a dozen principal men of the assembly deputed to him ; setting forth the desperate estate of the nation , with the impossibility much farther to hold out . besides , that there were now come to the town , mr. john grace , and mr. john bryan commissioners from the parliament , or their commander in chief , offering greater conditions than was reasonably to be expected , as the case stood . whilst this address was making , my lord was glad to see me come in , and ordered them to repeat what they had said . i seemed much scandalized at the ill timing of their proposals : and therefore presently declared my dislike to it . then by my lords permission , weary and dirty , as i was , i went down into the assembly , as a peer being a member , and exprest my detestation of what they had in hand : demonstrating , that if those fifteen hundred men , commanded by one collonel burk had not failed , i had probably now been master of the field : besides , that the noise of a treaty might destroy all what could be hoped for of good from the kings endeavours against cromwel ; that his majesty , as his own letters spoke , both to my lord deputy and my self , made no doubt , if he could gain fourty eight hours march before cromwel towards england , his business was done , because all were ready there to joyn in assisting him . and , that he therefore , conjured us not to hearken to any treaty with the enemy . then i set forth the state of the forces of the kingdom on all sides , and concluded very severely against the two parliament commissioners . so that they hastily packt out of town , and the assembly let the matter fall . reynolds now besieged tecrohan in meath ; and my lord deputy came to tyrrels pace about twelve miles from it , with two thousand foot and seven hundred horse . a councel of war being held , i proposed , that our horse should alarm the enemy , whilst the foot attempted to succour the place , taking their march through the bogs . 't was alledged by all impossible to be done . for coming near the place , there were two necks of land that did almost meet : and that between them there was a great way or tougher , with a large ditch of water on each side , which must be ccossed : and that in all likely hood the enemy would plant their guns on the firm land , at both ends of this tougher , and bring the strength of their army to defend that passage ; there being no other way , seeing we had not force to attempt them on the firm land. i heard all this , and knew it well ; yet , did not agree to the impossibility of entring the place . then addressing my self to the deputy , i begged pardon if i guessed at the thoughts of the officers present ; which was , that i being general of the horse might well advance this undertaking : for , i was to be with the horse , and so to have no share in this danger . but to shew them the contrary , i desired his excellency to give me the command of this party of foot ; which he did : and himself to march with the horse to alarm the enemy on another side . it being thus determined , i entred the bog ( which was eight miles long ) with my two thousand foot , and his excellency took his march as was agreed . coming in sight of this tougher , i found the enemy expecting as we had supposed , for they saw me marching from the first entring into the bog . i then put my men into the best order i could in three divisions : two to attempt passing the tougher , the third to stand still , faceing two or three battallions , that were drawn on my right hand ; fearing they would fall on my flank or rear . i march'd on with my two divisions . coming within shot , they raked me with their cannon , and great volleys of small shot . but i advanced still , and my men fought it on the tougher with handy blows , making those that defended it , retire to their horse which stood drawn up at each end of the tougher or firm land. seeing this go so well , i look'd back , and saw my third division , which was to stand still , coming after me . i ran to it , crying to the officer that commanded , to attack the battallions which he was commanded to look after : on this , he turned to his men , and spake something in irish that i do not know , and march'd two or three hundred paces , in such a fashion , that i could not tell whether he intended fighting or running away . but coming to the point where he must declare , he plainly run away , and all his party followed him . which when the two divisions , that had passed the tougher saw , they marched on into the place : and i was left alone , only some gentlemen with me ; and by the favour of the night , for now it began to be dark , i got off : and by the next morning returned to terrils pace , where i had left my lord deputy : who had all the story before my coming , and sending out took this captain that had caused this disorder ; who , by a council of war being condemned , was shot to death . his name was fox . after this ireton was not idle , knowing our weakness too well , and that i did only keep up a bussel , till the king and cromwel had decided their quarrel . he therefore again sate down before limbrick , with a powerful army , on the county of limbrick side . i , with what force could be drawn together , march'd to killalow , and there encamped . he kept a guard on his side the river , as i did against him at bryans-bridge , and castle conel . we lay in this manner a long time : he attempting nothing either on the town , or river , which was not yet for deable in any place . my lord deputy , being at galway , sent me a letter in all hast to come to him . on my arrival he told me , that the abbot of st. katherine was in the harbour , and in his company many officers with a quantity of arms , ammunition , and other materials for war. that they were sent by the duke of lorrain , who pretended by some agreement to be protector royal of the kingdom of ireland , with power over all our forces , and places . and that he was to continue that title and dominion till after the war ended , he were reimburst all his expences ; and his damages satisfied . i was much startled at this news . for though i strugled to keep up a bussel , i never intended to buy it so dear as to give footing , or colour of pretence or title to any foreign prince . and having heard my lord all out , i took the boldness to ask him , how far he was concerned in this matter . he protested before god , and upon his honour , that he never gave commission for any such treaty : and , as to the thing he knew no more than what he had told me , other then that the general assembly then sitting in the town , were in great joy for this succour , and prest him earnestly for the reception . but i found him entirely against it . being thus satisfied , i desired him to leave the matter to me , and let me deal with the assembly . immediately therefore i went and found them on the debate . to which in my time i spake , and with much detestation of the thing , declared all traytors that were for receiving this succour on those terms : and that i would not sit more to hear of this stuff , but return to my forces , knowing what i had to do . my lord deputy was much pleased with this round discourse : and publickly approved it . so the abbot with what he had returned from whence he came . at my return ( which was without delay ) to killalow , i found all quiet . and , whether ireton had information of this passage , i know not ; but by a trumpet i received from him a long letter , four sides of paper close written in a small hand . the drift was , to set forth the justness of the parliaments proceedings ; their great power ; how short a time i could subsist ; what ill company i was with , and threw what durt he could on the king i served , but concluded with great value of my person ; pitying my condition , and offering me , that if i would retire and live in england privately , i should not only enjoy my estate , but remain in safety with the esteem and favour of the parliament . i immediately shewed this letter , to father peter walsh , my then ghostly father , whom i had always found faithful to the king , and a lover of his country . with his advice , by the same trumpet , i answered all his points : and rejected his proposition concerning my own person : desiring him withal to send no more trumpets with such errands , if perhaps he would not have the messenger ill treated . from this time there was an end of all messages and letters between us . now ireton remained still and quiet , without any action or attempt , expecting the coming of sir charles coot on my back , or the fall of the river . both came together , and besides that , a third unlucky accident . for now some days i had kept guards towards conaught , when ireton , by treachery of the officer one captain kelly , made himself master of bryans-bridge . 't is called so , though there be no bridge . whilst i was hastening with some troops to oppose , having left the defence of the pass at killalow to colonel fennel , he cowardly or treacherously quitted it , and with all his party fled into limbrick . where , upon the rendition of the town , which was not long after , ireton with more than his ordinary justice , hanged him . some say he was carried to cork , and that it was done there . he pleaded for his defence , not only this service , but how he had betrayed me before toughal . but his judges would not hear him on his merit , but bid him clear himself of the murders laid to his charge . now receiving letters from my lord deputy , of sir charles coots approach ; i hastened to him with what troops i had left , viz. about three hundred horse , and found him drawn into loghreah with his forces , not being able to keep the field against coot , who was twice his number . the enemy did not think fit to attempt him , and were gone by , before my coming . about this time athlone gave up to them : and so did limbrick to ireton some few months after . in the mean while my lord deputy and my self , with what troops we had , retired towards jerchonnoght , under the covert of the river that runs by galway : and so shifted up and down , till sir charles coot came before the town on loghreahs side , and had taken a castle a little above on the river . then we retired into galway . where we had not long been , before we heard of the kings defeat at worcester . a man now would think , that this noble lord had discharged his part . yet his zeal carried him farther . he dispatch'd me for france to the king , by the way of iniss-bofin for the river of galway was full of parliament ships ) with orders to set out the ill state of his majesties affairs in that kingdom . and that nevertheless to serve his majesty , he intended after galway should be lost , to make a mountain war , and give the enemy trouble for some time ; if his majesty would but send him five hundred barrels of powder , with match and bullets proportionable , and some arms , and appointed me to return with them to iniss-bofin , a fit place for our magazine : it being a large island , lying of jerchonnoght three miles into the sea ; in which we had a strong garison . 't is surrounded with rocks : and has but one entrance ; where there is a pretty good harbour for frigats and small men of war. i here shipped my self , and landed at brest , ordering the frigate that brought me to expect my orders . the captain was antonio vandersipp of brugis . we had a sharp fight with an english ship that we met in the way , but foul weather parted us . no great hurt was done , other than that the bishop of down was killed in the cabbin , 't is thought by the wind of the bullet or fear , for he had not the least sign of any hurt , and lived near a quarter of an hour . being landed , i took post for st. germains , where i found the king , queen-mother and my lord of ormond . i delivered my letters of credit , and in a day or two had my audience . they seemed to take it to heart , and consulted cardinal mazerine , and the chief ministers . but the truth of it is , that the king of france's affairs were at that time so much in disorder , by reason of the civil war , that nothing could be done . having this answer , the king gave me a letter to my lord deputy , acknowledging his good service : ordering him that he should make the best conditions for himself and party that he could : and expect a better season . having thus discharged my commission , i dismiss'd my frigate : and with the kings permission , engaged my self in the service of the prince of conde ; who was then joyned with the spaniard . but first , i sent by a safe hand his majesties letter away to my good lord of clanrickard . of whom i have said so much already , that i need add nothing but my own esteem for his worthy memory as a pattern of loyalty . between my leaving him , and his laying down arms , i can give no account ; but have heard that he was driven to great extremity . sect . x. some few reflections more of castlehaven on himself . and the last of all is an acknowledgment of a most extraordinary favour of god to him . and so i have done my story . and you find by these memoir's , that no man could arrive to greater trust and credit than i had amongst the irish ; though the war till the peace of forty six was almost national . and then they made me what they could , by naming me to remain general of the horse of the kingdom , in the kings service . which was a right left to them by that peace . it remains now , that i give those few reflections more upon my self , which may let the reader know , to what , next god's blessing , i impute that esteem and fortune i had among the confederate catholicks of ireland . in my beginning i was a great partyman . but considering my self and soldiers but young beginners , i meddled with nothing that was not almost sure : remembring that young hawks must be entred on weak game . having marshal-law , it was certain death to take from any of our friends the worth of a hen. but withal i had care that my soldiers should not want . if any thing happen'd of that kind , i sent out a party with a sure officer , to bring in so many beefs : and at his return to tell me where he took ' em . then i issued my order to the commissioners , to applot on the county or barony , from whence the cattle came , their value , and immediately to satisfie the owners ; which was always allowed out of their contributions . this i held constantly during the war. an other of my rules , no less punctually observed , was , that if by accident any want fell out to be in the army , i kept no table , and eat no better than the soldiers did . though otherwise , i did generally keep a good table : and my officers were welcome to me . i never took the worth of a crown for my self , either from country-man , officer , or soldier ; but lived still upon my bare pay. though the council never stinted me ; but left me at liberty to take besides , what i should think fit out of the treasure , that commonly march'd along with the army , and was disposed of by my orders . i was a good providore , and had my magazines well furnished , and seated as i was to make the war. for men eat every day , but fight seldom . my soldiers i called my children : and really had a fatherly love and care for them . and they by their duty , bravery , and affection , made me a full return . i punisht severely ; which made my orders to be well observ'd : and rewarded bountifully , according to my power . if an officer , or soldier , had done a brave action : i treated the officer some days at my table : and took all occasions by talking to improve his glory ; and seldom either officer , or soldier went without advancement , or other reward . i made it my business always to march and encamp so , as not to be engag'd to fight : without an enemy would come on great disadvantage . my intelligence and spies cost me very dear . but i had good . whenever i fought , or had a mind to fight ; coming in view of the enemy , and being in order of battle , i rode to all the battallions and squadrons , to observe their looks . and then , with a cheerful countenance , acquainting them them truly with what i knew of the enemy , and our condition , i told them my own opinion for fighting : and , if they liked it , i would go on ; otherwise , not . this i did to engage them in judgment , as well as duty . i made it my business to get my troops good winter-quarters . but , during the field , i was very strict in my musters . and ever and anon , being not in danger of an enemy , i made the battallions and squadrons march by companies : that i might know their number just . for a general will be cozen'd if he brings his men to fight on sworn relations . i suffer'd no officer to take from a soldier the worth of a penny . i do not remember , that , during the time i serv'd the consederate catholicks , they ever gave me any instructions what i should do ; but left all to my self . which made their business go the better . i shall now conclude these reflections , with the greatest reflection of all , which is on my infinite obligation to almighty god ; who hath so protected me , that to this hour , neither in those wars of ireland , or any other that i have been in since , either army , or party of army , great , or small , was ever beaten so by an enemy , as to lose their ground to the end of the fight , where i commanded in chief . finis . whereas the late farmers of his majesties customs and other revenues of this kingdom, have convenanted with his majesty, that they shall, and will pay and discharge all debentures for repayments of customs for foreign goods made within the time of their farm ... by the lord deputy and council, arran. ireland. lord deputy. 1683 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46181 wing i906 estc r36942 16158320 ocm 16158320 104932 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46181) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104932) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:51) whereas the late farmers of his majesties customs and other revenues of this kingdom, have convenanted with his majesty, that they shall, and will pay and discharge all debentures for repayments of customs for foreign goods made within the time of their farm ... by the lord deputy and council, arran. ireland. lord deputy. arran, richard butler, earl of, d. 1686. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke and john crooke ... and are to be sold by mary crook and andrew crook ..., dublin : 1682 [1683] title from first 6 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 12th day of january 1682" [1683] reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng farmers -taxation -ireland. tariff -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord deputy and council . arran . whereas the late farmers of his majesties customs and other revenues of this kingdom , have covenanted with his majesty , that they shall , and will pay , and discharge all debentures for re-payment of customs for forreign goods made within the time of their farm , the customs inward whereof , shall be paid dureing the said terme , which at any time after the expiration of the said term , shall be re●shiped , or carryed out of this realm ; provided that the said debentures be brought in , or delivered to them the said farmers , their executors , administrators , or assigns , or some or one of them , within three months after the end of the said farm , and whereas the said farm expired on the 25th day of december last : we have thought fit hereby to publish & declare the effect of the said covenant , to the end that all merchants , and other persons concerned therein may take notice thereof , and may bring into the said late farmers within the term aforesaid , all such debentures for re-payment of customs as they pretend to be due unto them , that neither his majesty nor they may be frustrated of the benefit of that covenant . given at the council chamber in dublin the 12th day of january 1682. mich , armach , c. franc ▪ dublin , barrymore , ardglase . lanesborough . anth , midensis , ca. dillon ▪ char. meredith , john keatinge , h. h●ne . john davys , r : reynell . vvaker plunket , tho : newcomen . god save the king. dublin printed by benjamin tooke , and john crooke , printers to the kings most excellent majesties , and are to be sold by mary crook , and andrew crook , at his majesties printing-house 1682. for our faithfull and ever honored commanders, the right honorable his excellency, sir thomas fairfax, major generall skipton, lieutenant generall cromwell, presented to them in the behalfe of eight regiments of horse, by three private soldiers, who were sent from the quarters by the soldery of the forementioned regiments, wherein they manifest to the world their reall affections to this common-wealth, and their forward and brotherly assistance, towards the reliefe of ireland: if not by some diverted this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a93013 of text r210418 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.11[9]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a93013 wing s2826 thomason 669.f.11[9] estc r210418 99899816 99899816 135430 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a93013) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 135430) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2468:3) for our faithfull and ever honored commanders, the right honorable his excellency, sir thomas fairfax, major generall skipton, lieutenant generall cromwell, presented to them in the behalfe of eight regiments of horse, by three private soldiers, who were sent from the quarters by the soldery of the forementioned regiments, wherein they manifest to the world their reall affections to this common-wealth, and their forward and brotherly assistance, towards the reliefe of ireland: if not by some diverted sexby, edward, d. 1658. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1647] at end: these three gentlemen soldiers whose names are hereto subscribed, delivered the letter in be halfe of the whole, edward sexby. will. allen, thomas sheppherd. imprint from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "london about ye 6th of may 1647". reproduction of original in the bodleian library, oxford, england. eng england and wales. -army -early works to 1800. levellers -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -london a93013 r210418 (thomason 669.f.11[9]). civilwar no for our faithfull and ever honored commanders, the right honorable his excellency, sir thomas fairfax, major generall skipton, lieutenant ge [no entry] 1647 1098 2 0 0 0 0 0 18 c the rate of 18 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion for ovr faithfvll and ever honored commanders , the right honorable his excellency , sir thomas fairfax , major generall skipton , lieutenant generall cromwell , presented to them in the behalfe of eight regiments of horse , by three private soldiers , who were sent from the quarters by the soldery of the forementioned regiments , wherein they manifest to the world their reall affections to this common-wealth , and their forward and brotherly assistance , towards the reliefe of ireland : if not by some diverted . may it please your honours , wee who have ( for these two yeares , past ) been by your honours conducted through many dangers , and by providence have been hitherto protected , who have often seen the devouring sword of a raging enemy drawn forth against us , threatning destruction to us , and now see them vanquisht , and our selves seemingly setled in peace and safety , are yet sensible of a more dangerous storme hanging over our heads , then ever the malice of our open enemies could have contrived or their fury c●used to fall upon us , which unlesse diverted , strikes not only at our liberty , but also at our lives . to whom ( next to our m●ker ) shall we fly for shelter but to your honours , our patrons , and protectors , from what secondary meanes shall we expect our deliverance , but from that hand that hath so often been ingaged with us ? and from that heart that hath as often been so tender over us ; and carefull for our securities . can we suffer and you not sympathise ? can we be proclaimed rebels and your honours remain secure ? ah , dear sirs ! let your wonted care for us be further demonstrated , cease not to speak for us , who together with your selves , and in obedience to your commands , have adventured all that is deare to us , for the kingdomes safety . hath any thing been desired by us that hath not been promised us , or then wee have just cause to expect , if there hath , then let it and the authors thereof perish ? but can the parliament upon mis-information passe us for enemies , and wee not therein perceive the designes of our enemies ? can wee be satisfied with a complement , when our fellow soldiers suffer at every assize , for acts meerly relating to the warre ? is it not our lives wee seek for ? where shall wee be secured , when the meer envy of a malicious person is sufficient to destroy us ? were our enemies in the field with their swords in their hands , wee should expect no more then a bare command , and a divine protection in our endevoures to free our selves but it is another ; and a farre worse enemy that wee have to deal with , who like foxes lurke in their dens ; and cannot be dealt with , though , discovered , being protected by those who are intrusted with the government of the kingdome ; it is the griefe of our hearts , that wee cannot desire our own security , without the hazard of your honours , if but in speaking in our behalfe : when shall we see justice dispenced without partiality , or when shall the weal publike be singly sought after & endevoured ; can this irish expedition be any thing else , but a design to ruine & break this army in peeces , certainly reason tels us it can be nothing else ; otherwise , why are not those who have bin made instruments in our countries deliverance , again be thought worthy to be employed ? or why are such ( who for their miscariages have been cast out of the army ) thought fit to be intrusted , and those members of the army encouraged and preferr'd to that service , when they are for the most part such , as ( had they considered their just demerrits ) might rather have expected an ejection then imployment : wee are sensible , yea , far more sensible of the bleeding condition of ireland , ( crying aloud for a brotherly assistance ) then those forward undertakers in this present designe manifest themselves to be , and shall willingly contribute the utmost of our abilities towards their reliefe , when wee shall see this to be the only thing sought after , and indevoured ; but wee are confident , that your honours cannot but perceive , that this plot is but a meer cloake , for some who have lately tasted of soveraignity , and being lifted beyond the ordinary spheare of servants , seek to become masters , and degenerate into tyrants : we are earnest therefore with your honours , to use your utmost endevours , that before any other or further propositions be sent to us , our expectations may be satisfied , which if they are not , wee conceive our selves , and our friends , as bad as destroyed , being exposed to the mercilesse cruelties of our malicious enemies , and shall your honour , or any other faithfull servant to the state , be appointed for the service of ireland , and accept of that imployment , we must of necessity ( contrary to our desires ) shew our selves averse to that service , untill our just desires be granted , the just rights and liberties of the subjects of england , vindicated and maintained ; ( and then ) as god and our owne consciences beare us witnesse , shall we testifie to the kingdom the integrity of our hearts to the service of ireland , and our forward actions shall demonstrate the sincerity of our expressions in reference to that imployment , once more we are earnest with your honours for your assistance , without it we are like to be wholly ruind , and having obtaind it , may be inabled , as in duty we are bound to expresse our selves . these three gentlemen soldiers whose names are hereto subscribed , delivered the letter in be halfe of the whole , edward sexby . will. allen . thomas sheppherd . your honours and the kingdomes most faithfull and obedient servants , whose names are here to annext , as agitating in behalfe of their severall regiments . a copie of a letter from sir maurice eustace out of ireland, and to a worthy gentleman, a member of the house of commons concerning divers passages in the parliament there also, another letter from mr. bacon drum-major, to collonel gibson of many desperate and resolute exploits of english souldiers, worthy all mens knowledge : july 13, 1642. eustace, maurice, sir, ca. 1590-1661. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a38751 of text r20770 in the english short title catalog (wing e3426). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a38751 wing e3426 estc r20770 12680262 ocm 12680262 65631 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a38751) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65631) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 252:e154, no 50) a copie of a letter from sir maurice eustace out of ireland, and to a worthy gentleman, a member of the house of commons concerning divers passages in the parliament there also, another letter from mr. bacon drum-major, to collonel gibson of many desperate and resolute exploits of english souldiers, worthy all mens knowledge : july 13, 1642. eustace, maurice, sir, ca. 1590-1661. bacon, john, 17th cent. [2], 5 p. printed by a. n. for edw. husbands and iohn frank, london : 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -politics and government -17th century. trim (meath) -history. a38751 r20770 (wing e3426). civilwar no a copie of a letter from sir maurice eustace out of ireland, and to a worthy gentleman, a member of the house of commons, concerning divers eustace, maurice, sir 1642 1384 6 0 0 0 0 0 43 d the rate of 43 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-12 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a copie of a letter from sir maurice eustace out of jreland , and to a worthy gentleman , a member of the house of commons , concerning divers passages in the parliament there . also , another letter from mr bacon drum-major , to collonel gibson of many desperate and resolute exploits of english souldiers , worthy all mens knowledge . july 13. 1641. london , printed by a. n. for edw. husbands and iohn frank . 1642. a copie of a letter from sir maurice eustace out of ireland , to a worthy gentleman a member of the house of commons , concerning divers passages in the parliament there , &c. sir , your last dispatch of the sixth of this moneth , came to my hands in the absence of master arthur jones , who was gone with the army to connagh but i dispatched it after him . vpon tuesday last both houses of parliament here did meet , and that day wee expelled out of our house by one order , as many of our house as were endicted of treason or knowne in actuall rebellion , which upon search were found to be 46. and so many were cutt of from us by one blow as vnprofitable and canckerd members . the next day being wednesday wee passed an ordinance in our house that none should be of the house this parliament or in future parliaments , but such as should take the oath of supremacy and the same day as many as were , in the house tooke the oath which , will make a greater slaughter whensoever wee meet , then the former did ; and this day being thursday , both houses have agreed upon a petition , to have all the penall lawes of force in england against recusants , to be enacted here with some severe lawes to bee added unto them ; and what the consequence of this wil be , you may imagine , i am sure if the effect thereof be granted , it will either make both nations one or it will be an everlasting wall of seperation betweene them ; god direct all for the best . this is all that i have for the present to acquaint you with , i am your most assured friend mau. eustace . 24. iune 1642 deare friend , since my last letter , i have bin from dublin this two months at a towne called trim , which sir charles coore took in and the day before we came up to this town of trim , the rebels with three thousand foote came to take it in , sir charles coore having not above foure hundred foot and horse ; then sir charles fell out of the towne , killed many of the rebels , and forced the rest to flight . wee lie one halfe of our regiment in trim ▪ in garrison , with three colours more of my lord generals regiment , a troope of horse of the governours sir richard greenfields , a troope of dragooners , under the command of captaine ●●ite ; this towne is twentie miles from dublin . since we came to trim one wisely of the dighon yeelded his castle up to us , standing to the kings mercie where hee and all that were in it had free quarter for their lives but turnd all to shift for themselves not having any thing more then the cloathes to their backs : since that wisely was found faultie against the state and banished our town of trim , turnd out of the ports , he one way , and his wife my lady foard another with their children , there we left , in the castle of the dinghon , a ▪ garrison which two miles from trim. on the 12. of iune there was commanded men out of every company in the towne that went out vnder ▪ the command of captaine george vaine who commanded the foote , the horse vnder the command of ▪ sir richard grinfield our governour of trim we went to hem them in till our ordnance came to us , this castle was called linches of the knock , a maine strong castle well provided . we besieged this castle foure dayes , where we have lost , and have had shot dyvers men where the rebells scornd any quarter for they would neither give quarter nor take quarter , calling vs english dogs , and english rogues , and pillaging rogues , and parliament rogues , & told us they fought for the king , and we fought against the king . upon the 13. day of iune came our ordnance from dublin , they that came to us were but field-pieces , they were not for battery ; we made many shot with them , but they jeared us then worse then before ; we made many approaches upon it , thinking to have spring some part of the well by undermining it , but they heaved such great stones down upon us , killed some of our men , and hurt others , that we could doe no good that way for their stones and scalding water , then a gunner making shot at a window , forced the frame of the window into the house ; then our men , my lord generals , and part of my lord jones , that lay a mile from us , being commanded as well as we , under the command of collonel monke , and lievtenant collonel kirke fell on to this breach , making a skaffold up to the window , where the rebels and our men were at push of pike ▪ a long time lievtenant : collonel kirke was shot in the backe , who lyeth very sore hurt ; and collonel monke shot quite thorow the hat , and mist his head , thankes be given to god captaine vaine , and lievtenant konnocke entred the castle with divers souldiers where he was quickly forced to come out againe ( for the rogues had set the castle on fire ) else they had beene choaked with the smoake , the rogues got to the top of it into the foure corners of this stone castle ; many of them were burnt ; the next morning all that were alive cryed for quarter , which was some sevenscore persons , men , women & children , most of the women and children had quarter , but the men came out of the castle gave up their arms ; we stripped 60. of these rogues , and then killed them , leaving them unburied , and buried our owne men ; they were commanded by one lievtenant plunket , collonell plunkets captaine , lievtenant of the rebels , which is within seven miles of us at the castle of longwood : my lord of tremblestone one of the rebels lying in tremblestone castle , within a mile from trim , hearing wee had taken this castle , run away , and left his castle for feare . there we have another garrison in that , and the rebels a mile from that , run away that night , and fired the castle of kilbride , for feare of our army , which is gone out for 14. dayes march into the countrie . the 23. of iune there went a party out of trim to range the woods , where wee found divers of the rebells but they run away , there wee tooke a hundred good head of beasts , besides horses and sheep , the same night 50. musquetiers fell out of trimblestone castle a mile from their garison and tooke 100. and 50. head of cattell from the rebells the enemie pursued us , but could doe no good for wee brought them to the garrison i pray when you wright direct your letters in collonell gibsons name for him , who is at this time his drum-major and yours to command iohn bacon from trim this 29. of iune finis . the lord balmerino's speech in the high court of parliament in scotland spoken novem. 4, 1641 concerning the levying of an army against the papists in ireland : describing their conspiracies which have a long time insulted and continued against these two kingdomes of england and scotland. speech in the high court of parliament in scotland spoken novem. 4, 1641 balmerino, john elphinstone, baron, d. 1649. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a30573 of text r8826 in the english short title catalog (wing b607). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a30573 wing b607 estc r8826 12994046 ocm 12994046 96383 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30573) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96383) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 259:e199, no 21) the lord balmerino's speech in the high court of parliament in scotland spoken novem. 4, 1641 concerning the levying of an army against the papists in ireland : describing their conspiracies which have a long time insulted and continued against these two kingdomes of england and scotland. speech in the high court of parliament in scotland spoken novem. 4, 1641 balmerino, john elphinstone, baron, d. 1649. [7] p. for t. b., printed at london : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a30573 r8826 (wing b607). civilwar no the lord balmerino's speech in the high court of parliament in scotland, spoken novemb. 4. 1641. concerning the levying of an army against t balmerino, john elphinstone, baron 1641 917 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-09 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the lord balmerino's speech in the high court of parliament in scotland , spoken novemb. 4. 1641. concerning the levying of an army against the papists in ireland . describing their conspiracies , which have a long time insulted and continued against these two kingdomes of england and scotland . printed at london for t. b. 1641. the lord balmerino's speech , in the high court of parliament in scotland . my lords , i stand not up with a petition in my hand , for i have already a petition in my mouth : neither doe i annunciate any thing to my owne proper gaine , but to the reall accommodation of this whole kingdome . for although a particular conspiracy by some confederates was intended against my selfe , and other noble members of this house ; yet that very thing does not so much exasperate me to speake , as the epidemicall dangers impendent on this nation . behold how promiscuously men wander in the distracted paths of religion ! behold how preposterously our mortall enemies the papists , doe not onely cast their invective aspersions , but also their intended malice against us ! and shall we thus sleepe in vindication ? shall we not exstimulate the height of justice to those that promerit worse ? it strikes a repercussive stupidity into my minde to thinke of those stratagems which they have forged , both for our beloved brethren in england , and lately for the perdition of some in this illustrious assembly ; and yet shall we still permit the popish recusants to perfect in their former hel-guided imaginations ? it is an old saying among the latinists , but not so old as true , the impunity of a fault does adde more courage to the offender ; and i feare if we doe not curbe in time their extended malice , all things will grow to an higher anarchie : the remission of some faults , are the cause of the commission of others ; and if wee connive at their nefarious conspiraces , wee doe in some manner encourage them in their wicked proceedings , and so by subsequent conclusion , become our selves confederates unto them . i confesse , many of their accursed crew are aggregated in ireland , and by an irregular insurrection , doe intend the utter demolition of christian religion . but god foresees their erroneous imaginations , and will in due time ( as wee trust in his omnipotent justice ) precipitate all their babilonish intents . many may build castles in the aire but to little effect , & many likewise may aime at the ruine of protestants , but although they be in strength like goliah , yet will the little stone of religious david guided by gods owne hand , maugre all their gigantean puissance . my lords , if my tongue have committed any error in its prolixity , and longinquity of words , that error shall wait upon your gracious pardon : but this i am confident of , neither will i ever desist from my opinion , that unlesse we doe fully vindicate these malicious papists , these two kingdoms both scotland and england , cannot sleepe long in security . if they doe not intend our subversion , why did they conspire against us ? if they doe not intend our subversion , why have they so oftentimes plotted against england ? if they doe not intend our subversion why are they now gathered together in ireland , dayly studying the demolition of this state and kingdome ? my lords , assure your selves that these things cannot proceed from a good intent : and if you annect and consummate all their conspiraces into one bundle , you will finde them so various , and intricately numerous , that i am perswaded that they themselves can expect nothing but justice . is it so then , that their very own actions do cry out for justice , why are we then so backward in the execution thereof ? is it so then , that revenge her selfe stands idle , why doe we not employ her ? is it so then , that the kingdome expects a vindication , why doe wee then frustrate them of their quotidian expectation ? my lords , i conceive it very expedient , that we should leavy a sufficient army to repell them , and if that will not suffice , then utterly to expell them , i am sure and confident thereof , that england will conjoyne with us in munition , therefore let us labour with all expedition to beat downe their aspiring malice : let us not procrastinate this businesse , lest in the deferment hereof , god himselfe be angry with us , whose cause wee ought to maintaine : what feare can be conceived to oppose us , when the almighty omnipotence will fight for us ? therefore let us raise a sufficient army against them , for no better cause can ever offer it selfe unto us , then the maintenance of true religion . my lords , i beseech you weigh my words with your sage gravity , and entertaine my hearty desire with all your consent herein ; which hoping i shall obtain of you , these are my hopes , these are my wishes , and lastly these are my praiers . finis . we the lord lieutenant and council being informed, that both at the assizes and sessions held in several countyes of this kingdom, divers summes of mony have been of late years l[...]ned under pretence of presentments from the grand jury ... by the lord lieutenant and council of ireland, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1676 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46093 wing i694 estc r36809 16137861 ocm 16137861 104793 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46093) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104793) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:2) we the lord lieutenant and council being informed, that both at the assizes and sessions held in several countyes of this kingdom, divers summes of mony have been of late years l[...]ned under pretence of presentments from the grand jury ... by the lord lieutenant and council of ireland, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1676. title from first 5 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 23th. of august, 1676." imperfect: faded, with loss of print. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council of ireland . essex . we the lord lieutenant and council being informed , that both at the assizes and sessions held in several countyes of this kingdom , divers summes of mony have been of late years levyed under pretence of presentments from the grand iuryes in such countyes , in divers cases , where the same are not by law warranted , with the payment whereof , his majesties subjects have been unjustly charged , and the money so raised hath been many times converted to private uses , for remedy whereof and for the ease of his majesties good subjects herein , we have thought sit hereby to require all iudges of assize and iustices of peace in the severall countyes of this kingdom , to take speciall care at the severall assizes and sessions to be held by them respectively , that no presentments of any grand iuryes be received or allowed of , nor any orders given thereupon for the raising or leying any summes of mony upon the country , but in such cases onely where such presentments are by the lawes and statutes of force in this realm warranted . and we do hereby further declare , that incase any person or persons shall presume to give order for the raising or levying any summe or summes of money upon the country , under colour of any such illegal presentments from any grand iuryes , that upon complaint and due proof made thereof at this board , we shall give order for proceeding against them in such manner as the nature of so great an offence doth require . given at the council chamber in dublin the 23th . of august 1676. mich : dublin canc. lanesborough . ca : dillon . char : meredith . ro : booth . j : povey . will : stewart . god save the king. dublin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the kings most exellent majestie ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde booke seller in castlestreet . 1676. his maiesties message sent to the parliament april 8, 1642 concerning his resolution to go into ireland for suppressing the rebels there. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription b02017 of text r175719 in the english short title catalog (wing c2448d). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 b02017 wing c2448d estc r175719 53298988 ocm 53298988 179765 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02017) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179765) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2802:9) his maiesties message sent to the parliament april 8, 1642 concerning his resolution to go into ireland for suppressing the rebels there. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. [7] p. printed for joseph smith, london : 1642. imperfect: print show-through with loss of text. reproduction of original in: british library. eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -sources. b02017 r175719 (wing c2448d). civilwar no his majesties message sent to the parliament, aprill, 8. 1642. concerning his resolution to go into ireland for suppressing the rebels there england and wales. sovereign 1642 937 2 0 0 0 0 0 21 c the rate of 21 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties message sent to the parliament , aprill , 8. 1642. concerning his resolution to go into ireland for suppressing the rebels there . london : printed for joseph smith , 1642. c r royal insignia his majesties message sent to the parliament the eighth of aprill , 1642. concerning his resolution to go into ireland , for suppressing the rebels there . his majesty being grieved at the very soul , for the calamities of his good subjects of ireland , and being most tenderly sensible of the false and scandalous reports dispersed amongst the people , concerning the rebellion there , which not onlywounds his majesty in honour , but likwise greatly retards the reducing of that unhappy kingdom , and multiplies the distractions at home , by weakning the mutuall confidence betwixt him and his people : out of his pious zeal to the honour of almighty god , in establishing the true protestant profession in that kingdom , and his princely care for the good of all his dominions , hath firmly resolved with all convenient speed to go into ireland , to chastise those wicked and detestable rebels ( odious to god aad all good men ) therby so to settle the peace of that kingdom , and the security of this , that the very name of fears and jealousies may be no more heard of amongst us . as his majesty doubts not , but that his parliament will cheerfully give all possible assistance to this good work ; so he requires them and all his loving sobjects to beleeve , that he shall upon those considerations as earnestly pursue this design ( not declining any hazard of his person , in performing that duty which he oweth to the defence of gods true religion , and his distressed subjects ) as for these , and only these ends he undertakes it : to the sincerity of which profession he cals god to witnesse , with this further assurance , that his majesty will never consent ( upon whatsoever pretence ) to a toleration of the popish profession there , or the abolition of the laws now in force against popish recusants in that kingdome . his majesty hath further thought fit to advertise his parliament , that toward this work he intends to raise forthwith by his commissions , in the counties neer westchester , a guard for his own person ( when he shall come into ireland ) consisting of 2000. foot , and 200. horse , which shall be armed at westchester from his magazine at hull : at which time all the officers and souldiers shall take the oaths of supremacy and allegiance : the charge of raising and paving wherof his majesty desires his parliament to adde to their former undertakings for that war which his maiestie will not only well accept ; but if their pay be found too great a burthen to his good subjects , his majesty will be willing ( by the advice of his parliament ) to sell , or pawn any of his parks , lands , or house towards the supplies of the service of jreland : with the addition of these leavies to the former of english and scots agreed upon in parliament , he hopes so to appear in this action , that ( by the assistance of almighty god ) in a short time that kingdome may be wholly reduced and restored to peace , and some measure of happinesse . whereby he may cheerefully seturne , to be welcomed home with the affections and blessings of all his good english people . toward this good work , as his majestie hath lately made dispatches into scotland , to quicken the leavies there for vlster , so he heartily wishes that his parliament here would give all possi expedition to those which they have resolved for munster and conaught : and hopes the encouragement which the adventurers ( of whose interest his maiestie will be alwayes very carefull ( will hereby receive ( as likewise by the lately signing of ● commission for the affairs of ireland , to such persons for were recommended to him by both houses of parliament ) will raise full sums of money for the doing there of . his majestie hath been likewise pleased ( out of of his earnest desire to remove all occasions , which do unhappily multiply m●s-understandings between him and his parliament ) to prepare a bill ro be offered to them by his attourney , concerning the militia , whereby he hopes the peace and safety of this kingdom may be fully secured , to the generall satisfaction of all men , without violation of his maiesties iust rights or preiudice to the liberty of the subiect . if this shall be thankfully received ; he is glad of it . if retused ; he calls god , and all the world to judge , on whose part the default is : one thing his majestie requires , ( if this bill be approved of ) that if any corporation shall make their lawfull rights appeare , they may be reserved to them . before his majestie shall part from england , he will take all due care to entrust such persons with such authority in his absence , as he shall find to be requisite for the peace and safety of this kingdom , and the happy progresse of this parliament . finis . honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the generall assembly of the confederate catholicks of ireland it is ordered, that any commander or officer whatsoever, that shall ... refuse or decline the service for the present supply of his majestie ... confederate catholics. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46041 of text r43287 in the english short title catalog (wing i421). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46041 wing i421 estc r43287 27132518 ocm 27132518 109991 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46041) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109991) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:27) by the generall assembly of the confederate catholicks of ireland it is ordered, that any commander or officer whatsoever, that shall ... refuse or decline the service for the present supply of his majestie ... confederate catholics. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [dublin : 1645] other title information from first lines of text. contains also a statement signed at end: glamorgan. "kilkenny 9. march 1645. by command of the concell, r. bellings." reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng worcester, edward somerset, -marquis of, 1601-1667. ireland -history -1625-1649. ireland -politics and government -17th century. a46041 r43287 (wing i421). civilwar no by the generall assembly of the confederate catholicks of ireland it is ordered, that any commander or officer whatsoever, that shall ... re confederate catholics 1645 673 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-02 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the generall assembly of the confederate catholicks of ireland . it is ordered , that any commander , captaine or officer whatsoever , that shall ( unlesse thereunto licenced of his or their commander in chiefe ) refuse or decline the service for the present supply of his majestie into england , being for the same designed or appointed , shall be for ever hereafter deemed uncapable of any imployment from the publicke , and a man of no repute or esteeme in the kingdome : and shall be further committed to be punished according to the law of armes . and all souldiers now designed , and inlisted under any command for that expedition , shall not withdraw or run from such their colours upon paine of death . tertio martij , 1645. nicholas plvncket . finding not onely the great care and sense expressed in the order here above ( which sufficiently demonstrates how zealous the assembly was to promote his majesties service , and to preserve the honour of this nation : ) but that also , in prosecution thereof , the right honorable the supreme councell , resolved to have the same printed : i asked leave in the same paper to subscribe this addition , whereby it may under my hand appeare , that by the providence of almighty god , there is now sufficient shipping not onely already preparing to carry above six thousand men ( whereof five or six of the ships are well stored with ammunition and ordinance ) but i also daily expect seven or eight ( if not ten ) frigots for a convoy ; the least of them carrying eighteen peeces of ordinance , and one ship of thirty six . and to the further , honour and praise of god almighties goodnesse and providence , there came yesterday severall letters , that chester holds out yet gallantly , having beaten their enemy out of their neerest works ; and those parts together with it , expects onely the countenance of this army to beate the enemies to king and religion out of that countrey : besides the same letters import that the marquesse of montrosse hath gotten a great victory , and hath taken and slaine 400. of their horse , and that also a certaine expectation of an army out of france to land in the other parts of england , hath caused the stoppage of men and shipping designed for this kingdome . and it evidently appeares that the three ships of burthen and strength which are now come into waterford , occasioned the report that many of the enemies ships appeared upon the coast , threatning duncanon : the falshood of which newes makes it cleerely evident , that the great noyse was onely bruited by such who desired to deterre those , whose gallantry transports them to this service , to the end that their pusilanimities might the lesse appeare : but to conclude , the above printed order doth not threaten greater infamy or punishment , then i in his majesties name dare in england promise honour and reward : and that if the great expences i have already been at before i came into this kingdome , and the incessant paines i have and doe take in order to the king my masters service may gaine favour at his hands , it shall be imployed in encouraging , securing , and advancing this army : esteeming their reward my owne , which ( god willing ) hereafter shall more appeare by my actions then i will now set forth by words : and avoiding further prolixity i will onely attest the verity of what is here set downe by subscribing my name , glamorgan . by the svpreme covncell . it is ordered , that the above order and declaration , shall be forthwith printed and published . by command of the councell , r. bellings . kilkenny 9. march 1645. for our faithfull and ever honored commanders, the right honorable his excellency, sir thomas fairfax, major generall skipton, lieutenant generall cromwell presented to them in the behalfe of eight regiments of horse, by three private soldiers, who were sent from the quarters by the soldery of the forementioned regiments, wherein they manifest to the world their reall affections to this common-wealth, and their forward and brotherly assistance, towards the reliefe of ireland: if not by some diverted. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a93012 of text r210418 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.11[9]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a93012 wing s2826 thomason 669.f.11[9] estc r210418 99869220 99869220 162660 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a93012) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162660) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f11[9]) for our faithfull and ever honored commanders, the right honorable his excellency, sir thomas fairfax, major generall skipton, lieutenant generall cromwell presented to them in the behalfe of eight regiments of horse, by three private soldiers, who were sent from the quarters by the soldery of the forementioned regiments, wherein they manifest to the world their reall affections to this common-wealth, and their forward and brotherly assistance, towards the reliefe of ireland: if not by some diverted. sexby, edward, d. 1658. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1647] at end: these three gentlemen soldiers whose names are hereto subscribed, delivered the letter in be halfe of the whole, edward sexby, will. allen, thomas sheppherd. imprint from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "london about ye 6th of may 1647". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng soldiers -great britain -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a93012 r210418 (thomason 669.f.11[9]). civilwar no for our faithfull and ever honored commanders, the right honorable his excellency, sir thomas fairfax, major generall skipton, lieutenant ge sexby, edward 1647 1098 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion for ovr faithfvll and ever honored commanders , the right honorable his excellency , sir thomas fairfax , major generall skipton , lieutenant generall cromwell , presented to them in the behalfe of eight regiments of horse , by three private soldiers , who were sent from the quarters by the soldery of the forementioned regiments , wherein they manifest to the world their reall affections to this common-wealth , and their forward and brotherly assistance , towards the reliefe of ireland : if not by some diverted . may it please your honours , wee who have ( for these two yeares , past ) been by your honours conducted through many dangers , and by providence have been hitherto protected , who have often seen the devouring sword of a raging enemy drawn forth against us , threatning destruction to us , and now see them vanquisht , and our selves seemingly setled in peace and safety , are yet sensible of a more dangerous storme hanging over our heads , then ever the malice of our open enemies could have contrived or their fury caused to fall upon us , which unlesse diverted , strikes not only at our liberty , but also at our lives . to whom ( next to our maker ) shall we fly for shelter but to your honours , our patrons , and protectors , from what secondary meanes shall we expect our deliverance , but from that hand that hath so often been ingaged with us ? and from that heart that hath as often been so tender over us ; and carefull for our securities . can we suffer and you not sympathise ? can we be proclaimed rebels and your honours remain secure ? ah , dear sirs ! let your wonted care for us be further demonstrated , cease not to speak for us , who together with your selves , and in obedience to your commands , have adventured all that is deare to us , for the kingdomes safety . hath any thing been desired by us that hath not been promised us , or then wee have just cause to expect , if there hath , then let it and the authors thereof perish ? but can the parliament upon mis-information passe us for enemies , and wee not therein perceive the designes of our enemies ? can wee be satisfied with a complement , when our fellow soldiers suffer at every assize , for acts meerly relating to the warre ? is it not our lives wee seek for ? where shall wee be secured , when the meer envy of a malicious person is sufficient to destroy us ? were our enemies in the field with their swords in their hands , wee should expect no more then a bare command , and a divine protection in our endevoures to free our selves but it is another ; and a farre worse enemy that wee have to deal with , who like foxes lurke in their dens ; and cannot be dealt with , though , discovered , being protected by those who are intrusted with the government of the kingdome ; it is the griefe of our hearts , that wee cannot desire our own security , without the hazard of your honours , if but in speaking in our behalfe : when shall we see justice dispenced without partiality , or when shall the weal publike be singly sought after & endeavoured ; can this irish expedition be any thing else , but a design to ruine & break this army in peeces , certainly reason tels us it can be nothing else ; otherwise , why are not those who have bin made instruments in our countries deliverance , again be thought worthy to be employed ? or why are such ( who for their miscariages have been cast out of the army ) thought fit to be intrusted , and those members of the army encouraged and preferr'd to that service , when they are for the most part such , as ( had they considered their just demerrits ) might rather have expected an ejection then imployment : wee are sensible , yea , far more sensible of the bleeding condition of ireland , ( crying aloud for a brotherly assistance ) then those forward undertakers in this present designe manifest themselves to be , and shall willingly contribute the utmost of our abilities towards their reliefe , when wee shall see this to be the only thing sought after , and indevoured ; but wee are confident , that your honours cannot but perceive , that this plot is but a meer cloake , for some who have lately tasted of soveraignity , and being lifted beyond the ordinary spheare of servants , seek to become masters , and degenerate into tyrants : we are earnest therefore with your honours , to use your utmost endevours , that before any other or further propositions be sent to us , our expectations may be satisfied , which if they are not , wee conceive our selves , and our friends , as bad as destroyed , being exposed to the mercilesse cruelties of our malicious enemies , and shall your honour , or any other faithfull servant to the state , be appointed for the service of ireland , and accept of that imployment , we must of necessity ( contrary to our desires ) shew our selves averse to that service , untill our just desires be granted , the just rights and liberties of the subjects of england , vindicated and maintained ; ( and then ) as god and our owne consciences beare us witnesse , shall we testifie to the kingdom the integrity of our hearts to the service of ireland , and our forward actions shall demonstrate the sincerity of our expressions in reference to that imployment , once more we are earnest with your honours for your assistance , without it we are like to be wholly ruind , and having obtaind it , may be inabled , as in duty we are bound to expresse our selves . your honours and the kingdomes most faithfull and obedient servants , whose names are here to annext , as agitating in behalfe of their severall regiments . these three gentlemen soldiers whose names are hereto subscribed , delivered the letter in be halfe of the whole , edward sexby . will. allen . thomas sheppherd . by vertue of an order of the honourable house of commons, made on monday the seventh of this present moneth of february, 1641. we (the committee appointed, to receive the moneys given, by the members of the house of commons, for the reliefe of the poore distressed people that are come out of ireland) ... this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a91680 of text r232130 in the english short title catalog (wing r1122). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a91680 wing r1122 estc r232130 99897667 99897667 133367 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91680) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 133367) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2517:18) by vertue of an order of the honourable house of commons, made on monday the seventh of this present moneth of february, 1641. we (the committee appointed, to receive the moneys given, by the members of the house of commons, for the reliefe of the poore distressed people that are come out of ireland) ... ayscough, edward, sir. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1642] title from opening lines of text. imprint from wing cd-rom, 1996. dated at end: dated at westminster, the fifteenth day of february, 1641. signed at end by committee members: sir edward aiscough knight. francis rowse henry martin william vvheler esquires. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries, london, england. wing cd-rom, 1996 paraphrases the title. eng poor laws -england -early works to 1800. ireland -economic conditions -early works to 1800. broadsides a91680 r232130 (wing r1122). civilwar no by vertue of an order of the honourable house of commons, made on monday the seventh of this present moneth of february, 1641. we (the commi [no entry] 1642 178 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-08 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by vertue of an order of the honourable house of commons , made on monday the seventh of this present moneth of february , 1641. we ( the committee appointed , to receive the moneys given , by the members of the house of commons , for the reliefe of the poore distressed people that are come out of ireland ) are to require you to send unto us , or any one of us , a certificate , what summes of money are collected within your parish for the reliefe of the poore distressed people of ireland , and to require you to bring in such summes of money , as you have received , to that committee , who are authorised by the house to receive the same . dated at westminster , the fifteenth day of february , 1641. the committee appointed by the house for the said collection are sir edward aiscough knight . francis rowse henry martin william vvheler esquires . to the minister , and churchwardens of the parish of a trve relation of the miseralble [sic] estate that ireland now standeth in manifested by a letter sent from the lord dungarvan, son to the earle of corke, to sir arthur magennis, a worthy knight in england : wherein is shewed the great distresse of the protestants there inhabiting : likwise the preparation for ireland, by assent of both houses of parliament : with the great comfort that they daily receive by meanes of the valour of sir simon harcovrt : with a list of the ships, men, money & ammunition sent for the present reliese of the poore distressed protestants of ireland. burlington, richard boyle, earl of, 1612-1698. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a34568 of text r37268 in the english short title catalog (wing c6299). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a34568 wing c6299 estc r37268 16306353 ocm 16306353 105267 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34568) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105267) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1090:3) a trve relation of the miseralble [sic] estate that ireland now standeth in manifested by a letter sent from the lord dungarvan, son to the earle of corke, to sir arthur magennis, a worthy knight in england : wherein is shewed the great distresse of the protestants there inhabiting : likwise the preparation for ireland, by assent of both houses of parliament : with the great comfort that they daily receive by meanes of the valour of sir simon harcovrt : with a list of the ships, men, money & ammunition sent for the present reliese of the poore distressed protestants of ireland. burlington, richard boyle, earl of, 1612-1698. magennis, arthur, sir. [7] p. printed by iohn hammond, london : february 9, 1642. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. ireland -history -1625-1649. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. a34568 r37268 (wing c6299). civilwar no a true relation of the miseralble [sic] estate that ireland now standeth in. manifested by a letter sent from the lord dungarvan son to the burlington, richard boyle, earl of 1642 1131 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-10 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a trve relation of the miseralble estate that ireland now standeth in . manifested by a letter sent from the lord dungarvan son to the earle of corke : to sir arthur magennis , a worthy knight in england . wherein is shewed the great distresse of the protestants there inhabiting : likwise the preparation for ireland , by assent of both houses of parliament . with the great comfort that they daily receive by meanes of the valour of sir simon harcovrt . with a list of the ships , men , money & ammunition sent for the present reliefe of the poore distressed protestants of ireland . london printed by iohn hammond . february 9. 1642. the trve copie of a letter sent from the lord of dvngarvan , sonne to the earle of corke , to sir arthur magennis , a worthy knight in england . sir , i would have made you acquainted with the troubles which daily increase more and more to our great sorrow : the distressed estate of our county of corke is grievous to expresse ; but opportunity hath not so well fitted , as to give you a more timely relation thereof . the rebels have so farre encroached into the body of our county , that they are become masters of the most part thereof , divers lords being newly revolted to them . amongst the rest , the lord antrim , within the province of munster , about a fortnight agone , is revolted , with many souldiers that were under his command , and have committed great slaughters on the protestants , with extreame cruelty , and inhumane massacres , yet have they beene valiantly resisted by sir simon harcourt , and his forces : who hath proved himselfe a stout souldier , and faithfull subiect to the king of england ; and hath taken from the rebels divers forts and castles , and keepes the same well manned with good garrisons . our armie set forwards towards the rebels , to give them an incounter on wednesday last was a seven-night ; but they hearing thereof , withdrew themselves to the confines of our county , where they have mustred their army , and raised it there to twentie thousand ; which being perceived , wee desired to ioyne with sir simon harcourt and the scots in those parts , which they accepted : and marching towards the rebels , they tooke the field , where was a battell fought between us ; where ( god bee praised ) wee lost but one hundred men , whereof our greatest losse was the lord fawklands brother : and the adverse party lost above three thousand five hundred , as wee conceived : upon which they drew backe to their trenches , the skirmish holding some eight houres , our force being not so strong as we wished we were enforced to retire to strengthen our army , in which time the rebells replenished , and augmented theirs , but we failed in our expectation , for many of our souldiers sides with the rebells revolted from our command by which means we were so weakened that we could not again take the field without apparent danger of the losse of our whole army ; the rebells being six to one , upon which we were enforced to retire to a town near adiacent in which was a good castle , fortifying the same aswell as we could for our securitie , there intending to stay till we have aid from england or scotland which we daily write for , and without which not onely this county , but even the whole kingdome of ireland is without all hope utterly lost : many bishops are also revolted , aid is daily sent from forram parts so that they are encreased to that strength that they are able to bring 50000 fighting men in the field : they have put hard for corke and have entrenched themselves neer dublin , divers great personages in that citie have also revolted , they have set forth proclamations declaring , they take arms for their king and are the queens army , for a toleration of their religion , and for the defence of the lawes of that land , so farre , as they serve their desires and wills , i therefore conceive that perpetuall warre is to be expected in ireland , till they are fully vanquished , and subdued , and not then free from mutinies and insurrections , except all papists be banished that land , and the kingdome , inhabited with nations in subiection to the king of england , as are protestants . wee expected aid from england , both of men , ammunition , and money , before this time ; but the distractions and divisions in that kingdome , wee conceive hath hindered their proceedings in their intentions therein ; here are 3000. scots arived , of which we are right glad , and we expect assistance from denmark , which when we have , and also from england , i make no doubt , but by the blessing of god , ireland will againe be reduced to their due subiection to the crowne of england , which is all the news opportunitie will give me leave to write at this time . dvngarvan . ianuary 30. 1641. the strength and preparation for ireland , by the assent of both houses of parliament . the parliament being touched with their wonted lenity , and commiseration of the afflicted , and premeditating the distressed estate of our poor brethren in ireland , by their receiving daily intelligence of the bloody massacrees , and inhumane butcheries daily committed by the rebells , seriously considering , that without some speedy ayde and reliefe , that whole kingdome would be in danger of loosing , the rebells therein , having already dirogated , nay almost usurped his maiesties prerogative , slaine , and put to the sword his maiesties most true and loyall subiects of the protestant religion , confiscated their estates , and what not , that might availe to the ruinating of a state , they have provided in their defence , and the repulsings of the rebellious enemie , 36. ships loaden with men , ammunition and victualls , who are now ready for transportation at westchester , 18 of the said ships being his maiesties , to guard the narrow seas , so that by these , and such like preparation , it is expected our friends shall be strengthened , and our foes defeated in their pernitious designes . finis . die martis 3 augusti, 1642. it is this day ordered by the commons house of parliament, that the ministers about the citie of london, be desired to exhort the people to bestow old garments and apparell upon the distressed protestants in ireland, ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83733 of text r211020 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[78]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83733 wing e2604c thomason 669.f.5[78] estc r211020 99869759 99869759 160791 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83733) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160791) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[78]) die martis 3 augusti, 1642. it is this day ordered by the commons house of parliament, that the ministers about the citie of london, be desired to exhort the people to bestow old garments and apparell upon the distressed protestants in ireland, ... england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1642] place and date of publication from wing. order to print signed: hen. elsynge, cler. parl. d. com. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng protestants -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -economic conditions -early works to 1800. a83733 r211020 (thomason 669.f.5[78]). civilwar no die martis 3 augusti, 1642. it is this day ordered by the commons house of parliament, that the ministers about the citie of london, be desi england and wales. parliament. 1642 176 1 0 0 0 0 0 57 d the rate of 57 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die martis 3 augusti , 1642. it is this day ordered by the commons house of parliament , that the ministers about the citie of london , be desired to exhort the people to bestow old garments and apparell upon the distressed protestants in ireland , this house concieving it will be a very charitable act . hen. elsynge , cler. parl. d. com. septemb. 19. 1642. york-shire hall in blackwell-hall , is by the honorable the lord maior of london , and the court of aldermen , appointed for the laying in of such clothes of all sorts ▪ for men , women and children , with shooes , hats and linnen , such as may be spared for clothing the poor naked protestants in ireland . it is desired that before the 30 of october next , there may be brought in to the place aforesaid , what in that kinde shall be bestowed by well-disposed people , that the same may be ready for shipping then prepared for ireland . whereas his majesty out of his princely care for securing the true protestant religion, and to satisfie the minds of all his loving subjects therein, for the more effectual discovery and suppression of the most horrid and execrable popish plot ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) 1680 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46146 wing i808 estc r36891 16149553 ocm 16149553 104876 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46146) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104876) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:29) whereas his majesty out of his princely care for securing the true protestant religion, and to satisfie the minds of all his loving subjects therein, for the more effectual discovery and suppression of the most horrid and execrable popish plot ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin took and john crook ... and are to be sold by mary crook ..., dublin : 1680. title from first 6 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council-chamber in dublin the fifteenth day of november, 1680." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng popish plot, 1678. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . ormonde . whereas his majesty out of his princely care for securing the true protestant religion , and to satisfie the minds of all his loving subjects therein , for the more effectual discovery and suppression of the most horrid and erecrable popish plot , and the encouragement of all persons who have any knowledge thereof , to make discovery of the same , hath thought fit to set forth his royal proclamation , bearing date at his court at white hall the thirtieth day of october last past , thereby promising and assuring his free and gracious pardon to all and every person and persons who within two months after the date of the said proclamation should come in and give further information and evidence concerning the said popish plot. now we the lord lieutenant and council , for the like encouragement of all persons within this kingdom , who have any knowledge of the said plot , to make discovery of the same , do think fit to set fort● , this our proclamation , hereby promising and assuring his majesties free and gracious pardon to all and every person and persons within this kingdome , who within two months from the date of this our proclamation shall come in , and give further information and evidence concerning the said popish plot. given at the council-chamber in dublin the fifteenth day of november , 1680. blesinton . lanesborough . hen. midensis . r. coote rob. fitz gerald. ca. dillon . char. meredith . john keatinge . he. hene . jo. davys . will. stewart . ol. st. george . w. wentworth . mau. eustace . tho. newcomen . god save the king dublin , printed by benjamin took and john crook , printers to the kings most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by mary crook at his majesties printing-house in skinner-row . 1680. a letter from on board the york-frigat now with admiral herbert dated from cape-cleare the fourth of this instant may : giving a true and large account of the great flight between the english and the french at bantry-bay near crouck-haven in the west of ireland. feud, c. 1689 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a48073 wing l1494 estc r30990 11759784 ocm 11759784 48649 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48073) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48649) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1486:25) a letter from on board the york-frigat now with admiral herbert dated from cape-cleare the fourth of this instant may : giving a true and large account of the great flight between the english and the french at bantry-bay near crouck-haven in the west of ireland. feud, c. 1 broadside. s.n.], [s.l. : 1689. signed: c. feud. dated: york-frigat, may 4, 1689. reproduction of original in chetham's library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng pembroke, thomas herbert, -earl of, 1656-1733. ireland -history -war of 1689-1691. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from on board the york-frigat now with admiral herbert . dated from cape-cleare the fourth of this instant may. giving a true and large account of the great fight between the english and the french , at bantry-bay near crouck-haven in the west of ireland . i having the opportunity , i would not omit giving you a true narrative of our fight with the french. the 29th . of april , we being cruising at kingsale at nine at night , our scouts made the signal of the enemy , about 13 sail ; but the night coming on , and we not knowing which way they lay , we kept the wind all night . on the 30th . in the morning , our scouts made the signal , as before 〈…〉 8 in the morning we bore up westward ; our scouts chasing that way , at three in the afternoon one of our scouts brought a small bastabes vessel into our fleet , come from virginia , who gave us an account , that he had been with the french fleet the night before of the cape , consisting of 30 sail small and great . upon which advice , we gave chase at 6 , and we came in sight of ten sail going head of meinhead , but we doubting the main body had got into crouck haven , we brought to , and stood off all the night . may the 1st . we finding they had not gone in there , we bare away to loeward of the meinhead , where we saw some of them at anchor in the bantry ; at 7 we found them to be 27 sail of great ships , and we but 18 ; the wind at e. n. e. a moderate gale. upon sight of us , they got under sail ; and instead of coming out before the wind to us , they gave us the trouble to run in a great way to them , which we could not do before 12 at noon : at which time captain ashei leading the van of our fleet , came up within shot ; upon whom they fired some guns , but he immediately answer'd with what he could , and they all answer'd with what they could , being to the windward , and would not come near . the most of them firing at the arse ; but at last most of our ships got up , but could not draw in a line as we intended , by reason of the narrowness of the place . and thus we continued till six at night ; we thinking to draw them out to fire , though notwithstanding they had ninety per cent , the advantage , they tackt , and stood into the bay. i do assure , if they had but had courage , as they had number and strength , they might have spoil'd most of us ; but i do protest , i never saw so much cowardize by men. i do believe without all hands , put their hands to the plough , they will hardly be put out of ireland . i suppose we have not lost aboveone hundred men kill'd in the fleet ; our rigging suffer'd the most . in fine , the admiral did what could be expected . i will omit , till please god we meet ; we are now about 14 leagues from cape-clear at this time ; my service to all my friends , &c. from york-frigat , may 4 1689. yours c. fevd . the king of france's letter to the earl of tyrconnel, found in a ship laden with arms for ireland. louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. 1688 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b04190 wing l3127 estc r180083 53299190 ocm 53299190 179933 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b04190) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179933) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2808:38) the king of france's letter to the earl of tyrconnel, found in a ship laden with arms for ireland. louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv). 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for t.p., london, : 1688. caption title. reproduction of original in: bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng james -ii, -king of england, 1633-1701 -early works to 1800. france -foreign relations -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -foreign relations -france -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688 -sources. ireland -history -1660-1688 -sources. broadsides -england -17th century. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-10 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the king of france's letter to the earl of tyrconnel , found in a ship laden with arms for ireland . my lord , as we are fully inform'd of the deplorable misfortunes of our royal brother , ( his majesty of great britain ) and of his intentions to honor our court with his presence , till we can accommodate his return to his ungrateful country and kingdom , suitable to his grandeur and merit ; so we thought it convenient to send you the most proper instructions vve , and our council , could suggest , whereby we might render your endeavours as serviceable and material as may be for your royal master's interest . the kingdom of ireland seems , at present , to be your master's last stake , and therefore must be managed wisely ; nor shall you want opportunity of making the most of your game , since we are stedfastly resolv'd to give the army in england such powerful diversion , that we doubt not to render them wholly incapable of turning their arms towards you : in the mean time , we advise you to make all the levies you can ; and by no means admit any heretical villains into the least command , civil or military : vve have sent you arms for thirty thousand ; which , with what your self can supply , will accouter a formidable body of men , and fully sufficient for the entire reduction of that kingdom . vve shall also take care to furnish you with money ; and , in the mean time , we advise you to seize , without distinction , all the hereticks goods and estates , which will serve for a present advance : vve will also supply you with some expert commanders , and all necessary engines of war ; and for the supply of ammunition , we are inform'd of your care , in your speedy setting up mills for the making of powder , &c. vve likewise advise you to keep strong and diligent guards in all your sea-ports and coasts ; to set up beacons in convenient places throughout the kingdom , whereby the country may be ready at the least alarm : and as we doubt not of the assistance of god in so just a cause , so we may , with all human probability , conclude of the speedy re-establishment of our royal brother in his throne & kingdom . london , printed for t. p. 1688. we the lord lieutenant and council, do command and proclaim publick humiliation, fasting and prayers to be observed in all parts and parishes within this kingdom, on wednesday the 17th of april next ... by the lord lieutenant and council, jo. berkeley. ireland. lord lieutenant (1670-1672 : berkeley) 1672 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46086 wing i675 estc r36851 16143536 ocm 16143536 104835 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46086) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104835) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:42) we the lord lieutenant and council, do command and proclaim publick humiliation, fasting and prayers to be observed in all parts and parishes within this kingdom, on wednesday the 17th of april next ... by the lord lieutenant and council, jo. berkeley. ireland. lord lieutenant (1670-1672 : berkeley) berkeley, john, sir, d. 1678. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin took ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : m.dc.lxii [1672] title from first 6 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council-chamber in dublin, the 27th day of march, 1672." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-12 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-12 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit by the lord lieutenant and council . jo : berkeley : we the lord lieutenant and council , do command and proclaim publick humiliation , fasting and prayers to be observed in all the parts and parishes within this kingdom , on wednesday the 17th of april next . and therefore we will and require , that the ministers and parishioners of every parish within this kingdom , do duely repair to the cathedral or parish-church on the said day , as aforesaid , to divine service and sermons : upon which day , the minister is to call upon the people , that they abstain from labour , and from pleasure , and from the ordinary works of their callings , and dedicate themselves on that day to humiliation , fasting , prayer , works of charity and devotion , bewailing as well their own sins , as the great and known sins of the kingdom ; and supplicating almighty god of his mercy and goodness , to bless and prosper all his majesties councils , and all his armies and fleets by land and by sea , and particularly his present expedition . and we will and require every archbishop and bishop to call upon his clergy for the diligent and due performance thereof . given at the council-chamber in dublin , the 27th day of march , 1672. ja : armachanus . mich : dublin canc. o : bryen . art : forbese . ro : booth . paul davys . theo : jones . char : meredyth . god save the king . dublin , printed by benjamin took , printer to the kings most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde bookseller in castle-street . m. dc . lxxii . joyfull newes from captain marro in ireland or, his second victory over the rebels, april 18. shewing in a most true and exact relation, the manner of two glorious battles, never to be forgotten. the first, by the invincible courage, of captiain [sic] marro, april 18. also his parley, and the assault and repulse of mongarrets army, april 19. the second, by the said captain marro, and being seconded by sir henry tichbourn, gave the rebels a great overthrow, with the number of men that were slain in each battle. also his majesties message to the house of peers, april the 22. 1642. damon, john, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a81509 of text r5163 in the english short title catalog (thomason e144_16). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a81509 wing d158 thomason e144_16 estc r5163 99872809 99872809 156625 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a81509) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 156625) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 26:e144[16]) joyfull newes from captain marro in ireland or, his second victory over the rebels, april 18. shewing in a most true and exact relation, the manner of two glorious battles, never to be forgotten. the first, by the invincible courage, of captiain [sic] marro, april 18. also his parley, and the assault and repulse of mongarrets army, april 19. the second, by the said captain marro, and being seconded by sir henry tichbourn, gave the rebels a great overthrow, with the number of men that were slain in each battle. also his majesties message to the house of peers, april the 22. 1642. damon, john, 17th cent. gilbert, j., 17th cent. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i). aut england and wales. parliament. [8] p. printed for iohn wels, [london] : 1642. "more glorious, joyfull, and renowned newes, from ireland" p. 3-6 signed: john damon. "more exceeding true and ioyfull newes, from ireland" p. 7-8 is signed: j. gilbert. place of publication from wing. signatures: a⁴. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng mountgarret, richard butler, -viscount, 1578-1651. tichborne, henry, -sir, 1581?-1667. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a81509 r5163 (thomason e144_16). civilwar no joyfull newes from captain marro in ireland or, his second victory over the rebels, april 18.: shewing in a most true and exact relation, t damon, john 1642 1341 6 0 0 0 0 0 45 d the rate of 45 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion joyfull newes from captain marro in ireland ▪ or , his second victory over the rebels , april 18. shewing in a most true and exact relation , the manner of two glorious battles never to be forgotten . the first by the invincible courage , of captiain marro , april , 18. also his parley , and the assault and repulse of mougarrets army , april 19. the second , by the said captain marro , and being seconded by sir henry tichbourn , gave the rebels a great overthrow , with the number of the men that were slain in each battle . also his majesties message to the house of peers , april the 22. 1642. printed for iohn wels , 1642. his majesties message to the house peers . april . 22. 1642. his majestie having seene a printed paper , entituled , a question answered how lawes are to be vnderstood and obedience yeelded ; ( which paper he sends together which this message think , fit to re●ommend the consideration of it to his house of peers , that they may use all possible care and diligence for the finding out the authour , and m●y give directions to his learned councell , to proceed against him and the publishers of it , in such a way as shal be agreable to law and the course of justice , as persons who indeavour to stir up sedition against his majestie ; and his majesty doubts not but they will be very sensible how much their own particular interest ( as well as the publike government of the kingdom ) is , and must be shaken , if such licence shall be permitted to bold factious spirits to withdraw his subjects strict obedience from the laws established by such seditious and treasonable distinctions . and of doctrines of this nature , his majesties doubts not but that their lordships will publish their great dislike , it being growne into frequent discourse , and vented in some pulpits by those desperate turbulent preachers who are the great promoters of the distempers of this time ) that human laws doe not binde the conscience : which being once beleeved ▪ the civill government and peace of the kingdom will be quickly dissolved ▪ his majestie exspects a speeche account of their lordships exmplary justice upon the authors and publishers of this paper . more glorious , joyfull , and renowned newes , from ireland . if there were ever found deadly enemies to true christian religion , they are now found out in ireland ; that mother of all treachery , and nurse of treason , as may appear by this ensuing relation following . upon the 17. day of this present moneth , the lord montgarret , and the great rebell mac-davo , drew their forces together to the number of 14000 , intending to give battle against captain marro ; by reason he had besieged the strong castle of bellon in the neweries : they having intelligence , that he was but 900 strong , having with them but only three peeces of ordnance , he had given three great assaults against the aforesaid castle , and mounted his ordnance in three severall places , being furnished with cannoncers of great note ; upon the 18. day of this month he gave the fourth assault against the said castle ; where after three hours fight , the castle yeelded , putting all that were therin to the sword , being in number 300. he then entred the castle , taking great ▪ store of good pillage and ammunition , planting his three pieces on the said castle , having intelligence that the lord mongarret , and mack-davo were intended to give battle against them , being 7. miles off . sir henry tichbourn having received a letter from captain marro that he had takeu the castle , and that the aforesaid rebels were resolved to assault him , hasted to him with all speed , with 1700. men , and being within half a mile of the castle , caused his drums to beat up , captain marro hearing the same , sent out lieutenant johnson with 200. to meet them , to know what they were , and approaching neer them , sir henry sent to him , to tell him what his intents were , that he was resolved to withdraw back til he saw the enemy approach neer the castle ; wherupon lieutenant johnson returned back to his captain , relating to him the policy of sir henry , this was upon the 19. of this month , in the morning ; and about two of the clock in the afternoon , the rebels marched towards the castle , besieging it , and having set their men in four battalions , began to play against the castle , captain marro answering them couragiously , playing with his ordnance so thick against them , that there were slain of the rebels in the first fiering 300. men , of our side 18. after some cessation they fell too t again , the battle continuing very hot , being doubtfull on both sides , till sir henry approached and fell on sending 200. men to give battle against the enemy on the left slanck , if they had attempted to passe by on the right slank , of those that were in fight , he sent secretly by the hils ( where there was a hollow distance ) 500. men to charge them in their front , which amazed the enemy much , he himselfe falling on with the rest of the army , captain marro still playing against them with most unheard of courage , who after the space of 13. houres fight , the enemy was forced to retire , sir henry and captaine marro hath also taken 5. other castles in the neweries , and put many of the rebels to the sword , the last weeke , it is thought they will begin with the great castle called newery castle the next . your loving brother , john damon . from our quarters in the neweries , aprill the 21. 1642. more exceeding true and ioyfull newes from ireland . loving brother . on the 14. of this month , i received your letter , being sorry to hear such bad news from you ; and wheras you writ to me , to send you word how passages went with us here , i thought it convenient , to send you these occurrences , following . vpon the 17. of this present month , there was a great and bloudy battell in the neweries , fought between 3000. men of our side , under the command of sir henrie tichbourn , sir charles coot , and captain marro , against 10000. of the rebels , conducted by the great rebel mondormo , and after a long and tedious battel , they put the rebels to flight , kild 2000. of them , and wounded the lord mondormo : of our side were slain 400. they are intended to fight a pitcht battel about the 25. day of this month . we had tydings brought to our army , april 12. that sir philomy o-neal hath got a great army , intending to give battel against us in the neweries . captain marro received a letter from colonel gore , in the north of ireland , relating how they had defeated six regiments of the rebels forces , but my lord of munster hath had some losse there . so i rest your loving brother j. gilbert . ordered by the lords and commons in parliament , that the lord howard of char , shall attend upon the king , and present some reasons unto his majesty . john brown cler. parl. finis . dolefull nevves from ireland sent in a letter by a gentleman to a brother-in-law here in london, wherein he relates the distressed condition the english are in, in that kingdome. with the copie of a commission granted by luke birne a prime commander of ireland, whose grandfather was m. feagh hugh an arch traytor in q. elizabeth's raigne, to execute marshall law npon [sic] all the protestants. p. s. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a58621 of text r219794 in the english short title catalog (wing s122a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a58621 wing s122a estc r219794 99831241 99831241 35704 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a58621) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 35704) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2041:2) dolefull nevves from ireland sent in a letter by a gentleman to a brother-in-law here in london, wherein he relates the distressed condition the english are in, in that kingdome. with the copie of a commission granted by luke birne a prime commander of ireland, whose grandfather was m. feagh hugh an arch traytor in q. elizabeth's raigne, to execute marshall law npon [sic] all the protestants. p. s. birne, luke. aut [8] p. for t. bates, printed at london : 1642. signed: p.s. "the copie of a commission granted by luke birne .." has caption title on a4r. some print show-through. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -sources -early works to 1800. a58621 r219794 (wing s122a). civilwar no dolefull nevves from ireland sent in a letter by a gentleman to a brother-in-law here in london, wherein he relates the distressed condition p. s 1642 1389 1 0 0 0 0 0 7 b the rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-09 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion dolefull nevves from ireland sent in a letter by a gentleman to a brother-in-law here in london , wherein he relates the distressed condition the english are in , in that kingdome . with the copie of a comission granted by luke birne a prime commander of ireland , whose grandfather was m. feagh hugh an arch traytor in q. elizabeths raigne , to execute marshall law upon all the protestants . printed at london for t. bates . 1642. good brother , my love with your sisters remembred to you and yours , &c. i have been long silent , because i determined ere this ( by gods permission ) to have seen you ; but such is our present condition , that a second resolution hath altered my former determination ; and here now i intend to end my dayes with your sister and her children , preparing our selves for death , which we daily expect ; for the hand of god was never stretcht out more against christians then at this time in these parts against the english both protestants and papists , so inhumane are the cruelties of the irish . i presume you will be glad to heare from us , though sorrowfull to have such tydings , for not one syllable of comfort can i send you ; for when the rebellion first began , we expected ayde and speedy helpe from england , which might in some measure have quelled their out-rages , if supplyes had beene timely sent , but being now altogether hopelesse of such happinesse , we are not onely daunted and disheartned , but our mercilesse enemies hardned and encouraged to goe on in their bloody massacres . the last of december 2000. of the rebels led on by kilmore their captaine , went against the towne of kilcallane , in the province of limster 18. miles from dublin ; and though the towne gave them no opposition , but yeelded themselves to their mercie , hoping to have q●…rtor , yet the blood-thirstie miscreants spared neither man , woman nor child protestant and papist , but after they had ravisht their wives and daughters , put them all to the sword , sparing not so much as the irish themselves , if they were lately discended of english parents . vpon the third day of this instant month january , the same company of rebels assaulted the towne of castle dormott , nine miles from the former , who hearing how bloodily their neighbours had been butchered , resolved to give them battaile , and to dye manfully , their wives and children being as willing as themselves , but in the end they fared no better then their neighbours had done formerly , for the enemies was of such force , that they were overcome , and put to the sword , except a poore-remnant that escaped by flight , and what is become of them as yet is unknowne . the like crueltie was committed the same day by another company of rebels upon the towne of navan , 20. miles from dublin , as last night i had intelligence , and though their massacre there was not so generall , yet their behaviour was so inhumane , as i blush , and my heart bleeds to write ; for after they had hang'd up many womens husbands before their owne faces , knights , gentlemen and others , they put their wives to take their choise of one of 3. demands : first , whether they would renounce their religion , and marry such irish men as they should tender unto them : secondly , whether they would freely and willingly prostitute their bodies to so many send all men as should desire it . thirdly , whether they would be kild and put to the sword . oh wofull conditions ! was there ever such villany read upon , or heard of to be amongst christians : nor are those all the cruelties that are here committed , for in the very fields , men , women , and children lye scattered up and downe , most of them naked , being murthered and sterved , and many of them mangled and dismembred , some having their hands and feet cut off , others their eyes and tongues pulld out , and some their very bowels ript up : and in a little village neere unto the towne of lurgan , wher a worthy and religious knight one sir thomas betton lived , two of his daughters were most barberously deflowred in the presence of their aged parents , and after all of stifled and put to the sword . and that which addes more to our misery , is , that the rebels armie doe daily increase , and our forces hourely grow weake , having our forts and townes blocked up by the enemies on every side , so that there is no hope but ere long ireland will be totally lost , unlesse a considerable army be speedily sent over , which we exceedingly feare will hardly be done in time , because we daily heare , to our great sorrow , that there are jarres and differences among you in england , which god prevent for his mercies sake . more i have to write , but i feare i have enough unlesse my tydings were better , and therefore i will say no more on this theme , lest it should grieve you asmuch in reading , as mee in writing ; wherefore good brother , let mee desire you and yours to pray for me and mine , as the best meanes to prevent those judgements which otherwise god may bring upon us for our sinnes : and although we are all in danger each day of death , yet while wee live it will be a comfort to us to heare from you : and therefore since dublin is so blockt up by land and water , that it is almost impossible for mee to receive any letters there from you , be pleased to send them to your cousin iackson at london-derry , and if wee live they will come to my hands . so wishing you all health and happinesse , and that wee may heare better newes one from another , i rest , and ever will remaine , your loving brother-in-law till death , p. s. from kells this 5. of ianuary , 1641. the post is in haste , otherwise our brother thomas would have writ unto you , who prayes me to present his best respects to you and yours in a postscript . the copie of a comission granted by luke birne a prime commander of ireland , whose grandfather was m. feagh hugh an arch traytor in q. elizabeths-raign , to execute marshall law upon all the protestants . know ye to whom these presents shal come that i colonell luke birne doe constitute , ordaine , and appoint my wel-beloved a. t. to be our lawfull deputy and substitute in our names , and to our and his owne , and the wel-fare of the weale publickes , uses and behalfe , to execute our power in the defence of our faith and the liberties of our country in all parts , to the uttermost of his power , according to our superiours and our owne vowes and promises made and taken in that behalfe , and to seize , rescue , take , and keep all protestants goods wheresoever they shall finde them , and to be responsible to us for the same , as occasion shall require : and also to execute marshall law after mature deliberation and due examination on all malefactors and offenders , according to the nature of their offences , and as they shall demerit , and what our substitutes shall lawfully doe , execute , or cause to be done or execute in the premises , we doe ratifie allow , and confirme , as wee had been present , as witnesse our hand this 14. of december , anno 1641. luke birne . a proclamation by frederick duke of schonberg, general of all their majesties forces in ireland. for preventing plunders and robberies. schomberg, friedrich hermann schomberg, duke of, 1615-1690. 1689 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a94249 wing s870b estc r228383 45578429 ocm 45578429 172347 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a94249) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 172347) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2627:2) a proclamation by frederick duke of schonberg, general of all their majesties forces in ireland. for preventing plunders and robberies. schomberg, friedrich hermann schomberg, duke of, 1615-1690. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed for rich. baldwin in old-bayly, london, : 1689. includes: a second proclamation, by frederick duke of schonberg, &c. for protecting and inviting all persons to bring provisions to the army. reproduction of original in the christ church (university of oxford) library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -war of 1689-1691. great britain -history -william and mary, 1689-1702. broadsides -england -17th century. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation , by frederick duke of schonberg , general of all their majesties forces in ireland . for preventing plunders and robberies . licens'd october 7. 1689. j. f. whereas divers loose and idle people , have of late committed several robberies , and dayly continue them , under pretence of following the army . wherefore we have thought fit hereby to declare , that none do presume to follow the army , and under that pretence rob and plunder the country through which we pass : and all such who shall , notwithstanding this our proclamation , follow the army ( sutlers and such as are hired excepted ) shall be deemed and punished as robbers : and we shall further order , and direct the provost-marshall , and his men , to seize and apprehend them as such , that they may be accordingly punished . schonberg . given at our head-quarters at belfast the first day of september , 1689. a second proclamation , by frederick duke of schonberg , &c. for protecting and inviting all persons to bring provisions to the army . whereas we find that several inhabitants , and freeholders in the country , near and about this place , have by groundless fears deserted their habitations and houses , by which great stocks of corn is lying in the fields , in danger of perishing for want of due care to save and gather the same into their haggards and barnes ; and since it is not their majesties intent to ruine and destroy , but to cherish and protect their subjects of what religion soever . so we proclaim this our protection to all those who shall peaceably and quietly retire to their several habitations , in order that they may enjoy their majesties clemency , and so gather their stocks and corn in due order for to bring it to the market for sale , which freemarker , we have thought fit to appoint at dundalk , every thursday and friday , where all those that shall come with corn , and other provisions , shall be protected , and paid in ready mony for what they shall sell or dispose of . schonberg . given at our head-quarters at dundalk this 10th day of september , 1689. london , printed for rich. baldwin in the old-bayly , 1689. a new declaration of the lords and commons in parliament assembled, in answer to his majesties letter to the lord major and the court of aldermen of the city of london, and concerning his declaration to the county of yorke at heyworth moore by his last speciall summonds, luna 20. day of junæ, 1642. / ordered by the lords in parliament that this declaration be forthwith printed and published, joh: brown cler. parl. ; with a letter from the lord paget, lord lievtenant of the county of buckingham, to the earle of holland, shewing the readinesse of that county to obey the ordinance of parliament touching the militia ; and the examination of the lord magwire, colonell read, cousin-germane to tyrone, capt. mac mallion, brother-in-law to philomy o-neale, the relation being truly taken from their owne mouths word for word as followeth, before a committee of both houses in the court of wards on munday the 21. of june, 1642. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82907 of text r171992 in the english short title catalog (wing e1669). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82907 wing e1669 estc r171992 45097697 ocm 45097697 171294 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82907) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171294) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2571:10) a new declaration of the lords and commons in parliament assembled, in answer to his majesties letter to the lord major and the court of aldermen of the city of london, and concerning his declaration to the county of yorke at heyworth moore by his last speciall summonds, luna 20. day of junæ, 1642. / ordered by the lords in parliament that this declaration be forthwith printed and published, joh: brown cler. parl. ; with a letter from the lord paget, lord lievtenant of the county of buckingham, to the earle of holland, shewing the readinesse of that county to obey the ordinance of parliament touching the militia ; and the examination of the lord magwire, colonell read, cousin-germane to tyrone, capt. mac mallion, brother-in-law to philomy o-neale, the relation being truly taken from their owne mouths word for word as followeth, before a committee of both houses in the court of wards on munday the 21. of june, 1642. england and wales. parliament. paget, william paget, baron, 1609-1678. browne, john, ca. 1608-1691. 8 p. printed for w. gay., london : 1642. reproduction of original in the sutro library. eng enniskillen, connor maguire, -baron of, 1616-1645. reade, john, -sir. macmahon, hugh oge, 1606?-1644. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. london (england) -history -17th century. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a82907 r171992 (wing e1669). civilwar no a new declaration of the lords and commons in parliament assembled, in answer to his majesties letter to the lord major and the court of ald england and wales. parliament 1642 1976 3 0 0 0 0 0 15 c the rate of 15 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a new declaration of the lords and commons in parlialiament assembled , in answer to his majesties letter to the lord major and the court of aldermen of the city of london , and concerning his declaration to the county of yorke at heyworth moore by his last speciall summonds , luna 20. day of junae , 1642. ordered by the lords in parliament that this declaration be forthwith printed and published , joh : brown cler. parl. with a letter from the lord paget , lord lievtenant of the county of buckingham , to the earle of holland , shewing the readinesse of that county to obey the ordinance of parliament touching the militia and the examination of the lord magwire , colonell read , cousin-germane to tyrone , capt. mac mallion , brother-in-law to philomy o-neale , the relation being truly taken from their owne mouths word for word as followeth , before a commitee of both houses in the court of wards on munday the 21. of june , 1642. london printed for w. gay . 1642. a declaration of the lords and commons concerning a paper directed by his maiesty to the lord maior and sheriffs of london , dated iune fourteenth , 1642. whereas in a paper inscribed to our trusty and well-beloved the lord maior , aldermen and sheriffs of the city of london , dated the fourteenth of june 1642. it is affirmed that great labour is used to perswade his majesties subjects to raise horse and to furnish money upon pretence of a guard for the parliament , but in truth to bee imployed against his majesty , the lords and common doe declare that the designe of those propositions is , as was formerly declared , to maintaine the protestant religion , the kings authority and person in his royall dignity , the free course of justice , the lawes of the land , the peace of the kingdome and priviledges of parliament , against any force which shall oppose them . and they doe further declare , that as the forces already attending his maiesty and the preparation which his maiesty is now making of armes , horse and ordinance from within his kingdome and without , at first coloured under the pretence of a guard , doe evidently appeare to be intended for some great and extraordinary designe , so they give just cause of feare and jealousy to the parliament . and doe fully justify those votes of the kings intention of levying warre against the parliament , to be altogether free from any imputation of scandall as is injuriously cast upon them by that paper ; for so long as his maiesty shall continue those levies and preparation . the lords and commons in parliament , having been so often threatned and reviled for their proceedings about hull , and the militia , so necessarily undertaken for the good and peace of the kingdome , they cannot bee secured by his maiesties solemne protestation alone , expressed in this and other declarations , that all his desires and purposes are for the publick peace , and that he hath not the least thought of using force , except he be compelled to it for the defence of his person and protecti of the lawes , seeing his maiesty in a declaration published at hyworth more , doth interpret the protection of the lawes in such a manner as giveth just and full occasion to beleeve , that by protecting the lawes , his maiesty intendeth force upon , or against those who shall submit to the ordinance of the militia , it appeares by divers expressions of his maiesty , he hath discovered an intention of making some attempt upon hull . and because in both which cases they doe declare that whatsoever violence shall be used either against those who exercise this militia , or against hull , they cannot but take it as done against the parliament . and whereas the houses have upon loane received great summes of money for the service of ireland , from the companies of the city of london , ( for which they give them grtat and hearty thankes . ) they doe declare that these summes shall be dispended as the former have beene to that onely service . notwithstanding an infinuation laying an aspersion upon them as if they had done otherwise . further , whereas it is declared to the great reproach of the parliament , that the summes desired towards the raising of horse and armes is contrived upon generall pretences by some few factious persons we leave it to the world to judge how it is possible , that houses should have all their members , seeing diverse of them are by his majestie summoned to yorke , and there contrary to the lawes of the land ; and priviledges of parliament deteined , may be protected from the justice of both houses . and secondly , how that can possibly be called a faction which is done by both houses of parliament , the greatest court of england , the most faithfull councell his majesty hath . but at such language as this they wonder not , considering by what wicked councell his majesties affaires are guided , and by what malignant spirits his majesties affections to the parliament of late have been mis-led . both houses well weighing the premisses doe forbid any majors , sheriffs , bailiffs , or other officers whatsoever to publish or spread that paper as they will answer their contempt to the parliament . and doe assure themselves that neither his majesties commands nor his threats will withdraw or deterrmen well affected to the publique from doing their duty , in contributing such money , horse and plate , as will be necessary for the preserving the being of parliament , the peace of the kingdome , and those other ends before mentioned , for which they are desired . the dangerous and mischievous intentions of some about his majestie being such , that whatsoever is most precious to men of conscience and honour , as religion , liberty , and publique safety , are like to be overwhelmed and lost in the generall confusion and calamity of the kingdome , which will not only question , but overthrow the charter of the city of london , expose the citizens , their wives , and children to violence and villany , and leave the wealth of that famous city , as a prey to those desperate and necessitous persons . the lords and commons as they hope by this means those horrid mischiefs may be prevented : so those of the city ( which contribute hereunto ) whereof none are so mean and base , as to deserve the reproches cast on them by that paper . and all his majesties good subjects may be assured that in doing their duty herein , they shall be protected and secured in their persons , liberties , and estates , by the power and authority of both houses of parliament , according to their former ingagements , which they will ever faithfully perform . a copy of a letter sent from the right honourable the lord paget , lord lieutenant of the county of buckingham , to the right honourable the earle of holland ; shewing the great readinesse of that county , to obey the ordinance of the parliament touching the militia . i have received so great expressions of my countreymen of buckinghamshire , of their good affections to the publique , and ready obedience to the commands of parliament , in the present muster this day begun for a fourth part of this county , that i held it my duty to make your lordship acquainted here with , to the end an account may be given of it to the parliament , if your lordship shall thinke fit . ten of my deputy lievtenants met me this morning at beckonsfield , where we called over the traine band , consisting but of one hundred and fifty men , who made a very good appearance with their armes and supplyes , and as full as they have been formerly upon any o●her summons . besides eightscore volunteers and upwards within this division , presented themselves to us very well armed , and exercised in two companies ; more in number then the trained band ; summoned to this place . i am also informed of another company of an hundred and fifty volunteeres more within this division , that intend to shew themselves in our way to the next place of meeting , and of another company of an hundred more , who there intend to meet us , besides the trained band . this publique testimony of my countrymens good affections , for the safety of the king and kingdome , i thought not unfit to make knowne . and rest beckonsfield 23. may . 1642. your lordspips most dutifull sonne , and humble servant , william paget . newes from yorke . with his majesties propositions to the lords there . sir , i conceive my lord of lindsey is admirall of england , and the lord o●o●mond lord lievtenant of ireland . the king hath this day made diverse propositions to the lords here ; as , first , to have the declaration of both houses of the ninth of may to be disavowed . secondly , to have justice in hull businesse . thirdly , to have the militia declared to be his right . fourthly , to have tumults punished . fiftly , to have the parliament adjourned to oxford , cambridge , winchester , yorke , coventry , bristoll , nottingham , or any of those places where his majesty shall command , and other things which i have not leisure to adde . to morrow they meet againe , and i beleeve the maine question will be , whether a declaration shall be made here , or the lords to agree here , and vote in the house , and in what equipage to goe . our court increaseth daily , and we beleeve , notwithstanding the offer of an hundred thousand pound , by the common councell , that the king may have as much money from the citizens as they , and i beleeve here is ground for such a conceit . here is no possibility for the kings suddaine remove hence , though some thinke he may step hence to lincolne , for three or foure dayes , to settle that countrey , but i am not of that opinion , the examination of three notorius rebels before a committee sitting in the court of wards . they were brought last monday before a committee of both houses , sitting in the court of wards , where when they first appeared at their examination before the committee , they answered , that they were recusants , and being borne and brought up in the same religion , which the catholique church of rome profess●d , they were also resolved to live and die in the maintenance thereof : renouncing whatsoever shall be in opposition to the same . and that though the might be supposed to be rebels , and so reputed , yet they did nothing ( as they strongly did asseverate ) but what the lawfulnesse of their consciences did suggest unto them . wherepuon it was ordered by the house , that they should be committed to strong custody , till the further censure of the house . finis . an answer to the considerations which obliged peter manby, late dean of london-derry in ireland, as he pretends, to embrace what he calls, the catholick religion by william king ... king, william, 1650-1729. 1687 approx. 236 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 56 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47432 wing k523 estc r966 13419630 ocm 13419630 99496 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47432) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99496) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 460:19) an answer to the considerations which obliged peter manby, late dean of london-derry in ireland, as he pretends, to embrace what he calls, the catholick religion by william king ... king, william, 1650-1729. [8], 104 p. printed for r. taylor ..., london : 1687. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng manby, peter, d. 1697. catholic church -controversial literature. ireland -religion -17th century. 2004-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-09 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-09 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion licensed , june the 1st . 1687. an answer to the considerations which obliged peter manby , late dean of london-derry in ireland , ( as he pretends ) to embrace , what he calls , the catholick religion . by william king , chancellor of st. patricks , dublin . isaiah 1. 2. — i have nourished , and brought up children , and they have rebelled against me . london , printed for r. taylor , near stationers-hall . 1687. the contents . chap. 1. the examination of his preface . sect. 1. the introduction . sect. 2. whether mr. m. really desired the information ? sect. 3. catholick church defined . s. 4. answer to his first question , what church meant by the catholick ? s. 5. to his second question , whether the church of england ? s. 6. to his third question , with what other church she communicates ? s. 7. to his fourth , whether the variety of all protestants be the catholick church ? s. 8. to his fifth question , whether we and lutherans are the same in all material points ? s. 9. our church visible before edward vi. s. 11. his unfair dealing with dr. heylin , and dr. burnet . chap. 2. about mission . sect. 1. his letter to his grace the lord primate examined . s. 2. the questions concerning mission reduced to five heads . s. 3. the validity of our orders . s. 5. answer to his first question , what priesthood had the first reformers , but what they received from roman catholick bishops ? s. 6. to his second , who authorized them to teach their protestant doctrine , & c ? s. 7. to his third , whether cranmer did condemn the church of rome , and by what authority ? s. 8. to his fourth , whether a presbyterian can preach against the church of england by virtue of orders received from her ? s. 9. to his fifth , whether an act of parliament in france , &c. be not as good an authority for popery there , as in england for protestancy ? s. 10. mr. m's objections against the first reformers considered . s. 11. his objections against cranmer in particular answered , to the end chap. 3. about confession . sect. 1. whether we in our church differ about confession ? s. 2. the doctrine of our church in this matter , whence confession appears not to be wanting . s. 3. his argument proposed out of st. john 1. 9. compared with john 20. 23. s. 4. the words if we confess , john 1. ep. 1. 9. shewn not to refer to auricular confession . s. 5. gods faithfulness and justice mentioned john 1. ep. 1. 9. do not respect particularly the promise , john 20. 23. s. 6. if they did , yet this wou'd not prove auricular confession . s. 7. & 8. his second argument from the practice of all ages and churches considered , and shewn to be false . s. 9. his third argument from the inconveniency that attends the want of confession . s. 11. his fourth argument from the interest of the priest. chap. 4. about the place of the catholick church . sect. 1. answer to his third difficulty , where is the catholick church ? s. 2. whether extant before cranmer ? s. 3. whether cranmer believed himself a member thereof ? s. 4 , 5. the reformation justifiable without charging the church of rome with idolatry . s. 6 , 7 , 8. all idolatry not inconsistent with the being of a church . s. 9. the weakness of his argument brought to prove it . chap. 5. an answer to the heap of particulars thrown together at the latter end of his paper . sect. 1. & 2. his endeavour to vindicate his church in her devotions . s. 3. whether all elevated and judicious . s. 4. his first answer taken from the benedicite to protestant objections against prayers in the mass directed to saints . s. 5. the second from the angels being favourites . s. 6. the third from their knowing our affairs . s. 7. his excuses for the mass being in an unknown tongue . s. 8. his vindication of the worship of images , from the council of trents forbidding superstition s. 9. from kneeling at the sacrament . s. 10. from presbyterian objections against our practice . s. 11. his excuse for the ill practices and opinions of some roman catholicks . s. 12. his recommendation of his church from her books of devotion . s. 13. from the devotion of her people . s. 14. from the unity of her members , that unity shewed not to be so great as pretended , from the schisms that have been in her about ordinations . s. 15. from the disputes about confirmation . s. 16. about confession . s. 17. what he objects against the church of england , first from her stealing her communion-service . s. 18. secondly , from her want of a due foundation . s. 19. for trusting reason too far . s. 20. and contradicting the visible church . s. 21. thirdly , not yielding a due submission . s. 22. due submission shewn to be paid by her to the universal church , and taught to be due to particular churches . s. 23. mr. m's transcribing and englishing calvin examined together with his inference . s. 24. mr. m's submission to the catholick and the particular church whereof he was a member , examined . an answer to the considerations which obliged peter manby dean of derry to embrace the communion of the romish church . chap. 1. to the preface . § . 1. peter manby dean of derry has chosen this time , ( for what reasons he knows best ) to declare himself of the communion of the church of rome . whoever doth so in the present circumstances , must run the hazard of being censured , for having too great a value for the favours and worldly advantages that some late converts have met with . in order therefore to satisfie the world that he had some other reasons besides this prospect ( i suppose ) he published this pamphlet that i now answer . whoever reads it , will find so little method or connexion between the parts of it , that he must conclude the writer was never acquainted with close thinking ; and that the loosness and immethodicalness of it , is the greatest trouble lyes on the answerer : the truth is , it sticks chiesly on formalities and preliminaries , which no advocate ever insisted much upon , that was confident of the merits of his cause : and therefore to answer it can hardly be worth any ones labour . i confess i should have thought so too , if i had not found some of his own party boasting of it ; and i do now assure him that i do not answer it out of any apprehension i have of its seducing any of ours ; and that it had been answered long ago , if i had been possessed with any such suspicion . it consists of three parts , and each of these do in effect contain the same things , and except a man give a distinct answer to each , he may pretend that part is unanswered . i shall therefore follow him in his own method , and consider ▪ first , his preface to the reader : secondly , the pamphlet it self : and thirdly , his latine queries , and beg the readers pardon , if he find the answers sometimes repeated , when mr. m. repeats the questions so often . § 2. his preface has huddled together some questions and dilemma's concerning the catholick church , and raised some doubts , concerning which he professes himself to be at a loss , and so desires information — thus pag. 1. when a protestant rehearses this article of his creed ; i believe one catholick church , i would fain understand what church he means ? again , this makes protestancy so wandring and uncertain a thing , that i for my part cannot understand it : pag. 3. he shall find me pressing for an answer to such questions as these . pag ▪ 1. of the pamphlet , there are three points wherein i could never satisfie my self ; a little after , i could never find any satisfactory answer to this question . pag. 2. pronouncing the church of rome idolatrous , i would fain know by what authority ? — a little after , by whose authority — i cannot tell . pag. 3 there was no answer to be had . — a little after , i cannot find . l. 9. i do not well understand . l. 15. i could never understand . pag. 4. i would know . pag. 7. l. 13 i confess my dullness understands not . — pag 8. line . 16. i would fain know . line 25. which answer i confess i do not understand — pag. 11. line 15. i desire to be informed . l. the last . i cannot imagine . pag. 12. line 15. i cannot understand . now , if he was so very ignorant as he makes himself , and so desirous of information , he ought to have consulted some of his spiritual guides on these heads , and not trusted altogether to his own judgement ; or else he ought in all reason to have printed these questions , before he resolv'd them unanswerable : for how did he know , but some body might have had more to say to them than he was aware of , and have given him satisfaction ? if he had designed to be counted either a prudent or honest man , this had been his method ; but i have enquired and cannot find that ever he proposed them seriously to one divine , or applyed himself to any in this weighty affair , before he deserted our communion ; and therefore though perhaps he may be ignorant enough , yet i think it apparent that he only pretends want of understanding , and desire of information ; or that he has very little care of his soul , or of what communion he is . § 3. to give his questions proposed in his preface a distinct answer , i shall first rank them in method . concerning therefore the catholick church , he asks , 1. what church we mean ? 2. whether the church of england alone as established by law , or as in communion with other churches ? 3. with what other church under heaven doth the church of england communicate in sacraments and liturgy ? 4. whether the variety of protestants be the catholick church , since they want her essential mark called unity ? 5. whether we and the lutherans are of the same church ; the lutherans holding a corporal presence in the sacrament , and we denying it ? all these we have in the first page of his preface , and all proceed from the same root , even ignorance of what is meant by the catholick church : if mr. m. had designed to deal ingenuously and like a scholar that desired to clear things , ( which ought to be the design of every honest writer , ) he ought to have laid down a definition of the catholick church , and then examined to whom it belonged , and shewn the church as established here by law to be no part of it ; for , till that be done , all that is said is banter ; for we mean not the same thing by the church . i never saw any romanist take this method , and therefore i have always believed that they rather designed to gain proselytes by confounding their heads , than by clear reason and information ; i will therefore tell him what i mean by the one catholick church in the creed ; and if he do not like the description , let him mend it . the catholick church is the whole body of men , professing the religion of christ , and living under their lawful spiritual governours . this body of christians is one , because it has , according to st. paul ephes. 4. 5. one lord , one faith , one baptism , one god , and according to saint augustine , many churches are one church , because there is one faith , one hope , one charity , one expectation ; and lastly , one heavenly country ; now if he had been as much concerned to understand this a right , as he would have his dear reader , he might easily have seen who it is that fancy to themselves a church divided from all the rest of the world , by breaking the bonds of charity , and coyning new articles , distinct from those of the catholick faith , which we received from christ and his apostles ; and that the answers to his questions are very easie . § . 4. for to the first , when he would know what church we mean when we rehearse that article of our creed , i believe one holy catholick and apostolick church ? the answer is , that we mean , not any particular church , nor any party of christians of any one denomination ; but all those that hold the catholick faith , and live under their lawful pastors : while they have those marks i have laid down from the scripture and st. augustine , they are still of one communion , though by the peevishness and mistake of their governours , they may be engaged in quarrels ; as the church of rome was in st. cyprians time with the church of africa , about the allowing the baptism of hereticks ; and the quarrel came to that height , that when the africans came to rome , not only the peace of the church and communion was denyed them , but even the common kindness of hospitality ; as we may see in firmilians epistle to saint cyprian , ep. 75. this being supposed , it is no hard matter to find out the parts of this catholick church where-ever one comes , it is only examining whether any church hold the catholick faith , and whether they live under their lawful governours ; and so far as they do so , it is our duty to joyn with them , as true parts thereof . whereas he who with the donatists , will unchurch three parts of four of the christian world ; or fancy a church divided from all others , though as sound in faith and as obedient to their governours as possible ; is like for ever to be tossed too and fro upon the unstable waters of schism , and dwindles the church into a faction ; and this gives a full answer . § 5. to his second question , whether we mean by the catholick church , the church of england alone , or the church of england as in communion with other churches ; for by this it appears , that the churches of england and ireland are no more the catholick church , than the english seas are the whole ocean ; but they are a part thereof , because they hold the catholick faith intirely ▪ and are governed by their lawful and catholick bishops , who have not had for many years , so much as a rival appearing to contest their title and succession . § 6. but then he urges in the third place , with what other church doth the church of england communicate in sacraments and liturgy ? to which i answer , unity of liturgy is no part of communion of churches ; let him shew , if he can , that the catholick church ever had any such unity ; unity in faith , sacraments & in worshipping god she has with all true churches on the face of the earth , insomuch that there is not one article in her creeds , nor one petition in her liturgy , that even mr. m. can condemn ; nor is there any office wanting , in which the ancient liturgies agreed ; and then let him shew why all churches hold not communion with her ? and who is guilty of the breach thereof ? if he say that we hold indeed the catholick faith , but not intire , let him make it appear : but if he cannot prove that we deny any part of this catholick faith , he acquits us from heresie , and owns our union in faith with the catholick church . to prove this defect was chiefly incumbent on him , but he has not so much as attempted it . he has indeed made an attempt against the lawfulness of our governours that is , to prove us schismaticks ; but how unsuccessfully we shall see by and by . § . 7. in the mean time to his fourth demand , whether by the one catholick church be understood the variety of all protestants , since they want her essential mark , even unity ? i answer , that neither all protestants are catholick members of the church , nor are protestants only ; those amongst protestants , that embrace the catholick faith , and make no separation from their lawful governours , and that live in unity of faith and charity with their neighbour churches are catholick members , and have that unity , which is essential to the catholick church ; but these are not to be confounded with presbyterians , independants , anabaptists , fifth monarchy-men , quakers , &c. since these have separated themselves from their lawful governours , as much as mr. m. himself ; though their crime be less than his : as he is less guilty that makes a rebellion , than he who joyns with a forreigner to enslave his native countrey . but he has an excuse even for these , that he has heard out of the mouths of some protestants , that god had his people amongst all sorts of protestants ; and what if some charitable people say with saint augustine ; that they who defend their opinion , though false and perverse without pertinaciousness , especially when they were not the authors thereof , through their own confidence and presum 〈…〉 received it from their seduced and erring parents , and seek industriously the truth , and are ready to embrace it when they find it ; are not at all to be reckoned hereticks ? is he sure that there are not some such amongst every sort of protestants , nay of christians ? i am sure , the passage he quotes out of the second paper mentioned by him , is no confutation of this ; nor any thing to the purpose , except he hath a mind to prove the words true by his own example : for , what reason has he given why he quitted the church in which he was baptized , educated and preferred ( whether above his deserts , let the world judge by this paper ; ) but because the discipline and devotions of the church of rome suit his present fancy better than what he left ; because he was not able to answer some few questions that have no great difficulty in them , his private judgment or interest told him he ought to change his church . and if he changed his church on the confidence of a judgment he acknowledges sufficiently weak , why will he not allow the same liberty to others ? if he say that the church he has chosen is a church from whence there can be no appeal ; i answer , he has only his own judgment for believing so ; and when that judgment alters , he may be of any other church , and so he is fallen in spite of his endeavours into the same mistake he would avoid . he brings in ( to what purpose he knows perhaps himself ) a story of a passionate presbyterian , who said , that he cared not what his son was , so he was not a papist : which may pass for a reason to those that build their faith on stories and legends , and use to give the character of their enemies only from their peevish sayings , but is nothing to our church . he argues against schism , from 1 cor. 1. 10. i beseech you brethren that ye all speak the same thing , and that there be no schisms among you : as if the church of which he pretended to be a member did not abhor schism as much as he ; and as if the first schism from her communion had not been by papists about the 10th of queen elizabeth . now the same st. paul , 1 cor. 6. 18. advises them to slee fornication , and that as a thing contrary to our union with god : mr. m. had best try his logick , and see if he can from the first place , which forbids schism , prove that it makes a man more cease to be a member of the church than fornication doth , which is forbidden in the second . he produces out of romans 15. 6. that ye glorifie god with one mind and one mouth , to prove that we ought not only say the same things , but the same words , especially about sacraments and liturgy , for by one spirit we ( meaning all christians ) are baptized into one body ; therefore he exhorts them to take heed of such teachers as have no mission or authority for what they say , but only good words and fair speeches to deceive the hearts of the simple . by the for and therefore in this sentence one would expect that one part should be a consequence of another , but there is not the least affinity between them : but you must excuse him , for his talent never lay much , as has been observed by his friends , in drawing consequences . those , that by good words and fair speeches deceive the hearts of the simple , are not said to want mission , rom. 16. 17. it is probable therefore they had it ; but st. paul gives very different marks to know them by , even teaching contrary to the doctrine they had already received , serving their own bellies — not our lord jesus . nonconformity therefore to the doctrine taught by the apostles , and too eager a concern for the riches and interest of the clergy are the signs of a false teacher , though he have never so authentick mission , according to st. paul , nay , though he were an angel from heaven . but if he had been of mr. m's opinion , the romans must not have judged of their pastours , or attempted to discover seducers by their doctrine , but only by calling for their letters of orders and titles from the apostles . § . 8. his fifth question concerning the catholick church is , whether we and the lutherans are the same in all material points ; the lutherans holding a corporal presence in the sacrament , and we denying it ? to which i answer , that a difference may be material , and yet not essential to faith , so as to necessitate a division of church unity ; there is a very material difference between those in the church of rome that hold the deposing power , and those that deny it ; between those that hold the pope infallible , and those that deny it , & so in many other points , as material as those in dispute between protestant churches ; yet , inasmuch as they are not reckoned by all to be the essentials of faith , they do not break communion ; and indeed , he understands very little that knows not there may be difference of understanding about matters relating to sacraments , and yet unity of communion . as to his objection against the calvinists , that they have no order of priests or bishops , i leave him to dispute it with them . whether consequently they have no true sacraments , which he infers , i leave him to dispute it with his new church , which allows their baptism ; we are concerned in neither . § . 9. there is only one thing more he objects on this head against our church , and that is , that she , as established by law , is catholick neither as to time nor place , because not visible any where for many ages before edward the sixth . this is the old question , where was your church before luther ? and has been often answered , by shewing that we made no new church by the reformation , that we kept all the essentials of faith & worship received by our ancestors , had the same creeds , the same god , christ , baptism , and eucharist ; and lastly , were governed by the same bishops and other governours , before and after the reformation ; and therefore it is a wild thought in mr. m. to affirm that our church was not visible before edward the sixth it is true , it was not established by law in all points as it is now , no more was the church of rome before the reformation by the council of trent , ( for that also pretended to reform ) but the establishing by law is accidental altogether to a church , and a church may be visible long before it is so established . this is all in his preface that any way relates to the catholick church . § . 10. the second part relates to the mission of our bishops , and is reduced to four queries , which shall have their full consideration , when i come to consider the first point that he lays down in his book . § . 11. the rest is spent in comparing two historians of the reformation , that is doctor heylin and doctor burnet , of whom he gives this character , that burnet strains all his wit to palliate the doings of the reformers , and paint them out to advantage ; heylin represents them honestly for the most part , and in their own colours : whereas in truth the first doth generally lay down naked matter of fact only , and leaves the reader to judge ; and the other passes his own censures , and gives his own gloss on them ; as may be seen by the very passages mr. m. quotes out of doctor heylin's preface . the truth is he abuses both historians ; heylin by producing that for matter of fact , which is all his own inferences and conjectures , and so exprest to be in the very words : all that was done in order to a reformation , seemed to be accidental only , then — i cannot reckon his death an infelicity , — it is not to be thought , to the next clause , nor was it like to happen , to the next — might easily have done , to the next — was in all probability to the last . are not these conjectures strong arguments to prove the reformation unjustifiable ? but he abuses him yet more in the passage concerning the duke of sommerset , by reporting that as doctor heylin's opinion , which he records only as the opinion of others , pag. 116. of his history ; where among three or four conjectures , why the duke did not claim the benefit of his clergy ; he sets down this last , finally whether it were some secret judgment on him from above ( as some men conceived ) that he , who had destroyed so many churches , &c. should want the benefit of clergy in his greatest extremity ; where mr. m. leaves out the parenthesis ( as some men conceived ) and falsifies him ( perhaps to make him recompence ) by adding another of his own , he ( the duke of sommerset ) deprived many learned men of their means and livelyhood , ( for being papists adds mr. m. ) a most notorious falshood ; since it appears from all histories of the reformation , that there was an universal complyance of the clergy ; few making any opposition , and none almost absolutely refusing conformity ; his papists at that time loved their means so well , or found so little amiss in the reformation , that they readily complyed with all changes . and as he thus abuses and falsifies heylin , so he doth burnet ; he saith , that the worst burnet can charge heylin with , is his not vouching authority for what he says ; and he affirms , that it is an untruth , that heylin writ upon uncertain grounds , as burnet would insinuate . but burnet in that place insinuates no such thing , but only says he ought to have vouched them , that people might have judged of their certainty . heylin's own testimony for his fidelity is not to be taken in his own cause ; and therefore mr. m. vindicates him very ill , when he produces nothing else for him . he saith doctor burnet doth not produce one instance of any moment , wherein he dares say , doctor heylin is false . i hope mr. m. would not quote any passage out of heylin that was not of moment ; what if that passage that relates to the duke of sommerset here quoted , be recorded falsly by heylin , and taxt as false by burnet ? then i believe every body will judge mr. m. either very ignorant or very malicious ; and yet thus it is . says mr. m. from heylin , the duke of sommerset was so defective in his judgment , as not to crave the benefit of his clergy , which might have saved his life . now look into burnet ad ann. 1531. pag. 186. 2 vol. and see whether he have not these words , some late writers have made an inference upon his not claiming the benefit of clergy , that he was thus left of god , not to plead that benefit ; since he had so much invaded the rights and revenues of the church ; but in this they shewed their ignorance ; for by the statute , that felony , of which he was found guilty , was not to be purged by clergy . the most likely excuse i can make for mr. m. is , that he neither read burnet nor heylin ; if he did , he neither knew this , and conceal'd it ; which makes him very disingenuous : or did not observe it ; and so he falls under the character of a thoughtless reader , that could neither by his own observation , nor the admonition of friends avoid picking out , and repeating such an uncharitable falshood . it were easie to shew several falshoods ( even in those things that are most invidious to the reformation ) in heylin's history , observed and confuted by burnet : one more particularly , in his saying , that the father of queen ann boleyne was one of the jury that condemned her ; with which , as a falshood , he taxes heylin in his addenda ▪ p. 363. first volume , where he says , that doctor heylin took this , as he did many other things , too easily upon sanders's credit ; which ( if true ) is enough to blast the credit of his book with all protestants , nay with all men of judgment that know what an infamous lyar and rebel sanders was . whereas therefore he intreats the protestant reader to peruse doctor heylin's history of the reformation , we are content he should do so ; and let him at the same time peruse the history of the council of trent , written by father paul , and let him impartially judge which was carried on by the worst men and worst arts ; the reformation , or the council . what mr. m. objects further in his preface against cranmer and the other reformers , shall be considered in its proper place . chap. ii. i come now to examin the pamphlet it self , which consists of three parts . 1. a letter to his grace the lord primate of ireland . 2. of three points wherein he could not satisfie himself . and 3dly . a confused heap of particulars at the latter end . as to the letter ; it is a little ambiguous to whom it is directed ; if to his old patron , as a civil compliment at taking leave , he had done well to have told the true reason why he forsook him . your grace would not get me a bishoprick , though often prest and sollicited by me ; therefore i beg your leave to seek a new patron , whose mediation may be more effectual . but perhaps mr. m. means another man , and then we may reckon this as the first fruits of his conversion . are you taught already the art of equivocation ? we shall learn from this what sincerity we may expect from you ; and shall hardly believe you when you tell us that it was not any consideration of temporal interest inclined you to be reconciled . if you valued temporal interest so little , why were you so earnest for a protestant bishoprick ? why did you repine and murmur so much that you were not preferred ? why did you declare to several about a year ago , that you was no roman catholick , but yet would not appear against the church of rome , because you hoped to rise by help of roman catholicks ? why did you endeavour to ingratiate your self by mean arts , and condescend even to the office of an informer ? why did you defer publishing this paper ( such as it is ) which was ready sometime before , till you thought you might be sure of keeping the profits of your deanery ? either you are a lay or clergy-man ? if a lay-man ; are not you abominably sacrilegious , to have possessed , and still retain the revenue of a clergy-man ? why do you retain the title of dean in the frontispiece of a book , which is designed to prove you to be no priest , and consequently incapable of it ? if your orders had yielded you as much per annum as your deanery doth , have we not reason to believe , you would no more have renounced the one than the other ? for shame , resign our church her own , since you have deserted her , or never talk of conscience . till this be done , it is in vain for you to pretend that your having reflected on the uncertainty and variety if the protestant spirit , or perused catholick books have undeceived you . did you never reflect on the uncertainty or variety of the protestant spirit before , that it should have such a mighty influence on you just at this time ? sure there was greater variety when you was first educated in the colledge , and when you first entred into orders than now . they talk'd much of the spirit then , and you yet retain their language ; if instead of that cant you had well studied and considered the principles of the church which you have left , you would have found that there neither are nor can be any more certain and steady principles of any religion , than hers are . you make your self a great novice , that at this time a day pretend to be converted by perusing the mass. in good earnest , did you never read it before ? if you did , how comes it to have such influence on you in king james the second's time , and so little in king charles the second's ? all you pretend for your self is , that you were then under prejudice , and deceived by false reports , concerning ( that you call ) the catholick religion : that is , the reverend dean after near 30 years study had his religion by hear-says , wanted honesty to be impartial , and either industry or means to inform himself concerning the most material controversies that are on foot in the church . which controversies are still the same , and the arguments pro and con of the same force they were before in every thing , except the alteration of one circumstance that is , worldly advantage ▪ is not this a most excellent account of your conversion ? and whereas you tell his grace , that all that have known you these several years can witness for you , that it was not any consideration of worldly interest that inclined you ; you are obliged to beg his graces pardon for your false information : for , i can assure you , i have consulted many that have known you , and have not met one that can witness this for you . but on the contrary , the most conclude , that it was the little grain of worldly advantage turn'd the scale for your new church . this is therefore the true account you ought to have given his grace of your reconcilement . § . 2. the second part of mr. m's paper consists of three points , wherein he professes , that he could never satisfie himself since he began to study the controversies between the two churches . the first was , the mission or authority of the first reformers . the second , the want of confession in the church of england . and the third , where is that one holy catholick church we do profess to believe in the two creeds ? to the first of these points i shall reply in this method . 1. i will put together all the questions that he asks on this head. 2. consider the answers he produces to them . and 3. the objections he has raised against the reformation or reformers . 1. concerning our mission he asks in his preface , pag. 3. what priesthood or holy orders had the first reformers , but what they received from the hands of roman catholick bishops ? what priesthood or holy orders have protestants , but what they confess to have received from roman catholick bishops ? pag. 12. of the pamphlet . 2. who authorized the first reformers to preach their protestant doctrine , and administer their protestant sacraments ? pag. 1. of his pamphlet . i am not now disputing what doctrine he preached ; but who sent him to preach his protestant doctrine , and administer his protestant sacraments ? 't is not his doctrine , but mission i am now enquiring after . pag. 3. 3. whether cranmer and his associates could condemn the church of rome by pretence of the mission they received from her bishops ? pag. 3. of his preface . i understand not — how any man can justifie his protestant doctrine by authority of the popish mission . pag. 2. of his pamphlet . i must still ask the old question ; by whose authority did he condemn that church , from whom he received his mission ? pag. 3. of his pamphlet . the archbishop of canterbury , &c. at the time of their consecration were professed roman catholicks — but afterwards turning protestants , and pronouncing the church of rome idolatrous , i would fain know by whose authority ? pag. 2. of his pamphlet . at the time of their consecration they professed seven sacraments , anno 1536. they retrencht them to three — then to two , anno 1549. — by whose authority or mission i cannot tell . ibid. pag. 2. again , who gave them authority to pronounce themselves sound members , and the church of rome a corrupt arm of the catholick church ? pag. 12. the fourth sett of questions concerning mission is on this head ; preface , p. 3 whether a presbyterian minister having received orders from a protestant bishop , can , by virtue of such orders , pronounce the church of england a corrupt church ? i understand not how a man can forsake the church of england , and preach presbyterian doctrine by vertue of his protestant orders . pag. 2. of his pamphlet . presbyterians being interrogated , — did that church authorize you to preach against the sacraments or liturgy ? there was no answer to be had . pag. 3. i desire to know , whether an honest man can preach against the liturgy , sacraments , or constitution of any church , by vertue of any commission he received from it ? ibid. so that no honest man can turn presbyterian or independant preacher by vertue of his protestant mission . p. 4. the fifth sett of questions relating to mission is , pref. pag. 3. whether an act of parliament in france , spain or germany , be not as good an authority for popery there , as in england for protestancy ? a parliamentary mission then our first reformers had , and no other that i can find . p. 3. § . 3. before i come to a distinct consideration of each of these , i must observe that he waves the dispute concerning our priestly or episcopal orders , whether valid or no ; ( pamphl . pag. 1. ) now , if these are valid , either let him shew one sacrament administred by protestants , which these characters do not give them power to celebrate : or one article of faith that they teach , which the same do not oblige them to teach : or else let him ask no more for their mission , and authority , to teach their doctrine , and administer their sacraments . if their doctrine and sacraments are not theirs but christs ; they are not only sent , but obliged by their orders to administer the one , and teach the other , in the churches wherein they are appointed pastors . i observe further , that he manifestly contradicts himself in this matter ; for he makes cranmer and latimer the first protestant bishops and owns their consecration ( p. 2. ) and yet alledges ( p. 3. ) that it is no easie matter to find out who consecrated the first protestant bishops ; because , for sooth , there were none to do it , but roman catholick bishops , who never use to consecrate any protestants . but if he had read mason , and archbishop bramhall , he might have seen who ordained the first reformers , and their succession to this day : and if he had consulted sir james ware de proesulibus , he might have seen that there wanted not bishops in ireland willing to consecrate protestants ; primate loftus being consecrated by the then archbishop of dublin , dr. curwin , who continued in his archiepiscopal see near six years after , and then by reason of his great age was translated to the bishoprick of oxford at his own desire . antiquit. oxon. de aede christi . lib. 2. p. 291. ware de proesulibus , hib. in archiepiscopis dubliniensibus , p. 120. nor is the testimony he produces out of burnet from queen mary at all pertinent ; all that appears from that testimony is , that they who were ordained according to the form in our common-prayer-books are not lookt upon by the queen to be ordered in every deed , but there is no reason alledged for it , nor indeed can any be given , but because it was not done according to the pontifical ; an ignorance excusable at that time , when perhaps she was informed that something essential was left out in our form of orders , or that the pontifical with its tricks was not a new thing ; whereas our form of ordination is more full then any of the ancient forms , both in substance and ceremony ; and therefore either the ancient priests and bishops had no sufficient ordination , or queen mary was mis-informed when she did not reckon ordination by the common-prayer-book ordering indeed . § . 5. having premised this , i answer to his first question , what priesthood or holy orders had the first reformers , but what they confess to have received from roman catholick bishops ? if he mean by roman catholick bishops , such as own'd the bishop of rome to be the supream universal pastor of the catholick church by divine right , to whom themselves were by god made unappealably accountable , which is the essential character of a roman catholick ; the first reformers received their orders from no such roman catholicks . whatever roman catholicks hold now , he will never prove this to have been the declared sence of the church of england before the reformation : and therefore the first reformers cannot properly be said to have received their orders from roman catholicks , but from the church of england . there are two things to be distinguished in the office of a bishop ; one is , the power or capacity of governing the church , interpreting scripture , consecrating other bishops , ordaining priests and deacons , offering , baptizing , and confirming : the other is , the admitting the bishop so impowered to the exercise of that power within certain limits , which we call a diocess . the first of these is a divine , and the second a canonical right . now the first reformers received the first of these , that is , their orders from christ , by the hands of their consecrators , who were bishops of england , for rome . the second of these they received likewise from the laws and constitutions of the church and kingdom of england , of rome : and it is to be observed that the laws of the one were directly contrary to the laws of the other , and that the bishops of england had their proper and immediate mission to their churches by an authority maintained in opposition to the popes power , which he endeavoured as much as he could to abolish , but was not able ; as may be seen in his contests with chichley , archbishop of canterbury in henry the sixth's time . although therefore the first reformers had their orders from bishops in communion with the church of rome ; yet it was as christian bishops they ordained , and as english bishops that they admitted the first reformers to their charges . but suppose they had no other orders but what they received from the bishop of rome himself ; all that can be concluded from thence is , that we are obliged to own , that the orders of priest and bishop given by roman catholicks are valid , and capacitate a man to perform all the duties belonging to those offices in a christian church , which we readily acknowledge , and charge the popish priests and bishops not with want of orders , but with abusing the orders they have , to ill intents and purposes : the roman catholick bishops do not confer orders as roman , but christian bishops their orders are christian orders , and those we hold sufficient to all intents and purposes of the reformation , and must do so , till mr. m. or some body else prove them insufficient . he objects , pag. 2. that the first reformers were ordained roman catholick bishops , and made themselves protestants , which proceeds on an ignorant supposition , that every man is ordained to preach the tenents of his ordainers , or else must have no mission : whereas the ordainers are only instruments , but the power is from christ ; and they are no more accountable to their ordainers upon the account of being ordained by them , then a man is accountable to a lord chancellor for the use of his power , because he set the seal to his patent by which he claims his power . in short , a man is ordained neither a protestant nor a papist , but a christian bishop ; his mission is a christian mission , let him be sent by whom he will ; and whoever gave him his mission , if he teach any doctrine but christs , he is accursed . hence when the donatists were very earnest to know the ordainers of st. augustine and other catholick bishops , they answer , we are not satisfied how the cause of truth is concerned , who was the ordainer of any one ; since god is shewn to be our father . and when they press still to know the ordainers , st. augustine answers , i see they insist on trifles . 't was on this principle that baptism and ordination by hereticks were allowed in the catholick church , to such as came ever from those hereticks , even because they were baptized christian proselytes , and ordained christian bishops ; and they were never thought to go beyond their mission , because they renounced the errors of their ordainers . if it be replied , that hereticks making themselves , of hereticks , catholick bishops , change for the better ; but papists making themselves protestant bishops , change for the worse . i answer , this quits the plea of mission , and brings the mission to the trial of the doctrine . if then cranmer and the rest of the roman catholick bishops made themselves only truly catholicks ; they made themselves nothing but what christ had obliged them to in their consecration . he is the father of truth ; the children of truth are owned by him as honestly begotten , and no by-blows , as mr. m. would insinuate , p. 2. in which he has exactly transcribed not only the argument of the donatist petilian against the catholicks , but his very words , the true question is therefore , whether cranmer and the first reformers embraced and vindicated the truth in their changes ; and let him joyn issue on this point when he pleases , we are ready to answer him . § . 6. to his second question , who authorized the first reformers to teach their protestant doctrine , and administer their protestant sacraments ? i answer , no body but himself would have asked such a foolish question ; since the protestants pretend to no doctrine or sacraments peculiar to themselves , or that may be called theirs , but only to the doctrine & sacraments of christ received in the catholick church : if the protestants were guilty of any fault , it was not making new doctrines or sacraments , but rejecting those that some counted old ; and so their crime was not the wanting mission or authority to do what they did , but not using their authority to its full extent , to do and teach more : if they had power given them to administer seven sacraments , and administred only two , as mr. m. says , then it is a foolish thing to doubt their authority to minister those two ; whereas they are rather accountable for their not holding and administring the other five : but the truth is , they received in their ordination power from christ , to administer neither protestant nor popish , but christian sacraments ; and mr. m. neither has , nor can make it appear , that they administer any other , or omit any that christ has commanded . he is aware of this answer in his fifth page , and gives a reply to it ; i pray ( saith he ) the reader to remember that this was the very answer of luther , socinus , zuinglius , calvin , and most other reformers : let me pray the reader to observe , that this is nothing to the purpose , if it were true ; since we are not to believe every spirit , but try the spirits whether they be of god. the false prophets pretended to revelation as well as the true , was neither therefore to be believed ? the false reformers , as well as the true ▪ pretended to preach no new doctrine , or administer new sacraments , but only the doctrine and sacraments of jesus christ : are neither therefore in the right ? may not a good answer be abused and misapplyed ? to clear therefore this matter , we own what he contends for , that both true doctrine and external and lawful mission are generally necessary to a regular preacher of the gospel , pag. 5. and if either of these are wanting , the person is not to be received . which appears in the prophets he mentions from jer. 23. ibid. who wanted not an external mission , whatever mr. m. imagines ; for the prophets are the pastors of the people , against whom god pronounces a woe , verse 1. and 2. of that chapter ; they are joyned with the priests , verse the 11. and 34. and their fault was not preaching without any mission at all , but preaching false doctrine ; for which no man can have a mission , but even the pope himself when he doth so , is to be rejected as a seducer . if these very prophets whom mr. m. imagines to have had no mission had taught true doctrine , god would have approved them , verse 22. but if they had stood in my councel , and caused my people to hear my words , then they should have turned them from their evil ways ; that is , god would have given them success : and when god says , verse 32. i sent them not , nor commanded them , it doth not relate to preaching , for god had commanded the priests and prophets to preach ; but it relates to the causing my people to err by their lyes and lightness , which is a good argument against those that seduce the people with legends and lyes , and revelations , and false miracles , and doctrines of profit and gain , whatever their mission be . now these two things being necessary to a true teacher , we affirm , that the first reformers in england had both ; not only the licence and approbation of the church as he states it , pag. 15. but her ordination & appointment also according to the known rules of constituting pastors , which some other reformers do not pretend to ; and therefore all the question is , concerning the other character of a true pastor , preaching true doctrine . if the first reformers had preached popish doctrine and administred popish sacraments , i do not find but mr. m. would have thought they had mission enough : but i answer , that was not christs design in appointing bishops , but his design was that they should administer his sacraments and teach his doctrine . this all bishops are impowered and obliged to do ; and therefore till he shew that there is a difference between christs doctrine and sacraments , and those that protestants teach and administer , their episcopal orders are sufficient to warrant them . § . 7. and so i proceed to his third sett of questions , whether cranmer and his associates could condemn the church of rome , by pretence of the mission received from her bishops ? to which i answer , that if by condemning the church of rome , be meant anathematizing her , and cutting her off from the body of christ by a judicial sentence , as if we were her superiors ; ( which condemning only is by authority . ) we never thus condemned the church of rome : faults we believe to be in her that greatly need reformation ; but that work we leave to her lawful governours ; our church having declared in her preface to her liturgy , that in these her doings she condemns no other nation , nor prescribes any thing but to her own people only ; cranmer therefore and his associates did not condemn the church of rome , nor could he or his fellows do it by pretence of a mission received from her bishops , for they received no mission from her bishops , but from the bishops of england . but then he proceeds to ask by whose authority did they condemn the church from whom they received their mission ? to give the world an account of this matter ; it is to be observed that the supream government of our church has always been in a national councel or convocation of our clergy ; and that not only we but every national church hath the same power of altering all rites and ceremonies , of abrogating and making all ecclesiastical constitutions , and lastly of reforming all abuses and corruptions crept into the church ; which the supream civil power hath of altering the civil constitutions ; the fundamental laws of religion being preserved inviolable in the one , and of the state in the other . the supream ecclesiastical power being lodged here , the next thing requisite is a certain rule and method , according to which , laws were to be past by it ; and in the proceedings about the reformation all alterations being made by this power , and in this method , it follows that they were all made legally ; and that our churches retrenching such ceremonies out of the service of god as were judged useless , burdensome , or superstitious ; and such opinions as were no part of the christian faith , or corrupted it , was no more to make a new faith or church , then to to reform abuses in the state by act of parliament is to make a new kingdom . nor do they that thus make a reformation any more condemn their predecessors , because they reform what was amiss in their time ; then parliament men condemn their ancestors when they make a new law. i do confess an honest man cannot preach against the liturgy , sacraments , or constitution of a church by vertue of any commission from it ; and that no church ought to be presumed to authorize her priests or bishops to go and preach the gospel after their private sence or conscience , in contradiction to her declared doctrine and worship ; and that the church of england gives no such power at this day . but i deny this to be the case of the first reformers , who did not act as private men in the church when they reformed ; but as representing her in her convocation , and by her authority . although therefore the church of england oblige private men not to contradict her allowed orders ; yet she doth not bind her self from making such alteration in a canonical way , as she sees convenient , or is convinced to be necessary . if therefore mr. m. can shew , that cranmer and his associate made the alterations without consulting her , he went indeed beyond his commission from her ; but if she assented to all he did and to this day approves the reformation , how did cranmer condemn that church from whence he had his mission ? if the alteration was good , and those things that were removed were really errors and corruptions , did cranmer and his associates any more than what they were obliged to do by the very roman pontifical in their ordination ? it belongs ( saith the pontifical ) to a bishop to judge , to interpret , to consecrate , ordain , offer , baptize and confirm . did they do any more ? this answer he owns , and ascribes to burnet , pag. 3. the pastors and bishops of the church are ordained to instruct the people in the faith of iesus christ , according to the scriptures : and the nature of their office is a sacred trust that obliges them to this , and therefore if they find errors and corruptions in the church , they are obliged to remove them , and undeceive the people ▪ mr. m. would do well to answer , on this supposition , whether they are , or are not obliged ? if they are , then they have mission enough to remove , in a legal way , all corruptions , even those of their ordainers . if they are not , how do they answer the engagement made in their orders , to teach the people according to the scriptures ? but mr. m. waves any answer to this , and in effect owns it , only he denies or seems to deny the supposition ; where he tells us , cranmer and one or two bishops pretended errors and corruptions , and drove on the reformation against the major vote of the english bishops ; p. 3. that is , he had power & mission enough , but abused it : and so to know whether cranmer exceeded his commission or no , we must know whether the corruptions he reformed were real or pretended . for if they were real , there is no doubt but he was obliged to reform them ; none else being under a deeper obligation than he . so then mr. m's question is out of doors , who sent him ? and another substituted in the room thereof by himself ; and that is , whether there were corruptions in the discipline , worship and faith of the church at that time ? or whether he , and the other men of abilities were manifestly intoxicated with mistakes of holy scripture , with a spirit of perverseness and desire of change ? ( pag. 4. ) and we are content to joyn issue with him on these head● when he pleases . but perhaps though cranmer was obliged to reform what was amiss ; yet he ought to have done it in a regular way : whereas if we believe mr. m be drove on a reformation against the major vote of the english bishops . if by this , he means establishing any thing without their consent , 't is a most notorious falshood ; for in all he did , he had the unanimous vote and consent of the major part of the convocation , the universal submission of the clergy , and approbation of the people . if they complyed against their conscience , then by this we may see how excellently the mass and confessing had instructed them in the knowledge and conscience of their duty ; when they so readily complied with all alterations . let him try , if he can bring a protestant convocation to an unanimous repeal of these things by such motives . but if the clergy in a national councel , and the people in obedience to them , or from their own inclinations did comply in earnest : what an idle question is it to ask , by what authority cranmer condemned that church from whom he received his mission and holy order ? when she concurred in all he did , and approved , nay , made all the alterations in her liturgy , sacraments , and constitutions that were made . the true question therefore is , whether the church of england had full power to reform her self without the consent of the pope ? for it is into his supremacy all this banter of mission , and indeed the whole faith of the roman church , as distinct from the catholick is resolved . if the church of england was not subject to the church of rome , she had sufficient power to reform her self : and the only thing for which she is accountable to god , the world , and her subjects , is the goodnes● of the reformation . if that was a good work , cranmer did well in advising , and she in decreeing it : but if the errors removed by the reformation were not real , but only pretended , as mr. m. would perswade us , ( but will never be able to prove ) cranmer indeed was answerable for giving her ill councel : but she her self is accountable for the removal of them , for it was her act. 't was by her authority and mission , though mr. m. cannot tell it , page 2. that anno 154● . the word sacrament , in the sence which the church then gave of it , was restrained to baptism and the lords supper ; and sure the church of england had authority enough to explain her meaning , by what words she thought fit . let him shew if he can , that there were more sacraments ( as she understands the word sacrament ) ever owned in the catholick church , than those two allowed by her . lastly , to shew that it was not cranmer's private opinion influenced the church ; 't is observable first that he had several private opinions , ( two whereof mr. m. lays to his charge in his preface ) which were absolutely condemned by the church , and the contrary established as her doctrine , which he himself signed . 2ly . that the bishops and clergy of england had unanimously entred upon the business of the reformation in the time of cranmer's predecessor arch-bishop warham , anno 1531. by the submission of the clergy to the king , and acknowledging his supremacy : and again anno 1533 , by consenting to an act against appeals to rome , wherein the nation was declared to be an entire body within it self with full power to do justice in all causes , spiritual as well as temporal . and this before cranmer was arch-bishop , so far was he from condemning or imposing on the church from whence he had his mission . § . 8. the fourth set of questions concerning mission is on this head , whether a presbyterian minister having received orders from a protestant bishop can by vertue of s●ch orders pronounce the church of england a corrupt church , or preach against her sacraments or liturgy , notwithstanding her censures ? his design in this question , is to shew that the first reformers had no more authority to preach against the romish church , then such a presbyter has to preach against our church : i cannot understand how a man can forsake the church of england , and preach presbyterian doctrine by vertue of his protestant mission ; nor consequently how any man can justifie his protestant doctrine by vertue of his popish mission . pag. 2. why may not a presbyterian , having the same authority of scripture which cranmer pretended to , preach against the superstition of the common prayer , as well as he against the idolatry of the mass pag. 6. and more to the same purpose , pag. 12. in answer to this , i will shew first , why a presbyter or bishop , ought not to preach against the constitution of the church whereof he is a member in contradiction to her censures . and secondly , that this was not the first reformers case . 1. a presbyter or bishop ought not to preach against the constitution of the church of which they are members : because there is a regular way in which they may endeavour a reformation . if they find any thing amiss in her discipline or doctrine , they may make their application for redress of it to those that have power to reform it ; but must not presume being subjects to usu●p their governors power : for this is the case of private mens reforming abuses in the state in spight of the king ; a remedy generally worse than the disease . however , in both cases private men may sue for redress , and in their proper stations endeavour it . but if such a bishop or presbyter be censured and suspended , he is thereby discharged from the execution of his office , and he must no more make a schism to regain it , then one must make a rebellion in the state to re-gain a civil office. this we urge , and i think with reason against the presbyterians and other sects amongst us , that either have no ordination or appointment to their offices from the church of england and ireland , or else abuse the power against her , which was once given them by her , and from which they are again legally suspended . and as we urge this against them , so likewise against m. m. and his party , who without any mission from these churches , do according to their private sence take a commission from a foreign bishop and church , to preach against the declared doctrine of that church , to which by the law of christ they are subjects . them we count those rebels , who when censured and condemned by their own churches and governors against all the known laws of our church , flee from her tribunal , and appeal to foreigners , and what rebels or hereticks will ever be convicted , ( p. 4. ) if they may chuse their own judges , as those do ? we do not deny the orders of the church of rome ; we own that she can make priests & bishops ; but let mr. m. shew that the pope could ever give them power to exercise their office in these kingdoms ; since it is directly against the ancient laws and practice observed and enacted by our ancestors , and in force at the reformation . if a man like not the orders ▪ therefore of his own church , he must be without orders , except he would be a schismatick and deserter , as mr. m. has made himself . and this is sufficient to shew that the case of the first reformers was vastly different from the case of the present dissenters , which is the second thing i am to prove . the whole strength of mr. m's paper doth really depend on this parallel , and whoever reads it , will find that the only considerable argument he produce , is , that the first reformers mission could not be good , because the presbyterians have as much to say for theirs : and that he can find no difference between these two , only that the first reformers were authorized by act of parliament . i have heard it given as the character of wit , that it finds out the likeness of things : whereas it is the work of judgment to find out the differences : now mr. m. having ( whatever his judgment may be ) a great wit , no wonder if he could find no other difference between those two cases . his w●t could serve him to find the likeness between the presbyterians case and ours , but his judgment doth not serve him to find the difference , now , if he had been very inquisitive , he might have been informed in this by one of the late london cases , printed for thomas bassett , london 1683. and written purposely to shew this difference ; and 't is a wonder that mr. m. whose study lay much in pamphlets , mist it . if he saw it , he ought to have shown those differences there assigned to be none , before he parallell'd the cases . but to help his understanding , i will shew three material differences , besides that of an act of parliament and besides the truth of the doctrine , which was really on the reformers side , and is only pretended to by dissenters . 1. in the condition of the persons that pretended to reform . 2ly . in the manner of their proceeding . and 3ly . in the principles they took for their rule . first , therefore there is a great difference in the condition of the first reformers , and the present dissenters ; these being only private persons , at the best presbyters over-voted by the major part of their brethren : whereas the first reformers were bishops , and the chief governors of the church ; who had a canonical as well as parliamentary mission , and to which of right it did belong to govern and reform the church , over whom they were made overseers by the holy ghost . furthermore , the present dissenters were the bishops subjects ▪ accountable to them as their superiors , and liable to be discharged from their office , and the benefits of the communion of the church by their censure ; and so their separation from their bishops is a schism ; that is , an ecclesiastical rebellion : but the first reformers ▪ were accountable to no superior but jesus christ ; they were his immediate vicars , not the pope's ; and therefore could not be guilty of any rebellion against him . 2. and as they were thus different in their condition , so they were likewise in the manner of their proceedings : for the first reformers did strictly forbid private persons doing any thing of their own head , as may be seen by the proclamation set out feb. 6. ed. 6. anno 2. and accordingly they managed the whole matter by publick authority in a regular way , according to the ancient forms of passing laws , and making alterations in the church . whereas both presbyterians and papists ; that is , all dissenters , proceed on their own heads in s●ight of their lawful governors . let a presbyterian take the same way to remove the pretended superstition of the common-prayer-book that the first reformers took to remove the idolatry of the mass ; or let the papists take the same way to establish the mass , that our first reformers took to abolish it , and do it , if they can : but if they will make use of another way never allowed in the church , and yet pretend to the same power that the bishops of england had , he must be blind that doth not see the vanity of their pretences . mr. m. observes well , that the not considering this matter , hath brought a world of confusion on these kingdoms , and till the people understand it , we are never like to see an end of religious distractions ; ( pag. 6. ) for while men without ordinary mission from the governors of a church , or without extraordinary mission testified by miracle , shall be received by the people upon pretence they are sent by a foreign church , or that the people themselves can declare them commissionated by christ , which are the pretences of papists and dissenters ; what more peace can be hoped for in the church , than in a state where such things were allowed to be practised ? why may not the presbyterians resist their lawful governors , as well as the papists deny their power , and question their succession , though they have none to oppose to it ? the third difference between the dissenters case in respect of us , and our case in respect of papists , is in the principles on which our first reformers proceeded . they did not pretend as he slanders them in his ▪ preface to justifie their separation ( for they never made any ) by the scriptures only as interpreted by themselves , not only without , but against the authority of the present catholick church . for on the contrary , except he mean by the catholick church , the particular church of rome , and her adherents , the catholick church was for the reformers , as they conceived ; and the greater part of visible christians concurred with them in their sence of scripture , as to the most material controversies between our church and rome . but the true principles of the reformation were such as these , that the catholick faith ought to be always the same in all ages , and could not receive additions or grow by time ; that nothing should be an article of faith to day that was not yesterday ; and therefore nothing was to be reckoned as catholick faith , but what was received semper , ubique & ab omnibus , according to vincentius's rule ; and that nothing was thus catholik , but what might be proved by scripture taken in that sence which hath not been contradicted by catholick fathers . these were the principles of the reformers faith. and in other things belonging to the government and polity of the church , to rites , ceremonies , and liturgies : 't was their principle , that every national church was at her own choice , how she would order them ; and her subjects ow'd her obedience . these are truly catholick principles founded on a rock , the word of god interpreted by catholick tradition , and not on the present sentiments of any party of men , and are a sufficient hedge against heresie and schism , sufficient to secure the good correspondence of neighbouring , and the peace of particular churches . let any one compare this basis with that of the roman faith , and let him judge which is most solid ; whether that which is founded on the scriptures as interpreted by all ages of the church , or that which has only the voice of a part of the visible church , and the greater part against it . these are the two bases of the reformation and popery . to this justification no sectary can pretend , and though luther and calvin , &c. had really this warrant to reject the super-added articles of the church of rome , yet they differed in this , at least some of them , that they did not think it necessary to wait the concurrence of their governors , but concluded the major part of the peoples joyning with them was sufficient , without regular forms and process : and whether that may be allowed in any case i leave mr. m. and them to dispute , for we are not concerned in it , and they are of full age to answer for themselves , and he will find they can do it . only he is not to be pardoned when he brings in socinus answering amongst other reformers , that he ●reached no new ▪ doctrine , nor administred any new sacrament ; but only the primitive doctrine , &c. according to the sence of the ancient fathers , pag. 5. which plainly shews that he knew nothing of s●cinus his opinions or principles , who * positively denied the necessity of baptism ; and ‖ protested against being judged by that sence the fathers or the primitive church have given of scriptures . these are sufficient to shew the vast difference between the pretences of the present dissenters , and the ground of our reformation . and that the argument he draws from the obligation in ordination laid on the presb●ters of our church , to minister the doctrine and sacraments as this church and realm have received the same according to the commandments of god , pag. 4. is of no force against the first reformers ; though it obliged mr. m. not to desert our church ; and the nonconformists not to preach in contradiction to her declared doctrine and worship . § . 9. and so i proceed to his fifth query : whether an act of parliament in france , spain , or germany , be not as good an authority for popery there , as in england for protestancy ? i suppose by an act of parliament , he means the laws enacted regularly by the supream powers of those nations ( which he ignorantly expresses by an act of parliament ) and to this i answer , that if any religion is to be established in any kingdom by temporal rewards or punishments , to encourage the obedient , and terrifie the disobedient ; the supream powers of every nation only can thus establish that religion ; & they themselves are sole judges with what temporal rewards and punishments , and how far they will establish it : and they are answerable only to god for their actings herein . if therefore the supream civil government in france or spain set up popery , a man must submit to it , or burn for it , if the law be so : and such a law , though it is unjust , is as forcible for a false religion as a true . but there is another way of establishing a religion , and that is by convincing mens minds that the religion is true ; and that , according as men cordially embrace it , the shall be secured of the divine favour ▪ and be happy in the next world. and if this be the christian religion of which they are so convinced , one principle of it is , that the professors thereof ought to associate themselves into a body , and that christ the author thereof has appointed governors who are to descend in succession ; and that to these , regularly appointed , a due obedience is to be paid , as men value the rewards or punishments of the next life . now men , thus perswaded , cannot think an act of the civil governors alone , a sufficient commission for any one to undertake the function of a spiritual pastor , any more than an act of these spiritual pastors is sufficient to capacitate and commissionate a man to discharge a civil function : and therfore mr. m. argues very unnecessarily against the parliaments power to preach or administer sacraments , pag. 3. since the 27th . article of our church denies expresly that power to the civil governors . i suppose i have sufficiently shewn that our first reformers had a canonical as well as parliamentary mission , and i suppose that this canonical mission is nothing the less valid , because the other goes along with it . but then it may be objected ; have not france and spain an act of the church , as well as state , for establishing their religion ? i answer , they have ; and so has mahometism in turkey an act of what they count the church , for its establishment . and therefore it is not sufficient that the power that establishes a religion be competent ; and the methods regular by which it is settled : but likewise it is necessary that the religion be true in it self : and therefore a man must examine whether the christian religion be more purely & truly taught & established in england , or in spain , before he either reject or embrace the one or the other . for a false religion may have all the regular settlements that a true can have and the professors thereof being conscious of its weakness , are often more industrious to make the accidental security the stronger . and i do affirm that there is not one argument in this paper urged by mr. m. against protestants , but might with equal advantage be urged mutatis mutandis against convert christians in a mahometan country ; & this alone is sufficient to shew them all to be unconclusive . the way therefore for every man to be satisfied in his religion , is to examine it apart from the accidental advantages of it , and chuse that which has best reasons to recommend it : for a man ought to chuse his church by his religion , and not his religion by his church . but he asks in case there be no judge to determine who have the true sence of scripture , roman catholicks or protestants , whether the catholick sence be not as good as the protestants ? ( pref. p. 3. ) it were a sufficient answer to this , to put another case like it to him in the person of a turk : and it is this , in case there is no judge to determine ( as i know of none , saith the turk ) which is the word of god , the bible , or the alchoran . why should not the affirmation of us m●slelmans ( who are ready to vouch to the death for the alchoran , and are twice the number of you christians , ) be as good authority for men to believe the alchoran came from god , as your vouching for your bibles is sufficient to perswade men to believe that they came from him . but i do not love to shift off a question , and therefore tell him that the sence put by roman catholicks on the scripture , is not so good as the sence put on them by the protestants . if it were , they would not be afraid to put it to the world , and let every person that is equally concerned judge for himself : but they had rather appeal to themselves as judges , and then they are sure of the cause . but then he tells us , that he could never understand what unity of spirit , or agreement in faith christians are like to have ( page 3. ) upon these principles . to which i answer , more than they have now . if national churches were left to be govern'd by themselves , & the subjects of each church bound to adhere to their immediate governors in all quarrels with neighbouring churches , those contentions must soon come to an end , as the quarrel between st. cyprian & stephen did . for when the governours of differing churches find that they cannot hurt one another , or advantage themselves by denial of communion ( as it must be when the one church doth not raise a faction to side with it in the other ) the quarrel must soon cease ; for the thing that makes quarrels endless is interest . but if it once be counted lawful for one church to get a party in the others precincts , and set up altar against altar in the same place , this will continue the schism , and is the very fundamental reason of the breaches of charity amongst christians that now pester christendom , which are much worse than divisions in faith. and thus i have answered all his questions , and considered all the replies he made to these answers he himself was pleased to observe , which were the two first things i undertook on this head. § . 10. i shall in the third place consider the objections he makes against the reformers as to their lives and principles . if i had a mind to shuffle as he does , i would answer with him , page 13. as for the ill practice of some , and the ill opinions of other reformers , which papists are wont to charge upon the reformation , i pass them over as no argument at all . in our articles and canons an unprejudiced reader shall find nothing but what is judicious and pious . but his slanders are so malicious that they ought not to be pass'd over without animadversion . first therefore against somerset and dudley , whom he calls grand reformers , he objects sacrilege and plundering the church . but as for dudley , we are not obliged to defend him : he was a false brother ; being as he professed at his death always a papist in his heart : and no wonder such villains should pervert the most innocent design to their own advantage ; since there was a judas even among the apostles , who minded only the bag. somerset was not clear from the same vice . but it is to be considered that the pope had taught them all this lesson by his example and wicked management of the goods of the church . 't was he first gave the proper patrimony of the church , even tithes to lay-men , to useless and idle monks and fryars ; it was he that by making a trade of simony and sacrilege took off men's veneration for holy things , and made noble-men believe that estates were as well bestow'd in their hands as to enrich a foreigner . whoever reads our chronicles will find this to be the true ground of the dilapidation of the goods of the church , and that this took off the conscience of robbing her . as for cranmer and the bishops , they did what they could to hinder it , but were forced to buy god's truth and the estalishment thereof at the rate of some of their wordly goods ; a bargain mr. m. would never have made , nor any one that values the church only for her outward splendour . but the reformers hearts were not so full of the world , and yet they never established one article or canon that allows sacriledge . § . 12. but he proceeds and objects against cranmer : 1. his opinions ▪ 2. his recantation , 3. his treason , 4. his divorcing queen katherine , 5. his destroying religious houses , and hanging up poor abbots , 6. setting the people a madding after new lights , and 7. all the confusion and mischiefs that have since broke out upon the stage of great britain . 1. cranmer's opinions : in his preface mr. m. objects to him , that he said by the scriptures no consecration is necessary to a priest or bishop ; only appointment : and then , that the power of excommunication depended only on the laws of the land : but he doth not observe that cranmer did only humbly propose these ▪ and did not define them , as may be seen expresly in his subscription ; nay , upon better information , retracted them , as appears by his signing dr. leighton's opinion to the contrary . i confess it looks like a providence that cranmer should embrace some of these opinions : for by this it plainly appears that he did not influence the reformation so much as to make his private opinions pass for the doctrine of the church , as some have with confidence enough pretended ; and mr. m. amongst the rest , who doth dissemble ( or considering his reading doth probably not know ) the original of these mistakes in cranmer , and some others at that time , concerning the distinction of civil and ecclesiastical power , which was this ; the pope had made a confusion of the civil and spiritual power , by assuming to himself the erecting kingdoms , transferring rights , dispensing with oaths , and deposing princes : of all which there were fresh instances at that time particularly , the deposing henry viii . and absolving his subjects from their allegiance by paul iii. this having confounded the two powers ; no wonder that men could not on a sudden clear their eyes so as exactly to see the limits ▪ or if cranmer , being well assured of the pope's usurpation ▪ did on the other hand at first give too much to the prince ; which yet on second thoughts , finding himself singular in it , he recalled , and joyned with the rest in subscribing the publick doctrine directly contrary to his former private opinion . burnet's first volumn , addenda pag. 327. whereas the pope the head of mr. m's church was in as great an error as cranmer , and for which there was less ground , and yet neither he nor his successors have retracted it to this day . let the world judge of the discretion of this man who forsakes a church , because one of the reformers had an odd opinion , which he retracted and established the contrary in the church ; and yet joyns with a church ; whose head at the same time professed and imposed as great an error , and which stands yet unrecanted . § . 13. the second objection against cranmer , is his recantation for fear of death ; but let the world consider whether he or they that put him to that fear for his religion were most guilty : and let mr. m. say , whether he be so sure of his constancy in his new religion , that he would be contented to be counted a villain , if fear of death should make him dissert it ; and then why should not he allow something to humane frailty ? § . 14. but he objects in the third place , that cranmer subscribed a letter for the exclusion of his lawful princess : but whoever reads the history will find that he was brought with greater difficulty then any to subscribe to her exclusion , and not till after the king , the whole privy-council and judges had signed it ; this then was a point of law in which he was not singular . mr. m. takes the liberty to question queen elizabeth's title , and sure it was no greater fault in cranmer to question , queen mary's after the opinion of the judges given against her , there is great difference between rebellion against a king of undoubted title ; and being engaged on a side where the title is really doubtful . the first is a great wickedness , and the last a great infelicity . § . 16. his fourth objection is the divorcing queen katherine ; but it was not only cranmer's opinion , but the opinion of most learned men in europe , that her marriage to the king was null . how vertuous or innocent soever mr. m. reckons her , cranmer was in the right when he and all the bishops of england so judged it . the scruple was first raised in the king by the ambassadors of spain , and further confirmed by those of france before any intrigue with anne boleyn . § . 16. his fifth objection is dissolving religious houses and hanging up the abbots . as to his dissolving religious houses , if his councel had been taken , it had turned to the advantage of religion and the kingdom , and i do not find that either have lost by it as it is . as for his hanging up the abbots , this is one of sanders's lyes transcribed by heylin , in his history , who tells us of the executing of some abbots and other religious persons for their stiffness , ( if i may not call it perverseness ) in opposing the kings desires : but this is confuted by burnet . who shews that the abbots were attainted neither for stiffness nor perverseness , but downright actual rebellion , that is taking arms against their sovereign , or sending money to those that did . § . 17. sixthly , his setting people a madding after new lights ; that is , he allowed people the use of their eyes and ears , and did not think ignorance the mother of devotion , or that peoples devotion or religion was more acceptable to god , because they did not understand it ; of any other setting people a madding after new lights , cranmer never was guilty : and thus christianity set the world near 1700 years ago a madding , and was accused by the heathen for it . § . 18 , but he objects , lastly , that cromwel and cranmer were the ringle●ders of all that confusion and mischief , which has since broke out on the stage of britain . this is to charge them home , & would do their work in earnest , if true ; but the best of it is , that it wants proof & truth : for the times since the reformation have been as signal for piety and justice , as any like tract of time before , and blessed with the longest and most flourishing peace , that , perhaps ever was seen in england for the space of , at least , 80 years , in which it was carried to the highest pitch of glory that ever it reached . and besides all this , many confusions and mischiefs that happened since in these kingdoms proceeded clearly from other hands . pray , were cranm●r and cromwel the ring-leaders of tyrone's wars ? and of the massacre of the protestants in 1641 ? which were the greatest confusions in ireland since the reformation . were they the ringleaders of four rebellions in henry the eighth's time ? of the four in edward the sixth's , or the rebellion and plots in queen elizabeths ? these were nevertheless some of the confusions since on the stage of britain . but a great many sects have risen since , of which the reformation was the occasion , if we believe mr. m. i answer , christianity was the cause of as many , and the grace of god it self was abused . but it is to be observed , that the first sect that opened the gap , and introduced all the rest was popery , planted among us by the emissaries of rome . these broke the hedge , and shewed the way of separation ; others only imitated them , and transcribed their practices and principles , thinking they might as well teach men by their own authority , as by a foreign commission ; and it is like , that such as favour them now , set them on at first , purposely to make them a ●log and objection to the reformation . two means we do own papists have to prevent sects , that we want , ignorance and the inquisition ▪ in a profound ignorance , as in a dark night all things are silent ; but there will be a bustle and stir among men , while the sun shines . and for the inquisition , it is the true ram to beat down heresie , and defend the apostolick see ; if we believe paul the fourth . but we beg his holiness's pardon ; we had rather suffer all our sects , if they were more , than admit these remedies ; which after all are not effectual , as we may see from the new sects in italy ; and we cannot think those the only fit means to prevent divisions in christianity , which may as well be applied to keep it out , and preserve union amongst infidels . chap. iii. § . 1. and now i come to the second point , wherein mr. m. was dissatisfied , which he tells us , was the want of confession to a priest. there is so little looks like reason on this head , that it is harder to find out what he intends for argument in it ; than to answer it . i will do him justice , and consider even that little he has said . and that in this method . 1. i will lay down the doctrine of our church concerning confession . how far she declares it necessary , and how far expedient only : from whence it will appear , that confession is not wanting in her . 2. i will consider what he has produced in favour of its necessity , or expediency . the first of these seems necessary to be handled ; because he tells us , that he divers times discoursed with protestant ministers , and some protestant bishops , about this matter ; and was sorry to find no harmony in their opinions , p. 6. now let us suppose it were true , that private men differ'd in their opinions about some matters relating to confession : yet it were nothing to the purpose : at least , it could be no reasonable motive to go from us to the church of rome , since her private doctors differ as much about it . some of which say , that the priest ought to take the penitents word , and grant him absolution ; although he do not believe his profession of repentance to be sincere . others hold , that the confessor ought to be satisfied of the penitents sincerity before he absolve him . some say attrition with absolution is sufficient ●o obtain remission of sins ; others say contrition is necessary ; which is as material a difference as almost can be . many such differences there are amongst them , and the one party accuses the other of heresie for their dissering opinions ; and yet it seems this want of harmony amongst the roman doctors and bishops did not hinder mr. m. ●rom embracing their religion . it was therefore very partially done to leave our church for a pretended difference amongst our doctors : for let us take the difference as he represents it , and it is really no more . some said'twas a thing allowed by the church of england as very expedient in some cases , but no matter of necessity ; others thought it but a picklock of secrets , and a matter of ill consequence . methinks there is a very good harmony between these , and that the same men might have said both : at least the opinions are easily reconciled , since both agree that in all cases it is no matter of necessity ; and neither deny , that in some cases it is very expedient : notwithstanding which it may be in other cases , but a pick-lock of secrets , and matter of ill consequence . where is the disagreement or contradiction between these two ? to give mr. m. back one of his own arguments , for my part i do not understand it . § 2. i have read a great many protestant books , and consulted both divines and bishops ; and do profess that i have found them very well agreed in these things . first , that every sinner ought to be heartily sensible of every sin he has committed , and acknowledge it before god with shame and sorrow ; and that he can expect no pardon from god till he actually abhor and forsake the sin. wherever confession is mentioned in scripture , it is to be understood of this kind of confession ; except the circumstances manifestly determine the sence otherwise . this confession alone was sufficient to obtain remission of sins under the old law , psal. 32. 5. without auricular confession to a priest. 2. it is necessary to confess and acknowledge such sins as injure our neighbours , not only to god , but likewise to the injured person ; where that confession may be an advantage or satisfaction to him . restitution must also go along with confession if it be possible : if the injured person , or they who have a title to what was his , are not to be found ; the restitution is to be made to god for some charitable use , according to the advice of the priest. this case is thus determined by god himself , lev. 6. numb . 5. and by our church in her exhortation to the communion . 3. where a sin is notorious or publick , in as much as the church is injured by it , and the fact falls under her cognizance and jurisdiction , she may call the sinner to an account , oblige him to make publick confession of his guilt , and to submit to such discipline as she judges most probable to reform him . her sentence of absolution is necessary to a person thus called to an account by her , where it may be had ; neither can he be absolved from his sin without submitting to her orders . this appears to be the sence of our church , from the rubrick to the communion and 33. article . 4. where theee is any doubt or scruple in a man's mind concerning the nature of an action , whether it be good or evil ; concerning his own repentance , whether it be sincere and sufficient : or concerning the means and way to attain to this true repentance : in these and the like cases the sinner is obliged to repair to his spiritual guide for his resolution , counsel and direction . this is commanded by our church in the exhortation that gives warning for the communion . 5. where the sence of guilt lyes heavy on the conscience of a sinner , so that there is danger of his being swallowed up by too much grief ; he who finds his spirit thus wounded is required to have recourse to his spiritual physician ; that by the ministry of gods word , he may receive the benefit of absolution . as our church has exprest it in her exhortation , whose words mr. m. has corrupted ( that he might find an occasion to cavil , ) first by alledging this proviso as hers in the matter of confession ; if a man be troubled with any doubts or scruples ; whereas she uses no such words ▪ either in her office for communion , or visitation of the sick : which are the two places he alledges for them . and secondly , by leaving out these words , but if any one requires farther comfort or counsel , in this following sentence ; if there be any of you , who by this means cannot quiet his own conscience herein , but requires farther comfort or counsel : let him come to me , or some other discreet and learned minister , and open his grief . where the words he has left out make her sence plain , that she requires men to come to a priest , not only in cases of scruples and doubts , but likewise of grief for the sence of guilt : and that she proposes advice and counsel as a remedy for the one , and absolution as a remedy for the other . which clearly destroys mr. m's surmise ; as if confession in our church were for nothing else but to be resolved in our scruples and doubts . 6. confession to a priest , even of secret sins , is counted with us an act of mortification , and of great uses in most cases : as it is of great use and safety to consult a physician at any time when one finds himself sick : this is prescribed by the 19th canon of the church of ireland . it is counted a great wickedness for the priest to reveal any such confession . and it is forbidden under the pain of irregularity , by the 64 ▪ canon . 7. it is not necessary by any divine command , that a man should discover every sin to a priest , though he may be had , any more than it is necessary every time a man is sick to send for a physician . and therefore auricular confession is not the only way for obtaining pardon of sins committed after baptism . from these things , in which our bishops and divines are all agreed , though mr. m. slanders them for want of harmony , it appears , that neither publick nor private confession is wanting in our church , and it can no more be said that confession to a priest is wanting in her , because she doth not oblige all people to it under penalty of damnation , then a city can be said to want water , where the fountains are full and open , only because men are not obliged under pain of death to use them . if therefore mr. m. means any thing when he professes himself dissatisfied with the want of confession to a priest ; he must mean , the want of a law to oblige all men who hope for pardon of any sin , to confess it in particular to the priest , and receive his absolution for it . we must own that we have no such law in our church . but the reason of that want is , because neither christ nor his apostles left us any such . § 3. it was incumbent on him , before he left our church on that account , to produce this law , and shew confession to be otherwise necessary than is taught and practised by her . let us us therefore examine what he has said on this head . and here the only thing produced by him for the necessity of confession to a priest , which looks like an argument , is contained in these words . p. 7. if we confess our sins , god is faithful and just to forgive us our sins , saith st. john. faithful and just , to what ? even to his own promise which he hath thrice repeated in the gospel ; whosesoever sins ye remit , they are remitted unto them ; but other promise that he will do it without the ministry of his priests , we read not in the new testament . in answer to this argument , i will shew , 1. that the words if we confess our sins , do not concern confession to a priest. 2. when god is said to be faithful and just , it doth not particularly respect that promise , john 20. 23. whosesoever sins ye remit , they are remitted unto them . 3. if it did respect this promise , and the ministry of a priest were granted to be absolutely necessary to the pardon of sins ; yet it would not follow that auricular confession were necessary . § 4. first , the words of st. john 1 ep. 1. 9. if we confess our sins , do not concern confession to a priest : but were designed by the apostle to oblige every man to acknowledge and confess that he is a sinner , and that he needs repentance and the blood of christ for his salvation ; which will appear from the occasion and circumstances of this place . i think it is agreed that st. john wrote these words in opposition to the disciples of simon magus , who taught , as st. irenoeus informs us , that such as were perfect among them , and had that principle they called s●lt and light could not ●in : not but that they were guilty of the greatest villanies : but they reckoned nothing in themselves sin , because they walked in light and truth , while the rest of the world were in darkness , as they pretended . in opposition to these , st. john shews us , v. 8. that if we pretend thus to be without sin , we deceive our selves , and the truth is not in us , but if we own and acknowledge our sins , and heartily endeavour to avoid them ; then the blood of christ cleanses us from all sin , according to gods promise , who gave his only begotten son , that whosoever believes in him might not perish . it is plain , from vers . 10. that such as refused to confess their sins , according to st. john , made god a lyar . now this is litterally true of those who deny that they are sinners , as those hereticks did : but to deny the necessity of a particular enumeration of sins to a priest , doth no ways impeach gods truth : and therefore the confession required by these words , if we confess our sins is not auricular . this is farther manifest from the ancient fathers of the church , not one of which understand these words of confession to a priest. st. augustine has written a comment on this epistle , and he thus explains this place . if thou confess that thou art a sinner , the truth is in thee — tell men what thou art ; tell god what thou art . if thou tell not god what thou art , god will damn what he finds in thee . if thou wouldst not that he should damn , condemn thou . occumenius refers this whole passage to the jews . if we who said his blood be on us , and on our children , should impudently say that we have not sinned , we deceive our selves — but if we acknowledge and confess this sin , he will forgive us . which sufficiently shews , that by confessing our sins here , is meant the acknowledging our selves to be sinners , in opposition to those who plead innocency : and that this has no relation to a particular confession of sins to a priest. sect. 5. but 2. when god is said to be faithful and just , it doth not particularly respect that promise , john 20. 23. whose sins you remit they are remitted ; which is sufficiently proved from this argument that no ancient interpreter has thus applyed them ; but on the contrary have referred them to other promises . thus st. cyprian refers them to that petition in the lords prayer , forgive us our trespasses , and interprets confessing in st. john by this petition in the prayer ; to which he saith , forgiveness is promised , st. john therefore saith , that god who keeps his promise is faithful to forgive sins , because he who hath taught us to pray for our sins , hath promised , that his fatherly mercy and pardon shall follow . the roman gloss saith , god is faithful , who promised grace to the humble . oecumenius refers this to isaiah 43. 26. where according to the septuagint translation , the words are , tell thy sins first , that thou mayest be justified . which is ushered in with that promise , v. 25. i , even i am he , that blotteth out thy transgressions for mine own sake , and will not remember thy sins . lyra saith , god is faithful to forgive us our sins , because he promised so , mat. 3. 2. repent ye for the kingdom of god is at hand . you see that the ancient interpreters could find other promises both in the old and new testament , which obliged god to forgive sins before auricular confession is pretended to be instituted ; and not one of them dreamed that st. john had relation to that promise ; beside which mr , m. affirms there is not another in the new testament . how will he reconcile this to his profession of faith , in which he promises never to interpret scripture , but according to the unanimous consent of the fathers ? when there is not one father to vouch his sence of this place , and several against him . § 6. but 3. suppose , that consequence followed from this place which he infers that god will not remit sins under the new testament , without the ministry of his priests : yet it would not follow that auricular confession is necessary ; because under the old law the sins of the people were not pardoned without the ministry of gods priests , and yet it is confessed that auricular confession was not then instituted . besides if the ministry of the priest be necessary , why should that be understood rather of their private than publick ministry ? and lastly , their ministry may be necessary on other accounts than hearing confessions and pronouncing absolutions . thus oecumenius makes the forgiveness of sins here promised to be that remission which is obtained in baptism . therefore ( saith he ) god doth certainly remit sins to them that come to his holy baptism . st. chrysostome , who wrote his books de sacerdotio , purposely to magnisie the priests office , interprets the promise in st. john 20. 23. by the power of admitting to baptism , and the lords supper : together with the priests intercession and prayers for sinners ; but he says not one word of their remitting by an absolution or judicial sentence . who soever knows st. chrisostom , must own that if he had known or believed such a magnificent power in the priests , he wou'd never have omitted it , in books written designedly to magnifie their office . i conclude therefore that although the ministry of the priests under the gospel is necessary to the pardon of the peoples sins : yet that ministry may consist in the use of their directions , prayers , intercession , and sacraments ; and i believe mr. m. will hardly be able to shew any other way of absolution used by the ancient church . nay , st cyprian denies that priests properly forgive sins ; because all that they can do is to put men in a way to be forgiven . sect. 7. the second thing mr. m. intends for an argument in favour of confession , is what he alledges , p. 7. that confession is approved and frequented by all the christian world , except the people of our islands , and some few others that call themselves reformed ; and further p. 8. that it was never heard of in the catholick church that christians may receive the communion of christs body and blood without a previous confession and absolution . which if true , proves this doctrine to be catholick both as , to time and place ; but the best of it is , that we are not bound to take his word . and that upon examination this will be found false in both the parts of it . for neither do all other christians beside the reformed frequent and approve auricular confession otherwise than our church doth : nor is it any new thing in the catholick church for men to come to the communion without private confession and absolution by a priest. the whole greek church denies auricular confession to be of divine right , pretending it only to be a positive and ecclesiastical constitution : and they give the communion to laicks both in health and sickness , though they have not before confest their sins to a priest ; and that because they are perswaded that confession is arbitrary , and that faith is the only and true preparative for receiving the eucharist . so father simon shews from caucus venetus in his religion and customs of the eastern nations , p. 8. lond. ed. 1685. and he owns that caucus has asserted nothing as to that point which doth not agree to the real belief of the greeks , p. 13. of the christians of st. thomas in india , he relates from meneses , that they abominate auricular confession , p. 94. and though he pretends this to be an abuse introduced into that church , p. 102. yet he produces nothing but his own conjecture to prove it so , and acknowledges , that most in the east think not themselves obliged to it by divine right : and consequently it may either be used or laid aside as the church thinks convenient . we learn the same from the gloss of their own canon law ; where we are told , that confession to a priest is better said to be instituted by a certain tradition of the universal church , then from the authority of the old or new testament . this tradition of the church obliges as a command , and therefore with us ( he means the church of rome ) confession of mortal sins is necessary . but is not necessary with the greeks , because they have no such tradition . here is a tradition pretended of the universal church , and yet an acknowledgment , that at least one half of that church has no such tradition : which is as good sence as roman catholick . however i take this to be a demonstration , that confession is no otherways approved and frequented by the christian world ; ( except the church of rome ) than it is by the reformed . that is , it is looked on by all , but mr. m's church , as a piece of ecclesiastical discipline only , and then it may be used or dispensed with , as the church sees most for her edification . § 8. this is not only the opinion of the greater part of the present visible , but it was so likewise of the ancient church : though mr. m. tells us with confidence enough , that it was never heard in the catholick church till henry viii . that any was admitted to the communion without confession . yet we find direct proof to the contrary in antiquity : a socrates tells us , that nectarius bishop of constantinople , took away the priest that was appointed for confessions since the time of the decian persecution , and gave free leave , that every one should come to the participation of the holy sacrament , as his own conscience directed him . b and sozo men adds , that the bishops of almost all other churches imitated him . c gratian proposes the authorities for and against the necessity of confession , and leaves it to the readers judgment which he will believe . d and the gloss on that is very remarkable . in the year 1150. in the time of gratian , nothing was defined or commanded concerning the necessity of confession by the church : for if there had , gratian had not been ignorant of it nor omitted it , but confession with the mouth was introduced near an hundred years after by innocent iii. thus the roman gloss , and the reader must judge , whether he will believe mr. m. who affirms , that auricular confession was always necessary , or the canon law and gloss , that says , it was made necessary about the year 1215 : that is not full three hundred years before henry viii . so late is this sacrament even in the roman church , and the doctrine of its necessity . § 9. the third argument mr. m. produces for confession , is grounded on the inconveniencies that arise from the want thereof : he tells us , that protestant sermons have some authority upon the people , but not much for lack of this curb on their vices , p. 6. now whether sermons or auricular confession are the greatest curb to vice ; can only be judged by experience ; and let that determine whether protestants or papists are most licentious : let us compare protestant countries with popish , and see where vice doth most abound . let us look into germany , denmark , switzerland , the low countries , england and scotland , and compare them with italy , france , and spain ; and let any one judge which are most corrupt in their morals , or most happy in their government . among our selves , let us compare the protestants who have lived in prosperity these last thirty years , and consequently have been most lyable to corruption , with the papists that have been in adversity , and consequently are at the best : and from these , we shall discern what a mighty curb confession is on the vices of men. lastly , compare the times before the reformation , with what has been since , and we shall find even rome it self at this day reformed to what it was : which shews that the light of truth , which we propose to our people is not so weak a curb on men's vices , as mr. m. would persuade us . this second inconveniency he alledges from the wont of confession is the encouragement it must needs give people to sin , when they consider they are not obliged to give an account for their sins . so ( p. 6. ) catholiques commit sin , 't is true ; but call themselves to an account for it by confession and submission to their ghostly fathers . protestants sin likewise without calling themselves to any such reckoning ; because they can make a shift without it . and again ( p. 7. ) i pray the reader to consider whether private sinners in the church of england do not offend god at a cheaper rate than in the church of rome ; since in the church of rome they are bound to some penance ; but in the church of england they may confess to their ministers , and do penance if they will , or if they will not , they may let it alone . to which i answer , that the church of england hath no tax of sins , nor doth she promise pardon of sins upon the performance of any external action whatsoever , whether it cost the performer dear or cheap . but she tells her people , according to the scriptures , that there is no other way to be forgiven our sins , but be heartily turning from them ; that a good life , and sincere obedience to the commandments of god through faith in christ are the only means to escape damnation . and that according as every one is certain of the sincerity of his own heart , he may be certain of heaven , and no otherwise . let us then compare the doctrine of the two churches together , and let the reader judge , who teaches the easiest method for pardon of sins . saith the church of rome ; if any be so affected in his mind , that he is sorry for the sins he hath committed , and design not to sin for the future , although he be not touched with such a sorrow , as may be sufficient to obtain pardon : nevertheless when he confesses duly to a priest , he doth by the power of the keys obtain remission and forgiveness for all his villanies . saith the church of england ; repent you truly for your sins past , have a lively faith in christ our saviour ; amend your lives , and be , in perfect charity with all men ; so shall ye be meet partakers of these holy mysteries ▪ . the church of rome sees the difference of these two , and pretends , that confession was appointed by the mercy of god , to make pardon the more easie . for , let us grant it , faith she , that sins could be blotted out by contrition . — yet in as much as few could come to this degree , it must happen that very few could expect pardon of sins this way . the true intention of confession , and of all other parts of christian discipline is amendment of the peoples lives . and it will be found that men do not come to confession so much to help them to live well for the future , as to ease themselves from the trouble that the memory of their sins past create them , and when by absolution they are eased of the sense of their former guilt , they are apt to think they may begin on a new score . and hence it often happens , that men are more negligent after confession than before . and let never so much care be taken to prevent this abuse which mr. arnauld confesses almost universal : while people believe that the priest can forgive them their sins , as soon as they are sorry for them , and purpose to forsake them , it is impossible it should be removed . whereas when a man is referred to his own conscience , as the final judge of his own condition ; and told that he damns himself if he be partial . and that no other sorrow or repentance for sin can save him , but such as will in earnest prevail with him to forsake his sins , and live a good life . in this case a man will find it much easier to satisfie the priest , and obtain absolution from him ; than to satisfie his own conscience . nay , after all , the priest can only judge of a mans repentance from his own mouth , and if the man be partial , or mistaken in his own sincerity , the priest must be so too , and his absolution insignificant . and therefore our church , who lays the efficacy of absolution on the sincerity of the penitents contrition and faith , and tells her people , that her absolution is only conditional , deals more severely , and sincerely too , with her penitents , than the roman church , who lays the chief stress on the outward absolution of the priest. the matter of fact appears to be really thus , from the practice of the lewdest livers amongstus , who often take sanctuary in that church , and without any amendment of life , live in hopes of that salvation in her , which they know they could not hope for in ours . § 11. the last argument mr. m. urges for confession , is the interest of the priest ; faith he , the church of england , for want of confession , appears to me to have lost that interest in the consciences of the people , which both the roman and the greek priests are happy in at this day . i do believei n my conscience this argument goes a great way with mr. m. and not only with him , but with all those priests who value their interest as he does . but he would have done well to have told us , what that interest is , in which the priests count themselves happy . for the priests have counted themselves happy sometimes in an interest , which contributed very little to the happiness of the people . in short , we neither do , nor ought to covet any other interest with our people , than the power of doing and making them good ; and god be thanked , we have as much of that interest , as any clergy of the world ; and dare compare the lives of our people , with the lives of either greeks or romans . it was therefore some other interest which brought in auricular confession , & in which mr. m. would count himself happy . i shall not determine what that may be , which mr. m. could not find in our church ; only he must know , that among us truly mortified , diligent , sober , prudent clergy-men , who continually reside on their cures , and shew themselves an example to their flocks in meekness , humility , watchfulness and charity , have no reason to complain that they want interest with their people . but there are some that think it too dear a purchase at that rate , and therefore had rather come at it another way . that is , by perswading people that they can forgive them their sins , though perhaps they are nothing bettered by confessing . thus mr. m. seems to state the case : what if some catholicks are never the better for it ? what are many protestants the better for all the sermons they hear , and sacraments they receive ? if we confess our sins , god is faithful and just to forgive us our sins . what ? though we are never the better for confessing . if that be mr. m's meaning , and he believes himself , he had reason in earnest to change his church : for he may be sure we have no such catholick doctrine . chap. iv. § 1. mr. m. tells ▪ us , that the third difficulty that stuck with him , was the answer given by protestants to that question , where is that one holy catholick church which we do profess to believe in the two creeds ? to this he adds several other questions : was there any such society as one holy catholick church extant upon the face of the earth , when cranmer began his reformation ? what provinces of the earth did this church inhabit ? did cranmer believe himself a member of it ? who gave him authority to reform this one catholick and apostolick church ? to set up altar against altar , &c. p. 8. to each of these questions i will give a distinct answer , and shew how little reason any one has to make a difficulty of them . to the first , where is that one holy catholick and apostolick church which we profess to believe in the two creeds ? i answer , not in any one place or province exclusively to the rest , but in all places where men professing the faith of christ , live under their lawful pastors or spiritual governors . 't is by these two marks we must find the catholick church , if we would not mistake the society of schismaticks and hereticks , nay of heathens for her . where-ever we find the faith of christ , and the persons professing it , living in submission to their regular pastors ; there we have found a branch of the catholick church ; and to that society we ought to be ready to unite ourselves in this profession and submission . but mr. m. by his eagerness to have us assign the ubi , or place where to find this church , seems to imagine , that there is some one place , or ubi , where she is always to be found . at least , that there is some where a head and principle of unity , by union to which , the society is made one . but we deny any other head or principle of unity to this society , besides christ jesus . and we believe , that to assign any such on earth , is to destroy the very notion of the catholick church , and make her as particular as the jewish synagogue , out of which no person or nation was excluded , so they would turn proselytes , any more than they are excluded out of the church of rome , if they will embrace her faith , and submit to her government . but the church is called catholick , in opposition to such a particular society ; because she consists of many such societies , which have in every nation the same priviledges , which were before peculiar to the jews . and these particular churches are intire bodies in themselves , not made accountable by christ or his apostles to any foreign church , as to a head , but only as to a sister . neither is the union of these particular churches into one catholick church , an union of subjection to one visible head , but an union of faith and charity under our visible head christ. when therefore mr. m. asks in what provinces of the earth this church doth inhabit ? i answer , in most provinces of the world ; in more by many than he or his church will allow . let him read st. augustine on the 85 psalm , and he will tell him the sin of those that confine the church to a province , or corner of the world , to a sect or party of christians . § 2. to this second question , was there any such society upon the face of the earth , when cranmer began his reformation ? i answer , there was , and the several branches of it were dispersed through many provinces in europe , asia and africa . the church of england was one branch thereof , such she has continued ever since , and we hope will continue to the end of the world : and therefore he might have spared the labour which he has spent to prove that there was extant such a church on the face of the earth ; since we believe as firmly as he can desire , that according to our saviour's prediction , the gates of hell shall not prevail against the catholick church . § 3. to this third question , did cranmer believe himself a member of this church ? i answer , he did . and being placed by providence in an eminent station in the church , and the care and government of so considerable a part thereof being ▪ committed to his charge , he found himself obliged by the laws of god and man to remove those things he apprehended to be corruptions and abuses . and if they were really such , who but mr. m. can doubt his authority do do it in a regular way ? and therefore to his fourth question , who gave him authority to reform this one holy catholick church , and to set up altar against altar ? i answer , no body ; he never attempted the one or the other . he never attempted to reform the catholick church , because he had neither power or inspection over her . nor did he ever pretend to make any law to oblige her . he only endeavoured to cultivate and reform that part of her that was committed to his care. and he must have lost his understanding , or renounced it , that doth not see that this is the duty of every bishop , nay of every parish-priest in his sphere ; and therefore except mr. m. can shew that cranmer went beyond his sphere , he talks and asks questions to no purpose . i suppose that i have already shewn that cranmer did not exceed his authority in his proceedings at the reformation . and as he did not pretend to reform the catholick church , so neither did he set up altar against altar . there was no schism made by him in england ; the division of communion was made long after , about the tenth of queen elizabeth , on the bull of pius v. heylin ad ann. 1564. & 1565. p. 172. § 4. mr. m. seems to have nothing to object against all this ; only he insinuates that the reformation supposes the catholick church to be lapsed into idolatry : and if she were guilty of idolatry , she should be no christian church : and then there is an end of the episcopal succession of the church of england , and consequently of the church it self . there is not one step in this argument , but is justly liable to exception . i shall only desire the reader to consider these few things , and then judge , whether mr. m. can be supposed to have examined this matter , either diligently or impartially . 1. the reformation may be justified without charging the church of rome , or any other christian church with idolatry . 2. the idolatry with which we commonly charge that church , is not inconsistent with the being of a church , or succession of bishops . 3. the argument mr. m. has produced , to prove the impossibility of a christian churches teaching and practising idolatry , is weak and inconclusive . sect. 5. first , the reformation may be justified without charging the church of rome , or any other christian church with idolatry : because there were many confessed and notorious abuses in the church that needed reformation , besides what we count idolatrous . and the governors of the church were obliged to reform them whether they were idolatrous or no ; except mr. m. thinks that nothing but idolatry can need reformation . prayer in an unknown tongue , the half communion , the ludicrous and antique ceremonies of the mass , private masses and indulgences , appeals and foreign jurisdiction , with many other things were removed by the reformers ; not because they counted them idolatrous , but because they were great abuses and deviations from the primitive rules and practice of the church . the things in the roman church , which we commonly charge with idolatry , are the worship of images , the invocation of saints , and adoration of the host : now the reformation would neither be unjustisiable nor unnecessary , tho we should reckon these practises only in the same rank of abuses with the former . we need not therefore charge the church of rome with idolatry , to justifie our first reformers . but whatever be said as to that , he may assure himself we never did , nor will charge the catholick church with any such crime . she never decreed either worship of images , or adoration of the host. § 6. but secondly , the idolatry with which we charge the church of rome , is not inconsistent with the being of a church , or succession of bishops . i do consess there is an idolatry , inconsistent with all true religion ; that is , when men renounce the true god , and worship a false one in his stead . but there is another idolatry , that consisteth in worshipping a false god with , or in subordination to the true . and a third , which men incurr by giving some part of that honour to a creature , which god has reserved sor himself ; or asking those things of creatures , which god only can give : and 't is with this last the church of rome stands charged . now not only doctor stilling fleet , whom he confesses he never read , but * primate bramhall also , ( whom he pretends to have seen ) have proved that some practice of this kind of idolatry , as well as some other sins , may consist with the being of a church . but what shall we say to a man who understands but little himself , and will not be persuaded to read those who can inform him . who takes this opinion by hear say , as if it were peculiar to one author ; whereas it is the common sense of our controvertists . which i think is a demonstration , that not withstanding what he pretends ( p. 1. ) he is yet to begin to study the controversie between both churches . he confesses he did not understand this matter ; and then let the world judge , whether it was done like a man who either loved , or designed truth , to write against a thing before he undrstood it . § 7. in order to help his understanding , he would do well to consider , 1. whether to teach and practice idolatry , destroy the very being of a christian , more then of a jewish church . now it is plain that the jewish church both taught and practised idolatry , and is charged as idolatrous ; 1. when aaron with the whole congregation , sacrificed to the calf : and afterwards , when the kings of judah establish'd idolatry in the very temple of god : in which idolatry the priests , prophets , princes and people concurr'd ; as we may see , jer. 2. 26. and yet neither their succession nor church fail'd sect. 8. 2. the primitive church did not look on all idolatry as destructive of the being and succession of a church : because she allowed the succession of those she counted idolaters . such she reckoned the arians , as we may learn from athanasius and gregory nyssen ; and yet the succession of the arians was allowed in a felix , bishop of rome . in b meletius , bishop of antioch . and lastly , in the bishops of spain , who had been arians from their first conversion , till the time of their king ricaredus , in whose reign they turned catholicks , and proceeded in that reformation at the same rate our reformers proceeded in ours . c if mr. m. had lived among them , he would have told them that they were no bishops , nor had any church : because their predecessors for several generations had taught and practised idolatry . and if we believe him , surely that destroys the very being of a christian church . but neither these bishops , nor the church of that age were of his mind . and therefore they went on in their business , and settled their church without troubling any body to assist them . and though they had no other ordination or sacraments , than what they had received from arians , ( that is from much worse idolaters than the papists are counted ) yet no body ever questioned their church or succession . but mr. m. and his party , love to cut short god's church and inheritance , and seem afraid too many should go to heaven . and therefore when any thing in a church doth not please them , they immediately un church her , and send her members to hell : imitating exactly in this , as they do in their re-ordination , the heretical donatists . whom d st. augustine sharply reproves for their uncharitableness . sect. 9. but 3. mr. m. is the more inexcusable ; because the argument he brings , to prove the inconsistency of idolatry and a christian church , is so very trisling and inconclusive . for ( saith he ) what agreement hath the temple of god with idols , and what concord hath christ with belial ? for ye are the temple of the living god ; what communion hath light with darkness ? 2 cor. 6. 16. what! idolaters , and yet a true church ? 't is as much as to say , they are in the way to heaven and hell at the same time , p. 8. in answer to this , i must desire the reader to look into the place of scripture here quoted , and observe that the sentences are broken , and mangled , and transposed ; either out of design , or , as i am apt to think , out of meer thoughtlessness . if he had given it whole , the reader would easily have perceived its weakness ; for it is not only said , what agreement hath the temple of god with idols ? v. 16. but likewise , what fellowship hath righteousness with unrighteousness ? and , what communion hath light with darkness ? v. 14. if then , according to mr. m. idolatry destroy the very being of a church , because there is no agreement between the temple of god and idols : why shall not every unrighteousness or sin destroy likewise the being of a church ? since there is no fellowship between righteousness and unrighteousness ; no communion between light and darkness . may not i argue as he doth , what! unrighteousness and a true church ? 't is as much as to say , they are in the way to heaven and hell at the same time . this is the very argument by which * petilian the donatist endeavoured to unchurch all other christians besides his own sect , and annul all other baptism besides his own parties : because he pretended they communicated with wicked men ; and there could be no fellowship between righteousness and unrighteousness , between believers and unbelievers . how then could an unbeliever regenerate a believer in baptism ? there is indeed no agreement between idolatry and a true church ; no more is there between her and any other sin. but things that have no agreement do not immediately destroy one another . it doth not follow therefore , that to teach & practice any sin , destroys the very being of a true church . rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft , that is , equal to one of the worst kinds of idolatries ; shall therefore every society of men , that teaches & practices rebellion , cease to be a church ? i hope mr. m. will not say it . i do not say any society of men ever taught treason , or rebellion , or idolatry to be lawful ; for this would indeed un-church them : but many have comanded such practices , & taught them to be lawful , which being put in execution , were really treasonable , rebellious , or idolatrous . thus the council of later an commanded temporal lords who did not purge their dominions of hereticks , to be deposed by the pope ; and absolved their subjects from their allegiance . and thus the council of lyons deposed frederick the emperor . the one of these taught , and the other practiced rebellion . must we therefore un-church these councils ? * pope paul iii. and his faction taught and commanded the subjects of henry viii . to depose their prince . † pius v. taught and commanded the subjects of queen elizabeth to do the like to her . these were all acts of treason or usurpation : and sure these are the way to hell as well as idolatry . and then to say , those that were guilty of such things , were members of the catholick church , is according to mr. m. to say they were in the way to hell and heaven at the same time ; but such arguments must be taken from him where there are no better . chap. v. § 1. the third part of mr. m's pamphlet , consists of a confused mass of particulars , without any order or connexion ; one would think it had been taken from the mouth of one who had spoken it ex tempore , and had never been allowed the liberty to revise it . there are at least five offers at a conclusion . saith he , p. 9. to conclude , p. 10. in a word , p. 11. in sine , next paragraph on the whole matter , p. 12. after all his concluding , he must have a word or two before he make an end , p. 13. he promises to say no more , and yet he cannot forbear adding two or three things , nothing to the purpose . thus he says and unsays , and labours in a heap of confusion . and when all is done , he puts things in a less advantageous light , than has been done by many of his brethren before him . i shall bring what he says , such as it is , into this method . 1st . i will consider what he says in order to vindicate , or recommend his new church . and 2ly . wherein he criminates ours . § 2. he endeavours to vindicate his new church in her devotions ; as to the direction of them : as to their being in an unknown tongue ; and as to their being made before images . he endeavours to recommend her , from the excellency of her prayers , and from the devotion and unity of her people . as to the direction of her prayers ; he tells us , that instead of idolatry , he found most elevated and judicious prayers to the holy trinity ; concluding in the name of our saviour jesus christ , p. 9. and he asks , do roman catholicks ever say mass to any other object but the living father , son , and holy ghost ? p. 12. now if all the prayers in the mass be so very elevated and judicious , and all said to the trinity only ; then god forgive the wickedness of those people who quarrel at this , and persecute it with so blind and furious aversion . but soft and fair mr. m. consider they are hereticks you pray for , and ten to one either do not deserve , or do not need your charity . for suppose the prayers in the mass were never so judicious , and never so well directed ; yet for ought the people know , or any assurance they have besides the honesty of the priest , the prayers may be conjuring , or cursing ; directed to jupiter or mahomet ; and therefore 't is your own fault that people persecute them with so blind and furious aversion ; since you keep the people in that blindness , and will not let them understand their prayers , that they may admire their judiciousness . § 3. but 2ly . it is to be considered , that the mass was patched up in a barbarous and ignorant age , though many of the materials are old ; and the composition is such , that all , even of the roman communion , are not satisfied concerning the judiciousness of the prayers in it . in so much that a cassander , who was a little better acquainted with it then mr. m. confesses the phrase is obscure , even to learned men : that the canon is difficult , and that sometimes there is a sudden jump from one sence of a word to another . cassander was no perverse ill-natured phanatick , but a learned and ingenuous roman catholick : and yet he finds fault with this prayer mr. m. has produc'd , and others of the like importance in the mass ; because they are improperly used as masses are now celebrated : for these prayers have respect ( as he tells us ) to an ancient custom in the church now gone out of use ; and agree chiefly to a solemn mass , in which there is supposed to be a communion and congregation of the people that have offered bread and wine . this bread and wine offered by the people , is that immaculate sacrifice offered up by the priest in the prayer mentioned by mr. m. and where neither people are present , nor any offering is made by them , this prayer , and several others in the mass , make a hard shift to gain the estimation of either sence or truth , much less of judiciousness . and has given occasion to some , to abuse the mass to superstition ; and to others , to condemn it as impious . how can a priest , with either judgment or truth , offer a sacrifice for all present , as the prayers direct him to do ; even in a solitary mass , when none is present or near him ? but 3ly . as all the prayers in the mass are not judiciously contrived , so neither are they all said to the trinity ; the very sacrifice being offered up for the honour of saints and angels , and to obtain of them their intercession : besides several prayers made to them for the same purpose , directly contrary to what we learn from saint augustine to have been the practice of the ancient church . § 4. mr. m. seems aware of this objection , and hints at three answers to it . 1st . that presbyterians object as much against that canticle in the common-prayer-book , called benidecite . 2dly . that the roman catholick ascribe nothing to angels or saints , but as the ministers of god and 3dly . that the angels must know our affairs , and the saints have intelligence from them ; and therefore we pray to them . 1. he assures us , that the reader shall find protestants objecting nothing against consessing , and praying to saints and angels ; but what presbyterians do against that canticle in the common-prayer-book , called benedicite omnia opera . o ananias , azarias and misael , praise ye the lord , is as rank popery with presbyterians , as any thing in the mass , or litanies of our lady , p. 9. now except he be able to shew where the presbyterians have declared this as their sence , we can count him no better than a slanderer . for my part i do prosess , that i never yet met with one single presbyterian so silly as to make this apostrophe for an invocation of dead men , who do not hear us . the disparity of the case is so manifest between our church and the roman , that it is hardly possible any should mistake . * the roman church has determined that it is good and prositable humbly to invocate the saints , and to flee to their prayers , help and assistance . a our church has declared invocation of saints to be a fond thing , vainly invented . to parallel therefore the presbyterian objection ( if any such there be ) against us ; with ours against the papists on this head , is to shift off an objection , which did not easily admit of an answer . § 5. let us see if this second answer be any better ; which is , that the roman catholicks attribute nothing to angels or saints , but as the ministers and favourites of the living god , receiving from him whatever understanding they have of our affairs , p. 12. but what then ? may not men ascribe more to favourites than the king allows them , and is not that an encroachment on his prerogative ? if mr. m. will shew us , where god allows us to make prayers to saints , to erect images for their worship , burn incense before them , dedicate churches to their honour , make vows to them , or devote orders and societies of men as slaves to their service , he will indeed vindicate his church against the reformation : for in possession of all these , the first reformers found them , and justly concluded it safest to lay them aside , as too much to be allowed favourites out of our own head , without the express declaration of the princes will. but if he cannot shew that god allows them these things , it will be the safest way , and no hurt for him or us , to lot them alone . § 6. his third answer or pretence is no less insufficient : where he alledges , that the angels must know our affairs , because they are ministring spirits , sent forth for the good of those who shall be heirs of salvation ; and because they rejoice at the conversion of sinners : and have glorified saints no communication or intelligence with the angels ? p. 13. to which i answer , that these allegations neither justifie the invocation , nor the worship of angels or saints . it is true , the angels are ministring spirits ; but we neither know which of them are assigned to minister unto us , nor when they are present . these things depend altogether on the immediate will of god ; and therefore it is to him not them we are to apply our selves , if we would obtain their care and ministry for our good . 't is true likewise , that the saints and angels rejoyce at our conversion , when that conversion comes to their knowledge . but that place in st. luke 15. 7. i say unto you , joy shall be in heaven over on● sinner that repents , more than over ninety nine just persons , doth no more prove that the angels in heaven know all the conversions on earth , or that we ought to pray to them ; than my saying , that there is more joy in rome over one such proselite as mr. m. than over ninety nine born roman catholicks , doth prove that i believe such conversions are all known there ; and that therefore mr. m. may go into his closet , and pray to the cardinals , because it is plain his affairs are known at rome . lastly , 't is true , that the glorified saints have communication with the angels , and may receive intelligence of our affairs from them ; and therefore i would advise mr. m. to send his service and requests to them by the next angel he meets going that way . but because angels pass and repass from heaven to earth , to conclude that we may at all times , and in all places , with mind and voice pray to saints , is as foolish , as to conclude , because we have posts pass from london to dublin , that therefore a man here may beg the assistance of his friends prayers who are in london , every time he goes to his knees . this is the wise vindication mr. m. has made for his church , as to the direction of some of her prayers . § 7. the second thing which mr. m. undertakes to vindicate in his church , is her using a tongue unknown to the people in all her publick devotions , and services . and it happens to him in this , as it does in most other things ; if all that he says were granted him , it would neither justifie his church , nor condemn the reformation ; since not one of his arguments so much as pretend , to prove a known tongue unlawful in the publick service of god , or an unknown tongue expedient : which will appear on the examination . he alledges therefore , 1. that the objection of its being said in the latin tongue , allows every one to hear it that understands latin. a great favour indeed . who can after this , accuse the roman church of keeping men ignorant of her service ? it is plain from our very objection that they may hear it , if they but understand latin ; and 't is their own fault if they do not understand it : 't is only spending seven or eight years to acquire the latin tongue , and then they may undestand some part of her service . but pray what is this to the illiterate world , who are past the age of learning latin ? what is this to the poor , who are the bulk of the world , and have the best and most peculiar title to the gospel ; and yet have neither capacity nor opportunity to learn latin ? mr. m. bids them be of good chear : for unlearned catholicks , if the truth were known , understand as much or more of the mass , than illiterate protestants do of the common prayer . if a man were apt to give ill words , the confidence and palpable falshood of this assertion would certainly provoke him . it were better surely to believe nothing but our senses , which he falsly imputes to some protestants , than to undertake to face down sense and experience , in a matter in which the meanest , most illiterate protestant in the world , will be a demonstration against him . we are content our people should believe all mr. m. says , according as they find this true . but he objects farther , what does the protestant multitude understand of the predictions of isaiah , &c. read in their churches by appointment of the common prayer ? suppose they understood not one word of them : how doth it follow , that unlearned catholicks understand more of the mass , than illiterate protestants do of the common-prayer book ? this is a new instance of mr. m's old infirmity , in drawing consequences . we are now talking of common prayers , in which the people ought to joyn : and he talks of the lessons , which are no part of them . there are commonly in every congregation , persons of better and of meaner capacity ; 't is fit both should be instructed . those lessons out of isaiah are for the better capacities , and are read so , as may make them most easie to them . and what great matter , if the weaker , for whom they are not intended , do not understand them , since they are sufficiently provided for otherwise . their obscurity might be some reason against reading them at all ; but if they ought to be read , as is ordered both by the common-prayer book and breviary , i hope they will be better understood in english than latin : and yet after all , there is not one lesson ordered to be read by the common-prayer book , but the meanest of the protestant multitude understands more of it , then a whole illiterate popish congregation understands of the breviary , or mass ; and of this he may make an experiment when he pleases . his second allegation in behalf of his church is , that she has set forth expositions of the mass in print . how many evpositions of the mass ( says he ) are extant in print by commandment of the church ? so that no man can be ignorant of it that desires to be informed . to this i answer , that if by an exposition be meant a translation of the mass , there is not one extant in print by commandment of their church . on the contrary , the congregation of the index have damned the very hours of the blessed virgin , for being in the vulgar tongue ; as may be seen at large in saint amours journal , part. 3. chap. 5. there is indeed a translation stolen out of late in english , but it is without any authority , which may be called a commandment of their church . however , if it were set out by her authority , what could it signifie to the greater part of the people , who are neither able to procure nor read that translation ? and if they could read it , yet would no more be able by help of it to joyn with the priest , then by any other devotional book . lastly , what is this to the reformation , which found not one exposition in print by commandment of the church , nor any counted necessary ? i will venture to put one question to mr. m. and having askt so many , i hope he will not take it ill . ought the mass to be understood by the people , or no ? if it ought to be understood , why is not the best method taken to make them understand it ; even to read it in a tongue understood by them ? if it matters not , whether it be understood by the people or no ; to what purpose doth he talk of an exposition ? his third argument in behalf of the practice of his church , is taken from the example of the jewish church . had not ( saith he ) the jewish church almost all her scriptures and publick service for fourteen generations , that is to say , from the captivity unto christ in the old hebrew ? a language not then understood by the the common people . i answer , she had some of them in old hebrew , but not only in it . they were read in the synagogues , first in hebrew , for the use of the learned ; and then in the vulgar , for the common people . this he might have learnt from father a simon , b and bishop walton : nay c doctor isaac vossius is positive , that the greek was the vulgar language of jerusalem in our saviours time ; and that the septuagint translation , and not the old hebrew , was read in the synagogues of the jews . and all unanimously conclude , that the people either understood the original of what was read , or were made understand it by an interpreter . 't is probable , saint paul , had respect to this custom among the jews , when he commands the prophet that spake with tongues to keep silence in the church , if there was no interpreter , 1 cor. 14. 28. and therefore mr. m. has quite mistaken his argument , when he asks , did our saviour or his apostles ever reprehend the jews — for not translating the scripture into the vulgar language ? there was no ground for such a reprehension , since the jews had done it three hundred years before ; & therefore will rise up in judgment against the absurd practice of the roman church , & will condemn her ; who is more unkind to her subjects than the very jews , & has provided worse for their edisication in this point . it is to no purpose to say as mr. m. doth , that the latine is more vulgar than the english : since this is a manifest falshood , and must be owned to be such , by all men who consider that the latine is not vulgar in any place of the world. i cannot tell whether i can call it a fourth argument which offers , in these words , if the service of god must be said in the maternal tongue of every nation , where shall an english man in france or spain , that understands not the language , go to serve god on the lords day ? i answer , to church , and joyn his presence and private devotion with the congregation ; since he cannot joyn in the publick prayers . in case of necessity , a man is accepted by god according to what he can do ; and what is not in his power , is not required of him . in a country where there are no christians , he must go no where ; and in a strange country , he must go to the publick devotions , though he do no● understand them : for that is better then not going at all . his last argument for the vindication of the publick service of the church in an unknown tongue is , that this would destroy all community of sacraments and lit●rgie , between the members of the catholick church ; which being one body or society of men , cannot be like the builders of babel , who could not understand one anothers language . now if they that understand not one anothers language are builders of babel ; then the priest and people , where the service is in an unknown tongue , are plainly such builders : for they do not understand one another . two cities may very well be built , and conveniently governed by two people of different languages ; and these cities may likewise manage all their common business , and keep a good correspondence , by the help of a few men that understand both languages . but two languages in the same city is very inconvenient , and cannot be so remedied , it is so in the church : distant congregations may have a very good communion with one another by the help of their priests who understand a common language : but to have a language spoken to a congregation , or in it , that the members cannot understand , is to bring in a great confusion , and directly opposite to the apostles command , which he himself here produces , rom. 15. 16. that we should with one mind and mouth glorifie god : for how can a congregation glorifie god with one mouth , if they do not understand the words in which they are to joyn ? thus mr. m's . arguments constantly make against himself . if want of a common language destroys unity of sacraments and liturgy , in distant churches , it destroys that unity much more where there is wanting a common language between the priest & people in the same church . but the truth is , the unity of the sacraments and liturgies , have no dependency on the unity of language ; but are the same in whatever language they are used or administred . and so it was in the primitive church , where every people had their own liturgy in their own language . mr. m. foresaw that 1 cor. 14. would be objected against him : and he tells us , p. 11. that he humbly thinks it not well understood by prostants . this is a main point ; and one would have expected a substantial reason for his opinion , some determination of a primitive council , or a whole shoal of fathers at least : but instead of that , he pretends to cut the throat of the objection out of that very chapter , in which protestants glory . if any be ignorant ( saith he ) let him be ignorant . wherefore brethren , covet to prophesie , and forbid not to speak with tongues , v. 39. god is not the author of confusion but peace , v. 33. i shall not trouble the reader with an answer to these arguments ; if mr. m. designed in earnest to prove by them , that we do not well understand the apostle in this chapter , i would advise him to take the opinion of a physician , whether all be right about his head. § 8. the third thing wherein mr. m. endeavours to vindicate his church is the worship of images . and to this purpose he alledges , first , that the council of trent hath commanded all superstition to be taken away in the use of images ; and then gives it in charge to all bishops to look to it , p. 12. if they had reckoned the worship of images superstition , this had indeed taken away our objection , but on the contrary ; the council decreed that images of christ , not of his human nature , ( as he improperly expresses it ) and likewise of the blessed virgin , and other saints , are to be had and retained , especially in churches , and due honour and worship is to be paid them . and that we ought to kiss , uncover our heads , and fall prostrate before them . § 9. but then , secondly , he bids us enquire whether roman catholicks pay any more respect to them , than protestants do to the elements of bread and wine , which ( say they ) are but a figure or image of christs body and blood. to which i answer , that this enquiry supposes two notorious falshoods : first , that protestants pay any other respects to the elements of bread and wine , then that of not diverting them from their sacramental use . and secondly , that they say the elements are but a figure or image of christs body and blood. our curch having declared in her rubrick after the communion , that the kneeling at the reception of the sacrament , is only to christ ; and that no adoration is intended , or ought to be done unto the sacramental bread and wine : and likewise concerning the elements , that they are not only signs or images , but effectual means of conveying the body and blood of christ to the faithful . which i hope no papist will say of his images . and now i must refer it to the reader , whether he will suppose mr. m. to have been ignorant of our doctrine in this point , or to have knowingly , and against his conscience , suggested these falshoods . § 10. his third attempt for the defence of his church in this practice , is from his old friends the presbyterians . the church of england protestants are every jot as offensive to us ( say the presbyterians ) kneeling before the elements of bread and wine , as the papists kneeling before the image of christ. to which i answer , that if the matter of fact here alledged , were true , ( which i do not believe , ) yet it were no argument ; because the presbyterians , or whosoever are thus offended , are manifestly unreasonable in paralleling these two cases . the disparity is apparent , and the very same that there is between receiving a pardon , or any other signal favour from the kings own hand on my knees ; and falling down every time i see his pictuure on a sign-post . but once for all , let mr. m. know , ( for he professes to need information , ) that it is is no anwer to an argument , to pretend that others urge it against the proponents themselves ; except the answerer shew that both urge it with equal reason . for so the apostles might have been answered by a heathen . you would perswade us , that we are under the power of satan , and aliens to the life of god : do not the gnosticks say the same of you ? silence them , and we will believe you . so a roman catholick may be answered by an indian , you would have us renounce our idols and heroes ; whereas there is a people amongst yourselves , called protestants , to whom your kneeling before the images of christ , and praying to saints , are every jot as offensive as our praying to our subordinate celestial powers and kneeling before their images . if this would signifie nothing to mr m. why should it signifie any thing to us what presbyterians object against our kneeling at the reception of the sacrament ? or how are we concerned , what they pretended in 41 , against our reformation , or hugh peters in 47 , against theirs ? except he will undertake to justifie their pretences , which is a task themselves could never perform . § 11. there is onely one thing more he says in vindication of his church ; and that concerns the ill practices we charge on some roman catholicks , and the ill opinions of others . he doth not deny that there are some such , but he looks on it as no argument at all . if so , he wrote his book to very little purpose ; for why are we more concerned in the ill practices or ill opinions of some who pretend to reform , than he is in the ill practices and opinions of the pope and court of rome ? yet these pretended faults of the reformers , make up the greatest part of what he objects against our church ; which shews that he has one rule for us , and another for his own party . but the truth is , we charge the council of trent it self with some ill practices and opinions . for thô we take popery as the most judicious papists represent it ; ( and they who bring the decrees of the council of trent nearest to protestanism , i find are at present counted such ) yet still there needs better vouchers than mr m. to make us believe all things in it judicious and pious . § 12. having thus examined all that he has said in defence of his church , let us next consider what he has offered to recommend her : and of this nature he produces three instances : the excellency of her books of devotion ; the devotion of her people ; and the unity of her members . he tells us , p. 9. that , that which obliged him most of all to the church of rome , was the perusal of her books of devotion ; such as st. francis sales — neirembergius — lewis granatensis — especially the mass it self . if these obliged him most of all , had he lived at the reformation , he had wanted some of the strongest obligations to keep him in the roman communion ; three of these four he mentions being written after the reformation , and the other but a few years before . and now they are written , he was not debarred the use of them in the communion in which he lived . the spirit of the reformation , which he says he compared without prejudice , with the spirit of the roman church , allowing the use of all books that may advance piety , by whomsoever they are written , which the spirit of his church doth not : but what is this to the reformation , which did not find , much less condemn these books ? let him shew one book of devotion , or exposition of the mass , or breviary , extant in english before the reformation , if he can ; and remember what has been done since , to the eternal shame of those , who never troubled themselves with devotion , till meer necessity of supporting their interest among the people put them on it . as for the piety of the prayers in the mass , let him who understands , both compare any prayer there with our litany , and 't is hardly possible prejudice should so blind him , as not to see which has the advantage . § 13. but , nevertheless , he alledges , that the devotion of their people exceeds ours . let the reader compare that devotion which catholics pay to the sacrifice of the mass , with that which most protestants shew to the common-prayer , and then see how much better we are by reforming the mass into english , p. 11. to which i answer , that if it were granted , that papists appear to be more devote at mass , than protestants at church ( for that i suppose he means by paying devotion to the mass , and shewing it to the common-prayer ) yet it would not follow that the mass were better than the common-prayer , or a fitter means of devotion ; since that difference might arise from other motives , as it manifestly doth . the roman catholics place much more religion in outward shew , than the protestants , and therefore no wonder if they be more diligent in it . 2. if the appearance of devotion at publick service be an argument of the goodness of the service , the turks who out do the generality of christians in frequency , seeming devotion , and reverence at their prayers , as we are informed by travellers , must be concluded to have the best service : and he would do ill on mr m.'s principles that would reform the alcoran into the mass. 3. the matter of fact is not true , as i am informed by those that have seen their communicants and ours . protestants have according to mr m.'s desire , compared the devotions of the church of rome with those of the church of england , in a discourse designed for that very purpose , and printed , london , 1685 : in which it is shewn , that whatever the romanists pretend , there is not so true devotion among them , nor such rational provision for it , nor encouragement to it , as in the church established by law among us . 4. it is not material what their devotions appear to be , if their lives are not better than ours , which i am sure they are not . open prophaneness is hardly more provoking to god , than shew of devotion without proportional sanctity of life , as we learn from the case of the jews of old , in isa. 1. jer. 7. and in many other places of scripture . § 14. the third thing whereby he endeavours to recommend his church , is the unity of her members : in the church of rome he shall find variety of religious orders , but no schism , nor discord about their sacraments or liturgy : in the garment of the church , there is variety , but no rent : no confusion of sects , nor disobedience to superios . p. 14. if this be true , she is the happiest church that ever was in the world ; much happier than the church of the apostles time : for there were schisms and discords about sacraments and liturgy in her . witness the apostle , 1 corin. 1. 11. also 11. 18. nay , there was disobedience too , gal. 3. 1. 3 joh. 9. it is therefore strange we should be able to find none in the church of rome . may we not rather conclude that mr m. has either partially , or negligently sought for these schisms and discords ? since really there has hardly been greater schisms and discords in any church than in her , thô he affirms we shall find none . * bellarmine loved the church of rome as well as mr m. and he owns twenty six schisms in her . † onuphrius panvinius , who uses not to speak ill of the roman church , reckons thirty ; one he calls the worst and longest , which continued fifty years , others were of twenty , or fifteen , or ten , &c. these authors onely reckon those schisms where the people were divided between two popes : but it were easie to shew , that besides these there were in that church great and enormous schisms , which had no popes to head them . and as for discords about sacraments , i suppose , mr m. reckons ordination a sacrament : and concerning it there have been many discords ; many popes have damned their predecessors , and annulled their ordinations . so stephen vii . nulled the ordinations of formosus his predecessor . john ix . did as much for stephen , and sergius iii. for him . * platina tells us , that after the time of stephen vi. or , as others reckon , the vii . it became a custom for the succeeding popes to infringe , or quite destroy the acts of their predecessors . † spondanus tells us , these are the unhappy times , wherein every intruding pope annulled the acts of his predecessors . and further , that the power of whores was so great in rome , that they removed true and lawful popes , and thrust in violent and wicked men . who , considering this , would not think god had forgotten his church ? behold the mission of the roman bishops , and their unity . and if notwithstanding these schisms and intrusions , which continued for many years , the church of rome continued a true church , and her ordinations valid ; let the reader judge , what there is so horrid or irregular in our reformation , that should void our orders , or make us cease to be a church . § 15. i suppose mr. m. counts confirmation another sacrament ; and there have been no less discords about it of late in the roman church . the regulars of england on one side , and the bishops of france , with the sorborn on the other . and those of each party charge the other with heresie , not without the disturbance of the publick peace , and a rent of brotherly charity . so the congregation of the index tells us : which congregation made a decree to suppress the writings of both parties , may 19. 1633. and here we do not find that obedience to superiors in this matter of which mr. m. boasts : for immediately there came out at paris a disquisition against the decree , the jesuits reply , and the bishops of france renew their condemnation and censure , nov. 29. 1643. and i do not find that they are yet agreed . mr. m affirms we shall find no rent , no confusion of sects , no disobedience to superiors in the church of rome . but whosoever will read the decrees and passages about this matter , in st. amours's collection at the end of his journal , p 26. or in petrus aurelius's vindiciae censurae , will find a great rent of brotherly charity , much confusion , and great disobedience in the disagreeing parties ; and these about no less things , than the sacrament of confirmation , the hierarchy of the church , and supremacy of st. peter . § 16. confession is no less a sacrament with mr. m. and the disputes in his church have of late been as high about it , as about the former ; one party charging the other . with no less than heresie : as may be seen at large in the bishops of france's letter to innocent the x. at the end of mr. arnauld's book of frequent communion . if their publick acts are to be believed , there are rents , scissurae fraternae charitatis in their church . but if we believe mr. m. there is no rent , scissura non est . i shall say nothing of the dispute concerning the regale in france at this day ; i need not put him in mind of what obedincee has been paid to the pope , or to his excommunications of the arch-bishop of tholouse , and regalists . he may see the whole in a book intitled , regale sacerdotum , 1684. i do not see but the king and church of france make themselves judge , witness , and accuser in this affair with the pope , as much as henry viii ▪ and the english church did . § 17. this is all that mr. m. seems to say , either to vindicate or recommend his church . let us see next what he objects against ours . and in all this last part i can find only three things of this nature : one is p. 10. that the church of england is beholding to the mass for the best flowers in her communion service . the second is , that the protestant church has no other foundation , than every man's reason . and the third is , that we do not pay a due submission to the church . as to the first of these , i suspect the chief reason , why some of his party object the communion service , being taken out of the mass ; is not that they think it any fault if it were ; but because they bel eve it may gratifie and incense their friends , the nonconformists , against the publick service of the church . but i answer , that the model of our service , and materials thereof , are not taken out of the mass , but out of the ancient liturgies of the church , to which it is much more conformable than to the mass. § 18. the second objection he brings against our church is , that she hath no sufficient foundation : p. 11 , i desire to be informed whether the protestant church had any other foundation ( setting aside an act of parliament ) than every man 's own reason ; or which is the same thing , the scriptures interpreted by every man's reason ? there are but two bases whereupon to settle our selves , the scriptures and fathers expounded by my own reason ; or the scriptures and fathers expounded by the voice of the present visible church . this later is popish , and cannot support a reformed fabrick . in answer to this , i will shew , first , in what sence every man's reason , may be said to be the foundation of his church . secondly , that our church has trusted her reason in the expounding scriptures and fathers , no farther than she ought to have done . and thirdly , that she has not expounded them so as to contradict the sence of the present visible church . first therefore , when mr. m. alledges that our church has no other foundation than every man's reason , he may mean that she has no other foundation for her religion , than what natural reason , without the assistance of revelation , and other helps god has afforded her , doth suggest . and this is a manifest calumny , because she has , besides what natural reason of it self suggests , the scriptures , the fathers , the universal tradition of all ages past , and present , for every article of her faith. let him shew one article that wants any one of these , and we will strike it out of our creeds ; or any other article that has this testimony for its necessity , and it shall be inserted . there may be another sence of these words , the protestant church has no other foundation than every man's reason : and 't is this , the protestants make use of no other faculties , to find out the sence of scriptures and fathers , of the former and present church , but their reason and senses : and consequently rely on them with god's assistance , to find out the true religion and church . this sence we allow , and except mr. m. and his party , will shew us some other faculties , given us by god , whereby we may choose our religion ; they ought not to blame us for using these only . when they find out another faculty of the soul , besides these two , whereby we may distinguish truth from falshood , we promise them to use it also . and though mr. m. confesses his own reason , to be as weak as any body can think it and pretends not to assert it , but the authority of the church : yet , till he tells us by what faculties he judges himself obliged to submit to the authority of the church , and by what faculties he comes to know that the roman church is she , to whose authority he ought to submit ; we must tell him , that the authority of his church , as to him , is founded meerly and solely on his own reason , how weak soever he own it . and so must the authority of every church , to every man in the world. and therefore it is foolish to object , that the protestant church has no other foundation than every man's reason and sences ; for no church , no not christianity , has or can have any other . § 19. but secondly , perhaps mr. m. means only that we do not allow the voice of the present visible church a due regard in our determination , concerning faith and religion . in answer to which , in the second place , i say , our church trusted her reason no further in expounding scripture than she ought to have done . and here it is to be remembred , that she is a compleat church , associated together in one intire ecclesiastical body , with full power to interpret and teach her subjects , all things relating to faith and discipline : as these kingdoms are a compleat common-wealth , associated into one civil body , with full power to interpret and enact all things relating to the law of nature , and the civil government of the kingdoms . as therefore these kingdoms do not trust their reason too far , when they determine concerning the laws of nature without appeal ; so neither did our church trust her reason too far , when she determined without appeal , concerning matters relating to faith. and there is no more inconvenience can befal her subjects , by allowing her this power in this case , than can befal them , by allowing their civil majestrates the like power in the other . § 20. and third , to shew that she did not intend to contradict the general voice of the visible church , with which mr. m. seems to charge her ; she was content to refer all difference between her and her neighbour churches , to the arbitration of a general council , even of the west . and to this she appealed , when the pope pretended to excommunicate her . and not only she , but other protestant churches did the same . but the roman church being conscious , that the general voice and sense of the visible church , was against her usurpation , durst not stand this tryal ; but without any authority from god , or the visible church ( if we understand by that the general body of christians ) took on her self to be judge , witness , and accuser . which was more than luther did ; for he referred himself , and appealed to a general council . § 21. the third objection mr. m. alledges against the reformers , is , their not yielding a due submission to the church . for after all his clamour against reason , he allows us to make use of it with submission ; he has expressed his meaning in this , so as it is not easie to guess , whether he means by submitting our reason , an intire resignation of it , to beleive whatsoever the church of rome by a priest , or a council tells us , and then the only use of reason will be to find out arguments to defend what she has taught us ; or whether by submission he means only a due regard to her determinations , so that a man of her communion shall not allow himself publickly to oppose and contradict her doctrine . this last he seems to understand by submission ; because he opposes it to contradiction and petulancy . and then why is not this submission due as much to the church of england and ireland as rome ? did not christ say to the bishops of england and ireland , he that hears you hears me ; as well at to the bishop of rome ? § 22. but to clear this matter a little , i will shew that we pay all due submission to the church . and , secondly , examine what submission mr m. has paid her . when we talk of submission to the church , by the church may be meant either the universal church , or the particular church wherein we were born , baptized , and educated : and to both these we profess and pay due submission . witness of the doctrine of christ , and we receive her testimony . the onely question with us is , what doctrine christ and his apostles taught ? and this we believe contained in the scriptures . concerning the sence of any word in them , we receive likewise the testimony of the catholick church . every doctor approved by her , is a witness , and every council received by her , is as the deposition of witnesses . by this means we know her sence in former ages , as well as in this age , and are able to compare them together . where these agree , we have no reason to doubt her veracity ; but where one age of her says one thing , and another age says another thing ; we count our selves under no obligation to believe either of their testimonies to be a necessary part of the doctrine of christ. 't is therefore the church of all ages , and places , that we reckon the ground and pillar of truth . whereas mr m. con●ines us to the visible church , and pretends we are to take the sence of all former ages , from the present . but pray why may not i as well understand the sence of the church of the fourth age from the council of nice , as i can understand the sence of the last age from the council of trent ? it was therefore by this rule , and with submission to his church , that our reformers proceeded in their reformation : and except mr m. can shew ( which he has not so much as endeavoured to do ) that they deviated from this rule , he has done nothing to prove that they had not a due deference and submission to the catholick church . and as she thus submitted to the sence of the universal church , so she requires all her subjects to submit to her , to receive the faith , to which she , with the catholick church , bears testimony , to own her laws of discipline , submit to her censures , and conform to her constitutions . but she pretends to no dominion over mens faith , or to oblige them to believe any thing , because she has decreed it : her authority is to propose as a witness , not to define as a judge . if any one dissent from her , he must not make a schism , or turn preacher in contradiction to her authority : if any one be otherwise minded , he must follow the apostle's rule , phil. 3. 15. he must conform as far as he can , and yield a passive obedience to her censures , where he cannot give an active to her commands . while he walks by this rule , he can neither be a schismatick nor heretick ; and may expect , if he use due means , that god will either reveal to him what he wants , or pardon his errour if he mistake . § 23. this submission is coherent even with calvin's principles : and though i am not concerned for any private divine , yet since mr m. has troubled us with so few quotations , i will pay him so much respect as to take notice of this ; and the reader may from it learn how faithfully he transcribes and englisheth his quotations . the quotation as in calvin ▪ as transcribed by mr m. non alius est in vitam ingressus nisi nos ipsa concipiat in utero , nisi pariat , nisi nos a●at suis uberibus — adde quod extra ejus gremium nulla speranda est peccatorum remissio , nec ulla salus — lib. 4. cap. 1. sect. 4. extra ecclesiae gremium nulla speranda salus , nec remissio peccatorum , quia non est alius in vitam ingressus . thus in english literally . thus render'd into english by him. there is no other passage into life , except the visible church conceive us in her womb , bring us forth , and nourish us with her breasts — add to this , that out of her bosom there is no remission of sins to be expected , nor any salvation . he that will enter into life , let him mortifie the pride of his own reason , and humbly cast himself at the feet of the catholick church . both calvin and we own that pride , and all other passions , ought to be mortified : and except mr m. can shew that we have used our reason proudly , that is , not yielded , out of some design , passion or prejudice , when our reason was convinced , we have just reason to reckon all his accusations effects of his own passion , and petulancy against his mother church . he confesses that many of us are cathol●ks by inclination ; ( i hope we are really so ) but the tyranny of prejudice , or interest keeps us protestants . but for prejudice , l●t the world judge , whether our people are more liable to prejudice ▪ who are allowed to read , and examine , and judge for themselves ; or the members of his church , that are taught to submit without examination . as for intérest , i think it is the interest of every man to continue protestant , if he value his soul : but for worldly interest , the scales are hardly equal . i find not one of their converts who has lost by it yet . but whatever our interest is , our loyalty is unquestionable ; if he know divers loyal persons of the church of england , i know none else . § 24. let us now take a view of his submission to the church . 1. for the catholick church ▪ he has taken the liberty to cut off from her , what members he thought fit ; and has reduced her to a fourth part of christians : he has obtruded articles of faith on her ▪ to which she never gave testimony ▪ and has subjected her to a head at rome , to whom god never subjected her ; that is ▪ he has created a catholick church out of his own head , and rejected that of christ's planting . 2. as for the particular church , which made him a member of christ by baptism , this his spiritual mother , he has pronounced a harlot , and her children by-blows ▪ he has condemned her sacraments , degraded her bishops , to whom he sware obedience , renounced her orders , and given her the title of an unsanctified nation . in short , as far as lay in his power , he has exposed the nackedness of his mother . behold the petulancy and contradiction of an undutiful son. but thanks be to god , notwithstanding his feeble attempts , her bow abides in strength , and the arms of her hands are made strong , by the hands of the mighty god of jacob , gen. 49. 24. chap. vi. although mr. m. hath nothing new in his latine addition , but only repeats what he said ; first in his preface , and then in his book ; yet , i did not think it fit , to let what he has said in this language , be without some animadversions in the same . ad dubia quae proponuntur super reformatione anglicana , sic respondetur . ad 1. an ecclesia anglicana sit tota ecclesia ? resp. quàm absurdum sit ut una particularis ecclesia ●e esse totam catholicam christi ecclesiam , extra quam non est salus , impudenter jactitet , videant romanenses . ecclesia anglicana membrum duntaxat ecclesiae catholicae sese existimat : omnium ecclesiarum sacramenta à christo instituta amplectitur , dummodo in unitate fidei , in materiâ debitâ , & sub formâ praescrip●â celebrentur . a● nos , vel ipsius ecclesiae romanae baptismum rejicimus ? aut an illa nostrum non recipit ? ad 2. num ecclesia anglicana recipit sacramenta lutheranorum , &c. resp. sacramenta lutheranorum , &c. vera esse sacramenta ; & forte solus est mr. m. qui aliter sentit . sacramenta non sunt eorum sacramenta , à quibus celebrantur ; sed christi & ecclesiae : sicut nos docuit sanctus augustinus contra donatistas ep. 48. non in vobis mutamus in quibus estis nobiscum — nobiscum autem estis in baptismo , in symbolo , in coeteris dominicis sacramentis , & paulo ante , ex catholicâ enim ecclesiâ sunt omnia dominica sacramenta quae sic habetis & datis , quemadmodum habebantur & dabantur , etiam priùs quam inde exiretis ; non tamen ideò non habetis quia ibi non estis , unde sunt quae habetis , haec ille de sacramentis haereticorum . donatista itaque est , qui sacramentum rejicit , quia à schismaticis celebrari putat ; multo magis qui eorum sacramenta rejicit , qui fidem catholicam profitenter , & se studiosos unitatis ecclesiasticae , & fraternae charitatis exhibent . ad 3. unde missus est cranmerus ad praedicandum evangelium suum reformatum ? resp. a christo missus est cranmerus per manus episcoporum angliae secundùm ecclesiae anglicanae institutionem ad praedicandum , non suum , sed christi evangelium : probandum igitur est , evangelium reformatum aliud esse à christi evangelio , priusquam mandatum missionis excessisse dicatur cranmerus . contra ecclesiam romanam non rebellavit , quoniam illi jure subjectus non erat , neque ab ea missionem aut jurisdictionem propriè recepit . ecclesia quae illum misit in communione erat cum ecclesiâ romanâ , non illi tamen subjecta , jure aliquo divino . ad 4. an liceat ministro ab ecclesiâ anglicanâ fugitivo praedicare contra eam , & c ? resp. videat ipse , per quam missionem publicè per hanc chartam praedicat contra ecclesiam cui obedientiam juravit ? est enim & hoc , praedicationis genus efficacissimum . ad 5. utrum defectus missionis sit error in fundamentis ? resp. si per missionem intelligitur externa illa , quae secundum canones ●it ; defectus in eà non est semper error in fundamentis : multi enim episcopi romani ejusmodi missione caruerunt . corcedo furti & latrocinii reum esse , qui sine regulari externâ missione in ovile ingreditur ; non tamen inde sequitur , omnia quae facit aut mala aut nulla esse cum semel in ovile ingressus sit . simoniacus aut intrusus ●ur est & latro ; an igitur sacramenta ab ipso celebrata nulla sunt aut invalida ? omnino tamen deest ei missio inte●na , & defectus est in externâ . ad 6. utrum cranmerus intravit per ostium parliamenti ? resp. intravit invitus ( ut ●ere omnes boni episcopi ) per ostium quod illi leges , tam ecclesiasticae quam civiles , secundum ●acras scripturas , monstrayerunt ▪ cantent s● modo possunt , hanc canti●enam se●●ar●● ; & si placet sit illis pro magistro symphoniae mr. m. nunquam tamen harmoniae regulis respondebi● eorum cantus . objicit nobis varium & multiplicem scripturae sensum , sed imm●●itò , ipse enim si christianus est , objectionem solvere tenetur , aut ●altem interpretem assignare , qui verum scripturarum sensum â ●a●so hucusque discreve●it , illumque verbis expresserit , quorum sensus non aequè multiplex est , ac sensus scripturarum . ac objicit ●ine tali judice altercari in aeternum necesse est : concedo equidem quod illi quibus ambitio & lucrum dominantur , in aeternum altercabuntu● sub quovis judice : nec aliter voluit deus ? aequum enim est , quod ●mpii & superbi in haereses & factiones labi permittantur ; at boni & modesti ●ub pastoribus sibi à christo assignatis vivent , sine altercationibus quae unitatem sc●ndunt . dicit 7. ad haec postulata saepius se quaesivisse responsum , sec nullum hactenus invenisse . a quibus haec quaesivit ? an à nostris ? vix credo , nullum enim invenio , qui haec illum quaerentem audivit , aut somniavit ; si igitur quaesiverit , ab aliis certè , non a nostris ( à quibus oportuit ) quaesivit ; sortè a fratribus monasticis quorum consortio per annum praeteritum se totum dedit ; non autem miremur aut illis defuisse responsum , aut si quod habuissent celasse . addit tandem responsum ( quod dicit a multis obtendi solere ) scilicet cranmerum cum sodalibus ord●nes accepisse à christo per manus episcoporum pontificiorum ; si per pontificios intelligit episcopos in communione cum pontifice romano , verum est at si per pontificios , intelligit episcopos qui se subjectos papae jure divino agnoverunt , aeque falsum est quàm quod maximè ; ut igitur christiani episcopi , non ut pontificii , ordines conferendi potestatem habebant ; quâ usi sunt in assignandis sibi successoribus ; quâ etiam cranmorum christianum , non pontificium episcopum conse●r●●unt ; quâ tandem errores & corruptelas quae in divina irrepser●nt , secundum scripturas sacràs & sensum veterum reformaverunt ▪ & hâc cu●â se veros pastores probârunt : audiendi itaque erunt : & mr. m. qui illos audire recusat , inter rebelles filios numerandus est . cum igitur primi reformatores subjecti non essent pontifici , sed co episcopi , non magis adversus doctrinam ecclesiae romanae insurgere existimandi erant , quam regnum angliae insurgeret contra leges galliae , si se & subditos & statum suum secundum leges naturae reformaverit : nullus itaque hic nodus nisi quem fallax mr. m. imaginatio ligavit . solus culpandus pontifex , qui revera judicem testem & accusatorem egit , & à sociis suis episcopis quòd jure suo utebantur , sese & ecclesiam suam abscidit , pacemque cum illis noluit . ad 8. an cuilibet ecclesiae nationali jus sese reformandi competit ? resp. nihil contra objicit dubitator , nisi si ita se res habeat , tum pari jure reformatam fuisse gentem scoticam ad calvinismum , &c. quod nullo modo sequitur ; non solum enim potestas quae reformat , legitima esse sed etiam legitimè procedere debet . at si quae in illis gentibus circa reformationem illegitimè facta fuissent , non erant corrigenda concitando factiones & schismata contra publicam earum ecclesiarum pacem , nec privati in partes contra pastores solicitandi ( est enim illud remedium morbo plerumque perniciosius ) ●●d ad m●lior●m ●rugem reducendae erant errantes ecclesiae communi christianitatis concilio & hortatu ; praesertim dum errores suos aliis non imposu●ru●t . eo usque enim unitatem deseruisse non sunt aestimandae . quod in sancto cypriano manifestum est , qui ●●cet cum suo provinc●ali concilio in errorem lapsus est , & in eo usque ad terminum vitae perseveravit , à schismate tamen à sancto augustino in libris de baptismo excusatur , quod nullum à jure , communionis si diversum senserit , amovebat ; neque tyrannico terrore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suos adegit , quando habeat omnis episcopus pro licentiâ libertatis , & potestatis suae , arbitrium proprium , tamque judicari ab alio non possit , quam nec ipse potest judicare . ut loquitur ipse sanctus cyprianus in concilio cartha giniensi ▪ existimat verô ille , falsum esse quod facta erat mutatio religionis ex voto gentis , & cleri anglicani , sed ex vertigine paucorum , & ad annales illorum temporum nos relegat . ad eos itaque eamus , indeque manifestum erit , nullam mutationem majori consensu aut factam fuisse aut receptam , quàm reformationem in anglia . si non favissent nobis annales illorum temporum , unde erat quòd tam sollicitè conquisiti , & aboliti sunt sub maria , idque per mandatum publicum . ut videre est ex rot. pat. ad 9. an licuit ecclesioe anglicanae , cum esset membrum ecclesiae catholicoe , semet abseindere à reliquo corpore ? resp. nunquam semet abscidit ; manet illi unita unitate fidei , & charitate . regnum angliae membrum est societatis humanae aeque ac ecclesia anglicana est membrum catholicae : nec magis ecclesia estimanda est semet abscindere à reliquo corpore , cum se pro jure suo reformat ; quam regnum semet à societate humana abscindere , si ad suam reformationem leges novas condat . conata equidem est ecclesia romana nostram à communione catholica abscindere , illi communionem suam denegando ; ad respondere possumus quod ecclesia orientalis per firmilianum , & africana per sanctum cyprianum stephano episcopo romano ipsas excommunicare nitenti , responderunt . ep. 75. peccatum quàm magnum tibi exaggerasti , quando te à tot gregibus scidisti ? excidisti enim teipsum , noli te fallere , dum enim putas omnes à te abstineri posse , solum te ab omnibus abstinuisti . ad 10. an depravatus fuit per totum orbem verus dei cultus ante ortum cranmerum ? resp. possunt ea in cultum divinum irrepere per universum orbem quae reformatione indigeant ; nec tamen inde sequitur cultum dei verum tolli , aut deprava●● : manet aurm verum , licèt à scoriis non penitus purgatum sit . ad 11. utrum hodie extra regnum angliae & hiberniae nullus extat purus & apostolicus dei cultus ? resp. quod extat alibi talis cultis quoad essentialia : at forte neque in anglia , neque alibi tam purus asserendus est dei cultus , ut nihil in eo quoad accidentalia imperfectum inveniatur ; in ipsis apostolicis ecclesiis , viventibus adhuc apostolis , multa indigebant reformatione , ut colligere possumus ab ipsâ scripturâ . ad 12. an liceat populo anglicano comminisci sibi ecclesiam à toto orbe divisam ? resp. non licere , neque talem commentus est ; è contra , omni ecclesiae verae , catholicâ side & charitate , unita manet ecclesia anglicana . qui nolunt cum illâ pacem , divisam sibi ecclesiam commenti sunt . nullius ecclesiae sacramenta aut ritus damnat , integrum sacramentum eucharistiae suis restituit , super●luos & superstitiosos ritus in rebus divinis abrogavit , & aliis ecclesiis ut abrogent , suadet ; cum autem in eas potestatem non habeat , non est cur sibi damnandi illos officium arroget , sed ( ut in simili casu cyprianus in concilio carthaginesi , ) expectemus universi judicium domini nostri jesu christi , qui unus & solus habet potestatem , & proeponendi episcopos in ecclesioe suoe gubernatione , & de actu eorum judicandi . non existimandus est quid sit damnatio intelligere , qui tam facile totas ecclesias damnet , & statanae tradât . ad 13. utrum cranmerus fuit primus archiepiscopus ecclesioe anglicanae ? resp. stultissimè hoc quaeri . videat catalogum episcoporum , & dicat an primus sit . at qui illum antecesserunt erant pontificii , ergo defuit illi successio . itane ? si fuissent nigri aut albi , ipse autem rufus , an defuisset illi successio ? non magis ad ordines pertinet , an pontificius , aut graecus sit , bonus , aut malus , qui eos confert , quam si sit niger aut albus . ordines ( pariter ac sacramenta ) non sunt pontificiorum aut reformatorum , sed christi & ecclesiae , nec alicujus sectae sed ecclesiae se sacerdotem prosessus est cranmerus : ad eum sinem consecratus est . sola quaestio est , an bene se gesserit in domo dei , ubi oeconomus constitutus erat : ut id vero innotescat , examinanda sunt quae fecit , & cum factis missio comparanda ; si nihil non christianum in ecclesia statuit , satis erat illi abundè christiana missio ad mandata christi implenda ; asserit sciscitator noster importunus , cantuarienses episcopos per novem anteriora secula pontificios fuisse , sine fronte & veritate : cum nemo ante ▪ anselmum de pontificis potestate qualis nunc vindicatur , somniaverit ; cum leges angliae ante thomam becket , ut in matthaeo parisiensi videre est ad annum 1164. potestati universalis pastoris directè contrariae fuissent ; cum ipse warhamus immediatus cranmeri praedecessor , cum assentiente tota convocatione , supremam regis potestatem in ecclesiasticis agnovisset : quam si quis pontificius agnosceret , erat & warhamus pontificius . at si quis praedecessorum ejus aliter sentiebat , num id impediret successionem ? respondeat sanctus cyprianus , qui errantes antecessores in re maximi momenti , scilicet de aquâ vini loco in eucharistiâ substitutâ , ita excusat . ep. 63. si quis de antecessoribus nostris vel ignoranter vel simpliciter non hoc observavit : potest simplcitati ejus de indulgentiâ domini venia concedi , nobis verò non poterit ignoscì , qui nunc à domino admoniti & instructi sumus . ad 14. utrum sit verd ecclesia quoe non habet legitimos pastores ? resp. quod potest esse vera : testis ecclesia romana , quoe tot habuit pontifices haereticos , schismaticos , simoniacos , intrusos , & dubios , qui omnes legitimi pastores non erant , an igitur romae defecit ecclesia ? possunt etiam esse vera sacramenta ubi veri non sunt pastores , ipsa enim fatente romanâ ecclesiâ faemina & haeretica verè baptizat , an illa est verus pastor ? reformati veros pastores habent : inepte igitur quaeritur an praestat sub unâ specie cum pseudo catholicis communicare , quàm sub nullà cum reformatis ? nullus reformatus enim est , qui non sub duabus speciebus communicat ; imo praestat illi nullum quâm mutilum samentum , cui id vitium innotuit . ad 15. utrum 39 articuli ecclesioe anglicanae sunt articuli fidei vel non ? resp. omnes non sunt ; plerique negativi articuli ad rejiciendas vel falsas vel superstitiosas opiniones excogitabantur , quas alii pro catholica side obtrudere conati sunt ; tales autem non sunt dicendi articuli fidei : quod vel hinc liquet , si quis pro fidei articulo venditaret , cras●a●●ore extremum judicium ; qui id ad fidem pertinere negaverit , non dicendus esset novum articulum fidei excogitasse ; sic enim infiniti esse possent , & quilibet cudendi articulum potestatem haberet . alii inter 39 ad politiam & regimen ecclesiae pertinent , qui plerumque inter fidei articulos non sunt numerandi alii sunt veritates magni momenti , quae verò tuto ignorari à privatis christianis possunt , imo si pertinacia absit , non credi . alii sunt revera omnibus cognoscendi & credendi , qui soli sub nomine articulorum fidei propriè veniunt . quod verò insert ille ( scilicet ) si non sunt articuli fidei , ergo nemo tenetur fidem illis habere sub periculo salutis , non sequitur : potest enim salus periclitari imò amitti , pertinaciter negando alias veritates , quàm quae propriè ad fidem spectant . cum igitur articuli 39 ad diversitatem opinio●um evitandam ab ecclesiâ proponuntur ; nullus qui pacem amat , illis se opponere debet . ad 16. utrum religio reformata sit divisibilis in semper divisibiles . resp. quòd videtur istam quaestionem ut plerásque suas à jocularibus recentium in collegio oratiunculis mutuatus fuisse : & quod verisimilius hoc facit , solis fere illis insignem ibi sese m. m. reddidit . ad 17. an in re eucharistâ argumentum à sensibus ductum sit fallibile ? resp. argumentum istud fallere non potest : ratio quam proponit dubitandi nulla est , revera enim lignum pulchrum erat oculus , neque oculos primam nostram parentem decepit ; sed fesellit sese homo , dum serpenti potiùs quàm deo credidit de effectu manducationis , ( scilicet ) quod non moreretur etiamsi comederet , de quo oculus nihil illi retulit . credulitas itaque non sensus primos nostros parentes decepit , caveat itaque à credulitate , qui in quicunque re ▪ decipi non vult . ad 18. an ecclesia anglicana mutabilis sit ad nutum parliamenti ? resp. quod non est ita mutabilis , neque unquam ita mutata fuit : potest rex cum parliamento , temporalibus praemiis aut poenis quae sancienda sunt in religione sancire : quis nisi mente captus hanc potestatem illis negabit ? aut quis nisi manifestò falsus plus circa religionem reformatam parliamentum tan●âsse dicet ? sunt igitur duo in stabilen●â aut reformandâ religione distinguenda : primum est , judicare de veritate religionis , & illam quae vera esse judicata est christi authoritate sub salutis amittendae periculo omnibus commendare ; alterum est , sic commendatam ab ecclesiâ religionem temporalibus praemiis aut poenis munire . primum pertinet ad ecclesiam , secundum ad civilem potestatem . in stabiliendâ reformatione , ecclesia anglicana in convocatione , civilis potestas in parliamento propriam sibi provinciam sigillatim curaverunt . ad 19. utrum spiritus calvini negantis , ac lutheri affirmantis corporalem proesentiam , sit uterque â deo ? resp. quod neque calvinus ab inspiratione spiritus negavit , neque lutherus affirmavit aliquid de corporali praesentiâ . ridiculè itaque quaeritur an uterque sit à deo. author quaestionis , cum inter fanaticos educatus esset , audivit omnia aut spiritui bono aut malo attribui , & videtur adhuc in eâ sententiâ haerere ; & inde somniat , non posse aliquem vel affirmare vel negare aliquid nisi ex spiritus alicujus impulsu . quod tamen somnium vel hoc exemplo excutiat , paulus iii. papa affirmavit se posse henricum viii . imò quemlibet regem deponere , & per bullam idem tentavit . at m. m. ( ut spero ) negat potestatem deponendi regem angliae inesse papae . quaero igitur an spiritus utriusque idem sit , aut an uterque possit esse à deo ? ad 20. nonne impudentissimus fuit calvinus usurpato sibi munere reformandi orbem cum juvenis esset 26 annorum ? resp. non fuit impudentissimus , impudentior enim johannes decimus , qui hugonem puerum quinquennem in archiepiscopum rhemensem & primatem galliae confirmavit , ut videre est apud flodardum histor. rhem. lib. 4. cap. 17 & 18. impudentior johannes papa undecimus sergii tertii nothus , qui studio & authoritate matris marozioe infamis scorti & adhuc amoribus aptae , in vicarium christi universalem juvenis successit . teste luitprando . lib. 3. cap. 12. si haec nihil ▪ ad se existimat dubitator , sciat neque ad nos calvinum : de quo tamen nihil inimicis credendum ; non enim sibi reformandi munus usurpavit , sed reformantibus semet adjunxit . ad 21. an ex utero reformationis effluxerint coedes — & be●lla civilia queemerserunt anno 1641 ? resp. quod non , caedes enim rapinae & bella plus quam civilia quibusin vitas innocentium ultra omne exemplum tunc temporis saevitum est in hibernia , ex cleri romani sanguinolentâ instigatione originem duxerunt . quae vero in angliâ & scotiâ nata sunt mala , non magis ex utero reformationis effluxerunt , quam gladius schismata & contentiones è doctrina christi . ad 22. utrum africa sit feracior monstrorum , quam britania fanaticorum ? resp. brittannia non magis ferax est fanaticorum quàm italia & hispania : fanaticus est qui se divino spiritu agi aut illuminari falsò credit ; plures sunt ibi & in majori pretio qui hoc sibi vendicant , quam in anglia . fanaticus est qui ex scripturae sensu malè intellecto sese legitimis pastoribus publicè opponit . tollatur inquisitio , & inveniet quamlibet regionem non minus feracem esse ejusmodi fanaticorum quam britanniam , sola igitur inquisitio est quâ mellus se habent in hac parte italia & hispania quàm britannia : at nos malumus fanaticos quàm inquisitionem : idque ex christi praescripto qui ut zizania cum tritico simul crescere s●nerent , servos jussi● . plures & magis perniciosae haereses in primaevâ ecclesiâ ortae sunt , pluresque fanatici , quàm inter reformatos . an sanius contra judicium discretiones & scripturas jam arguitur ex eo quod eorum abusu fanatici ; fiunt quàm contra religionem christianam , quod ejus praetextu tot abominandae haereses , quas recensent sanctus epiphanius & sanctus irenaeus , orbem inquinaverunt ? ad 23 & 25. quibus de legitimatione elizabethae & marioe filiarum henrici octavi quoeritur . resp. elizabetham legitimos habuisse natales , utpote quae nata erat ex matrimonio legitimè cum matre ejus contracto post sententiam divortii patris & catherinae ▪ vel portius postquam conjugium eorum nullum esse pronuntiatum est . nec minus tamen maria patri tanquam legitima succedere debuit , cum nata esset antequam vitium matrimonii , propter quod nullum judicatum est , aut patri aut matri innotuit ; filius enim natus ex matrimonio bona fide vel alterius parentis inito est vere legitimus secundum legem civilem . ex cras●â igitur juris ignorantiâ nata est ist opinio , non posse & elizabetham & mariam legitimas esse regni haeredes . sed quaerit & urget quâ authoritate uxorem suam catherinam repudiavit henricus ? resp. authoritate legis divinae , judicio ecclesiae anglicanae , cujus erat judicare de matrimoniis infra angliam initis , concilio sententia & approbatione fere omnium cordatiorum & doctiorum istius aetatis prius habitis . at quâ authoritate mr m. damnat reges & reginas angliae , aut de eorum jure ad regnum determinat , ipse respondeat . ad 24. utrum laudanda sit sapientia henrici octavi , qui expulso uno papa romano infinitos papas ex subditis suscitavit ? resp. henricus octavus expulit quidem romani pontificis usurpatam jurisdictionem secundum veteres regni leges , nullum vero papam ex subditis suscitavit ; supponit igitur quaestio falsum , & frivola est : nullus enim papa dicendus , nisi qui jurisdictionem universalem per ecclesiam catholicam sibi vendicat : quisnam è subditis henrici id sibi unquam vendicavit ? at permisit henricus illis scripturam , an hoc est papam suscitare ? quot papas suscitavit christus , qui hoc omnibus premisit ? at secundum privatum sensum scripturas interpretari cuilibet henricus concessit : fallitur & falsus est mr m. nullus enim rigidior submissionis in rebus ad religionem pertinentibus exactor à suis quam henricus : nemo qui cum sensum scripturae quem pro catholi●● hab●bat ab omnibus amplectendum sub majori poena cur●vit . neque si hominibus aures & oculos resti●●isset in re religios● , papas suscitas●e aut ecelesiasticam authoritatem subvertisse dicendus esset : quod absurde & ignoranter obji●iunt papicolae . ad 26. si nefas sit mutare religionem parliamentariâ authoritate stabilitam , unde licuit elizabethoe religionem evertere catholica regni legibus stabilitam ? resp. nefas est catholicam religionem quâcunque authoritate evertere ; neque catholicam religionem sed romanam elizabetha mutavit ; quae vi & fraude stabilita , jure totius regni & majoris & senioris partis ecclesiae consensu eversa est , odiosam enim sefallaciis ineptiis , tyrannide & vivicomburiis innocentium reddiderat . hinc facile ad abrogandas leges & civiles poenas quibus ista religio ste●erat , parliamentum semet accinxit : nec difficilius ( sancitis canonibus ecclesiasticis ) reformatam religionem stabili●e ecclesiae persuasum est . nec aliter nec melius veritas stabiliti in nostris regnis potest . ejusmodi constitutionem & stabilimentum romanae religionis in anglia vel ipsius infallibilitatis jacturâ pontifex redimeret : at sine vi , sine fraude & fallaciis ut hoc fiat desperandum esse novit , & inde est quod in tot facies se vertit . at quaerit quomodo poterant jurare elizabetham esse caput ecclesiae , quando non poterant jurare eum esse caput regni ? itane petrus m. quam regnum , quam leges , quam nascendi jus , quam omnes orbis principes , & ipse tandem papa pro legitima regina habuerunt , solus pro spuria impune rejiciet ? qui talia audet , perdidit cum religione frontem , & cum sensibus & ratione ejuravit & omnem exuit sese modestiam . fuit itaque regina caput regni : ut vero caput ecclesiae eam esse aliquis juraret , nec lex jussit , nec in his verbis eli●abetha exegit . quatuordecim equidem episcopos fedibus expulit , & merito , ob recufatum ju●amentum primatus , quod ipsi excogitavere , quod toties susceperant , & quod strenuè sub patre & fratre propugnaverant , sed non authoritate suâ solâ non ●●auditos expulit , ut maria episcopos quibus suocesserant : neque recusantes igni ●remandos mandavit , ut maria ; sed è contra leniter illos tractavit , illi●que uti vellent vivere permisit , unde nihil contra reginam moliti sunt , aut contra reformationem , cui non conscientià sed pudore prohibiti , ut plurimum consentire noluerunt . quod vel ex eo colligi potest quod cum episcopis in eorum locos surrogatis pacifice , plerique vixerunt , neque alios praeter reformatos sibi successores constituêre . abi tu & fac similiter . ad 27. no●●e liturgiam suam suff●●atus est cranmerus ex missali , rituali , & breviario romana ? resp. reformatores primaevae puritatis studiosi non tam novam liturgiam condere , quam veterem restituere in animo habuerunt . inde est quod quae vetera erant , in illa adhuc manent , imo multa à vetere gallicanâ liturgiâ semel utebantur hae regiones , restituta in nostrâ liturgiâ invenimus ; neque ullum officium in qua antiquae liturgiae consentiunt , omisit ecclesia nostra . an liturgiam itaque à novi● additamentis purgare est illam suffurari ? ad 28. nonne juramento primatus tene●tur protestantes obtemperare regi ut supremo gubernatori ? resp. rebellis est qui negat . at quid sibi volunt , haec verba , tam in omnibus spiritualibus quam temporalibus ? resp. explicari haec in articulo 27. scill●●● regi soli temporalem gladium commissum esse : ac proi●de omnes ●●ve 〈◊〉 sint five civiles , in offici● co●tineat , & ●●●●tumaces & delinquentes gladio civili coerceat . sive igitur clericus sive laicus sit qui civili gladio puniendus est , solus rex est qui infligendi poenam istam habet potestatem : imò etiamsi clericus ille aut laicus propter haeresin aut aliam quamcunque causam quam maxime spiritualem ista poena esset mulctandus ; neque hoc est omnimodam obedientiam tam religiosam quàm civilem regi praestare : restat enim ecclesiae sua potestas spiritualis integra , nempe verbi , sacramentorum & spiritualium poenarum distributio . quicunque igitur excommunicandus est , propter quamcunque causam , ab ecclesiâ non à rege est isti censurae subjiciendus . satis igitur constabit jurisdictio quam regi tribuimus sine clavium potestate , totáque secundùm articulum praedictum spectabit ad gladium civilem . cum dicitur ▪ igitur regem esse unicum gubernatorem , tam in spiritualibus quam temporalibus , intelligitur illum esse unicum temporalem gubernatorem , cui jus gladii in omnibus rebus tam ecclesiasticis quàm temporalibus competit , & qui solus judex est supremus , quando & quoties uti debet eâ potestate . at concesso , omnimodam obedientiam quae homini praestari potest nos illi debere , quomodo sequitur quod infert ▪ m. m. quod oportet nos cum calviniano esse calvinianós , arianos cum ariano ; annon cives romani totam istam obedientiam , quam per hoc juramentum vendicârunt nostri reges , papae praestare tenentur ? an igitur oportet eos , cum haeretico papa aut schismatico , haereticos aut schismaticos esse ; quia papa est unicus illis supremus gubernator , tam in omnibus spiritualibus quàm temporalibus ? nos vero quae regis sunt regi tribuimus , reservatis deo quae sunt dei. in omnibus regi vel passivam vel activam obedientiam praestare tenemur ; & si quando lis inter regem & subditos orta fuerit an licitum sit quod imperatur ; necesse est quemlibet pro se judicem esse : nec ulla hic fomes bellorum civilium ; id enim vitabitur si modo vel activa vel passiva obedientia praestetur . quod contra hanc doctrinam assert facile diluitur ( scilicet ) tum regem non supremum esse sed scripturam & statuta , non enim scriptura aut statura sunt gubernatores , sed suprema regula secundum quam regi est obediendum . ut vero quaestionem quaestione rependam , videat , an se tam facile expediat ; si quando lis inter ecclesiam & civilem potestatem orta fuerit , quaero quis inter illas erit judex ? si papa investituras episcoporum , verbi gratia , immunitatem clericorum , provisiones & appellationes sub censuris decreverit , repugnantemque regem excommunicaverit , quis de gravibus his causis inter illos judicabit ? assignandus judex , nisi mavis illos in aeternum altercari , quis quaeso erit judex inter concilium papale & comitia regum ? ad 29. cur reformationem tam avide amplexi sunt tot nobiles sub elizabethâ ? resp. nihil ad nos cur amplexi sunt , quidam christum etiam ex invidia praedicarunt . sperabit vero meliora quilibet qui charitati non valedixit , praesertim cum meminerit quot viros scientiâ celebres , concilio graves , fortitudine claros , pietate insignis protulit ista aetas , quâ neque prior aliqua aetas felicior , nec quam posterior forte aequabit . nulla tot viris claruit quibus patria & respublica cordi erant , quibus ista vitiorum seges ignota , quae praesenti aetati incubuit . inimicus est anglorum famae virtuti & armis qui aliquid vel suggeret , quod tot heroum gloriae obesset ; quorum virtuti patria debet , quod supra garamantas & indos , & ad usque sydera nota est . novimus quid jam facit nobiles , & è nobilibus papicolas : spondeat ille pro omnibus qui jam papismum amplectuntur , & ego vicissim spondebo omnes nobiles sub elizabetha non lucri sed conscientiae gratia reformationem amplexos . ad 30. cur plebs anglicana novitatis avida odit papismum ? resp. propter crudelitatem , falsitatem , tyrannidem & novitatem , quae omnia nativo anglorum genio repugnant ; non enim ( ut falsò insinuat ) anglicanà plebs novitatis avidior quàm quaelibet alia gens . at religio est quibusdam , patriam odio , patrios mores faistidio , & populares , calumniis prosequi : qui peregrinorum morum & rituum miratores , quicquid externum est quasi verum & vetustum magni faciunt . illa enim religio , quaesensum & rationem naturalem tollit , naturalem etiam in patriam & amicos affectum subvertit . ad 31. an ecclesia anglicana fallibilis ●it vel infallibilis ? resp. particularis ecclesia licet in se fallibilis , quamdiu tamen se observationi praeceptorum divinorum accingit , & mediis quae deus illi indulsit industriè utitur , id est quamdiu veritas illi usui est , neque falli neque fallere errore aliquo saluti pernicioso potest : idemque de quolibet christiano dicendum . dum autem actu non fallitur licet fallibilis fundatur super petram ; qui enim super eam fundatus non est , salvus esse non potest . ad 32. de ligno scientiae & vitae , aliud responsum non meretur praeter verba christi , qui malum facit odit lucem , lignum scientiae non erat lignum vitae ▪ at in eodem paradise simul consita sunt à deo ; quae conjunxit deus maledictus qui dividit . ad 33. nonne in ecclesiâ anglicanâ desideratur versio bibliorum multo emendatior & correctior ? resp. versio bibliorum anglicana emendatior est vulgari latinâ versione , licet nihil est ab omni parte perfectum . at non vult romana ecclesia emendatiorem , sed nullam in vulgari idiomate vers●onem . an non praestat igitur , nobiscum versione minus correctâ uti , quam ●um romanis nullâ ? mentitur , ubi asserit in versione nostr● ●itiari textus , in favorem carnis , & gratiam schismatis : quod productis ab ipso exemplis patebit . gal. 5. 17. ut à nostris vertitur , nec favet carni , nec schismati . an favere dicendus est carni , qui dicet hominem dum carne ducitur omnia quae vult spiritus non posse facere : esto tum carni favebat sanctus paulus qui rom. 8. 7. de carne affirmat quod ●egi dei non est subjecta nec esse potest , qui autem in carne sunt deo placere non possunt . dan. 4. 24. caldaeis exacte respondent unde nostra est versio , si igitur conformis sit origini , non multum moramur vulgarem latinam , cujus tamen non alius sensus est in hoc loco , quám quem verba anglicana ferant . 1 cor. 7. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de illis dicitur , qui sui potestatem non habent ; ita sanctus theodoretus , qui ad haec verba hac paraphrasi utitur , sin autem cupiditatis impetum ferre non potestis , sed ad sustinendum certamen imbecilli animo estis , nulla lex prohibet qu● minus matrimonium contrahatis . item sanctus anselmus apud lyram , qui propter mentis imbecillitatem non possunt continere carnis impulsionem , nubant . item lyra , id est , si donum continendi non acceperint à deo. item commentarius sub nomine sancti ambrosii , quid si impulsu carnis perseverare se viderint non posse : an hi omnes favisse carni & schismatidicendi sunt , eo quòd nostrae versioni astipulantur ? idem dicendum est de matt. 19. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , omnes non capaces sunt , vel propter socordiam vel propter impotententiam , quid hoc ad indulgentiam carnis ? an christus indulgebat carni cum sese explicans addit secundùm vulgarem latinam ( videlicet v. ejusdem capitis 12. ) qui potest capere , capiat ? iob. 7. 1. exacte haebraeis verbis respondent , & si marginem inspicias , latinis . exod. 20. 4. recte redditur ab anglis interpretibus , nec à vulgari discrepa , quae non idolum sed sculptile reddit : sculptile vero non melius anglicê reddi potest , quam ut habent nostra biblia ; nec aliud per idolum intelligebant 70. quam imaginem ad cultum fabrefactum : unde plurima exemplaria substituunt , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deut. 5. 8. idem igitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nec aliter redditur à callis & italis , quorum alteri in catechismis vulgaribus reddunt image taillée , alteri imagine sulpita . ut videre est in diario de s. amour , parte 3. cap. 5. ubi haec ipsa quaestio coram cardinalibus discutitur : frustra igitur in versionem nostram insurgit , quâ dubium est an sincerior extat . nihil adhuc momenti contra ecclesiam nostram protulit , si quid habeat proferat tandem ; & argumentis non quaestionibus , rem agat . meminerit enim quis sit , qui plures ejusmodi proponere posset , quàm quas facile solvat sapintior . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a47432-e1290 multae gentes , modo una gens , quare una gens ? quia una fides , quia una spes , quia una charitas , quia una expectatio ; postremo quare non una ●●●s , si una patria ? patria 〈…〉 i●●st . s. august . tom . 8. in psalm . 85. pag. 1. pref. preciperet fraternitati universae , ne quis % os in domum suam reciperet , & venientibus non solum pax & communio , sed etiam tectum & hospitium negaretur . cyprian . ep. 75. qui sententiam suam quamvis falsam atque perversam nulla pertinaci animositate defendunt , praesertim quam non audacia praesumptionis suae pepererunt , sed à seductis atque in errorem lapsis parentibus acceperunt , querunt autem ca●●a solicitudine veritatem , corrigi parati cum invenerint , nequaquam sunt inter haereticos deputand● . august . ep. 162. notes for div a47432-e3420 quid ad causam pertineat veritatis , uniuscujusque episcopi ordinator , non satis agnoscimus ; testimoniis divinis ▪ pater deus est edoctus . coll. carth●g . 3. sect. 244. superflua quaeri video . sect. 245. tandem aliquando expressus dicat , utrum patris loco habeant caecilianum , ex quo deducta est ista progenies , non enim potest aliqua res sine generatore suo nasci , aut sine capite incipere , aut sine radice sua crescere . videt igitur nobilitas tua se originem non habere saepius potestatum si igitur originem non habet , ipse est magis haereticus , qui non habet patrem , qui habitum patrem judicio suo damnavit . astipuletur igitur , ut si criminosum patrem ejus constiterit , eum crimina teneant ; si autem innocentem , necesse habeat esse filius innocentis . coll. carth. 3. sect. 236. episcopum oportet judicare , interpretari , consecrare , ordinare , offerre , baptizare & confirmare . pontif. de consecrat . elect . in episc. it is in burnet's pref. vol. 2. * s●cinus de baptismo . vol. 1. ‖ socinus res. ad 11 c●p . vu j●ki cliss . 7. arg. 5. ad an. pag. 9. 1537. ad an. 1538. v. 1. pag. 236. hist. concil . trid. dent . ad an. 1558. notes for div a47432-e8450 st. iren. lib. 1. cap. 1. p. 29. paris 1679. ergo si te confessus fueris peccatorem , est in te veritas . — . — dic hominibus quid e● , dic deo quid es . qula si non dixeris deo damnet deus , quod in te inveniat . aug. tract . 1. in 1. ep. 1 joh. occumenius in locum . st. cyprian de orat . dom . p. 149. oxon. oecum . in loc. oecum in loc. st. chrys. lib. 3. de sacerdotio . non quasi a nobis remissionem peccatorum consequantur , sed ut per nos ad intelligentiam dil●ctorum suorum convertantur , & domino plenius satisfa●ere cogantur , cyprian . ep. 75. p. 219. oxon. decret de poenit . dist. 5. can 1. a eudaemon — episcopo nectario dedit consilium , ut presbyterum poenitentiarium tolleret , & tiberam daret potestatem , uti pro sua quisque conscientia ad mysteria participanda accederet , soc. l. 15. cap. 19. ab illo tempore , quo novatiani se ab ecclesia sejunxerant , recusa verantque cum his , qui tempore persecutionis regnante decio concitatae lapsi erant , communicare , ecclesiarum episcopi canoni adjunxerunt , ut in singulis ecclesiis presbyter quidam paenetentiae praeesset , soc. ih . b hoc tempore presbyterum , qui poenitentibus deputatus esset , esse non amplius passus est , omnium primus nectarius : quem omnes fere ecclesiarum praesules imitati sunt , sozom. lib. 7. cap. 16. c de paenit . dist. 1 can. 89. cui autem horum potius inhaerendum sit , lectoris judicio reservatur . d igitur 1150. tempore gratiani nondum super hoc quicquam definitum a●t praeceptum erat ab ecclesia , quia gra●●anus non ignorasset nec omisisset , s●d fere post alios 100 annos introducta fuit oris confessor per innocent iii. glossa margin ubi supra . si quis ita animo affectus sit ut peccata admissa doleat , simulque in posterum non peccare constituat : etsi ejusmodi dolore non efficiatur , qui ad impetrandam veniam satis esse possit : ei tamen , cum peccata sacerdota ritè confessus fuerit , vi clavium scelera omnia remitti , & condonari . catech. ad par. par . 2. &c. poenit. sect. 47. ut enim hoc concedamus , contritione peccata deleri ; — quoniam pauci admodum ad hunc gradum pervenirent , fiebat ut à paucissimis hac via peccatorum venia speranda esset . ubi supra sect. 46. de la freq . communion , part . 2. ch . 40 ▪ item part . 3. chap. 16. notes for div a47432-e11050 * just. vindic. p. 171. a soc. lib. 2. cap. 37. col. allogr . 1612. b sozom. lib. 4. cap. 27. c spond . ab anno 595. d in psal . 85. christo talc● maledicunt , qui dicunt quod periit ecclesia de ●o●●orbe te●raru●● , & remansit in sola africa . si diceres illi , perdes villam tuam , forte non à ●e temperaret manum ; & dicis christum perdidisse haereditatem suam redemptam sanguine suo . — ergo injuriam facis christo , ut dicas populum ejus ad istam exiguitatem diminutum . ideo natus es , ideo christianum te di●is , utlinvideas gloriae christi . * aug. tom. 7. lib. 2. contra literas petiliani . vid. concil . later . 4. c. 3. * vid. bullam apud burnet . col. p. 166. ex bullar . cherub , tom . 2. p. 740. † apud sanderum de visibili mon. p. 710. notes for div a47432-e12460 a ipsa etiam loquendi forma canonem ipsum non indectis hominibus obscuriorem , & difficiliorem reddat . — est autem hujus obscuritatis praecipua causa , quod in co multipliciter sacrificii nomen usurpetur ; & subito non nunquam ex uno intellectu in alium transitio fiat . consid. de iteratione , p. 1004. ( b ) ut si orationibus his sua veritas constet , intelligi debent ea symbola pan●s , & vini , quae in dominica mensa ad consecrationem proposita sunt , nomine populi esse oblata . — deinde dubium non est , quo tempore canon hic initio usurpabatur , aliquos semper a●fuisse , qui una cum ipso sacerdote , haec sacrificia laudis effere●aut , & sacramenta participabant , id enim canonis verba manifest● significant . — cujus ignoratio aliis ad superstitionem ●o abutendi aliis , ut impium ipsum damnandi occasionem dedit . ubi supra , p. 1003. ut illis proficiat ad honorem , nobis autem ad salat●m : & illi pro nobis inter●●dere dig●entur , &c. o●do miss● . suo loco & ordine nominantur , non tamen a sacerdote qui sacrificat invocantur . de civit dei , lib. 22. cap 10. * consil. trid. sess. 25. de invocatione , & ● . a article 22. a critical history of the old testament lib. 2. chap. 18 p. 123. london , 1682. b proleg . 12. sect . 7. p. 83. c de sibyllinis c. 16. p. 184. lond. 1684. et plenius ad iterat . p. simonis obj . resp. p. 376. & 377. * see his chronology ad ann . 1439 † see his chronicon pontificum ad ann . 137● . * cum postea fere semper se●v●ta h●c consuetudo sit ut a●●a prio●um pontificum , sequentes aut infringe●ent , aut omnino tollerent . plat. de vuis pon. if . in joh. 6. † spond . ad ann . 908. se●● . 2. h●ncque tantum inval●it meret●i●um imperium , ut pro ●r●itrio legitimè creatos pontifices dimoverent , & violentos ac ne●atios homines int●uderent . quae considerans , quis non putarit deum oblitum ecclesiae sua ? spond . ubi supra se●● . 3. admirable newes from ireland both good and true viz. first, a humble petition to the honourable houses of parliament, of divers lords, knights, and gentlemen of the kingdome of ireland now resident in london : secondly, a true coppy this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a26417 of text r528 in the english short title catalog (wing a588). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 14 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a26417 wing a588 estc r528 12574988 ocm 12574988 63544 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26417) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63544) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 249:e134, no 11) admirable newes from ireland both good and true viz. first, a humble petition to the honourable houses of parliament, of divers lords, knights, and gentlemen of the kingdome of ireland now resident in london : secondly, a true coppy gentleman of worth in ireland. [2], 6 p. for francis coules, printed at london : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng coote, charles, -sir, d. 1642. harcourt, simon, -sir, 1603?-1642. ireland -history -1625-1649 -sources. a26417 r528 (wing a588). civilwar no admirable newes from ireland both good and true: viz. first, a humble petition to the honourable houses of parliament, of divers lords, knig [no entry] 1642 2245 2 0 0 0 0 0 9 b the rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion admirable newes from ireland both good and true : viz. first , a humble petition to the honourable houses of parliament , of divers lords , knights , and gentlemen of the kingdome of ireland now resident in london . secondly , a true coppy of a letter sent from a gentleman of worth in ireland , to a speciall friend of his , a servant of great trust to the kings majesty : importing joyfull newes of a great overthrow given to the rebells by sir simon harcot , and sir charles coot . thirdly , a true relation of all the first occurrences and chiefest things of note , that hath hapned in ireland for a moneth past ; being a true coppy of a letter sent to a gentleman in london , and to one master clay in lombard-street : dated the twenty fourth of january . 1641. fourthly , divers other matters worthy of note . printed at london for francis coules . 1641. to the honourable knights , citizens , and and burgesses of the commons house of parliament . the humble petition of the lords , knights , and gentlemen of the kingdome of ireland now in towne , humbly shewing , that your petitioners have received many & particular advertisements from all parts of the kingdome of ireland , which set forth the universall desolations made in such plantations of the british , both english and scotch , wheresoever the barbarous irish rebells have come , to the utter destruction both of the persons there inhabiting , and extirpating of the reformed protestant religion there set up , through the royall care and pietie of k. james of blessed memorie , and his majesty that now is , and prosccuted by the great industrie and pious endevours of neare forty yeers travaile by those who have spent their whole lives in reducing that kingdome to civility , which is now utterly desolated , by the proceedings so matchlessely cruell , that no age nor storie can parallell their inhumanities ; some whereof your petitioners are informed have beene touched upon by advertisements already brought to this honourable house , whereof there is so great variety , that volumnes were but little enough to containe the particulars ; many thousands of men , women , and children , lying mangled on the face of the earth , crying loud to god and their neighbour kingdomes for reliefe against those monsters , whose conspiracy is now so universall , that small ayds will be not onely inconfiderable to effect the worke . but a meanes to lengthen the warre , with the losse not onely of the treasure applyed therein , but also of the persons imployed , who being but few will be in dan●er to be given up to the cruelties of the rebells , by that means ( which god prevent ) will they gaine not onely great accesse to their number , but ( which is much more considerable . that experience in war and use of armes , as may render them infinitely more able to make resistance against the hereafter supplies ; these particulars your petitioners , out of the deep sence they have of the calamities incumbent to that , and in danger to fall on this kingdome , with all humility crave leave to present ; most humbly desiring , that in pursuance of the zeale , and servency already shewn to the glory and worship of god , of the honour and renowne of his most excellent majestie ( both which are now strongly assaulted and pusht at ) and out of the tender commiseration already exprest for the reliefe of that bleeding kingdome ; that this honourable assembly will represent such prevalent arguments to his sacred majesty , and the house of peeres , that the 10000. men tendred by the kingdom of scotland and accepted of by this honourable assembly , may be speedily ordered to resort unto vlster : not but that we doe also desire there may be as great a , proportion of souldiers sent out of this kingdome , as soon as they can be prepared , if so it may please his majestie and both houses of parliament , the contagion of rebellion in ireland having spread it selfe over so many other parts of the kingdome , and yet dayly more and more increasing , as will require the service of those who shall be sent out out of england for the subduall of the rebells , and comfort of his majesties good subjects in the other provinces . but forasmuch as your petitioners many of whose whole estates , and some of whose wives , children , and neerest kindred and friends are already in the hands and possession of those barbarous and bloody rebels of vlster , and that they may have more then ordinary cause to feare , that the remaining protestant party , together with the important towns of caricfargus , london-derry and colerane , being the chiefe , bulwarks and fortresses of that province , may for want of speediest reliefe be surprised and destroyed , and by that meanes the rest of the kingdome extreamely endangered , to the irrepairable dammage and discomfort of his majesty , and all his good and loyast subjects of all his dominons ; therefore your petitioners doe most instatly supplicate this honourable assembly , to endeavour the hastning thither with all possible expedition the ten thousand men out of scotland , whose assistance being within three houres saile , may be soonest conveyed , and whose constitutions will notably match with the rebels , being well able ( as many of these petitioners have knowne by former experience ) to follow them through the bogs and moorish places ( frequent in those parts ) during the winter season , which other supplies possibly may not bee so fit for at this present ; this number added to those raised and to be raised in those parts ( through gods blessing ) may soone checke these insolencies , and contribute much for reducing that kingdome to due obedience , and yeeld unspeakable comfort , and reliefe to many thousand disconsolate bleeding protestant soules , who have long languished in expectation of aide from that and this kingdome , the longer retarding whereof will carry loud cries to heaven against those who cause the same ? and your petitioners shall pray , &c. adam viscount loftus . thomas lord folliot . henry lord blayney . robert lord digby . theodore lord docwra . francis lord mountnorris . sir george blundell baronet . sir edward loftus knight . sir faithfull-fortescue knight . sir iohn clattworthy knight . sir robert king knight , sir rob. parkhurst knight . arthur annesley esquire . robert wallop esquire . richard fitz-gerald esq. arthur iones esquire . iohn moore esquire . nicolas loftus esquire , raelph whisller esquire . richard perkins . iohn davis . a true coppy of a letter sent from a gentleman of worth in ireland , to a speciall friend of his , a servant of great trust to the kings majesty . importing joyfull newes of a great overthrow given to the rebels . dublin 16. jan. 1641. tredah was relieved on tuesday night last by the two pinnaces sent from hence , and in happy time , for they were almost at their last morsell : the pinnaces enjoyed so faire a wind and so full a spring-tide , that the rebels could not possibly prevent their comming in . that night , in conjecture that the defendants within the towne , would be overjoyed with their new reliefe , captaine fox undermined a part of the wall which was most weake , which sir henry tichbourn beheld all the time of their worke untill the breach was made and two hunbred entred ; and when as sir henry perceived as many as hee could master , he fell upon them and cut off all but eight men , who hardly escaped ; their captaine was killed , many were slaine the day after . philip o-reyley , an arch-rebell , and a man very mighty amongst them , is taken and hanged . the lord of dungarvon , hath brought in armes for five hundred foot ▪ and one hundred and twenty horse out of england into youghall , and twenty barrells of powder , part whereof is sent to duncanvon , to the aide of the lord of esmond , who is heseiged , and suspected for a rebell : that fort is well stored with brasse ordnance , and like to become the greater losse . the lord dungarvon , the lord braughill , and sir william courtney , with a convenient force , adjoyned to the lord president of munster , who hath fifteene hundred foot , and foure hundred horse at command , so as if the lord muskerie , and the lord roch stand firme , that yet stir not , there will be no feare of the rebels in that province . sir philip o-neale , on tuesday night came to tredagh with one thousand foot , and two hundred horse . our numbers yet are so few , till further aide come out of england , that it will be hazardous to adventure any part thereof , unlesse upon certain ground and good advantages ; for if we should receive a blow , the whole kingdome might be endangered . the townes neare the mountaines , where luke o-toole and others kept their rendevous , are all sackt and burnt : they fly at the voice of an army in divers places . god granting peace in england , there is no feare of war in ireland . irish occurrences . the certaine newes wee have , that last weeke on thursday captaine barkley entred with his pinace and three more into the river of tredagh , and found it halfe barr'd with boats , and a great chain , which he suddenly burst , and made that work uselesse ; the towne is relieved with good store of meale and other provision , and captaine barkley came to dublin on wednesday list ; but i must tell you , on his way homewards hee burnt the towne called skeris , and got there some plate and other good stuffe . at the time of the reliefe , one captaine fox entred the towne by permission of sir henry titchburne , with two hundred men , and came as far as the high crosse , and there proclaimed the towne was his ; but in an instant sir henry titchburne gave him the salutation of a souldier , for he and all his men were laid dead on the place , and the rest of the rebels durst not venture any further . it is said by those that left dublin on wednesday last , that sir henry on saturday last sallied out and killed three hundred . it may be so . since this , some troops of horse went to donboyne , seven miles from dublin , in month ; and burnt it ; the mighty generall fingalls not daring to venture his person in the reliefe : the souldiers brought from thence foure hundred cowes , much other cattell , and much goods . horses are deere in dublin , yet two shillings will set hard to get a good naggplate for two shillings six pence the ounce , a merry world at dublin . we have a letter from sir maurice eustace . that a great party of wickloe , kildare , and carlogh lye at ratchcoole ; but those that came forth on wednesday last here no such thing . sir charles coote has been that way since , and hath burnt clandarkan neere bellamount , a great towne , and some other townes . from munster the intelligence is , the lord dungarvan is landed with armes and munition , and is gone towards the fort of duncannon , in hope to relieve it , wherein the lord esmund is , which if it be given up , will be a fault in him , his son sir thomas esmund is turned papist , and out certainly in rebellion . the lord viscount mountgarret , and the lord of ikerryn , and the rest of the lords , except muscrey and roch , are out in munster . kilkenny hath taken it selfe , where my lord mountgarret is governour for the rebels . the earle of cork is at yoghall with 600 foot , and some horse , to preserve that place for the english landing . as for watersord it hath taken it selfe also . from munster , the english have sent to scotland to buy 2500 pounds arms which are now with them . wee have no more newes from them . if we had some ships from the coast of munster , they might prevent inconveniences , and burne townes that are in rebellion . i know it will terrifie them much , and put despaire in their minds , that succours cannot well come , but be taken . finis . whereas rory mac randall mac donnell late of the barony of dungannon in the county of tyrone, owen doo mac donnell of the same, toole ballagh mac donnell late of croskevenagh in the barony and county aforesaid, [and 16 others] and their complices had in the counties of monoghan, antrim, downe, tyrone and londonderry, and other places appeared in armes against his majesties authority, and several of them committed murders, burglaries, robberies and stealths, besides divers other out-rages to the terror and annoyance of his majesties loyall and good subjests ... by the lord lieutenant and council, jo. berkeley. ireland. lord lieutenant (1670-1672 : berkeley) 1670 approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46167 wing i865 estc r36926 16156722 ocm 16156722 104915 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46167) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104915) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:46) whereas rory mac randall mac donnell late of the barony of dungannon in the county of tyrone, owen doo mac donnell of the same, toole ballagh mac donnell late of croskevenagh in the barony and county aforesaid, [and 16 others] and their complices had in the counties of monoghan, antrim, downe, tyrone and londonderry, and other places appeared in armes against his majesties authority, and several of them committed murders, burglaries, robberies and stealths, besides divers other out-rages to the terror and annoyance of his majesties loyall and good subjests ... by the lord lieutenant and council, jo. berkeley. ireland. lord lieutenant (1670-1672 : berkeley) berkeley, john, sir, d. 1678. [2] leaves. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by mary crooke ..., dublin : 1670. title from text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council chamber in dublin, the twentieth ninth day of april 1670"--leaf [2] broadside in [2] leaves. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng brigands and robbers -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . jo. berkeley , whereas rory mac randall mac donnell late of the barony of dungannon in the county of tyrone , owen doo mac donnell of the same , toole ballagh mac donnell late of croskevenagh in the barony and county aforesaid , ferdarrogh mac donnell late of the same , gorrhy ô cahane late of the barony aforesaid , gillespick mac donnell late of the said barony , bryan roe ô cahan late of the same , shane ô cahan late of the same , patrick mac cormick ô hagan late of the parish of ballynaskreene in the county of londonderry , patrick ô hagan late of the same , shane ô hagan late of the same , robert hamilton late of castle caulfield in the county of tyrone , william miller late of the parish of carinteele in the said county , conn mac neale oge ô neale mac art mac hugh mergagh ô neale late of the parish of longfield in the county of tyrone , thomas mac gragh late of the parish of dromore in the said county , bryan mac donnell carragh mac cawell late of the parish of donagh cavagh in the county of tyrone , hugh mac murchy late of the parish of aghalurgher in the county of fermannagh , hugh mac mahan late of the barony of dartry and county of monaghan , and edmond ô moylan late of the parish of ballyneskreen in the county of londonderry , and their complices had in the counties of monaghan , antrim , downe , tyrone and londonderry , and other places appeared in armes against his maiesties authority , and severall of them committed murders , burglaries , robberies and stealthes , besides divers other out-rages to the terror and annoyance of his majesties loyall and good subjects , and to the disturbance of the peace of the kingdom ; upon which misdemeanors and crim●s being pursued by some of his majesties good subjects , assisted by some of his majesties army , they the said persons and their complices were fled to the woods , and mountaines where they stood upon their keeping , so as they were not answerable to law , but wilfull contemners of the same : and whereas by proclamation issued by the late lord deputy and councill , dated the third day of june 1668. for the reasons in the said proclamation expressed , the said severall persons were charged and commanded upon their duties of allegiance to his majesty , that they and every of them , should before the 24th day of june aforesaid , render their persons to any of his majesties justices of peace , and submit themselves to his majesties justice to be tryed for their offences according to the lawes of the land , and that if they , or any of them should faile therein , it was by the said proclamation published and declared , that he or they so failing , and such as should accompany and adhere to them after the publication of the said proclamation , and every of them were from and immediately after the said 24th day of june aforesaid , to be called , reputed and taken for notorious rebells and traytors against his majesty , and accordingly to be prosecuted by all his majesties loving subjects in all hostile manner ; and it was declared further that whatsoever person or persons should comfort releive or abett them , or any of them , or any of their confederates or adherents , they were and should be reputed , deemed and adjudged traytors in like degree with the aforenamed traytors and rebells themselves ; and the lord deputy and council did by the said proclamation in his majesties name straightly charge and command all his majesties loyall subjects upon their duty of allegiance to his majesty , not onely to forbeare to receive or releive the said persons , or any of them , or any of their confederates or adherents , but also to make diligent search and inquirie in what place or places the said persons or their confederates should from time to time lurke or be releived , and by all means possible to prosecute , apprehend and take the bodies of them and their adherents , and them to bring , or cause to be brought under safe custodie unto the high sheriffs of the respective counties where any of them should be apprehended , to be by such sheriffs kept in strict and safe custody till the said lord deputy and councill upon notice thereof should give further direction concerning them , or the said persons resisting and refusing to be taken to kill them or any of them , and it was by the said proclamation declared that whosoever should after the said 24th day of june aforesaid bring unto any sheriff the body of any of the said persons alive , or kill any of them , and bring his head to the sheriff of the county where he should be killed , to be by any such sheriff set up in some publick place in that county should have for his reward for each person so brought in or his head ten pounds to be paid him by such sheriff , and to be allowed to such sheriff upon his accompt to be rendered in his majesties court of exchequer , and that whosoever of the complices of the said proclaimed persons should after the said 24th day of june aforesaid apprehend or kill as aforesaid any of the said rebells and traytors particularly named , he should together with the said reward receive his pardon . and whereas our very good lord william lord uice-count charlemont by authority from the late lord lieutenant and councill did take into his majesties protection bryan ô cane which we conceive to be the said bryan roe ô cahan named in the said proclamation ; wee do reenforce the said proclamation , as to all the said proclaimed persons , excepting the said bryan ô cane , protected by the said lord uice-count charlemont , and excepting toole ballagh mac donnell who is since dead , bryan mac donnell carragh mac cawell who is since killed , gory ô cahan who is in prison at dungannon , and robert hamilton who hath been since hanged : and we do further declare that whereas the reward mentioned in the said proclamation was ten pounds for every of the said persons to be brought in or kil'd as aforesaid ; now it is our pleasure , and wee do hereby publish and declare that in stead of the said ten pounds , the reward shall be twenty pounds . and whereas we are now informed that kedagh backa ô hart of the county of sligoe , patrick cambell of the county of mayo , edmond mac gwire , connor mac loghlin , james ô farrell , cormock ô canane alias ô coonan , randall mac donell of the county of leitrim , and oliver brannagh and shane mac gragh are tories that robb spoyle and annoy his majesties good subjects , wee do hereby charge and command them upon their duty of allegiance to his majesty , that they and every of them do before the 24th day of may next render their persons to any of his majesties justices of peace , and submit themselves to his majesties justice to be tryed for their offences , according to the lawes of the land , wherein if they or any of them shall faile , wee do hereby publish and declare that he or they so faileing , and such as shall accompany , and adhere to them after the publication of this proclamation , and every of them are from and immediately after the said 24th day of may to be called , reputed and taken for notorious rebells and traytors against his majesty , and accordingly to be prosecuted by all his majesties loving and good subjects in all hostile manner ; and wee declare further that whatsoever person or persons shall comfort releive or abett them , or any of them , or any of their confederates or adherents , they are and shall be reputed , deemed and adjudged traytors in like degree with the aforenamed traytors and rebells themselves ; and we do in his majesties name straightly charge and command all his majesties loyall subjects upon their duty of allegiance to his majesty , not onely to forbeare to receive or releive them the said kedagh backa ô hart patrick cambell edmond mac gwire , connor mac loghlin , james ô farrell , cormock ô cunan alias ô coonan , randall mac donell , oliver brannagh and shane mac gragh or any of them , or any of their confederates or adherents , but also to make diligent search and inquirie in what place or places they the said last named persons or their confederates shall from time to time lurke or be releived , and by all means possible to prosecute , apprehend and take the bodies of them and their adherents , and them to bring , or cause to be brought under safe custodie unto the high sheriffs of the respective counties where any of them shall be apprehended , to be by such sheriffs kept in strict and safe custody till wee upon notice thereof shall give further direction concerning them , or resisting or refusing to be taken to kill them or any of them , and wee do hereby declared that whosoever shall after the said 24th day of may next bring unto any sheriff the body of the said kedagh backa ô hart , patrick cambell , edmond mac gwire , connor mac loghlin , james ô farrell , cormack ô cunan alias ô coonan , randall mac donell , , oliver brannagh and shane mac gragh , or any of them alive , or kill any of them , and bring his head to the sheriff of the county where he shall be killed , ( to be by such sheriff set up in some publick place in that county ) shall have for his reward for each person so brought in or his head twenty pounds and whosoever of the complices of the said proclaimed persons shall after the said 24th day of may next apprehend or kill as aforesaid any of the said rebells and traytors particularly named , he shall together with the said reward receive his pardon . and whereas by the said former proclamation the sheriff was to pay the said reward of ten pounds mentioned in the said former proclamation ; now to make the payment more certain and speedie to the persons deserveing it , wee do hereby declare that the twenty pounds hereby promised as a reward for bringing in or killing any of the said formerly declared rebells , or any of the now declared rebells shall be paid in manner following , viz. for such of the said rebells as shall be brought in or killed in the province of ulster that the same shall be paid by our very good lords the earl of donegall , or the lord uice-count charlemont , he or they first receiving certificate under the hand of the sheriff of the county where the said service shall be performed , certifying the service performed and by whom , and when , and for such of the said rebells as shall be brought in or killed in the province of connaght that the same shall be paid by our very good lord the lord kingston lord president of connaght , upon certificate as aforesaid under the hand of the sheriff of the county where the service shall be performed , certifying the service performed and by whom , and when , and the monies so to be issued by the said earl of donegall or lord uice-count charlemont , or lord kingston shall be repaid unto them out of his majesties treasure , for payment whereof wee shall give warrant as occasion shall require , and towards the speedy effecting of this service , all commanders and officers of horse and foote , and all other his majesties officers and loving subjects are to be aiding and assisting as they and every of them will answer the contrary at their perils . given at the councill chamber in dublin , the twentieth ninth day of aprill 1670. ja. armachanus . mich. dublin . canc. desmond . arran . r ranelagh . r. lepower . r. coote . r. booth . rob. byron . fra. hamilton . art. forbess . robert forth . theo. jones . tho. pigott . god save the king . dublin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , and are to be sold by mary crooke , in castlestreet , 1670. an ordinance of parliament, whereby a committee of lords and commons is appointed to receive, prepare, and consider of propositions for the speedy reliefe of ireland die martis, 1 julii. 1645. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83011 of text r212248 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.9[40]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83011 wing e1798 thomason 669.f.9[40] estc r212248 99870890 99870890 161138 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83011) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161138) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f9[40]) an ordinance of parliament, whereby a committee of lords and commons is appointed to receive, prepare, and consider of propositions for the speedy reliefe of ireland die martis, 1 julii. 1645. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1645] signed: jo. brown cler. parliamentorum and h. elsynge. cler. parl. d. com. postscript dated: die lunae, 7 julii. 1645. signed by order of the lords, h. kent. signed by order of the commons, william jephson. imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a83011 r212248 (thomason 669.f.9[40]). civilwar no an ordinance of parliament, whereby a committee of lords and commons is appointed to receive, prepare, and consider of propositions for the england and wales. parliament. 1645 392 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an ordinance of parliament , whereby a committee of lords and commons is appointed to receive , prepare , and consider of propositions for the speedy reliefe of ireland . die martis , 1 julii . 1645. whereas late informations are come from severall parts of ireland , and more particularly from the province of munster , importing the great extremities and danger that kingdome is reduced unto , which must of necessity be taken into a serious and speedy consideration ; be it therefore ordained by the lords and commons assembled in parliament , that the earle of kent , earle of pembroke , earle of salisbury , earle of denbigh , earle of bolinbrook , lord willoughby , lord mountague , lord howard , mr. hollis , colonell william jephson , sir john clotworthy , sir john evelin senior , mr. whitehead , mr. robert goodwin , mr. lisle , mr. raynolds , sir william brereton , mr. maynard , mr. rigby , colonell moore , mr. roll , sir walter earle , mr. knightly , and mr. tate , or any five of them , be a committee to receive prepare , and consider of propositions for the speedy reliefe of that kingdom , and particularly for the province of munster , and to prepare them in such order for the two houses of parliament as may most facilitate the affaires of that distressed kingdome ; and are to sit constantly for the affaires aforesaid tuesdaies , thursdaies , and satturdaies , and oftner , as occasion shall require , in such place as they shall think fit . jo. brown cler. parliamentorum . h. elsynge . cler. parl. d. com. die lunae , 7 julii . 1645. it is now resolved and thought fit by the committee above mentioned , that their place of meeting and sitting shall be at the chambers called the queens court in westminster . and that the ordinance and this their resolution be forthwith printed and published , to the end that such as have or shall have propositions to offer for the reliefe of ireland may know to whom and to what place to repaire with the same . signed by order of the lords , h. kent . signed by order of the commons , william jephson . a table shewing instantly by the eye the number of acres belonging to any summe of money according to the rate setled by parliament upon any of the lands within the foure provinces of ireland ... delamain, richard, fl. 1654. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a37461 of text r6695 in the english short title catalog (wing d865). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a37461 wing d865 estc r6695 12911627 ocm 12911627 95328 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37461) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 95328) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 959:17) a table shewing instantly by the eye the number of acres belonging to any summe of money according to the rate setled by parliament upon any of the lands within the foure provinces of ireland ... delamain, richard, fl. 1654. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by e.g. for i. wright, and i. franck, london : 1641. reproduction of original in bodleian library. caption title. broadside. at top: the hvmble presentation of richard delamain the younger, to the right honorable house of peers, assembled in parliament ... a table of land values per acre in ulster, conaght, munster, and lempster. eng allotment of land -ireland -early works to 1800. land subdivision -law and legislation -ireland. ireland -economic conditions -statistics -sources. broadsides a37461 r6695 (wing d865). civilwar no the humble presentation of richard delamain the yonger, to the right honourable the house of peeres, assembled in parliament. delamain, richard 1641 1003 38 0 0 0 0 0 379 f the rate of 379 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 megan marion sampled and proofread 2008-11 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the hvmble presentation of richard delamain the yonger , to the right honourable the house of peeres , assembled in parliament . whereas by order of parliament the severall rates of lands in the foure provinces of ireland with the rents reserved unto the crowne , are lately published for information of such persons as shall become undertakers therein ; but for that there is nothing yet extant for the helpe of such persons by way of computation as may answer all summes of money according to the severall rates in each province that shall be disbursed for any number of acres : under favour of this honourable house , for the ease and speedy satisfaction of all such as shall undertake , i humbly present a table whereby it may instantly appeare what number of acres in any of the severall provinces will arise from any summe of money proposed ; or what monies are to be disbursed for any number of acres desired , with the rents reserved to the king according to the quantity , in any of the said provinces . all which is done by an inspection on this table : which in all humility is presented herewith to the view and approbation of your honours , if it shall be held fit for the common use herein , by order of the house , it may be published with an illustration annext thereto , as a short description and application thereof . a table shewing instantly by the eye the number of acres belonging to any summe of money according to the rate setled by parliament upon any of the lands within the foure provinces of ireland : or what summe of money is to be disbursed for any number of acres , assigned ; and what the yeerely rent reserved for the king amounteth unto , for any number of acres in any of the four provinces . as also a table to reduce any number of irish acres of 21 foot to the pole , into statute acres of 16. foot and a halfe to the pole : or any number of english acres proposed , to finde what number of irish acres they make . all performed by an inspection on the table calculated by richard delamain : and dedicated to the high and honourable court of parliament . ulster . pounds acres . acres . pounds . kings rent . 1 5 4 s. 0-0●-1 5 25 1 l. 0-00-5 10 50 2 0-00-10 50 250 10 0-04-2 100 500 20 0-08-4 500 2500 100 2-01-8 1000 5000 200 4-03-4 5000 25000 1000 20-16-8 10000 50000 2000 41-13-4 50000 250000 10000 208-06-8 100000 500000 ●●0000 416-13-4 500000 2500000 ●●●●●0 2083-06-8 ●000000 5000000 〈…〉 00 4166-13-4 2000000 ●0000000 〈◊〉 ●3-06-8 2500000 ●●●00000 50●000 ●6-13-4 conaght . pounds . acres . acres . pounds . kings rent . 1 3 ● / ● 0-6 s. 0-00-1 1 / 2 5 16 ● / ● 1-10 0-00-7 1 / 2 10 33 3 l. 0-01-3 50 166 15 0-06-3 100 333 30 0-12-6 500 1666 150 3-02-6 1000 3333 300 6-05-0 5000 166●● 1500 31-05-0 10000 33333 3000 62-10-0 50000 166666 15000 312-10-0 100000 333333 30000 625-00-0 500000 1666666 150000 ●●25-00-0 1000000 333333 300000 6250-00-0 2000000 6666666 60000 12500-00-0 2500000 3333333 ●750000 1●●25-00-0 munster . pounds . acres . acres . pounds . kings rent . 1 2 1 / ● 0 l. 0 s. 0-00-02 5 11 1 / ● 2-5 0-00-10 10 22 4-10 0-01-8 50 111 22-10 0-08-4 100 222 45 l. 0-16-8 500 111 ●●5 4-03-4 ●000 ●●22 450 8-06-8 ●000 11111 2250 41-13-4 ●0000 2●●22 4500 83-06-8 50000 111111 ●2500 416-13-4 100000 222222 45000 833-06-8 500000 111111 225000 4166-13-4 1000000 ●222222 450000 8333-06-8 2000000 4444444 900000 16666-13-4 2500000 5555555 112●000 20833-06-8 lempster . pounds . acres . acres . pounds . kings rent . 1 1 1 / ● 12 ● . 0-00-3 5 8 1 / ● 3 l. 0-01-3 10 16 6 0-02-6 50 83 30 0-12-6 100 166 60 1-05-0 500 833 300 6-05-0 1000 1666 600 12-10-0 5000 8333 3000 62-10-0 10000 16666 6000 125-00-0 50000 83333 30000 625-00-0 100000 166666 60000 1250-00-0 500000 833333 300000 6250-00-0 1000000 1666666 600000 12500-00-0 2000000 3333333 1200000 25000-00-0 2500000 4166666 1500000 31250-00-0 a table to reduce any number of irish acres into statute acres , or any number of statute acres , into irish acres : by the eye onely . e i i e 1 6 1 6.7 8 0.0 4 5 1 1 6 2 1 3 2 3 5 2 9 2 1 2 3 3.5 6 0.0 9 0 2 3 2 4 2 6 4 7 0 5 8 3 1 8 5 0.3 4 0.1 3 6 3 4 8 6 3 9 7 0 5 8 8 4 2 4 6 7.1 2 0.1 8 1 4 6 4 8 5 2 9 4 1 1 7 5 3 0 8 3 9 0 0 2 2 6 5 8 1 0 6 6 1 7 6 4 7 6 3 7 0 0 6 8 0 2 7 2 6 9 7 2 7 9 4 1 1 7 ● 7 4 3 1 7 4 6 0 3 1 7 7 1 1 3 4 9 2 6 4 7 0 ● 8 4 9 3 4 2 4 0 3 6 2 8 1 2 9 7 0 5 ●●●●● 9 5 5 5 1 0 2 0 4 0 8 9 1 4 5 9 1 9 1 1 7 4 ven●ris 4. mar●ii . 1641. ordered by the lords in parliament , that this table with the preamble thereunto an●exed , shall be forthwith printed and published . jo. browne cleric : parliamentor . london , printed by e.g. for i. wright , and i. franck , 1641. forasmuch as we judge it fit, in order to his majesties service, that all officers of his majesties army in this kingdom (except such of them who are of his majesties privy council) shall reside at their respective charges and commands ... by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1672 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46027 wing i399 estc r36830 16140551 ocm 16140551 104814 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46027) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104814) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:30) forasmuch as we judge it fit, in order to his majesties service, that all officers of his majesties army in this kingdom (except such of them who are of his majesties privy council) shall reside at their respective charges and commands ... by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1673. title from first 4 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at his majesties castle of dublin the four and twentieth of march 1672, in the five and twentieth year of his majesties reign. [signed] hen: ford." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland . essex . forasmuch as we judge it fit , in order to his majesties service ▪ that all officers of his majesties army in this kingdom ( except such of them who are of his majesties privy council ) shall reside at their respective charges and commands , in a readiness to answer the duty of their places upon all occasions ; these are therefore to give notice thereof to all persons concerned ; and we do hereby strictly charge and command all such officers , of what degree soever ( excepting members of the privy council ) as are now absent from their garrisons or quarters without licence from vs , immediately after publication hereof , to return to the same , and there continue without absenting themselves upon any pretence whatsoever ; and also that every of the said officers who are now absent by our licence , and within this kingdom , do return to their respective garrisons and quarters within fourteen dayes next after the date hereof notwithstanding such licence , and remain at their duty , keeping the troops and companies under their commands together , and in a posture to perform the service of their places , wherein we expect punctual obedience ; for as we shall be careful to inform our selves of any that shall neglect to observe our pleasure signified by this our proclamation , so we shall be very strict in proceeding against them for their neglect and disobedience , according to the articles of war in that case provided . given at his majesties castle of dublin the four and twentieth of march 1672 , in the five and twentieth year of his majesties reign . hen : ford. god save the king . dvblin ; printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the kings most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde , book-seller in castle-street . 1673. whereas robert brown vicar of castle-lyons, oliver parr, henry parr, edward morly, dennis kearny, and john patt, petitioned us in behalf of themselves, and several other inhabitants of the town of castle-lyons in the county of cork, setting forth that on wednesday the eleventh of june last, 1662 there hapned in the town of castle-lyons a sudden and violent fire ... by the lords justices and council, mau. eustace, canc., orrery. ireland. lords justices and council. 1662 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46164 wing i862 estc r36920 16156359 ocm 16156359 104907 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46164) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104907) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:43) whereas robert brown vicar of castle-lyons, oliver parr, henry parr, edward morly, dennis kearny, and john patt, petitioned us in behalf of themselves, and several other inhabitants of the town of castle-lyons in the county of cork, setting forth that on wednesday the eleventh of june last, 1662 there hapned in the town of castle-lyons a sudden and violent fire ... by the lords justices and council, mau. eustace, canc., orrery. ireland. lords justices and council. eustace, maurice, sir, ca. 1590-1661. orrery, roger boyle, earl of, 1621-1679. 1 broadside. printed by john crook ..., dublin : 1662. title from first 6 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin, the 16th day of july, 1662." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. castlelyons (cork) -fire, 1662. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2 r diev·et mon·droit honi·soit·qvi·mal·y·pense· by the lords justices and council . mau . eustace canc. orrery . whereas robert brown vicar of castle-lyons , oliver parr , henry parr , edward morly , dennis kearny , and iohn patt , petitioned us in the behalf of themselves , and several other inhabitants of the town of castle-lyons in the country of cork ; setting forth , that on wednesday the eleventh of iune last , 1662. there hapned in the town of castle-lyons a sudden and violent fire , which through the height of the wind , and by reason of the absence of the men inhabiting , the said town ( who were most of them that day about their necessary traffick and imployments , at the fair of fermoy , within two miles of the said town ) did in the space of half an hour or thereabouts , burn and consume to the ground , one and thirty dwelling houses of the petitioners , besides many out-houses , barns , stables , and mault-houses , together with most of the houshold-stuff , and other goods of many of the petitioners , and all the houshold-stuff , and other goods of some of them , to the value of one thousand , five hundred pounds : the truth of which allegations hath been made to appear unto us by certificate under the hands of several of the justices of peace for the country of cork , at the general sessions of peace held at bandonbridge the 25 of iune , 1662. upon due consideration whereof , we have thought fit , and do hereby pray and require all mayors , sheriffs , justices of peace , portriffs , bailiffs , and all other his majesties officers , ministers , and loving subjects whatsoever , within this kingdom of ireland , not onely to permit and suffer the petitioners by themselves and their substitutes , quietly and peaceably to pass and repass by them , without any their lets or molestation , they behaving themselves as becometh dutiful subjects to his majestie , but also to be aiding and assisting unto them and their substitutes herein , that the petitioners and their substitutes may repair to all churches , fairs , markets , and other publique places of meeting within this kingdom , to intreat and receive the charitable benevolence of all well disposed people ; to whose pity and consideration in such a deplorable condition the petitioners are hereby very heartily recommended . and we do further hereby pray and require all deans , archdeacons , ministers and preachers of the word , within their several and respective parishes in this kingdom , that they do upon the sabbath , and other holy days , signifie and read publiquely the contents hereof , unto their several congregations there gathered together . provided , that this our licence shall continue and be of force no longer , then for the space of nine moneths next ensuing the date hereof , any former proclamation , or general restriction to the contrary notwithstanding given at the council chamber in dublin , the 16 day of iuly , 1662. jo. armachanus . ja. dublin . robert forth . rob. meredith . theo . jones . arthur hill . dvblin , printed by iohn crook , printer to the kings most excellent majesty : an. dom. 1662. a true discovery of the irish popish plot made by maurice fitz-gerald of killcowan in the county of lymrick, jan. the 20th, 1680 [i.e. 1681] : by way of a guest. fitz-gerald, maurice. 1681 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a39589 wing f1076 estc r33318 13227987 ocm 13227987 98588 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39589) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98588) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1550:31) a true discovery of the irish popish plot made by maurice fitz-gerald of killcowan in the county of lymrick, jan. the 20th, 1680 [i.e. 1681] : by way of a guest. fitz-gerald, maurice. 1 sheet ([2] p.) printed by n. thompson for the author, london : 1681. caption title. signed at end: maurice fitz-gerald. imprint from colophon. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng popish plot, 1678. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. ireland -history -1660-1688. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true discovery of the irish popish plot made by maurice fitz-gerald of killcowan in the county of lymrick , jan. the 20 th . 1680. by way of quest . q. vvhat do you know of collonel lacy ? a. i know noting but he is an honest gentlemans . q. were there not great and frequent meetings of papists and popish-priests , and friers in his house ? a. yis , and protestants too , he will turn no man out , but is good , for meat and drink to every gentleman 's wid in and wid out . q. did not you know him , together with sir john fitz-gerald to have consulted and endeavoured the bringing in of the french power into ireland ? a. bee my shoul dey did never told me so . q. the reason why you discover it not , is because you have not yet your pardon which shall be granted you , if you make a full discovery . a. by my shoul i don't care for your pardons , i did steal no cowes , nor horses , no sheepes , nor rob upon de great way , nor little way , nor break prison , as hetherington did to come over to be your kings evidence , so i don't care for your pardons . q. but in your narrative there is a great discovery , i suppose you will confirm the truth of that . a. po , po , de parliaments did vote an irish plot too upon my narrative , and dey did vote it upon a lye , for i never saw my narraty till i came here ; but peoples makes narratyes and plots in london ; and put it upon me fait . q. did you not know the earl of orrery ? a. yis , i did know old roger and young roger too . q. did you not hear of a letter from him to sir john fitz-gerald ? a. yes , and see it too . q. what were the contents of it ? a. it was to put de plot upon de king and de dukes . q. do you know hetherington ? a. yis , but i did not know him here , he vas so brave and fine , and a fite perwig , and shilver buttons , and gold laces upon his coats . q. what did he say to you ? a. he will say , i am sorry to see you in such bad cloads ; and i said , my cloads will be very good for me , and better then his when he vas in ireland ; he say den , he vill give me fine cloads and moneys . q. for what ? a. for no good feat , only for lying and swearing . q. what did mr. st. leger say to you ? a. he said , i vill not vant while i vill be in town . q. why was he so kind to you ? a. for noting but because i was de kings evidence to make a plot. q. are those your holy-day cloaths ? a. yis , and my unholy-day too . q. have you not better for sundays ? a. i have but one cloads always , i wear better cloads in my own country den your kings evidence did . q. who sent you hither as a kings evidence ? a. why tree justices da peace in de county of lamnagh sent vord to lord lieutenant and council , dat i know i plot , dey take me out of my beds from my vife and childrens , and sent me to dublin : dere de d. of ormond ask me did i owne dat examination , so i look upon it , and say , i did not owne it , den i say i vill not declare till i come to de king your majesty ; now peoples vill be giving me tings dat i shud say , as dey did make narraty for me . q. it seems you will or can discover nothing , you are proffer'd your pardon if you would . a. by my shoul , if you vill be giving your pardons and your moneys , you will have a tousand kings evidence ; don't you tink when cow-stealers , horse-stealers and murderers are to be hang'd , but to shave demselves from de gallows , dey will come to london and be your kings evidence ; fait your majesty did a tousand pounds wort of good , you brought a great many rogue to be your kings evidence . q. they did a wise peice of work that sent you hither as a kings evidence . a. i have a vife and childrens at home , and i would beg dat i may be sent back to my vife and my childrens : i desire none of your pardons nor your moneys , but as much as vill bring me home , and dat vill be very little : and i have but one ting more to beg of your majesty , dat is to send dese gentlemens to their own country ; where dey are known , where your kings evidence are known ; den by my shoul you will see who is de rogue . q. you shall go to your wife and children , and they are fools or knaves that sent you ; these gentlemen also shall be tryed in their own country , and now declare your knowledge . a. fait i am ashamed to tell all , there is so much rogury in the world , and by my shoul sir henry ingoldsby know it , and mr. st. leiger , and mr. odell , and me shelf . q. do you know mortagh downey ? a. yes very well , he is my own tennant fait . q. how came he acquainted with sir john fitz-gerald and collonel lacy ? a. mortagh downey did shee him often , but was never in deir companies in his life ; for be my fathers shoul mortagh downey is better for a kings evidence for deir company . q. prethee what do you think of all plots ? a. be my shoul dere is many plots , and many rogue , and de devil take dem all but my shelf . amen . maurice fitz-gerald . london , printed by n. thompson for the author , 1681. by the generall assembly of the confederate catholicks of ireland whereas severall declarations and protestations are said to have been unlegally and unduely by secret, foule and sinister practices, and under-hand-working, lately obtained from some particular persons ... confederate catholics. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46010 of text r43281 in the english short title catalog (wing i343). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46010 wing i343 estc r43281 27129915 ocm 27129915 109985 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46010) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109985) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:21) by the generall assembly of the confederate catholicks of ireland whereas severall declarations and protestations are said to have been unlegally and unduely by secret, foule and sinister practices, and under-hand-working, lately obtained from some particular persons ... confederate catholics. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed at vvaterford in the yeare of our lord god, 1645, and reprinted at kilkenny in the yeare, [kilkenny] : 1646. dated and signed: given at kilkenny the fourth day of iuly. anno domini, 1645. n. plunket. imperfect: creased, with loss of print. reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng catholic church -ireland -history -17th century. ireland -history -1625-1649. a46010 r43281 (wing i343). civilwar no by the generall assembly of the confederate catholicks of ireland whereas severall declarations and protestations are said to have been unle confederate catholics 1646 640 1 0 0 0 0 0 16 c the rate of 16 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-02 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms of the knights of the garter c r by the generall assembly of the confederate catholicks of ireland . whereas severall declarations and protestations are said to have been unlegally and unduely by secret , soule and sinister practises , and under-hand-working , lately obtained from some particular persons within the quarters and iurisdiction of the confederate catholiques , touching the conditions upon which the now peace is to be concluded , or warre continued within this kingdome , by the said generall assembly which may tend to the prejudice of our religion , goverment and vnitie ; and whereas such course of proceeding is contrary to the fundamentall lawes of this realme , which wee are bound to observe , by the oath of association ; and whereas such illegall protestations and declarations , are destructive to all good goverment , and the present vnion of the said catholiques , and punished in all well governed states and commonwealths from whom wee should take example , and is a prejudicating of the honourble , pious and religious intentions and proceedings of the said assembly , whose decrees and orders by the said oath of association , all and every of the said confederate catholiques , and their partie , are obliged to obey and performe ; and whereas the said declarations , and protestation ( if gained ) were obtained upon untrue and false surmises from persons ignorant of the reasons 〈…〉 s olutions , which ( if rightly understood ) would satisfie any pious catholique , in point of conscience , and any reasonable and well minded man whatsoever , in point of loyaltic and safetie , wee therefore taking the premisses into our serious consideration and observing the dangerous consequence that might thereof ensue , aswell to the breach of our vnion as to the totall ruine and destruction of this kingdome , doe order and declare , that all , and every the said protestations heretofore made ( if any such were ) were obtained surrepticiously , and upon false grounds and pretences , and doe tend to mutinie , sedition and breach of our vnion , and therfore are to be suppressed as slanderous and calumnious libells , & that the publishing hereafter of any the said protestations or declarations already made , shall be high treason , in the offenders , and that the making contriving subscibing of hands , or labouring to obtaine hands to such protestations of declarations , or to any other such declarations , protestations , oathes of covenants or combination hereafter to be made or published to the prejudicating or prejudice , of or contrary to the sense of the assembly in matters of peace or warre , shall be high treason in the makers , contrivers , abetters , favourers procurers to subscribe , and subscribers , to such declarations , protestations , oathes of covenants , or combination ; and all such offenders , that hereafter shall offend in that kinde , are hereby declared incapable of any place of preferment or advancement in the commonwealth that lyes in the gift or nomination of the publicke , and shall be taken and reputed infamous , and common disturbers of the publique peace and tranquillitic of this kingdome , and are accordingly to be proceeded against , and wee lastly order that this order shall be withall convenient speed printed and published upon market dayes , betweene the houres of ten and two of the clocke in the after-noone in the market place of each corporation , and market towne in this kingdome . given at kilkenny the fourth day of iuly . anno domini , 1645. n. plunket . printed at vvaterford , in the yeare of our lord god , 1645 and reprinted at kilkenny in the yeare , 1646. the interest of england, as it stands, with relation to the trade of ireland, considered the arguments against the bill for prohibiting the exportation of woollen manufactures from ireland to forreign parts fairly discusst ... clement, simon. 1698 approx. 46 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33409) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103578) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1185:1) the interest of england, as it stands, with relation to the trade of ireland, considered the arguments against the bill for prohibiting the exportation of woollen manufactures from ireland to forreign parts fairly discusst ... clement, simon. [2], 23 p. printed by john atwood ..., london : 1698. attributed to clement by wing and nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wool industry -england. great britain -commerce. ireland -commerce. great britain -colonies -commerce. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-10 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the interest of england , as it stands with relation to the trade of ireland , considered ; the arguments against the bill , for prohibiting the exportation of woollen manufactures from ireland to forreign parts , fairly discusst , and the reasonableness and necessity of englands restraining her colonies in all matters of trade , that may be prejudicial to her own commerce , clearly demonstrated . with short remarques on a book , entituled , some thoughts on the bill depending before the right honourable the house of lords , for prohibiting the exportation of the woollen manufactures of ireland to forreign parts . london , printed by iohn astwood , at his printing-house behind st. christophers church in thread-needle-street , the backside of the royal exchange . 1698. to the most honourable , john , marquess of normanby , &c. my lord , i happened to come into the house of lords at the time when your lordships were hearing council against the bill , for the prohibiting the exportation of woollen manufactures from ireland to forreign parts ; and altho' i was of the opinion , that the interest of england was fo nearly concern'd in that matter , as that it would appear at first sight to all disinteressed persons , that there was an absolute necessity of putting a stop to the growth of such a manufactury there , which must in its natural consequences ravish from us our principal trade , anticipate and divert the source of our wealth and power , and by easie and ( at first ) imperceptible degrees , exhaust the very life and soul of england , by drawing away the working people and trading stock : yet when i came to observe , that even the committing the bill did admit of a long arguing in your honourable house , and was not carried without much opposition , it brought me to consider , that how clear soever it may seem to men that have been conversant in the practice of trade , yet it must be a matter of great difficulty for your lordships to determine in such things , where the judgment is directed from information only , since those informations are generally given with the greatest partiality : and i know by my own experience , that any impressions receiv'd from persons for whom we have some favour or compassion , are apt to create so strong a prejudging of the case , that we cannot so easily discern the reasonableness of the contrary arguments , or suffer our selves to be convinc'd without the clearest demonstrations possible . 't is therefore , because i have thought the well-being of my countrey to depend very much upon this case , and that i believe it capable of so plain a demonstration , that i have thought it my duty to endeavour to set this controversie in so true a light , as that it might not be difficult for your lordships to make a right judgment therein . i have indeed been so far from concerning my self in this matter hitherto , as that i have not so much as seen the bill , and therefore i shall not pretend to meddle with the methods taken therein ; my design being only to shew the necessity there is upon us to stop the progress of such manufacturys in ireland , which directly interfere with those of england ; to evince which , i shall offer a few propositions , which i take to be so evident , as that they will admit of no controversie . 1. that england hath no other means of procuring riches , than by vending a greater value of her commodities in forreign markets , than what she expends in merchandizes imported from abroad . 2. that the far greater value of the exportations of england arises from her woollen manufactures . 3. that england hath always been able to send as much of her woollen manufacturies abroad , as could be vended in forreign markets . 4. that whatsoever countrey can afford their manufacturies cheapest , must infallibly gain the trade from that countrey that cannot work so cheap . 5. that ireland is able to make many of the same kinds of woollen manufactures cheaper than england , and therefore will never want a vent for them in forreign markets . 6. that the whole quantity of such manufactures which ireland shall supply in forreign markets , will hinder the sale of so much from england , and consequently the whole value thereof will be so much clear loss to england . 7. that whatsoever number of people shall be employed in this trade in ireland , the same number of our manufacturers must sit still in england . 8. that such people to avoid starving at home , will go to ireland for work , by which means the woollen manufactury in ireland may soon come to be greater than that in england , and in time the whole trade would most probably be establisht there , and lost here . the fatal consequences that flow from these premises , are too obvious to need further illustration here ; but the matter will yet appear more plain , when i come to answer the arguments which have been offered against the bill ; to which i proceed , 1st . that the government of england have at several times given encouragement to the settling a woolen manuf●ry in ireland , and therefore 't would be very unreasonable , after they have with great charge and difficulty brought the same to some perfection , to destroy it at once , and ruine the vndertakers . i answer , that ( supposing this to be true ) former times might not see through all the inconveniencies that might accrew to england by settling a woollen manufactury in ireland , or perhaps they intended that encouragement only to capacitate them to make clothing for themselves , but not to enable them to interfere with england in its forreign trade ; for certainly our ancestors who prohibited the sending their woolls to forreign parts , never intended to enable them to send the manufactures made thereof , which would do us a far greater damage . but as england hath always shewn her parental care over all her colonies , in being ready to give them all the encouragement necessary to their well being ; so she ought also to exert her power in restraining them , when she finds them enterprizing any thing that may prove injurious to her self ; and in this she is justifi'd as well by reason , as by the practice of all nations that have planted colonies . as to the undertakers , the least compassion possible is due to them , because ( as they are thought to be english-men ) they ought not to have designed their own interest , so much to the detriment of england , and they may find out ways enough to employ their stocks , without iniuring the publick . 2. that 't is the interest of england to encourage the increase of riches in ireland , that it may be in the better condition to contribute to its own support upon any exegencies , and lessen the charge of england . this is a very true argument , and will run on all four when rightly apply'd ; but there is an unhappy distinction that makes it downright lame in this case ; for there is a vast difference between ireland's gaining wealth , by any way of industry peculiar to themselves and inoffensive to england ; and their incroaching upon that trade , which is the only way by which england can attract riches ; for 't is plain that all they shall gain thereby , will be a clear loss to us , and that 't were better for us to maintain them in sitting still , than to suffer them to work in such a way as must nndo us . this would disable us to give them the necessary succours in time of need , and they would hereby cut the prop that supports them . 3. that by putting down this manufactury , the poor of ireland will be destitute of work , many familys would be ruined , and an unreasonable hardship put upon a counsry , but just recovering it self after a destructive war. 't is answer enough , since this is but the beginning of a new business , to ask how they lived before ? but 't is certain , that the poor of ireland do subsist very easily : lands are very cheap ( perhaps not one * eighth part of the value of ours , generally speaking ) and provisions of all kinds in great plenty . a cow or two of ten shillings price , and a potatoe garden , will support a family , meaning of such as are next to poverty ; but he that can rent ten pound per annum , may keep two dishes of meat at his table the year round ; so that no body can want a livelyhood there , that will but exert the least industry ; whereas in england , the working people are very numerous , land and provisions extreamly dearer : many thousands depend wholy on the manufacturies , and cannot live of themselves when they are not employ'd . this manufactury , ( meaning that for transportation ) is yet but growing in ireland , and few hands ( in comparison to the multitude that live by it in england ) are yet employed in it ; so that the disappointment cannot at this time be great to them ; but if we should suffer it to continue longer , the great encouragement will make it grow so considerably , as that the effects will soon become so visible in england , that necessity will compel us to put a stop to it , and then the hardship will seem so much the more to the people of ireland ; by how much the greater numbers have brought themselves to depend upon that way of living . 't is true indeed , that the people of ireland have endured great hardships by the war ; but 't is as certain , that they have been reestablisht in the quiet enjoyment of their lands and possessions , at a great expence of the blood and treasure of england ; and i believe , if those very gentlemen of ireland , that are now so zealous in solliciting against this bill , had been told , when they were under the extremity of the war , that there would be a necessity upon us , for the securing that trade from whence we deriv'd our principal subsistence , and the capacity to help them in time of need , to prohibit their interfereing with us in our woollen manufactures ; they would then have assented to the reasonableness of it , as a respect justly due to their protectors . 4. that the quantities they make are so inconsiderable , as that it cannot hurt england ; that there is no probability of their increasing the trade to any great degree , and that a great part of the workmanship there is so dear , as that they cannot make their goods much cheaper there than in england . every one knows that the greatest undertakings proceed from small beginnings , but that when the first difficulties are overcome they easily go on , and increase in a much greater proportion than the first appearance . before the war , they came in four years , to export in the last year 11360 pieces , and since the reduction of ireland they are in four years come to above 4000 pieces , notwithstanding the hindrances of the war ; and it may be remarkt , that they advanced from 2000 and upward in the year 1695. to above 4000 in 1696. thus much they acknowledge ; and these are not short steps . they can never want a ready sale for all they can make , because they sell cheaper than we ; plenty of work will attract plenty of workmen , these will take as many apprentices as they can employ ; in seven years the apprentices will become masters , and in three years more even their apprentices will become able workmen ; who can doubt but by that time ( or a little longer ) their increase ( with those also that come to them from england ) will be enough to manufacture all the woolls of ireland . but i 'll suppose for argument sake , that they make but to the value of one hundred thousand pounds yearly , and that they would not sell for more than ten pounds per cent. cheaper rhan england usually doth : supposing also , that england sends abroad the value but of one million yearly , of goods of the like kinde ; 't will be easily granted me , that if any one offers his goods cheaper than the usual price , that will then become the market-price , and every one else must sell at the same or keep his goods : by this 't is plain , that england must abate 100000 l. out of the the former value of her million , for the sake of ireland's 100000 l. and then she looses another 100000 l. by ireland's taking that money in the markets , which england should otherwise solely furnish : so that 't is clear from this consideration , if no more were to be said to it ; that 't were more advantagious to england by the one half , to buy these goods and throw them into the sea , than to suffer ireland to sell cheaper than we can in forreign markets . but the arguing , that weaving and some other parts of the workmanship is as dear as in england , is a perfect fallacy ; for besides that , they only suggest it without proof , yet if it were so at the first attempting such a manufactury , that could only be occasioned through the scarcity of workmen , but would every year grow cheaper as those workmen should encrease , and enough is said above , to shew that that will be the infallible consequences of an encouraging trade ; and since i may modestly affirm that provisions are not ( generally speaking ) at above half the price there , to what they are in england , and labour holding always in proportion thereto , 't is not unreasonable to expect that they will in time come to work at least one third cheaper than we can , and if they should make as much as they can then sell for 200000 l , that will be equal in quantity to our 300000 l. and abate so much out of the sale of our million , and then by the fall in price , the remaining 700000 l. would yield but 466666⅔ l. so that 't is plain , that if ireland gains riches by this trade , 't will be at the expence of impoverishing england . i cannot but remark here , that the main body of the sollicitors against this bill , consisted in gentlemen , possessors of lands in ireland , who though they may be excused from having any nice understanding in a matter of trade ( as this properly is ) yet it seems they have easily learnt , that the flourishing of their new manufactury , would cause the lands of ireland to rise , to which without doubt , 't is their interest to have more reguard , than to the keeping up the value of the lands of england , which by this method of inticeing away its mouths , would certainly fall in value as fast as those in ireland should rise . 5. that the high duties payable upon all woollen manufactures brought into england , amount to a prohibition of the irish ; and that if it were intended that theirs should be brought hither , the dutises ought to be moderated so , as to bear but a just proportion to what they can work cheaper . i will be so free as to acknowledge , that i beleive the house of commons intended no less by this bill , than the suppressing all exporation of woollen manufactures from ireland , and the utter discouraging the progress of that trade there ; but to lay such a duty as might at present seem equal to the difference of workmanship , would utterly defeat that intent : for , as i have noted before , they may soon come to work so much lower than they now do , as that they may be able to bring their goods into england at so small a duty , and be encourag'd to keep on their manufactury there , which though by this means it may not so much prejudice our forreign trade , by beating down the prices ; yet it will have its full effect in taking away the employment of our manufacturers , and drawing them into ireland ; and , as was truly said by their own council , would indeed lower the value of the woollen goods on the makers here : though by the way , i think that could be no argument in their favour . moreover , what assurance can we have , but that if they are suffered to make such goods there , they may ship them for forreign parts by stealth , without paying any duty at all ? the manufacture being of much less bulk than the wools , which they tell us plainly , will be apt to be sent for france , if they be debarr'd from working it up there ; though i doubt not but that if our legislature will exert its power , it may be smart enough with them to prevent both . 6. that their vndertaking doth not interfere with the main branch of our manufactuary , the cloathing-trade , but that they do yet continue to buy great quantities of cloth from us . this indeed is true at present , but when they shall have considerably encreas'd the number of their workmen , and brought their people into the way of working their wools , who can doubt but that they will be at that also ? their contest indeed now is only in relation to what we commonly call the new drapery , consisting of bays , serges and stuffs , which makes up a mighty part of our exportations , and the injury they will come to do us therein cannot be less than what i have before noted ; to which i might add , that ireland affords us great quantities of that sort we call long wool for combing , of which those goods are made , and if they shall work it up themselves , the wanting of that supply will be very sensible to us . these are the most mateaial objections against the bill that occur to my memory , and i hope i have fairly answer'd them : but that i may give a full view of the whole controversie in its true shape , i will ( after the old way of arguing ) represent it by a simile . a good old gentleman , possessor of great tracts of land abounding in plenty of all things fit for life , but especially in the greatest quantity of sheep of any in his whole country , happily fell into the way of manusacturing his wools , in which he became so successful as to be able to out do all other people , and furnish all his neighbours with the greatest part of what they us'd ; by which means he was not only capacitated to support a very numerous family , but also attracted to himself great riches , and became equal in power to most of his neighbours ; he had setled his eldest son in a very considerable part of his estate at a distance from him , which he had formerly gain'd by conquest , giving him the full liberty of enjoying all the product of an abundant soyl , only reserving this advantage to himself , that what wool the son should have to spare above the quantity which he should need for the cloathing his own family , he should be oblig'd to sell to the father , and not to any other person , because that would extreamly injure him in his woollen manufactury business , which was the main support of his estate . the son liv'd plentifully , and flourisht greatly , only the ancient possessors of the estate ( who were a very numerous family ) being compell'd by the power of the father to live in subjection under him , were apt to take frequent occasions to give him great disturbance , and by reason of their numbers sometimes prevail'd against him ; yet he was always readily assisted by the father , who never fail'd by the strength of his purse and power , to subdue his enemies , and to resettle him in the quiet enjoyment of his estate . the last insurrection they made was by far the greatest , because they were assisted by a very potent neighbour , and it cost the father a mighty sum to quell it . but the son was no sooner settled in quiet , but he sets his people to work upon making the same kinds of woollen manufacturies which was the father's trade , and sends them to the same markets for sale ; the father is justly offended at this , and foreseeing the great injury which the son 's going on in such a trade would prove to him , resolves to put a stop to it ; the son complains mightily against this ; alledging , that 't is unreasonable to deprive him of such means to enrich himself , and that if he be denied this way , 't would become a temptation to his tenants and people to sell the wools to others ; upon which the father bespeaks him after this manner , son , thou knowest well that my charge and expence is very great , having many other children to provide for besides thy self , and that it hath cost me vast summs to protect thee in the possession of the estate which i have given thee , which is sufficient to give thee a very abundant subsistence without thy interfering with me in my peculiar trade , which thou seest is the only way i have to gain wealth , and to enable me to support all my children , of which thou hast always been the most chargeable to me , and yet thou hast often been ready to make use of the advantages which thy profitable portion hath given thee to encroach upon me , not only in my woollen , but also in some other parts of my trade , which i could not spare thee ; and therefore if thou wilt not have a due sence of my interest , and consider how much thy own is concern'd in it , assure thy self that i will take that care of my own affairs , as to use my paternal power to restrain thee in all such matters of trade , which i shall find inconsistent with my well-being . and although i shall always be willing to encourage thee in any thing that tends not to my own hurt ; yet if thou shalt not desist from sending thy woollen goods to the markets , which i have of long time been us'd to furnish , i will by my authority take from thee all thy woool combers , and prohibit that any such trade shall be exercis'd in thy family for the future , thereby to incapacitate thee from making those commodities , with which thou canst do me so much hurt : and if thou shalt not be careful to keep thy people from selling their wool to strangers , i will send officers to keep an exact registry of all thy sheep , and secure thy wool in ware-houses as it is shorn , that it may not be in thy power to deal fradulently by me in an affair which so nearly concerns me . i am yet no enemy to the people of ireland , and wish them all the prosperity that can consist with the well being of england : i own 't is our interest , that they should grow rich , but not by such means as will sooner impoverish us than advance them . i believe it would be a useful policy , and worth the care of england , to promote any such manufacturies in ireland as may not jar with ours , whereby the people there may not only gain wealth , but even the multitude of irish be drawn into a more civilized way of liveing , which would tame them faster than any severities we can use ; for a people brought into a settled and profitable way of living , would soon come to a better understanding , than to be apt to quit their ease and profit at every call of the turblent gentry and their priests . the country is every way sit for a linnen manufactury , and wants nothing but a stock to establish it : private undertakers are commonly too weak to strugle with the difficulties that attend the beginnings of great undertakings , but the mighty publick would easily go through with it : it would be money well employed , if the government of england lent them 100,000 l. to establish it , and though we may not be in a condition to do it at present , yet i hope such a thought may not be forgotten when we can better spare it . the objection , that our neighbour nations of whom we now buy our linnen would be offended at it , and refuse to take our manufactures , i take to be a wrong notion : the alterations and charges of trade are not uncommon , and move by degrees not soon to be observ'd : if we again buy linnen in france as before the war , germany must take less of our money , yet , as many other nations deal with them for it , their trade will go on , and the many distant countries from whence 't is brought to the markets at hamburgh and bremen , if they are sensible of some lessening of their vent , will scarce reflect directly upon the cause , or if they should , such resentments are not apt to be of any consequence ; the people must have woollen cloaths , and no body can furnish them with our sorts upon equal terms with us , if we do but manage our trade as we are able ; and 't is evident that people will not easily be diverted from what they have been us'd to and like , witness our continuing in the full use of french goods before the war , when they had as it were prohibited ours . and though this caution hath been often urg'd in discourses of trade , yet i never knew one instance of any nations being piqued at another to such a degree , as to break off their commerce ; though i have known several instances of such occasions given . some prevailing reguard , either to the benefit of the customs , the profit of the merchants , or the like , is always had ; so that governments seem to be steer'd by this principle , that if they cannot vend in trade as much as they would , they will yet continue to sell what they can , and acquiesce with the shop-keepers rule , that custom is no inheritance , if they loose one chap man , they get another , and measure not their trade by particulars , but in the general . i have enlarg'd upon this point even to a digression , because i was willing to take this opportunity to offer my sentiments upon it , for that i have upon divers occasions thought that argument to have been us'd rather to serve a turn , than for any real weight there was in it , and that i think we ough● not to have any consideration of it , in taking the measures which seem otherwise to be convenient for us . my lord , your lordship 's extraordinary understanding in the right notions of the trade of england , your readiness at all times to espouse its interest , and the condescentions which you have upon some former occasions shewn , in deigning to receive information in things of this nature from a person as inconsiderable as i am , hath given me the confidence to suggest my thoughts in this important business to your lordship , and i assure my self that your lordship will have so much regard to the sincerity of my intentions , as to excuse the imperfections of the performance , and pardon the boldness of this address , from my lord , your lordships most obedient , humble servant . remarks upon a book , entituled , some thoughts on the bill depending , &c. i had written the foregoing papers in the country , and coming to town to put them in the press , i met with a book , entituled , some thoughts on a bill depending before the honourable house of lords , &c. and although i am cut short in time , yet i will bestow a few remarks upon it ; notwithstanding that i think the main points in controversie , are sufficiently argu'd in the fore-going discourse . i will acknowledge that the author hath a pretty insinuating way of writing and a good turn of thought , but his skill seems ill bestow'd upon so wrong a subject , it looks like fine drawing upon a thred-bare coat , the wool is worn off and the rent won't be covered . if the nobility and gentry of ireland spend good part of their estates in england t is their own choice , and the product of their butter , leather , raw-hides , tallow , &c. which they send to the neighbouring countries of europe , and of the vast quantities of provisions sent to the plantations , their wool , flax , skins , &c. to england is sufficient , to bear that expence , and moreover to pay for all the mighty value of commodities which he says they buy from us ; and this is largely prov'd by the current of exchange between us , a guinea passes there for 26 s. which is near 20 per cent. difference in the par of the money ; but as the proemio of the exchange hath of late been under , that shews that the ballance of the trade must be in their favour . if much of their trade be carried on by english stocks , yet the people are paid for their commodities , and the profit they receive thereby may be encouragement enough for them , if they can be content when they are well . his computation of the great profit they are to england , is at random , do we not deserve the utmost profit they can yield ? and all too little in consideration of the vast charge we have been at to protect them in the possession of such mighty landed estates which they enjoy . god be thanked , that the kingdom of ireland is ●●●petently replenisht with english inhabitants , and they are again in a flourishing condition , notwithstanding the desolations of the late war ; but to perswade us to encourage the sending of more numbers of people thither than we can well spare , will scarce take with us ; for if their strengthning that country would be of advantage to them , their remaining here is much more so to us , and 't is better for us to have people to spare to send to their assistance upon occasion , than for us to need help from them . as for their leaving the country , if we shall lay difficulties upon them , ( as he calls it ) or of their joining with any other interest than that of england ; how extravagant is it to imagine , that those people should be so easily picqu'd into a leaving their settlements there ? when 't is certain that he that hath 100 l. per annum there , can live more plentifully than upon 500 l. per annum in england , and yet his 100 l. per annum would yield him but 1000 l. in money , and that will buy him but 50 l. per annum in england , a fine exchange : such another 't would be , to quit the government of england to put themselves under that of france , ( for no body else can protect them ) . but these thoughts are abominable , and the insinuation is a crime against , and a most unreasonably reflection upon the worthy english gentlemen of ireland , for whom 't would be impossible to degenerate into so much irish understanding , and so little love to their mother country : but 't is a sufficient indication of a hard cause when men are put to their shifts for arguments , and forc't to hall them in by the neck and shoulders , as hath been this gentleman's case in almost all he hath us'd . they are not contending for power or great riches , they neither trade to east indies , turky or africa , they have neither hamborough , hudsons bay , greenland or russia company ; very fine , and have not the subjects of england been debarr'd from the same trades , except they would buy stocks in the companies ? and might not the people of ireland if they had money to spare , come in upon the same terms ? let them say no more of this , their merchants are no way restrain'd more than the people of england , they may send ships from thence to all parts of the world , or concern themselves in any adventures in trade with as much freedom as our selves , they cannot indeed bring some kinds of merchandize directly for ireland no more can we . they have no fleets or plantations : what colonys ever had ? what an exclamation follows next ? as if they were forbid the benefit of earth and air , and the libertys allow'd by the law of nature , which have never been denyed by the greatest conquerors : do they not freely enjoy earth and air ? have th●● not liberty to send abroad their native commodities ? may they not manufacture what they have occasion for of their own product ? yet because they must not bring their cattel or provisions to england , ( though they may send as much as they can spare to our plantations ) and undersell the staple commodities of england in forreign markets , they are undone . 't is evident that england hath been sufficiently put to it to support her government , and not withstanding all the advantages she can raise by her trade and otherwise , she is involv'd in a very great debt ; and for her to suffer ireland to ruine the trade of her manufactures , would indeed be the ready way to undoe her . his distinction of colonies for trade and colonies for empire , is contriv'd on purpose to fit ireland ; but by his good leave , are not all colonies upon the same foot of keeping the natives in subjection , where there are any under their jurisdiction ? to say nothing of ours on the continent of america , where altho' we treat the indians more civilly than as a conquer'd people , yet there 's reason enough to say that we are oblig'd to keep them in subjection ; the dutch have many colonies in india , where they keep the incolae in subjection , and yet they don't give them liberty to send their spices and other natural product to what markets they please , but they do restrain their whole trade to their mother country , and not only they , but all other countries that have had colonies ( since the encrease and understanding of trade ) do ( as far as i have ever heard ) in fact contradict this assertion of his , and i beleive ireland hath the greatest liberty in that respect of any colony in the world. he insinuates , that if ireland should be debarr'd from making woollen manufactures , yet england must not expect to reap the whole benefit , holland , scotland , venice , germany and france , pretend also to the woollen manufacture and will vye with us . i say these countries do not interfere with us any thing considerably in the greatest part of our sorts of goods , and if we do but come to so good a management of our trade as we are capable , we shall be able to maintain it beyond them , and none but ireland , by her having wools and work cheaper , can spoil us . but i wonder the gentleman hath never heard of any nations besides spain and portugal , with whom ireland hath dealt for manufactures ; it seems as if neither himself , nor those that instructed him , were acquainted with the practice of trade ; for 't is certain that ireland sends more woollen goods to holland and flanders , than to any other countries . in all that he says , to cloud the business of their working cheaper , he is as ill employ'd as if he were blowing feathers against the wind , his arguments flye back in his face . 't is not worth my while to trace his long insinuations , i have said enough to that point in the former discourse ; if he disputes against principles , i have done with him : nothing less can be offer'd in this case , than to prove , that provisions are not cheaper in ireland than in england ; that plenty of work , and good pay in one countrey , will not draw work-men from a neighbour countrey where they are very plenty , and work is scarce , that those very work men will never be perswaded to abate of the high wages which was at first given them , although their numbers should increase to ever so many , and provissons be so cheap , that they could live very well at half wages . but beyond all , to clench it , he ought to demonstrate to us plainly , that 't is not because ireland sells cheaper than england , that merchants leave us , and come to them to buy other woollen goods besides their stockings , stuffs and frizes , but 't is for some pretty charm which they have to attract them , though the incident charges be a little higher there than here . but who can forbear his pretty comparison of the labour of the blacks and the artificers in the west-indies ? can the labour of a slave bear any proportion but to that of another slave , but he may be assured that the proportion between the labour of the common labourer , that is a freeman , and the artificer , is much the same in the west-indies as it is in other countries . to tell us of driving away the people from ireland is but a bugbear , the very profits of the lands in ireland is encouragement enough , not only to keep the people that are there , but to draw more to them ; and where 's a tradesman to be found in ireland , who after he hath rais'd any stock to spare , doth not fall to buying or renting lands , in which they find their improvements as easie as in other ways ? we need not be scar'd from making such laws as we think requisite for restraining ireland in matters of trade , for fear of their remissness to execute them , or their smuggling with france and scotland , as he suggests ; but he might have let that alone , if we can't enforce the execution of our own laws , or make what further laws they may give us occasion , for the keeping ireland in a due decorum , 't is our own faults . and for their agreeing to spend none but their own manufactures at home ; we know they are a very genteel people , and perhaps can't hold long in so moody a temper , but if they should , that were a trifle in comparison , to their spoiling our whole trade with the rest of the world ; neither could they do even that , if we should in a solemn manner tell them and the whole world , that they shall not manufacture any of their own product . ( 't is his own words ) and his suggesting that we may be as ready to dash the linnen-manufacture , or any other improvements which they may bring to perfection , is a reflection which england doth not deserve from them , for though she must always retain her authority , to deal with her colonies in all such matters as her own prudence shall direct ; yet she hath always had an easie rein upon them , and given such liberties which ought not to be sleighted to the degree this gentleman does ; and may be a sufficient assurance to them , that so kind a mother will never put any unnecessary difficulties upon them , but will always promote them in every thing that is not unreasonably injurious to her self ; especially since 't is her interest as well as delight , to see them flourish under her care and protection . his gentle way of destroying their manufactures by secret discouragements , and to let it decline by degrees , &c. looks more like a wheedle than a practical project . after all i must acknowledge , that the author hath shewn abundance of ingenuity in the penning those papers , and whosoever shall observe how he hath manag'd so bad a subject to the highest advantage , it was capable of , will believe that in this i don 't flatter him ; and if he should think fit to employ his ability in framing some practicable scheme , for the incorporating , ireland , ( and if he could take in scotland also ) with england , so as that the whole empire might as far as possible , be conjoin'd in one entire interest , and be steer'd by one united grand-council ; i believe his performance therein would be much more agreeable . and when he shall have considered that matter throughly , i doubt not but that he may come to be of the same opinion with me , that even under such an union , the well-being of the whole could not be conserv'd , without the laying some necessary restrictions upon the parts , according to his own instance of kent and sussex , where he acknowledges that 't is the interest of the whole kingdom besides , to prohibit their wool from going to france . to conclude , as this gentleman hath given us his definition and distinction of colonies , i 'll take the freedom to offer my opinion , under what predicaments all colonies whatsoever , without any distinction , are to be considered ; which if it may be admitted , will perpetually determine this controversie in the judgment of all reasonable men. first , that the planting of all colonies is by permission , and in subservience to the conveniencies of the mother countrey . secondly , that all the free planters go by their own consent , and must be subject to the conditions of their settlement , as long as they remain in the colony , but that themselves or their posterity may return at their pleasure , and enjoy all the priviledges of their native countrey . thirdly , that for their encogragement , lands and priviledges are granted them upon very easie terms , whereby they may be enabled to subsist more comfortably than their circumstances could admit them in their own country . fourthly , that their proper business is to cultivate the lands , and raise the product which that country will yield . fifthly , that no permission is granted them for forreign trade , but such as their mother country shall from time to time see fit , because as the care and charge of protecting them in the enjoyment of their possessions , is always incumbent upon her , 't is not reasonable that she should divest her self from the priviledge of reaping such advantages by them therein , as their condition can afford . sixthly , that they may never look upon themselves to be out of the power of the legislature of their mother country , but that they ought to pay an entire obedience to all such laws as she shall make respecting them . 't is for want of these considerations , that men take the liberty to argue so passionately ( not to say indecently ) upon the case now depending ; but if it will not be granted , that it must always be of the essence of a colony , to be under such regulations , i see no room to distinguish between the mother country and its colony , which were absurd to think . and since i see they are so apt to be forgetful of their duty upon all such occasions , i could wish our government would think fit , in perpetuam rei memoriam , to ordain , that an inscription of the purport following , should be always set up in the parliament house in ireland , and in the houses of assembly in all our other colonies , to be read the first thing every day of their sessions : let us always remember , that this island ( or province ) is a colony ; that england is our mother countrey ; that we are ever to expect protection from her in the possession of our lands ; which we are to cultivate and improve for our own subsistence and advantage , but not to trade to or with any other nation without her permission ; and that 't is our incumbent duty to pay obedience to all such laws as she shall enact concerning us. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a33409-e170 * a gentleman who liv'd in the county of kerry , told me , that for about 13. l. per annum , rack-rent , he had land enough to keep 50 head of black cattle , and breed more corn than his family could spend . by the lords, justices, and councell. will. parsons, jo borlase. whereas a petition hath been preferred unto us, by divers lords, and gentlemen of the english pale, ... ireland. lords justices and council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a87338 of text r209712 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[23]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a87338 wing i703a thomason 669.f.3[23] estc r209712 99868579 99868579 160581 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a87338) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160581) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[23]) by the lords, justices, and councell. will. parsons, jo borlase. whereas a petition hath been preferred unto us, by divers lords, and gentlemen of the english pale, ... ireland. lords justices and council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by the society of stationers, imprinted at dublin : [1641] title from caption and opening words of text. dated at end: dublin, the 29. of october. 1641. annotation on thomason copy: "a declaration" at head of caption. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng catholic church -controversial literature. -early works to 1800. treason -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. a87338 r209712 (thomason 669.f.3[23]). civilwar no by the lords, justices, and councell. will. parsons, jo borlase. whereas a petition hath been preferred unto us, by divers lords, and gentle ireland. lords justices and council. 1641 415 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lords , justices , and councell . will . parsons , jo borlase . whereas a petition hath been preferred unto us , by divers lords , and gentlemen of the english pale , in the behalfe of themselves and the rest of the pale , and others of the old english of this kingdom ; shewing , that whereas a late conspiracy of treason is discovered , of ill affected persons of the old irish , and that thereupon , a proclamation was published by us , wherein among other things , it is declar'd , that the said conspiracy was perpetrated by irish papists without distinction of any ; and they doubting by those generall words of irish papists , they might seem to be involved , though they declare themselves confident , that we did not intend to include them therein , in regard they are none of the old irish , nor of their faction , or confederacy ; but they are altogether a verse and opposite to all their designes , and all others of like condition : we do therefore , to give them full satisfaction , hereby declare and publish , to all his majesties good subjects in this kingdom , that by the words , irish papists , we intended only such of the old meer irish in the province of vlster , as have plotted , contrived , and been actors in this treason , and others who adhere to them ; and that we did not any way intend , or mean thereby any of the old english of the pale , nor of any other parts of this kingdom , we being well assured of the fidelities to the crown , and having experience of the good affection and service of their ancestors in former times of danger , and rebellion ; and we further require all his majesties loving subjects , whether protestants , or papists , to forbear upbraiding matter of religion , one against the other . and that upon pain of his majesties indignation . given at his majesties castle of dublin , the 29 , of october . 1641. r. rantlagh , r. dillon , anth. midensis , ad. loftus , geor. shurley , gerard lowther , l. temple , fr. willoughby , ja. ware . god save the king . imprinted at dublin by the society of stationers . a briefe declaration of the barbarovs and inhumane dealings of the northerne irishe rebels and many others in severall counties up-rising against the english, that dwelt both lovingly and securely among them : written to excite the english nation to relieve our poore wives and children that have escaped the rebels savage cureltie, and that shall arive safe among them in england : and in exchange to send aid of men and meanes forthwith to quell their boundless insolencies, with certaine encouragements to the worker / by g. s. ... g. s., minister of gods word in ireland. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a59054 of text r13792 in the english short title catalog (wing s24). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 23 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a59054 wing s24 estc r13792 12937131 ocm 12937131 95785 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59054) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 95785) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 257:e181, no 11) a briefe declaration of the barbarovs and inhumane dealings of the northerne irishe rebels and many others in severall counties up-rising against the english, that dwelt both lovingly and securely among them : written to excite the english nation to relieve our poore wives and children that have escaped the rebels savage cureltie, and that shall arive safe among them in england : and in exchange to send aid of men and meanes forthwith to quell their boundless insolencies, with certaine encouragements to the worker / by g. s. ... g. s., minister of gods word in ireland. [2], 16 p. printed by a. n. for abel roper ..., london : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a59054 r13792 (wing s24). civilwar no a briefe declaration of the barbarous and inhumane dealings of the northerne irish rebels, and many others in severall counties up-rising ag g. s., minister of gods word in ireland 1641 3920 5 0 0 0 0 0 13 c the rate of 13 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 john latta sampled and proofread 2007-02 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a briefe declaration of the barbarovs and inhumane dealings of the northerne irish rebels , and many others in severall counties up-rising against the english , that dwelt both lovingly and securely among them . written to excite the english nation to relieve our poore wives and children , that have escaped the rebels savage crueltie , and that shall arive safe among them in england ; and in exchange to send aid of men , and meanes forthwith to quell their boundlesse insolencies , with certaine encouragements to the worke . by g. s. minister of gods word in ireland . volanti calamo , dolenti ànimo . in mundo pressuram . john 16. 2. the time commeth that whosoever killeth you , thinkes that hee doth god good service . published by direction from the state or ireland . london , printed by a. n. for abel roper , at the blacke spread eagle against st. dunstans church in fleet-street . 1641. they that are recusants in the wane , still prove rebellants in the full of the moone . as popery and treachery goe hand in hand , while popery is kept under ; so popery and tyranny are inseperable companions , when popery gets the upper hand . a briefe declaration of the barbarous and inhumane dealings of the northerne irish rebells , and many others in severall counties uprising against the english , that dwelt both lovingly and securely among them . there was a blessed vnion betwixt god and man , till mans sin broke the peace , since which time wee are all up in armes against his majesty , and having mustered up all our forces , our rebellious and corrupt affections , we still march on in a course of sinning , as if wee would stand out with an arme of flesh , and bid battell against the highest . and this generall rebellion of ours against our gracious god , hath much occasioned this particular rebellion of the envious papists in ireland against us , which now i shall plainly lay open to the view of the world , that all good christians in the world may see , hate , and detest their worse then scythian dealings . on friday the 22. of octob. 1641. a notable treason was discovered , how that the castle of dublin , by a plot of the lord mac-guiers , captaine mac-mahon , and other papists their adherents should be taken , and the city of dublin surprized ( of which you may expect a larger treatise hereafter ) out of expectation thereof the papists in the north his confederates , who confidently perswaded that the city and castle would be then taken , resolved upon a generall massacre of all the protestants throughout divers counties in the countrey , had the sunday before every where directions given them at masse by the priests , as they tendered the catholique cause , and expected the popes benediction , and desired to avoide his curse , that they would observe three things , whereupon they gave all their people the sacrament enjoyning them great secrecie . first , that on saturday following they should disarme all the english , whereupon many borrowed weapons of their english neighbours upon severall pretences ; some that had beene servitours against rebels in former times , under pretence of doing more service against rebels , of whose places of rendevous ( they alledged ) they had certaine notice given them . on sunday they were ro drive away the english goods and cattell . and on monday upon the watch-word ( skeane ) a dangerous weapon which they use , they were to cut all the english throats ; now the two former of these things were accordingly executed , the third only they failed in , because they were disappointed by gods infinite mercy ( who watcheth for us when we sleepe ) in that dublin was safe , the castle not taken , and the traytors were caught in the pit that they had privily hid for others ; wherein they justly deserve to suffer as haman , who was hanged upon his owne gallowes ; or as perillus who was tormented in his owne engine . nec enim lex justior ulla est quam necis artifices arte perire suâ . but leaving them in the hands of authoritie , whiles we passe on in the truth of our tragicall storie , those rebellious tyrants , and tyrannicall rebels persisted , and still goe on in their most bloudy outrages ( animated thereto by their popes pardoning bull ) a few particulars of their cruelties amongst innumerable others , we here present unto your most christian considerations . on saturday the 23. of october , that day the calender notes with romanus episcopus , that day wherein titus slew 80●0 . of the iewes , that day the mac-guiers began to murther , first at the house of christopher coates , an out seat in the county of farmannagh , killed the gentleman , slew his wife , his sonne and daughter , and so went on ; and in this their furie they spared neither widowes nor children , nor any protestant they met with , and comming soone to shannogge castle , that day they brought two rogues whose hands were bound with witthes ( that they might be the lesse suspected ) before master arthur champion , a iustice of the peace , but after some few words passing on both sides , one redmund mac guier , tenant to the said master champion , told him he was his prisoner , and so stabbed him to the heart , and afterwards slew his brother thomas champion , mr. midleborrough sub-sheriffe of farmannagh , and mr. thomas ironmonger clerke of the peace for the countie of cavan , in all nine men who were there , and lodged that night ; an irish youth was faine to give five shillings for to have leave for to burie mr. champion and mr. ironmonger his master in old sheetes of mr. champions , or such things as he could get ; but the other seven they threw into a ditch to bee meate for the fowles of the ayre , and the beasts of the field , killing their doggs , and throwing them on their dead corps in despite , not suffering any to bury them ; and round about in the countie of farmannagh , within a little compasse , were about three hundred english persons that day cruelly murthered , the particular manners after which they were slaine we cannot yet fully learne ; but to some they would not give leave to say their prayers before their end , others had their noses and eares cut off , being cruelly tortured before they dispatched them ; some women had their hands and armes cut off , yea joynted alive to make them confesse where their money was . but above all others ( ministers excepted ) they were most fierce against the kings officers ; such as were clerkes of the peace , sheriffs , coroners and pursevants . that monster and mercilesse wight captaine rorie mac guier , tooke mr. eleazer middleton clerke of the peace for the countie of farmannagh , and servant to the lieutenant of the tower of london , carried him three miles in great derision with a piper playing before him , and nigh donagh church they hanged him wishing his master sir william belphore there in his roome , threatning death to him that should take him downe or bury him ; &c. divers outrages most bloudy and past expression , they used towards henry crosse , iames whitewood , iohn maynes , thomas smith , william ogden , maximilian ●ibbs , richard butler , and steven wrixon , their wives and children , sparing none , male nor female , young nor old . but in the county of cavan at the first they were more sparing , till at length they being hardned , came to learne of their neighbours , and being fleshed in bloud , came little or nothing short of them : the bloud of abraham iames , roger loftas , and goodman deere with his two sonnes , and many others cry out against them . what shall we say of the ravishing of women before their owne husbands faces , yea some greene women lying in child-bed , burning churches ( lately built at the great expences of the english ) downe to the ground , making other churches slaughterhouses , and others masse houses , pulling downe the kings armes and defacing them ? time would faile me to reckon up all their outrages in this kind . mr. edward aldridge , a man of great hospitalitie , high sheriffe of the countie of monohan , ( with his sub-sheriffe mr. iohn scarlet ) having notice that his house and wife were taken , and five hundred pounds of the kings subsidie money seized upon , and that inquirie was made for himselfe ( and indeed it was discovered after , that they had a speciall aime and direction to take away his life ) by gods providence fled to the county of cavan , where he gave notice of the rebels sudden rising to all wheresoever hee came , whereby some were preserved , and the enemy perceiving it , was put to a stand for a while , so that on saturday little was done in the county of cavan , only the high sheriffe of that countie molmory o rely , rose with fourescore rebels more , and gave out that hee had the kings warrant to disarme all the english , and so came to farnam castle , thence tooke armes for himselfe , and all his followers , and so posted to clogh-water castle , a castle scituated in an iland , which is of great strength . there he imprisoned arthur culham esquire , his wife and children , and what usage they have had since , god only knoweth . after the said master aldridge had done this service , in forewarening the county , whereby the lord burlasse his troope gathered most of them together , and got their horses and armes , which otherwise would have beene all surprized in their beds , and their horses and armes converted to their enemies use : he tooke along with him doctor teate of balliheyes , and some other friends , who resolved that night , to passe as farre as they could towards dublin , to save themselves , and to give notice to the state , as soone as they could ▪ and these came twelve or thirteene miles from the cavan , before they met any that withstood them . but a little on this side virginia , ( a towne so called in the foresaid county ) three or fourescore armed men suddenly compassed them in , and knocked them off their horses , stripped the said master aldridge and his sub-sheriffe starke naked , they knocked the said doctor thrice to the ground , wounded him dangerously in the head , and so left them to travell barefoot all that cold night through those rough wayes . the said doctor having nothing on his slashed head , but a cap of blood , and with much adoe they scaped with their lives , upon the doctors naming some of them by their names , who afterwards forbore , and so dismist them , sore repenting after , they had so done ( as one relates that since heard them , and passed through their mercilesse hands . ) but since then , all that have come from among them , have beene monstrously abused . more then two thousand men women and children came from bellturbet , and thereabouts , in one flocke , but those wolves ( false in their word ) having promised they should part in peace , with their clothes on their backs , and to this end two hundred of them went along with this armelesse harmlesse people , eight or nine miles , pretending to preserve them from other assasinates , but meeting there with a multitude of their associates , men , women , and boyes , joyning altogether , they stript them all starke naked , except some few lovely women , whom they tooke backe ( as is supposed ) to bellturbet . an hundred of those poore naked soules , in frost and snow perished for want of food , before they came to dublin . some sixteene women fell in labour by the way , and so miscarried . some with sudden terrour fell distracted ( the lord be their comfort ) yea they have throwne some sucking infants on the snowie ground , and stripped them starke naked to search for money , which they thought was hidden in their swadling clothes , and that for twenty miles and more together ; and if any clothes were given to these naked ones by the way , they were sure to be rifled afresh , within one five miles , either by the men which were bad , or by the women which were worse , or by their children , which would follow them with greatest insultation and scorne , none daring to resist their insolencies . yet to some of his servants the lord hath extended marvellous great grovidence and mercy , and as acts 27. 44. some came to land on plankes , some on broken peeces of the ship , so some have passed these pikes , some with torne clothes and rags , some with roules of hay about their middles , some with sheep-skins and goat-skins , and some of the riflers themselves exchanged their tattered ragges for the travellers better cloathes . but above all , gods extraordinary providence towards doctor teate is not to be forgotten , who being spent with travell , and effusion of bloud , prayed the lord to put an end to his miseries , either by life or death , it pleased god that presently after day breake he being strayed from the rest , in the darke , came to an house where accidentally an irish chirurgion was , who formerly never had resorted thither , and hee washed his head , and applied a soveraigne balsome to his wound , and bound it up with a little linnen clout , wherein he found great comfort , and so got a horse to kells , where he met his company , and was refreshed . the like or greater providence did the same bounteous hand extend to his sucking babe , who after he had fasted twenty foure houres , by reason that his mother , who came up towards dublin a weeke after her husband , had no milke left through fasting , and extraordinary feare and griefe , it pleased god , as she laid her downe under the cleft of a rocke , to be sheltered all night from the sharpe wind , she found a little irish mader full of butter-milke , or bonny-clabber , whereby the babe was preserved alive . and a common marke of providence is to be observed in that the enemy did not meddle with master george creighton , of virginia , minister , who relieved all commers , boyling barley and beefe , and other necessaries , night and day for that end . in other counties they have killed divers ministers , scots and english , after they have tortured them , and dragg'd them about . yea , they have hewen some of them asunder , as master madder neere donganan , a scottish minister , and master drayton of turneredge , an english minister , and a good house-keeper . some are their prisoners , as master hudson and others . if zealous and painfull master robinson , or honest master mors , late minister nigh bellturbet , ( with many others ) be now alive , they may justly cry out and conclude ; nunquam bellabonis , nunquam certamina desunt . but to hasten . in the county of monnohan , master richard cope , his wife and sonnes , walter cope esquire , his wife and children , anthony cope , richard blany , master branthwait , master ralph secum , his wife and children , with divers others , esquires , ministers , and gentlemen of all sorts , have they carryed away into monnohan goale , and there keepe them close prisoners , in the nasty and stinking dungeon , threatning every day to hang them , or otherwise to deprive them of their lives . and their masse-priests , those sowers of tares , working upon the extremities of forlorne men , doe by all meanes possible , seeke to turne weake christians , to their superstitions , both by threats and promises , and prevaile with too many . but oh yee false seducers , quae vos dementia coepit ? will yee not cease to pervert the right wayes of the lord ? helpe lord , deliver the oppressed , to celebrate thy praise and power . rescue such as are appointed to dye , and in life endure worse things then the most bitter death . lay no more on them then what they are able to beare , and in death let christ be their advantage . and you our friends in england , our owne flesh and bloud , especially you of the honourable and high court of parliament , and the house of commons , the representative body of the kingdome , be pleased to yeeld your joynt assistance , in relieving the poore exiled , that commit themselves to your wings for protection ; and be as ready to relieve us in ireland , as the saints were to succour the brethren in judea . our need is no lesse then theirs was ; it will bee an heavy indictment one day , when christ shall say to some , who have neglected his poore members , i was hungry , and ye fed me not ; naked , and you clothed me not , &c. goe yee cursed , &c. and for this your owne backdoore of ireland , for your owne sakes , have a care now in most needfull time . they are guilty of much innocent bloud , and have broken the oath of their god , i meanethe oath of alleagiance towards our soveraigne king . god in his wrath towards us , hath remembred mercy . if he would have destroyed us , to desolation , he would not have discovered the plot , nor shewed himselfe so marvellous , on the behalfe of some of us as he hath done . god hath promised his church , that they who begin to make warre with the lambe , shall bee overcome by the lambe . then reward them , even as they have rewarded us , give them double according to their workes , and in the cuppe that they have filled to us , fill them double . reward them ( we pray ) as iehu did baals priests ; or deale with them as samuel dealt with agag . hew these trayterous agags in pieces before the lord . severity is but iustice , when lenity puts all in hazard . sometimes to omit the punishment , is to commit the offence . there is a cruelty in some kind of mercy , though there be no mercy in crueltie . our goods by them forcibly taken and detained , together with their goods and estates , in justice will become a prey to you . and feare not them for they shall even be bread for you . their defence is departed from them , and the lord is with us ; their sinnes are full ripe , it is time for god to put in his sickle . religion is the greatest motive to a christian mind : let them not ever insult , and say we have prevailed : bring not that curse upon your soules denounced , iudges the 5. and verse 23. curse yee , curse yee them bitterly , that came not to the helpe of the lord against the wicked : who have in a trice laid wast those hopefull plantations in the county of cavan , farmannagh , tyrone , ardmagh , longford , letrim , monehans , with divers others which have beene thirty yeares in planting , and now for the greatest part utterly supplanted . they are also out in rebellion in the counties of derry , donogull , downe , louthe , and antrim , and the greatest part of the english in all these counties utterly impoverished by them . also in the counties of sligo , resecoman , westmeath , east-meath , the king and queenes counties , the english are much spoyled by them : so that the goods and treasure which those assassinates have taken from the english in the three provinces , of vlster , lynster , and conaught , amounts to a very great invaluable summe . true it is , that in severall counties , many of the best sort are in restraint with them , as sir edward travers , captaine smith , the lord bishop of killmors , blanys lady , and his sisters , the lord cafield , edward philpot esquire , mistresse moynes the elder , roger moynes esquire , his wife and children , and very many others . and hereupon many thinke , if any forces proceed against them , that then they will wreake their utmost malice on these . but others conceive , that in regard they knowing that they cannot possibly now ( since their plot is discovered ) long hold out , the consideration of this , that lex talionis may be rendred to them , and that as they deale with these and others our friends and children , the like may befall their owne wives and children , will restraine them from laying violent hands on such as are in durance : and we know that a haire cannot fall from the head of any one of us , without the providence of our father in heaven , to whom wee leave them , that can shew mercy by life , or in death ; in whose hands are our times , and not in theirs , that may have the custody of our bodies ; who hath bidden us not to feare them , that can kill the body , but to feare him that can cast both body and soule into hell . to whom be honour and glory , now and for ever . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a59054e-300 acts ●● . iudges 13 revel. 17. revel. 18. ● kings 10. 25. an armie for ireland conducted by the lord lithe [lisle], son to the right honourable, the earle of licester, lord deputy of ireland being a vote of both houses in parliament for the sending of a speedy ayd into ireland consisting both of the scottish and english army : speaking of the great feare that the city of dublin hath been in and in what danger to be taken sundry times, but now most valiantly defended by the scottish volunteers and the english army with an excellent copy of a letter sent from the lord moore to sir william baker in england : speaking of all the greevances and meseries of the protestants whatsoever as also of all the bloody designes that the rebels intended to take the castle. leicester, philip sidney, earl of, 1619-1698. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a50028 of text r9134 in the english short title catalog (wing l965). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a50028 wing l965 estc r9134 12531973 ocm 12531973 62777 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50028) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62777) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 249:e131, no 11) an armie for ireland conducted by the lord lithe [lisle], son to the right honourable, the earle of licester, lord deputy of ireland being a vote of both houses in parliament for the sending of a speedy ayd into ireland consisting both of the scottish and english army : speaking of the great feare that the city of dublin hath been in and in what danger to be taken sundry times, but now most valiantly defended by the scottish volunteers and the english army with an excellent copy of a letter sent from the lord moore to sir william baker in england : speaking of all the greevances and meseries of the protestants whatsoever as also of all the bloody designes that the rebels intended to take the castle. leicester, philip sidney, earl of, 1619-1698. moore of drogheda, charles moore, viscount, 1603-1643. [7] p. printed for john greensmith, london : 1642. attributed to philip sidney, earl of leicester by accessing early english books, 1641-1700. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng leicester, philip sidney, -earl of, 1619-1698. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a50028 r9134 (wing l965). civilwar no an armie for ireland, conducted by the lord lithe [lisle], son to the right honourable, the earle of liecester, lord deputy of ireland. bein leicester, philip sidney, earl of 1642 1365 108 0 0 0 0 0 791 f the rate of 791 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2002-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2002-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an armie for ireland , conducted by the lord lithe , son to the right honourable , the e●rle of lice●ster , lord deputy of ireland . being a vote of bo●h ●o●ses in p●rliament for the sending of speedy ayd in●o ireland , consis●●ng both of the scottish and english army , fpeaking of the great seare that the city o● dub●●n hath been in , and in what danger ●o be taken sundry times ▪ but now ●ost valiantly defended by the scottish volunteers , and english army . w●th ●n ●x●ellent copy of a letter sent f●om the lord moore to sir will●●m ba●ker ●n ●ngland , speaking of all the greevances and m●●●●●es of the ro●est●●●s what●oever , as also of all the b●on●y designes that the rebels intended to take the cast●e . london , print●d f●r john greensmith , 1642 an army for ireland . tae house of commons now assembled in parliament having fully considered the extreame distresse , and calamity , that the protestants in ireland are in , and moreover in what great perill , & danger the city of dublin is daily in feare to bee taken , have forthwith presented some bills to the house of peeres concerning the sending of some sudden and speedy ayd , and assistance for the same this bill was twice voted by both houses , then they generally concluded to send an army , alotting 12. thousand scots , and as many english to goe with all expedition . a post was incontinently sent to the scottish commissioners , who seemed to receive this newes joyfully without any murmur . then gen : lesly proffered himselfe to couduct them thither with great courage and alacrity , and the scots were no lesse propense to his motion , and voluntary magnanimity , there was likewise warrants sent from the house immediatly to the lord major of london sheriffes and justices of peace in each county , for the raising of some auxiliary opitulation , and munition of arms into ireland without any in●ermission of time . there were divers letters sent from irela●d , which w●re read in the ho●se co●cerning the ●●b●llious pro●eedings of the p●pists there , ●nd with what ba●barous inhumanity they do oppr●sse a●d pers●cut● the pro●●●tan●s there , and how often t●ey ●●ve besieged the city of dublin● and of many batt●ls ●hat t●ey have had with t●●●eb●ls , and in what e●tr●mity o● dang●r ●hey are in : wherefo●e that u●lesse the parliame●t did not s●pply them wi●h s●me sudden ●orces , t●ey had no●e or very small hopes of defending their lives , and the city . for the daily bemoanings of the poore oppressed prot●stant● , would almost pierce any christians hearts to heare them . yet the inex●rable tyranny , and the audacious attempts of the rebels are so insufferable , that it transcends even patience it s●lfe to tolerate them any longer . and hereup●n many within the walls of the city being in great feare of the mercilesse rage and cruelty of their enemies , have re●olted to the rebels . at the reading of these letters the parliament was greatly moved to compassion , promising a sudden commiseration of their deplorable calamities . then was the vote o●●he lower house immediatly given , and sent up ●o the house of peeres , where the said bill passed , each giving both their assent and cons●nt thereunto . after this newes was sent into scotland , they beg●n very cheerefully to gather themselves together : a●f●rming that they could not undertake a jus●er war for the defence o● protest●nt religion , & the maintenance of the sincere purity of the gospell . god ●end that our english-men may be as forward to go as the scots were : & then conioyned bo●● in one unanimo●● concatenatio● of w●lls a●● cou●age , no ●oubt but they will returne vvith a● olive ●r●●ch in ●h●ir hands , crovvned vvith a ●ictorious period in ●heir successe . but it is to be feared that as we have a serpent abroad , so we have a snake at home : but god delivet us from the venemo●s poyson , and pernicious stings of both . for while we are en●ountring , and suppressing the serpent ; if this domesticke snake should begin to hisse , & assault us here , we shall be in great dist●esse and danger too as it is to bee feared : therefore janus-like wee ought to looke as well backward to the one , as forward to the other . therefore i ●oubt no● but the pa●liament will not omit a thing of so high a nature , and great consequence , that there may be as well a strong guard at home , as an army abroad : that while the sore of one wound is to be cured , it breakes not out into another . but alas ! why doe i speake of these things to the parliament ; for to admonish them of these , & the like affaires , were to bid the sun illuminate the earth wit● a resplendent irradiation of noone-day to bid the moone retaine her monthly reparation , or the celestiall orbs to keepe their annuall circ●mference . therefore our sole dependance relyes o● them , and w● doubt not but in their due , and sea●onable time , all things will be brought to a happy period . thus ayd is ●oncluded to be sent into ireland with great expedition , and a sudden army in preparation to be sent . copie of a letter sent from the lord moore to sir robert barker in england● sir , the daily thoughts of you have induced me to transcribe unto you the present conditions of this kingdome involved in misery at this ●ime ; for that i know mens hominum novitatis avida . the rebels proceed still in their former tyrannicall i●humanitie , and they have much increased their forces : they lye in ambush daily in expectation of this city of dublin , and withall they have assaulted it at sundry times : and had it not bin detected , and well forti●ied , there had not bin a man of us alive at this day : but we have alwayes answered them as yet , and we thank god we have returned victorious . as for my own part i value not my blood so much as my countries good , and will to the uttermost of my power , and freedome of life , stand in the defence and maintenance thereof . yo● know , when as the sun is set , many mists , and fogs will arise out of the earth , that received their influence from the sun : but when its lustre and splendent beames shall appeare , how suddenly are they all dispersed . so when as our king ( that glorious sun of our nation ) did rest himselfe in his chaire of majesty , and tranquility : these foggy mists of rebels have caused an ambulation , but if ●is majesties army , and auxiliary forces shall but ●nce appeare , we doubt not , but that there will be a sudden dissipation of them all . these rebellio●s viperr like the lernaean hydra , doe encrease with budding pullulations : but i hope there will come a second hercules , that shall refecate them all with a facile dilaceration . we expect some sudden ayd from the parliament now assembled , and wee hope they will not frustrate us of our just expectation ; for if we consider the necessity we are in , or the murders , rapes , incests which the rebels daily commit : i doubt not hut they would speedily commiserate our present miseries , from which thing i hope they will not long desist . thus to consummate all with my best respects unto you , i commit you , & yours to the divine providence , and res● . finis . a copie of a letter from the lord antram in ireland to the right honourable the earle of rutland bearing date the 25 day of febr. annos dom. 1642 wherein is contained the description of two battells fought between the english and the irish rebels : as also the number of those that were slaine on either side. antrim, randal macdonnell, earl of, 1609-1683. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a25679 of text r15575 in the english short title catalog (wing a3521). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a25679 wing a3521 estc r15575 12544654 ocm 12544654 63010 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a25679) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63010) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 250:e138, no 7) a copie of a letter from the lord antram in ireland to the right honourable the earle of rutland bearing date the 25 day of febr. annos dom. 1642 wherein is contained the description of two battells fought between the english and the irish rebels : as also the number of those that were slaine on either side. antrim, randal macdonnell, earl of, 1609-1683. [7] p. printed for w.t., london : 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a25679 r15575 (wing a3521). civilwar no a copie of a letter from the lord intrim in ireland to the right honourable the earle of rutland, bearing date the 25. day of febr. anno dom antrim, randal macdonnell, earl of 1642 876 3 0 0 0 0 0 34 c the rate of 34 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2006-05 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a copie of a letter from the lord antram in ireland to the right honourable the earle of rutland , bearing date the 25. day of febr. anno dom. 1642. wherein is contained the description of two battells fought between the english and the irish rebels . as also the number of those that were slaine on either side . london , printed for w.t. 1642. a copie of a letter from the lord intrim in ireland . my honourable lord , having nothing of that waight and consequence that befits mee to accommodate your honour withall worthy of your lordships acceptation , i am inforced to present your honour with what i can , as a small signe of the great observance in many respects i owe to your lordship for the noble favours i have had the honour formerly to receive from your lordship , and the mutuall correspondencie that hath been betweene your honour and my selfe , which when opportunity may permit , i humble thankfulnesse acknowledge . my lord , it is a great sorrow to me , my name and honour should be so much defamed and scandalized by false and slanderous reports , nay permitted to be published in print , that i have revolt●d from my king and turned rebell , the very name wounds mee sore , which never had the least thought of treason against my soveraigne or disloyalty to my country , i am so farre from such imaginations , that i will rather perish at his majesties feet , and suffer any punishment what ever shall be thought requisite to bring a period to my life and fortunes , then live stained with such a horrid denomination as traytor : and am so farr incensed against these reports , that i vow to god i will to the uttermost of my power mainetaine the rightfull power and prerogatives of his sacred majesty , to whom i desire to approve my selfe an obedient subject and servant , and his government as the undoubted and lawful king over his maiesties kingdomes of england , scotland , and ireland : i desire not to be di●obedient to any the lawes and ordinances of his parliament for the good government of his kingdomes , that may not abridge and restraine the free exercise of the roman religion , which i am devoted to and am ingaged to maintaine in duty to god and respect of my future happinesse and salvation . her maiesty , my gracious queene , i will to my power endeavour to obey , and her rightful raign in his maiesties dominions under his governement endeavour to uphold and maintaine to the uttermost of my life and fortune : and such respect and honour i owe to my lady , whom my prayers are daily for , and to whom i recommend my dearest affections , that she may be confident i will intermeddie with any affaires that may i hope prove destructive to my selfe or family , or in defamation to mine or her honour , which i humbly desire your honour to certifie her , and to present his maiesty with my unchangeable and dutifull intentions . my lord , some passages of the affaires here in ireland i thought good to present you with all which is necessary to be taken notice of . there was a grea● battell fought before the city of dublin , where was slaine 4000. english and scotch , and sir edward denny one of our captaines with his forces of 400. souldiers hath slaine thomas eger with five hundred more of his souldiers , and put all the rest ( besides some prisoners taken ) to flight . this is the greatest overthrow to the english as yet hath been : and sir edward denny having the victory , on the next morning being by his souldiers saluted in a most noble manner , for their better encouragement , gave to each souldier five pounds , and in vindication of his reputation made a royall feast to entertaine his souldiers , in a deriding and scoffing manner to the english . there was also another skirmish on saturday last , which continued some 8. houres betweene the forces under the command of the lord osmond neterfield and others , and the forces under the command of sir simon harecourt , sir william cootes , mr. moore of the english ; the l. douglas , sir charles bland , mr. henry stewart , and others of the scots , where were slaine 2000. irish , and about 100. scotch and english , the rest of the irish being forced to retire , great spoyles being left by them as a prey to the english of ammunition and provision of victuall , sufficient to furnish and maintaine 500 men for 6. months , which was a great weakning to the catholike party : and thus having no more at this present , i will not be troublesome to your honour , but humbly take my leave . your honours in all due observance intrim . lemster 25. febr. 1642. finis . a full relation of the late expedition of the right honourable, the lord monroe, major-generall of all the protestant forces in the province of vulster. with their severall marches and skimishes [sic] with the bloody irish rebels, and what towns and castles they have taken. and the number of horse and foot on both sides. also, two declarations, and an oath of confederacy, whereby they bind themselves utterly to ruine and destroy the protestants in that kingdome. and a letter from the lord digby, his majesties secretary, of great concernment; sent to the dutchesse of buckingham: which was intercepted. published by authority. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a40620 of text r824 in the english short title catalog (wing f2363). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 30 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a40620 wing f2363 estc r824 99873252 99873252 125715 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a40620) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 125715) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 2:e7[15]) a full relation of the late expedition of the right honourable, the lord monroe, major-generall of all the protestant forces in the province of vulster. with their severall marches and skimishes [sic] with the bloody irish rebels, and what towns and castles they have taken. and the number of horse and foot on both sides. also, two declarations, and an oath of confederacy, whereby they bind themselves utterly to ruine and destroy the protestants in that kingdome. and a letter from the lord digby, his majesties secretary, of great concernment; sent to the dutchesse of buckingham: which was intercepted. published by authority. bristol, george digby, earl of, 1612-1677. [2], 14 p. printed for j. wright in the old baily, london : august 27. 1644. the account of monroe's expedition covers the period 27 june to 15 july 1644. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng monro, robert. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a40620 r824 (wing f2363). civilwar no a full relation of the late expedition of the right honourable, the lord monroe, major-generall of all the protestant forces in the province bristol, george digby, earl of 1644 5459 224 0 0 0 0 0 410 f the rate of 410 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 kirk davis sampled and proofread 2002-06 kirk davis text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a full relation of the late expedition of the right honourable , the lord monroe , major-generall of all the protestant forces in the province of vulster . with their severall marches and skimishes with the bloody irish rebels , and what towns and castles they have taken . and the number of horse and foot on both sides . also , two declarations , and an oath of confederacy , whereby they bind themselves utterly to ruine and destroy the protestants in that kingdome . and a letter from the lord digby , his majesties secretary , of great concernment ; sent to the dutchesse of buckingham : which was intercepted . published by authority . london , printed for i. wright in the old baily , august 27. 1644. iuly 23. 1644. a relation of the late expedition made by generall-major monroe ; with the army of the united brittish protestant forces , within the province of vulster in the kingdom of ireland . begun the 27 of iune , and ended the 15 of iuly , 1644. it being unanimously agreed , that so many of the brittish forces in ulster as could be spared from their garrisons , as well as the regiments of the scottish army , should march out under the conduct of generall-major monroe , to seeke out the army of the irish rebel● ( wheresoever they could be found , ) who not satisfied with the innumerable barbarous and bloody murders , and other villanies that they have committed since the beginning of this execrable rebellion , have ever since they obtained the cessation of armes been preparing an army of their choicest men , out of all the provinces of this kingdome to invade vlster , and to destroy all the protestants therein● as by good intelligence from time to time , and by severall d●clarations , lette●s , and o●●ers of their prime leaders , which hath come to our ha●d● , has pl●i●ly been made appeare . by order therefore from the ge●●●●ll-m●jor , a party of the forces under the command of ●h● 〈…〉 ●●untgom●ry of the ardes , the lord v●scount of cl●●●●●● , 〈◊〉 of the f●c●● un●er the command of sir iam●● 〈◊〉 k●●g● and c●lon●ll ●ei●g all of the v●lst●● b●i●tish fo● 〈…〉 a p●●t of the g●nerall-majors owne r●giment and t●oop o● ho●se , and of the e●●le of lind●ayes regiment , and of co●onel h●m h●●●●giment , an● of colonel iames mountgomeries regiment , being all of the scottish army , were appointed to have their rend●z●ze within a mile o●lisnega●vie the 27 day of j●ne last , upon the 28 there marched from thence to drummor seven colours of the regiment of foot , under the command of the lord viscount mountgomery , and himselfe in person with them , and two troops of horse , the one whereof belong●d to captaine george mountgomery , the other to the lord viscount himselfe , and both under this command . t●ere were also five colours out of the lord coudeboys regiment of foot , commanded by some c●ptaines of that regiment ; and the said lord cloudeboys his troop , commanded by his lieutenant ; and sir iames mountgomery his troope of horse , and seven colours out o● hi● regiment of foot , commanded by himselfe in person ; and out of foure scotch regiments : there were six colours out of the earle of lindsays regiment , sev●n out of colonell hu●●s commanded by his lieutenant colonel , seven of colonell iam●s mountg●meries commanded by himselfe , and eight out of the gen●rall-m●j●r● owne regiment of foot , together with his troope of hor●e : we arived at ardmagh upon the 30 of june , where colonel hill his regiment of horse , consisting of five troopes met us , commanded in chiefe by m●jor george royden , and also the lord conawayes troope , commanded by c●ptaine bruff ; and a part of the lord crumwels troope , commanded by his lieutenant ; and also five colours of the lord conaways regiment of foot , commanded by the lord bleny his lieutenant-colonell , and major iones . upon the first of july came there also a part of the earle of argiles regiment , a part of the generals regiment , a part of the earle of glancarnes regiment , and also three troops of horse , all commanded b● their severall lieutenant-colonels , and with them also five colou● of sir iohn clotworthys regiment , commanded by major o conelly , and other captaines . there met us also sir robert stewart , and his whole regiment of foot , and troop of horse , and colonel merveine with his regiment ; and nine colours of sir william stewarts regime●t of foot commanded by his lieutenant-colonell , his major , an● o●h●● c●ptaines , whereof two were his sonnes ; and also his tro●pe of ho●se co●mm●ed by his lieutenant . there were there also foure companies ●ut of lond●n-derry , under the conduct of severall captaine● ; and a commanded company of m●squitiers ●ut of sir w●●●●am c●l●s regiment from eneskilline , led by captaine ross● and his troop of horse , commanded by his lieutenant ; there were also some more troop● . the horse in all confuted of 22 standards● and were reckoned to 1000 horse ; and the foot of 110 colours mak●ng good 10000 foot , marching in rank● and file , bende● two thou●●nd souldiers more th●t attended the baggage . all our soul●●●●●f the army carried ten daies victuals in oatemeale upon their bac●es , besides their armes ; and ten daies more was carried upon b●gg●ge horses ; more we could not car●y , nor other shi●t we could not make , for want of carriage horses , and other accomodations ●or a march : and all this twenty daies victuals for the souldiers did n●t ●xceed 24 pound weight of o●temeale , without any other supply of meat or drinke but water . being thus joyned together , all under the command of the generall-major , we marched through the c●unties of ardm●gh , monagoon , and cavan , to the uttermost confines of vulster , wi●hout finding any opposition at all . as we marched from cluvice to cavan the fift day of iuly , a party of horse of colonel hills regiment that were sent out upon our right hand towards belturbet , found some houses standing in it , but new deserted , and some store of beere , and aquavitae in them , for their present use ; and not far from thence in a church they found that the people of the countrey had carried good store of their houshold stuffe , and there they found also som● beere and aquavitae and some s●cke , which the earle of castlehaven had sent for his owne provision before him , who they learned was then at granard in the county of longford , with his army ; where he and generall owen mac art o neale ( as was reported ) were to mee● to come downe to destroy all the protestants in vulster . being then come to cavan , we resolved to march out of v●l●●e● with the army to granard the next day , being 12 miles from cava●● sir will . stewart , sir robert stewart , and sir wil. coles troop● were sent before , who killed in granard about 60 of the rebels , and g●t so●ne seven or eight score cowes , and had a light skirmish with some of their troops by the way , with the losse of one man onely ; but the e. of castlehaven with his army having been almost three weeks in that county , and himselfe lying at a pretty towne called ballenely foure miles from granard , and the most part of his cavalrey quartered at the town of longford , generall owen , mac art o neale no● being then come to granard the fi●st randezvouz , the earle getting intelligence of our approach , did the very night before retire with his whole forces out of that countrey , and c●ossed the river of the evey into weast-meath to a strong hould called partlester , where the lord moore was killed the last yeare● and left all the passes upon the river well manned , bridges and c●st●es being at each passe , and did write to generall ow●n o neale , to meete him with all expedition with all his forces , and as we were then informed their next rand●z●ouz was to have been at kells in east-meath . we having rested at granard upon the sabbath day being the 7. of iuly , we sent out and burnt the townes of b●llynlie , and longford , where the rebells had quartered , and all the castles that were of any availe to them● all which they wholy deserted , not one man staying within the countrey , except such as hid themselves in ilands . at one of the chiefest of the passes upon the evey water , is the bridge of fyna , where the earle of weast-meaths castle is at the end of it , about two miles from granard , there the earle of castle-heav●n had put 200 musqueteers , and three troops of horse , whereof his owne lifegard was one ; it hapened that major royden with seven english troops were quartered neere unto that place , who orderly seting out his gards and scouts got the alarm severall times given him by the rebells horse from the castle upon the sunday , who when the rest horsed , and strengthened their guards did still retire to the castle ; at last about 12 of the clock major royden expecting that they would stand and skirmish drew to them with his troopes , but they retired , yet espying 5 or 6 of their horsemen riding to the top of a hill about halfe a mile from the castle ; whereupon he sent out captaine brauff with six well horsd men , who endeavored to g●● betwixt them & the castle , which the rebells perceiving rod hard , and being neerer , gained the passe and stopped ; then one of them tearming himselfe a captaine , called to our men to know if there wer● ever a captaine amo●gst them , who durst change a paire of bullets with him ; captaine bruff with his men seeming to retire slowly , the enemy followed him out ; whereupon he upon a sudden whel'd about with his men and charged them , and having discharged their carbines , the rogues tooke the flight ; captaine bruffe charged home neer to the passe the chief man of them he run him quite threw the body with his rapier , and killed him , and so retired himselfe and his men without hurt , and had no more alarms that night ; the next morning sir william stewarts troop , sir william coles , and sir robert stewarts had the van and marched before the army , three troopes of the rebells horse came out and skermished with their troopes and scouts , ( and had foure troopes more in readinesse to second them , ) for upon the sunday at night late colonell iohn buttler the lord montgarats uncle , who i● colonell of 800 horses raised by the rebells , out of the three provinces of lemster , munster and conaught , came to fyna with foure of their best troops ; whereof owen mac arts lifegard was one , the reb●lls horse following our scouts close up to their body , our three troops being all landfirs , did resolutely charge them , though the enemies horse were far more in number , and much better horsed and armed , yet after the first salue they tooke a flying retreate , the rest of their horse came out to second them , but the first were so charged home by our horse , who were pell mell amongst them , that all of them were put to confusion , and tooke the retreate in disorder ; they had also layd an ambuish of musqueteers for our men , but seei●g all their owne horse retired in such disorder , tooke their flight also ; and our men charged their horsemen to the very bridge , and kild some of them upon the bridge , notwithstanding that the musqueteers were playing both from the castle , and from ditches neere the castle and bridge upon them ; yet by gods favour retired having onely three men killed , whereof two were a corporall and a trooper of sir stewarts , and the lieutenant of sir william coles troope called graham , who having charged over the bridge in the o● i● of the rebells was killed at the castle gate , one fulerton a v●●iant souldier a corporall of sir william stewarts troope was hu●t and after dyed of the wound , and two or three more hurt . the rebe●l● finding that they had received so resolute a charge and rout from s●●ew of our troopes , whom they before dispised glorying ●b●ve mea●ure in their owne troopes ( ●s in deed they might for h●rses and armes , if god did not fight on our side ) seeing our army be●ding that way , god tooke their hearts from them , and they straight forsooke both the bridge and castle , with all their horse and foote , which their two hundered musqueteers might have kept against 20000 , longer then our victualls would have permitted our stay , so the foote having fled thorough a bogge towards a wood , and the horse towards kells , with all their speede , the b●idge and house was fi●st taken up by some of our horsemen , whilest the foote we●e marching towards it , which after taking was burnt , and a number of their houses about it . the rebells lost at the passe about a dozen of their best men that were left neere , amongst which were two captaines that were knowne , and a third captaine was taken prisoner , many others were hurt and k●l'd , whom they carried off ; and some of them were buried the same day at a church some six miles from thence , as wee got intelligence by other prisoners which wee tooke afterward ; from thence the same day w●e marched towards k●lls , whether wee heard the next rand●zouz betweene the earle of castle-haven , and owen mac art was appointed , there wee arrived the next day , but owen mac art who removed from thence before to port-leister , to the earle of castle-haven , trusting more to the strength and advantage of that hold , then to their army , or cause . and it is like enough that if we could have gone thether also , they would have retired further from us , but that being the 14 day from the time that we set out , we had not m●●le for six dayes to bring them home . so having burned that towne and likewise sent out a partie of horse who burnt the towne of the navau also , and 47 good castles more in the county of longford , and westme●●h , want of victuals forced us to retreate homewards , an● to march as farre in two dayes , as we did in 3 before . from kells the 10 of iuly we came to ardye where owen mac art lay with his army & cre●ts before he went to kells , that towne ( with divers of the rest ) had bin formerly burnt by the english army , in the beginning of the rebellion , but began to be rebuilt by the irish : this we also burnt , all the people still flying before us , carying and driving with them towards drogheduth and dublin , all their goods and cattell . from ardie the twelfth day wee came to dundaik an● leagured , within a mile of it neere bedloes castle , where the generall major tooke a speciall care , that no hurt at all was done to them , or to any place which he heard belonged to any of the eng●ish garrisons . from thence the forces under the command of sir william stuart , sir robert stuart , and the rest , in , and neere london-dery , and eviskillin did march the next way homewards . the thirteenth day we came and leagured also by the neur●y . the generall major with 5 or 6 officers did ride into the town , and desired lieutenant colonell mathewes ( who after the scots garrison left that place , was appointed governour there , by the lord marquesse of ormond ) that he might have passage through the towne with the army the next morning , which he r●fus●d ; whereupon some hot words grew betwixt them , and one captaine perkins , a young captaine in that garrison , gave some offensive words both to the generall major , and some of the officers that were with him ; whereupon after the generall major r●tu●ned from the towne to the campe , he sent a drummer to the governour , and charged him to give him passage , or if not to be upon his guard , being resolved to have stormed the towne , and taken it in , mathewes persisted obstinate in his denyall● after two severall faire messages which were sent unto him by the generall major , which being perceived by the commanders of the army● and fore-seeing the mischiefe that might come to that place , and the spilling of protestants blood , did labour earnestly with the general major to passe by that time , and not to take notice of their folly and indiscretion , which he ( out of his respects to the lord conway , who had then a company in that place ; an● to shew he could better rule his passion , then the governour and the rest of that garrison ) was nobly pleased to doe ; from thence the next day we marched to a pl●ce neere the banside . t●● f●urteenth da● live passed two miles further then less●e g●r●● . an● the fi●t●●nth day every regimen● retired towards t●●ir 〈◊〉 quarters , in the counties of downe and antrim . si●●e our r●turne the earle of castle-haven and owen mac-art d●e threaten hard , that they will immediatly follow us down into our quarters , and drive us into the sea ) if god and we will give them leave ) and truely we and all other protestants , of whatsoever nati●n they be in this kingdome , may expect this measure from them if they get their will , as by all their proceedings since the beginning of this detestable rebellion may plainly appeare to any man that will not wil●ully blind himselfe . their late oath of con●ederacy published in may last ( or at least then came to our knowledge , may demonstrate it . and for further testimony to every une , cannot omit a declaration which they have lately published upon occasion of some disturbance and divisiions that did begin and were like to come to a great height amongst themselves , the originall whereof did come to my hands amongst some papers that were gotten at one robert nugents house , vncle or cozen to the earle of westmeath , which though a gallant house and a good bawne , he deserted , where we gained the passe at fynam ; a true copy whereof i herewith send for the better satiafaction of every true hearted protes●ant . the originall under the hands of m●c mahon , o rely , ro. nugent , and others of that hellish crew i keepe , and if perchance you have not seene the oath of confederacy before mentioned , i also send you a copie hereof , each of these two instruments will expound one the other ; the declation will shew how hatefull the english government is , and hath bin unto them , which they tearm a servitude . and that designe therein mentioned is to shake it off , and to get the government in their own hands , and for religion to establish the catholike roman profession . it is then cleer how they intend to maintaine the kings prerogative● dignity and power over ireland , which hath so long beene anexed to the imperiall crowne of england , and what is that episcopall jurisdiction , power of the church , and priv●ledges of prelates ; they sweare in their oath of confederacy to maintaine , though by both severally it is cleer eno●gh , that they intend to give the king no ●urther obedience , ●ither in matters of policie or religion● then he shall con●orm himself to their desires , which god i hope will let his majesty see . and this expedition of ours will make t●ose that are of their partie ashamed to put his majesty in furt●er ●opes● that these bragging impostures , who are not able to de●●nd their own country from a hand●ull of us marching out of a corner of two or three counties , with gods blessing and 20. dayes provision , and not 20. dayes before in p●eparation against them , who from all the parts of the kingdome have these seuen or eight months been preparing themselvas for a land expedition against us , wil never be able to per●orm their vast ( and not beleeved by themselues ) undertakings to his majestie for his assistance in england , who at the best are a broken reed , and will run in the hand of every one that will rest upon them , from which good lord deliver our king and his posterity , and send a happy accord betwixt him and his people of england and scotland , and a prosperous war in ireland , untill gods justice be satisfied , the kings honour vindicated , the true religion established , and the professours therof secured against the barbarous and bloody designs and attempts of those unhumane and mercilesse rebels . after the writing hereof , advertis●ment came unto me ma●or rawden , that intelligence is this 23. of iuly , 1644. came unto him that the irish army consisting of 15000. horse and foot , are upon their march towards , and as far adv●nced dundalk , whereupon we are putting our selves in a present posture of readinesse to go out and meet them , but i am afeard that all our army who were last upon the fields , cannot be brought together for want of provision : but● god i hope will be on our side , and so we will not feare who can be against us . a declaration and oath of confederacie against the english and scottish protestants , inhabiting within the kingdom of ireland , 1644. vvhereas we are informed● that it is generally conceived and believed by the english and scottish protestants , inhabitants of this kingdome : that we the lords , gentry , and others of the said kingdome● have taken armes , and raysed forces , for the extirpation and banishing them out of this kingdome , thereby to acquire to our selves their goods and estates . we therefore desire to be rightly understood , for we hereby declare , t●at we consented not nor intend , nor never will intend , not con●iscend to any such act● but doe utterly declaime therein , but that each man knowne to be a conformable mo●erate protestant , may as well as the roman catholike respectively , live and injoy the ●reedome of there owne religion and quietly and peaceably possess● their owne , so farre as they or any of them , shall joyn with us in this oath following : i a. b. doc in the presence of almightie god , and all the angels and saints in heaven , and by the contents of this bible , promise , vow , sweare , and protest , to beare faith and true allegance to our soverane l●rd king charles , and the heires and successors of his ●egotten , and will defend him , and as farre as i may , with my life , power , and estate , against all persons as shall attempt any thing against his , or their persons , honours , estates , and dignities . and that i will , with the exposing of my life , power , and estates , joyne with the irish army , or any other to recover his majesties royall prerogatives forc●bly wrested from him by the puritans in the houses of parliament in england , and to maintaine the same against them and all others , that ●hall directly or indirectly endeavour to suppresse or do● any ast contrary to regall government . as also to maintaine episcopall iurisdictions , and the lawfulnesse thereof , the churches power , and priviledges of prelates , and the lawfull rights and priviledges of the subjects ; and i will doe no act or thing , directly or indirectly to hinder the free and publike exercise of the roman religion in any of his majesties dominions , and that i will joyne with , and be assisting to the members of this common-wealth , for redresse to be had of the grievances and pressures thereof , in such manner and forme as shall be thought fit by a lawfull parliament , and to my power , and as far as i may , i will passe and bring to condigne punishment , even to the losse of life , liberty and estate , al such as either by force , practise , councells , plots , conspiracies , or otherwise , doe or attempt any thing to the contrary , of any article , clause , or thing in this present oath , vow and protestation contained , and neither for hope of reward , or feare of punishment , nor any respect whatsoever , shall relinquish this oath and protestation , so helpe me god . this declaration and oath was entred in the councell book of k●●kenny & this is a true copie thereof , witnesse my hand , 1644. phil. kerny , cler. counsi . hibernae . the second declaration of the irish rebells against the brittish forces , in the province of ulster . we and others the natives of this kingdom of irland , profess●ng the catholike religion , having long suffered the oppression of english , who deprived us of the benefits of all our native soyle● made us under colour of religion , incapable of dignities and offices , separating of us from being part●ers of the government of our owne country , his royall majesty being pleased to expresse his favour to his subjects of england and scotland , in admitting them to the place of government in these kingdomes , and to expresse their inveterate malice against us , have threatned to extirpate us and banish our religion our of this dominion , contrarie to his majesties graces and royall favours hitherto extended towards us● and have trampled on his majesties royall prerogatives above p●e●●d●nt of preced●nt times , we having for these many yeares con●●●●ed in this servitude● and our complaints rejected and thtea●ed w●th wor●e usage , ●●nding our soules toucht with zeale to our re●●●i●n without which we cannot subsist● and the true loyaltie which 〈◊〉 owe to our soverai●ne p●ince , whose prerogative we hold e●●psed , and conceive our natives as well worthy to manage the affaires of our c●untry , as those of the english nation that are sent to governe amongst us● being for the most part of the meanest of t●at people● have for the defence of his majesties royall prerogatives , the liberties of our lawes and country , and the establishm●nt of our religion taken armes without intention to prejudice any manner of person , in his life , liberty or goods , or estate , other t●en such as pro●●sse adversaries to that ou● just designe . and for that we are informed that many under colour of furthering those our int●n●m●nts , rayse armes , and convert those their armes and fo●●es to revenge their private quarells , oppresse and prey their neig●bours . we therefore doe publish this our declaration , and desire all men to take notice thereof , that whosoever shall seeke to avenge him upon any man for private respect , or shall take any prey or bootie of any nature of this kingdome or any english , scots , or other borne out of this kingdome , professing the catholike religion , that are or shall be converted to the catholike religion , or shall enter upon any of their possessions ; we do hereby declare it to be contrary to our intentions● and contrary the intentions of all those that are joyned in league with us ; and i● any party that doth seeke any such avenge , shall not desist ; and that such persons as hath taken possessions of any lands , or taken any goods from any persons qualified , as aforesaid , and will not forthwith make restitution , that we will deeme him a disturber of the common-wealth , and take revenge of him as of our publike enemie . calmae maghoure , philip orely . ro. nugent , and others . a copie of my lord digbies letter to the dutchesse of buckingham . madame , the shame of my fault to have been thus long without acknowledging the honor of a former lettter from your grace , would have destroyed the joy of a redoubled happinesse in the same kind , did not the extream uncertainty of our condition hereof late , and the hazard of the passages , excused delay in the performance of that deuty , wherein i shall never be guilty of a voluntary neglect . madam , i esteem it a great misfortune to the kings affaires , that the ships provided to , and expected by my lord o●antrim , have failed him : but misfortunes are many times without faults , i am sure he is guilty of none , having so nobly complyed with his undertakings , nor indeed can , that then hath been of the kings partie . for all councell imaginable hath been taken to procure ships both in ireland and in england , but how the former failed , i cannot say , having not heard thence these many months ; and for these here in england , particularly the barkleys ships , they have been shut up by the parliament ships in the port , but i hope the taking of leverpool may now set them free . i am now dispatching away bryan o. neale to the marquis of ormond with a commission to meet and conclude either a peace , or farther cessation ; for gods sake madam contribute an interest in the procuring of a good one ; there is no way by which my lord of antrtm can want more , which i confesse he hath done already , to a degree beyond that which your grace desired should passe as a mark of it , wherein i humbly thank your grace , for your noble confidence of my desires to serve you , which shall never be wanting to any command of yours with all imaginary industry but in this i can be but a second instrument , the work● of this time must be the queens , whose pleasure once t●orowly expressed in it will not quicken more , but make more comfortable the design in soliciting , so madam , your graces most faithfull humble servant , george digby . finis . two letters of note the one master speakers letter ordered by the honorable house of commons to the high sheriffe and gentry of yorke-shire : the other from the lords of the counsell in ireland to the high court of parliament here in england, &c. lenthall, william, 1591-1662. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a47700 of text r20693 in the english short title catalog (wing l1094). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a47700 wing l1094 estc r20693 12680032 ocm 12680032 65625 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47700) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65625) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 250:e140, no 11) two letters of note the one master speakers letter ordered by the honorable house of commons to the high sheriffe and gentry of yorke-shire : the other from the lords of the counsell in ireland to the high court of parliament here in england, &c. lenthall, william, 1591-1662. ireland. lords justices and council. 8 p. printed for e. coules, london : 1641 [i.e. 1642] first letter dated at end: 16 martii, 1641. attributed to william lenthall. cf. nuc pre-1956. year of publication from thomason coll. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng england and wales. -parliament. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a47700 r20693 (wing l1094). civilwar no two letters of note, the one master speakers letter, ordered by the honorable house of commons, to the high sheriffe, and gentry of yorke-sh lenthall, william 1642 1459 4 0 0 0 0 0 27 c the rate of 27 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-02 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-02 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion two letters of note , the one master speakers letter , ordered by the honorable house of commons , to the high sheriffe , and gentry of yorke-shire , the other from the lords of the counsell in ireland , to the high court of parliament here in england , &c. the names of the lords . corke . loftus . ormond . ridgway . kildare . munster . carey . courtney , &c. h. elsings cler. par. d. com. london printed for f. coules 1641. master speakers letter . sir , the house hath received information by letters from your selfe , that the malice of some hath proceeded so far of late , as to endevour first , to perswade your countrey , that the petition to the parliament were ill rellished by this house . and that your free offers therein of putting your selves into a posture of defence , hath given such testimony of our abilities , that it hath utterly taken away the hopes of paying your billet mony , till the parliament knowes not how else to dispose of it . secondly , to cry down exercises ( which have already done much good ) and to draw off some ministers by perswading them that they are not acceptable to this house . thirdly , that some in holdernesse have disswaded the trained bands from going unto hull upon the parliament order . which information of yours , the house takes for an especiall service , and for so full a testimony of your fidelity to the parliament , and of love to your country , as they hold it an evident character of your worth , and for this commands me to give you very hearty thanks , and to desire you in the name of the house to declare to the country , how false and malicious these reports are : since the house was so far from disrellishing their petitions , or turning their free offer to their disadvantage , as that they returned their publike thanks when the petition was receaved : passed a vote to approve of their offer & since by another vote justified them in the same act upon his majesties taking notice thereof . and have since ordered that the same counties which paid their polemony heretofore at yorke , shall now pay all their proportions of the bill of foure hundred thousand pounds shortly to be raised to the discharge of the billet mony in your county and those other counties where it is owing , which if it shall not fully satisfie , they will discharge as soone as the great necessities of the kingdome can possibly permit . and likewise they command me to let you know that they doe very much wonder at the impiety and impudence of those men who dare to hinder the advancement of the glory of god , and of his worship . and also to scandalize the piety of this house in so high a measure , as to say those good ministers endeavours are not acceptable to it , they accounting it their greatest honour to patronize painfull preachers in the performance of their duties . and being resolved to cherish and advance with their utmost power , whatsoever may tend to the propagating of religion of which they hold those exercises to be an especiall means . this house therefore being very sensible of the great inconveniences which may happen by their misreports in these distracted times , and from the malice of these men , if it should proceed uncontrolled desires , & enjoyns you to return the names aswell of those who have vented these untruths , as likewise of those who have disswaded the trained bands in holdernesse , from entring into hull upon the parliaments order : perswading themselves that you who have already given such proofe of your affection to the kingdome , will still continue it by your endeavours , to prevent the practises of any ill-affected persons upon any of that county , to the disturbance of the peace . die mercurii 16. martii , 1641. it is this day ordered by the house of commons now assembled in parliament , that this letter be forthwith printed . h. elsyngs cler. parl. d. com. a letter from the lords of the covncell in ireland to the high court of parliament here in england assembled , &c. right honorable , the present distractions and troubles raised in this kingdome by the rebellion of the catholique partie still increasing more dangerous and perillous to this kingdome , inforced us again to apply our addresses to the high court of parliament for speedy prevention of the same , with great joy and thankfulness , acknowledging the vigilant care and painfull endeavours of the same hitherto , to relieve us in our present troubles . that your lordships have manifestly shewed your noble and affectionate desires to preserve and defend this kingdom from utter ruine and desolation , by your willing and cheerfull concurrence , with the honorable house of commons , in all their proceedings for our assistance : and removing the obstructions and hinderances that have been procured in expediting the same by evill and malignant instruments , the prelaticall faction , in taking away their votes , and sitting in parliament , which hitherto we conceive have been much prejudiciall , and of great disadvantage to our timely assistance . the noble courage and magnanimity of the parliament , in wading thorow all troubles and distemper of state , hath infused into our drooping spirits life and vigour , which were ready to faint with despaire , but holden up with confident assurance of your tender 〈◊〉 and indulgent affections towards us in our miseries , we received strength and courage , not doubting but at length through gods mercy , and your provident wisdoms we should have reliefe and remedy against our enemies . we now humbly inform your lordships of the present condition now standing , viz. the county of cork is wholly subdued by the rebels , l●mster , munster , and vlster , even at the last gasp of yeelding up themselves . the earle of corke hath lost all his lands and meanes , and this kingdome in apparent hazard of utter confusion and ruine , unlesse your wisdomes prevent it in time by a speedy supply of more men , money , and munition . the rebells are growne to that height of impudency and boldnesse , that they give forth in their declarations , they fight in defence of the honour and prerogatives of their king and queene . and we are credibly given to understand , they have presumed to send a letter to his majesty , intimating they take armes only for the preservation of his majesty , and his rightfull government over them , his queene and posterity , the defence of their religion , lawes , and liberties , in the exercise of the same . that they take not armes , as did the scots , for lucre of gaine , to raise their own fortunes by the ruin of others , but only out of conscience and duty to god , and his majesty ; which by their inhumane and savage behaviours since their rebellion , have manifested to the contrary . we rejoyce with great thankfulnesse , that the wisdome and care of your lordships , and the house of commons , have provided and sent over for our 〈…〉 assistance , such worthy and valiant commanders , 〈◊〉 whose prowesse and magnanimity , many great overthrowes and victorious exployts have been atchi●●●● against the rebells in divers places of this kingdome to the great refreshing and encouragement of the 〈…〉 sed protestants . our further desires therefore are that the high court of parliament would be pleased to proceed in expediting that effectuall remedy , to reduce this kingdome to due obedience to the crowne of england , and the lawes and ordinances of the states of both kingdoms , their designe in agitation upon the propositions propounded by the house of commons , for the speedy raising of money for that purpose , of such persons willing to be purchasers , by their monies and persons , of the lands won and obtained by the rebells , and our endeavours shall not be wanting to comply with them in the same to the losse of our lives and fortunes . from his majesties castle of dublin , march . 10. 1641. finis . joyfull newes from captain marro in ireland, or, his second victory over the rebels, april 18 shewing in a most true and exact relation the manner of two glorious battles, never to be forgotten : the first, by the invincible courage of captiain [sic] marro, april 18 : also his parley, and the assault and repulse of mongarrets army, april 19 : the second, by the said captain marro, and being seconded by sir henry tichbourn, gave the rebels a great overthrow, with the number of men that were slain in each battle : also his majesties message to the house of peers, april the 22, 1642. damon, john, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a36084 of text r5163 in the english short title catalog (wing d158). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a36084 wing d158 estc r5163 12634121 ocm 12634121 64843 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a36084) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64843) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 251:e144, no 16) joyfull newes from captain marro in ireland, or, his second victory over the rebels, april 18 shewing in a most true and exact relation the manner of two glorious battles, never to be forgotten : the first, by the invincible courage of captiain [sic] marro, april 18 : also his parley, and the assault and repulse of mongarrets army, april 19 : the second, by the said captain marro, and being seconded by sir henry tichbourn, gave the rebels a great overthrow, with the number of men that were slain in each battle : also his majesties message to the house of peers, april the 22, 1642. damon, john, 17th cent. gilbert, j., 17th cent. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) [8] p. printed for iohn wels, [london] : 1642. "more glorious, joyfull, and renowned newes, from ireland" p. 3-6 signed: john damon. "more exceeding true and ioyfull newes, from ireland" p. 7-8 is signed: j. gilbert. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng mountgarret, richard butler, -viscount, 1578-1651. tichborne, henry, -sir, 1581?-1667. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. a36084 r5163 (wing d158). civilwar no joyfull nevves from captain marro in ireland or, his second victory over the rebels, april 18. shewing in a most true and exact relation, th damon, john 1642 1344 5 0 0 0 0 0 37 d the rate of 37 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-11 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion joyfull newes from captain marro in ireland . or , his second victory over the rebels , april 18. shewing in a most true and exact relation , the manner of two glorious battles never to be forgotten . the first by the invincible courage , of captiain marro , april , 18. also his parley , and the assault and repulso of mongarrets army , april 19. the second , by the said captain marro , and being seconded by sir henry tichbourn , gave the rebels a great overthrow , with the number of the men that were slain in each battle . also his majesties message to the house of peers , april the 22. 1642. printed for iohn wels , 1642. his majesties message to the house peers . april . 22. 1642. his majestie having seene a printed paper , entituled , a question answered how lawes are to be vnderstood and obedience yeelded ; ( which paper he sends together which this message ( think , sit to re●ommend the consideration of it to his house of peers , that they may use all possible eare and diligence for the finding out the authour , and may give directions to his learned councell , to proceed against him and the publshers of it , in such a way as shal be agreable to law and the course of justice , as persons who indeavour to stir up sedition against his majestie ; and his majesty doubts not but they will be very sensible how much their own particular interest ( as well as the publike government of the kingdom ) is , and must be shaken , if such licence shall be permitted to bold factious spirits to withdraw his subjects strict obedience from the laws established by such seditious and treasonable distinctions . and of doctrines of this nature , his majesties doubts not hat that their lordships will publish their great dislike , it being growne into frequent discourse , and vented in some pulpits by those desperate turbulent preachers who are the gr●at promoters of the distempers of this time ) that human laws doe not binde the conscience : which being once beleeved , the civill government and peace of the kingdom will be quickly dissolved . his majestie exspects a sp●●●●●● account of their lordships exmplary justice upon the authors and publishers of this paper . more glorious , joyfull , and renowned newes , from ireland . if there were ever found deadly enemies to true christian religion , they are now found out in ireland ; that mother of all treachery , and nurse of treason , as may appear by this ensuing relation following . upon the 17. day of this present moneth , the lord montgarret , and the great rebell mac-davo , drew their forces together to the number of 14000 , intending to give battle against captain marro ; by reason he had besieged the strong castle of bellon in the neweries : they having intelligence , that he was but 900 strong , having with them but only three peeces of ordnance , he had given three great assaults against the aforesaid castle , and mounted his ordnance in three severall places , being furnished with cannoncers of great note ; upon the 18. day of this month he gave the fourth assault against the said castle ; where after three hours fight , the castle yeelded , putting all that were therin to the sword , being in number 300. he then entred the castle , taking great store of good pillage and ammunition , planting his three pieces on the said castle , having intelligence that the lord mongarret , and mack-davo were intended to give battle against them , being 7. miles off . sir henry tichbourn having received a letter from captain marro that he had taken the castle , and that the aforesaid rebels were resolved to assault him , hasted to him with all speed , with 1700. men , and being within half a mile of the castle , caused his drums to beat up , captain marro hearing the same , sent out lieutenant johnson with 200. to meet them , to know what they were , and approaching neer them , sir henry sent to him , to tell him what his intents were , that he was resolved to withdraw back til he saw the enemy approach neer the castle ; wherupon lieutenant johnson returned back to his captain , relating to him the policy of sir henry , this was upon the 19. of this month , in the morning ; and about two of the clock in the afternoon , the rebels marched towards the castle , besieging it , and having set their men in four battalions , began to play against the castle , captain marro answering them couragiously , playing with his ordnance so thick against them , that there were slain of the rebels in the first fiering 300. men , of our side 18. after some cessation they fell too t again , the battle continuing very hot , being doubtfull on both sides , till sir henry approached and fell on sending 200. men to give battle against the enemy on the left flanck , if they had attempted to passe by on the right flank , of those that were in fight , he sent secretly by the hils ( where there was a hollow distance ) 500. men to charge them in their front , which amazed the enemy much , he himselfe falling on with the rest of the army , captain marro still playing against them with most unheard of courage , who after the space of 13. houres fight , the enemy was forced to retire , sir henry and captaine marro hath also taken 5. other castles in the neweries , and put many of the rebels to the sword , the last weeke , it is thought they will begin with the great castle called newery castle the next . your loving brother , john damon . from our quarters in the neweries , aprill the 21. 1642. more exceeding true and ioyfull newes from ireland . loving brother : on the ●4 . of this month , i received your letter , being sorry to hear such bad news from you ; and wheras you writ to me , to send you word how passages went with us here , i thought it convenient , to send you these occurrences , following . vpon the 17. of this present month , there was a great and bloudy battell in the neweries , fought between 3000. men of our side , under the command of sir henrie tichbourn , sir charles coot , and captain marro , against 10000. of the rebels , conducted by the great rebel mondormo , and after a long and tedious battel , they put the rebels to flight , kild 2000. of them , and wounded the lord mondormo : of our side were slain 400. they are intended to fight a pitcht battel about the 25. day of this month . we had tydings brought to our army , april 12. that sir philomy o. neal hath got a great army , intending to give battel against us in the neweries . captain marro received a letter from colonel g●r● , in the north of ireland , relating how they had deseated six regiments of the rebels forces , but my lord of munster hath had some losse there . so i rest your loving brother j. gilbert . ordered by the lords and commons in parliament , that the lord howard of char , shall attend upon the king , and present some reasons unto his majesty . john brown cler , parl. finis . the happiest newes from ireland that ever came to england since their first rebellion being a trve and ekact [sic] relation of a great overthrovv given by the earle of clanrickards company, decemb. 20 : being 500 foot and 100 horse, to the three great rebels, who rebelled lately : the earle of care, the great lord mackdavo, and the great lord donmadoffe : wherein is set dovvne the number of the cities and tovvns, which they have taken since the rebellion : also the bloody masscre which they have used to the protestants in clogham, three miles from the city of carie with the earle of clanrickards speech to his souldiers, and the souldiers answer to the same. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45505 of text r1384 in the english short title catalog (wing h665). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45505 wing h665 estc r1384 12954228 ocm 12954228 96026 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45505) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96026) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 257:e181, no 20) the happiest newes from ireland that ever came to england since their first rebellion being a trve and ekact [sic] relation of a great overthrovv given by the earle of clanrickards company, decemb. 20 : being 500 foot and 100 horse, to the three great rebels, who rebelled lately : the earle of care, the great lord mackdavo, and the great lord donmadoffe : wherein is set dovvne the number of the cities and tovvns, which they have taken since the rebellion : also the bloody masscre which they have used to the protestants in clogham, three miles from the city of carie with the earle of clanrickards speech to his souldiers, and the souldiers answer to the same. clanricarde, ulick de burgh, earl of, 1604-1657. [8] p. printed for iohn greensmith, london : 1641. woodcut illus. on verso of t.p. and on p. 8. imperfect : page [8] lacking on reel. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng clanricarde, ulick de burgh, -earl of, 1604-1657. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a45505 r1384 (wing h665). civilwar no the happiest nevves from ireland that ever came to england. since their first rebellion. being a true and ekact [sic] relation of a great ov [no entry] 1641 1256 6 0 0 0 0 0 48 d the rate of 48 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the happiest newes from ireland that ever came to england . since their first rebellion . being a trve and ekact relation of a great overthrovv given by the earle of clanrickards company , decemb. 20. being 500. foot , and 100. horse , to the three great rebels , who tebelled lately , the earle of care , the great lord mackdavo , and the great lord donmadoffe wherein is set dovvne the number of the cities and tovvns , which they have taken since the rebellion . also the bloody massacre which they have used to the protestants in clogham , three miles from the city of carie with the earle of clanrickards speech to his souldiers , and the souldiers answer to the same . london , printed for iohn greensmith , 1641 the trecherous earle of care . c ◆ r the happiest nevves from ireland that ever came to england , since their first rebellion . my lord of care went forth with sixe thousand rebels , and marched to clogham three miles from cary and fired it , and murdered all the protestants which lived there , that was but foure housholds . they entred the house of one simon sloper a marchant , and ravished his wife before his face , and then hanged him at his doore : then they marched to kilwort , a great english town , and of very great buildings , but by the way they came to master moulseies house , an english man , and a trooper to the earle of wormod . but hee himselfe vvas not at home , for they soone entred the house , and murdered all that were in it to the number of 15 servants and children : when they had done this bloudy deed they took the old gentlewoman , and hanged her upon the walls before the gate , ripping up her belly , and so cruelly in an inhumane manner tooke out her bowels , and wrapped them about her necke , and then would have fired the house , but could not , it being all stone-worke . then they batred downe the house , and so marched away toward kilmouth , who presently took the towne , and batring dovvne the houses about their eares , murdering all the protestants that they could meet with , be setting the town round about , to the intent that none shuld escape there hands : thus they murdered them all in a cruell manner , some having their quarters torne in pieces , deflouring the women , and hanging their quarters upon the walls , and hanging some up by the heeles , whipping them to death , & others tare the flesh from their bones with pinceeres , and hanging little children upon hookes by the throat , thus when they had searched the tovvne in every house , and tooke armes for 300. men , in like manner dealt they with iormoy , and cormock ; for there they ripped children out of their mothers wombes , and hanged them up , & trampled them under their feet . there lived on marke-davo , seven miles from the aforesaid lord of care , vvho had built a castle by the black-water side , which have bin many yeeres of building ; for the wall was 6. foot thicke , and valted round about . wherein he did keepe 6 smiths at work for the space of two yeeres , making provision for vvar , & now of late hee bought all the best horse that he could get , his trechery is now discovered for upon the 20. day of decem. he marched out the assistance of the said lord of care , vvith one thousand foot , and tvvo hundred horse , they marched tovvard feather about 10. miles from him , a vvalled tovvn most inhabited with irish , and as soone as hee came thither with his forces the gates vvere presently opened : but as soone as he vvas entred , they presently massacred the prorestants , and taking mr. lovv the minister they cut out his tongue , fleying the skin off his head , & backe , saying , that they vvould make a drum head of his skin , that the hereticks may heare the sound of it . then they hanged his quarters on the gates but his wife they killed not , by reason that their intent is to keepe her , and so to have her to fullsill their lust when they please . the towne and castle they keepe in their custody , and leave a strong guard for the safety of it . the other marched from thence to clummell , a very spacious towne , it being five miles from feather aforesaid , and they battered downe the greatest part of the towne , and murdered most of the protestants there , and got armes for a 100. men : and thus marching from thence towards turlow , they met with that cruell and bloud-thirsty rebell , the trecherous earle of care , with his forces , and so marched together towards the city talow . but now courteous reader , all this aforesaid being dolefull and lamentable , i will bring thee to a true and joyfull relation . the earle of clanrickard having notice that the three great rebels aforesaid were marching towards talow , he therefore caused the drums to beat up , to call his forces together , and then spake to them to this effect . fellow souldiers and countrey-men , give mee leave to speake some fevv vvords unto you ▪ vvhich are these . the great mackdavo and the earle of clare are marching tovvards talow , intending to take the city , and to put the poors distressed protestants to the svvord : therefore noble countrimen take courage , and fight vvith me your fellovv-souldier against these rebels , vvhose delight is in nothing but to spill the blood of poore protestants . the souldiers reply . most noble earle , vvee doe not thinke our lives too deare to lose for to fight in a true and iust cause , & under such a noble and valiant souldier as your selfe is , vve vvill spend our dearest blood , and fight as long as we have breath to doe your honour service . then the drums beate up , and the earle of clanrickard marched towards the city of talow with his forces , which were in number 500. foot , and 100. horse , where within the space of halfe a mile they espyed the rebels forces , and there marching towards them , the earle of clare caused a file of men to be drawne out to play against them , whereupon a bloody combat did insue , and the rebels had the worst : this b●●tell held from 9. of the clocke in the morning till 3. in the afternoone , and in the space of 6. houtes were slaine on the rebels side about the number of 500. and of the protestants 50. whereof was 40 ●oot ▪ and 10 horse ▪ then the rebels vvere faine to flye-and it it is tho●ght that they are gone to renew their forces , and to have another battell with the earle of clanrickard . finis . by the king a proclamation against the rebels in ireland. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32358 of text r25338 in the english short title catalog (wing c3221). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32358 wing c3221 estc r25338 08936481 ocm 08936481 41996 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32358) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 41996) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1279:18) by the king a proclamation against the rebels in ireland. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 broadside. printed by christopher barker and john bill, london : 1660. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng great britain -politics and government -1660-1688. ireland -history -1649-1660. ireland -history -1660-1688. a32358 r25338 (wing c3221). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation against the rebels in ireland. england and wales. sovereign 1660 589 2 0 0 0 0 0 34 c the rate of 34 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . a proclamation against the rebels in ireland . charles r. charles by the grace of god , king of england , scotland , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to all our loving subjects of england and ireland , greeting . wee taking notice by the information of the lords and commons , now assembled in parliament , that after the vast expence of blood and treasure for the suppressing of the late horrid rebellion in ireland , begun in october , 1641. there are yet many of the natives of that our kingdom , deeply guiltly of that rebellion , who have of late br●ke out into new acts of force and uiolence , some murthering , robbing , and despoiling several of our english protestant subjects there planted , and others of them by force entring upon , and disquieting the possessions of several adventurers and souldiers there , to the great and manifest disturbance and hinderance of our english plantation . and being very sensible of the innocent bloud of so many thousands of our english protestant subjects , formerly slain by the hands of those barbarous rebels , and of new mischiefs of the same kind , likely to fall out , as the sad issue and consequents of so unhappy beginnings . do therefore , by the advice of the said lords and commons , now assembled , aswell to testifie our utter abhorring of the said late rebellion , as to prevent the like for the future , and for the present establishment of the peace of that our kingdom , hold it our duty to god and the whole protestant interest , to command , publish , and declare , and doe by this our proclamation , accord●ngly , command , publish and declare , that all irish rebels ( other then such as by articles have liberty to reside in these our dominions , and have not since forfeited the benefit thereof ) now remaining in , or which hereafter shall resort to england or ireland , be forthwith apprehended , and proceeded against as rebels and traitors according to law . and that the adventurers and souldiers , and other our subjects in ireland , their heirs , executors , administrators , and assigns , who on the first day of january last past were in the possession of any of the mannors , castles , houses , lands , tenements , or hereditaments of any the said irish rebels , shall not be disturbed in such their possessions , untill we , by the advice of the lords and commons , now assembled as aforesaid , or such parliament as we shall call in england or ireland , shall take further order , or that they be legally evicted , by due course of law : and all our iustices of peace , majors , sheriffs , and other officers , both civil and military , both in england and ireland , are hereby required to be aiding and assisting in the execution of this our proclamation , as often as occasion shall require . given at our court at whitehall the first day of june 1660. in the twelfth year of our reign . london , printed by christopher barker and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent majesty . 1660. to the kings most excellent maiesty the humble petition of the major, aldermen, and common councell of the city of london. city of london (england). court of common council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a94547 of text r205399 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.4[42]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a94547 wing t1542 thomason 669.f.4[42] estc r205399 99864795 99864795 160664 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a94547) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160664) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f4[42]) to the kings most excellent maiesty the humble petition of the major, aldermen, and common councell of the city of london. city of london (england). court of common council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by r.c. for joh. bellamie, and ralph smith, printed at london : 1642. "concerning ireland, the five members, etc."--steele. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a94547 r205399 (thomason 669.f.4[42]). civilwar no to the kings most excellent maiesty. the humble petition of the major, aldermen, and common councell of the city of london. city of london 1642 604 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the kings most excellent maiesty . the humble petition of the major , aldermen ; and common councell of the city of london . may it please your most excellent majesty , the often expressions of your majesties gracious acceptance , of the manifestation of the petitioners duty , and loyalty , and the frequent declarations , of your majesties great care , of the good and welfare of this city , and of the protestant religion , and of protecting and preserving the persons and priviledges of your great councell , assembled in the high court of parliament . hath incouraged the petitioners , to represent the great dangers , feares , and distractions , wherein the city now is , by reason of the prevailing progresse , of the bloody rebels in ireland , fomented , and acted , by the papists and their adherents ; and want of ayd to suppresse them ; and the severall intimations they have had , both forraine and at home , of the driving on of their designes , tending to the utter ruine of the protestant religion ; and of the lives and liberties of your majesties loyall subjects , the putting out of persons of honour and trust from being constable and lieutenant of the tower , especially in these times , and the preparations there lately made , the fortefying of white-hall with men and munition in an unusuall manner , some of which men , with provoking language , and violence , abused divers citizens passing by , and the drawing divers swords , and therewith wounding sundry other citizens in westminster-hall , that were unarmed : the late endeavours used to the innes of court ; the calling in divers canoneeres , and other assistants into the tower , the late discovery of divers fireworkes in the hands of a papist , and the mis-understanding betwixt your majesty and parliament , by reason of mis-informations , as they humbly conceive . besides all which , the petitioners feares are exceedingly increased by your majesties late going into the house of commons , attended with a great multitude of armed men , besides your ordinary guard , for the apprehending of divers members of that house , to the indangering of your sacred person , and of the persons and priviledges of that honorable assembly . the effects of all which feares tend not onely to the overthrow of the whole trade of this city and kingdome , which the petitioners already feele in a deepe measure , but also threatens the utter ruine of the true protestant religion , and the lives and liberties of all your loyall subjects . the petitioners therefore most humbly pray your saecred majesty , that by the advice of your great councell in parliament , the protestants in ireland may be speedily releived ; the tower put into the hands of persons of trust , that by removeall of doubtfull and unknowne persons from about white hall , and westminster , a knowne and approved guard may be appointed for the safety of your majesty and parliament , and that the lord mandevile , and the five members of the house of commons lately accused , may not be restrained of liberty , or proceeded against , otherwise then according to the priviledges of parliament , and the petitioners , as in all duty bound , shall pray for your majesties most long and happy raigne . printed at london by r. c. for joh. bellamie , and ralph smith . 1642. a continvation of the divrnal occvrrences and proceedings of the english army against the rebels in ireland from the first of aprill to this present, 1642 certified by severall letters from dublin, duncannon fort, and carickfargus aprill the 15 / and attested by lieutenant haward, a commander there, and sent unto a worthy gentleman in westminster ; with some ioyfull newes from ireland. haward, lazarus. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a34379 of text r2754 in the english short title catalog (wing c5964). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a34379 wing c5964 estc r2754 12630290 ocm 12630290 64732 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34379) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64732) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 251:e143, no 23) a continvation of the divrnal occvrrences and proceedings of the english army against the rebels in ireland from the first of aprill to this present, 1642 certified by severall letters from dublin, duncannon fort, and carickfargus aprill the 15 / and attested by lieutenant haward, a commander there, and sent unto a worthy gentleman in westminster ; with some ioyfull newes from ireland. haward, lazarus. r. h. very joyfull news from ireland. [2], 5 [1] p. printed for i.t., london : 1642. letter signed: lazarus haward. "very joyfull newes from ireland ..." is signed: r. h. conclusion dated april 9, 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a34379 r2754 (wing c5964). civilwar no a continuation of the diurnal occurrences and proceedings of the english army against the rebels in ireland, from the first of aprill, to th haward, lazarus 1642 1907 6 0 0 0 0 0 31 c the rate of 31 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 scott lepisto sampled and proofread 2009-01 scott lepisto text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a continvation of the divrnal occvrrences and proceedings of the english army against the rebels in ireland , from the first of aprill , to this present . 1642. certified by severall letters from dublin , duncannon fort , and carickfargus aprill the 15. andattested by lieuetenant haward , a commander there , and sent unto a worthy gentleman in westminster . with some ioyfull newes from ireland , printed by order of the house of commons : hen : elsyng . cler. parl. d. com. london , printed for i. t. 1642. newes from ireland . worshipfull sir , according to my promise , and obligation wherein i am for ever bound , i neither may nor will omitt any occasion , to give you notice of such further proceedings as concernes this his masters service in ireland , but more especially in the forte of duncannon , i hope you have not onely received my letters , but also seene my captaine , and that noble liefetenant that came from this good old lo. esmond , since which time we have removed the rebels campe further from us . vpon the 26. of march wee fetcht in a prey consisting of 150. sheepe , and about 20. hoggs , and received no hurt , we have often times dared them to fight , but they will not , their guilty consciences hath weakened their hearts and hands . the 28. of this moneth wee burnt a towne called ramsgrange , and tooke the castle , wherein was a company of the rebels , under the command of one captaine thomas keating , which captaine we tooke prisoner , and 23 of his souldiers , onely with the losse of one man on our parts , and upon their owne gallowes which they had set up for us , wee hang'd 16. of them , the rest of them we restord to the enemy , man for man in lieu of prisoners they had of the english ; and for the captaine , the countesse of ormond beg'd , who at that time was here in the fort , and being sent for , by the earle to dublin , by one of the kings shipps , since the hanging of which men , my lord hath received many threaning letters from one colonell butler , and colonell wall , both great rebels , and generall lord mongarre●t threatens much to the fort , but wee feare them not : if god put it into the hearts of the king and parliament to provide for us , by adding of such more strength as is desired by this good old warriour the lord esmond , in his letters , espcially for shipping , one ship of good fort is as much as a thousand men . it must be shipping that must recover waterford and rosse againe or else never , and good garisons put into them when they are recovered , the mayor of waterford is true , and hath done many private courtesies for the distressed protestants , and cannot helpe the rebellion of the city , the soveraigne of rosse hath done the like , and both hath privatly intimated as much to my lord , that if shipping and souldiers doe come in time , they will doe their indeavours for the surrendring of both city and towne , which should bee done with as much speede as may bee , they both being places of great traffique with spaine and dunkirke , and the heate of all the prime of ireland . they begin to be in a thousand distractions , for wee have stopt going to relieve them , and taken one barque laden with herrings , one laden with corne , and another with wines and salt . this day we have made stay of a ship of london laden with sackes from cales , and some letters from priests and iesuites in spaine , to some priests and fryers here , for which we much suspect them , the letters import matters of great joy for the alterration of the times , this is all i can informe about these parts . we are further certified from dublin , by true intelligence that droghedah is relieved , the gates opened , and a great market comes in daily , from droghedah the army there with some 500 foote and 100 horse under the command of that valiant sir henry tichborne , marched this last weeke to ardee eight myles from thence , & there defeated the enemie , from then he marched to dundalke , 16. miles from droghedah , and there he defeated the enemy , slew 1100 of them , and fifteene officers , tooke foure peeces of ordinance from them , and great ster● of pillage : it is credibly reported they got 20000 in pillage , in both these walled townes , wee lost not above 20. men , which is the lords great mercy to us . our army from dublin have burnt & forraged all along to droghedah , 20 miles , and to the hill of tarah 16 miles , and naas , 10 miles , but to the ● ( on the mountaines ) of us the enemies lies strong and neere us . on fryday last an army of the rebells came downe from the mountaines within foure miles of dublin , our horse went to meete them on saterday early in the morning , and put them all to flight , and pursued 300 of them into the castle of carickmaine 6 miles from dublin , by 9. in the morning some messengers came to dublin for two peeces of ordinance againstthe castle , 2 dayes was passed over in consultation , so that the taking of the castle cost dearely , the losse but of a few , not past ten men , but five of them were officers of great note , one of them the flower of the english army for valour , dscretion , and religion , sir symon harcourt , cheife commander that day , and captaine barrey a brave gentleman and wise , who with 1500 men , and two demy culverings tooke that castle where sir simon harcourt was shot in the left shoulder with a slug of leade , for it seemes the rebels hath not store of moulds to cast bullotts in , who dyed two dayes after at myrian in the lord fitz williams house , 3. miler from dublin : a man much lamented for cagtaine berrey shot through the shoulder , his liefetenant shot dead , but one leifetenant huse making choyse of some few brave souldiers with hatchets and other instruments , broke ope the castle gate , where they found 60 horses bridled and sadled , then leiftenant marett entred in , where they killed man woman and child . collonell reade , and mr. mahone , were lately racked at dublin , who confessed they was to have murthered the two lord iustices , with man , woeman , & child , of the english . and that reade should have beene lievtenant generall of meath , and had 600. l. p●ann . also that the lord dunsaney , sr. iohn nettersfeild , and dondall the regester , who was clerke of the councell to the rebells , and mr. barnewell of kilbrue , with others , came in to the iustices , but barnewell , was racked foure dayes since , and confessed that the lord dunsany was one of the cheife actors in the pale , with some others , which yet i cannot learne . sir philomy oneale is fled to the newry , a cheife garrison of the rebells , it being the next place sir henry tichburne intends to begin withall , haveing sent to dubline for 500. men more ( which is granted ) and goeth to him very speedily , for whose safety and successe , is the subject of our daily prayers . we are informed by divers from carrickfergus , that there is a generall complaint of the country against the scots , for they plunder them worse then the rebels , i doubt not but you have heard of my lord blaneys landing , and that one captaine blunt is our sergeant major , a noble gentleman and a good souldier , and for the forces in carrickfergus , the castle is repairing some 8. peeces of ordinance being in it , and one captaine lowden commander of it , who hath disbursed much money in the repaire of it , and it is a great deale of pitty that the scots should take the command over his head , which the towne much feares . the enemy attempted antrim , with some small forces , but came of with ● of some of their men , but they , and knockfergus looke to be charged againe every day . this is all i can informe you for the present , vntill the next oppertunity , praying to god to blesse you and our actions , to whose protection i committ you and rest . duncannon fort , aprill the ninth . 1642. your true obliged friend , lazarus haward . the bearer hereof , master bridges and my good friend , can give you a good testimony of the state of this kingdome , being one that hath beene pillaged by the rebells . very joyfull news from jreland , read in the honorable house of commons , and commanded immediately to be printed . master iohn hawkredge ; i have written by the two last posts , and now i have gotten a lame hand ; but having good news , it shall trot to impart it unto you . the last satterday the lord moore , and sir henry tichbourne sallyed out of the town , and fell upon the enemies , and drove them out of their trenches , and raisd their siege , slew about 350 of their men , & tooke many of their chief officers , & have relieved themselves bravely , and tooke 150 of their muskets , and a field full of pikes , wee having lost , as some affirme , no men . here are three of our captaines come by land , so that this newes is true . vpon m●nday our forces went out , 4000. foot , and 500. horse ; they are already within 5. miles of treaigh , by the way , lievtenant colonell read came into our men and submitted , if he had not done it , he could not have fled : he is sent hither , and lodg'd in the castle , i do believe we shall now get good store of corn out of the countrey , which will keep the price from rising . our men are not expected home this week , pray god keep them safe . sir phelomy o neal was in the battle , but was faine to fly . with my true love , i rest : your affectionate friend , r. h. finis . a letter from sir hardress waller and several other gentlemen at dublin, to lieutenant general ludlowe: with his answer to the same. waller, hardress, sir, 1604?-1666? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a67359 of text r207292 in the english short title catalog (wing w537). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 36 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a67359 wing w537 estc r207292 99866351 99866351 118622 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67359) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 118622) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 118:e774[6]) a letter from sir hardress waller and several other gentlemen at dublin, to lieutenant general ludlowe: with his answer to the same. waller, hardress, sir, 1604?-1666? ludlow, edmund, fl. 1691-1692. [2], 14 p. printed for john allen at the rising sun in pauls church-yard., london, : 1660. signed: har. waller [and 28 others]. annotation on thomason copy: "feb: 9. 1659. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a67359 r207292 (wing w537). civilwar no a letter from sir hardress waller and several other gentlemen at dublin, to lieutenant general ludlowe: with his answer to the same. waller, hardress, sir 1660 6699 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-06 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-00 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from sir hardress waller and several other gentlemen at dublin , to lieutenant general ludlowe : with his answer to the same . london , printed for iohn allen at the rising sun in pauls church-yard , 1660. a letter from sr. hardress waller and several other gentlemen at dublin , to lieutenant general ludlowe . sir , vve have received a letter from lt collonel puckle , governour of ross , and in it , one from you , to him , dated at duncannon ; wherein you require him to preserve his garrison for the parliament : he had done that before he had any orders from you to do it . we wish you had rather sent orders of that nature to your substitute , collonel iones , when he so long and so openly acted against the parliaments authority , than to lieutenant collonel puckle , who you could not but know , had together with us , declared for it . when you were in this bay , you received an assurance under all our hands that we had declared ( as in duty bound ) for the parliament ; whose commands both concerning you and our selves , we would chearfully and punctually obey : but you write to lieutenant collonel puckle , that we had set up for our selves : we will not say , that you have set up for your self , though your staying , if not acting amongst those who had set up for themselves at london ; you never declaring for the parliament , when most of the army here had declared against them ; your posting from the parliment , when you your self write , they were to sit within a day or two ; and your now casting your self into the only place in this nation , which hath not , together with us , declared for the parliament ; might , we say , give us a juster rise to believe you had set up for your self , than our actings or letters have given you cause so untruly to report of us ; if you have assumed that belief concerning us , because of our not admitting you here , we hope , whatever you your self are pleased to believe , all unbyassed persons will with us , judge , it was not consistent with our duty , to admit to the command of the parliaments army here ( till their pleasure was signified ) a person that had ever since their interruption resided among , and ( we more then doubt ) acted with their enemies ; that would not stay two or three dayes for their sitting , to bring their commands with him ; and who stands now accused before them with several articles of high treason . truly sir , your actings have made our suspitions but too strong . you went declaredly from hence with an address from this army to the parliament , and to settle according to their commands , the forces in this nation : but though you met a conway the news of their being by force kept from sitting , whereby the end you proposed by your journey was cut off , even in the beginning of it ; yet you went on to those who had offered that sinful violence . 't is true , you say , that by a letter your received from that factious party which had been guilty thereof , they intimated unto you , that a stop for the present was only put upon their sitting , and consequently a door of hope was opened unto you to bring them to their duty . but let all rational men judge , whether it had not been a much more probable way conducing to that end , for you to have returned to this army , and accompanied your perswasions with a declaration ; that if those were not listned unto , the forces of this nation should be employed by you to bring them to that obedience , which fair means could not effect . we doubt you had too good an opinion of such men , or of the force of your own reasons , to believe that those who would not listen to the authority and commands of a parliament , would be brought to their duties by the prevalency of your particular arguings , or desires : had worthy general monke been possest with the like thoughts , and employed only his arguments and entreaties to reduce them , putting his person also at the same time in their power , 't is to be feared , we had received our laws from wallingford house , and not from the parliament , who only can make and repeal them . but allow you could be so much mistaken in them and in your self , why did you not forthwith return to your duty here , when you found experimentally the unsuccessefulness of your endeavours there ? it being then too manifest that the council of officers at wallingford house were so far from restoring the parliament , that they voted the calling a new one , with a senate and one and twenty conservators , with power in several particulars above both senate and parliament . and when also col. iones ( who you intrusted with the army here ) did openly send out orders for the election of two out of each regiment , to compose that meeting at london , which was to introduce this new government , and vigorously contributed what in him lay , to promote subscriptions to an agreement , as opposite and destructive to the restoration of the parliament , as even those fore-mentioned elections were designed to be : for which elections , we hope you have not forgotten , how by particular letters to several officers here ( ready to be produced ) you did appear but too active and encouraging . but left you might not remember the contents of letters to private persons , and of an ancienter date , we shall mind you of one written to a publick person , viz. col. iohn iones , and of a fresher date , viz. the 17th . of december last ; wherein you use these very words : we seem to be necessitated to look towards the long parliament ; 't is to be feared they will be very high , in case they should be trough in without conditions . let all that hear this , judge how fit that person is to command an army of the parliaments , that includes himself amongst those , who not out of willingness , but necessity , seem to be looking towards the restoration of the parliament ; and who expresses a fear they would be very high , if not bound up by conditions before their admittance . your duty had been the contrary to what your fears are , and we would gladly know , who you judged fit to put conditions upon the parliament ? but since you fear the actings of the parliament , unless brought in by conditions , you teach us thereby to keep you from the head of one of the parliaments armies , left you should make use of their forces to secure you , and those like-minded with you , from your fears . for our parts , we desire no earthly thing more than their restoration , and bless god , both our duties and innocency makes us not fear , but desire they should sit as a parliament , that is , without any previous conditions put upon them . you that could fear the parliament would be very high , in case they should be admitted without conditions , and have associated your self of late with those , the moderatest of which were guilty of that apprehension , may be suspected to have been pleased with , if not consenting to , the interruption of that authority , whose high actings are confessedly feared by you . we shall not much dwell upon the title that you give col. iones , of dear friend , in the said letter ; though in it we cannot but observe , that 't is not probable you would call him by that name , if you thought he had falsified the trust you had reposed in him ; and yet that he has publickly acted against the authority of parliament , and their laws , could not be unknown unto you , were it only in reference to that particular subscription promoted , of owning the lord fleetwood commander in chief of the armies of this common-wealth , contrary to an express act in that behalf ; whereby from your substitute , he became my lord fleetwoods ; and you from lieutenant general under the parliament , become lieutenant general under their enemies . if you approv'd of this action , why should we receive you ? if you disapprov'd it , why do you give the chief promoter of it , the title of your dear friend ? in the same letter also you have these words , viz. i hope ere this the commissions for the setting of civil iustice on the wheels in ireland , is come unto your hands : which commissions being sent by the power of those who had violated the parliaments authority , we might expect , would rather have had your discountenance , than your hope that they would come safely unto his hands . and though we love to have the wheels of civil justice moving ; yet we as much desire to have those wheels receive their motion from that authority only which legally can give it to them ; and we heartily wish you had the like principle . that you could have come from london hither , when your mentioned hopes failed you , and when your substitute col. iones had so egregiously acted against the parliament , and with their enemies , is evident , by your being now able to come into ireland ; and therefore your declining thereof so long , proves , the fault ' lay more in your want of inclination , than in your want of power ; and if you had appeared active at london for the restoration of the parliament , or earnest against those here which had neglected their duty therein , it is not over probable you would have been permitted to have come for ireland , which ( as your own letter imports ) was well known at london , before your departure thence , to have declared for the parliament ; unless those that permitted you to come for this country , had believed your actings here ( if received ) would prove more advantagious to them , than to the parliaments service . you went to london to represent things to the parliament , and staid there all the while that by force they were kept from sitting ; and assoon as ever ( through providence ) they were restored to sit , you hasten away hither , without any application to them . this being the matter of fact , we leave it to all sober men to make the inference . we cannot indeed but admire , that having assured you under all out hands , whatever the parliaments commands were concerning you , when your case was heard by them , they should be chearfully and readily obeyed , that you would rather elect to put things into extreams as much as in you lay , than patiently waiting a little time , to have them receive a legal and quiet issue . if your actings have not incapacitated you to sit in the parliament , doubtless it had been more proportionate to you to have gone to london , and there have acted what you went over for , than to have put your self up into duncannon , the only place that has not ( together with us ) declared for the authority of the parliament . some possibly from thence may infer , that you think it a more hopeful and more expeditious way to obtain the command of this army , from so small a beginning thereunto , as duncannon ; than to acquire that end by any hopes you have of reviving the parliaments commission for it . we have upon all these considerations , thought it our duty to the parliament , to send forces for the blocking up duncannon : of all which we thought fit to send you notice , and remain , your humble servants , io. sale . sol. cambie . rod . mansel . barry foulk . io. harrison . gen. pepper . io. jeonar . io. king . max. fenton . e. temple . w. caulfield . ri. stephens . dan. lisle . theo. iones . tho. hopkins . har. waller . broghill . cha. coote . chidly coote . rich. lehiunt . eliah greene . hen. owen . ben. lucas . io. frend . hen. morton . r. fitz. gerald . samp. towgood . io. maunsell . will. candler . dated at dublin , ian. 10 , 1659. lieutenant general ludlow his answer to a letter sent unto him from sr hardress waller , and several other gentlemen at dublin , bearing date the 10th of ianuary , 1659. gentlemen , i yesterday received yours of the tenth instant , whereof i had a view in print sometime before , which makes me of a belief that it was rather intended for the informing of others , then the satisfying of me in the grounds of what you resolv'd upon touching the blocking up of this place ; though i want the help of the press , and the like rhetorical pen for the publishing and illustrating what i have to answer , yet doubt not ( through the clearness of the truth i have to offer ) but i shall ( in the judgement of any unbyassed person ) make out my own sincerity , and the selfishness of this your undertaking . after your refusal to admit me to the command of this army , ( upon general suppositions of i know not what , till the pleasure of the parliament were made known concerning me ) i looked upon it as my duty not to hearken to your advice for my return into england , ( you not being that councel the parliament commanded me to consult with in things of that nature , nor principled for their interest which i am ingaged to carry on ; most of you , though now declaring for the parliament , having formerly with much zeal and industrie promoted a single persons interest , and by your present proceedings expressed an utter enmity and aversation to all whom this parliament thought fit to intrust , either in civil or military imploiment : and therefore least i should acknowledge my self guilty of what you accuse me , ( which my conscience clears me of ) and by withdrawing my shoulder from the work the parliament hath call'd me to , betray their interest , and those who are its hearty well-wishers ; i made my repair unto this place , where i found the governour and the rest of the officers declaring ( though not with you ) yet with all freedome and cheerfulness for this parliament , expressing the great grief which they conceived at both their interruptions , their joy for their restitutions , and their prosperous proceedings since they met , and their hearty desire they may go on to lay the top-stone ; all which scaarce any of you which subscribe this letter are able to affirm of your selves ; and therefore was it they were unfree to joyn with you , and come under your conduct , whose design they had , and have still much cause to suspect , was rather to take advantage against those the parliament had preferred , and thereby get into their places , then out of the least affection to this present parliament . this was the cause i sent to ross , waterford , and other places , to press them to declare for the parliament , not in shew only , but in reallity ; which had they done , they would not have taken up such frivolous excuses for the disputing of my authority , ( well known to be legally derived from this parliament ) nor upon such groundless suspitions have calumniated my person with dis-affections to their authority , to which ( through mercy ) in the worst of times , i have born a faithful witness : and in the mean time yeelded obedience to sir hardress waller , who hath no commission from the parliament , who served a single persons interest whilst he might ; and who by a letter he subscribed with others , to the army in england , bid good speed to their undertakings , after their assuming the power into their own hands ; and by his subscribing the letter sent hence to general monk clearly espoused the armies interest , and disclaimed the parliaments , of which i am supposed only to be guilty , and therefore not to be received , though there be not one particular of that nature that sticks upon me , having in several letters ( sent hence ) born my witness against the said letter to general monk expressing myself to this effect : that though by reason of the reports we then heard of general monk's leaving the strong holds of scotland , in the cavalierish nobilities hands , i was not without my fears what the issue thereof might be ; yet he declaring for the restitution of the parliament ( a lawful authority ) and the army being as yet upon a personal account , i thought it sinful to own the army and dis-own him ; and this it self is objected against me as a crime , as if i had branded general monk's design with being cavalierish . neither did i at all own the army in this late precipitate undertaking , nor acted with them otherwise then in a military capacity , but refused to joyn in their committee of safety ( so called ) or their committee for nomination ( though earnestly pressed thereunto ; neither am i conscious to my self that i did any thing since the interruption of the parliament that did weaken their authority ; but that i bore a constant witness for their restitution , and against those with whom i had to do that did any thing which i judg'd had a contrary aspect . and what discourse i had either with the officers of the army , or others about government or reformation , was always with an intention to submit the same to the judgment of this parliament . if the letters which i sent to colonel iones be in your custody ( as i suppose they are ) they will sufficiently evidence the discharge of my duty , both in relation to his answer to general monk's letter ; as also to that of the subscriptions to the engagement of the army in england . but your design is to asperse , and not to justifie ; for the accomplishment whereof , for want of something material , every shadow of a mole-hill must be magnified to a mountain : witness the deductions that are made from the title of dear friend , in one of mine to col. iones of the 17. of december , as if from thence i must be concluded to consent to whatever evil he was guilty of ; if i was mistaken in his friendship , he is not the only man in whom i have been deceived . but i have received reall friendship from him , and would not be ungrateful in my acknowledgments : yet truly i was so apprehensive of the evil of the letter to general monk , and of the dis-ingenuity of those subscriptions ( of which had i approved , i must have been a fool as well as a knave , it being both against my interest and my principle ) that as i remember in my letter to him ( wherein i bore my witness against them ) i altered my inscription . but being by subsequent letters from him informed , that he was only passive therein , and that at the importunity of such colonels to whom those papers were directed , he consented to deliver the same unto them , ( which ( as i am informed ) sir charles coot did convey also to those officers and souldiers that were immediatly under his command ) notwithstanding i was not satisfied that he had discharged his duty therein , yet was i so far moderated in my thoughts towards him , that i judg'd my self bound as not in christianity to keep a distance from him , so not in prudence , he having my sword in his hand ; which also may be a reason that a better interpretation at present is put upon your undertaking then it in truth deserves , and why you break through all rules of justice and moderation , for the getting of all places of strength into your power within this nation . another clause in that letter much aggravated against me is this , we seem to be necessitated to the looking towards the long parliament , it is to be feared if they come in without conditions they will be very high . if the date of that letter be viewed and considered , and my endeavours at that time made appear what they were , for the necessitating of the army to the speedy restoring of the parliament ; as also my resolutions and endeavors then and above a week before to break out of the hands of the army , in order to my repair to the discharge of my duty here , together with my intentions to come by the way of miniehead to the fort of duncannon , upon supposition that the road by holihead was laid against me ; and not daring to trust my self at dublin , where by their subscriptions to the engagement of the army in england , they had subjected themselves to another conduct ; it would be evident that my joyning my self with those who seemed to be necessitated to the calling of the parliament , and my writing to colonel . iones that i feared they would be very high if they came in without conditions was , to let him see it to be his prudence , as well as his duty , not to do any thing in opposition to their authority , nor to me who was invested therewith ; rather then that i was averse to their coming in , or that i desired that conditions should be put upon them , judging it always the most likely way to procure the mercy of the parliament towards the army , for the army to have restored them with the greatest freedom and ingenuity : yet must i own it as my opinion , that the power at present being in the hands of those who were obnoxious to the justice of the parliament ; and fearing whilst it was so , they would not be willing to subject their necks to the block : i thought it advisable for the avoiding of the effusion of blood , and for the putting the wheels of authority aright again , for the parliament to have somewhat complied with the army for the good of the whole , and for the preserving of our cause from being over-run by the common enemy , of which it was in imminent danger . but the lord hath brought it about another way , and i hope a better , having through mercy much moderated their spirits towards their old servants ( who by this late interruption had highly provoked them ) to the disappointing the hopes of enemies , and preventing the fears of faithful and true friends . the last clause objected against me is this , i hope ere this the commissions for setting of civil iustice on the wheels are come to your hands . it seems very strange that the mentioning of these commissions should be such a hainous crime in me , reputed by you , who were free that the administration of all civil justice should be derived from a military hand , during the lord oliver and his son richard's reign . it is to be feared , you now rather dislike the persons from whom it comes , than the thing it self : but i am glad you own it now to be your principle , 't was alwaies mine : and i have during these interruptions born a constant witness thereunto , and in particular against sending these commissions upon that account , advising that the commissioners of parliament should upon their general instructions issue out commissions for the administring of civil justice , rather than derive it from so corrupt a fountain . but the lawyers are of an opinion , whoever is actually in power , may set the wheels of civil justice going : upon this score they were sent to ireland , in answer to the importunity of the people there , who much complained of the mischiefs that befel them , for want of them : and in particular the running out of many tories , who being long imprisoned for horrid murders , ( there being no way of tryal ) made their escape . it is easie hence to observe how occasions are sought after for the blasting of me ; but it is a mercy ( which i desire to own ) that you have no more to lay to my charge , and that i have so just a bar to appeal unto , as that of the parliament of england , who i doubt not will protect me , and do me right against the malicious prosecution of any cavalierish spirit whatever . if to have been true , faithful and constant to the parliament of the common-wealth of england , in opposition to a single person , kingship , or house of peers ; if to bear my witness against such as are disaffected to publick interest , or as are vicious in their lives and conversations , or to be faithful in the discharge of the trust the parliament reposed in me , be high treason , i must confess my self guilty : for any thing else that may be laid to my charge , of publick concernment , i value not , except my infirmities . i presume her 's the substance of those articles of high treason hinted at in yours , for had there been anything that by representing me black and odious , would have tended to the excusing you , in the opposing of me , commissionated by the parliament , it would have been here inferred . but the old policy , in casting good store of dint that some of it may stick , will not be forgotten . what my endeavours have been since my going for england , for the restitution of this parliament , time will make our , being best known to those who are most concerned therein . i could express my self in that place , no way but by letter for their service ; which i did fully in most of those i wrote , till finding my endeavours fruitless to the ends i proposed to my self , and that my presence was necessary for the composing of differences in this army for the service of this parliament , i resolved to break out of the hands of those in power in england , by whom i was under a kind of restraint ; and in order thereunto , had prepared for my escape , as is well known to some eminent persons , and resolved to come by the way of miniehead , for the reasons afore specified ; but several intervening providences giving life to my hopes of this parliaments restitution , respited my journey , till by a vote of a council of officers at whitehal , for the calling of a new parliament , of the 24th . instant , ( wich which you immediatly closed , by agreeing upon a parliament to meet at dublin the same day ) i was out of hopes of serving the interest of the parliament in that place any longer : this being tuesday , i resolved on thursday following in the evening , to begin my intended journey into ireland : on wednesday late at night , lieutenant col. walker brought me an account from wallingford house , that my lord fleetwood being convinced that nothing but charles stuart his interest could be advanced by this new parliament , had therefore resolved to remove the obstruction that was put in the way of the sitting of the old one . the next morning being thursday , having met with the lord fleetwood in order thereunto , he received a letter from captain allgate , commander of the oxford frigot , with a declaration of part of this army for the parliament , he acquainted me therewith , and then thought it necessary i should repair to my charge , which to that time i could not convince him of , though for a moneth or five weeks past , i laboured to perswade him thereunto . but now having got my liberty ( that power no longer prevailing ) and finding my self owned in your declaration , as commander in chief ( my brother kempstons name being thereunto , which since i understand was writ contrary to his mind , not liking his company ) i thought it my duty to hast away ; and the rather , for that though the declaration for the generality of it , was plausible and fair , yet many of the persons who had subscribed the same , being known unto me to be persons of a contrary principle thereunto , and such as constantly adhered to another interest , for which they were laid aside , and ( as they judged ) disobliged by this parliament ; i look't upon it as my duty to hasten hither for the keeping this army to the things declared for , and from the setting up a government by a single person , which the subscribers are generally enclined unto : for which service , i doubted not of the parliaments acknowledgment ; having first taken my leave of the speaker , and left with him the address and petition of the officers of this army , declaring their hearty affection to this parliament , and their resolution to stand by them ; whereunto very few of your hearts or hands then were . nothwithstanding my hast into the bay of dublin , i came too late ; for i found those whom the parliament owned , both commissioners of parliament , and field-officers of the army , disown'd , dismist , and imprisoned ; and those who never owned the parliaments interest , except in shew , as now , for their own ends , being principled for a king or single person , preferred , and put into their places . as your ingenuity in your letter is very much to be commended , in that you do not aver that those publick-spirited persons , whom throughout the nation you have imprisoned , did not declare for the parliament , but they did it not with you ; so is your design much laid open thereby , and what i affirm'd concerning your setting up for your selves , made good ; and that your quarrel with this and other places , is not for not declaring for the parliament , but for not declaring with you , or rather for you ; which they could not satisfy themselves to do , for the reasons above mentioned , having but too much cause to doubt your heartiness therein , which out of the mouths of those who i judged the moderatest of your party , is now put out of doubt , they publickly declaring for sir george booth's design , of which this is a second part , and calling this parliament a limb of the parliament . had i been upon the place of my command as general monk was of his , when the resolutions of the army came to me , your advice had been very wholsom and good ; but it pleased the lord to order it otherwise , i was in my journey towards london , when i was first surprized with the unwelcom news of the parliaments interruption : and truly were i now in the same posture , accompanied with the like circumstances as then , i cannot say but that i should take the same resolution ; more relying upon the reasonableness of what was to be proposed for the effecting of what i had in design , or rather the necessity that lay upon the army of closing therewith ; than upon the good opinion of my own parts , or interest : on this account i promised my self success , had the persons i had to do withal , been worse than they are . the reason of my not returning , when i found my endeavours fruitless , i have before mentioned , and likewise the witness i bare against those subscriptions , not so much , as they were against me , as against the parliament and publick interest . as to the general meeting of two officers of each regiment throughout the three nations , if it were designed to be in opposition to the restoring of this parliament , it was contrary to what i intended ; general monk's commissioners ( who had declared for this parliament ) having agreed to it , i was the more free to concur in it : and the rather , for that one part of the army about london , being only engaged in the interruption of the parliament , there was in my judgment no way more probable for their restitution without the effusion of bloud , than by the vote of a general council of the three armies , three parts of four of which at the least , were not engaged in that unhappy undertaking . and whereas 't is charged against me , that i wrote to have such men chosen as were spirited for the work ; in letters to collonel richards , i interpreted that work to be the restoring of this parliament : my witness against any thing of a new parliament to be called , whether with conservators , with a senate , or without , is sufficiently known . and truly you have given too much ground of belief by your appointing a kind of parliament of the irish constitution , to meet on the same 24th , of ian. of your readiness to close with that kind of parliament . thus have i though confusedly , yet ( i hope ) satisfactorily given answer to each particular in your letter , and to some objections that i have heard made against me , and made appear that your sending forces for the blocking up this place , hath proceeded from a selfish consideration , because i ( who am appointed by this parliament to command their forces in this nation , according to my principle , have made it my practice to give countenance to all who fear god and work righteousness , and to promote an english interest in ireland ) will not receive orders from you ( many of whom laid down your commissions when this parliament was first restored , others were laid by long since , some by this parliament , and others of you under consideration , so to be for your adherence to a contrary interest , and your vitiousness in life and conversation ) and not for any thing of affection or duty to this parliament whom most of you never till now pretended to wish well unto . did not you judge of me by your selves , who have taken this opportunity without any call that i know of , to put your selves into power and place ; you might conclude from all these particulars that i should not have undertaken such a journey as this , and run so many hazards , and undergone so many affronts and difficulties as i have done , did i not look upon it as my duty to the parliament , as far as i had an opportunity to answer the call i had from them in promoting their interest , and standing by and countenancing such as fear the lord , and have approved themselves well-wishers to his service : which had i been wanting in , i should not have had peace in my own conscience in the condition the lord hath appointed me for my portion , which now through mercy whatever it be , i hope upon good grounds i have cause to promise unto my self ; having though in much weakness , yet in faithfulness discharged the trust the parliament reposed in me . it was answer to their call i first undertook this imployment , it s their service i have indeavoured to promote , it s their pleasure i have waited for ; which by letters from them of the seventh instant , i understand to be that out of their tender respect to the peace and welfare of this nation , they have thought fit i should forthwith attend them , that thereby they may the more fully understand the affairs of this nation . in obedience whereunto i am making all possible speed , and hope to set sail for england this day , assuring my self that they will impartially judge of what is in difference between us , and will certainly so provide for the security of their interest here , as that whatever difficulty they may encounter with this ensuing summer from a broad , or at home , they may have this nation to their friend ; which truly in the hands things now are , they cannot promise unto themselves , and the rather if you continue your hostility against this and other places , and your restraint on such persons , who your own consciences tell you are more hearty to their service , and more ready to obey their commands then your selves . the lord divert that cloud which seems to hang over this poor nation , and direct you into ways that are of truth and peace , that you may not be beating your fellow-servants , but that the presence of the lord may be amongst you , and you may see it your interest to be subservient to his great design of exalting justice and righteousness which is all the hurt wished you , by your humble servant edm. ludlow . dated at duncannon fort this 21 of january , 1659. finis . whereas the parliament stands prorogued untill the fourth day of july next, and whereas for sundry causes and considerations, we have thought it fit and convenient and necessary further to prorogue the said parliament untill the third day of august next ... by the lord deputy, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. 1665 approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46188 wing i925 estc r36949 16161786 ocm 16161786 104939 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46188) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104939) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:57) whereas the parliament stands prorogued untill the fourth day of july next, and whereas for sundry causes and considerations, we have thought it fit and convenient and necessary further to prorogue the said parliament untill the third day of august next ... by the lord deputy, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. ossory, thomas butler, earl of, 1634-1680. 1 broadside. printed by john crook ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1665. title from first 6 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin the two and twentieth day of june, 1665." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland. -parliament. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord deputy ossory . whereas the parliament stands prorogued until the fourth day of july next : and whereas for sundry causes and considerations , we have thought it fit and convenient , and necessary further to prorogue the said parliament until the third day of august next ; we do therefore will and require all persons to whom it doth or shall appertain , to take due notice thereof ; to the end that in the mean time they may repair to their houses , or otherwise apply themselves about their private affairs at their pleasures ; and then give their attendance here again , at the day and time aforesaid , in the usual place appointed for that intended service , whereof they may not fail . given at the council chamber in dublin , the two and twentieth day of june , 1665 . god save the king . dvblin , printed by john crook , printer to the kings most excellent majestie , and are to be sold by samuel dancer , bookseller in castlestreet . 1665. bellum hybernicale: or, ireland's vvarre astrologically demonstrated, from the late celestiall-congresse of the two malevolent planets, saturne and mars, in taurus, the ascendent of that kingdome. vvherein likewise, their future opposition in the signs sagittary and gemini, (most ominous to london, and many other of the south and west parts of england) is mathematically handled. the ignorance, malice, mistakes, errors, insolencies, and impertinencies, of iohn booker, (in his astrologicall observations upon the said conjunction, in a late pamphlet of his, styled, a bloody irish almanack, &c.) discovered, corrected, refuted, and retorted: and the author further vindicated, from his, and master lilly's former frivolous, false, and malicious aspersions, throughout the whole discourse. / by capt. geo: wharton, student in astronomy. wharton, george, sir, 1617-1681. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a96277 of text r15814 in the english short title catalog (thomason e365_21 e374_9). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 91 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 22 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a96277 wing w1543 thomason e365_21 thomason e374_9 estc r15814 99859926 99859926 159928 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a96277) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 159928) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 58:e365[21] or 60:e374[9]) bellum hybernicale: or, ireland's vvarre astrologically demonstrated, from the late celestiall-congresse of the two malevolent planets, saturne and mars, in taurus, the ascendent of that kingdome. vvherein likewise, their future opposition in the signs sagittary and gemini, (most ominous to london, and many other of the south and west parts of england) is mathematically handled. the ignorance, malice, mistakes, errors, insolencies, and impertinencies, of iohn booker, (in his astrologicall observations upon the said conjunction, in a late pamphlet of his, styled, a bloody irish almanack, &c.) discovered, corrected, refuted, and retorted: and the author further vindicated, from his, and master lilly's former frivolous, false, and malicious aspersions, throughout the whole discourse. / by capt. geo: wharton, student in astronomy. wharton, george, sir, 1617-1681. [4], 36 p. : ill. s.n.], [london : printed in the yeere, 1647. [i.e. 1646] place of publication from wing. thomason received one copy december 12, 1646. annotation on thomason copy e.365[21]: "dec: 12th 1646"; the 7 in imprint date crossed out; on e.374[9]: "feb: 9th 1646"; the 7 in imprint date crossed out. reproductions of the originals in the british library. eng booker, john, 1603-1667. -bloody irish almanack. lilly, william, 1602-1681 -early works to 1800. astrology -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a96277 r15814 (thomason e365_21 e374_9). civilwar no bellum hybernicale: or, ireland's vvarre astrologically demonstrated,: from the late celestiall-congresse of the two malevolent planets, sa wharton, george, sir 1647 13907 87 5 9 0 0 0 73 d the rate of 73 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-08 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion bellum hybernicale : or , ireland's vvarre astrologically demonstrated , from the late celestiall-congresse of the two malevolent planets , saturne and mars , in taurus , the ascendent of that kingdome . vvherein likewise , their future opposition in the signs sagittary and gemini , ( most ominous to london , and many other of the south and west parts of england ) is mathematically handled . the jgnorance , malice , mistakes , errors , insolencies , and impertinencies , of john booker , ( in his astrologicall observations upon the said conjunction , in a late pamphlet of his , styled , a bloody irish almanack , &c. ) discovered , corrected , refuted , and retorted : and the author further vindicated , from his , and master lilly's former frivolous , false , and malicious aspersions , throughout the whole discourse . by capt. geo : wharton , student in astronomy . — ego 〈◊〉 tumultum , nec mori per vim metuam , tenente caesare terras . printed in the yeere ▪ 1647. to the impartiall , and juditious reader . it is high time , now , after so many affronts , and such multiplicity of rayling , and scornfull language , uttered against me , in severall silly pamphlets , by that profest mountebanke in astrology , ( john bookes , ) to vindicate my selfe from the calumnies , scandalls , and false accusations , which his unsatiable ambition , and implacable malice , hath most wickedly accused me of : and thereby i shall discover , how much his envy , ( to my penne and person ) hath transported him beyond the bound of modesty , and rendered him incapable both of reason and knowledge , in the art , whereof be professes himselfe to be a master . i have in part answered m. lilly , in my prognostication for the ensuing yeare 1647. and here , ( according to my promise ) i shall catechise john booker , and both of them , as occasion serves . the subject or matter , here intended , is , the notable conjunction of the 2. malevolent planets in the signe taurus , upon the 12. of june this yeare , 1646. the effects whereby will be in great force , untill the 21. day of october 1647. which conjunction hath lately beene most ignorantly treated of , by john booker in a certaine pamphlet of his stiled a bloody irish almanacke , &c. and many false observations he hath drawn thence , and published ; not upon any reall grounds in astrology , but merely out of his inveterate malice , and hatred to the kingdome of ireland ; whereby both that and this kingdome have beene deluded , and astrology shamefully perverted and defamed . in which respect ( as likewise ( upon this occasion ) to free my selfe , from his former aspertions ) i have published the following discourse , wherein the same conjunction of saturne , and mars , is more artificially handled : and also their future opposition ; ( with a touch concerning their next conjunction , which will happen in the signe gemini , ( the ascendent of london ) which will be farre more terrible , and of greater concernment to london , and other parts of this kingdome ; then the conjunction in taurus can be to ireland : i have palpably unmasked his malice , discovered his ignorance , divulged and corrected his errours , and misapplications of the effects of this celestiall meeting : if his immodest language , hath anywhere incited me to too much freedome of speech ; i shall crave his excuse , when he beggs my pardon , for his former insolencies : i hate not his ( or any mans ) person , but his sinne . the method is rough cast , ( like my selfe ) if the matter be better polished , i care not : i know , i shall not please all ( neither would i ) some for want of judgement , and some for want of love , and others for lack of loyalty will condemne me ; but none of these doe i regard : it is to the impartiall , and juditious i appeale , and to their judgement ( onely ) will i submit . and if they please to adventure but their patience , as i have done my paines , ( which is not a little ) i doubt not of the issue : i have no ungodly ends , in this , or any other of my writings , my wishes are full as good , as john bookers : i wish all happynesse to the king and queenes majesty , and the royall progeny , and an end to the miseries of this languishing kingdome . i love , and wish for the booke of common-prayer againe , that was sealed with the blood of so many martyrs , till which be , i expect not to see religion in its pristine puritie . i delight not in war , not can i pray for an unjust or dishonourable peace . from my study in an honest cavaliers house in york-shire , the 10. of septemb. 1646. so saith a true , and free-borne english-man , an abhorrer of all manner of treasons , and rebellions , one that loveth all manner of christians , and us a great honourer of true and lawfull parliaments , geo : wharton . bellum hybernicale , &c. not many dayes , before the famous and somtimes flourishing vniversity , and city of oxford was sacrificed as a peace-offering ( by some of the more pacificall lords ) and accordingly surrendered ( upon articles ) otherwise honourable ) into the sacrilegious hands of the sectaries and schismatiques of this kingdome : ( viz. ) in this yeare 1646. ( which is from the creation of the world , 5595. ( to omit all other frivolous and fruitlesse computations and chronologies , wherewith booker hath foolishly stuffd , & crammed up a malitious lying pamphlet , by him styled a bloody irish almanack , &c. ) upon friday the twelfe day of iune , there happened a notable conjunction of the two malevolent planets , saturn and mars : which conjunction , notwithstanding it did not manifest it selfe , with any stormes , thunder or lightning , as iohn booker prognosticated in his un-sainted state-lying-kalender : nor hath been the prodromus of such losse , ruine , destruction , and desolation to the kingdome of ireland , as is mentioned in the said pamphlet ; yet questionlesse the effects of that malicious meeting , have already been notably shewed both in ireland , and in many other kingdome and countries , cities , and townes , and upon particular persons who had any congruencie therewith in the radix or revolution of their nativities : but to the intent that this barking mungrell may not delude the ignorant with his pedling trash , nor detract from , or otherwise abuse a whole nation , with his nauceous , and menacing expressions : i have assumed a liberty of publishing this following discourse , which is void of all envy , malice , or partiality , but freely , modestly , and sincerely , relating whatsoever concernes this coelestiall meeting , according to the rules of art , and the judgement of the most approved astrologers , ancient , and modern : wherein the judicious and indifferent readers may plainly and orderly perceive the ignorance and malice of this trifling parasite : and rightly understand , the nature and quality of the effects of this coelestiall congresse , when they shall begin to operate , how long continue , what nations , or countries are therein principally concerned , and how far the kingdome of ireland in particular ; concluding , whether or no , that ( so long ) oppressed kingdome , be ordained for the stage , whereon such bloudy-minded hel-hounds ( as himselfe ) are to perpetrate their cruelty . i will not trouble the judicious reader with any examples of such events , as have formerly happened in england or elswhere , upon the like conjunctions : for that i acknowledge him to have collect●d in part . but i will first examine the foundation , whereupon he hath raised this so deformed a structure , and accordingly proceed , either by adhering to him where he hath stumbled on any truth , or in dissenting from , and correcting him , where i meet with his mistakes , ignorance and malice . and first , i will artificially erect the figure of heaven , according to the doctrine of regio montanus , to the true , or apparent time of this conjunction , and afterwards compare it with that , which booker hath published ( for i dare not take this ( or any other ) upon trust either from him or m. lillie ) whereby , i shall presume , not not only to discover his want of skill , in this ordinary piece of astronomy , but likewise to benefit some others as ignorant as himselfe , ( if any such can be ) who desire to learn the exact manner of erecting the figure of heaven ( by this one example ) for any moment of time , out of the tables of directions . first then , wee are to enquire , at what time these two planets are conjoyned . i perceive that booker hath endeavoured to follow eichstadius , and so shall i do ( his tables being the most exact of any extant . )       deg. min. iune the 12 saturne is direct in taurus 14. 25. 13 14. 31. the difference , which is saturns diurn . motion , is 00. 06. iune the 12 mars is direct in taurus 14. 11. 13 14. 54. the difference which is mars his dium . motion , is 00. 43. the excesse , or difference of their diurn . motion , is 00. 37. the intervall , or distance in long 'twixt sat. and mars , is 00. 14. then i say , if the excesse 37. min. give 24. houres , what shall 14. min. the intervall ? facit her . 9. min. 5 which is the mean● , or equall time of this conjunction in the meridian of vraniburge , for which eichstadius hath calculated his ephimerides . at which time , the planets are thus in longitude and latitude .     deg. min. long . sol in canc. 01. 16. lun . in scor . 03. 12. sat. in tau . 14. 27. mar. iup. in canc. 13. 38. ven. in tau . 16. 27. mer. in gem. 14. 47. drag . in leo . 04. 0.     deg. min.   lat. lun . 5. 11. md. sat. 2. 15. m. a. iup. 0. 12. s. a. mar. 0. 46. m. d. ven. 2. 17. m. a. mer. 3. 28. m. a. now to know the difference of meridians betwixt the city of vraniburge and dublin ( in ireland , for which place booker pretendeth to have erected his scheme ) i seeke out the longitude of vraniburge , which ( according to the observation of long●m●ntanm ) was found to be 36. deg. 45. min. as may be seen , in his astronomia danica . the longitude of dublin ( as our countryman ( m. hues ) hath it , ( in his treatise of globes , most excellently translated out of latine into english , by m. iohn chilmead of christ-church in oxford ) is 16. deg. 40. min. but i shall take it as booker hath done , 17. degrees and a halfe , because it is not much above 3. min. difference in time : ) and i find 19. deg. 15. min. difference in longitude , answering , to one houre and 17. min. of time ; which being substracted from 9. houres and 5. min. ( because vraniburge lyeth so much more eastward then dublin ) there remaineth 7. ho . 48. min. for the mean , or equall time of this conjunction in the meridian of dublin . the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or equation of time , ( to be added ) is 6. min. 41. sec . so , the true , or apparent time of this conjunction of saturn and mars , in the meridian of dublin , is 7. ho . 54. min. and 41. seconds . and to this moment of time , wee are to erect the figure of heaven , according to the doctrine of regiomontanus ; which is done as followeth : viz.   deg. min. the true place of the sun is , in cancer 001. 16. his right ascention , is , 091. 24. the right ascention of time , is , 118. 41. the right ascention of the mid-heaven , is , 210. 04.       deg. min. the oblique ascention of the 11. house is 240. 04. 12 270. 04. 1. 300. 04. 2. 330. 04. 3. 000. 04. the elevation of the pole at dublin , according to m. hues , is 53. deg. 10. min. but i shall take it as booker hath done 53. deg. and a halfe , ( for he does all by halves ) and according to this latitude , wee must find out the elevation of the 11. 3. 12. and 2d . houses , by the rationall table of houses , in regiomontanus .     deg. deg. min. the elevation of the pole of the 11. and 3. houses lat. 53. is 33. 34. 54. is 34. 32. 12. and 2. houses , lat. 53. is 48. 59. 54. is 50. 01. the first difference , is , 00. 58. min. second 01. 02. min. 1. then i say , ( by the rule of proportion ) if 1. deg. ( or 60. min of latitude ) give 58. min. difference , what shall 30. minutes ? facit 29. min. which being added to 33. deg. 34. min. giveth 34. deg. 3. min. for the elevation of the 11. and 3. houses . 2. again , i say , if 1. deg. of latitude , give 1. deg. 2. min. difference , what shall 30. minutes ? facit 31. min. which being added to 48. deg. 59. min. maketh 59. deg. 30. min. for the elevatton of the 12. and 2. houses . so that now wee have the elevation of       deg. min. the 11. and 3. houses 34. 03. 12. and 2. 49. 30. whereby wee shall quickly find the deg. and min. of the ecliptique , answerable to the ascentions of the respective houses , before mentioned ; in this following manner . pro cuspide x.   deg. min. ascentio recta m. c. est 210. 04.   deg. min. scorp . deg. min. proxime major 210. 46. 3 210. 04. proxime minor 209. 49. 2 209. 49. different . 0. 57. 1. 0. 15. 57. 60.   15. 900. ( 1.       60. 57.         900. 330. ( 5. gradus zodiaci est 2. scorp .     57.   p. p. est 16. min. ferè a. 285     45.   vera cuspis x. m 2. 2. 16. ferè pro cuspide xi . ascens . 240. 4. lat. 34. 3. vora cuspis xi . est scorp . 19. 59. pro cuspide xii . ascen. 270. 4. lat. 49. 30. vera cuspis xii . est sagit . 5. 1. pro●●sp . 1. ascon . 300. 4. lat. 53. 30. vera cu●pis i. est sagit . 24. 45. pro cuspis ii. ascen. 330. 4. lat. 49. 30. vera cuspis ii. est aquar. 3. 17. pro cusp . iii. ascen. 0. 4. lat. 34. 3. thoema coeleste , ex tabulis directionum regiomontani ad tempas apparens con●junctionis saturni et martis ; anno domini 1646 what thinke you now ( m. booker ) have i not just cause to distrust , and diligently to examine your worke : and to call call your judgement in question , which is grounded upon a wrong basis ? do you not blush to see your ignorance , your errours , your impudence , your malice , thus palp●bly discovered ? have you not most grossely mistaken 2. deg 25. min. in the twelfe and sixth houses ; 2. deg. 35. min. in the ascend . and seventh house ; 2. deg. 59. min. in the eleventh and fi●● houses ; 3. deg. 46. min. in the tenth and fourth ; foure degrees 47. min. in the eighth and second : and no lesse then 6. dee . and 10. mm. in the third and ninth houses ? is any ma● , so much beside himselfe , as to give credit to any of your progno●●●ques , when not one scruple of certainty , can be found in your calculations ? and are not you and m. lillis alike ashamed , to account your selves masters in astrology ; when i have made it appeare , that neither of you have yet attained so much skill , as to set a figure of heaven exactly ? will any man of understanding thinke you fit to prognosticate the effects of the planets and starres , who are not of your selves able to calculate their true places , motions , and aspects ; but are forced to take them upon trust from others ? for so m. lilly himselfe confesseth , in his englands propheticall merline , pag. 23. in these words : viz. having intreated my loving friend m. mathew fiske , to give me the true scheme , of the great conjunction of saturn and iupiter in 1603. ( for it was so ) he gave me the positure aforesaid ( exactly done ) by the rodolphine tables , &c. and page 76. of the same booke ; i conceive it possible , and do believe , i have the conjunction of saturn and iupiter in 164● . exquisitely done by the same learned hand ; and that either he , or any as able as himselfe , may compasse the true moment of any conjunction . this is a modest and ingenous acknowledgement of m. lillies want of skill in astronomy , for you see , he was fain to be beholden to m. fiske for calculating the conjunctions of saturn and iupiter , in 1603. and 164● . or else he knew not where to have had them : and he confesses that he doth but believe the last of them to be exquisitely done : he cannot tell how to determine whether it be so , or not , of his own knowledge . and by this i see , t is no wonder , that m. lilly should mistake so grossely of late , in all the schemes which he hath published ; having lost no lesse then his right hand with the death of m. fiske : since which , he hath done all things sinisterly , and annually perplext us with a hotch-potch of his own left-handed-worke , to his perpetuall shame , and the discredit of better-handed ar●ists , in this curious knowledge . for be it from me to conceive otherwise , but that m. mathew f●ske ( whose memory i honour ) was a most excellent artist , ( for the gen. i have been with severall times , and conversed with him before these unh●ppy differences were ) and i am ●ble ( though m. lilly be not ) to calculate the motions of the rudolphine ( or any other ) tables , and therefore am confident ( i had said sure if i would have taken the paines ) that he hath calculated the places of the planets truly , ( if m. lilly have so printed them : ) but i beleeve m. fiske left the setting of the figure to m. lilly : for i am very sure the latter of them , is very erroneous , as will appeare to every man , that will take the paines to examine the cuspes of each house according to the time set down : for examine i● but thus farre .   deg. min. the place of the sun there , is in sagittary . 26. 2. ( for the seconds can make no sensible difference . )     his right ascention , is 265. 40. the right ascen. of the time there posited , is , 290. 15. which being added to the right ascention of the sun , and the whole circle deducted , leaveth the right ascention of the tenth house , 195. 55. to which agreeth the 17. deg. and 17. min. of libra , for the cuspe of the tenth house : whereby it appeareth that m. lillie hath erred 13. minutes in the cuspes of the tenth and fourth houses .   deg. min now adde 9. deg. to the right ascention of the tenth house , and you have the oblique ascention of the horoscope 285. 55. to which agreeth in the latitude of 51. deg. 32. min. which is generally received for the latitude of london libr. 15. 24. which is the true degree and minute , ascending at that time , so that m. lilly hath likewise mistaken eight minutes in the cuspes of the first and fourth houses . and yet for all this , i will not blame m. lilly , so much as this ignor●nt puppy booker : bec●use he freely 〈◊〉 his own insufficiency , and to whom he was beholden for his helpes : whereas this impudent clown , will neither acknowledge , nor amend his errors , nor make use of any learned artist to rectifie and assist him . and this is the right way , to continue in the wrong , — march on jacke — but why do i discourage the poore snap , for alas ! if he should not be doing something ( though to never so little purpose ) he would quickly be undone ; for , writing of un-sainted almanacks , and figur●-casting , for stoln goods , and such like q●estions , is all the trade he hath to live by ; wherein commonly his judgement , is as certain , as his figures are true : yet thus much i could willingly allow the sillie fellow , would he but forbeare thus frequently , and ridiculously to befool himselfe in print : i will not deny , but that many things of that nature , may be performed by astrology , with an able artist : but farre be it from me to be so idle , as to thinke such things can be possibly done by lack booker . i my selfe have had experience of many queries of this n●ture , which i have answered ( at the request of some particular friends ) to my own , and the querents admiration : but i ev●r abhorred ( like him ) to make a profession and living of it : indeed for nativities ( wherein i have been most conversant ) i commonly followed cardanu● his rule ; i never wrought without a reward , non sine pretio , nec cum ●x●guo pretio : and i condemne any knowing man that 〈◊〉 otherwise ; for he that truly labours in the tediousnes of a nativity , d●s●●ves no small reward : and whosoever bargaines with the artist , ( like a nigard ) defaces his own stamps : it is none of the least blessings bestowed upon man ( by the providence of god ) that he may be forewarned of a mischiefe impending : in that he hath the benefit of time offered him , wherein he may possibly divers , or at leastwise mitigate any evill , or otherwise with joy and thankefullnes expect and receive any blessing portended by the planets and starres . but it is a curse to runne blind-sold , and headlong into any mischance or misery , being neither sensible or mindfull thereof . i pitty those cowards , who ( like some that use to wink● , when they fight ) are affraid to foresee any evill of themselves , as though their nescience ( or non-visibility ) of the evill , were sufficient to divert , or secure them from the danger . but i have deviated to ●●far f●om the matter i intend , being fi●st to handle the effects of this conjunction , and therein to shew iohn booker his errours , and the world his ( ●nd m. lillies ) unpar●lleld malic● : to which limit , i shall now confine my selfe , with all candor and impartiality . this conjunction ( whereof wee are now to treat ) falls out in the 14. deg. and 27. min. of taurus ( as you may see by the scheme ) the first sign of the second quadrangle of the zodiaque ; a cold and dry , melancholly , feminine and meridional sign : which is within 5. degrees opposite to that point of scorpio , wherein the come● that appeared anno 1618. was first observed . the ascendent is the 24 degree 45. min. of sagitary , the 2. deg. and 16. min. of scorpio colminates , and the whole scheme not much diff●ring from that of the last great conjunction of saturn & jupiter , anno 164● . and in the sign which beholds the dodecatemorie of that great conjunction , with a sextile aspect . messahalah ( the arabian ) to whom wee are much beholden for this kind of learning ) a most excellent and ancient astrologer ) in the eleventh chapter of his booke , intituled , de ratione circuli , ot stellarum , et qualiter operantur in hoc seculo ; delivers us this generall rule : conjunctio ( saith he ) saturni et martis , significat accidentia bellorum , atque guerrarum contrarietates : cumque volueris scire eadem accidentia , scit● dominantem in figura corum conjunctionis , qui si fuerit fortuna , significabit bonum , et aptationem esse , et si fuerit malus , significat malum , et ejus impedimentum . scias etiam , quod conjunctio eorum in signis hominum , significat multitudinem infirmit atum eorum et conjunctio eorum in alique angulorum anni , significet contrarietatem divitum , vel regum , et guerrarum multitudinem , et durabit res , donec jungantur alia vice , et conjunctio eorum in igneis significat siccitatem , et terrae sterilitatem , et in aereis ventos , in aquaticis vero multitudinem pluviarum , et in terreis gelu et uivem , et frigoris multitudinem . scias etiam quod fortunae cum aspexerint , minuent malum , et mali angebunt . proba , quemadmodum narravi tibi : et invenies , si deus voluerit . to which purpose ( if wee follow this approved rule ) it will be necessary , that wee first collect the particular fortitudes , and debilities of the planets , according to their scituation and places in the figure : whereby wee may know , which of them is strongest , and which w●akest , and accordingly pronounce judgement , good or bad , as the rule enjoyne● . the dignities and debilities of the planets , in the figure of this conjunction . saturnes fortitudes . being in the fourth house 4. free from combustion 5. direct in motion 4 swift 2. orientall 2 conjunction with venus 5. sextile with iupiter 3. 25. saturnes debilities . peregrine 5. conjunction with mars 5. 10. iupiters fortitudes . exaltation 5. being in the 7. house 4. in sextile with venus 3. swift in motion 2. direction motion 4. 18. iupiters debilities . subradiis 4. occidentall 2. 6. mars his fortitudes . being in the 4. house 4 free from combustion 5 direct in motion 4 swift in motion 2. orientall 2. conjunction with venus 5. sextile with iupiter 3. 25 mars his debilities . peregrine 5. in his detriment 5. conjunction with saturn 5. 15. sun's fortitude . being in the 7. house 4 sun's debilities . peregrin● 5. slow motion 2. termes of mars . 2. 9. venus her fortitudes . being in the 5. house 3. triplicitie 3. free from combustion 5. direct in motion 4. sextile with jupiter 3. in her house 5. in gaudio 1. in termes of jupiter 2. 26. venus her debilities . orientality 2. conjunction with saturn . & mars . 5. slow in motion . 2. 9. mercuries fortitudes . being in his house 5. triplicitie 3. free from combustion 5. direct in motion 4. in termes of venus 2. 19. mercuries debilities . being in the 6. house 4. slow in motion 2. orientall 2. 8. the moone her fortitudes . being in the tenth house 5. free from combustion 5. increasing in light 2. 12. the moon her debilities . peregrine 5. in her fall 4. slow motion ● . in the termes of mars 2. 13. saturne hath fortitudes 15 iupiter hath fortitudes 12 mars hath fortitudes 10 sol hath debilities 5 venus hath fortitudes 17 mercury hath fortitudes 11 luna hath debilities 1 by which it appeareth , that the benigne and bountifull planet venus , is almuten , or chiefe dominatrix in this conjunction ; in that shee excedeth all the rest of the planets , in number of fortitudes : saturne is next , as having 15. testimonies of strength : iupiter , mars , and mercury , are likewise all very powerfull . the moone is very infortunate , and the sun is the weakest in the figure , being out of all his essentiall dignities , slow in motion , and in the termes of mars , having no other considerable testimony of strength , but onely his accidentall position , in the west angle . thus much being rightly known , and understood , it will be no difficult matter to fore-see , what ( in all probability ) may be the naturall quality of the effects of this conjunction , if wee stick but close to the known rules of art , ( whence both m. lilly and booker doe ordinarily deviate ) and avoid the vaine and tedious loquacity , wherewith they so often , and much torment us : you see ( m. lilly ) i have followed origanus in not making venus and mercury fortifyed by their orientality ; ( as i did , anno 1645. upon my astrologicall judgement , 7. may , according to pez●lius , ( who maketh no distinction , as you may see , pag. 47. ) because i would avoid all future cavills upon this occasion : but ( by the way ) i shall exhort you and iohn booker to suspend your usuall snarling , touching the fallibility of that discourse ; for your opprobrious speeches cannot injure me with men of moderate judgement ; nor can the frequent and eager reiterating thereof , cloake or excuse your ignorance in point of art : what i then writ , was according to a supposed time taken , and delivered me ( by a * gentleman of quality . ) and you know , in this case , the tempus aestimatum is not to be rectified as in nativities : i know no true trutina for that ( sirs . ) and a few minutes error in time , will alter the whole face of heaven ; which must needs vary the judgement , being derived from a different position ; i was requested to deliver my opinion according to the time given me , which was as you saw : yet i never intended it for the presse , had not the importunity of some friends prevailed with me . and i am able to maintaine the same opinion ( in point of art ) according to the time supposed , against the proudest state-pleaser that date oppose me . but admit what what you would have the world to beleeve , that it had been an error of judgement , without relation had to any mistake in time ; why ( i pray sirs ) is not an error in the astrologer , as tolerable as in the divine , physitian , or lawyer , or in men of any other profession ? is the divines judgment alwayes gospel ? does the physitian alwayes cure ? is the lawyers opinion ever infallible ? does the l●gician still prove ? o● the rhetorician alwayes perswade ? so long as we are men , we must be subject to infirmities , over-sights , and errors ; humanum est errare . and ( which is more ) it is the pleasure of god , many times , to frustrate the portents of heaven , for the sins of the people ; who otherwise might partake of their naturall sweetnesse and benignity . it was a wise saying of a learned divine , yet living , that when god will have a people beaten , he ties their hands behind them . and this ( i am sure ) hath been the unhappinesse of the loyall partie : but shall therefore the astrologer be blamed for adhering to the rules and principles of his art ? i wonder with what truth m. lilly in iuly last , prognosticated of losse to the parliament , and of any motion of their army westward ; and of so much action there , when all men know their party prevailed in every place of the kingdome by one meanes or other ; and that they had no need of sending any forces into the west . and in the same month of iuly , what intended he , thinke you , where he tatled of an army wandring neere oxford ? you see by the course of heaven , he conceived oxford should have been holden still by the kings forces , when ( notwithstanding ) it was surrendred in iune before . i could instance many hundreds more of his errors in the rest of his foolish pamphlets , as his merlinus augli●us iunior , the starry messenger , and especially in his fabulous , and most ridiculous prophecy of the white king and dreadfull dead-man ; which me thinke he should not think of without a blush , there being not so much as one sentence in it , derived from lawfull art ; nor which hath answered one jot of his expectation : i shall passe by his supernaturall sights and appariti●ns , ( so much laughed at ) because it hath imprimatur iohn booker in the front of it : i shall not meddle with his mother shipton , nor his story of the dumbe woman , because they are all of them foolish , frivolous , and false , and cannot become a scholar . doe but compare bookers bloody prognostiques against the kingdome of ireland upon this conjunction of saturne and mars in taurus , with the wonderfull successe the irish have had against their enemies ( whether english or scots ) ever since ; and you shall find , that iohn booker hath been grosly mistaken in his astrologie : but this his error , is , meerly in the rules of art , which is no way excusable : for whatsoever i delivered , was rightly grounded upon art : and i duly cited my authors for it , for the readers better satisfaction , which i conceive sufficient for any artist , whether the event be answerable or not : for as it is not enough for an artist to content himselfe alone with the rules and observations of his predecessors , but that he ought to adde something of his owne , whereby to propagate the learning which he studies : no more is it lawfull for any man to delude the world with the foolishnesse of his owne deluded fancy , and idle conceptions alone , as both master lilly and booker have frequently done , without any reason given , or authority quoted for their opinions . as for the mistake ( i will not say malice ) of that practicioner in the mathematiques , m. henry harflete , in his vox coelorum , or predictions defended , &c. who in the 49. page of that booke , doth wrongfully intimate ( to my disparagement ) as if i should say , that a fixed star might properly be said to be aspected with any planet : i must tell him , that accusation of his is very untrue : and whether it proceeded from his misguided and incon●iderate zeale to master lilly , or out of any disaffection to me , deserves a gentle lash , in that i am most certaine , he cannot produce any such assertion of mine , either in word or writing . it is true , that master lilly taxed me for saying that mars was in a sextile aspect with caput draconis , in my almanack 1645. which was an error of the presse : ( the character of caput draconis being mistaken for the character of leo , as i have sufficiently proved in my answer to m. lilly , printed with my prognostication for 1647. ) but that i ever mentioned any fixed star to be aspected by any planet , in that , or any other of my writings , ( unlesse m. harflete will say that the dragons head is a fixed star ) is both frivolous and false : and therefore i shall desire that criticall gentleman to examine the words of my prognostication for that yeere , and my aforesaid answers to m. lilly's objections , and i presume he will shew me so much civility as to revoke that his unadvised censure , and excuse me of ignorance in that particular : and yet i could have stopped master lilly's mouth with these words of leapoldus , tract. 5. de annorum revolutionibus , viz. mali aspectus ad caud . drac . significant famem , frigus , & pestilentiam . nor is this author an vtopian , or single in that expression : but i am of a different opinion , and therefore shall not insist longer on these trivialties , which are fitter for m. booker to instruct his daughter * victoria in , then to be thought on by men of riper judgements . but to returne to the matter in hand : i shall requite john booker with a more honest & accurate examination of some speciall passages in his bloody irish almanack , whereupon he raises this fond and false judgement of his , and so proceed . the first i meete with , is , the first of his observations , pag. 36. where he saith , that saturne and mars are culminating with that fatall starre caput algol , or the head of medusa , &c. this ( jack ) is both an improper , and a false expression of yours . for any man may see , that ( in the precedent scheme ) the conjunction of saturne and mars happens neare the end of the 4. house of the heavens , from the ascendent ; in imo coeli , the lowest part , or bottome of heaven : now ( sir ) how any planet or star in this part of the heavens , can be said properly to be in culmine coeli , in the top , or highest part of heaven in respect of dublin in ireland , is farre beyound my reading , and requires iohn bookers further explication : for my part , i cannot devise , how he can avoid or excuse this improper phrase of his , unlesse he tell me , the worlds turned up-side-downe , and in that sense he chokes me , and i am bound to credit him , and cry him mercy . it is most false , contradicting a generall received rule of astrologers , because you instance the proximitie of saturne and mars to caput algol ( in the word with ) to annexe a debilitie more , to each of them , then really they have : for , and so farre are they from that fixed and violent starre , that it is not to be accompted for any d●bilitie by the opinion of any astrologer that ever i read , they being above 7. degrees distant from it : for saturn and mars ( as before we noted ) are in 14. degrees 27. min. and ( according to copernicus ) caput algol is in 21. degr. 39. m. of taurus , which is 7. degr. and 13. min. difference : and according to origanus , pag. 540. garcaeus pag. 249. pezelius pag. 48. and all other astrologers both antient and moderne , the planets are never truly said to be debilitated by caput algol , unlesse they be intra distantiam quinque graduum a. vel p. which you see these planets are not . the next thing i shall desire the indifferent reader to take notice of , is , his owne scheme of this conjunction , and in it the cuspe of the 5. house , as he hath made it ; and you may observe that saturne and mars , are but 2. degrees 33. min. distant from the same : yet yeverthelesse in the 37. page of his pamphlet , he taketh his judgement from the 4. house , which is contrary to origanus , and divers other authors , and to m. lilly likewise , who allow 5. deg. preceding , and 5. deg. subsequent for the cuspe of each house : according to which rule , he ought to have given judgement from the 5. house , and not from the 4. you remember ( jack ) how m. lilly spit his venome at me , in the 35. page of his anglicus for 1645. for giving judgement of iupiters being in the 4. and mars in the 6. ( according to the opinion of rhemetius ) when they were within lesse then 5. deg. of the cuspes of the 5. and 7. house . now , i wonder much , how you dare dissent from your loving friend m. lilly , especially in this particular , considering what you said in your last page of your epistle to the reader , viz. that m. lilly and you have the same principles in art , and that your judgements in the generall will have answerable successe . and , that m. lilly may see , it is no mistake in you , but meere opinion , let him peruse your prog. for this yeere 1646. and in the spring-quarter he shall find you giving judgement upon mercury's being in the 10. house ; when in m. lilly's owne scheme ( erected for the same latitude , meridian , and moment of time ) he wanteth but 2. deg. and 9. min. of the 11. house . and now ( lack ) doe you think m. lilly will not shake his head at you , for this grosse contradiction ? would he have thought it possible that his fellow-champion ( in state-astrologie ) iohn booker , would have contradicted him , and joyned in opinion with those two malignants , naworth and wharton at oxford ? o tempora , o mores ! i cannot pretermit another of his errors in the same quarter and page of his prog. where he sayes that iupiter is free from all impediments , save onely his detriment : and yet iupiter is there both per●grine , and occidentall of the sunne . i wonder ( m. lilly ) that you will suffer this ideot in astrologie , to professe himselfe joynt-purchaser with you , in your principles , that hath not yet learned the a. b. c. of astronomy . but have your judgements answerable successe ? i will examine that also . if m. lilly had handled the scheme of this conjunction , or if you ( iack ) had followed his principles , it is evident by what i have said , that the judgement should have been deduced from the 5. house and not from the 4. which ( according to haly , part. 8. c. 7. ) would have afforded thus much for the irish . viz. si quando saturnus fuerit in domo quinta fortunatus significat quod homines gaudebunt suis filiis , & quod senes multo●um dierum , & praepositi villarum habebunt bonum & utilitatem , ex parte altertus gentis , & ex parte filiorum . which is ( in effect ) that when saturne shall be fortunate in the 5. house , he signifieth , that men shall rejoyce in their children ; and that aged men , and head-officers ( or magistrates ) of townes shall reap much good and commoditie by the helpe of another nation , and by meanes of their children . and this is the judgement which should have beene given upon that position , if you had followed m. lilly's principles . here ( by the way ) i beseech the indifferent reader to take notice of bookers inveterate hatred and malice to the distressed kingdome of ireland : for , as he neither will , nor dare speak or write one jot of truth , which may seeme any whit fatall to the states : so he is fully resolved to smother all things that tend to the good and safety of ireland . for , if he had taken his judgement from the 5. house ( as master lilly will acknowledge he ought to have done ) he must of necessity have delivered us the precedent judgement ; but that , he conceived to be too good for that kingdome : for ( thought iohn booker ) that aphorisme sayes , they shal take pleasure in their children , and intimates much joy and assistance to them : as though some nation were resolved to come in to their help , and engage in the war against the states : which i must not mention ; for by that meanes , i may disanimate the states-soldiers , which are to be sent thither , if they should perceive ireland to be so powerfull : and on the other side , i should encourage ireland to pursue their designe with greater policy , courage and resolution . no , no , the thing which i am to endeavour , is to tumble out victory upon victory to the states , and make mention of nothing but utter ruine , desolation , and confusion to that barbarous nation , and assure such of the brethren as have contributed towards the ma●agerie of the godly and blessed warre against ireland , shall have land by the belly : and therefore , though it be never so repugnant to my rules , he rather take my judgement from the unfortunate position of saturne in the fourth house ; and so i shall have matter enough , and meet for the purpose : for , saturnus in quarta demo , & ibi malificus significat quodres , & adificia cadent , minuentur plantationes , & abscindentur aquae , &c. he there signifieth , that houses and buildings shall fall , come to decay and perish , planting or setting shall be diminished , waters cut off , the people shall be lessened , or abated , there shall be poverty to them , and the people of that country shall be obsessed , or besieged , they shall not dare to goe out of their towne , ( cities , castles , or countries ) by reason of the fear they shall have of their enemies : and this shall be more certaine , if the 4. house shall be a fixed signe , and the hurt ( dammage ) or losse shall be more strong or durable . and this is the scope of bookers businesse , and agrees verbatim with the sense of the house . and he further saith , this ( last ) aphorisme agrees exactly with the position of the maglignant planet saturne in every respect : which is an apparent falsehood : for the aphorisme takes no place , unlesse saturne were virtually in the fourth house , which he is not according to m. lillys principles in this figure of his ; or if he were , yet is it not in force , except ( likewise ) that saturne were found infortunate in the fourth house : neither of which he is , by his position in bookers figure , for ( as i have formerly demonstrated ) saturne is the strongest save one , of all the planets in the figure , having fifteene testimonies of strength , whereby he is very much fortified and powerfull . now the genuine signification of saturnes being locally , virtually and fortunately placed in the 4. house , ( as he now is in the figure , which i have exactly corrected ) according to the opinion of haly part. 8. c. 7. is this , si quando saturnus fuerit quarta d●mo , & fuerit potens , significat aedificare , et propagare agriculturam , & quod homines hoc diligent , & de eo mult●●m erunt soliciti : that is , when saturn shall be in the fourth house , and strong , ( or powerfull ) he signifieth that men shall betake themselves to building of houses , & till●ge , ( or husbandry ) and that they shall be much in love therewith , and very carefull thereof : and moreover haly tells us , part. 8. cap 25. quando mars junctus fuerit cum saturn● , struet quilibet alteri fraudes , & deceptiones , & erunt inter homines percussiones , & vulnera , maxime si fuerit in signo humaeno , &c. in briefe , both haly , guido , messahalah , and all other sound astrologers tell us , that this meeting of the two malevolents , hath signification of warres , contentions , and strifes , fraudulent dealing , &c. and that there shall be much banging and slashing amongst men , especially if the conjunction happen in a humane sign ( humane signes gemini , libra , virgo , aquarius , and the first halfe of sagittari ) that the king shall receive hinderance and trouble , by meanes of some person , that is of the country , or nation subject to the sign , wherein the conjunction happeneth . this i say , and no other , is the true signification of this conjunction in the fourth house , and all men know , that a great part thereof hath already been fulfilled in that oppressed kingdome of ireland , since the conjunction happened : and much more will be there yet manifested : but what , shall it therefore follow , that the wars there , must inevitably ruine and destroy that bleeding nation ? that they ( of all people ) must become a prey , and prize to the blood-thirsty , and be utterly extirpated ? truly , and verily , and sincerely , and forsooth iack , i speak like a brother , sir , the heavens display no such banner : for i beseech you recollect your selfe but a little , and upon examination you shall find , that the benigne planet , venus , dispos●th of this conjunction ; that she is lady of the figure , and likewise corporally there present : vincunt enim semper plura testimonia , sive boni venturi , sive maliilla fuerint in predictionibus astrologicis . moreover mars , who is lord of the tenth house , ( which is the house that hath signification of kings , emperors , princes , generals of armies , governours of cities , castles , and townes , and all other commanders , &c. ) is exceeding strong , and powerfull , being very much assisted by the comfortable beames of the benigne and bountifull planets iupiter , and venus ; and the moon , ( who naturally hath signification of the commonalty ) is in mutuall reception with mars : but the ascendent and his lord have principall signification of the people : nota , quod asc●ndens , & luna , & domini eorum sunt significatores populi . haly , pag. 380. the sign sagittary ascends , and iupiter lord thereof , is in cancer , the place of his exaltation , very strong , beholding the conjunctionall degree , with a sextile aspect : mars likewise disposeth of the place of the moon , and a great part of the ascendant , having there the dignities of exaltation and terme , in the intercepted sign capricorn . these severall positions and configurations , being carefully weighed , induce me to believe , that the kingdome of ireland , shall never suffer that misery and ruine , which booker ( out of his gall ) doth threaten them with : it is very true , that much strife , cottention , quarrelling , and bloud-shed is portended unto them by this meeting of saturn and mars , and wee know they have tasted of it already , and some body else have been sharers with them : but i tell you ( jack ) it hath been , and is still likely ( for the most part ) to be with much advantage to the catholique party : they will gain , and then you know ( jack ) who must lose : the figure tels me , that their nobility , and prime commanders , shall be very prudent , powerfull , and prosperous in their actions : that they shall unanimously accord to repell the enemy , and worke their own freedom : that the people , ( signified by the ascendent ( which is here free and safe from the malevolents ) and iupiter lord thereof , and the moon ) shall voluntarily , and freely assist , and contribute to the maintenance of the war : that thereby they shall be much impoverished in their estates , for the dragons taile afflicts the house of substance , & the moon is approaching ( though slowly ) to opposition with the conjunctionall-degree : yet there is a prohibition , for shee comes first to the trine of iupiter , which will abate much of the evill threatned by her infortunate positure : and it is evident , that they shall have liberty and leisure to raise themselves houses , to till their ground , sow and reape , maugre all their enemies malice , power , and plots : in truth , ( if any thing may be termed good that is gotten by the sword ) this conjunction hath signification of much good generally to befall that kingdome by meanes of this warre : i confesse it would have been more terrible to them , if it had been in a humane sign , which now it is not : for taurus is a bestiall-sign , it may do harme to their oxen and sheep . et multiplicatur mors in muli●ribus , & vincet cholera super eas : there shall be many falshoods and terrible rumours spread abroad ; the waters shall be increased , but not cut off , as booker tells us : it fore-shewes the death of many excellent and eminent persons ; that the inferior sort shall be somewhat oppressed and undervalued : that women shall wax impudent and ●alacious : that horses shall be deare : and there shall be a great destruction of fruits and trees , through the abundance of he●te : this is the 〈…〉 albumasar : but i see not any reason why they should 〈◊〉 much pestered , either with famine , or the plague , only 〈…〉 & mars in t●uro , infirmabuntur mulieres in 〈…〉 , & viri in testiculis , & vesica . aid they have 〈…〉 in abundance from forraign parts , whereby their 〈…〉 not been frustrated , as iohn booker divineth , pag. 〈…〉 interposition of those friendly beames of the sun , and 〈◊〉 , doth promise much more unto them ; you see jack , they 〈…〉 in cancer , the ascendant of scotland : you would think strange , if ireland should have cause to thanke scotland for some such thing : and i dare averre upon good grounds of art , that there is some such thing intended by the heavens : i have some reasons for this my conjecture , which you m. iohn booker , cannot apprehend , or judge of . but i know no reason why you should subject the kingdome of ireland , to the ill influence of saturn , more then any other nation that is under the division of taurus , scorpio , aquarius , and lev : for we know , helvetia , cyclades islands , russia , asia , cyprus the lesser , media , parthia , a great part of sweadland , lor●ign , campania , rhetia , franconia , persia , and many more kingdomes , and particular townes and cities are in the same division , and as much , or rather more concerned then ireland : all that can be truly said , is only , that ireland is like to participate with the rest of the kingdomes , &c. before mentioned , in the influence of this conjuction , whether it be for good or evill . for you to say , that in regard of the horrid murthers that have been there committed upon the protestants of that kingdome , it is likelyest to undergo the divine justice of god , more then the rest ; it is no astrologicall reason , nor ( for ought you know ) may some of the other kingdomes before named , be lesse guilty of the same sinnes then ireland : or deserve a lesse share of the ill influence of this conjunction : i pray iack , let you and i suspend our judgements from intermedling , much more determining , things of that nature . it is more proper for divines then astrologers . that which we ought to doe , ● to containe our selves within the limits of nature : and it is questionable whether the english , irish or scots , have been the authors of that barbarisme , and bloud-shed you mention : for he that will lay aside passion , and private interest , and rightly consider the reall and radicall causes of the irish insurrection , may find others besides the irish , as much , if not more guilty of the bloud of those many thousands of christians , which hath been shed since the beginning of that bloody warre . but this is wormwood to an orange scarfs and feather : yet for their better satisfaction , i would advise them to peruse that moderate and judicious philaerenus , mercurius hybernicale , and there they shall have the naked truth clearely and impartially related : i have been intimate with many of that nation of severall qualities , yet could i never discover any more inherent cruelty or barbarisme in them , then in our selves , but for the most part , 〈…〉 them to be men of singular good education , and naturally averse to all inhumanity . the truth is , they hate to live in bondage , or to have their consciences enforced : and indeed , the setling religion by bloodshed , is none of the best state-policies : such divines as have tongues to their consciences will tell you so : or ought i know , every mans religion ought to be dearer to him then his life , & i know no reason why the irish may not challenge as much freedome and priviledge in the enjoyment of their religion , as is allowed the independants , anabaptists , brownists , and at the least a hundred more sects , and schismes , within the lines of communication : who have liberty without any restraint or limitation , to exercise their gifts , ( as they terme it ) both publiquely and privately : to preach and write what they please , and even to cloy the presse with their heresies , and schismes . and if wee looke back upon the originall ground of the irish insurrection ; was it not high time ( thinke you ) for the irish ( after they were denyed any reasonable answer to their propositions , which were sent and delivered in an humble and peaceable manner to the parliament , by commissioners of that kingdome , who were dismissed hence without any hopes of having their grievances redressed , which ( notwithstanding ) were farre greater , and more intollerable , then those which the scots pretended : when they clearely perceived so many pernicious plots , & damnable designes dayly inventing against them , and with what acrimony the roman catholiques here were proceeded against after the third of november 1640. after so much swearing and forswearing to take off the earle of strafords head : and the parliament electing a new deputy of their own mould , & mettal , to be sent over in his stead : and his majesties person in continuall hazard , by the frequent tumults of the sectarists , and schismatiques : was it not time ( i say ) their nation being thus neglected , and threatned , ( his majesties person being not exempt from danger ) and all this occasioned by their own fellow subjects ) to associate and unite themselves : and to stand upon their guard , for the preservation of their religion , lives and liberties ? and was it more rebellion in them , by the known lawes of this or that land , to raise forces for the necessary defence of their kingdome : then in the english , or scots , to raise so many great armies , that have fought against his majesty under the pretence of fighting for him : whilst yet there hath been no body to oppose him , but themselves ? i remember a few verses that were written ( by some body ) anno 1641. they resemble the forme of a petition , directed to his majesty , by the considerate catholiques of ireland : they are pretty ones , and therefore i will here give you them , as i had them from a friend . most gracious soveraigne , grant that we may have our ancient land and faith : 't is all we crave . your english , and your scots , ( not so content ) claime all that 's yours , by act of parliament . their tyrannie we hate : confesse your right : 't is not 'gainst you , 't is against them we fight . whilst you were king , we were your subjects : scorne , to be their slaves : we 're fellow-subjects borne . heavens blesse your majestie , encrease your powers : you being your selfe againe , we still are yours . but to returne againe to john booker , ( for i will not lose him yet ) i would gladly demand a reason from him in art , for his menacing of france , or spaine , with vengeance for assisting the irish : or why the pope should come in any danger of hazarding his triple-crowne in the quarrell : unlesse the states intend to advance for italy : if they doe , they may doe well to transmit the directory to rome , as the pre-cursor of a new reformation there : but i am afraid sir thomas his courage will coole at the conceipt . nor is it pertinent to the handling of this conjunction , for booker to tell us an old story of the spanish armade in 88. or of the gunpowder treason 1605. the wickednesse of those devilish attempts are both thought on , and abhorred by every true english christian . or of what concernment is the decollation of mary , queene of scots , anno 1587. to the kingdome of ireland , because that when she was beheaded , saturne was in taurus , as now he is ? or of saturne and mars their being conjoyned in the yeere 1588. a little before the spanish armado appeared upon the english coast ? does not john booker here most wretchedly confound himselfe ? instead of going about to prove saturnes progresse through taurus ominous to ireland , he contrarily produces examples , which prove that position dangerous to england and scotland . for ( what ever his meaning be ) he instances not any one thing hurtfull to ireland in either of those yeeres : and then he robs sir christopher heydon of more then a whole page , concerning the generall occurrences in the world , which happened in 88. without any mention made of that most learned and judicious knight . and so he proceeds ( to fill up the remainder of his malicious pamphlet ) with railing at the irish , telling them , how they have ever been most rebellious and treacherous to the english nation , and have most barbarously and inhumanely murthered many thousand soules , &c. but we know of another kingdome that hath sometimes been more rebellious and treacherous then they , for lesse cause . but i never heard of any soules that ever either of them murthered . i speak not this to justifie or maintaine any inhumane action in ireland , or elsewhere , ( for my nature abhors all manner of cruelty to the worst of men ; i think i could not harme either m. lilly or iohn booker in word or deed , if i had them in my power , but rather use them with all civill respect and curtesie , if they were worse then they be ) nor to countenance treason and rebellion : that i need not , it hath been sufficiently done by a far greater power . but the thing i aime at , is , to unmaske bookers inveterate hatred to that distressed nation ; who if he were but halfe so charitable , as he is either unreasonable , or ignorant , he would not attempt to assassine the honour of a whole nation , with his invectives , but rather suspend these his rash censures , and wish a happy union , then the confusion of so many christians . the remainder of his pamphlet tends to the defence of astrologis , ( wherein he still playes the thiefe with sir chr : heydon ) and of the planet venus her appearance in the day time , at the birth of our most hopefull prince charles , which he saith ( if she presignifieth any thing ) was the miseries of this kingdome : because ( saith he ) it is usuall , and an ordinary thing , for venus to be seene in the day time . i grant him , that it is both usuall , and ordinary ; but not alwayes at the birth of princes . it is both usuall and ordinary for saturne and mars to be in conjunction , and shall wee therefore say it presignifies nothing ? i confesse i have not seene any authors that handle such appearances , nor hath booker any other authority , then his foolish phancy , for saying she was the prodromus of these unhappy differences in england : but he that shall make inspection into the positure of the heavens , when venus was in apog. eccentrici , or in her greatest distance from the sun , shall finde matter more then ordinary , whereon to fixe his contemplations . and i am of opinion , that her glorious appearance at the nativity of our hopefull prince charles , did presignifie things ( not yet thought upon ) that may ere long amaze the unjust usurpers of his royall fathers birth-right . but no more of that , this ye●re . i will not trouble my selfe much longer with this malicious fellowes errors and impertinencies , nor with his scurrilous language belch'd out against an irish gentleman , who writ an almanack printed at waterford in ireland . i never saw the book , and therefore i cannot judge of any thing in it , nor admit of any such thing as booker pretends to have corrected him in . for i have it from good hands , that the gentleman is so knowing a scholar , that it is incredible he should be guilty of such grosse errors , as booker hath charged him with . and you have seen how able a man booker is to correct any body : but were i that manapian he speaks of , i would reward him with another scheme for the future opposition of the same planets , which happens upon the 21. day of october 1647. at halfe an houre past 6. a clock in the morning , saturne being then in 0. deg. 27. min. of gemini , ( the ascendent of london ) and mars in 0. deg. 27. min. of sagit ▪ as appeareth by the figure , which i have calculated exactly for the meridian of london , because it will much concerne the south and west parts of england , and that in a higher measure then the conjunction ( before treated of ) doth the kingdome of ireland . see the scheme ▪ et ●abente anno. 1647. octobr. 20 hor. min. sec. 18 4 18 post meridiem . latitud . 51. 32 and untill the time of this opposition , doe the effects of the conjunction vigorously extend themselves , and then they have lasted 496. dayes , which wants but 8. dayes of a yeare and an half , a●ter which time the effects of this opposition shall begin and forceably operate , untill their next conjunction , which will happen againe upon the 28. day of june , 1643. in the 11. deg. of gemini , which will be very ominous to some parts of england , and especially the city of london : for i cannot say , the effects of the opposition shall cease , when the mathematicall circuit of their conjunction finishes , because that next conjunction doth likewise happen in the signe gemini , wherein saturne is at the time of his opposition to mars , which will not much differ in signification : although it be a received truth , that the effects of the opposition of these two planets doe commonly work more violently and quick . nam diametrae radiationes ( quemadmodum & tetragonismi ) mortes repentinas , & violentas mutationes faciunt , congressus vero generalia accidentia . and haly ( the arabian ) in his 8. part. cap. 6. saith , quod oppositio saturni & martis , est deterior eorum conjunctione , & deteriores , ac maligniores significationes demonstrant : and indeed this is very malitious , in that they are both unhappily affectted and afflicted , saturne being infortunate , and mars out of all his essentiall-dignities , and otherwise but meanely fortified : haec oppositio significat quod homines in se invicem discordabunt , & prosequentur se mutuo odio ; & cessabunt se familiariter invisere , & detrahet quilibet alteri . haly part. 8. cap. 25. this opposition signifieth that men shall wrangle one with another , and shall prosequute themselves mutually with hatred : and they shall forbeare to visite one another familiarly : and every one shall back-bite , or speak evill of another . it further praemonstrates great pestilence and mortalitie , especially amongst old men : many thefts and roberies , much deceitfull dealing : and that ( generally ) men shall betray their trust . that many unjust and unreasonable taxes shall be imposed , under severall specious pretences , to the undoing of many : farre worse then that of shippe-money : i have taken the paines to set booker the scheme rightly for london : and if he doe not too much play the foole , or the knave , he needs must exceedingly terrifie the people , subject to the signe gemini : wherein saturne is at the time of this opposition , in the 8. house , ( the house of death ) and venus who is lady of the 8. house , is with the moone in the latter end of the 2. house , where likewise mars afflicteth . the 4. deg. of leo culminates : jupiter is in the latter end of the 10. house : but saturn and mars doe strongly besiege him : he is miserably afflicted by their hatefull square : and is also in his detriment . looke now to your selves you of the presbyterian-cut : the people are weary of your extemporary non-sence : you iudges , officers , and magistrates , who have betrayed or forsaken your master , and perverted the law to serve your owne wills , expect to render an accompt of your actions . i unfainedly protest , you are all strongly threatned . from the sunne and mercury expect your comfort , or none : they cast a friendly sextile to iupiter , and they are free from the malevolents , though in the most viperous signe of the zodiaque . the sunne nere represents his majesty of england as being both lord of the 10. house , and naturall significator of kings . mercury , as he is with the sun , hath signification of the masters of the houses of princes , and great lords , and their secretaries and stewards . and they are both ( if not only ) angular in the figure . this promises well to his majesty and his servants ▪ and not one jot of ill to ireland . by this time a man may call a spade , a spade . let me see the face of him dare call the queenes majesty a traitor . but the states have voted her so , for her love so exemplarily shewed to the king her husband : is there not one lord , nor ten commoners yet ashamed of it ? yes , some blush , others are bold , and impudent , some stupidly senselesse , others wrangling away their lives by strange and noisome diseases , some are threatned by prodigious births , ( and those too of their owne begetting : ) and what not to render a people palpably accursed , miserably and fully wretched ? ireland now demands a reason for the — ordnance of the 24 of october 1644. and askes if you 'll buy any land there ? scotland tells you , they have as great an interest in the king as england , and will in some of the lands , too if you will needs . — in a word , wee all looke back , and say , lord ▪ what have wee done , and been a doing , for 7. yeares ? some make question , whether they be awake , or in a dreame : all men are at a stand , yet still in action ▪ the besotted crew do quake and murmure , say little , but think mischievously . furorna 〈◊〉 , an rapit vis acrior ? an culpa ? responsum 〈◊〉 . tacent : & or a pallor albus inf●cit : mentesque perculsa stupent . doth fury blind ? or greater power command ? is sin the cause ? oh let me understand . they silent are : their checkes are paler made , and feares their horror-strucken minds invade . but it is the conjunction of saturne and mars upon the 28. of iune , 1648. ( before mentioned ) will be assuredly fatall to london , and many other places of england : i pray god avert the judgements thereby threatned , and incline the hearts of his majesties subjects ; that as they are ( or ought to be ) all christians , so to be of one mind , and cordially to unite in obedience to god , and loyalty to him , their pious soveraign . i have set the scheme here that ( in case iohn booker have occasion to write of it ) he may have it exactly done , ready to his hand , for the meridian of london , and publish it , without feare of further correction . thema coelicum eoc tabulis directionum . regiomontani ad tempus . apparens ☌ ♄ et ♂ die mercurij , junij 28 1648 hor. min. sec ▪ 1 58 7 latitud . p. m 51 32. you see sir , the regall signe leo culminates , the sun , who is lord thereof , and venus and mercury are in the ninth house of the figure , and iupiter possesseth the mid-heaven . the conjunction happens in the eleventh deg. and eight min. of gemini , ( the ascen. of london ) and in the eight house , which is the house of death , labours , sadnes , and heritage of dead men : and mars is lord of the ascend . for the 3. deg. and 29. min. of scorpio ascends at the time of this meeting : and he likewise disposeth of the second house , where the dragons taile also miserably afflicteth : i shall leave the judgement to iohn booker : only i shall tell him thus much , that i thinke the cavaliers will ( by this time ) challenge a better esteem from the city of london , then now they dare , and perhaps enjoy their own without composition . i shall say no more , but conclude with an application of that pertinent and pious complaint of the acquitaines , ( occasioned upon the deposing of king richard the second ) to the present condition of this wretched kingdome . o good god! where is the world become ? saints are turned to serpents , and doves into devils : the english nation which hath been accompted fierce , only against their foes , and alwaies faithfull to their friends , are now become both fierce and faithlesse against their lawfull and loving prince , and have most barbarously betrayed him . who would ever have thought that christians , that civill people , that any men would thus have violated all religion , all lawes , and all honest and civill demeanor ? and although the heavens blush at the view , and the earth sweats at the burthen of so vile a villany , and all men proclaime , and exclaime upon shame and confusion against them ; yet they neither feel the horror , nor shrinke at the shame , nor feare the revenge ; but stand upon termes , some of defence for the lawfulnes of their dealing , and some of excuse for the necessity . well , let them be able to blind the world , and to resist mans revenge ; yet shal they never be able to escape either the fight , or vengeance of almighty god , which wee dayly expect , and earnestly desire to be powred upon them : alas good king charles , thy nature was too gentle , and thy government too mild for so stiffe and stubborne a people : what king will ever repose any trust in such unnaturall-subjects , but fetter them with lawes , as theeves are with irons ? what carriage hereafter can recover their credit ? what time will be sufficient to blot out this blemish ? what other action could they have done , more joyfull to their enemies , more wofull to their friends , and more shamefull to themselves ? o corruption of times ▪ o conditions of men ! hor. lib. 1. ode 3 ▪ 5. eheu , cicatricum , & sceleri● pudet , fratrumque quid nos dura refugimus aetas ? quid i●tactum nefasti linquimus ? unde manus juventus metu deorum continuit ? quibus pepercit ar●● ? — finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a96277e-830 * capt. e. a ; * a child of his so named in memory of the victory neare yorke . a proclamation discharging persons to travel to ireland without passes. scotland. privy council. 1695 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05571 wing s1754 estc r183443 52529272 ocm 52529272 179022 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05571) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179022) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:11) a proclamation discharging persons to travel to ireland without passes. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1694-1702 : william ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to the kings most excellent majesty, edinburgh : 1695. caption title. initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the thirtieth first of december, and of our reign the seventh year, 1695. signed: gilb. eliot cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng international travel regulations -scotland -early works to 1800. national security -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -foreign relations -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation discharging persons to travel to ireland without passes . william by the grace of god , king of great britain france and ireland , defender of the faith , to macers of our privy council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute ; greeting , forasmuch as , seve●●al vagabounds and other idle persons have been in use to haunt and frequent this our kingdom , for several years by past , during the summer time only , and have retired themselves into the kingdom of ireland , how soon the winter did approach ; as also many young men have put themselves out of setled service , that they might be at the greater liberty to withdraw themselves and retire out of the kingdom , whenever recruits were to be made up for our service , or the time of making the levies appointed by act of parliament drew near , to the great prejudice of our service , and increase , and incouragment of vagabounds and idle persons , who might be well imployed therein : for remedy whereof , we with advice of the lords of our privy council do strictly prohibite and discharge all persons whatsomever , either as passengers or howsoever , otherway●s imployed in ships , or boats , to go or transport themselves into the kingdom of ireland , without sufficient passes under the hand of one of the lords or others of our privy council , or of the sheriff of the shire , stewart of the stewartry , or baillies of the ●eg●lity or bailliery , within whose bounds the persons intending for ireland does dwel and reside , bearing their names , designations , and places of their abode , and inployment for the last year preceeding ; and we wi●h advice foresaid , do hereby require , and strictly command all collectors of our customs , surveyers , clerks , waiters at the several ports , and all masters , and sea men of ships , barks , or boats , that they suffer no person whatsomever to pass or transport themselves to the said kingdom of ireland , without they be furnished and provided with a sufficient pass , granted in manner above-mentioned , as they will be answerable at their highest peril ; and if any shall attempt to transport themselves to the said kingdom , otherways then is above provided , that they sease upon their persons , and deliver them to the next magistrat by him to be committed and detained in prison till farder order . our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly , and command , that incontinent , these our letters seen ye pass to the mercat cross of edinburgh , and to the mercat crosses of the whole remanent head burghs of the several shires and stewartries within this kingdom , and there in our name and authority by open proclamation make intimation hereof , that none may pretend ignorance ; and ordains these presents to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh , the thirtieth first of december , and of our reign the seventh year , 1695. per actum dominorum secreti concilii , gilb eliot cls. sti. concilii , god save the king. edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , 1695. new propositions from the king of scotland to the parliament of that kingdom with his last promise and condescensions and the proclaiming of a new proclamation for his highness ; also another bloudy fight in ireland .. the routing of generall oneal's army by the lord of ards, the raising of the siege at london-derry and the rallying of the marq. of ormond's forces and advancing within 12 miles of dublin. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32340 of text r35502 in the english short title catalog (wing c3191a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32340 wing c3191a estc r35502 15345655 ocm 15345655 103456 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32340) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103456) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1147:27) new propositions from the king of scotland to the parliament of that kingdom with his last promise and condescensions and the proclaiming of a new proclamation for his highness ; also another bloudy fight in ireland .. the routing of generall oneal's army by the lord of ards, the raising of the siege at london-derry and the rallying of the marq. of ormond's forces and advancing within 12 miles of dublin. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. [2], 6 p. printed for e. cotton, london : aug. 17, 1660. "extracted out of the orignall for generall satisfaction and published by authority." reproduction of original in the huntington library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. scotland -history -17th century. ireland -history -1625-1649. a32340 r35502 (wing c3191a). civilwar no new propositions from the king of scotland to the parliament of that kingdom; with his last promise and condescensions, and the proclaiming [no entry] 1649 1724 5 0 0 0 0 0 29 c the rate of 29 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-08 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion new propositions from the king of scotland to the parliament of that kingdom ; with his last promise and condescensions , and the proclaiming of a new proclamation for his highnesse . also , another bloudy fight in ireland , the particulars thereof , and the routing of generall oneal's army by the lord of ards , the raising of the siege at london-derry , and the rallying of the marq. of ormond's forces , and advancing within 12 miles of dublin . extracted out of the originall , for generall satisfaction , and published by authority . london , printed for e. cotton , aug. 17. 1649. the king of scotland his propositions to his subjects of that nation ; and his promise and condescensions to the desires of the parliament . sir , since the receipt of the intelligence from ireland , of the fatall blow there given to the prince his forces , the court hath continually rung with sorrow , and his highnesse is very sad and melancholy : since which time , there hath been a great disputation held by his privy councell , whose result was , that new propositions should be sent to the parl. of scotland , viz. 1 that his declared majesty would wive his assent , for the setling of religion , according to the solemn league and covenans . 2 that he would wholly apply his ear to the councell and advice of the estates conveened , provided , that respect might be had to the tender consciences of those who have adhered to or assisted him . but this will hardly be ; for he must either become a perfect covenanter , or else a despised prince . many of the royall party have caused proclamation to be made for charles the ii , for the raising of voluntiers , but few appears in that engagement , hague 9. augusti , 1649. the newes is confirmed from dublin , ormond hath paid dear for his bowzing , taff , preston , and he being met together , thought they could destroy the parl-power , by drinking healths to their destruction , when it s in so many words a bull , whereas lieu. gen. jones came soberly upon them , and made them run several ways : it 's said , that in their hast they fell upon ballyshanon , have taken it , and are rallyed , being about twelve thousand within twelve miles of dublin and fallen to their old way of disputing passes : which when lost , they run to the next : they increase by the coming of forces to them , and say , if they recover not their reputation before michaelmas , they shal not keep ireland from a totall reducement within a year . the scots-resolution touching their king . first , that prevailing party of sectaries of england , who have broken the covenant , and despised the oath of god , corrupted the truth , subverted the fundamentall government , by king and parliament , and taken away the life , look upon us with an evill eye , as upon those who stand in the way of their monstrous and new-fingled devices , in religion and government , and though there were no cause to fear any thing for that party , but the gangrene and infection of those many damnable and abominable errors , which have taken hold on them , yet our vicinity unto and dayly to commerce with that nation , may justly make us afraid that the lord may give up many in this land unto a spirit of delusion , to beleeve lyes , because they have not received the love of truth . secondly , neither is the malignant party so far broken and brought low , as that they have abandoned all hopes of carrying on their former designes against the covenant , and work of reformation , besides many of them in this kingdom who are as foxes tyde in chaines , keeping in evill nature , and waiting opportunity to break their cords , and again to prey upon the lords people . that the standing armies in ireland , under the command of the marq. of ormond , the lord inchiqueen , the lord of airds , and george munroe , who forgetting the horrible cruelty that was exercised by the irish and english nations in that land , have entred into a peace and association with them , that they may the more easily carry on the old design of the popish , prelatical and malignant party , and the lord of airds , and george munroe , have by treachery and oppression , brought the province of ulster , and garrisons therein , under their power and command , and have redacted our country-men , and such as adhere unto the covenant and cause of god in that province unto many miseries and straits , and are like to banish the ministers of the gospell , and to overturn these fair beginnings of the worke of god , which were unto many a branch of hope , that the lord meant to make ireland a pleasant land . thirdly , but which is more grievous unto us then all these , our king notwithstanding of the lords hand , against his fathers opposition to the work of god , and bearing down all those in the three kingdomes , by which it is come to passe , that his majesty hath hitherto refused to grant the just and necessary desires of this kirk and kingdom , which were tendred unto him from the commissioners of both for securing of religion , the liberties of the subject , his mai government , and the peace of the kingdom ; and it is much to be feared that those wicked councellours may so far prevail upon him in his tender years , as to engage him in a war for ouerturning ( if it be possible ) of the work of god , and bearing down all those in the three kingdoms that adhere thereto , which if he shall do , cannot but bring great wrath from the lord upon himself and his throne , and must be the cause of many new and great miseries and calamities to these lands . and albeit the lands be involved in many difficulties and compassed about with great and imminent dangers ; yet ●here is hope and ground of consolation concerning this thing ; the lord is in the midst of us , and we are called by his name , our ears hear the joyfull sound of the gospell , add our eyes see our teachers . we behold the arm of the lord stretched out daily in working salvation for his people , and answering their desires upon their enemies , by terrible things in righteousnesse ; although we be few in number , yet the lord of hosts is with us , and in the power of his strength we shall be able to prevaile ; although our land be filled with sin , yet we have not been forsaken of the lord our god , but he hath always had compassion upon us , and delivered us in all our distresse ; although some of understanding fal , it is bot to try , and to purge , and to make white even to the end , because it is yet for a time appointed although many cleave to us by flatteries , yet there be a remnant w●● keep their integrity , and the lord shall do good to those that be good ; but such as turn aside to crooked ways , shall be led forth with the workers of iniquity . the lords people in england and ireland , who adhere to the cause and covenant , may be perplexed , but shall not despair , they may be persecuted but shall not be forsaken ; they may be cast down but shall not be destroyed ; and although uniformity and the work of reformation in these hands seem not only to be retarded , but almost pluckt up by the roots , and the foundation thereof razed ; yet the seed which the lord hath sowen there , shall again take root downward , and bear fruit upward , the zeal of the lord of hosts shall perform this . a. ker . right honoured , since the late blow given to the marq. of ormond by lieut. gen. jones , we hear that they are re-bodying about kilkenny and munster , and that in the said engagement thirteen thousand of the princes forces escaped , who are gathering together , and randezvouzing in severall places ; but the raising of the siege , and defeating that pote● power is joyfully rescented by many . we have received another express from thence , which intimates , that the d. of lorraign hath landed 3000 horse in ireland , and that a conjunction is designed by them with 7000 scots under the lord of ards , 3000 irish commanded by the earle of clanrickard , 7000 of the spanish faction commanded by gen. oneal , 1400 horse commanded by l. incihiquin , and the 13000 of ormonds that escaped at the last fight ; all which ( it is said ) intend a randezvouz neer kilkenny , who being bodyed , will make an army of 30000 and upwards , and may probably much indanger our friends in dublin , if a considerable supply be not speedily sent over to them . bristol 12. august , 1649. yesterday came news , as if dredagh were re-taken or delivered up by the lord m●or , that sir charles coot since his relief by his brethren hath been abroad , disputed several passes with the enemy , and set the besiegers at a further distance . the lord of ards ( its said ) hath likewise fallen upon ge●erall oneal , and after a sharp conflict , killed many , took divers prisoners , and scattered the rest . finis . whereas we have by the blessing of god discovered and disappointed a traiterous conspiracy for surprizing and taking his majesties castle of dublin, (his majesties principal fort in this his kingdom), which the said conspirators had designed to do on the 21th day of this present moneth of may ... ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) 1663 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46214 wing i988_variant estc r36980 16170571 ocm 16170571 104972 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46214) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104972) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:77) whereas we have by the blessing of god discovered and disappointed a traiterous conspiracy for surprizing and taking his majesties castle of dublin, (his majesties principal fort in this his kingdom), which the said conspirators had designed to do on the 21th day of this present moneth of may ... ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. printed by john crooke ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1663. title from first 5 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at his majesties castle of dublin the 23th. of may. 1663." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng blood, thomas, 1618?-1680. conspiracies -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2 r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . ormonde . whereas , we have by the blessing of god discovered and disappointed a traiterous conspiracy for surprizing and taking his majesties castle of dublin , his majesties principal fort in this his kingdom ) which the said conspirators had designed to do on the 21th . day of this present moneth of may , and whereas divers of the conspirators are apprehended and committed to prison , where they still remain ; and whereas divers others of the said conspirators ( being conscious to themselves of their own guilts ) have found means to escape , and are not as yet apprehended , namely , thomas blood , late of sarny near dunboine , in the county of meath , colonel daniel abbot , major abel warren , andrew mac cormock , a pretended minister , lately of magherawly , in the county of down , robert chambers , a pretended minister , colonel gilbert carr , commonly called gibby carr , john chamberlin late of dublin brewer , john fooke late of atherdee in the county of lowth esquire , lieutenant john ruxton late of the same , lieutenant de la rock , major henry jones , late of stelorgan , in the county of dublin , major alexander staples late of londonderry , lieutenant colonel william moore , who was lately disbanded , and had been formerly garrisoned at gallway , and afterwards at athlone . we therefore do by this proclamation in his majesties name strictly charge and command all and every the said forenamed persons , that within eight and forty hours after the publishing of this proclamation , within the county where such person or persons shall then be , he and they do render his and their persons to us , the lord lieutenant , or to one of his majesties privy council in this kingdom , or to one of his majesties iustices of peace next adjoyning to the place or places where such person or persons now are , or then shall be , wherein if they or any of them shall fail , we do hereby declare and publish them and every of them to failing , to be rebells and traitors against his majesty , his crown and dignity , and to be accordingly prosecuted by all his majesties good subjects . and we do hereby publish and declare that all and every person and persons that shall relieve or conceal any of the said forenamed persons at any time after the publishing of this proclamation as aforesaid , that they also shall be proceeded against as relievers and abettors of rebells and traitors , and we require all his majesties officers and loving subjects to endeavour the apprehension of all and every the said forenamed persons . and we do hereby declare that any person or persons that shall apprehend the said thomas blood , major abel warren , andrew mac cormock , robert chambers , colonel gilbert carr , commonly called gibby carr , or any of them , and bring him or them , or cause him or them to be brought to the high sheriff of the county , wherein he or they shall be apprehended at , by or before the 24th . day of june next shall have as a reward for the said service , the sum of one hundred pounds for every of the said last named persons , so to be apprehended and brought in as aforesaid by or before the said 24th . day of june next . given at his majesties castle of dublin the 23th . of may. 1663 . god save the king . mau. eustace , cane . drogheda , mount-alexander , anglesey , massereene , dungannon , w. caulfield , r. coote , santry , hen. tichborne , ja. donelan , jo. bysse , j. temple , paul davis , tho. pigot . dvblin , printed by john crooke , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , and are to be sold by samuel dancer next door to the bear and ragged-staffe in castle-street .. 1663. the declaration of sir hardresse waller, major general of the parliaments forces in ireland, and the council of officers there hardress, waller, sir, 1604?-1666?. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a97039 of text r211464 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.22[70]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a97039 wing w536 thomason 669.f.22[70] estc r211464 99870188 99870188 163652 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a97039) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163652) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f22[70]) the declaration of sir hardresse waller, major general of the parliaments forces in ireland, and the council of officers there hardress, waller, sir, 1604?-1666?. england and wales. army. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by william bladen, by special order ; and reprinted at london by john macock, dublin : [london] : 1659. [i.e. 1660] dated and signed at end: dated at dublin-castle, the 28. of december; 1659. har. waller. on the duty of thankfulness to god "for the late dispensations of his gracious appearances;" and appointing the following tuesday a day of public thanksgiving. annotation on thomason copy: "jan: 17". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -army -early works to 1800. public worship -ireland -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a97039 r211464 (thomason 669.f.22[70]). civilwar no the declaration of sir hardresse waller, major general of the parliaments forces in ireland, and the council of officers there. hardress, waller, sir 1659 1131 1 0 0 0 0 0 9 b the rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-11 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the declaration of sir hardresse waller , major general of the parliaments forces in ireland , and the council of officers there . the signal turns of gods hand challenge of right our signal observation and improvement , that we may express in 〈◊〉 ●eart and life , the due counterpane of his various dealings . providence hath of late wrought wonders of mercy , as in these nations , so particularly in this city and throughout this land . the lord hath remembred us in our low estate , because his mercy endures for ever . who is so great a stranger in our israel , that observed not the dreadfull symptoms of threatned ruine to our religion , and all our liberties sacred and civil ? hath not god saved us with a notwithstanding , by the late dispensations of his gracious appearances in our greatest straights and perplexities ? were not the mountains of sinfull provocations and strong oppositions raised up to their height , to obstruct the great work of reformation , so happily begun , and so solemnly engaged for among us ? had not the romish emissaries and ingeneers of darkness prevailed far , to divide and distract , to delude and destroy us ? were not the hopes of our common enemy exceedingly raised up , gaping for the confusion and dissolution of christs interest and people in these nations ? had not the powers and policies of hell prevailed far , and laid the very necks of magistracy and ministry upon the block of direfull anarchy and arbitrary rule ? were not all foundations religious and politick so put out of course , in all relations , as to threaten eminent ruine both to church and state ? which ordinance of god was not slighted , opposed , maligned and scorned by specious pretences and strong delusions ? were not gods own people very deeply guilty of apostacie and hypocrisie , of unfaithfulness and breach of covenant in all relations ? were we not all ready to devour one another by sinfull mistakes and wofull miscarriages , whilst our ill neighbours were laughing at us , and combining against us ? did not unclean spirits range and rage among us , possessing many , foaming out their shame , torturing souls and all societies with deadly convulsions ? were not our distempers , personal and publick , grown so inveterate , so complicate , & so multiplicious , that our best physicians could do little else then pity & bewail our expiring liberties ? was not the name of christ , and whatsoever is dear unto his people , ready to be made the scorn and prey of our ill neighbours ? were we not hastning to the sad catastrophe of the german tragedy , and munsters desolations , procured by the like fanatick spirits , which then obstructed reformation work ? what cause then have we to admire the miraculous patience and bounty of our god , that have made us now the living monuments of undeserved mercy ? should not we adore and celebrate that good-will of his , who dwelling in this bush , hath thus prevented the consumption thereof ? he that is our god , now appears indeed to be the god of all salvations , to whom belong all issues from death . he hath delivered , he doth deliver , in him we hope that he will still deliver . thankfulness to him , verbal & actual , cordial and constant , will be the best preserver of mercy , and improver thereof . the choice circumstantials of this salvation , are so many , and so remarkable , that the sense thereof cannot but engage and inflame our hearts to the highest expressions of gratitude and praise . that such a god , so highly provoked , should shew such favor , to such an unworthy people , in such a season , and by such means , in such a manner , and to such an end , this indeed is the wonder of mercies , the complex and complement of free-grace . that so great a change should be brought about with so little noise , so little bloud , so little opposition , and so hopefully ; is not this a miracle of mercy ? this day of small things should not then be despised , being the lords doing , so marvellous in our eies . though our redemption be not yet perfected , yet do we see cause abundantly to provoke all christs friends to solemn acknowledgments . should not they praise him , that have been seeking him ? do not the signal returns of his mercy challenge proportionable returns of our duty ? is not this the best way to assure and increase , to improve and hasten the blessings promised and begun ? doth he not command and commend such a course ? hath it not been his own and his peoples method in all former ages ? have not we received notable experiences ever since the begining of our famous parliament , to direct and strengthen us thereto ? doth not the posture of gods reforming people , so signally foretold rev. 15. challenge this from us ? those very persons who have been unhappily seduced into snares and illegal engagements against the supreme authority , may in this great turn , find sufficient ground of blessing the lord , that they have been stopt in such a career , posting to confusion . to be thus kept from sin and ruine will be then known and acknowledged for a singular mercy ; when the lord shall please to remove prejudice and pre-ingagements . that all gods people in this city and throughout ireland may orderly concurr in all humble return of praise to our good god , on this account ; it is therefore seriously recommended and desired , that tuesday next , being the 3. of january 1659 , be set apart and solemnly observed as a day of publick thanks-giving within the city and liberties of dublin ; and the tuesday fortnight , next after it , being the 17. of january , to be likewise observed for a solemn thanks-giving throughout all the parts of this nation ; and the several ministers of the gospel in their respective places are desired to give publick notice thereof , on the first lords day after the receipt hereof . dated at dublin-castle , the 28. of december ; 1659. har. waller . dublin , printed by william blader , by special order : and reprinted at london by john macock . 1659. by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland for special reasons conducing to his majesties service, we do hereby require and command all officers of his majesties army ... ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1668 : ormonde). 1666 approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46030 wing i403 estc r213903 27132238 ocm 27132238 109989 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46030) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109989) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:25) by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland for special reasons conducing to his majesties service, we do hereby require and command all officers of his majesties army ... ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1668 : ormonde). ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by john crook ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1666. other title information from first lines of text. "given at his majesties castle of dublin, the fifth day of january, 1666. g. lane." reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1660-1688. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-02 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal english blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant general , and general governour of ireland . ormonde , for special reasons conducing to his majesties service , we do hereby require and command all officers of his majesties army , now in this city , or any other part of this kingdom , absent from their commands and charges , immediately upon publication hereof , to repair to their several and respective garrisons or quarters , and there to attend their duties , and not to absent themselves from the same , without special licence from us , notwithstanding any licence heretofore given by us. given at his majesties castle of dublin , the fifth day of january , 1666. g. lane . god save the king . dvblin : printed by john crook , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , and are to be sold by samuel dancer in castle-street , 1666. a sermon preached in christ's-church, dublin, on the 23d. of october, 1698 being the anniversary thanksgiving for putting an end to the irish rebellion, which broke out on that day, 1641, before the house of lords / by nathanael lord bishop of waterford and lismore. foy, nathaniel, d. 1707. 1698 approx. 61 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a40371 wing f2046 estc r33792 13564208 ocm 13564208 100308 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a40371) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100308) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1034:19) a sermon preached in christ's-church, dublin, on the 23d. of october, 1698 being the anniversary thanksgiving for putting an end to the irish rebellion, which broke out on that day, 1641, before the house of lords / by nathanael lord bishop of waterford and lismore. foy, nathaniel, d. 1707. [2], 30 p. printed by andrew crook ... for samuel adey, dublin : 1698. imperfect: pages stained with loss of print. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng sermons, english -17th century. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -sermons. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a sermon preached in christ's-church , dublin ; on the 23d . of october , 1698. being the anniversary thanksgiving for putting an end to the irish rebellion , which broke out on that day , 1641. before the house of lords . by nathanael lord bishop of waterford and lismore . dvblin : printed by andrew crook , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , for samuel adey , bookbinder in copper-alley ; and are to be sold by the booksellers of dublin , 1698. monday the 24th of october , 1698. by the lords spiritual and temporal in parliament assembled . ordered , on motion , that the lord viscount loftus of ely , the lord viscount charlemont , and the lord baron of strabane , do give the thanks of this house to the lord bishop of waterford , for his sermon preached at christ's-church yesterday , being the anniversary of the three and twentieth of october ; and that his lordship be desired to print his said sermon . jo. smyth , cler. parliamentorum . acts , chap. 19 , ver . 28. and when they heard these sayings , they were full of wrath , and cryed out , saying , great is diana of the ephesians . that ephesus was the metropolis of the lesser asia , and one of the most celebrated mart towns of all the east , seated on the shore of the archipelago , renown'd for its riches and antiquity , as having been founded ( as 't is said by many of the ancients ) by the amazons , not long after the trojan war ; but for nothing more famous than the worship of the great goddess diana , with her image which fell down from jupiter ( as 't was superstitiously believ'd ) and the incredible structure of her temple , as having from time , to time , been no less than two hundred and twenty years a building , at the general charges of the whole province ; and for that reason , call'd by pliny , admiratio graecae magnificentiae , the wonder or astonishment of the greek magnificence , and ever reputed one of the seaven wonders of the world , is unknown to none who are any thing conversant in heathen story . to this city , proud and insolent ; to the highest degree superstitious , and idolatrous , and hugely addicted to the study of magical or infernal arts , st. paul in his apostolical travels , about fifty two years after our lord's birth , comes to found , or rather establish a christian church ; the rudiments of which seem to have been imperfectly laid , in the chapter before : and here he continues by the space of two years baptizing , disputing , and working miracles of all sorts , not only when personally present , but by touching the handkerchiefs , or aprons of such as were sick , or possess'd ; so that the diseases departed from them , and the evil spirits went out of them . upon this , certain vagabond jews , exorcists , or conjurers , who had improv'd themselves in these arts of magick and incantation , whilst they were at ephesus ( as being a city particularly under the jurisdiction of the devil ) perceiving how that no sooner st. paul call'd upon the name of the lord jesus , but the evil spirits flew like lightning from the bodies of demoniacks ; they thought to do the like ; and the experiment being made by no less than seaven sons of one sceva a jew ( not being willing it seems to trust themselves singly ) all students of the black art , in this form of words ; we adjure you by jesus whom paul preacheth , i. e. to depart : the evil spirit answer'd and said , jesus we know , and paul we know , but who are ye ? and the man in whom the evil spirit was , leaped on them , and overcame them , and prevailed against them , so that they fled out of that house naked and wounded . so remarkable an occurrence as this could not but be soon noised abroad in so populous and inquisitive a city ; and the event was answerable ; for , fear fell on all dwelling at ephesus , both jews and greeks ; and the name of the lord jesus was magnified . and many that believed came and confessed and shewed their deeds . and in farther token of the reallity of their conversion , and utter abhorrence of their former life ; many of them who had practised these magick arts , of their own accord , brought their books , and burn'd them publickly ; which , had they been sold , would have yeilded no less than fifty thousand pieces of silver . so mightily grew the word of god and prevailed . but demetrius , a crafty trades-man , and master of the corporation of silver-smiths , who made silver shrines for diana , or little temples with her image in them , and had all this time been a spy on the words and actions of st. paul , finding that his religion and fortune were both at stake , and would certainly be lost , were not some timely stop put to his preaching , and miracles ; he calls together the workmen of like occupation , and in a riotous assembly ( for trades-men are no proper reformers ) he tells them , there was one paul who had not only at ephesus , but throughout all asia , perverted much people ; broaching a most unreasonable and heretical doctrine ; that they be no gods , which are made with hands ; that the divinity of the great goddess diana , had been universally acknowledg'd by all mankind , and that her worship had been establish'd upon the universal consent , and practice of all nations , whom not only all asia , but the world worship'd . but if what paul said was true , both the temple , and the goddess would soon be despised , and her magnificence destroy'd . this , had he said no more , must be acknowledg'd to have been a good sort of metaphysical argument ; but demetrius knowing that trades-mens heads lie not much that way , was too wise to venture the worship of his goddess , and along with it his all , upon such a nice speculation , and therefore to make sure work of it , he first prepares the way by a right faithful argument , which he knew , amongst such auditors , would never fail him ; sirs , ye know that by this craft we have our wealth , which now is in danger to be set at nought . and when they heard these sayings , they were full of wrath , and cryed out saying , great is diana of the ephesians , the uproar continuing , about two hours , the beasts of ephesus all that time bellowing nothing out , but great is diana of the ephesians , great is , &c. so that the words are a perfect inference from a heap of arguments which went before ; demetrius . argues stiffly for his goddess , the people repeat his arguments , and infer the conclusion . doth paul say they be no gods which are made with hands , and is the ruine of our goddess involv'd in this single assertion ? has her divinity been acknowledg'd and ador'd by all nations , and by the romans themselves , receiv'd into the number of the deae majorum gentium , and is our whole fraternity supported by her , and do we and she fall together ? why then , great is diana of the ephesians . from the words thus knit together , we have these three very observables . first , that there is no evidence of sense , reason , or in consequent thereto , scripture , so plain and undoubted , against which education , and interest are not of force enough to byass and carry the judgment . secondly , the exact harmony , or agreement betwixt the religion of the heathens , and that of the romish church at this day . thirdly , the wonderful force of a misguided , or ill-grounded zeal , which usually is fiercer , and more impetuous than a true one . first , there is no evidence of sense , reason , &c. of the truth of which , first . the whole heathen world is an undeniable evidence , who before the coming of our blessed lord , were sunk , and degenerated into such gross sottish opinions and practices relating to god , and humane nature , as were altogether inconsistent with either , and did thereupon impair and endanger the whole law of nature , which as to the moral world , is no other than a system of opinions and practices appertaining to god , our selves , and one another . but to keep to the particular instance in the text ; what can be more evident to sense and reason , than that the goddess the silver-smith made , did not make the silver-smith ? notwithstanding which , and tho' the whole corporation of silver-smiths got their livelihood by doing work about her ; nay tho' perhaps these very individual men had mended , or adorn'd her goddesship , when ruinous or rusty ; yet saint paul must be exclaim'd against , and brought in danger of his life , for saying , they are no gods which are made with hands . to this may be added , that inhumane practice which did of old , and doth at this time prevail amongst some heathen nations , of sacrificing the wife , the dearest friends , and most faithful servants , at the funerals of their several relations . and what renders this practice more wonderful , is , there is nothing of interest in it , beyond the avoiding shame and disgrace , which by long use and practice , is clearly of their own making . the like may be said , secondly , of the jewish church , which would not believe that jesus of nazareth was the saviour of the world , but crucified him as a malefactor , tho' the prophecies of the old testament foretelling him to come , joyn'd to , and explained by the history of our lord's life and death , did so plainly describe , and point out his person , that it was not possible any thing to a nation which acknowledg'd the divine original of them , as the jews did , should be more evident to reason , or more convictive of the judgment . and yet alass , all these signified no more , against the education and principles which then prevail'd , by which they were taught to expect a temporal messias , nor against the sensual interest , and worldly grandure of that church , than bullets shot against a marble stone . nay , when these forcible weapons were afterwards manag'd by an omnipotent arm , and received an additional strength , and a new edge , by the accession of the miracle of the resurrection , yet made they little or no impression on the jewish church , but a very fatal one upon the publican , and fishermen , with their followers , who were the preachers of that divine doctrine . of all which our lord has given a most wise profound reason . how can ye believe , that receive honour of men ? that is , 't is morally impossible ye should . but beyond these , and all other instances in the world put together , thirdly , the romish church is the fullest proof how much it is within the power of interest and education , to warp the judgment against the clearest evidence of sense , reason , and scripture . of a great heap of opinions , to single out but a few . what can be more against the clear evidence of scripture , than half communion ? what more against sense and reason , than that popes , and councils , who for these many years have been doing little , but contradicting not only one another , but themselves , should set up for infallibility ? reason tells they may be deceiv'd , sense and experience tell that they are so , and they have not yet been able to urge the least plausible argument , to prove their exemption from the common calamity of humane nature . what more against the common reason of mankind , and the evidence of scripture , than , that since prayer is a lifting up of the heart to god , giving thanks for what we have receiv'd , and imploring what we need , men should not be permitted to pray to god in a tongue they understand ? or what more against the evidence of sense , reason , and scripture , than the monstrous doctrine of transubstantiation ? which to go about to confute , would be to abuse the auditory . a doctrine , which if any thing in sense , reason , or scripture be true , is certainly false . a doctrine which as one has most ingeniously observ'd , if it be true ; 't is the most ill natur'd truth in the world , for 't will permit nothing else to be true besides it self . a and lastly a doctrine , in favour of which were a miracle wrought , it could not prove it true , in as much as after such a miracle wrought , we should have the same reason to believe the doctrine to be false , that we had to believe the miracle was true . and yet to the eternal disgrace of the romish church , they have laid the greatest wits of europe , both of our church , and their own , under an absolute necessity of spending the flower of their years , and the strength of their parts , in reading and writing great volumes , for , and against this portentous doctrine ; tho' after all their labours and study , they can arrive to no more knowledge in the whole matter , than what every child of six years of age has ; viz. to know that bread is bread. thus much interest , and education , is able to do against the strongest , and most uncontested evidence ; of the latter of which i think the world has not a fuller proof than the gross body of this nation in which we live affords us , who have not the least imaginable shadow of reason , why they are rather papists , than protestants , but that 't was the religion their fathers profest before them ; pleading nothing in their defence , but this , as 't is notoriously known to all who converse with them . and now 't were to be wisht these were all that are concerned in this imputation : but fourthly , every sect or sept , has a share in it more or less , as 't were easie to instance in the several factions which of late years have prevail'd amongst us , well nigh to the utter desolation of one of the most flourishing kingdoms , and apostolick churches in the world ; whose wounds are yet green and gaping ; so that the romish church is more catholick than we protestants think of ; extending it self not only to rome , and other places subject to the papal power , but to geneva likewise , and those who value themselves most for having no communion with her . i say 't were easie to instance in the opinions and practices , but i forbear ; this being a day hallow'd by the blood of many thousand innocents to the romish church , and upon that account , 't is great pity but it should be all their own . secondly , the exact harmony , or agreement betwixt the religion of the heathens , and that of the church of rome . and now we are engag'd in a sea of matter , where plenty makes it difficult to choose , and time will not permit to insist on all that offers . but i discourse before an auditory that knows how to supply defects , and to go before the preacher ; and truly 't is well it is so , since 't is the great unhappiness of discourses of this kind , that being measur'd by a short scantling of time , nothing can be handled as it ought to be . and therefore to lay the proof of this doctrinal observation in these following particulars only ; some of which i shall mention rather than insist on . the exact harmony and agreement betwixt both religions . i. as to the sottish idolatrous worship of both . ii. as to the arguments upon the strength of which , both religions have been received . iii. as to the same ends , for the promotion of which , both are continued . iv. as to the same methods of propagation ; artifices of imposture to prevail over the weak and simple ; and practices of blood , and cruelty over the more understanding and resolute . in the assigning of which particulars of agreement , we have not ransackt the body of the heathen , and romish religion , ( which would furnish us with many more , ) but have kept our selves strictly to the letter of the text ; all these being formally contain'd in the words we have read to you , as will even now appear . first , as to the sottish idolatry of both , in the worship of images : for what can be more sottish than it ? since they are but silver and gold , and the work of mens hands . they have mouths but they speak not , eyes have they but see not . they have ears but they hear not , neither is there any breath in their mouths . they that make them , are like unto them , so is every one that trusteth in them . and they that make them , and put their trust in them , are the heathen , and romish church . the trade of making images is not less gainful to the romish church , than 't was to demetrius and his fellow crafts-men , or rather much more ; for amongst the heathens one houshold god many times serv'd a whole family , but now each single person abounds with great variety of images , and the worship that is paid to them , by both , is the same ; nor can any thing be said in the defence of the one which may not reasonably be urg'd in the defence of the other . if st. paul had been a roman catholick , ( as they of that church tell us he undoubtedly was ) and had come to a personal debate with demetrius , touching the worship of images and departed souls ; with what fore-head do we think he could have objected idolatry to him , and his companions ; or if he had been so unreasonable , do we think demetrius would not have been as ready with his dulia and hyperdulia , his terminatively and transitively , wherewith the romanists incrustate their idolatry as they themselves are . where saints themselves are not worship'd , there their images are not ; and we have the confession of cardinal perron , that in the earlier ages of the church , saints were not invok'd , for which he gives this reason ; for fear the heathens might judge the christians were guilty of idolatry : an ingenuous confession , how like the one is to the other . and one would think this charge against them , of symbolizing with the heathens in their image worship , is not very unacceptable to them ; for a jesuite who has written large and learned commentaries on the bible , and this chapter , tells us ; that these shrines were little chappels , or images of silver , made in imitation of the greater temple of diana , in , or upon which , was the image of diana , and these , they either offer'd to diana in her temple , or wore about their necks , or in their caps , and cloaths , as our pilgrims do the image of the blessed virgin of loretto . another authentick testimony how nearly they symbolize with the papists , in their worship . nay , the jesuite goes yet a pitch higher , for he contends stifly with the heathens for diana her self ; saying , that their diana ( meaning the heathen ) was false , and supposititious , but the true christian diana , was the blessed virgin mary , ( risum teneatis ) which he endeavours to prove in six particulars , three whereof i shall lay before you . the heathen diana was the daughter of jupiter and latona , but blessed mary is the daughter of the eternal father , who has brought light to the world , and shews the way to heaven . again , in the temple of the heathen diana , kings us'd to lay up their most precious treasures , which no enemy when they sack'd and plunder'd a city , would be so prophane as to touch ; but mary is the faithful preservatrix of vertue and safety , so that 't is impossible for him to perish , who doth but diligently commit himself , and his goods to her care and protection ; as the common experience of every one shews . and lastly , the heathen diana had many breasts , as being the nurse of all living creatures ; but mary is the second eve , the mother of all living , who gives the milk of grace and consolation , to all that worship her ; which things are little less than blasphemy ; but i forbear to insist upon these follies . to conclude , whatever cob-web distinctions may be invented ( which wise men see through , and fools are consounded with ) to palliate their image worship , if the eucharistical bread be not turn'd into the body of the son of god , some of their own writers acknowledge , nothing can defend the worship of the host , against the imputation of the most sottish , unaccountable idolatry the world ; much worse than that of the heathens : one of whom , and he no mean one neither , cicero de nat. deorum , speaking of ceres , by which bread corn was denoted , says , do you think we are so senseless to believe that we eat to be god ? a sareasme ( would but the time , and religion of the man admit ) one would say was design'd on purpose for the romish church . secondly , as to the arguments upon the strength of which both religions have been receiv'd ; universality , and antiquity ; diana whom all asia , and the world worshippeth , and whose image fell down from jupiter . touching the former of which , universality , as it is observable , that were the matter of fact true , as to both churches , as 't is certainly false , it would conclude nothing for either , since error is many times more spreading than truth ; so is it likewise , that the heathens pretentions to universality are much better grounded , than the romanists , it being well nigh litterally true what demetrius said of diana , that all asia , and the world worship'd her . but for the romish church to call themselves the catholick church , when there are so many churches besides themselves , is just such a piece of nonsense , or rather contradiction , as to say the half is the whole ; an error which as it is of the greatest magnitude , so has it been particularly deriv'd to them from transubstantiation , or at least hugely strengthen'd by it , which assures us when once the bread is consecrated , every crum is as large as the whole loaf , every part being the whole body of christ , and the whole can be no more ; and if this be true , by the same reasoning , why may not a handful of christians be as numerous , and diffusive as the whole christian church . secondly , as to the antiquity of diana's worship , 't is prov'd by the town-clerk by this argument , that her image fell down from jupiter , i. e. time out of mind ; for we must know , that the scene of all the actions of the heathen gods , and goddesses , were laid at a vast distance of time , so that there was nothing of yesterday in that religion ; as we see most of the miracles of the romish church as such , are wisely laid in such times , and places , as no one can enquire into them . now touching these pretences to antiquity , these four things are observable , 1st , that the heathen , and romish church do both pretend to them alike . 2dly , that both their pretences are ill grounded . 3dly , that the heathen church bids fairer for it than the romish . 4thly , that both the one church , and the other , do alike unjustly charge their adversaries with novelty ; the heathens the christians , the papists the protestants . 5thly , that the very same answer which the primitive christians return'd to the heathens , when charg'd with novelty , i say the very same answer we protestants return to the romanists now . all which , do beyond measure shew the exact agreement betwixt the heathen , and the romish religion . to insist on the latter only , which virtually comprehends the rest . the jews and christians were by the heathens call'd up-starts , and mushrooms , the growth of a single night , and in consequent thereto , 't was said their religion was false . the substance of the christians reply to which heavy charge was , that thô some errors are ancienter than some truths , yet the first truth , was ancienter than the first error . that god is the fountain of truth , and before all error . that the first religion in the world was that which adam profess'd in paradise ; that adam's innocence was prior to his fall , upon which , god immediately instituted the christian religion ; the seed of the woman shall break the serpent's head ; that the heathen religion , whose distinctive character was idolatry , and multiplicity of gods ( neither of which were heard of before the fall ) grew up by little , and little , after mankind had departed from god ; that thô all men fell , yet some part of mankind did worship god in a purer , and more natural manner than another ; that the whole of the heathen religion was but a schismatical , heretical separation of a wickeder part of mankind , from the purer and more uncorrupted religion , which was profess'd by godly seth , and the antediluvian patriarchs which sprang from his line ; that as adams religion before the fall was the first pure natural , so , the christian religion was the first instituted religion in the world , in the design of god , as being virtually contain'd in that first prophesy , the seed of the , &c. which is not look'd upon as a different religion from adam's , inasmuch as christianity is no other than a wonderful wise means , or dispensation of god's providence , to bring humane nature back again from whence it fell . and do not we now , mutatis mutandis , make the very same reply , when we are recriminated in point of novelty by the romanists ? viz. that the religion we profess is the true apostolick religion , that we have added nothing new to it , that they are the innovators , we having only cast off the corruptions they super-induc'd ; and that the design of the protestant religion , is but to bring them back from whence they have departed . the inference from all which is , that the arguments , as well as errors of both churches , being the same in their original formation , one and the same answer serves them both . thirdly , the agreement is great , and very exact , as to the same ends for the promotion of which both religions were contriv'd , and afterwards maintain'd . that is , sirs , ye know that by this craft we have our wealth , which now ( by st. paul's preaching ) is in danger to be set at naught . and certainly , if ever there were any exquisite silver smiths , with a crafty demetrius at the head of them , besides these mention'd in the text , they are the pope and clergy of the church of rome ; most of their doctrines , and practices consequent thereto , which are truly theirs , having no other tendency than to enrich , and aggrandise the priest . to enrich him ; of which nature are such as these . purgatory , that inexhaustible fund of riches , with indulgencies the daughter of purgatory , as rich as the mother ; and their prayers and masses for the dead . the worship of images and relicts of saints , with pilgrimages undertaken to their shrines , counterfeit miracles wrought at them , and huge oblations made to the tutelar saints , works of supererogation , and dispensations with vows , oaths , and matrimonial contracts . for all which they have the pretences of universality and antiquity , to blind the vulgar ; thô all ancient authors are as profoundly silent touching them , as the holy scriptures are , which are undoubtedly the most ancient books in the world ; whilst to the romish clergy , the true stream that turns the mill is , sirs ye know that by this craft we have our wealth . so that it was not ill said of a certain pope , that that pope was a fool that was poor , whilst he could hold a pen in his hand . but before we dismiss this argument , i cannot but observe to you , with what elaborate art the rest of the romish doctrines are contriv'd to support this one of purgatory , and render it a doctrine prodigiously gainful to the romish church . for by their doctrine of attrition , confession , and sacerdotal absolution ; no man can miscarry in his way to heaven , that can but secure himself one single sensible hour before death . by their distinction of the temporal punishment remaining , after the eternal is remitted , they send the best as well as the worst , i. e. all to purgatory , unless the virgin mary , and some few very eminent saints , and martyrs . and by making the flames of purgatory as intollerable as the flames of hell , save in duration , they make that place too hot for any one to continue in it . so that the sum of all is this ; they damn none , neither do they save any immediately ( otherwise than has been said ) but all mankind passing through the flames of purgatory , pay their tributes to the romish coffers , before they can be deliver'd thence . thus much for the thriving arts of the church of rome ; but there are other doctrines , and practices , tending to aggrandise the priest's person , by fixing such a necessary dependance of the people on him , and subjection to him , in all they say , know , or do , as gives him a despotick power over their consciences , which is the main point they design to gain by most , if not all of them ; to instance only in a very few . the intention of the priest , as to the validity of the sacraments , which leaves them wholly at the priest's mercy ; locking up the scriptures from their laity , by which he governs them in all they know ; praying in an unknown tongue , by which they are not permitted to think what they say ; and auricular confession , by which he becomes master of all they know , think , say , or do . fourthly , they exactly agree as to the methods by which both have been propagated ; artifices of imposture to prevail over the weak , and simple ; blood and cruelty , over the more understanding and resolute . artifices of imposture . the only one mention'd in this chapter , is , that this image of diana , fell down from jupiter , which was a grand imposture , this image having been made , as other images were , but being very old , or the artificers that wrought it , to prevent discovery , being made out of the way , ( as at some times they were , ) the priests perswaded the credulous multitude that the image fell down from heaven . and this was a frequent practice , not only amongst the greeks , those architects of fraud , but the trojans , and romans likewise . thus the palladium , or image of pallas , was kept and worship'd with great veneration , first by the trojans , afterward by the romans , as believing it to have fall'n down from heaven , and by them kept in the temple of vesta ; where , if we have a faith strong enough to believe them , the woodden goddess frequently shook her spear , and roul'd her eyes in her head ; which the romanists have much out-done ; the virgin mary not only moving her eyes , but weeping likewise upon solemn occasions . and thus the roman ancile or buckler , is reported to have fall'n from heaven , with a voice , that whilst it was preserv'd the city of rome should flourish ; which was therefore kept by the priests with great religion . but to give one instance for all , numa pompilius the roman lawgiver , as to what appertain'd to the worship of their gods , and goddesses , to gain the more credit to his law , gave it confidently out , that he had receiv'd it from the goddess aegeria , in personal conversation he had with her . and now , who can forbear observing that the romanists have with great exactness written after this copy ? many of whose superstitious doctrines , particularly purgatory ( which is taken out of plato ) have been obtruded upon the people , from voices , and visions of saints , and angels in heaven , of tormented souls from purgatory , conferences with the blessed virgin , and miracles wrought by her ; so like christian is to heathen rome , that 't is difficult sometimes to distinguish one , from the other . the agreement which hitherto has been manifested , has been made only at the cost of mens souls , and those , of their own communion ; but not content with this , and since god in his wonderful , and never often enough to be remembred mercy to these kingdoms , infinitely exceeding the mercies of this day , has hinder'd them from destroying our souls , they have been resolutely bent to destroy our bodies , which brings us to the last branch of this particular . secondly , their agreement as to the practices of blood and cruelty . a single instance of which as to the heathens , we have in this chapter ( and many in after ages of it ) the ephesians having decreed st. paul to be thrown to wild beasts to be devour'd by them , as is more than probable , nay , well nigh evident from some places of scripture compar'd together , had we but time to insist on them . and to this it is he relates , when he tells us , he fought with beasts at ephesus ; i. e. was condemn'd to it , and had certainly done it , had not god wonderfully deliver'd him . and this their barbarous usage of st. paul , who came in the endearments of love to shew them the way to life , and immortality , gives an occasion a while to reflect on , and compare the cruelties of the romish church with theirs , which they have been pleas'd to exercise us with , for no other crime save that the same doctrine which he publish'd to the ephesians , we preach amongst them . which whilst we do , good god what numbers , ( numbers which well nigh surpass every thing but thought and figures ) do we see of souls under the altar , that were slain for the word of god , and for the testimony which they held , crying aloud , how long o lord holy and true , dost thou not judge , and avenge our blood on them that dwell on the earth ! blood spilt by inquisitions , croisadoes , burnings , and massacres ! amongst which the massacres of paris , and ireland , the horrid gun-powder treason , as black and hellish in the contrivance , and design'd to be as bloody in the execution as the rest , are yet reeking and fresh in our memories . so that if in other things , there has been sound such an exact harmony betwixt the heathen , and the romish church , that they may in some sense rather be said to be the same , than to agree ; in this of blood and cruelty , it is to be fear'd the romish church will be found to have much surpast it . in proof of which , if all the annals , and records of time were cancel'd , all the monuments of papal cruelty defac'd , save the memory of this day , this single day were sufficient to convince all mankind , that have not abjur'd their sense , and reason , how much the one has out-done the other . a day , the sorrowful relation of which , may be begun by several here whose eyes are now intent upon me , in the same doleful strains , wherewith aeneas is said to preface the sad story of his ruin'd country . quanquam animus meminisse horret , luctuque refugit incipiam . — quaeque ipse miserrima vidi , et quorum pars magna fui . quis talia fando myrmidonum , dolopum-ve , aut duri miles ulyssis , temperet à lacrymis ? — a day which shall appear in bloody , and frightful characters in all calendars of time , a day which nothing the world has yet seen , can equal , nothing that is yet in the womb of time , we hope , shall go beyond , a day which shall give reputation to jews , heathens , and turks , and the religion they profess ; but fix a lasting reproach upon the son of god , the meek , and the holy jesus , and his peaceful doctrine , amongst them who judge of christian principles , by roman practices ; and lastly , a day which all good men of that communion shall silently in secret lament for ever , all bad men deny it , whilst they only who have quite degenerated into wolves , and tygers , shall glory and triumph in it . this is the cruelty , which nothing that we know of either in jewish , or heathen story ( abating the butchery of our blessed lord , with which 't were impious to compare any thing , as being beyond compare ) has yet equal'd ; but that which seems to bid fairest for it , is , the murder of the innocents by bloody herod , and the ten bloody persecutions by the roman emperors . but how far both these have fall'n short of this day , as to the aggravating circumstances of each , will appear . in that herod's cruelty extended it self ( as 't is evident from the design of that massacre ) to males only , and those but of two years of age , or under , and within the confines only of a little village , and the territories . of it , which could not but exceedingly lessen the numbers , and abate the horror of the fact , whilst the cruelty of this day was confin'd within no bounds , but ravaging over a whole spacious kingdom , spar'd neither age , nor sex ; against which neither piety , innocence of infants to invite compassion , nor the infirmity of age to beg it , no nor the strength of valiant men , gave the least security , as being unarm'd , and asleep , but all were alike involv'd in the same miserable ruine . again , that which must be acknowledg'd to turn the scale exceedingly in favour of herod , was , that what he did was purely upon principles of state , to secure the crown to himself , and the succession of it to his family . and truly no wonder such a petty precarious prince as herod , was jealous of his crown , since the great lords of the universe , the roman emperors , were not free from jealousie , that they who should govern the world , were to come out of judea , of which they had been admonish't by a prophetick oracle , ex judea profecti rerum potirentur , recorded by tacitus , suetonius , and other heathen authors , which became matter to them of great apprehension . whilst we were murder'd purely to shew us the way to heaven , and to advance the gospel of jesus christ ; tho' he himself dy'd to save the blood of this day from being spilt , i. e. to plant the doctrine of peace and charity , but the romanists have defeated his passion of that end . amongst the heathen cruelties , the greatest were undergone by christians , in ten bloody prosecutions , under the roman emperors , and are handed down to us in the martyrologies of the church ; but even these as to many circumstances of aggravation , fell short of what this miserable nation suffer'd . for what the primitive christians suffer'd , was by force of an establisht law of the empire , which tho' unjust , yet they had a fair tryal , and many times great and effectual arts were us'd not only to save them upon their tryals , but to hinder them likewise from being try'd ; as may appear by trajans rescript to pliny , in favour of them . but we suffer'd not only without , but against the force of all the muncipal laws of the land , which were in favour of us , and not only against them , but also against the laws of friendship , of mutual obligations , and hospitality , which us'd to be so sacred in this nation . the primitive christians had time given them to prepare for death ; had their friends about them to minister comfort to them , were executed in the face of the sun , were permitted to call upon their god , and allow'd a decent burial ; whilst we fell sacrifices to the insatiable rage of our profest friends , in the dead silence of night , had not time to prepare for death , nor to cry to god for mercy , but were hurried before the tribunal of another world , before we well knew we were leaving this , and our mangl'd carcasses exposs'd to the birds of the air , and the beasts of the field . to conclude , what the primitive christians suffer'd , was from the profest enemies of the cross of christ , not inlighten'd by the gospel , but under strong , and inveterate prejudices against it ; whilst our blood was spilt by christian hands , and offer'd up upon christian altars ; and what carries the aggravation yet higher , that very order of men , which beyond all other christians , profess themselves to be of the society of jesus , were the contrivers of all these mischiess ; they decreed us to death , nay , were the supervisors in many places , to put the sentence in execution . to add the last finishing and master stroke to all which , all these barbarities are laid upon the most righteous , the meekest , the mildest , and best of princes ; a prince who ( abating the inseparable infirmities of mankind ) had no crime beyond good nature and modest ; a man who by nature was so inclin'd to forgive , and by his enemies so us'd to it , that he had quite forgotten that resentment , which is so inseparable from other princes , and so necessary in all ; one who was ever jealous of his own abilities , tho' wonderfully great ; had no defect in wisdom , but that he was willing to learn , where he was able to dictate . it is of this prince , they say ( tho' with a far different intention from that of pilate's ) behold the man , that they might at once murder his reputation , and his person . but it is the peculiar of the romish church , to attempt nothing but what is great and monstrous in its kind , horrid and affrightful , against sense , against reason , against experience , and against humanity . but the highest aggravation remains yet untouch'd ; the romish church is not yet glutted , no not so much as satiated with blood ; but like the grave and barren womb ( those only hieroglyphicks of it ) cry give , give . the babylonish furnaces do yet rage , and we must never expect they will be permitted to go out , whilst the host , the golden image of the pope , is every where erected , and there be any children of the captivity found who refuse to bow down to it . and of such , we hope ( if ever a sad occasion shall be offer'd ) there will always be great numbers amongst us , who for the word of god , and the testimony of a good conscience , will not only patiently , but chearsullay suffer , whatever the rage and fury of our enemies , shall think fit to expose us to , or lay us under . and now we proceed to the third and last particular . thirdly . the wonderful force of a misguided , and ill-grounded zeal , which usually is fiercer , and more impetuous than a true one : of which much need not be said ( were there time for it ) since what has been already offer'd , is a full proof of it ; and of which we have two more very plain ones in this chapter , viz. st. paul before his conversion , compar'd with himself afterwards ; and the behaviour of demetrius , with that of the town-clerk's . of st. paul before his conversion , we have this , and a much larger account of the same nature : that he h●led christian men and women to prison , breathing out threatnings , and slaughter against them , consenting to their death , and sometimes assisting at it . none of which we hear of him after his conversion , when he had a better cause and a well grounded zeal ; and i judge no one will say st. paul was a less zealous christian , than he had been a jew . he with the rest of the apostles could peaceably lay down their lives in defence , and proof of what they said ; but they knew nothing of taking away the lives of other men , because they would not believe them . they told their hearers , that christ was a heavenly-born person , and they endeavour'd to convince them by reason , scripture , ( where it was proper , ) and miracles that they spake truth ; but we never find them sharpning their arguments , nor driving them in with fire and sword ; no nor so much as crying out for two hours ; great is jesus of nazareth , great is jesus of nazareth . the same difference is most remarkable in demetrius's , and the town-clerk's conduct of themselves ; the former of whom , had all the marks of an intemperate , ill-grounded zeal ; a salse worship to advance , and a righteous one to oppose , an evil intention to promote gain , and an unlawful means , a riotous assembly ; and the want of a lawful call , neither the law of the empire , nor of ephesus ( nor as i believe of any well govern'd common-wealth under heaven ) permitting mechanicks to assemble the emperors subjects at pleasure , and harangue to them about religion . whilst on the other hand the recorder , an honest judicious person , and a most excellent orator , who was more zealous for his religion , and argued better for it than demetrius had done , kept himself with in the bounds of his lawful calling , was a friend to st. paul , sav'd his companions from being torn in pieces , and by a pithy concise , and most swasive speech ( than which i think there is not a better any where extant ) appeasing the multitude , did more real service to the empire , than all the mechanicks of ephesus , silver-smiths and others put together ; evil being the result of weak minds , but good the effect of strength . and now my christian brethren ( to draw near a period ) what can better become us as disciples of the holy jesus , who when he was reviled , reviled not again , who has taught us by precept , and example to bless them that curse us , and to love them that hate us , to do good to them who persecute us , and despightfully use us ; or as grateful votaries to god , for the great deliverance of this day ; what can better become us as loyal subjects to a tender , and most magnanimous prince , who has so generously expos'd his person , to reseue us from the cruelty we lately suffer'd , or as grave senators assembled to consult the publick safety of the nation , than by all means imaginable ( except persecution ) to endeavour the conversion of this miserable nation ? a nation which after the endeavours of above fourteen hundred years preahing to make them christians , five hundred years to reduce them to civility , and upwards of a century of years , to bring them back to pure christianity from whence they had departed , are at this day well nigh as heathenish , as barbarous , and as popish as ever . and this , with what is gone before , i thought sitter to lay before you , than a tedious history of the wonderful discovery , the suddain breaking forth , and particular cruelties of this horrid rebellion with the evident proofs of the whole ; which in effect would be no more than to tell you the sun shines ; i could acquaint you with nothing , which you know not as well , most of you , much better than my self ; the cruelties of this day are recent in your memories , your wounds fresh , and bleeding , and all proofs of these matters as to protestants are needless , and to papists who deny them , none are sufficient . since therefore the profound wisdom of his majesty , in conjunction with that of both houses , has already made such large , and noble steps , towards that great and glorious end , the conversion of this poor nation : give me leave therefore , most noble lords , to follow tho' with trembling steps , the great and good example you have set me , and in all humility to lay before you some few expedients tending thereto ; not to make you wiser , but to re-mind you of your own power , and intellectual abilities for so great an undertaking . amongst which 't is humbly offer'd to be determin'd by your wisdom . first , whether to increase the number of the protestant clergy , and to decrease the popish , or at least to prevent a superfetation of them for the time to come , may not mainly conduce to this end . this in a great measure has receiv'd the sanction of your wisdom already , in excluding the regular clergy from this kingdom , and it must be left to you to follow the blow , and to finish what you have begun . for otherwise , since the regular clergy have ever been hated by the secular , it is to be fear'd , that the absence of the former , will invite the latter , who not being altogether of so male an influence as the other , they will supply the defect , by doubling their numbers ; and so the superfetation will be more dangerous , than the original birth . the clergy are mortal , but become immortal by succession ; and if no care be taken as they dye , to supply their places , by persons approv'd on by the state , nor to limit their numbers , but both these main points , be left to be determin'd at their election ; they may if they please become infinite , as well as mortal , and as mischievous as they will. the romish clergy , what by reason of the active malignity of their principles to do mischief , and their numbers , have acquir'd in most countries a sort of artificial ubiquity ; and since our religion will not permit our clergy to equal them in their principles to do hurt , we ought to be much superior to them , in our numbers to do good . nor can it be said , this were to hinder them from answering the spiritual necessities of their church ; since considering the little , or no pains they take with their people , half the romish clergy of this kingdom , is sufficient to perform the cure of it . so that by decreasing their numbers , we hinder them not from performing their cures , but only from doing mischief , which certainly ought to be no part of their spiritual cure. that is , when any desperate design has been a brooding , we hinder them from hatching it ; when any secret rebellion has been contriv'd , we hinder them from setting fire to every corner of the kingdom at once . in which practices how successful they have been of late , how little the authority of an unfortunate prince did signifie to restrain them , in such matters as he was willing , and it was their interest they should be restrain'd ; what dispotick power they had over their people , what incendiaries they were not only in their oratories , or place of publick worship , not only in great towns , smaller villages , and private houses , but in the camp , at the head of armed men , and in a word how the whole affair was contriv'd , manag'd , and in a manner executed by their heads and hands , our own late bleeding experience , to well nigh the utter ruine of this nation , has inform'd us . secondly , to reduce from time , to time , as much as may be , the irish nation into towns and villages . if this point be not secur'd , 't is to be fear'd all other means whatever , will tend but little , and opperate very slowly towards their reformation . 't is manifest to a considering person , that most of their barbarous usages and customs , their depredations and outrages , their profound ignorance , gross superstition , and foul idolatry , are all owing if not as to their original , yet as to their long continuance amongst them , to their wild savage way of living in single cottages , and dismal unhabitable places , at great distances one from another . and no wonder it is so , since this is an unnatural state , nature inviting to conjugation , and society : and what can be expected from a nation who have spent so many ages in an unnatural state , but that they should be guilty of unnatural crimes . and this , in a great measure , may be brought about , by encouraging agriculture , and discouraging every thing , that discourages it . of what infinite advantage to the state in point of riches , and civil emolument this would be , how much it would tend to the improvement of a country , at this day as little improv'd , and as capable of it , as most in europe , i shall be silent ; not desiring to thrust my sickle into another man's harvest , but to keep my self within the bounds of conversion and reformation . thirdly , to erect schools , and to oblige the natives thus reduc'd into colonies , under heavy mulcts to send their children to learn to read , and be otherways instructed at them , at the publick charge where it is necessary . i say thus reduc'd , for otherwise the greatest care in erection of schools , and filling them with able industrious masters , will avail little ; inasmuch as without this , the natives can neither be instructed if they would , neither would they if they could . for what do the labours of the most industrious , conscientious minister , or schoolmaster signify towards the conversion of the natives , if his parishioners live several miles from the church , or several miles from one another : or if being reduc'd into colonies , he have all or most of his people together in a heap , they be not compell'd by severity of law , to send their children to be instructed by him . there was a design set on foot many years agoe , and lately renew'd , by persons eminent to the highest degree for piety and learning , now with god , of instructing the irish nation by preaching to them in their own tongue , and the design was so far advanc'd , as to cause the testament , with the common-prayer book to be translated into it . but certainly this expedient is as little fitted to promote the conversion of the irish , as the piety of the design is highly laudable ; for it will not only not answer the end , but , as it is to be fear'd , produce an effect quite contrary to it , and be a means of continuing them in their obstinacy . 1st , to furnish the nation with irish testaments , as in some measure it has lately been , will not answer the end , because there are not perhaps five hundred persons in the whole kingdom who can read , and write the irish tongue , nor is it fit they should be taught . 2dly , if they could , their religion will not permit them to read the bible , and the same authority which hinders them now from reading it in the english tongue they understand , will certainly hinder them from reading it in the irish . again , 2dly , it is to be fear'd it will produce the quite contrary effect . first , for supposing in favour of this pious design , that the natives were willing to learn to read the irish tongue , and that their spiritual guides would permit them to read the scriptures in it , both which are very unreasonable ; this would cause a corrupt translation of the scripture to be made in it , which would be of more evil consequence , than if they had none . and this i think cannot be questioned by any who know any thing of the corrupt principles , and practices of the romish church , in relation to translations of the bible . a most notorious instance of which , we have lately had from this very pulpit , when the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the abomination of desolation ( i mean the worship of the host ) was seen standing in this very place , where a romish priest in the presence of the late king before whom he preach'd , and to whom he was confessor , and of a numerous auditory of great persons , taking for his text these words ; but now god commands all men every where to repent , because he hath appointed a day in which he will judge the world , had the confidence to read them thus , and likewise to print them so , before his sermon ; but now god commands all men every where to repent , and to do penance , because he hath , &c. and this to no other end , than to countenance the doctrine of sacramental penance . secondly , such a translation by encouraging two tongues in the same kingdom , will retard the conversion of the natives . it is readily granted that to unite us in religion , is a good expedient to unite us in speech ; but then this must be done by uniting them to us , not us to them ; by setting up one tongue , not encouraging two . and this is the method our wise law-givers have govern'd themselves by , in endeavouring to make the natives in all things conformable to our customs and usages , and forsake their own . fourthly , to prohibit the importation of such books , as do manifestly tend to nothing but superstition , and idolatry . of such , to mention but one , the lives of saints , a book which is the very gospel of the irish nation , and calculated for the meridian of their superstition and idolatry ; a book which is of far greater authority amongst them than the bible , which in comparison to it , is but as a legend with them , and upon these accounts may reasonably be presum'd , to have done more mischief , than any other book whatever , unless that of the mass . this is the noblest end we can propose to our selves , the most acceptable to god , to our selves the most advantageous ; which if by your zeal for god's glory , and wisdom in compassing things great , and difficult , we shall obtain , we shall make our selves , and our enemies happy ; but if we heartily endeavour it only , god will bless us , and we shall intitle our selves to the divine protection ; and when ever these bloody spirits shall be again conjur'd up , and let loose upon us , as ( unless by gods blessing upon your pious endeavours , the nation be converted to the protestant faith ) we must expect , then every day shall be to them as this day , or worse ; for thô ye associate your selves o ye people , ye shall be broken in pieces ; give ear all ye of far countries : gird your selves , and ye shall be broken in pieces : gird your selves , and ye shall be broken in pieces : take counsel together : and it shall come to naught ; speak the word , and it shall not stand . for god is with us . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a40371-e310 ver. 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ver . 826. 827 , 828 829 , cum notis doct. philologi . guil hil. p. 216. v. 1 , to v. 9. cap 18. v. 19. 20 , 21. cap. 19 , v. 1 , to v. 11. v. 12. v. 13 , to 17. v. 17. 18 19 , 20. verse 24. to 27. i. ii. iii. psal . 135. ver . 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. corn. a ●apide in 〈◊〉 . cum fruges cererem , vinum liberum dicimus ; genere nos quidem utimur usitato , sed ecquem tam amentem esse putas , qui illud quo veseatur deum credat esse ? lib. 3 , de natura deor. sec. 16. edit . fol. lond. 1681. ver. 27. 35 ver. 35. suidas in voce . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 john 19. ver . 5. mat. 5. ver . 44. isa . 8. v. 9. 10. by the supreame councell of the confederate catholiques of ireland wee the supreame councell of the said confederate catholiques, hauing of a long tyme, with deepe sense of the sufferings of the people and the wayes taken to heape miseries on this afflicted kingdome ... confederate catholics. supreme council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46014 of text r43283 in the english short title catalog (wing i355). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46014 wing i355 estc r43283 27131264 ocm 27131264 109987 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46014) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109987) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:23) by the supreame councell of the confederate catholiques of ireland wee the supreame councell of the said confederate catholiques, hauing of a long tyme, with deepe sense of the sufferings of the people and the wayes taken to heape miseries on this afflicted kingdome ... confederate catholics. supreme council. 1 sheet ([1] p.). [s.n.], printed at kilkenny : in the yeare of our lord, 1648. other title information taken from first lines of text. "giuen at kilkenny the 27 day of may 1648." reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng catholic church -ireland -history -17th century. ireland -history -1625-1649. a46014 r43283 (wing i355). civilwar no by the supreame councell of the confederate catholicques of ireland. vvee the supreame councell of the said confederate catholickes, hauing confederated catholics. supreme council 1648 829 1 0 0 0 0 0 12 c the rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the svpreame covncell of the confederate catholicqves of ireland vvee the supreame councell of the said confederate catholickes , hauing of a long tyme , with deepe sense of the sufferings of the people , and the wayes taken to heape miseries on this afflicted . kingdome , beene equally distracted betweene the care wee were oblidged to haue taken of the safetie and welfare of the confederate catholickes , and the respect which was due from vs , and hath beene aboundantly expressed by vs to the lord archbishopp of firmo , his hollynes extraordinary nuntio in ireland , wee finding his grace ( by the suggestions of a few persons , for their priuate ends averse to subiection , and disaffected to any meane , by which a settlement ( how advantagious and secure soeuer for catholick religion ) might be introduced ) to insist on such wayes as may bring evident destruction vpon this nation ; when neither by reason or earnest sollicitation , wee could diuert such proceedings , wee are at leinght enforced to admonish the confederate catholickes ( whose lyues and fortunes are entrusted with vs ) that henceforth by any such groundles pretentions and suggestions , or any act grounded there , vpon , they be not withdrawen from that obedience they owe vnto our commaundes , least they should expose themselues to that confusion , and the kingdome , to that distraction , wich might be fatall vnto both . the coppy of a late declaration against the cessation , made by a few bisshopps conuened before his grace , and opposed by others of them , of exemplar life and eminent learning , ( albeit submitting in obedience to the maior vote of that meeting they subscribed thereunto ) this day affixed by order of the lord nuntio , the lord bishopp of clogher , the lord bishopp of rosse , and the lord bishopp of cork , hath draweu vs ( much against our will ) by this our publique declaration to vindicate the honor of the kingdome , and betymes to forewarne the confederate catholickes , of the mischeefes wich may be fall them , since now wee playnely see , that contrary to his hollynes pious affections , for the propagation of the catholick religion , the obseruance of due allegeance to his majestie , and the preseruation of vnion among the confederate catholickes ( these being the scope of the lord nuntio his mission , ) all wayes are attempted to introduce the miserie of distraction vppon vs , otherwise it could not be , that vse should now bee made of that declaration , after wee had , in concluding the articles of that cessation , fully prouided for the free exercise of our religion and function , and the possessions of our cleargie , and after the lord nuntio had sent vnto vs , by patrick bryan and geffrey barron esquiers , ( as a meane to make the cessation conscionable ) propositions meerely temporall , whereunto wee haue giuen ample satisfaction , as by the said propositions and answeares now printed may appeare . now therefore , that wee see noe end of the afflictions , vnder which the people doe groane , wee doe protest , that wee may not giue way to haue the gouernment of the kingdome entrusted with vs , cast downe , and throd vpon , nor permitt that all affayres , of what nature soever , shall ( in ordine ad spiritualia ) deuolue to a spirituall tribunall , which must follow , if wee may not ( without lycence first had ) either conclude cessation , regulate armyes , nominate officers , appoint commissioners , or dispose of places of trust in the ciuill list . and having resolued to represent vnto his hollynes our condition , and humbly to begg , ( as wee doe hereby ) that he would be pleased to giue remedie vnto these distractions ( in which wee find ourselues inuolued ) by assuming vnto himselfe the judgment of the matter of conscience , pretended in the transactions of this cessation , as the most powerfull , proper , and indifferent iudge , to whose sacred throne , in the behalfe of the said confederate catholickes , wee doe therein appeale , wee doe premonish all and every the consederat catholickes , that nothing proceeding from the lord nuntio , vpon this or the like subiect , doe lessen the obedience , wich by oath , and otherwise they are oblidged to beare vnto our comaunds . giuen at kilkenny the 27 day of may 1648. mountgarett , athunry , alex : mac. donnell , lucas dillon , rob. linch , phelim o neil , richard bellings , gerrald ▪ fennell , patrick brian , robert deuereux . printed at kilkenny in the yeare of our lord 1648. a short suruey of ireland truely discouering who it is that hath so armed the hearts of that people with disobedience to their prince. with a description of the countrey, and the condition of the people. no lesse necessarie and needfull to be respected by the english, then requisite and behoouefull to be reformed in the irish. by barnabe rych, gentleman. rich, barnabe, 1540?-1617. 1609 approx. 109 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 35 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a10719 stc 20999 estc s115962 99851179 99851179 16443 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10719) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 16443) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 726:8) a short suruey of ireland truely discouering who it is that hath so armed the hearts of that people with disobedience to their prince. with a description of the countrey, and the condition of the people. no lesse necessarie and needfull to be respected by the english, then requisite and behoouefull to be reformed in the irish. by barnabe rych, gentleman. rich, barnabe, 1540?-1617. [12], 56 p. printed by n[icholas] o[kes] for b. sutton and w. barenger, and are to be sold at their shop at the great north dore of s. paules church, london : 1069 [i.e. 1609] printer's name from stc. running title reads: a suruey of ireland. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -controversial literature -early works to 1800. ireland -religion -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-07 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a short svr vey of ireland . trvely discovering who it is that hath so armed the hearts of that people with disobedience to their prince . with a description of the countrey , and the con dition of the people . no lesse necessarie and needfull to be respected by the english , then requisite and behooue full to bereformed in the irish . by barnabe rych , gentleman . london , printed by n. o. for b. svtton and w. barenger , and are to be sold at their shop at the great north dore of s. paules church . 1069. to the right honovrable , the earle of sarisbury , lord high treasurer of england . being willing ( most honourable ) in the sight of the world , to leaue some publicke testimonie of my humble duty towards god , of my faithfull seruice towards his maiestie , and of my vnfeigned good will to that infortunate countrey of ireland , that hath beene so fauourably dealt withall , first by the milde & merciful allurements of our late queene of most happy memorie , that was a louing nurse , nay rather a kinde mother , that did still carke and care for them , with such compassionate loue & kindnesse , that she neglected nothing that was either fitting for a prince to bestow of subiects , or behoouefull for subiects to receiue from the prince : and now againe , hath not this loue , this care , & this clemencie been stil continued vnto them , by the blessed and peaceable gouernment of our gratious king , and what is the conclusion , the people were neuer more froward , neuer more obstinate , neuer more peruerse , nor the state of that kingdome , neuer more desperate then it is at this houre , confused as well in the true knowledge appertayning vnto god , as in their duetie and obedience belonging to their prince , where the people are daily seduced , infected and peruerted by iesuites , seminaries & other runnagate priests the ministers of antichrist , wherwith the country doth swarme , and haue so mightily preuailed , that they haue wrought a generall contempt , aswell against his maiestie himselfe , as against his godly proceedings . and these be they that haue so abused and blinded the zeale of many good people , which otherwise without all question would bee more confirmable in the knowledge and loue or god , and in their obedience and duetie towards their prince : but so many seducing spirits are planted in all the parts of that realme , that if there be one that wil stand for the king , there is twentie for that one to maintaine the pope . but it will bee said , why these are no nouelties , all this is well enough knowne to bee true , and what may i either doe or say in a matter that so many learned men haue already dealt withall ? that so many wise men haue had to doe withall , and so many politicke men haue so often vndertaken , and could neuer performe either meane to redresse or amend it . i confesse my learning is none at all , & therefore i will not meddle with those matters that are aboue my reach : my wisedome i acknowledge no more then my learning , and yet i hope it shall suffice to discouer a trueth in this matter that i haue vndertaken : with policie i will not meddle , neither is it for mee to deale wihall : but especially with that policie that belongeth to matters of estate i will not so much as looke after , yet i would bee glad to put in a helping hand : it is little that i can doe , yet hee doth well that doth something . the diuell is not idle , and his apostles doe neither slippe time , nor omit occasion : the pope bestirres him with his bulles , with his indulgences , with his pardons , with his priests , with his iesuites , with his ministers of all sorts and of all professions : that are still conspiring that are still peruerting , that are still seducing in euery corner , in the country , in the towne , in the cittie , perhaps in the court ▪ what , shall we not encounter them ? ( or at the least ) shall wee not discouer them what they be , to whom they belong , and what they indeauour ? but they will say , i am no diuine , and it is trueth . i am no scholler , and that is true too : what am i then ? i am a souldier , a professed souldier , better practised in my pike then in my penne : and may not a souldier indeuour himselfe for the glorie of his god , for the seruice of his king , & for the good of his country ? may not a soldier vphold that religion either by word or writing , that hee must maintaine and defend with the price of his bloode ? is there any man to impugne this ? if not , i hope my vnlettered diligence shall not be misconstrued , that , knowing the state and condition of that miserable & wretched realme of ireland , where so many good people of all sorts are so cortinually seduced and abused by the popes factors , i haue therefore collected and gathered this little treatise , wherein ( according to the trueth testified in the holy scriptures ) i haue not onely vnmasked this broode of the generation of antichrist , but i haue likewise so pluckt the visard from the pope himselfe , that he might so appeare in his owne likenesse , that neither his fatherly lookes , nor his counterfeit shew of grauitie , nor that holie holie holinesse where with he hath so long disguised himselfe , shall be able to deceiue any man ( bee he neuer so simple ) that will but vouchsafe to reade , and to beleeue but that which is testified by the word of the liuing god. and here againe it will bee said , that all this hath beene already performed by seuerall learned and worthy men : but shall wee therefore leaue the field to the foe , because wee haue already giuen him a conflict ? shall wee not incounter him to day , to morrowe and euery day , that is continually bragging & brauing of vs ? that is stil assailing vs with fresh supplies ? that is still leuying of new forces to set vpon vs ? that is still incroching , and neuer giues ouer to send his agents , not by one , or by two , or by tenne , but by hundreds , and by thousands , and shall we not incounter him , but suffer him thus to draw away the harts of the subiects , from the duetie and obedience they owe to their soueraignes , as they haue done and are daily practising in ireland ? nay shall wee suffer him , ( without contradiction ) to leade so many poore soules to destruction ? for although all manner of sinnes did neuer so much abound , as they doe at this present , yet , of my conscience , the pope himselfe doth send more soules to hell , and the diuell is more beholding to the pope alone , then to all the rest of those vgly monsters , that are called by the name of the seuen deadly sinnes . lo here a matter of christian re morse , & shall we not now put to our helping hands on al sides to discouer this monster ? shall we say it is a superfluous matter to reiterate any thing that may lay him open to the viewe of the world , that with his counterfeit shew of holynesse hath deceiued the whole world , and hath sent so many millions of christian soules to the pit of perdition ? what i haue indeuored herein ( i hope ) will neither be thought to be vnnecessary , nor deemed to bee altogether vnprofitable : yet the rather to countenance both it and me , i haue with all humblenesse presumed to offer them to your honour , to you whom god hath indued with the spirit of his trueth : being so much the rather incouraged with hope of a fauourable acceptance , knowing your godly disposition to be so zealously inclined to the true worshipping of god. if my lines be not answerable to your exquisite iudgement , i doe then tender them to your honourable curtesie , that was yet neuer knowne to despise any mans indeuour that was honestly intended ; but if they fall out ( as i haue ment them ) for the aduancement of gods glorie , why then they belong to your honour as your owne proper right , whom god hath aduanced for the setting forth of his glorie , and hath giuen you both heauenly wisedome and worldly honour , that you might continue ( as hitherto you haue done ) a principal instrument for the vpholding of the gospell . pleaseth it your honour to accept of it , as an office and seruice of good intent : and although from a souldiers pen , yet as the earnest peny of a faithfull heart , that hath beene ( and is ) alwaies consecrated to do your lordship all humble and dutiful seruice , and so in the like dutiful maner will rest . your honors in all bumblenes to be commanded , barnabe riche . to the curteous and well disposed reader , especially of ireland , and to all other that haue discreti on , first to reads , and then to iudge . it may be there are some will thinke it strange that a man of my profession should deale in these causes : vnbefitting ( they will say ) for a souldier to meddle with all . but if there be any such who doth not know it to be lawfull for any man that is a christian , and truly prosessing christ ( of whatsoeuer calling otherwise he be ) may not indeuour himselfe for the glory of god , or the aduancement of the gospell ; i will rather pray for that man , then take vpon me to answere him . the matter that i haue vndertakē , is to discouer the pope , to make him knowne , and so to lay him open to the viewe of euery discreete reader , that he might no longer deceiue that he that is not wilfully blinde may be made able to discerne betweene light and darkenesse , to iudge of trueth & falsehood , to knowe the voyce of christ calling to saluation , and to shune the waies of antichrist leading to destruction that this rablement of iesuites & seminaryes , and the rest of that viperous brood , shold not be so easily able to seduce , that haue already sobewitched & infected that infortunate country of ireland , that ignorance is ioyned with obstynacy , that blindnes is coupled with malice , that wilfull opinion is holden for the testimony of a good conscience , where he that is most peruerse , is accounted for most catholique , & to conclude , where christ is despised , and antichrist is aduanced . to the end therefore that this man of sin , this antichrist i meane ( that hath beene so often spoken of , and so long looked for ) might be discerned , i have gathered together what notes the holy scriptures do testifiy of him , what markes are there left vnto vs whereby we may knowe him , what pathes he should tread out , and what waies he should walke , whose steppes i haue vndertaken , and followed the tract directly to rome , i haue brought it to saynt peters chayre ( as some would haue it called , and there i haue left it . now according to the irish custome , when a health is cōmitted , and the tract being followed into any part or quarter off the country , the lord of that place is either to put it off againe from out of his precinct , or else to stand charged with the fact , and is compelled to make a full restitution : thē according to this custome , the tract of antichrist being brought to rome , they must either put it off againe from out the territories , and make good proofe into what iurisdiction they haue brought it , or else that holy seate which they say in times past hath been saint peters chaire , is now become the seate of antichrist , and the pope is to answere for as much as the word of god doth expresly charge him with , that is to say , of treason , of murther and of theft . first of treason against the most highest whose lawes , couenants seales and sacraments , he hath not only clipped , counterfeited , chopped and changed ▪ but he hath also set vp other gods of his owne making , which he causeth to be worshipped honoured and adored . for a murtherer , who hath euer heard of a more cruell and mercilesse butcher , aswell against the saints and seruants of god whom he persecuteth with sword , with fire and with all maner of tortures , wherewith hee tormenteth them to a temporall death , but likewise sendeth infinite thousands of the miserable soules ( that doe assie and trust in him ) with his indulgences , bulles and pardons , to eternall death & danation . now for felony , what more notable theft then to rob god of that glory that is proper to himselfe ? and yet not contented with that , but he hathrobbed vs of the holy scriptures left vnto vs by the holy ghost to be our comfort & sauing health , & wherin we are to search the very mysterie of our saluatiō . our sauiour sent the scribs and pharises to search the scriptures though they were but hypocrites , and sought dayly to erucify christ , but the pope forbiddeth christian men once to looke on them , though they be baptized and haue receiued christ . are the scriptures medicynable to the bad , and vehemous to the good ? and more perylous to him that will belieue in christ , then to him that will crucify christ ? they vaunted of their father abraham , and their sitting in moses chayre , as the papist doth now of his holy father the pope , and his sitting in peters chayre : yet christ pronounced woe against them for shutting vp the key of knowledge , which was by giuing a false sense , by wrong interpreting the scriptures : but it is not found that they prohibited or forbad any man to read thē , as the pope & his shauelings are accustomed . what i haue iudeuoured herein , i haue done it in compassion : for if there be any commiseration to be had of those that walke in darkenesse , and sit in the shadowe of death ▪ the poore people of ireland are to be pittied ; and not onely they alone , but as many other , what , or whersoeuer , that are thus seduced and blinded by the ministers of the prince of darkenesse . if thou with like fauour and curtesie will vouchsafe to peruse it as i haue honestly ment it , censure it then & spare not : & thus reposing my selfe on thy charitable disposition , i rest . a short suruey of ireland . chap. i. a description of the countrey , with the maners , customes and dispositions of the people . it could not be impertinent in this my suruey of ireland to make my first entry with the discription of the countrey , the fertilitie of the soile , the nature , disposition and maners of the people . all which if i should expresse according to a trueth , i might write a more admirable history , and speake of greater wonders , then either sir iohn mandiuyll in his trauell , or any other that haue passed the most vncouth places of the world are able truely to report . and here is the matter especially to bee admired , that a countrey scituate and seated vnder so temperate a climate , that is neither oppressed with extremitie , either of cold in the winter , or with heate in the summer , that is inuironed with england , scotland , france and spaine , that hath had continuall entercourse , trade and trafficke , and hath beene daily conuersant with the people of these nations , and the country should yet remaine as it doth ▪ more vnciuill , more vncleanly , more barbarous , and more brutish in their customes and demeanures ▪ then in any other part of the world that is knowne . if i should speake what affiance they haue of saint patricks purgatorte , of the holy crosse , and of many other places of pilgrimage frequented by irish , i might deliuer ridiculous matter , not onely of the blinde zeale , and sometimes of the vnciuill demeanure of the pilgrimes them selues , but also how they are cheated , cousined , and deceiued by their ghostly fathers , that for their owne lucre and gaine , doth delude themwith voices , with visions , and with strange deuises , more fitter to be laughed at , then to be beleiued . it were strange to deliuer the maners which they vse in the buriall of their dead : and he that were at dublyne it selfe , and should see a dead corps brought to the graue , would say , that there could not bee a more heathenish demeanure , no , not amongst a people that had neither knowne nor heard of god. for the blessing which it hath pleased god to vouchsafe to that countrey , in purging it from all sorts of wormes that are venimous or poisonable : this benofite onely they ascribe to saint patricke , and will in no wise acknowledge it to be the blessing of god. i might speake here of their irish customes , strange to be deliuered , and of their brehon lawe , & their lawes tamestry , and of their lord & captaine called tamest , chosen for diuerse considerations : and how amongst thē euery great mans will & commandement is a lawe ( especially amongst their owne tenants : ) for ireland hath euermore striued to runne into all lawlesse and irregular courses , whereby they are growne into such a habite of sauage tyranny , that nothing is more pleasing to the greatest number of them , then ciuill warres , murthers and massacres , whereunto as they are commonly inclined , so there wants not those amongst thē to pricke them forward , and to stirre them vp to treason and rebellion against their prince , that are still cōspiring , still practising , and still indeuouring to draw them into that mortall plague of rebellion , which is not to be cured but by the sword , by common slaughters and spilling of blood . and although the greatest part of the people of that kingdome hath been from time to time thus drawne and stirred vp by these seducing spirits : yet for a number of others of that country-birth , to whom it hath pleased god to vouchsafe the grace of his holy spirit , that i know are daily laboured and importuned by this viperous broode , aswell to shake off the loue to their god , as their dutie to their prince , for their sakes it is that i haue endeuoured these lines , to giue them a caueat to beware of these fire-brands of rebellion , the which because i haue deciphered in their proper colours , i will referre them to this sequell , as it hereafter followeth . chap. ii. the diuersitie in opinions what antichrist should be . there is no man ( i thinke ) if he haue but very slenderly indeuoured himselfe in the reading of the holy scriptures , but he hath found it testified both in the old and new testaments , that towards the latter daies and end of the world , antichrist should come , who with false doctrine and lying mitacles should seduce the kingdomes and nations of the earth . what , or who this antichrist should be , there are diuerse suppositions , and as many fabulous coniectures haue beene deuised of the person of antichrist , which doe rather seduce , then giue any certaine testimonie whereby we may know him . some doe say that he should be a iewe , of the tribe of dan , and some would haue it that hee should bee borne in babylon , some that he should bee bred vp in bethsaida and corazin , some that he should bee raised in syria , some that he should be conceiued of the mixture of man and woman in sinne , because christ was borne of a woman and conceiued by the holy ghost , some say that he shall be of an ill-fauoured personage , because it is written of christ , comely and beautifull is he beyond the sonnes of men : some say that he shall preach some certaine yeeres where christ preached , and that he shall circumcise him selfe , & say that he is christ , and the messias that was promised to bee sent for the saluation of the iewes , some would perswade that mahomet was antichrist , some hold the like of nero , some say that he should build vp the citie of hierusalem , some that he should ouerthrow rome , some doe say that hee should bee borne of a frire and a nunne , and that he should worke wonders , & make trees to grow with the rootes vpward , and then should fly vp into heauen and fall downe and breake his necke : and there bee other some haue said , that he shall fight with the two witnesses of christ , enoch and hely , and shall kill them , and he himselfe shall finally be slaine with lightning . these tales and many others haue beene craftely deuised whereby to beguile vs , that whilst we are thinking of these imaginations , and so occupy our eies in beholding a shadowe or a surmised coniecture what antichrist should be , he that is antichrist ( indeede ) may vnawares deceiue vs. chap. iii. what it was that deceiued the iewes in the expectation of christ . this was it that deceiued the iewes in the knowledge of our sauiour christ : for when mā had by his owne sinne drawne gods wrath , & the decay of the whole world vpon his owne head , the almighty yet , of his wonderfull mercie and goodnesse , promised vnto adam that christ should come & breake the serpents head . this promise was deliuered ouer from hand to hand , and still conueyed from the father to the sonne , solemnely declared to abraham isaach & iacob , committed as a pawne by moses to the people of israell , celebrated by dauid in his psalmes and songs , renued and continued from time to time by many excellent and worthy prophets , which pointed out the time , the place , and the maner of his comming , & set downe plainly and expresly his stock , his parents and his birth many hundred yeares aforehand , the scriptures are full and the prophets doe make often mention of this promise : old men and young men and all the people waited for the fulfilling thereof , euery eie was bent vpon him , and euery heart attended and wished for his comming : but when the fulnes of the time was expired , & that he was come into the world indeede , they to whō this promise was made , euen those that had so longed and wished for him , and made all their common talke of the hope of his comming , when he came they knew him not : he came into the world , and the world knew him not , he came into his owne , and his owne receiued him not : light came into the world and men loued darkenesse better then light : they reuiled him and said , behold a glutton and a drinker of wine , a friend vnto publicanes and sinners : they called him a false prophet and a seducer of the people , they persecuted him , betrayed him , scourged him and crucified him . such was the receiuing of christ : but this they did to him through ignorance , for if they had knowne him , they would not haue killed the lords annointed , nor haue laid violent hands on the onely sonne of god. but what was now the mistaking ? verily nothing but this , they looked for him after a carnall maner , and not according as the scriptures had testified of him , for they could not imagine any likelyhoode that christ ( by whom they thought all israell should haue beene so renowned ) should be so base and abiect a person in the sight of the world , but they looked that their messias should haue come in triumph , to haue contented their ambition and pride : but hee was promised to come in humilitie , and to humble him selfe euen vnto death : they looked to haue had him prince-like , but hee was fore-promised poore : they looked for a great captaine that should haue performed the conquests of alexander , when it was told them that he should be both beaten and wounded : they looked for one that should haue come with feasting and banquetting , when it was told them aforehand that his bread should be steeped in vinegre , and his cup should be mingled with gall and bitternesse . here was now the mistaking , this was the stumbling blocke ▪ and from hence grew the errour , that in stead of beleeuing they fell to crucifying the lord and sauiour of the world . chap. iiii. what it is that hath deceiued vs in the looking after antichrist . now as the comming of christ was , such shall be the comming of antichrist : the prophets of the old lawe prophesied that antichrist should come : the apostles , peter , paul , iohn , yea christ himselfe foretold vs of him , the auncient fathers and doctors do often make mention of him , there is no mā sosimpleeither old or yong , either learned or vnlearned , but he hath heard of antichrist , they know that he shall be a false prophet , a seducer , an enemy to christ , and such a one as shall set himselfe directly both against christ and his doctrine , they shall therefore hate his name , and detest him before they know him , they shall looke after his comming , & he shall not faile to come , and euery man shall cary hatred against him , and reckon him abominable : but as the iewes that longed so much for the cōming of christ , yet when he was come they knew him not , but accounted him amongst theeues and robbers , because they did not looke for him accordingly as the scriptures had prophesied , but according to their owne imaginations as they had grosly conceiued : euen so shall bee the comming of antichrist : for he shall couer himselfe with such a cloake of holinesse , that if it were possible the very elect should bee deceiued : for men shall not know him , their eies shall be blinded , they shall hate his name , but imbrace his doctrine , they shall thinke they doe good seruice vnto christ , but shall in trueth doe seruice vnto antichrist . from whence shall this errour spring from that very occasion that deceiued the ie●es in the looking after christ , they looke for him still , but hee is come many hundred yeares agoe and they are not aware of it : wee also haue looked for antichrist , and he hath almost raigned as long , and we are not aware of it , and that because either of vs haue looked carnal●y for him , and not in those places where we ought to haue sought him : the ●ewes had found christ v●●ily and truely , if they had sought for him in the scriptures , according to the law and the prophets . wee also had spyed out antichrist long agoe , if wee had looked in the doctrine of christ and his apostles : for this is to bee noted , that antichrist is not one man onely that shall sodainly appeare with strange signes and wonders as our ancestors haue talked and dreamed of : but a relation to one state & kingdome , and a continuance of some one power and tyranie in the church for so christ him selfe hath prophesied , not speaking of one man singulerly , but saith , many shall come in my name , and shall say , here is christ , & there is christ , and shall deceiue many . chap. iv. where antichrist is to be sought for , and how to be knowen . wee are now likewise to thinke that antichrist shall not apparantly manifest him selfe to be a tyrant , a robber , a spoyler : hee shall not say i am antichrist , i am that man of sinne , i am that childe of pe●dition , i am that aduer●asie ▪ and am contra●ie to christ : nay he shall not lay him selfe so wide open , for then who would be deceiued by him ? and he shall deceiue ●any . and in like maner if hee should expresl● say that him selfe were christ , what christian could he then seduce ? so that he must neither shew himselfe to be an open enemie to christ , as was mahomet , and as the turke is , neither must he take vpon him to bee christ , for then euery man would be warie enough of him . it should follow then that antichrist must come disguised , he must put on him the cloake of simplicitie , of trueth , of holinesse , perhaps of prayer , perhaps of fasting , perhaps of giuing almes , he shall come with fatherly lookes , with holy countenance , he shall alledge the doctors and fathers , he shall alledge peter & paul the holy aposties of christ , he shall alledge christ and god himselfe . thus vnder a pretence of seruing christ , hee shall performe all his practises against christ , hee shall de●oure the sheepe and people of christ , he shall deface what christ hath built , and shall roo●e vp that which christ hath planted , he shall be contrary to christ in faith , contrary in life , contrary in doctrine , contrary in sacraments , and in effect contrary in all things . thus shall he walke craftely , and handle the word of god deceiptfully , hee shall mingle his lies with the trueth of god , he shall mix his poison with the wholesome foode of our soules , so closely and subtilly , that it shall hardly be espied : he shall conuey him selfe into the hearts of the people , and shall so settle him selfe in their consciences , that they shall admire him and haue him in reuerence . they shall say , who is like vnto the beast , who so wise , so learned , so vertuous , so holy , or so like vnto god himselfe ? thus shall they honour antichrist vnawares , when they shall say we de●ie him , and yet they shall fall downe and worship him . and as it was with christ at his comming , he was in the world , he did the workes of his father , yet the fewest part knew him : euen so must it be with antichrist , he shall be in the world , he shall doe the workes of his iniquitie , and yet fewe shall know him . but let vs now more particularly fall to examination who this antichrist should be : we haue already said he must not be an infidel or heathen , one that shall apparantly set himselfe against christ , but he shall come in the name of christ , and perhaps shall preach christ counterfeitly , for the scriptures haue so prophesied of him , and as s. hillary saith , he shall be contrary to christ vnder the colour of preaching the gospell , so that our lord iesus christ shall then bee denyed , when a man would think he were preached , so couertly , so closely , and so subtilly shall antichrist behaue himselfe in the sight of the world . was there euer man then that came in the name of christ with the shew of holinesse , with the countenance of the church , and hath shewed himselfe in all his life and doctrine contrarie to christ ? if there haue euer beene any such , without doubt the same is antichrist . chap. vi. an antithesis betweene christ and the pope . let vs here call the pope a little into question , let vs examine his proceedings , comparing his doings with our vndoubted sauiour christ , & we shall finde him so directly contrary in sacraments , in sacrifice , in prayers , in life , in religion , in doctrine , in the whole forme and order of the church , how hee hath shutwhat christ hath opened , and hath opened what christ hath shut , he hath cursed where christ hath blessed , and hath blessed where christ hath cursed : finding him then to be so repugnant , and to set himselfe so directly opposite , it must needes follow , that if christ be christ , the pope must needes be antichrist . but let vs come to some particulars to see what light they will giue vs concerning the premises . christ came into the world to seeke the glorie of his father , the pope is come into the world , and onely exalteth himselfe . christ spared not his owne life , that we might raigne in an other world , the pope spareth not our lines , that he may raigne in this world . christ fulfilled the lawe and the prophets , the pope maintaineth his owne lawes and traditions . christ forsooke the kingdomes of the world that were offered him by the diuell , the pope hath receiued them , and thinketh them all too little . christ would neither be iudge nor deuider in the world , the pope iudgeth and deuideth all the world . christ was obedient to the temporall maiestrates , the pope holdeth emperours and kings in subiection . christ would wash the feete of his owne disciples , the pope giueth his feete to emperours and kings to be kissed . christ had a crowne o● thornes thrust vpon his head , the pope hath three crownes wrought with precious stones ●et vpon his head . christ carried his owne crosse of affliction , in token of his hu●ilitie , the pope carrieth his crosse of 〈◊〉 and gold in token of his paid . christ saith , peter put vp thy sword , for he that striketh with the sword , shall perish with the s●ord , the pope saith , kings and princes dra● your swords , and ●ut them downe before ye that will not obey me . christ and his disciples ouerc●me by suffering , the pope and his d●sciples doe ouercome by persecuting . christ humbleth his dis●iples , and bringeth them low , the pope exalteth hi● disciples and lifteth them vp on high . christ saith blessed bee the peace-makers , the pop● saith blessed are they that can s●t the world together by the ●ares . christ saith blessed be the poore in spirit , for to thē belongeth the kingdome of heauen , the pope saith , blessed are the proud and high minded , that will resist and rebell against their prince . christ saith it is as easie for a cammell to passe thorough the eie of a needle , as for a rich man to enter into the kingdome of heauen , the pope saith , heauen gates shall stand wide open to him that hath money to purchase masses , trentales , dyrges , and to buy pardons . christ whipped the buyers and sellers out of the temple , the pope maintaineth such as make daily port-sale of masses and dyrges in the temple . christ sendeth his about the world to preach glad tydings , the pope sendeth his about the world to ●ell pardons . christ when hee forgiueth , hee remitteth freely of grace , the pope ●emitteth nor forgiueth any thing withou● money . christ faith , come vnto me thou that art laden , and i will ease thee , the pope saith , come vnto me thou that hast murthered thy father , and i wil giue thee a pardon , if thou wilt giue me money . christ commandeth marriage , and onely forbiddeth whoredome , the pope admitteth whoredome , and only forbiddeth marriage . christ faith , that a righteous man maketh righteous workes , the pope saith , that righteous workes do make a righteous man. christ sendeth the scribes and pharises to search the scriptures , the pope forbiddeth that christian menne should so much as looke on them . christ hath giuen his the light of the gospell wherby to guide their steps , euen at midnight , the pope hath giuen his a candle to light them with , because they are still groping in the darke , euen at midday . to be short , christ being god , became man , for the saluation of the world , the pope being man becommeth god to the destruction of the world . infinite might i be in this comparison , if i should prosecute it according to a trueth : and christ saith , we shall know them by their fruits . iudge of them now but as they deserue , if antichrist is to be vnderstood one against christ , tell me where shall we finde him that is more contrary then the pope ? furthermore , and for the better confirmation of this matter , i might here set downe many probable authorities , manifestly expressing the seare of antichrist to be at rome , yea and further testified by seuerall antient writers , that he should be aduanced in the apostolike sea : but left it might bee thought that all such authorities might rather be tearmed partiall opinions ( as the papist careth not what he saith ) we will therefore pretermit all priua●e obiections , and will onely make search in the holy scriptures , and see what testimonies are there left vnto vs , for those are the markes that cannot deceiue . chap. vii . the first marke whereby to know antichrist , taken out of s. iohn . 1. epist . 2. saint iohn in his first ▪ epistle and second chapter , giueth vs this item , who is a lyer but he that denyeth that i●sus is christ ? that same is antichrist , that denyeth the father and the sonne . let vs now examine these words , & see if we cannot fashion out antichrist by the substance of the pope , or frame a pope by the shadow of antichrist . antichrist and christ are two contraries , and the studie of antichrist is , to quench the name of ●esus christ : why thē ( some will say ) the pope cannot be antichrist : for he doth both professe and preach christ , yea and would be christs high vicare here on earth , but it is said before that antichrist must so doe , he shall turne himselfe into an angel● of light , and must come in the name of christ , otherwise he could not deceiue . but he shall deceiue many , and the pope abusing the name of christ , by that meanes setteth vp himselfe , and gathereth offerings , tythes and rents , and bestoweth them to his own profit , and not the honour of christ , but bringeth the consciences of the people vnder him through suspitious feare ▪ ●s though he had such authoritie giuen 〈◊〉 of christ : and euery sillable that hath but a sound as though it made for his purpose , that he expoundeth falsely , and therewith he so ●●gleth and bewitch●●h the eares of the people ( but especially of that simple & ignorant sort , that haue yeelded themselues to become slaues to his suggestions ) those ( i say ) he make●h them beleeue what himselfe lif●eth , for it is ●nough for thē to beleeue what the church beleeueth , although they know not what the church beleeueth , nor the greatest part of them , what the tr●e catholike church meaneth . he that beleeueth not to be saued through christ , the same denyeth christ , but the pope beleeueth not to be saued through christ , for he teacheth to beleeue in holy workes for the remission of sinnes , and the●eby to a●●aine saluation , as in the workes of penance inioyned in vowes , in chastitie , in pilgrimages , in other mens praiers , in friers and friers c●●es , in saints merits , in the deeds of ceremonies , and a thousand other such superstitious follies ●etteth he before vs to beleeue in , and all of them destroying christ , and most iniurious to his precious blood . he that denyeth iesus christ ( ●ai●h the apostle ) the same is ant●christ , can any man deny him more directly then he that seeketh his saluation in his owne merits , & his owne de●●ruings ? the blood of iesus christ cleanseth vs from all sinne : i● the blood of ●e●us christ cleanseth vs , why then out owne workes doe not cleanse vs , for they are not christ . but let our good workes bee examined after the iudgements of god , and wee ought rather to feare punishment for the faults that be euen in our best deseruing , then to looke for any reward . the prophet doth liken our righteousnes to a filthy clout , such as would abhorre any mans eies to behold it ; and therefore saith the prophet dauid , enter not into iudgement with thy seruant , o lord , for no flesh is righteous in thy sight : what maner of merit may this be then , which cannot abide the censure of gods iudgement , nor be deliuered from condemnation but by mercie onely ? chap. viii . the good workes prescribed to the pope . bvt let vs see what good workes these same should be which the pope hath prescribed , & the papists doe so much talke of . first they teach vnto the ignorant , to heare masses euery day deuoutly , to prostrate themselues before dead images , to mūble vp a number of prayers vnto saints , to go on pilgrimage , to build vp chaunteris , to cause trentales of masses and dirges to be said for the dead , to giue large summes to idle priests , monkes and friers , to giue gold and siluer to make crosses , chalyces , cuppes and restiments , to say ouer ladies psalter , to pray vppon b●ades , to receiue holy bread , holy water , holy palme , holy ashes , holy fire , holy creame , holy candle , holy oyle , with a number of other holy toyes , and those are the good works allowed and commanded by the pope : & these are expresly iniurious to the precious blood of christ , and therefore the workes of si●ne , and the very ins●itutions of antichrist . by the workes of the lawe shall no flesh be iustified in his sight , whosoeuer shall keepe the lawe , yet faile in one point , is guilty of all . and who is , or euer was able to keepe the law ? ( christ onely excepted ) but are all vnperfect , and the most righteous man sinneth seuen times a day . but to cleanse those sinnes , the pope hath deuised a purgatory , still excluding christ , making him of lesse authoritie then he doth attribute to himselfe , for he will in no wise but that christ shall be an vnperfect sauiour , for if the pope will giue christ leaue to forgiue the sin , yet he will in no wise giue him leaue to forgiue the paine , but we must to purgatorie to be plunged there , and if there bee not good store of money left to the priests , and to pay well for their dyrges trentals and ●oule masses : but the pope himselfe , he hath full powre and authority to graunt pardons for all sins , euen a pena , and a culpa , aswell for the offence as for the punishment : and not onely of sinnes that are actually committed , but likewise of sinnes before they are done , as to the holy frier that kild the king of france , to a second againe that murthered the prince of oranges , & to sundry others to whom he had in like manner giuen full pardon and free absolution aforehand to haue attempted the like against our late gracious queene elizabeth . thus we do see the pope taketh vpon him a greater power to forgiue sinnes then christ : for christ forgiueth no sinne but vpon vnfeigned repentance , and yet the pope will not then suffer him to forgiue any more then the bare crime , for if we will giue him no money , the paine must not be remitted but in the scorching flames of purgatory : if this be not directly the doctrine of antichrist , i referre me to their iudgements that are not too partiall , nay , that are not wilfully blinde . chap. ix . the fraits of the popes doctrine , and what it draweth after it . bvt let vs see farther what this doctrine draweth after it . if i may get to my selfe satisfacti●n by suffering in pu●gatorie for my sinnes , then i haue gotten more by my sins in suffering paine , then i ha●e done by christs death , and so consequently paine was more effectuall and strong for me to obtaine heauen , then was christs passion : this is the popes doctrine . the reward of sinne is death , and the paine that dependeth of euery sinne ( excluding christ ) is eternall damnation : then what shall purgatorie doe , vnlesse for the vngodly , that should first go to purgatorie , and after to hell ? there is no remission of sinnes without blood , saith s. paul. and christ speaking to the theefe on the crosse , said . this day thou shalt be with me in paradise , not in purgatorie , and marie magdalen had her sinnes freely forgiuen her by christ without going to purgatorie . but to say the trueth , there was at that time no such place at all , nor any one word spoken of purgat●rie , either in the old or new testaments : and it was many yeares after christs death , before the pope could kindle it , but after it once began to burne , it grew so hot , that it melted more treasure out of ignorant mens purses , then the king of spaines west indies did then afford : but the extreame heat is now well allayed , and as men begin to wax wise , so the scorching fire doth daily more and more abate . thus you may see , the pope and his sects are content to giue christ his name , but they rob him of the effect , and take the signification of his name to themselues , and they make of him but an hypocrite , as they themselues be , as though he forgaue vs our sinnes , but not the paine due to our sinnes , and then who shall be saued ? for the paine due to euery sinne , is eternall damnation . these therefore ( as the apostle saith ) are right antichrists , and deny both the father and the sonne , for they deny the witnes that the father bare vnto his son , and depriue the sonne of the power and glorie that his father hath giuen him . chap. x. the second marke whereby to know antichrist . a second marke giuē vs in the scriptures , wherby to know antichrist , is likewise left vs by s. iohn , as followeth . hereby know ye the sp●rit of god , ener● spirit that confesseth that iesus is come in the flesh , is of god , and euery spirit that confesseth not that iesus christ is come in the slesh is not of god , and the same is that spirit of antichrist of whō you haue heard that he should come . whatsoeuer opinion any member of antichrist holdeth , the ground of all his doctrine is to destroy this article of our faith , that christ is come in the flesh : for though the most part of all heretikes confesse that christ is come in the flesh , in their maner , yet they deny that he is come as the scriptures testifie , & the apostles preach him to become : for the whole studie of the diuell and all his members is to destroy the hope , and trust that we should haue in christs flesh , and of those things that he suffered for vs in his flesh , and of the testament and promises of mercie which are made vs in his flesh : for the scriptures testifie , that christ hath taken away the sinnes of the world in his flesh , and that the same houre that he yeelded vp his spirit into the hands of his father , he had fully purged , and made full satisfaction for all the sinnes of the world . but that christ hath done this seruice in the flesh , all the members of antichrist doe deny , and hereby ( saith the apostle ) thou shalt know them . all doctrine that buildeth thee vpon christ , to put thy trust and confidence in his blood , is of god , & true doctrine : and all doctrine that withdraweth thy hope , and trust from christ , is of the diuell , and the doctrine of antichrist . let vs now examine the pope by this rule , and wee shall finde that all that he doth is the destruction of this article , he wresteth all the scriptures , and setteth them cleane against the hai●e , to destroy this article , he ministreth the very sacraments , to the destruction of this article , and all his other ceremonies , as his absolution , penance , purgatorie , dispensations , pardons , vowes , with all his other disguisings is to that purpose . the pope preacheth that christ is come to doe away sinnes , yet not in the flesh , but in water , salt , oyle , candles , ashes , friers coates , and munkes cowles , and in the vowes of them that forsweare matrimonie to keepe harlots , and sweare beggerie , to possesse as much riches , wealth , ease , and pleasure , as this world may afford them , and haue vowed obedience to disobey , by authoritie , all lawes both of god and man , and these hypocriticall and false sacrifices teacheth he vs to trust vnto for the forgiuenesse of sinnes , and not in christs flesh . chap. xi . the third marke whereby to know antichrist . s . paule againe in his second epistle to the thessalonians , giueth this third marke whereby to know antichrist : where he saith , that antichrist shall sit in the temple of god , shewing himselfe that he is god. by this it may euidently appeare , that antichrist shall come in the name of christ , and shall be a counterfeit christian : for otherwise he should haue beene an open and expresse enemy vnto christ , a turke , a ●ewe , an infidell o● heathen , whose temples are the temples of idols , and therefore not to be called the temple of god , and so s. augustine doth vnderstand the apostles words , for saith he , the temple of an idoll or a diuell the apostle would neuer call the temple of god. but antichrist shall sit in the temple of god , hee shall not defy the name of christ , but he shall call himselfe christs v●car , the most catholike father , the seruant of gods seruants , by these meanes he shall be exalted in the eie of the world , he shall win the hearts of the people , he shall sit in the consciences of men , he shall make kings and princes to become his subiects , he shall deceiue the learned and wise , he shall cast himselfe into a colour of holinesse , he shall fast , he shall pray , he shall giue almes , hee shall walke as if hee were a disciple of christ , he shall go before , and the world shall follow him , they shall run to him out of all parts of the earth , they shall fall downe before him , they shall say vnto him , thou art the comfort of the church , thou art the light of the world , thou art most holy , all law and all knowledge is hid in thy breast , we beseech thy holines shew vs thy way , expound thou the scriptures vnto vs , teach vs how wee may bee saued , thou hast the key of knowledge , thy word is the word of truth , thou canst not erre . thus shall antichrist deceiue the world , thus shall he dwell in the consciences of the people , thus shall he sit in the temple of god , but the apostle saith further , that he shall shew him selfe that he is god. the apostle doth not say that he shall call him selfe god , for that were too broad , and euery man would then beware of him , and would say this is but a mortall man , borne as other men be of father and mother , and they likewise both mortall , and againe he shall die and returne to the earth from whēce he came : but god had no beginning neither shall haue ending , antichrist him selfe knoweth all this , and therefore will not dea●e so openly to call himselfe god , but yet will shew himselfe a god , and will be contented that other men should so repute him , as pope nicolas saith , it is well knowne that the pope ( of the godly prince constantine ) was called god. againe in the extrauagantes , in the same canon lawe , it is written , dominus deus noster papa , our lord god the pope . and christofer marcellus in the counsaile of laterane , said to the pope , thou art another god vpon earth . chap. xii . how the pope doth shew himselfe that he is a god. bvt he shall shew himselfe that he is a god ( saith the apostle ) he shall receiue all reuerence as if he were god. the pope hath done this you see , he hath compared his lawes with the lawes of god , hee hath said that his word is the word of god , and whatsoeuer he saith , it must be said it is the voice of the spirit of god , and of the same authoritie as is the gospell of christ , no man may breake it , no man may touch the credit therof , if any man withstand it , he must be accursed , he must thinke hee doth sacriledge , committeth blasphemy , sinneth against the holy ghost , and must be counted an heretike : his authoritie reacheth vp into heauen , it stretcheth downe into hell , nay hee hath one kingdome proper to himselfe more then euer god knew of , and that is purgatorie , there he raigne●h , there he ruleth , there he rosteth , there he broyleth , and there he commandeth how he list , there is no bodie else to controule him . thus doth antichrist sit on the temple of god : thus doth the pope shew himselfe that he is god. nay what hath god proper to himselfe , but that the pope is either a sharer with him , or at the least can command the like ? god hath heauen and hell , the pope can command them both , and send to either the soules of whome hee list . god hath his angels that be his ministers , the pope may command their seruice , and may imploy them about his busines as often as it pleaseth him , or else hi● vpholders haue shamefully mistaken . god hath his saints , the pope maketh saints , both he-saints and she-saints , at his owne will and pleasure . god hath his scriptures , & the pope hath his counsels , his decrees and his canons . god hath his church , a poore sillie one , the pope hath his church a braue lustie one . god hath his sacraments , the pope maketh sacraments two for his one . god hath his lawes , whereby to rule his church , the pope maketh lawes whereby to rule his church . god commandeth the sabboth day to be kept holy , the pope maketh holy daies and halfe holy daies , sometimes two or three in a weeke . can a man shew himselfe more like a god then doth the pope ? if any man can name him , l●t him bee antichrist . nay yet to shew himselfe more like a god , the pope will vndertake to make a god , a poore sillie god , that is not able to defend himselfe from the malice of a mouse . chap. xiii . the fourth marke whereby to know antichrist . an other reason to proue that the pope is antichrist is this , who●oeuer beleeueth in christ , consenteth that gods lawe is good : the pope consenteth not that gods lawe is good , for he forbiddeth holy wedlock commanded by god : but wedlocke ( saith the pope ) defileth holy priesthoode more then whoredome , he hath notwithstanding made a sacramēt of matrimony . and is not this a diueli●h doctrine to say that sacraments can defile ? what can be more contrary to the doctrine of christ ? the pope forbiddeth wedlock , which god commandeth , and licenseth whoredome which god forbiddeth : but this is an other euident token of antichrist , and noted by s. paul to be a doctrine of diuels , who writing to timothy saith : now the spirit speaketh euidently , that in the latter times some shall depart from the faith , and shall giue heede vnto spirits of errour , and doctrines of diuels , forbidding to marry , and commanding to absteine from meates , which god hath created to be receiued with thanksgiuing , of them which beleeue and know the truth . the pope againe , directly opposeth himselfe against christ , and seeketh to drawe vs from the mercie of god , and telleth vs we haue other friends to whom we are beholding , and haue done many good things for vs : it was that saint that tooke pittie of our griefes ( saith he ) at such a time : and our ladie hath wrought many myracles at such a place : but saint patricke is the good saint , that hath done marueilous things in ireland , and as euery saint hath his peculiar property to worke more in one place then they can doe in an other : so euery saint hath his seuerall office , some better for one thing , and some worse for an other : one is very good for the falling sicknesse , an other is excellent good for the tooth-ache , one is a present remedy for a burn ing , an other is as precious for him that hath the chine ▪ cough . if a woman be barraine and would faine haue a childe , let her go on pilgrimage to s. thomas of canterburie , or in ireland to the holy crosse , or to s. clen●cks well : and she that cannot make her pulline to prosper , or that her chickins bee troubled with the pip , seeke helpe from s. reuen . thus euery saint hath his seueral charge : euery man hath his seuerall saint : and euery saint is full of miracles , and euery myracle full of lies . the papists doe alledge many vngodly reasons , wherby they would maintaine a necessite in praying to saints : and to auoide idolatrie , they would make certaine distinctions betweene the worship of god and the worship of saints : but let them distinguish how they can , this is certaine , the more hope they haue in saints , the lesse trust they put in christ , for he saith , come vnto me all you that be laden and i will ease you : if hee of himselfe hath louingly called vs vnto him ▪ why then to seeke to any other , is vpon some distrust we haue of him , and that is as much as to make god alyer , and not to thinke him true in the promise he hath made vs. againe , if we will giue credit to s. paul , there is no other mediator for vs to secke vnto , but onely christ , there is one god , and one mediator betweene god and man , which is , the man iesus christ : and for that foolish distinction that grose headed papists will make betweene worshipping and seruing , our sauiour himselfe hath decided , thou shalt worship thy lord thy god , and him onely shalt thou serue . i will conclude , whosoeuer seeketh any other mediator then our lord iesus , is iniurious vnto christ , and therefore of antichrist : and whosoeuer kneeleth and prayeth to blocks , stones , images , or the pictures of saincts , the same expresly breaketh the commandemēt of god , and deserueth to haue his portion amongst the wicked . chap. xiiii . the fifth marke whereby to know antichrist . one other marke whereby to know antichrist , our sauiour himselfe hath giuen vs : fals● christs and false prophets shall arise , and shat shew signes and wonders , to deceiue ( if it were possible ) the very elect . this speech thus spoken by our sauiour is not directed to the heathen or to infidels , but to such as shall professe christ ; and therefore concludeth vndoubtedly , that antichrist shall be a christian in profession , & that he shall not be one man onely , but a continuance of many ; for he speaketh in the plurall number : false christs , and false prophets shall come with signes and wonders , &c. s. paul giuing vs a light what those signes and wonders should be that antichrist should come with all , in his second epistle to the thessalonians , calleth them lying signes , and lying wonder● . this is now to be gathered , false christs shall come , that is , they shall come co●nter●eitly in the name of christ , and they shall shew their wonders before the lord , and bee a ●ore temptation vnto them , to bring them out of the way : but the elect shall be kept by the mightie hand of god against all naturall possibili●ie , so that the elect and chosen of god shall neuer be without persecution and temptation of their faith ( not as those that are vnder the pope , for they present but suffer not ) and those which the pope calleth heretikes , shew no myracles by their owne confession , neither ought they , in as much as they bring no new learning , nor any other thing , then only the scripture , which is already receiued , and hath beene confi●med by christ & his apostles , with wonderfull myracles many hundred yeares sithence . this is then to be noted , that euen as christ at his comming , altered the state of the church , from the corruption of the pharises , and confirmed his doctrine with myracles , so antichrist at his comming , seeketh to alter the church from that puritie which christ and his apostles had left it in , and worketh myracles to o●erthrow the gospell : new doctrine must be confirmed with new mytacles , antichrist seeke●h to deface what christ hath builded long agoe , christ hath fortified his building with miracles , antichrist seeketh to vndermine the whole foundation which christ hath laid , and to build a new for himselfe by my●acles : and this was prophesied of aforehand by christ , and this was prophesied on a forehand by paul. christ saith , antichrist shall come with signes and wonders to deceiue : s. paul saith , he shall come with lying signes and lying wonders to deceiue , and what miracles be those that the pope hath brought to confirme his doctrine withall ? looke through their golden legend , and tell me how many true myracles be in the whole booke : what apparitions of saints , and isions of angels haue beene forged to come from heauen ? what yelling of spirits , and crying of soules haue beene faigned to come from purgatorie ? these be myracles , signes and wonders wrought by antichrist & his ministers : but as s. paul saith , lying miracles , both themselues deceiptfull and pretending to deceiue : deceiptfull in themselues , for that they were but lies and popish practises counterfeitly forged whereby to deceiue the simple and ignorant people , to leade them into errours , and to cosin them of their money , in purchasing of pardons , dyrges and masses . and were not these miracles to heare it told that roodes could speake , belles could ring alone , images could come downe and light their own candles , blocks could turne their eies and wag their lips , shake their heads , moue their hands , and some of them could knit sinues , sette bones , heale the sicke , giue sight to the blinde , make the lame to goe , but are not these practises discou●red long agoe , and ●ound out to be no other then slights and meere deceipts ? these are called miracles , and are indeede but lies , and there are none but papists that would be mocked with them . chap. xv. what signes and wonders they should be that are brought in by ant●christ . saint paul saith , the comming of antichrist shall be by the working of sathan , with all power and signes of lying wonders , and all d●ceiueablenes of vnrighteousnesse amongst them that perish , because they receiued not the loue of the trueth , that they might bee saued ; and therefore god shall send them strong delusions , that they should beleeue lies , that all they might bee damned which beleeued not the trueth , but had pleasure in vnrighteousnes . can any thing be spoken more plainely ? these shall be the workes of antichrist which hee shall bring to passe , that is to say , lying wonders : this shall he worke with all deceiueablenesse , that is , he shall come with all kinde of shifts and deceipt : and with whom shal he preuaile , and who be they that shall bee deceiued ? those that perish because they loued not the truth that they might be saued : and therefore god shall send them strong delusions to beleeue lies . this text must also pertaine to a multitude gathered together in christs name , which for lack of loue vnto the trueth , shall be led into all errour , to beleeue in crosses , to beleeue in visions , to beleeue in welles , and to giue credit to all maner of fables , but the truth they shall not beleeue , that they might be damned for not beleeuing , but had pleasure in vnrighteousnes . if these things had not beene thus sensibly foretold vs long agoe by the holy ghost , it might haue beene thought a strange matter , that so many should be thus still led away from the pure and vndefiled word of god , and to giue themselues ouer to follow dreames & fantasies , but it is an euident token , that their harts are not marked with the spirit of god , but are led by strong delusions to beleeue lies . chap. xvi . the sixth marke whereby to know antichrist . yet one other note is giuen vs by saint peter whereby to know antichrist : and ( saith hee ) there shall bee false teachers amongst you , which shall secretly bring in damnable sects , denying the lord that bought them , and many shall follow their damnable waies , by w●om , the way of truth shall be euill spoken of , & with faigned words they shall make marchandice of you : now saith s. paul , the lawe speaketh to them that are vnder the lawe : and euen so , this is spoken to them that professe the name of christ . there shall be false teachers that shall bring in damnable sects . histories make mention of one anthony , who liued in the wildernesse of thebais in egypt in maner of a hermer , anno 361 : he had three disciples , darmatas , amat●s and m●charius , these liued solitarily , and in strictnes of life , but it was in the time of persecution , whereby to shift them from the hands of tyrants , and proceeded at the first of a good zeale to godlinesse : but the diuell the peruerter of all things , did so impoison the hearts of them that followed , that they had more trust to their owne workes then faith in christs blood , and after that , men began new rules of works to be their owne sauiours . benet . he succeeded anno , 524 , and in the time of iohn the first , and he pre●cribed institutions to a certain order of monkes . in anno , 850 , and in the time of sergius the third , sprung vp a new sect of camaldimenses , a holy company that kept perpetuall silence , they fasted , went barefoote , and vsed to ly on the ground . in anno , 1060 , vnder gregorie the sixth , there sprung vp a new sect of monkes , calling them selues the order of the shadowed valley . the monkes of oliuet sprung vp as a fruit of disorder , ina time o● strife betweene three bishops , in anno , 1047 , vnder gregorie the twelfth . the sect of grandmontensis sprung vp vnder alexander the second , in anno , 1076. innocentius the third , admitted the humilitates in anno , 1166 ▪ and a little before that , in anno , 1098 , vnder vrbane the second , began the order of the cistercians . celestinus the first , founded the celestines , in the yeare of our lord , one thousand , one hundred eighty eight . here followeth now such a ●abblement of others , as gilbertines , lustinians , hieronimians , augustins , the order of saint sauiour , scopeteines , frisonaries , brethren ●f s. george de alga , charterhouse monkes , curthugian fryers , carmelites , premonstratences , croched fryers , white fryers , black fryers , gray fryers , dominick fryers , frauncis fryers , minorites , minimes , obseruants , the order of trinitte , bouhomes , & now lately viperous broode of iesuites . then were their women lectaries , as penitenciers , brigidians , magdaline sisters , with other nunnes of diuerse sortes . yet i might speake of graue-keepers , called knights of the sepulcher , knights of s. iohns , knights of s. mary , temple knights , iesus knights , and such a rabblement of sundry other sects by me ouer slipped , of which if i should vndertake to set downe , their obseruations , their dissimulations , their abominations , together with their hypocrisie , and filthy liuing , i might write for euery letter a line , for euery line a leafe , and for euery leafe a whole quire of paper , and it would yet be too little to discipher out their abominable practises . these sects haue beene all of them , instituted , ratified , confirmed and allowed by antichrist the pope , & yet not founded all by one pope , but by sundry popes : according to the words of the apostle , there shall bee false teachers , which shall bring in damnable sects : the apostle speaketh in the plurall number , and wee see it is fulfilled : and these sects as they were infinite , so they were as diuerse in their opinions , yet all of them of one assent in this , they all denyed christ , and they all preached the pope , they deny that christ is sufficient for their saluation , but they must atteine it by working , by fasting , by going on pilgrimage , with a number of other ceremonies , too foolish to be set downe . here againe are the words of the apostle verified , they shall deny the lord that bought them , and follow their damnable waies , by whom the way of trueth shall be euill spoken of . now what trueth in christ doth not the pope and his shauelings rebuke ? and in setting vp their workes , and following their owne waies , deny altogether the truth of christs waies ? and with faigned words they shall make marchandice of you , can any thing be more directly spoken ? and to proue that they come with faigned words , where find we in any place throughout the whole scriptures that maketh mention of purgatory , of shrift , of the sacraments of confirmation , of penance , of pardons , and such other trash , all of their owne faining , and by this meanes doe they make marchandice of our soules . these lights and many others whereby to discerne antichrist , are left vnto vs in the holy scriptures , where the beast seeing himselfe to be sought for , he roareth , and therefore to hide himselfe the more closely , he persecuteth the word of god , and seeketh with all wilynes to driue the people from it , and with false and sophisticall reasons , would make vs afraid of it : he curseth and excommunicateth those that would reade it : perswading them they are damned , if they doe but looke on it , but let not this dismay vs to seeke our soules : health , for there we shall finde the sweete promises of god , to the great comfort of poo●e distressed sinners . whatsoeuer is written , is written for our learning , saith saint paul , but the pope would perswade they are written to deceiue vs , and hee is contented to sanctifie vs with holy oyle , holy bread , holy salt , holy candles , holy water , holy blessings , holy ceremonies , and what other holynes a man himselfe would wish for , sauing the holinesse of gods word for that he will in no wise have vs to deale with all , & this is the doctrine of antichrist , and these be the markes whereby to know him . chap. xvii . speciall notes whereby to ●onfirme the pope to be antichrist . the scriptures haue hitherto furnished vs with sufficient notes whereby to know antichrist , and there are diuerse testimonies yet to bee gathered , and all of them confirming the pope to bee that man of sinne that hath set himselfe against christ , but let vs here examine some fewe examples . christ was humble and meeke , and the apostle saith , he humbled himselfe and became obedient euen vnto the death , euen the death of the crosse : and our sauiour himselfe commanding his disciples to follow his example saith , learne of me that am meeke and lowly in heart , & ye shall finde rest vnto your soules : but is this humilitie to be found in the pope ? behold his estate , his doctrine , his disciples , his life , you shall see nothing but pompe and glorie , he ruleth ouer nations and kingdomes , he maketh euery knee to bowe downe vnto him , hee maketh emperours and kings to bring him water , to carry his traine , to leade his horse , to hold his stirrop , to kisse his ●eete , he will needes rule ouer all the world , and saith , i am lord of lords , and king of kings , the whole world is my dyocesse . if christ , when the diuell profered him the kingdomes of the world and the glorie thereof , refused them as things impossible to stand with his kingdome , of whom is the pope that hath receiued them ? the diuel said to christ , fall downe and worship me , and i wil giue thee all , the pope saith to the emperour , fall downe and kisse my feete , and i will giue thee thine empire , he saith to kings in like maner , sweare to defend me and my prescriptions , and i will vphold thy crowne , & will giue thee this or that kingdome . and as christ commanded his to be lowly , so hee commanded them to all obedience : but the pope will none of that , but as he setteth himselfe at liberty , and will be tyed to no lawe , neither of god nor man , so hee that will obey neither father , mother , neither lord nor master , neither king nor prince , let him but take the marke of the beast , let him but shaue himselfe a monke , a fryer , a priest , or some any one of those sects formerly rehearsed , and the matter is dispatched , he is exempted from all seruice and obedience due vnto man : and the more disobedient he sheweth himselfe vnto the ordinances of god , the more apt and meete he is for the seruice of the pope : neither is the professing , vowing , and swearing obedience vnto their ordinances , any other thing ▪ then the denying , defying , and foreswearing obedience to the ordinances of god. doth not the popes doctrine flatly teach disobedience , rebellion and insurrection , commanding the people to armes , and to send his tradition● with sword and fire , and neither to obey father , mother , master , lord , king nor emperour , but to inuade whatsoeuer land or nation that will not obey his godhead ? how bestirreth he himselfe at this day , that seeing his excommunications and cursings are so little regarded , that men doe eate their meate with neuer the lesse stomacks , hee now falles to blowing vp the coles of rebellion , of sedition , of treason , he raiseth subiects against their princes , and setteth princes vpon their subiects , and thus vnder the tytle of seruus seruorum , hee sheweth himselfe to bee tirannus , tirannorum . this is the popes doctrine , this is his humilitie , this is his obedience , and this is all his pietie that is so cloked vnder that great shew of holinesse . chap. xviii . the pope taketh vpon him to bee the head of christs church . the pope further chalengeth to be the head of christs church , but what can be more contrary both to christ and his church ? for the church beeing compact of many members , is made one bodie , whereof christ is the head : god hath appeinted christ euer all things to be head of the church : now if the pope will chalenge to be the head of this church , what doth he then but make two heads of one body , deforming altogether , and making a monster of the church of christ ? againe in seuerall places of the scriptures , the church is called the spouse of christ , as s. iohn in his reuelation saith , the true church , the sponse and wife of the lamb : and an honest wife can haue but one husband & one head at one time ▪ the which when she forsaketh , and committeth her selfe to an other , she playeth the harlot , as that whori●h church of rome hath already done . and as antichrist hath thus sought to disfigure the church of christ , so hath he likewise defaced the sacraments left vnto the church by our sauiour : for where christ and his apostles haueleft the sacrament o● baptisme , to be ministred with water and with the holy ghost , antichrist hath added oyle to grease them , spittle to poison them , and salt to stifle them : for the sacrament of christs body which he hath left vnto vs as a signe of his blood-shedding , and to be kept as a memoriall till his comming againe , antichrist hath made it a most abominable idoll , commanding it to be worshiped , and the people thereby to commit idolatrie . thus hath he broken the first institution . and where christ saith , take ye , and eate ye : hee saith , kneele yee downe and worship . and where christ saith , drinke ye all of this cup , the pope saith , it serueth onely for the priests , and that those words drinke ye all of thy cup , were onely spoken to the disciples , as though the former words , take ye and eate ye , were not in like manner spoken to the disciples : but this is still the condition of antichrist , to secke to ouerthrow what christ hath instituted . chap. xviiii . of the fiue sacraments instituted by the pope . to those two sacraments left vs by christ , the pope hath added fiue others spicke and spanne new of his owne making , and not one word throughout the whole scriptures , making any mention of them , nor neuer heard on ; nor receiued in the church , till antichrist began to preuaile : the first of the fiue is the sacrament of confirmation , and this consisteth of two parts ( as they say ) the matter and the forme . the matter is holy chrisme , confect and made of oyle-oliue and balme consecrated by a bishop , an excellent receipt to scoure a rusty corslet . the forme is , when any one is confirmed , the bishop saying certaine words , must make a crosse on the forehead of the party , with this inchanted ointment , and then ( be it man or woman ) they are made as holy , as a paire of old bootes w hen they come new trimmed from the currior : here is now to be noted , what themselues doe attribute to this sacrament , and these bee their owne words , the sacrament of confirmation is said to be greater then the sacrament of baptisme , because it is giuen by worthier persons , & in the more worthier part of the body . is not this a sound doctrine that a drop of grease , coniured and inchanted , should be preferred & made of better worth then the sacrament of baptisme , left vnto vs by our sauiour himselfe : if this be not the doctrine of antichrist , let any man iudge that is not partiall . the sacrament of penance is the second , instituted likewise by the pope , and consisteth of three parts , contrition , confession , and satisfaction . iudas , after he had betraied christ , had contrition , and when he knew they had condemned him , he repented : he had confession , i ha●e sinned in betraying the innocent blood ▪ he had satisfaction , he went to the high priests , & deliuered backe againe the money ▪ now if iudas be not a saint in heauen , the pope is antichrist in the seate of rome . they haue a third sacrament of extreame vnction , and this is to be minis●red to sicke persons , the matter is oyle-oliue , hallowed by a bishop , wherewith the sicke is anoyled , vpon the eies , eares , mouth , nose , hands and feete . and if it be a man , he is farther anoyled vpon the reines of his backe , but if a woman , then they doe it vpon her belly , they shew a filthy reason why , because ( they s●y ) concupiscence raigneth most in th●se parts , but for offending of godly eares , we will let this passe amongst other of their vncleane stuffe whereof their doctrine is full . their fourth sacrament is the sacrament of order , and this serueth onely for the consec●a ing of priests : there b●● diuerse ceremonies pertaining to this sacr●ment , and ( i thinke ) both the institution and the obseruation , at the first drawne from the foure & twentie orders , and therefore this sacrament is better applyed then any of the rest that were founded by the pope . matrimonie is the fifth and last which the pope would haue to be a sacrament , and hauing thus dignified it with so holy a tytle , he then prohibits it from his cleargy for feare of inf●cting them . be not these holy sacraments , that can defile a man and make him vnclean● ? or is not he a shamelesse creature , that will teach such doctrine ? chap. xx. vvhat hauocke the pope keepeth in the church of god. svch hanock keepeth the pope in the church of god , he defac●th the sacraments , he peruert●th the scriptures , he corrupteth the w●rd of god with his traditions , he raceth out the second commandement out of the law of the liuing god , he burneth the bible , hee excommunicateth , he cu●●eth , he persecuteth , yet all this will not serue , but antichrist must fall , his kingdome is of this world , and here he takes the pleasure thereof , which is the diuels wages , and the earnest-peny of his euerlasting damnation . christ sought our profit and not his owne , the pope se●keth his owne profit , and not ours , christ became bound to make vs free , & le●t with his di●ciples the lawe of the loue , the pope keepes all bound , and himselfe onely free , and hath commended to his shauelings , onely the loue of their owne bellies , and let any bodie offer to feede them , and such persons shall be father , mother , sister or brother vnto them , they will say he is a good man , he is a father vnto vs ▪ and to our whole fraternitie , we are bound to pray for him , for he doth much for our religion , and such a woman is a good sister of ours , nay , she is a mother to our couent , for we are more bound to pray for our good benefact ors , then we are for those that doe nothing for vs. this is the loue of the popes disciples , the monks , the friers , the ies●utes , and the rest of those popish pri●sts , to them that giue them much , them they loue much , & to them that giue little , them they loue a little , but to them that giue them nought , them they loue nought , so that al their loue is b●lly loue , al their prayer bellie prayer , al their brotherhood , bellie brotherhood , & for him that will not pamper them , there is no loue , noprayer , no brotherhod , no kindred nor knowledge : and herein are still expressed the markes of antichrist . o let vs then open our eies , god hath giuen vs eares to heare , eies to see , and hearts to vnderstand , let vs iudge vprightly , it is gods cause , and we doe see who it is that hath carried himselfe so long time vnder the colour of holinesse , this is he which hath beguiled and blinded the world , this is he that man of sin , that hath set himselfe against christ , and vnder the pre●ence to be the vicare of christ , hath sought to confound the light of the gospell which is left vs by christ . his holinesse is contented , euen at rome it selfe , to ●ollerate with any religion , e●cepting this of the go●pell , he is contented to suffer the turke there to haue a temple , and the iewes there to haue their sinagogues , but hee can in no wise admit so much as a little chappell , where the word of god may be purely preached , and sincerely taught , no , he knoweth that if the arke of god be brought into the house of dagon , the idol can not stand , but downe he falles presently to the ground . the popes doctrine can ioyne in good societie with turkes , with iewes , with infidels , whatsoeuer , onely the doctrine of christs gospell excepted : such enmity there is still betweene christ and the pope . chap. xxi . as there is but one true god , so there is but one truereligion . and as there is but one god almightie , who will haue no other gods but hims●lfe , so there is but one vndoubted trueth ( which is holy & giuen by the same god ) and will admit of no other religion but it selfe : for wheresoeuer it becommeth , it confoundeth all other doctrines , that is or may be inuented by the subtiltie of sathan , or any of his ministers , and this is the cause that the pope is so hatefull vnto it , and seeketh so much as in him lyeth vtterly to suppresse it . histories make mention , that in those daies when the romanes had brought the greatest part of the world vnder their subiection : wheresoeuer they became victors , amongst other spoiles they neuer failed to bring away the gods of the heathen , which were still conueied to rome , aswell in token of their conquests : as themselues in those daies being likewise infidels , carried this opinion , that the more gods they had amongst them , the greater trust they had to preuaile in all their enterprises whatsoeuer they attempted . in the honour of those gods , marcus agrippa edified a temple called panthion , wherein these idols were altogether placed . we do further reade , that after the romanes had subuerted the citie of ierusalem , it was thought good amongst them , that a picture should be made in the representation of christ , because he had there beene reputed for a god ( although a very simple one ) and a very fewe there were at that time that did so esteeme of him , yet being very loth that any god , great and small should escape them : but they would haue them all in rome in this temple of panthion . the matter being thus in question , in the end they got vnderstanding , that christ in his doctrine , would admit of no more gods but one , whereupon they thought him not a necessari● or fit companion to bee brought to their temple , where they had so many gods , that could stand altogether , & could agree quietly amongst themselues , which they had thought he would neuer haue done if hee should bee once brought amongst them : they therefore resolued themselues , thinking it not conuenient to meddle with him at all , that would so much disturbe their quiet , and so they left him . tell me now , is not our holy father directly of this humour , he can agree quietly with the turkes and the iewes , and they likewise with him , and hee can haue his masse in one church , and they can vse their ceremonies in an other fast by , all at one instant , and all within rome : but let any man come there that should but offer to preach the gospell of christ purely , and should speake against idolatry , and the worshipping of images made with mens hands , and all rome would be in an vprore , the pope himself would be out of his wits , and he would neuer be in quiet , till he had tormented him , and put him to cruell death . this temple of panthion in rome , is now called by the name of all halous , first builded by marcus agrippa , for all the idols of the heathen , and after consecrated by bonifacius the fourth , to all the whole company of saints , whereby it appeareth as well in that as in other matters , that the pope hath well furnished his church with many heathenish presidents . chap. xxii . the citie of rome is a continnall persecuter of the children of god. that citie of rome , hath beene from the beginning , the greatest persecuter that euer was amongst the christians , for as it is trueth , that the church of christ hath bin there established , and that very faithfully and truely , so this is as certaine , that before it could be so established , it was many yeares in performing , and cost the liues of an infinite number of martyrs and saints , neither had it after any long continuance , but that antichrist began to creepe in by little , & preuailed so much in the end , that he quite excluding christ , hath in his place set vp himselfe , and hath fithence beene a greater persecuter of christians , then all the tyrants that were there before the first establishment . now if god were their father , then would they loue christ his sonne , and seeke to set forth his glorie : if they were of the sheepesold of god , then would they heare ●is voice : but they are of their father the diuell , and the lusts of their father they will doe , they are in name the seruants of christ , but in their workes they shew themselues to bee the members of antichrist , they change peace into warre , they tume iudgement into gall , and the fruit of righteousnesse into wor●ewood , they resist the trueth of god , to establish the deuises and doctrine of men , they pretend shew of holinesse , through the which they drawe to themselues credit , they haue onely a painted visard , and carrie an emptie name of the church : what is their wilfull chastitie , but an obedience condemned in the scripture , to giue god that which he hath not giuen vs , and so to make sinne where there was none at all , the fruits whereof , is daily corrupting of other mens wiues , and to liue in open and common whoredome , with other abominations , filthy to be spoken of . vnder the pretence of their vowed pouertie , they haue robbed the whole world of their wealth and treasure , not suffering emperours nor kings to liue in quiet , that will not be sworne to doe them seruice , & to vphold their pride and ambition . the fruit of their wilfull obedience , is to exempt themselues both from the lawes of god and man , in so much that if any prince begin to punish their disobedience , they curse him immediately to the bottomlesse pit of hell , and will proclame him no rightfull king , setting both his owne subiects , and other nations against him . chap. xxiii . the popes practises whereby to deceiue the simple . they teach vs to fly from christ , and worship saints , who as the papists themselues suppose , are most cruell and mercilesse tyrants , wreakefull and vengible , if their euins be not fasted , their images visited , saluted and worshipped with a pater noster , with a candle , with incense or other offerings , in that place which they themselues haue chosen to heare sutors , with their supplications and petitions . they fray and terrifie vs with their painfull purgatorie : the scorching heate whereof is such , that it hath not onely consumed infinit treasure both of gold and siluer out of ignorant mens purses , but it hath likewise melted castles , buildings , lands and tenements innumerable , to the profit of monkes friers , canons , priests reguler and seculer , and many men haue robbed their heirss , to giue perpetuities to these hypocrites to buy perpetuall prayre ( but rather we may say to buy perpetuall paine ) for they neuer appoint any time of deliuerance , fearing that the lands should returne back againe to the right heires . there be some that haue giuen them large perpetuities to bee prayed for , of whom they haue made saints , receiuing offerings in their names , and teaching other men to pray vnto them that haue giuen great reuenues to be prayed for them selues , & yet the pope for monie can emptie purgatorie when he will : but if a man should aske them by what authoritie the pope giueth such pardon , they answere that it is out of the merits of christs passion , and so at the last they are driuen to confesse against themselues , that christ hath not onely deserued for vs the forgiuenes of the crime , but also of the paine : and then if christ hath deserued all for vs , who giueth the pope authoritie to reserue a part of his deseruing from me , and to sell me christs merits for money ? his holynes sends them to heauen with scala celi , that is with a ladder to scale the walles of heauen , for by the doore christ , they will not suffer you to enter , but they haue stopt vp that way , because they would haue you to buy their scaling ladders . they refuse the precious blood of christ , making themselues aprons of pope ▪ holy workes , as adam did of fig leaues to hide his sinne : an vniust righteousnes , that will iustifie it selfe before him , where the angels doe finde no other buckler then grace . and what are our workes , but a deformitie & filthinesse in the sight of god ? our ▪ sinnes are great , for they are against a great god : they are infinite , because they are committed against him that is infinite , and therefore we may not thinke to couer them with merit , nor to repaire them with satisfaction for our owne . chap. xxiiii . vvhat our d●sernings are , and what we are able to merit . bvt let vs looke into our deseruing , or did wee but keepe a reckoning of our life , how small a part thereof doe we bestow vpon god , how few of our steps we doe treade in his trace , how few are the thoughts that we direct to his se●uice ? our reason that should further vs vnto all goodnes , it is in nothing more vnreasonable , then in the knowledge of things belonging vnto god : and the b●st vse we make of it , it se●ueth to couer our naughtines ▪ and wherein consisteth our vertue , but in concealing our vices ? so that those that haue most wit , haue commonly least honesty . thy sences , to what other vse dost thou put them then to the marring of the sences : thy tongue , how much more ready is it to speake euill , then to speake good : if we doe any good , it is but to the end it might bee seene , whereby to attaine a little popular praise , for in secret we will doe nothing at all : if we forbeare to do euill , it is but feare lest the world should know it , and were that feare away , we would sticke at nothing . but let vs come to our best perfections , and looke into our prayers and what are they but continuall offences , when in the middest of our greatest vehemencie , our minds are by and by carried away with one vanitie or other so that when we haue prayed , we had then neede to pray againe that god would forgiue vs the imperfections of our praiers . is this our righteousnes wherin we haue such trust , an vnrighteous righteousnes , which will not acknowledge his good to come from god , & his euill to come from himselfe . the pharisie abased the most highest by lifting vp his owne merit and worthinesse , spoyling god of his dignitie , by aduancing himsslfe , and christ rebuked nothing so much amongst the scribes and pharises , as their fasting , their praying , their washing , and their cleansing , wherein consisted the hope of their holines , for in open sinne , their is hope of repentance , but in holy hypocrisie , there is none at all : and as there is no way better for vs to loue god , then by hateing our selues , so there is no righteousnes in vs to bee accounted greater , then by confessing our vnrighteousnes , for we then exalt god , when we cast downe our selues , when we bowe our necks vnder his yoke , treading our selues vnder our owne feete , by casting our presumption and arrogancie at his feete , euen then may wee best trust in god , when wee most distrust our s●lues , and although betweene man and man , i● wee confesse a debt , wee must pay it , or acknowledge a wrong we must make amends , yet god requireth no other satisfaction then a true and so●rowfull conf●ssion ▪ then couering our sinnes with mercie , when wee discouer them most tru●ly . chap. xxv . a friendly admonition to the irish , to beware of th●se ministers of antichrist , that haue so blinded their vnderstanding , and abused their zeale . let vs then be no longer deceiued , but follow the counsell of s. paul , try all things , and keep that is good . god hath giuen you the spirit of discretion , be wise therefore , and make triall to know what is good : learne of those of berea , who hearing paul preach , made daily search of the scriptures whether those things were so which hee had taught them , and finding them to bee true , many of them beleeued : do you in like case make triall , and receiue nothing without good proofe and testimony , and when you shall finde that they are not contrary to the holsome doctrine of the word of god , then keepe that which is good , settle your selues then , and be not caried away with euery blast of doctrine . beleeue not these iesuites and seminaries , that doe so bestirre themselues amongst you in ireland , to perswade a religion that cannot abide the light of the scriptures : would not any man that were wise , suspect him that would set a iewel to sale , and would not suffer the buyer to looke vpon it in the light , but he must buy it in the darke , keepe it in the darke , weare it in the darke , and neuer bring it to any place where it might be perfectly seene and examined ? now who would not suspect him for a cousening companion , that would offer such a thing ? and can there be a greater suspition of cosenage , then for men to offer a kinde of religion , that cannot abide the light of gods word , and would inforce men to receiue such a doctrine as they might not examine by the scriptures , to see how it would stand with the doctrine of christ ? who but cosening wretches would offer it ? but what ignorance in those men that would receiue it ? beleeue not euery spirit , but try the spirits whether they are of god. at what time achab would not beleeue the answere which the prophet micheas made him , there came forth a spirit and stoode before the lord , and said , i will go out and be a false spirit in the mouths of all his prophets . take heede you bee not deceiued by any of these spirits , which shall seeke to abuse you , by pretence of reuelation , by visions , by dreames , by shew of holinesse : such spirits are walking and daily conuersant amongst vs in ireland . woe be to you scribes and pharises , hypocrites ( saith christ ) for you deuoure widowes houses , vnder the colour of longe prayers : but our hypocrites rob not widdowes onely , but they spoile married wiues , & make hauocke of esquires , knights and lords : they spoile all men , women and children , arming them with grudge , with murmure , with contempt , & sometimes setting them in open rebellion against their prince . and who are the inducers of these and many other mischiefes , but your iesuites , your seminaries , & your vngodly massing priests ? these are they that are the common disturbers of the countries quiet , that haue stirred vp and set on foote many rebellions : these are they that haue blinded your vnderstanding , abused your zeale , and led you into ignorance vnder a counterfeit pretence of holinesse . they will you to pray , and they teach you to trust in your prayers , they bid you to fast , they say you shall merit by your fasting : but be no longer deceiued , look into the fruits of this prayer and this fasting , that they haue so long taught , and wherewith they haue almost infected the whole realme of ireland , ( but especially in the most remote places ) & letting slip persons of greater worth ) whose eies i hope god wil open to see their owne faults ) in beholding other mens follies , we will take but for our example , the base & barbarous kearne , the very drosse and scum of the country , & yet what iesuite , what seminarie , what priest , or what other member of that rascall rabble , that are more precise in their popish obseruations , more abstinent in their prescribed fasting daies , and that are more scrupulous in any point of poperie then they bee : and yet that very day , houre or minute , when they will nor touch any flesh , butter , cheese egs , milk or such other like , for defiling of themselues , they will make no conscience , to murther , to kill , to rob , to rauish , to spoile , or to commit any other villany whatsoeuer . you know this to be true : be not then any longer enemies to your owne discretions , let these balam●tes no longer deceiue you , with their lies , with their visions , with their wonders and myracles : christ hath prophesied that there shall many false prophets a●i● , & shall shew signes and wonders , and shall deceiue ( if it were possible ) the very elect . many will say v●to me n that day , lo●d , ha●● we not in thy name prophesied , and by thy name cast out diuels , and by thy name done many good workes , and then will i professe vnto them , i neuer knew you , depart from me you that worke ●●iquitie . and paul hath long agoe foretold vs , that which at this day we may behold with our eies . in the later time , same shall giue heede vnto spirits of errou● : take heede ther●f●re , and when thou hearest tell of visions , or myracles ( for by these delusions the poore people of ireland ●re most deceiued ) bring them to the touchstone , compare them with the word of god , if thou findest they intend nothing but the aduancemet of the gospell of christ , and the glorie of god , thou maist receiue them as sent of god : if otherwise they pretend the aduancement of creatures , or of superstitious workes or working , beware of them , for without doubt they are either lies or delusions of the diuel , or some of his ministers , practising to deceiue thee : for open the bible , and in the very first lease it is written , in the beginning , god created heauen and earth , and all that is contained therein , immediately excluding all other gods made or deuised by man , onely to keepe man to the true god , that first created him : open the booke still further forth at all aduentures , and so peruse from line to line , euen to the latter end of the whole booke , and you shall meete with nothing but the praises of that god , or with fearefull denunciations , thundrings & threatnings against those that follow strange gods , or giue his glory to creatures , stocks , blocks , or stones . let vs take heede then and beware of these deceipts , we haue tasted the word of god a long time , we haue receiued the comfort of the gospell , let vs not despite it , or be wearie of it , but let vs build our selues of that corner stone , which the builders haue cast off : let vs lay our counsels to the square of his truth , let vs measure them with the plummet of his righteousnes . what eie would not behold the brightnes of that sun ? what eare would refuse to heare god speake ? despise not then the wisedome of the spirit , refuse not his helpe , but seeke the same that we may be strengthened : let vs comfort our selues in the testimonies of our adoption , let vs not quench the light he hath kindled in our hearts : let vs not slenderly account of his mercie , nor abuse the time of our saluation . god giue vs his holy spirit , that wee may discerne the trueth from falshood , and know the blessed and gratious will of god : that we may feele our darke and clowdie vnderstanding , which shineth not , but as it pleaseth him to inlighten : that we may walke in his waies , and serue him in reuerence and feare , all the daies of our life . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a10719-e470 iohn . 1. ionn . 3 mat. 11. mat●h . 2● . math. 2● . rom. 3 ●am ▪ 2 ▪ s. iohn . 4. 〈◊〉 tim ▪ ● . math. 〈…〉 〈◊〉 tim. 2. mat. 4. math. 14 mark. 13. ● . thes . 2. 2 p●● . 2. rom 3. phil. 2. matth. 11. ● , thess . 5 , a continvation of the irish rebels proceedings, with our victories over them declaring the falsehood and perfidiousnesse of those rogues in the taking of bellturbet, and their inhumanities there by sacking, and pillaging, throwing children into the river with pitchforks, striping 1500 starke naked driving them towards dublin, the drowning, and killing many of them by the way, cutting of protestant ministers in peices, and searching womens privites &c. : with a charme that was found in a rebels pocket, and a prayer the friers doe teach the poore rebells to our lady, which as they tell them secures them in their holy warre : penned in a letter / by alderman cillard of dublin .. and sent to master keneday his nephew now resident at lincolnes inne on feb. 28. cillard, alderman. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a33178 of text r22879 in the english short title catalog (wing c4324). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a33178 wing c4324 estc r22879 12574016 ocm 12574016 63526 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33178) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63526) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 250:e137, no 4) a continvation of the irish rebels proceedings, with our victories over them declaring the falsehood and perfidiousnesse of those rogues in the taking of bellturbet, and their inhumanities there by sacking, and pillaging, throwing children into the river with pitchforks, striping 1500 starke naked driving them towards dublin, the drowning, and killing many of them by the way, cutting of protestant ministers in peices, and searching womens privites &c. : with a charme that was found in a rebels pocket, and a prayer the friers doe teach the poore rebells to our lady, which as they tell them secures them in their holy warre : penned in a letter / by alderman cillard of dublin .. and sent to master keneday his nephew now resident at lincolnes inne on feb. 28. cillard, alderman. sullian, sankey. continuation of the irish proceedings. [2], 6 p. for geo. lindsey, printed at london : 1642. "a continuation of the irish proceedings .." on p. 1-4, is signed: sankey sullian. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng belturbet (cavan) -history. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a33178 r22879 (wing c4324). civilwar no a continuation of the irish rebels proceedings, with our victories over them. declaring the falsehood and perfidiousnesse of those rogues, i cillard, alderman 1642 1905 2 0 0 0 0 0 10 c the rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a continvation of the irish rebels proceedings , with our victories over them . declaring the falsehood and perfidiousnesse of those rogues , in the taking of bellturbet and their inhumanities there by sacking , and pillaging , throwing children into the river with pitchforkes , striping 1500. starke naked driving them towards dublin , the drowning , and killing many of them by the way , cutting of protestant ministers in peices , and searching womans privites &c. with a charme that was found in a rebels pocket , and a prayer the friers doe teach the poore rebells to our lady which as they tell them , secures them in their holy warre . penned in a letter by alderman cillard of dublin now chosen appothecary generall for the army , and sent to master keneday his nephew now resident at lincolnes inne . on feb. 28. printed at london for geo. lindsey . 1642. a continuation of the irish proceedings , sent from dublin the 28. of feb. 1641. the rebells under the pretence of saving the english , phillip of relley , told the people of belturbet that hee came to save them from the enemy , and wished them to see what weapons every man had , and to bring them to him , which the poore people did , and when hee had gotten the weapons , he caused them presently every man to goe into their houses and not to stirre till hee called on them , but as soone as they were in , they caused the doores to be made fast , and a guard at every doore , and then the false villaines began to pillage them , but still promising them faire quarter , and that they should have their goods againe , and carriages to carry them away which he did , but no sooner had they put up their goods , but presently it was taken from them , and every man woman and child stripped naked and sent away towards dublin , where they told them that they should have but cold entertainement for it was taken , but they lyed i thanke god : but when they heard the plott was discovered , the rogues were ready to hang themselves , which no good time past i hope they will be hang'd or killed . there did come in one company at least 1500 men , women and children , and they all were starke naked as my poore vnckle swamson told me , and no sooner did they get a ragg to cover their nakednesse , but a rogue of ten yeares old would search them , and if it were worth the taking they would have it , and had their skenes in their hands to kill any that did resist , and were robbed 22 times before they came to the cavane , and many killed and starved with the cold , the like damnable and inhumane doing was never heard of before they tooke the sucking children , and stript them and flung them with pitchforkes into the river , and they tooke above a hundred of the distressed soules and broke a wodden bridge that they were to goe over , & made them goe over the broken bridge that they were all drowned , and such as could swimme , they went on both sides of the river and killed them with stones and clubs : in that company was master follerton my lord primates chaplaine , and he would not sting himselfe into the river , but suffered himselfe to bee cut in peeces , and one more with him , such as they got with them to masse for feare , the next day they would tell them , now that wee have saved your soules wee will hang you , and did one master midleton ; they killed my cosin francis sullian in his wives armes , and had almost cut her fingers off because shee would not let him goe , and after dragged him in the dirt , they tooke one , trafford a minister at longford , and ripped up his belly , this your vnckle iohn told mee , who scaped very narrowly from them ; they got one sharpe a minister at the navane , and cut him in peeces , and his poore wife thinking to gather them againe to burie him , the rogues had like to have killed 〈…〉 did meddle with them , but let the doggs eate him ; they tooke master pullen the bishop of derry his brother in law at cashell and stripped him , and whipt him about the streets , and after put him in the stockes , and there he remained starke naked till they were going to masse , then they put an old ragg about him , and pricked him behind with their swords and skenes into masse , and whether hee be dead or alive it is not knowne , this deane thrope told me : nay there is a more inhumaine thing then all this , the damned rogues did serch the womens privie parts for money , and would make the poore good women to dance naked with a bagpipe , and beeing neere a thatcht house the poore soules would catch of the straw , and hold it before them , but the rogues would catch it from them : againe i could send you ten times more of their damnable wicked doings , but time would not permit me . of our proceedings against them . first clantaffe was burnt by sir charles coote and most of all the townes with in six miles about the cittie , are burnt , and a boundance of the rogues slaine . sir henry tuchborne failed out of tredth five times and he killed seaven hundred of the rebells and lost but nine of his men . sir charles coote had a smale fight with them at swords , where he killed three or foure score of the rebells and lost but foure besides . sir lawrance cary , who was short through his head peece , my lord of ormond , sir charles coote , my lord cambart and sir simon harecote went to the mase on the thirteth of ianuarie with two thousand men ; and two hundred horse and sent a hundred horse to castle marting who is gone out , and they bnrned his towne and kilcollen bridge , and many townes of the enemies , and brought home five hundred cowes besides other cattell , and worth two thousand poundes of pillage that the soldiers gott , and all this way there was not a shott , shott , before the bragging rogues thought that we durst not goe to racoule , but they found it otherwise god be praysed that makes our enemies flie before us ; for the name of sir charles coot is as fearefull to them as ever drake , was to spaine or tabottro france , we hang them daily here , alderman sances is condemned to be hanged and gott eight dayes to bring in his sonne , orelse be hang him selfe , here are damnable doeing with the gentelmen of the pale for they are all out and here will be brave possessions for our commanders god willing . i thanke god all victall are plentifull with us as yet , but now we are affraid it will be scarce by reason the rogues gott all from us , but it proveth otherwise god be thanked ; i am chosen apothecary generall for the armie ; and you shall heare from me shortly god willing , all your freinds are wel god bethanked , and you are growne forgetfull or lasie , commend me to my cosin she le and pray him get my watch mended , for i shall want it in my iourney to the camp so i rest , desireing god to pacifie these troublesome times , amen . your vnkle sank●y sullian . your brother thomas is a trooper , and ionas . the charme . this charme was found in the pocket of one of the rogues , this oration was found on the tombe of our blessed lady , and is of such effect , that whosoever will have the same , or say it daily , or carry it about him , shall be safe from fire , water , and skirmish of battell , and also from noy some hunting of spirits : moreover whosoever shall say , a pater , ave , and creede daily to the honour of our holy and miraculous virgin mary , shee will visibly shew her selfe unto him three times before his death . ths prayer after . o most sweet lord iesus christ onely sonne of the omnipotent father god of angells onely sonne of the most gracious virgin mary helpe me asure and save me from all present dangers wherin i am , most excellent and blessed virgin to be praised , pray and interceed for me a miserable sinner to thine onely beloved son o chast and honourable woman , you are the mother of angells and archangels ; helpe me from all present evills , and all to come , o flower of patriarkes o shining brightnes of the apostes , o hope of glory , o beauty of virgin , o high thoughts of angels and archangels , o most sweete woman i most humbly beseech the not to forsake me at the trembling time of my death , when my soule shall be separated from my body , wherby i may see my self everlasting glory by him , o flower of all angels , o foundation of all sweetnesse , starr of art , o heaven of health , o queen of penitent offendors , o hope of the faithfull archangels , thou whose conversation is the only recreations of the angels & archangels o most honourable lady of all sweetnes and fortitude ; you are the most wholesome medicine of all fores , you are the mabearigh of all vertues , through thee doth ever angells and archangells reioyce , o mother of mercy looke on me with thine owne mercifull eyes , and i commit to thy blessed armes to inspire my soule and body , and my thoughts , so that it pleaseth thee , and thine only beloved sonne , iesus christ . pater ave and creed . besides these base phopperies which the poore people are deluded by the fryers and iesuites , they most falsely tell the people afarre off , that roger moore hath beseiged the citie , and that the king of spayne hath sent a great army to helpe them , and all are about dublin , and that there is three coaches , and that the queene is in one of them , they doe not sticke to say , and make the people beleeve that they should heare masse at christchurch on christmas day , and feede the poore rogues with such , lies that the common people beginne to forsake them . finis . by the supreame councell of the confederat catholicks of ireland although wee find our selves much afflicted for the expressions wee are forced to make, of the lord nuncio his violent proceedings against the gouerment of the kingdome ... confederate catholics. supreme council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46008 of text r178590 in the english short title catalog (wing i334). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46008 wing i334 estc r178590 27128998 ocm 27128998 109983 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46008) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109983) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:19) by the supreame councell of the confederat catholicks of ireland although wee find our selves much afflicted for the expressions wee are forced to make, of the lord nuncio his violent proceedings against the gouerment of the kingdome ... confederate catholics. supreme council. 1 sheet ([1] p.). [s.n.], printed at kilkenny : in the yeare of our lord, 1648. other title information taken from first lines of text. signed: dounboyn, lucas dillon, richard blake, richard bellings, gerald fenell, iohn walsh, patrick bryan, robert deuereux. reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng church and state -ireland. ireland -history -1625-1649. a46008 r178590 (wing i334). civilwar no by the supreame councell of the confederat catholicks of ireland· although wee find our selues much afflicted, for the expressions wee are f confederate catholics. supreme council 1648 1127 4 0 0 0 0 0 35 c the rate of 35 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the svpreame covncell of the confederat catholicks of ireland although wee find our selues much afflicted , for the expressions wee are forced to make , of the lord nuncio his violent proceedings , against the gouernment of the kingdome , & the iust liberties of the nation ; yet being obliged to render an accompt to god and man , of the trust reposed in vs , & seeing his lopp : squares his actions by principles , apparantly contrary to the intrest of this nation : wee must ( in opposition to the course hee steeres ) manifest to the world our dislike of his actions , and express some parte of those iellousies and distrusts , which ( vpon iust grounds ) wee haue entertained of his proceedings , in the ensuing reasons , by which wee are induced at present to inhibitt the meeting of a nationall synod appointed by his lopp : to be held at galway the fifteenth of august next . 1. first , it is not vnknowen , that the lord nuncio hath made such vse of a declaration drawen from a few prelats against the cessation concluded with the lord barton of inchiquin , and of the vniust censurs temerariously issued there vpon , that hee hath introduced a ciuill ●ar among the confederatts , & thereby exposed the catholick religion and this kingdome to apparant hazard of destruction . and now obseruing many prelatts , all the nobility and men of intrest , and all the citties and townes corporat with in our quarters , resolued with vs to suppress those in armes opposing the gouerment , who are supported by his countenance , & the ayds sent for maintenance of our cause , which ( contrary to his holines pious intentions ) are applyed to foment and encrease dissentions , hee ( by the assistance of a few seditious persons ) calls this nationall synod , intending [ by that vnlimited power which hee assumes vnto himselfe ] and the terror of his iudgements , which are already extended [ to the vttermost of seuerity on the persons of father george dillon , and father valentine browne , for no other reason , then that they are not of his opinion , concearning the cessation ; to force an approbation of his most vniust and vnexampled procedings against those adhering to the gouernment , and to anticipat [ asmuch as in him lyeth ) his holiness , [ to whom wee haue appealed ) his iudgment of our cause . 2. secondly , hee conuenes it at galway , a place inconuenient , as being seated in a remote parte of the kingdome , vnsafe in the way to it , & in a prouince , which is now made the seate of warr : a place where inuectiues , against authority , are frequently preached by his allowance , where his lopp : by his , and the influence of some seditious cleargy-men , vpon a parte of the ignorant and misled multitude , haue already affronted the magistrat , and best men of that towne . 3. t●●●dly , wee haue iust cause to feare some practize for surprizall of the towne , at such a tyme , when some ill affected persons in the neighbourhood of it , haue rebelliously taken armes , in opposition to our authority ; and are countenaced in it , & ( already by seizing & piladging some castles belonging to men of gallway ) do express their disaffection to the inhabitants , and their inclinations to the plunder of that towne . what opportunity will such a meeting ( to which all men are promisscuously inuited by offer of safe conduct , in the summons ) affoard to such a designe in these distracted tymes , when perhapps the towne may be declared to haue incurred the censures , because it submitts to our authority ; and the act of plundering it , therefore esteemed meritorious . 4. fowrthly , the lord nuntio , haueing made himselfe a partie , and adhereing to owne ô neill , now actually in armes against the authority established by the confederat catholicks , what indifferency can be expected by the nation , in a synod wherein hee is to praeside ? 5. it is improper a synod , should be called at such atyme , when noe corner of the kingdome is freed from the horrid effects of warr , and all places are full of inexpressable distractions , and none exempt from the misery of famine wherein that towne , and the adioyneing countrey , suffer in a high measure . 6. the generall assembly ( the hig hest authority among the confederat catholicks ) being now conuen'd , and the body of the kingdome being to meete , the fowrth of september next , wee hould it necessary they should be first consulted with , in so great an affaire . 7. wherefore , it is ordered , and ( by vertue of their oath of association ) it is straightly charged and enioyned , that no confederat catholick , either of the cleargy or of the layety , of what degree , quaility , or condition souer , do repaire to the synod or meeting , summoned by the lord nuncio , to be held at gallway the fifteenth of august next , or shall remaine there ( if alredy gon thither , but shall depart thence imediatly , and shall not send his , or their proxies thither ; and shall reuoke his or their said proxie ( 〈◊〉 already sent ) vpon paine of being putt out of the protection of the confederat catholickes , and further proceeded against , as fallen from our vnion and oath of association : whereof the generall commanders , mayors , magistrats , and other officers , subject to authoritie , are to take notice , and proceede accordingly in interrupting and stopping all and every person and persons , going to any such meeting or synod , at the place or tyme aforesaid , as they will answeare the contrary . giuen at kilkenny ●astle the 28 day of iuly 1648 , and in the 24. yeare of the raigne of our soueraigne lo : charles by the grace of ●od king of great brittaine , france , and ireland . dounboyn , lucas dillon , richard blake , richard bellings , gerald fenell , iohn walsh , patrick bryan , robert deuereux , god save the king . printed at kilkenny in the yeare of our lord , 1648. a geographicall description of the kingdom of ireland according to the 5 provinces and 32 counties : together with the stations, creeks and harbours belonging thereto : fit for gentlemen, souldiers, and sea-men to acquaint themselves withall : as also declaring the right and titles of the kings of england unto that kingdom : likewise setting down a brief relation of the former rebellions and of their suppression : especially that in q. elizabeths time by tyrone : whence many matters worth observing may be collected usefull for this present service / by a well-willer to the peace of both kingdoms. g. n., well-willer to the peace of both kingdoms. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a52629 of text r4037 in the english short title catalog (wing n18). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 222 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 62 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a52629 wing n18 estc r4037 12631547 ocm 12631547 64783 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52629) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64783) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 252:e149, no 11) a geographicall description of the kingdom of ireland according to the 5 provinces and 32 counties : together with the stations, creeks and harbours belonging thereto : fit for gentlemen, souldiers, and sea-men to acquaint themselves withall : as also declaring the right and titles of the kings of england unto that kingdom : likewise setting down a brief relation of the former rebellions and of their suppression : especially that in q. elizabeths time by tyrone : whence many matters worth observing may be collected usefull for this present service / by a well-willer to the peace of both kingdoms. g. n., well-willer to the peace of both kingdoms. [4], 104 p. printed by i.r. for godfrey emerson, and are to be sold at his shop ..., london : 1642. preface signed: g. n. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng tyrone, hugh o'neill, -earl of, 1540?-1616. ireland -description and travel. ireland -description and travel -early works to 1800. ireland -history -to 1603. ireland -foreign relations -england. great britain -foreign relations -ireland. a52629 r4037 (wing n18). civilwar no a geographicall description of the kingdom of ireland. according to the 5 provinces, and 32 counties; together with the stations, creeks, an g. n., well-willer to the peace of both kingdoms 1642 37689 177 0 0 0 0 0 47 d the rate of 47 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 john latta sampled and proofread 2007-02 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a geographicall description of the kingdom of ireland . according to the 5 provinces , and 32 counties ; together with the stations , creeks , and harbours belonging thereto : fit for gentlemen , souldiers , and sea-men to acquaint themselves withall . as also declaring the right and titles of the kings of england unto that kingdom . likewise setting down a brief relation of the former rebellions , and of their suppression ; especially that in q. elizabeths time by tyrone : whence many matters worth observing may be collected , usefull for this present service . by a well-willer to the peace of both kingdoms . london , printed by i. r. for godfrey emerson , and are to be sold at his shop , at the sign of the swan in little-britain , 1642. to the reader . courteous reader , many have lately cast their treasure , do thou cast thine eye , upon distressed ireland ; 't will be a way to shew thy charity , without any great venture : or if thou be in the number of adventurers , when thou shalt have read this , thou wilt count thy part ensur'd . the advantage , knowledge ; and delight thou mayst reap by it , i referre to thine own apprehension and judgement ; assuring th●e , thou need'st not fear to engage thy purse , in the survey of that countrey , where so good a king was willing to engage his person . such is the engagement of thy friend and well-wisher , g. n. a geographicall description of the kingdom of ireland . being in the north of england , and desirous to passe into the kingdom of ireland , and not willing to go more northward , although from galloway in scotland , ( which bede terms candida casa , the vulgar white-herne ) there be but a short cut , yet more willing to go the nearest way to westchester ; but not finding the winde fair at my coming , i travell'd along to saint davis in pembroke-shire , whence i had a speedy passage into ireland , but somewhat dangerous , by reason of the sands and shelves which lye off into the sea , but our putting into harbour worse , because of the continuall mists that hang over the low flat land , so that our pilot could hardly discern his marks . there are many fair ports and harbours for ships , on the east and south sides of what i shall speak , in the description of the particular counties . concerning the names of severall nations and men , they have their severall conceits , it is known by the name ireland to us . it is an ancient iland , and not of little esteem , in regard of the greatnesse of it , being accounted the third iland anciently known in the habitable world , by good geographers ; who say , that of all ilands , for greatnesse the indian taprobane is chief ; the next after it , is britain ; and in a third degree , another british iland , called hibernia , that is , ireland ; so that ptolomie called it little-britain : the situation is under the 10 and 12 climats , in longitude extending 4 degrees from the meridian of 11 degrees and half : and the latitude reacheth 4 degrees from the paralel of 54 , to that of 58 degrees . the inhabitants are divided by the name of wilde-irish , and the english irish , living in the english pale , where the english at their first going over did inclose themselves . formerly it was divided into 5 kingdoms , now provinces ; namely mounster , lying southward , lemster eastward , connagh in the west , ulster in the north , and meth in the midst almost . from north to south , in length 400 miles , in bredth 200 miles . mounster , in latine mamonia , the irish mown , containeth 6 counties , besides the county of holy crosse in typperary ; the first is , kirry , which lyeth near the mouth of the river shannon , and runneth out narrow at the entrance , but towards the sea , with a broader promontory imbraced by the sea on both sides . a countrey mountanous , woody and wild , loftily looking into the ocean ; in which are many fruitfull fields , and pleasant vallyes , beset thick with woods . a county palatine granted to the earle of desmond by the speciall favour of edward the third ; but being often ingratefull in their rebellious treasons , and rebellions lost it . towards the sea there is a territory called clanmorris ; not farre off standeth ardart a see of a poor bishop called ardfert . towards the south of this runneth a faire river named dingle , a commondious port on the other side named smirwick-sound , or st. marywick , where the spanyards to ayde the rebellious earle of desmond , 1583. set footing . desmond , desmonia , in irish deswown ; lyeth largely stretched out towards the south , in which are three high promontories over-topping the sea , and contemning his proud waves , running out into the south-west , called west-mounster . the first promontory lyeth between dingle-bay and the river maire , and is called clan-car , and hath a castle built at dunkeran by the carews of england , in it dwelt donel mac carty more , a l ▪ of the irish bloud . the second lyeth inclosed within two bayes , maire and bantre , named bear-haven . this for the most part is a leane , barren , hungry soyle , in which lived o swillivant beare , and o swillivant bantre , both of the same stock and high bloud in their countrey . the third called eraugh situate between bantre and balatamore or baltamore , a bay or creeke famous for the multitude of herrings that are taken there , in this the o mahouns by the gift of the carews have large possessions ; the calverts lord baltimort the south promontory called of the ancients notium , is at this day called missen-head , the feildings are earls of desmond and vicounts callon . the county of corke , anciently reputed a kingdome , contayning the whole space a long the sea from lismore unto st. brend , where it headeth desmond westward , in the bowells whereof lyeth muskery , a wild forrest , where cormac mac xeg , it is a great name , and towards the sea coast lyeth carkray , in which the mac curties have the greatest power . there lyeth towards the south sea a port and road anciently of good safegard for shipps , but by reason of a barre in the mouth of it , it falls dry at the ebb , and is now of little use , it lyeth four leagues westward from the out-point of kinsale . betweene rosse and kinsale there lyeth a small iland in the sea called roem , which may be fayled about , having ten fathome water between that and the mayne ▪ three leagues from hence lieth cape de velho or old-head , from whence to england end is 46 leagues , it is a high point reaching forth into the sea , from whence about a quarter of a league south-west lieth the mouth of the haven of kinsale : a very commodious port , 10 , and 15. fathome going in and 4 or 5 to the very towne which lieth up in the mouth of the river bany in a fruitfull soyle , furnished with wood , and other commodities : lord cour●y is baron of kinsale . on the other side of kinsale lyeth kerry wherry a small territory once belonging to the e. of desmond : right before which lyeth the river sauranus or severanus which fetcheth its first originall from the mountaine of muskerry : and going along by the head city of the county corke by the irish corcach honoured with a bishops see ; together with the see of clumi annexed to it . the river both roundeth and runneth through the middest of the towne not passible , but by bridges lying in length in one broad street having a bridge over it . it is a towne of great resort and populous ▪ but formerly subject to the injury of the rebells ; which made them keep a carefull watch against them . that religious and devout man brioc who flourished among the sauls was borne and bred here . below corke the parting of the river maketh a sweet and pleasant iland over against the chiefe dwelling house of the barries , called barry court , derived from robert de barry an englishman ; who behaved himselfe valiantly in the irish warres , and was the first that manned and brought the hauke to hand in ireland : he had the title of baron barry ; but after of vicount beutiphant . the former river empties into the sea below barry court neare imokelly a faire possession long since of the earles of desmond ; and containes a safe road in the mouth of it . as this supplyes the lower part of the country , so black-water , called anciently even-more , the great river moystneth the upper part , upon which dwelleth the noble familie of roeh , who went out of england , and flourished there and enjoyed the title of vicount fermoy : and were parliament barons in edward the 2. time . yoghall standeth on this rivers mouth , a major town , nor great , but walled about , builded in length , and divided into two parts , the upper reacheth norwest , and hath a church in it , and the lower part southwest ; the commodiousnesse of the key makes it much frequented by merchants . the county of waterford lyeth in the east side of ireland , stretching out it self between the rivers , broadwater west , and shour east ; the main on the south , and tipperary norwest ; both delightsome , and very profitable . when broadwater hath out-run the county of cork , behinde it lismore presently sheweth it self , an episcopall see where christian once sate , that was of the same cloyster with saint bernard , and pope eugenius ; but now annexed unto waterford : the lumly's are vicounts of waterford . at the mouth of which river standeth aidmore , a small town , so called because it standeth near the sea . not far from hence standeth dungarvan , having a strong hold of good force : it is a tide-haven 8 leagues from waterford , full of rocks , and deep within the harbour . vicount dessee , together with the barony of dungarvan , king henry the sixth granted to iohn talbut earl of shrewsbury ; but afterward , seeing it lay conveniently to that part of mounster that was to bee brought under , and reduced into order , it was by a parliament annexed to the crown of england . on the side of the river shour , waterford the principall city of this county maketh a fair shew ; the irish and britains call it porthlargie , the english waterford , 37 leagues from englands end . it was built by certain pirats of norway ; the ayr is grosse and unhealthy , the soil not fertile , the streets pent and narrow ; yet by reason of the commodiousnesse of the harbour , which is fair and wide , 10 or 11 fathom deep going in , it is much frequented , and of great resort , driving a quick trade , so that it is esteemed the second city in the kingdom , and hath continued alwaies true and loyall to the crown of england , ever since richard earl of pembroke wan it first , and hath received many favours and priviledges from the kings of england for their good services . and henry the seventh augmented them much , for their discreet carriage of themselves against the mock-prince perkin warbeck , who counterfeited richard the third , under which colour he couzened a great peer of scotland of his fair daughter . this county of waterford , together with the city , king henry the sixth gave unto iohn talbut earl of shrewsbury . but by reason of wars in france , and the civil dissentions between the houses of york and lancaster , the kings of england were busied , and the nobles so intangled in those broils , that they could not intend the affairs of ireland , so that the irish grew very insolent and powerfull : so that in the 28 year of h. 8. though the fault were committed long before his dayes ; yet for punishment , by act of parliament it was ordered , that the heirs of many noblemen , as the earl of shrewsbury , ormond , the duke of norfolk , and baron barkley , and all the abbots and priors ( for they were all found liable to this punishment ) with the rest , should forfeit all their lands and demeans in ireland , into the kings hands for such neglect and absence . the county of limrick is an inland county , lying behinde that of cork northward , between kerry , the river shanon , and the county of tipperary a very fruitfull and populous place , but not eminent for any thing of note . the western part of it is called conilagh , wherein there is knoc patrick , a very high hill , from whence there is a pleasant prospect into the sea ; where you may see how shanon fals in to the virginian . the head city is limrick , which shanon by parting begirteth round , the irish call it loumeagh , and the english limrick ; it is a chief market-town of mounster , and the see of a bishop , and at this day called two towns ; the upper , wherein stands the cathedrall church , and a castle , and hath two gates , and each of them a stone bridge with bulwarks , the one leading into the west , the other into the east , unto which the lower town joyneth , fenced with a wall , and a castle thereto , and a fore-gate at the entrance into it : lord esmond is baron of limrick . in the south of this county is kilmallo , the next town to limrick both in substance and inhabitants , incompassed likewise with a wall : vicount sarsfield of kilmallo . not far off standeth adare , a little town , hard unto which lyeth elan gibbon , where dwelt the white-knight , so called for his gray hairs . the other inhabitants of note are the lacyes , browns , h●rlyes , chacyes , sapells , and pourcells , all of english race ; also the mac shee s , mac brian , o brien , of irish blood . the county of tipperary is bounded westward , with limrick and the river shanon eastward , with the county of kilkenny , with the county of corke and waterford southward , and north with the territories of the o carolls . the south-part hath much corne , and many beautifull buildings , and the river glason runneth with a large course thorow the west-part of it ; not farre from whose bankes stands emly or awn , a bishops see : thorow the middest of it glideth that goodly river shour , or swire , which issuing out of bladin hills , hasteth thorow the lower ossery : of which hen. 8. dignified the butlers with the title of earles , and thorow thurles , which honoureth the same family with the dignity of vicounts ; and so goeth into holy-crosse , termed the county of the holy-crosse of tipp : then shour goeth besides cassile , honoured with the dignity of an arch-bishop , by eugenius , third pope of rome ; from thence runneth the river down shreading ilands here and there , and fetcheth a round about cahir castle , then holding his course by clomel , a frequented market-towne , as also by carick-mac-griffin situate upon a rock ; it then leaveth tipperary behind it , and is instead of a banke to confine the countries of waterford and kilkenny . the botelers or butlers are great families in this countie , and were neere of alliance unto thomas a becket , for whose sake henry the second did honour and enrich them . for the government of which province , that it might be kept from rebellion and seditious tumults , queene elizabeth out of her princely care and wisdome , first ordained sir warham sellenger or saint leger , a man well seene in irish affaires , to be lord president , with one assistant , two lawyers , and a secretary . the second part or province is leinster , which hath seven counties , it is called by the irish leighnigh , by the britaines lein , lying all towards the sea eastward , a fertile , healthfull , and beautifull place . the first county is kilkenny , bounded west with tipperary : east with the counties of weisford and caterlogh : south with the county of waterford : north with queenes county ; and norwest with upper ossery , a county surpassing the rest in faire buildings , strong forts , and exceeding plentifull in all manner of provision . neere unto ossery there standeth a very great mountain , called sleiew bloemy , towring very high , out of whose wombe issue these rivers , shour , neor and barrow ▪ running in several streames againe joyne before they enter the ocean , and called of old the three sisters . this river neor , commonly called neure , runneth , as it were , thorow kilkenny county , and when it is passed the upper ossery , and hath watered many fortresses on both sides , it floweth besides kilkenny , which is a rich and beautifull towne , farre exceeding any inland burrough in ireland : parted into the english towne and irish towne , the irish towne being , as it were , the suburbs , and hath in it s. canicks church , where the bishop of ossery hath his see . but the english towne is nothing so ancient , builded by ranulph third earle of chester ; walled on the west-side by robert talbot , and fortified with a castle by the butlers . below neore somewhat standeth a little walled towne , called thomas towne , in irish bala mac anda , that is , the towne of antonies sonne . below this , the river callan emptieth it self into neore , on whose bankes standeth the towne callan , the third incorporate towne of this county , as likewise inise yeog which is the fourth . many families of the butlers in this county of good account , and some other gentry , as the graces , walshes , lovels , forresters , shortels , blanch-feilds , or blanch-velstors , drilands , come●fords , &c. the county of caterlogh , called by contraction carlogh , eastward joyneth to kilkenny , lying almost betweene the rivers barrow and slane , fruitfull and well furnished with woods ; the two principall townes stand on the westbanke of barrow : carlogh walled and fortified with a castle : also leighlin , once a bishops see , now joyned to that of fernes ▪ both of them of good force , and constables over them : from hence barrow runneth thorow the lordship of ydron . upon the river slane is seated tullo , a butler being honoured by king iames with the title of vicount tullo . the cavanaghs are a name much spread , valiant and excellent horsemen : from carterlogh , neore and barrow run hand in hand some few miles , and after fall into the lap of their eldest sister the shour , who all are swallowed up presently of the devouring ocean . the county of leaz , or queenes county , so called from queene mary , who first made it a county , lying above caterlogh towards the norwest , a small county full of woods and bogs ; the chiefe towne is mary-burgh , there was used watch and ward to defend themselves from the insolencies of the irish o moores , against mac gilpatrick , the o dempsies , who were very turbulent and seditious . many castles and forts in this county , one at tahmelio , another at obowy , a third on the river barrow , and a fourth at norrach ; little else of moment in this county . amulenux is vicount of mary-burgh , the principall towne in this county . kings county ; called formerly offaly , but for the honour of king philip made a county ; the chiefe towne is philips town : the dempsies , vicount glenmare , and baron of philips town . many english families seated here , as the warrens , herberts , colbeis , moris , leicesters . some families of the irish , which suppose they have had hard measure in being dispossessed of their ancient inheritances , seeke all occasion to do the english a displeasure , and wil omit no opportunity to revenge : so that it ever did , and now more especially it behoveth the english to be circumspect and wary . the county of kildare , lying eastward from the former counties , a pleasant , healthfull and fertile countrey , full of springs and pastures : the chiefe town an episcopall see beares the name of the county kildare ; the noble families of the fitz-geralds hold the earldome , granted by edward the second . this county was first inhabited by the earle of pembroke and his heires , untill edward the first . the geraldines continued loyall untill henry the 8. and then one of them unadvisedly rebelled , but was punished , and his confederates : howbeit queene mary restored bloud and lands . the places of note above the rest is naas a market town , athie placed on the river barrow ; mainoth a castle belonging to the earle of kildare , and a market-town . castle-martin , the chiefe seat of the family of fitz-eustace , which descended from the poers , who had the title of vicount baltinglas added by henry the eighth . but having lost that title by attainder , the ropers beare the honour of vicount baltinglas . the chiefe families derive from the english ▪ there are the ougans , de la hides , ailmers , walshes , boisels , whites , suttons , &c. now we have done with the midland countries of lymster , we goe now to the sea-side . the county of weisford , or wexford , being a small circuit of land , lying on the sea side against beneath , the mouth of the three former sister rivers eastward , in a promontory where the shore fetcheth a compasse round , is placed the county of wexford , in irish reogh ; here on the river barrow there was a faire citie , called rosse , well traded and peopled , but by discord and dissention , onely a great wall left as the ruines of a huge pile : but the hervys are dignified with the title of barons of rosse . eastward duncannon castle standeth over the river , and can hinder any ships from passing either to waterford or rosse : from thence there runs out a little neck of land , which is a helpe unto sea-men to saile into the river ; not farre off standeth tinterne upon the shore , with many windings & creeks , where once there was a famous abbey . this promontory is called holy-head , lying over against saint davids in wales ; at which place the english first set footing into ireland , where there is a towne by the natives called banna , which signifies holy . along the shore eastward lye many flats , which the mariners call the grounds , and endanger their ships . the river slane cuts quite thorow this county , and in the mouth thereof , where it maketh a poole , there lyeth weisford the chiefe towne ; it is not of any great bignesse , but yet memorable , in that being assaulted by fitz stephen , a valiant captaine , it yeelded it selfe unto his protection , and became a colony of the english , so that still it useth the ancient apparrell of the english , and their speech , but somewhat mingled with irish . eniscort is seated on the river slane , and fernes is seated more inward , an episcopal see ; beyond which river dwelt the cavenaghs , donels , montaghs , and o moores , of irish race , stirring tumultuous-spirits and amongst them the sinottes , roches and peppers english . vicount mount-garretto , the butlers are the men of note on this side slane : many more english of note , as most of the common sort english . the county of divelin or dublin , on the east lyeth broad upon the sea , on the west bounded with the county of kildare , on the south , on two small territories of wicklo and arcklo , once the habitation of the o tools and o birns , and now termed the glimes ▪ and norwest limited with the county of meth , and nanny a small river . it is a very plentifull county both in corne and cattell , abounding also with game for pleasure ; their greatest want is fuell , which is a heavie turfe or english sea-coale , but in the south side a barren soile , hils and woods plenty , many hollow valleyes over-run with trees , which they call glinus , among which was the bishoprick of glandelaw , but now annexed to the archbishop of dublin . all the rest of the county is rich and plentious , the people of a stately port and garbe , in gentile neatnesse and carriage surpassing all the rest of ireland ; and it is divided into five severall baronies , rath-downe , new-castle , castle-knoc , cowloc and balrodry . this whole county is neptunes neighbor , no part thereof being twenty miles distant from the sea . to the south of dublin haven standeth wicklo , a narrow haven , over which bends a rocke immured strongly with fortification in stead of a castle , whose command none ought to have but english borne : lord maynard hath the title of baron . then from the top of a hill , new-castle looketh into the sea in the sight of the three shelves , which they call the south , middle , and north grounds , lying in length , yet shall you find betweene them and the shore seven or eight fathome of water . a little higher where the river bray disburdens into the sea , is seene oldcourt , the possessions of the walshes of carickmain , who are a large and ancient stocke . next are powers or poerscourt , belonging formerly to a family of that name , since the wingfeilds have the title of vicount powerscourt . a little iland saint bennets , belonging to the archbishop of dublin , lyeth in an elbow of land which the river bray maketh . the creeke or bay is called dublin haven , which is five leagues from wexford , into which haven the greatest river of this county powreth it selfe , called liffy , whose originall being but fifteene miles distance from that place , yet through his many windings and turnings he watereth many countries . first south , by saint patricks land , then westward , after north , watering the county of kildare ▪ at length into the east by castle-knoc , and so by kilmainam . dublin is seated seven miles from the mouth of liffy , it is the most famous towne of all ireland , the irish call it bala cleigh , that is , the town set upon hurdles , for the first foundation thereof was laid upon hurdles , by reason of the soft unsetled ground , like as sivil in spaine is said to bee built on piles , venice on woolsack , or such like matter of foundation , it is an ancient towne , yet was much rent and defaced in the danish warres ; after it became subject to edgar , king of england , who in his charter cals it , the most noble city of ireland . then the norwegians got it in possession , and at last it fell to the english , who defended it against the irish , and was planted with a colony of bristow men , on whom king henry the second bestowed this city , and all the liberties and franchises which the men of bristow have ; of which city many write in praise and commendation , one thus : a city , in regard of the people , noble , of the site most pleasant , by reason of the sea and river meeting together , rich and plentifull in fish , for traffick famous , for the green plaines delightfull and lovely , beset with woods of mastbearing-trees , incompassed about with parkes of deere ▪ so another : develin , a maritine towne , is the mother city of all ireland , having to it an haven passing well frequented , for traffick and enter course of merchants matchable with our london . there are many keyes and wharfs along the river , jetting out to stop the violence of the water . a very strong wall of rough building stone , reacheth along by the sides of it , which openeth at six gates , from whence there runne forth suburbs of great length . towards the east is dammes gate , and neere it the kings castle , very strong both by art and nature ; and an armory or storehouse built by henry lounders archb. 1220. saint andrews church stands in the east suburbs , not farre from which is trinity colledge , which queene elizabeth honoured with the title and priviledges of an university . the north gate openeth at the bridge built by king john of arch-worke , and this uniteth oustmans towne to the city : for here the easterlings , that came out of norway , placed themselves about 1050. in the south quarter of the city stand two gates , ormonds , and newgate the common prison . these lead into saint thomas street , being large and long , where there stands a great abbey of that name founded by henry the second , for the expiation of the murder of thomas a becket , as some say . into the south openeth pauls gate , and saint nicholas , which maketh a way into saint patricks suburbs , wherein standeth the archbishops palace , called saint sepulchers , and a stately church dedicated unto saint patrick , having an arched roofe of stone , and a tall steeple . it maintaines a deane , a chaunter , a chauncellor , a treasurer , two archdeacons , and 22 prebendaries ; the only light and lampe ( as the parliament of that kingdome said of it ) of all godly and ecclesiasticall discipline and order in ireland . there is another cathedrall church standing in the very heart of the city , called christ-church ; neere the south side of which standeth the towne hall , built of square stone , and called the tolestall , where the sessions of the city are kept . the chiefe officer was a provost , but henry the fourth gave them liberty to choose a major , and two bayliefes , after king edward the sixth , changed the two bayliefes into two sheriffes . no inconvenience save only that the ebbing and flowing of the sea doth much choake the mouth of liffy , that hinder great vessels from going up , and makes them to observe the high water for transporting of goods . where liffy dyeth in the ocean , houth standeth compassed in a manner round with the sea : of which those nobles saint lawrence hold the barony . not farre off is malehide or molachid , belonging to the talbots . more within the countrey is fingall , a little place , but very well husbanded , even the garner and store-house of this kingdome , so great store of corne it yeeldeth every yeare . this place discovers the idlenesse of the other counties , which would equally answer the industry of the labourer , if it were imployed . divers worshipfull families are placed here and there of english in this county , as namely the plunkets , who are still earle of fingall , and lord of kellene , barnwels , russels , talbots , dillons , net●orvils , lutterels , burnels , fitzwilliams , gouldings , ushers , cadlyes , finglasses , sarfeilds , blackneys , crucyes , baths , &c. now we come to the province of meth , because it lyeth in the middle ; for strength and safety called the chamber of ireland : peaceable likewise in the 38. yeare of henry the eight , divided into east meth and west meth. the county of east meth is compassed with kildare , on the south with the county of dublin , and the sea east ; on the north with the territory of louth , and with the county of west-meth on the west . the whole is divided into eighteene baronies , viz. dueleke , scrine , slane , margallen , navan , kenlis , halfe the barony of fower neere kenlis , killalou , clove , moylagh , logherne , old-castle , luyn , moyfeuraragh , deese , rath-touth , and dunboyne . boyne , a faire river , springs out of the north side of the kings county , runneth thorow this country . in the remotest places on this side boyne , are these memorable places , galtrim , killin castle , and dunsany : on the further side of boyne are trimletstown , gormanston and slane : the fleming lord of it : of the next before vicount preston , barnwell baron of the other , plunket lord of dunsany . among these last stands a market-towne , called aboy , upon the river boyn , which passing glan jores , that is , the land of george runneth under trim , a fine towne of trade , having a castle erected by william pepard . so it flowes besides navan , the barony of the lamberts , where the bishops house is , who having no cathedrall church , doth all with the assent of the clergie of meth. boyn then running higher and swifter neere unto drodagh , the moores being intitled vicount of it , loseth himselfe in the ocean . many chief families of english blood are in this countie : the brabazens being earles of east meth. the county of west meth , so called in regard of the situation , in relation to the former , and reacheth to the river shanon , and lyeth betweene the kings county south , and longford county north , to which it is not much inferiour in any thing , if answerable in civility . molingar is the chiefe towne , as lying in the midst , compassed with many bogges . it is parted into twelve baronies , viz. fertulogh , ferbile , delvin , of which the nugents were barons , and now earls of west meth : fourry , as also corkery , moyassell , where the tuts inhabited , moygoisy , rathcomire , magirquirke , all propagated from english blood ; clonlalon , moycassell , meere irish beare sway . and others of more harsh and unpleasant names , yet better liked of the irish than our english names : so that one of them said he would not learne english , lest it should make him have a wry mouth . hugh lacy subdued this county , and had it given unto him by henry the second , who intending to build a castle , and bowing downe his head to shew the carpenter how hee would have a peece of timber squared , had his head cut off by the same carpenter with an axe which hee held in his hand . the county of longford lyeth on the north side of west meth , made a county not long since , called anale , before inhabited most by irish , and those potent and turbulent . shannon runneth along this county on the side of it , and ariseth out of therne hils in the county of le trim , and flowing along makes many open pools , and after contracts himselfe againe , and then runneth into a large broad mere called lough regith , but after findes his bankes againe , on which stands the towne athlon : from thence shannon having passed the water-fall at killoloe , being very large and deepe , six or seven fathome water : disjoynes , running with open armes to the imbracement of the city limrick ; from whence speeding about sixty miles in length , making here and there an iland , and where he grew shallow and passible , there formerly stood forts and bulwarkes to hinder the inrode of the pilfering irish ; and at last running with open mouth beyond knoc patrick , is devoured by the westerne ocean : two irish septs most powerfull and eminent in this county o-pharoll boy , and o-pharoll ban ; the lord aungiers are dignified with the title of baron of longford . another province is conaght , wherein are six counties . 1 twomond , or the county clare , which the irish call twowoun , that is , north-mounster , for so formerly was the name , untill sir henry syd●y laid it unto connaught , shooting out with a narrow promontory into the sea westward , and on the east and south side , inclosed with the large streame of the river shannon , and to the west with the maine , on the north barred with the county galloway , so that there is no entring of it by land . the territories of clan richard are very fruitfull and commodious both for sea and land , onely vexed with bad and idle creatures , lazie inhabitants . o fortunati si sua norint : did they but truly consider the benefit that would acrew by industry , how would they indeavour ? as hath appeared by the care and paines of some english of note and esteem , as the muscegros and clares , who have built many forts and townes , from whom clare the chiefe towne takes name . other places of note kilfennerag , and killalloe orlaon the bishops seat , where there stands a rock in the middest of the channell of shannon , from which the water maketh a great noyse in the fall thereof , and which is a great barre and hinderance , that no vessels can passe any further . not farre from this banke stands bunraty , made a market towne by henry 3. and is fortified with a castle . seven miles off appeareth clare , the principall towne , at a creek ( flowing from shannon ) full of ilands , the chiefe families are irish , ( the english being degenerated wholly ) mac nemors , mac mahon , o-loughton , the o brians , the chiefe of all , and of ancient descent , and now earls of thomond , and who did good service against the irish in queen elizabeth's time . the county of galloway boundeth south on clare , west on the sea : north on county maio , and east on shannon , abounding both in corne and cattle . the west-shore is very craggy and rugged , with a long border of greene ilands ; foure of which called aran , make a barony : also inis ceath , where the monastery of colman is a devout saint founded for scots and english ; but their continuall discord made the english quite forsake it . more within lyeth a lake called logh corbes , spreading twenty miles in length , and three or foure in breadth , being navigable , furnished with three hundred small ilands full of grasse and pine-trees ; but towards the sea this lake is more streightned , and runnes under gallway , irish gallive , called so from the people gallaeci in spaine ; a chiefe town , and little inferiour to any in ireland , built round like a tower , a bishops see much frequented by merchants , invited by a commodious haven and safe roade . foure miles from hence stands knoc-toe , that is , the hill of axes ; and not farre off aterith , having a large wall , but poorely inhabited : the birminghams are barons of english race , but of irish disposition . the better sort of irish are o kelleis , o maiden , o flairles , mac dervis &c. , the country of clan richard lyeth at the entrance of this county , and is annexed to it ; it tooke the name from richard de burgh , out of which stock henry the eight made an earle of clan rich , whose eldest sonne hath the title of baron of dun kellis : in this territory is the archbishops see of toam , unto which many bishopricks were formerly subject , but now only three . the county of maio limited on the west by the ocean , south by gollway , east by the county of roscoman , and north by the county of slige , very rich and fruitfull , abounding with cattle , deere , hawks , and honey ; taking its name from a little city which had a bishops see , but now laid to toam ( as i said ) but the inhabitants are under the jurisdiction of the bishop of killaly ▪ lord bourgh is vicount maio . there is a remarkable lake at the west side of this called loghmesk , full of fish , and two small ilands : this county is inhabited with a valiant kind of people stout and hardie , most of which were invited by the rebels out of the scottish ilands the hebrides to aid mac william , and mac conell , who were defeated by captain bingham , governor of conagh . the county of slego lying along the westerne sea : betweene it and ulster northward runneth the river t●obis issuing from the lake erne , it is parted from the bordering counties : le trim and roscoman by the vast curlew hills ; and cut in twaine by the river suc , it is very fit and convenient for the breeding and rearing of cattle . sligo is the principall place of this county , where there stands a castle , under which is the bay of slego , a road full of good harbours for shipping ; the chiefe names , besides the o conors , are o don , o harris , o ghar , and mac donagh . there is an honourable family in herefordshire , now dignified with the title of baron scudamore of dromore , and vicount of sligo . the county of le trim , formerly called breany , which incloseth the county of sligo on the east , and was the possessions of that ancient family of the rorck , untill brion o rorck rebelled in queen elizabeths dayes , who was chased into scotland , and sent thence into england , and there hanged , so that his lands fell unto the crown : the sherards are barons of le trim ; after it was made a county by the lord deputy , and called le trim from the chiefe towne . this county is full of rising hills , and very fat ranke pastures ; so that one saith of it ( but how true i know not ) that it is so full of forrage , that unlesse cattle were kept sometimes from grazing , their fulnesse would endanger them : but so fruitfull and fertile it is , that in a small circuit of ground , it was able at once to shew one hundred and twenty thousand head of beasts ; here is the see of the bishop of achonry , united to the see of elphin . the head of the long and large river shannon first sheweth it selfe here . the families of note , o rorck , o murreis , mac lochleims , mac glancheis , and mac granelles , all meere irish . the county of roscoman lieth southwest from le trim , made a county likewise by henry sidney lord deputy , being long , but narrow , and bound with the rivers suc eastward , and shannon westward , and on the north with curlew mountaines , which are high and impassible untill a cut was made thorow them . it is a plain fertile countrey , much abounding with cattle , because tillage is too painfull for the inhabitants . there are foure baronies in this county , lying under curlew hils , by the river shannon . 1 that of boyle , where mac dermot is chiefe . 2 that of balin tober , by the river suc , where o coner dun , is of greatest power , and upon it joyneth elphen the bishops see . somewhat lower lyeth roscomon , the barony of o coner roo ; but the dillons since have been earls of roscommon , in which place is feated the chiefe town , but now poore and meane . more southward lyeth athlone , the barony of the o kellies , so named of the head town , which hath a castle in it , and a most beautifull bridge of hewen stone , built by queen elizabeth , and thought it the most convenient place for the lord deputies to reside , the better to suppresse seditions . the fifth part or province is ulster , the north part of ireland hath ten counties . the county of louth , in irish iriel or uriel situated beyond meth , and the river boyn runneth out with a shore bending towards the north . a fruitfull and pleasant soyle if well imployed neere boyns mouth is seated drogheda , or in english tredagh , a fine town well peopled and frequented , so called of the bridge ; boyne cutting it thorow ; it hath both a market and faire granted by king edward the second , as also a mint once there ; the moores now beare the honour of vicount drogheda . not farre off stands mellifont abbey , much praised by saint bernard , given by queene elizabeth to sir edward moore of kent . seven miles off standeth ardeth , an inland town , and above it dundakle , having a commodious haven , and formerly a wall , which edward br●● , the king of scots brother did burne , but after both himselfe and forces slain and defeated by sir john birmingham : the lord gorges are barons of it . eight miles from hence stands carlingford , a port of good use and frequencie : the swifts are honoured with the title of vicounts of this place , the names of note are verdons , tates , clintons , bellewes , donedalls , wottons , and some others . sir john birmingham , before named , was formerly earle of louth . but henry the eight honoured sir oliver plunket with the barony of louth . the county of cavan lying to the west of louth , and formerly called east brieny , the habitation of o kellies , who have been powerfull in horsemen , for the suppressing of whom , sir henry sidney divided it into seven severall baronies , to hold in fee from the crown of england ; they have no townes , but dwell scattered here and there in forts and piles : they have a poore bishop of their owne , whose see is at kilmore ; yet somewhat better than those irish bishops who had no other rents and revenues than three milch kine ; which being dry , the parishioners did change for a new milch one : the l. lambert or barons of cavan . the county of fermanagh lyeth to the west and nore of cavan , full of woods and many boggs , in the middest whereof is the greatest lake in ireland , called logh erne , reaching out forty miles , very full of inhabited hands , some containing three hundred , others foure hundred acres of land , and the banks of the lake are set all with shady woods . such plenty of fish , pikes , trouts and salmons , that the nets are broken a peeces often with the great draughts . at bal tarbet a little towne , first it stretcheth six miles in length from south to north ; then for the space of six miles it narroweth , in which space standeth inis killin a faire castle , from which brian mac guir takes his barony . then it greatly inlargeth it selfe towards the sea , as far as to belek , neere unto which is a great down-fall of water , that most renowned salmons leape . mac guir was chiefe untill his rebellion ; many of that family dwel on both sides : and those beyond the lake are counted of ulster , and they on this side of conagh . the county monaghan lyeth on the west side of the former great lake , having many hills and much wood , not having any towne but monaghan , which imparts its name to the county : which is divided into five baronies , iriel , dartre , ferey , loughty , with the little territory donemain . the mac mahons , that is , the sons of ursus , or the bear , were powerfull , but through dissention among themselves , and their rebellious practises , are rooted out : the blanys are barons of this place . the county of armagh lieth towards the east in length , compassed with the river neury by east , with the county of louth by south , and with the blackwater by north . so fruitfull and fat a soyle , that if any compos or dung be laid on it in scorne of it , it becomes barren . the first place is fewes , a small territory belonging to turlogh mac henry , one of the family of oneal , thick set with wood , and by reason of the lakes and bogs impassible . next is orry , in want of wood , where dwelt o hanlon , and where stands mont norris , built by the lord montjoy : and ansley are barons of mont-norris ; eight miles off neere the river kalin lyeth armagh , a poore town , yet an archbishops see , and metropolitan , the first archbishop was saint malachie , much commended by saint bernard , yet nevermore happy than in the enjoying of that learned and right reverend prelate doct. usher , now archbishop , whose learning and piety is well known , and shews that an archbishop and religious , though not always convertible , yet sometimes compatible . this towne in the last rebellion was ruinated by tyrone . the chiefe men are mac genis o hanlan , and many of the sept of o neal , which assume unto themselves severall by-names . the blackwater eastward runneth betweene this shire and tiroen : the chaworths have the dignity of vicount from this place . the county of down lyeth eastward on the irish sea , long and broad , on the north to the lake eaugh , and on the south to the county of louth , from which it is severed by the river newry , upon which standeth a town called bagnall , in remembrance of that noble marshall of ireland , sir richard bagnall . neere which town the river banthelesse ariseth out of the mountains of mourne , passing thorow the country of eaugh , which pertains to mac genis , it hath a bishops see at dromore ; above which are the tracts of kilwalto & kilwarny much incumbred with woods and bogs , and lye inwardly : but by the shore the sea doth winde in , and incroach upon the land , and makes many creeks , and the lake spreadeth it selfe neere dyffrin , a valley full of woods : anciently the mandavils , afterward the whits , so that it makes two bilands , lecall southward , and ardes northward . lecall very rich and battle ground , runneth farthest into the east of any part of ireland , and is the out-most promontory , called s. johns foreland : the cromwels are intitled vicount lecall . in the very streight hereof lyeth down , a very famous town , and a bishops see , where saint patricks tombe is said to be . by the sea side stands argl●s , where s. patrick founded a church , and strangford formerly called strandford , where there is a safe harbour , at which the river coyn with a violent course breaketh into the sea from an honourable family of the smiths in kent have the dignity of vicount strangford . a●des the other biland called audes , lyeth over against lecall to the north , parted with a small channell out of the lake coyn , which on the west side incloseth it , as the sea doth on the east , and the bay of knocfergus on the north ; the soyle is good and fruitfull , save only in the middest where it is moist and waterish plain ; the shore is replenished with many small villages ; vicount mountgomery hath his title from ardes . at the bay of knocfergus there was an ancient monastery of the same order and name with that neere chester , to wit , banchor . more inward neer the lake is the bishops see of conereth or coner , whose pastor was devout , but his flock wicked , as saint bernard describes them . ardes was large in the possession of the savages , one of whom was perswaded to build a fort for his safeguard , made answer that he would not trust to a castle of stones , but of bones , meaning himselfe and men . above ardes to the south-west lyeth clanbay , that i● , the yellow nation , a county full of woods , reaching to knocfergus , the farthest part of down , inhabited by the family of the oneals : the popes are earles of down , and barons bealter●erts . the county of antrim lyeth next in order unto louth northward , taking its name from a poore despicable town so called , and is seated in an out-corner of ireland towards scotland within three hours saile , and is limited with knocfergu● , logh , eaugh , and the river ban : the mac donels are earls of antrim . knocfergus , in irish cangfergus , that is , the rock of fergus , where a famous man of that name was drowned ▪ that place is well inhabited , and more frequented than the rest of that country , by reason of a good and commodious harbour , well fortified and strong : vicount chichester hath his title from it . hard by lyeth the nether clanboy possessed by the o neals , untill their rebellion in the queens time : now the hamiltons are stiled vic : clanb●y from this or the like place : neer knocfergus there is a little biland which runs out into the sea , is called the ile magie , four miles in length , and one in bredth , where was a monastery of that name , highly praised by venerable bede . then begins the glins , that is , the vallies at olderfleet , which is a bad road , and run out far into the sea : this place was formerly much annoyed with the ilander scots , under the leading of james mac conel , lord of cantire in scotland ; but shan o neale slew him , and chased away his army . about this place , as far as the river ban , is called the rowt , the seat of the mac guillies , a well esteemed family . dunluse castle , a strong one , seated on a rock that hangeth over the sea , the possessions of surley boy , that is , charles the yellow , who rebelled and was so chased by captain meriman , his son slain , his cattell taken away , of which he had a great stock of 50000 cows . so that he made his submission , and was received into the queens favour , and had a fair estate given unto him again upon some articles of agreement . the county of colran is beyond the glinns westward , and lyeth between the river ban and lough foyle , and confineth south , on the county of tir-oen . this ban is a passing fair river , & riseth out of the mountains of mourn in the county down , carrying himself , and his name into lough eaugh , or lough sidney , a great lake ; and for the space of 30 miles , name and river are both drowned in the lake ; but after at tome castle he resumeth it again , then by glaucolkein , a great receptacle of robbers and rebels ; carrying a proud stream , he tumbleth into the sea : more abounding in salmons this , than any river in europe , it being exceeding water in which such fish much delight . the principall family is o cahan a subject of o neal , who in that vain ceremony of o neals election , flings an old shoe over o neals head . it is much molested by the iland scots , being poor , so that in summer they seek for booty here . towards the west of this lies derry , a waste uncivil place , but through the great care , charge and industry of the city of london , so well planted , civilized and built , that it is scarce inferior to any place of ireland ; and have rightly named it london derry : the ridgways being earles thereof , as hu●h hare was lord colrane of colrane . there is likewise a bishop of derry . the county of tir-oen lyeth southwest from the former country ; it is upland from the sea , divided westward from tir conell by the river liffer , from antrim eastward by lough eaugh , & bounded with the blackwater , at south from the county armagh a rough rugged uneven country 60 miles in length , and at some places 30 in bredth , severed by the mountains called sliew gallen into the upper tir-oen northward , and the nether southward : there is first a poor bishops see , called cloghar , then dungannon the chief habitation of the earls , also uhlogahel , where o neal the tyrant of ulstor , was usually installed with his vain ceremonies : there was a fort at blackwater which hath been much assaulted by the rebels which resort thither to a refuge ; but having found another passage over below that is of such use ; therfore the lord montjoy built sconces on both sides of that passage ; and at the lake eaugh raised another garrison fort , and called it by his own name , mountjoy . this lake incloseth the west-side of tir-oea , and is much supplyed by the river ban ; a large lake 30 miles in length , and very plentifull in fish . and nature hath shewed her skill in bestowing variety upon the banks of it , as the shady grove● , the medows alwayes green , the fertile corn-fields , if tilled , the bending and hanging hills ; the warbling brook gliding along it , nothing wanting for delight or profit , and by that condemns the lazy lithernesse of the inhabitants , who suffer much of it to lye waste . in the upper tir-oen lyes strahan , a castle well known , as being the seat of the o neals there are many more fortresses and towers with narrow loop-hooles , unto which are adjoyned houses of turf and thetch , with hedges and ditches round about , to keep their cows from robbers . the county of donegall , or tir-conell , it lyeth in the norwest corner of ireland , a champion country full of havens , bounded with the sea north and west , and parted on the east from tir-oen with the river liffer ; and from conagh with the lake erne . liffer at his very rising maketh a large stream , and spreadeth into a lake , wherin is an iland , in which neer to a monastery is a narrow vault made by ulisses ( as some fabulously report ) when he descended to hel ; the inhabitants call it ellan a frugadory , that is , the i le of purgatory , and saint patricks purgatory : so in that place there is saint brendans purgatory , of which much superstition is invented : this river liffer neerer the sea , it maketh another lake , called logh-foile , or logh der ; and derry , of which i spake before , bounds on it . from this river the fitz-williams take their barony . here is the fair foreland a promontory robogh , with a small town having a b●● see . from hence westward runs a cragged shore unto the mouth of swilly lake ; & so to the utmost promontory , which they cal the rams-head , to another promontory cald ▪ s. helens-head . more southward on the shore is that good and commodious haven calebig , whence you may see the ruines of sligah castle . a little lower , not far from the mouth of logh erne is donegall , that is , the town of the gallirians in spain , the earldoms have been to the o donels , who held it untill their rebellious hearts cast off all true obedience . thus hast thou seene , courteous reader , the limbs and parts of the kingdom of ireland , laid open unto thee rich and plentious , as appears by those large revenews it hath yeelded unto the english crown , when as in king edward the third his dayes some say forty thousand pounds yearly , the custome-house at this time duly payd into the exchequer , is thirty thousand pound per annum . and great was that improvidence ( if i may say it ) both in civill government and church discipline , that have suffered those firebrands of the christian world , the jesuites , to raise there so sudden and great flame of rebellion , which wee hope ( by gods providence , working with the wisdom and prudence of this present state now assembled ) to see extinct ; to the utter ruine and overthrow of that bloudy religion of popery ; and by this means so to root out , and disperse those unconstant and various dispositions , that all hope of ayde and assistance from others , and opposition in themselves shall be quite taken away . and further , by this description mayest thou observe how to entertaine the present profer , made by the honourable houses of parliament to thy best contentment and advantage ; how to get sure footing in an iland so great , so neere a neighbour to england , so fruitfull in soil , so rich in pasture more than credible ; beset with shady ; pleasant , profitable woods , inriched with many minerals ( if sought after ) watered with so many rivers , invironed with so many commodious havens , lying so fit and open for sailing into the most wealthy countreys , so that he will seeme short witted ( whose wealth will bear it ) that embraces not the present opportunity to inrich himselfe in a plantation of his posterity , in the middest of such worldly felicity . the end of the first part . the second part treating of the naturall disposition , apparell , and dyet of the irish , and of their severall rebellions . the irish for the most part are proud & haughty , cruell and barbarous , variable and inconstant in disposition , apt and forward to tumults , rebellious to government , false and hollow-hearted , more ready in promise then performance , the meaner lazie , idle , and sluggish especially the wild irish , and the english irish much degenerated . saint bernard in the life of malla ehy bishop of coner , who reports that when he undertook his charge there , perceived that he was not come unto men but unto beasts , no where had he until then experience of such , in the most barbarous parts that ever hee came unto : no where had hee found for manners so froward , for rites so devillish , for faith so impious , for laws so barbarous , for discipline so stiffe-necked , & for life so filthy . christians they were in name , but pagans in deed , lawfull marriages they contracted none , or such as are shamefull even with children of ten yeeres old . so langfrank complains to a king of ireland , therdel●c● , that the irishmen forsake and leave their wives at their pleasure without any just cause , and marry any others , even such as be neer of kin to themselves , or to the said forsaken wives : and if an other man with like wickednesse hath cast off his wife , her likewise with like rashnesse they joyn withall . with which rites if this nation of the irish had not bin corrupted almost to our days , both the right of lineall succession among them had been more certain , and as well the gentry as the vulgar had not embrued themselves so wickedly with the effusion of so much bloud of their own kinred about their inheritance and legitimation , nor had they become so infamous in these respects among other forreigne nations . and further concerning their natures and disposition , you may take the relation from the earle of essex his letter to q ▪ elisabet gathered by his experience . the people in generall have able bodies by nature , and have gotten by custome ready use of armes , and by their late successe , boldnesse to fight with your majestis forces . in their pride they value no man but themselves , in their affections , they love nothing but idlenesse and licentiousnes , in their rebellion , they have no other end but to shake off the yoke of obedience , to root out all remembrance of the english nation in that kingdome . this is the generall quarrell of the irish , and they who doe not professe it , are either so few , or so false , that there is no account to be made of them . the irish nobility and lords of countries do not only in their hearts affect this quarrell , and are divided from us in religion , but have an especiall grudge against the english government , because it limiteth and tyeth them , who have and still would be supream lords , if not tyrants . the towns being inhabited by men of the same religion and birth with the rest , are so carried away with the love of gaine , and for that cause supply the rebels with what they want : therefore they must be strictly looked unto . the laws of the irish was that of fish and birds , the great devoure the lesse , the strong the weak , having but one free-holder in a county , and he lord both of estate and lives of the rest . for their succession to inheritances , it was by the law or custome called tanistry , mentioned by that excellent historian sir walter rawleigh : which is this , that a man is preferred to a boy : the uncle before the nephew , and commonly the most active , not the next heire is chosen , to hinder the inroad and oppression of the next adjoyning lord , between whom there was alwayes contention , which did so wast and consume them , or else being idle , the land would not have sustained them . concerning the apparell of the irish it is after a slovenly manner , and the very english , there are much infected with this nasty filthinesse , especially lowzie beds , and foule linnen , except where the chiefe english live , as in dublin , wateford , and kinsale , which in some measure retaine the english neatnesse ; but for the meere wilde irish it may be said of them as of the germans , that they wander slovenly and naked , and lodge in the same room with their cattle . among them the better sort used to weare close breeches and stockings of the same , of red or some light colour , so straight that the unseemly parts of the body were exposed unto view . they used likewise a loose coat and a three covered mantle of coarse cloth , with a cap of thrums . their linnen is coarse and slovenly , they seldome cast off a shirt untill it be rotten , and are coloured with saffron to avoid lice which are incident to those people , and they are very nimble in taking lice in a sunny day , or a green bank . but in the more northern parts before the strict civilizing of them in king james his time , both men and women went naked in the very winter , having only their secret parts covered with a rag and a loose mantle cast over them . thus naked they walke with their sword tyed unto them with a wyth instead of a belt . and at night men and women lye in a ring together , round about the fire , in the middle of the roome with their feet towards it , folding their head and upper parts in their woollen mantle first steeped in water to keep them warm , for they say , woollen wetted , and warmed by the heat of their bodies , doth preserve heat . the church discipline hath beene formerly and now is after the same manner with that in england , by archbishops , whereof there are foure , bishops 29 , many more formerly . it has beene anciently a great nursery of religion and pietie : even from ( if not before ) saint patricks time , and saint bridget his disciple , who did advance religion and piety much in that kingdome , as also in sundry other places of christendome . the bishops were formerly consecrated by the archbishop of canterbury , untill the yeere 1142 : at what time pope eugenius the fourth , sent cardinall paperio , who together with christian bishop of lismore , legat of all ireland , held a councell at mell , and with the consent of the bishops , abbots , kings , and dukes of ireland , established foure archbishops , videlicet armagh , dublin , cassile , and toam . but the estate of the clergy has been very meane there , so that by reason of devouring impropriations in the whole county of connought . the incumbents stipend is not above forty shillings , and at some places but fifteene shillings per annum , that the people must needs be better fed then taught . their allowance being answerable to the irish bishops in former time , who had but three milch kine allowed them , and when one was dry , the parish did change her for another . which makes the gospell to languish where it finds so poore entertainment ; that the messengers thereof through ▪ want and necessity should live so mean and contemptibly : and it gives great advantage to the priests and jesuits both to abound and seduces who have mayntenance from elsewhere . the right and title of the english crown to ireland was by conquest , by surrender , and submission . the danes first invaded it with forreigne forces , then the norwegians got possession of it ; but they were rooted out by the policie of that king of meth , who had a beautifull virgin to his daughter , with whom turgesius was much inflamed , requiring her to satisfie his lust , to whose will the poore prince could not assent , yet durst not deny . so that he told him he had at home a bevy of faire ladies ▪ out of which hee should choose for his pleasure . turgesius hearing that , wished these damsels cupids wings for their more speedy arrivall . but the other attired certaine young men of courage in womens apparell , and had them conducted into the kings chamber , from whence all his attendance were commanded , but when hee expected more kinde embraces , hee was suddenly slaine in the place ; so the norwegians were destroyed , and the irish enjoyed their estate untill the yeere 1172. when dermet ma● morck king of lemster , having forced the wife of ma●rice o rork king of meth ( a light woman , and with consent ) by whose husband the other was pursued so eagerly with the revenging sword ; that hee was driven to quite his kingdome of lemster , and fly to england for succour to henry the second , who very willingly entertained this occasion ; who had long sought occasion of getting ireland . yet not willing to entertain it at the first in person ( being not a matter of that consequence for himself to undertake ) he gave dermot licence to draw-what power of voluntiers he could into that action . who applyed himself to wales , where he found a valiant gentleman of norman race , one robert fitz stephen , who willingly undertook the service with some voluntiers whose happy and good successe , caused richard earle of pembroke , called strong-bow , being the principall man invited by dermot , and that with the promise of his daughter and kingdome in marriage , the earle himselfe with two hundred men at arms , and a thousand other souldiers who arrived in the bay of waterford 1171 , and presently marched towards the town of waterford and took it by force the next day , to the exceeding terrour of that nation . dermot then accomplishes the match , giving the earle his daughter eva ; with which ring of mariage he affianced that island unto this kingdome : for hee went on with such resolutions , that hee in little space subdued much of ireland . which news being carried unto henry the second , hee made hast over thither , that hee might have the glory of the conquest , and seemed to be displeased with the earle for his forwardnesse , and his rigorous using of that people , recalling all from thence , under pain of confiscation of their goods in england ; but the king seemed somewhat appeased before his going over , which was 1172 , at which time landing at waterford , hee imprisoned robert fitz stephen , as having gone over without his leave , but not long after released him , but took weiford and other territories from him . thus did hee receive the homage of divers irish petty kings , willing to obtain them by gentle means . and keeping his christmasse there in great state , and setling the government of the church , hee is unexpectedly called into england , leaving hugh lacy at dublin . who in ensuing time rebelled , and were brought under by king john , who was the first that planted english laws and officers in ireland , and both annexed that kingdome and fastned wales to the crown of england : and was the first who enlarged the royall style with lord of ireland . in the yeere 1339 , there was a generall warre betweene the english and irish , wherein many of the irish perished , after which time matters were quiet untill the eighteenth yeere of richard the second , being 1400. who went over then with a great army , but having accepted of the rebels submission he returned into england : during whose time and till the civill warres in england all matters were setled and composed without any charge or assistance out of this kingdome . but in the time of the wars between york and lancaster , wherein many noble families were quite extinguished in england , many english came out of ireland either to take part of possession of some inheritances , which fell unto them by the death of their friends . so they have but small regard of what they leave behind in ireland . the meere irish rushed on the forsaken lands , so that growing rich and proud they began to kick against authority ; willing to cast off the english yoke , and the english pale had its limits sometime more and sometimes lesse , according as they were able to mayntaine . but when those civill discords were blown over , and all things became calme by the good successe of henry the seventh , and leasure afforded to look towards ireland , which then harboured a rebell against him , one perkin warbeck who connterfeited himself richard the third , but was suppressed by the sending over of 1000 men . again , henry the eighth sent over 500 souldiers to suppresse the geraldines of english race . afterward , all peaceable , untill queene elizabeths time , when they saw themselves out of hope to plant popish superstition in any of her dominions . then religion ( never untill that age ) became the cloake for rebellion , and the roman locusts , the incendiaries of christendome , to mayntaine the popes usurped authority , breathed every where fire and sword , and worse against her sacred person and dominions . and taking advantage of the blinde zeale of the ignorant irish unto popery : working on their variable condition . boulstering up their hopes and hearts with that old saying , he that will england win , must at ireland first begin . by which means they raised two dangerous rebellions in that country . by the earle of desmond one 1578 , the other of tyrone , about 1590 , plotting and intending , although it brake not out till afterward . this gerald earle of desmond of english race , whose progenitours had done good service against the irish , and borderers of wales , in the behalfe of the english king , had the earldome of kildare given them , and earles of desmond , by edward the third . but in henry the eighth's days , one of them being lord deputy , and questioned for his ill government , on which occasion thomas fitz gerald his sonne took armes , but was soon suppressed himselfe , and five of his uncles being taken and executed . queen mary restored the family to honour and estate . but after gerald earle of desmond , 1578 , rebelled against queene elizabeth unto whose aide came certaine bands of italians and spaniards , sent by pope gregory the twelfth , and philip king of spaine , who landed at swir●ic , and built a fort called del ore , wherein they were besieged by arthur grey lord deputy of ireland , soone taken and put to the sword : and the earle of desmond flying into the woods , being betrayed by his own followers , and his head cut off . so this fire soon vanished into smoake , and the earldome by parliament annexed to the crowne , and made a county : with sheriffs appointed yeerly to be chosen by the lord deputy . upon the attainder of this earle and his confederates , much land fell unto the crown , viz. 574628 acres english mesure , wherof great part was restored to the offenders , the rest divided into signories , was granted by letters patents unto certaine knights and esquires english , who were called undertakers . in kerry and desmond , by patent to knights 30560 acres with yeerly rents 524 pounds , six shillings and eight peace sterling . in limrick by patent to knights and esquites , and to their heirs were granted 96165 acres , with rents nine hundred thirty three pounds , foure shillings half peny sterling . in corke , by patent to knights and esquires , and to their heires were granted 88037 acres , with rents , five hundred and twelve pounds , seven shillings and six peace half p●ny sterling . in waterford and tipperary 22910 acres , with rents three hundred and three pounds , three pence sterling . but these undertakers having got so large a proportion of lands , and so little care to plant them with english colonies ; and build and fortifie them with castles as by patent they were tied , but for private ends without any regard to the publick good or her majesties bounty sold them either to papists or to irish ill affected unto the english , which was a great prejudice to the state of that kingdom , and the seeds of the ensuing rebellion raised by tyrone . concerning which i will briefly shew unto the reader such collections as i have gathered from divers authors . concerning the name and title of o neale ; it is in so much esteeme , that even those honourable titles of earles , marquesses , dukes and princes are despised in regard of that : and in such reverent regard among the irish , that it is thought hee deserves the greatest curse in the world to fall upon him that shall dare to lay violent hands upon him : nor have any loyall subjects a more dreadfull awe to violate the person of their sacred prince , then these people have to touch their great o neale . so that two thousand pound being offered by proclamation to any that should betray him in his vast campe , prevailed nothing at all , although hee were proclaymed traitour , and held guilty of that crime by act of parliament to take that name upon him . neere t●llogh oge , there was a stone chaire placed in the open field , wherein he sate down that was created ; then we whose office it was , took an old shooe and cast it over his head , proclayming him o neale . henry o neale and c●nm●re matching into the family of the earles of kildare , by this their good fortune grew so insolent and proud , that by their cruell tyranny they grew intolerable . c●n batto , because lame , succeeded his father in the dignity of o neale , and cursed his posterity if any of them should learne english , sow corne , or build houses to entertain the english . this mans greatnesse grew in suspition with henry the eighth , having been a party in the former rebellion of the earle of kildare : which hee perceiving went into england , renounced the title of o neale , and surrendred his lands unto the king . which not long after was regranted unto him by henry the eighth to hold in fee , together with the title of the earl of tyrone to him , and to matthew his reputed sonne , and to the heires of their bodies lawfully begotten . at which time also matthew was created baron of dungannon : this matthew till hee was fifteene yeeres of age , was reputed the sonne of a blacksmith of dundalke , whose wife con had formerly kept ; and she at her death gave him unto the said con , as being his sonne which hee did accept , and appointed him to be lord of dungannon , but hee was murthered in his fathers life time by shant , that is , john o neale the lawfull heire of con , but matthew the base sonne left brian who was murthered by o donell at the instance of shan . and hugh and cormack ▪ who by the means and help of the english were preserved , yet both proved rebels , shan being barbarous and bloudy , did ●ave and rage in a cruell manner over the lords and people of vlster . began to dispute that his father had no power to surrender to henry the eighth , being but a termer : that matthe● was base borne , that himselfe was o neale , and had sovereigne power and authority over the lords of vlster . who taking armes overthrew o really , and took callogh o donnell , lord of tir conell , cast him and his children into prison , took his wife from him , and bore himselfe as absolute king of vlster . but hee was soone quelled by the forces of the earle of sussex , the then lord deputy : and by perswasion of the earle of kildare , went into england , and made great submission to queen elizabeth , and promising allegiance , was received courteously . and so returning conformed himselfe awhile in civill manner , and did some good service against the scots , killed their leader , and drove them out of vlster ; howbeit hee suddenly fell to his old byas , and played the tyrant over the lords of vlster ; who craved aid of the lord deputy to suppresse him ; but he grew the more outragious , and with fire and sword drave mac guir , lord of fermanagh , out of his country : set fire on the metropolitan church of armagh , and laid siege to dundalke , but had the repulse by the garrison and assistance of the major . but sir henry sidney lord deputy , taking the field with some forces : sent edw. raldalph a brave souldier to the north side of ireland , where at derry at coghfoyle in a pitchfield ( though hee lost his life ) yet gave the rebell such an overthrow , that he was never able to appeare any more abroad ; so that hee was minded to have submitted with a halter about his neck to the deputy , but by the perswasion of his secretary hee tried , the friendship of the scots , who received him kindly , but not long after slue him . so that presently after shan by a parliament at dublin , was attainted of high treason ; and all that hee had fell to the queen . then turlogh , linnogh , took the title off o neal , for feare of the children of shan , and matthew the bastard , but being aged was quiet , and lived peaceably . now hugh son of the base son matthew lived somtime in ireland , but much in the court of england , commonly called baron of dungannon , who had served with a troop of horse under the queen against the lord of desmond , and behaved himselfe so valiantly , that hee had given him a yeerly pension off a hundred marks . he was a man of mean stature , but of a strange body , able to endure labours , watching , hunger and cold , being industrious and active , valiant , affable , and apt to manage great affaires , and of a hgh dissembling , subtile , and profound wit . he put up a petition to the parliament in ireland , that he might enjoy the inheritance of his grandfather con , and his father , granted to be earles of tirone , which by the help of sir john perrot , lord deputy , was procured of the queen . and so hee handled the matter ( as well knowing the humour of the court of england ) that through the queenes mediation he got turlogh , linnogh , to surrender his government upon some conditions . after whose death he usurped the title of o neale , which was capitall , yet coloured it over with a pretence , that it was only to hinder others . in the yeer 1588 , when that great armado of spaine was scattered by the english , and many of the ships cast away on the irish coast : it is thought that this hugh lodging and entertaining many of them , was by them seduced and perswaded to rebellion . and going into england , he was there detained prisoner , for that he came without the licence of the lord deputie , sir william fitz williams : but on submission , and certaine articles proposed to him by the lords , and he willingly accepting promising to confirme them before the lord deputy in ireland . in the yeere 1590 , it hapned that con the sonne of shan o neale , accused hugh of treasonable practices before the lords in england . all which hugh vehemently denied ; but after getting his accuser in his power , he hanged him . in august , the same yeere hugh earle of tyrone , ( for so hereafter we must call him , did promise under his hand before the lord deputy : and counsell of ireland to performe those articles agreed upon in england , but used many excuses to put off the execution of them . and about this time hugh ror mac mahone was put to death by the lord deputy williams very unjustly ( as some say ) to the great scandall of the lord deputy ; and it caused great complaints and out-cryes among the irish , who presently preferred their grievances against that deputy ▪ and he driven to answer them . and upon this fact the government of the english in the north became odious , and they did strive what they could to shake it oft , by expelling the sheriffs from among them , fearing the like usage as m●c mahone . and 1593 , mao guir chiefe of fermanagh stood upon his guard , accusing the deputy of injustice in the businesse off mahone , and set upon captain willis , and drove him and his guard being sheriffe into a church , and would have put them all to the sword , had not tyrone , interceded for them . whereupon the deputy got into his hands eniskillen mac guirs castle , and proclaimed him a traytor ▪ and likewise gave out some hard speeches concerning tyrone , which did much exasperate him , and caused him to combine with the lords of the north , to defend their honours , laws , and liberties : and used two notable plots to assist him towards this rebellion . 1 to make his men skilfull , hee profered to serve the queen with 500 men of his own . and for that end procured expert captains to exercise them ; and so often changing these his men , got most of his followers to be able souldiers . secondly , hee pretended to build a faire house at dungannon , and so got much lead to make battlements , which after he cast into bullets . in the meane time sir henry bagnal marshall of ireland , whose sister tyrone had married , did preferre many articles against him , unto which hee answered so cunningly , saying , that the marshall did it out of spleen of purpose to detain his sisters portion , and seemingly quitted himselfe ; but afterward he grew jealous of his owne safety . at this time gauranus a priest whom the pope had made primate of all ireland , seduced certaine irish lords , among which mac guir was chief , and was overthrowne by sir richard bingham , and the priest slaine : in which service tyrone was against mac guir with the queens forces ▪ but secretly prepared for his rebellion . then the sonnes of shan o neale , were prisoners in dublin castle , which had they been kept , had been a bridle in tyrones mouth ; but by connivance of sir william fitz williams the deputy , were suffered to escape , and so tyrone got them into his custody , nor would he release them although thereunto required . but covering his rebellion , with feeming feares of his conceived enemies , made daily complaints of the marshals envy ; and what wrong he had done him . in the yeere 1594 , the rebellion burst out ; sir william russel came in the place of fitz williams , at which time vlster men openly distressed her majesties forces ; and tyrone was supposed to countenance them . yet he appeared in person at dublin , before the new lord deputy , desiring her majesties favour , out of which hee had falne , rather by the calumny of them , then any cause of his own . but the marshall charged him with great matters , ready to prove them ; so that the deputy thought fit to stay him , but the councell of ireland were of the contrary opinion , so he was let goe , but the queene was much displeased for it , and sharply reproved the deputy , but he laid the fault on the councell of ireland . and presently tooke the field with his army to relieve eniskillen in ferminaght , and in the winter following , there was little done because there was some treaties of peace , but the rebels grew so peremptory in their demands , that it was not liked by the lords in england . and therefore sent over two thousand old souldiers that had served in britany , and a thousand more taken up in england , which news tyrone hearing , and that the castle of balishannan , and relike , were to be planted with english garisons . drew his forces together , and tooke the fort of blackwater , razed it : and broke down the bridge there , and now the northerne rebels appeare , but tyrone shewed a seeming desire of pardon . this lord deputy fearing this storme might fall upon him , desired the counsel of england to send him an assistant of some experienced souldiers ; which hee meant should be under his command ; but the lords mistaking his meaning , sent over sir john norris , a great commander and well experienced , that would scarce give way to any ; who was styled lord generall , and to command in chief , in the absence of the lord deputy . but the emulation that grew between these two hindered the businesse ; yet both of them went into the field , with the army towards armagh . tyrone makes suit again by letters for pardon , but being intercepted , came not unto the deputies hands , untill hee had proclaymed him traytor . but upon tyrones instance , commissioners were appointed by the queen to treat with the rebels . at which time tyrone complained of the marshall of many injuries . and his demands were , that hee might have his wives portion of the marshall , and the free exercise of his religion , and many other . but when articles were propounded on the queenes part , they set so light of them , and made such scorne , that the conference brake off : though the queen for sparing of bloud , had resolved to give them any reasonable conditions . this parley ended , the lord deputy , and the lord generall comming to armagh , did so much terrifie the rebels that tyrone left the fort of blackwater , burnt the town of dungannon , and pull'd down his house there , and betooke himselfe to the woods . sept. the third , hugh earle of tyrone , hugh o donel ; brian o rourk , hugh mack guir , brian mac mahone , sir arthur o neale , cormac mach baron tyrones brother , con o neale tyrones base sonne , henry oge o neale , turlogh mac henry o neale , brian art mac bryan , and one francis mountford were ( though absent ) indicted , and condemned of high treason . now the lemster rebels being revolted grew strong , and forraged even to the gates of dublin , to the county of wexford . this winter passed without any matter of moment , because indeed , generall norris not yet acquainted with tyrones subtilties , seemed to harken to peace , thereby to reclayme him by faire means . in the yeere 1596 , the queen granted another commission for the treaty of peace , and offered very largely , and at dundalke tyrone upon his knees made an humble submission to the queen before these commissioners , and made many requests , promising reformation , and many circumstances and ceremonies then passed . but these inconveniences followed , these delayes being no better then delusions , that the vlster rebels had rest this summer , and o neale in the midst of this negotiation , required aid from spain . sir richard bingham a valiant wise man , on some complaint of the irish , was sent for over into england , and sir coniers clifford sent in his place : but afterwards sir richard was againe employed in great command in that service . again , an other treaty of peace with tyrone , who layd the cause of his disloyalty , on the wrongs that were offered him ; and so with many dissembling words , oaths , and protestations , making answer to some questions concerning spaine , he departed . this lord deputy being recalled into england , and the lord bourgh or borough was sent over in his place , with absolute authority : so that sir john norris was much disheartned thereby : and was thought of purpose for that end sent over by the earle of essex , whom generall norris had dipleased by undertaking an action with lesse force then the said earle required . at this dep ▪ arriving generall norris was commanded to his charge , which was lord president of munster , and not to stirre thence without leave , which thing did presently break his heart , so that he died there in the armes of his brother sir thomas norris . now tyrone submitted or sweld as he saw occasion . so that the lord deputy perceiving it presently , made his way towards tyrone , thinking it best to strike at the head ; who encountred the irish in a narrow path , and made them give way : hee tooke the fort at blackwater , and left souldiers in it , which being not long , after assailed by the rebels , was againe relieved by the lord deputy , who immediatly fell sick , as hee was passing to tyrones house at dungannon ; and not long after departed this world , to the great joy of the rebels , who found his severity disadvantagious to them . then sir thomas norris , lord president of munster , under the great seale of england , was made lord justice of ireland , who repaired to dublin ; but being very ill through the great grief he conceived for the losse of his brother in a moneths space , he made suit to be released . so that adam loftus lord chancelour , the lord archbishop of ireland , and robert gardiner chiefe justice of ireland , by patent from england , were made lord justices for the civill government . and the earle of ormond , was made lord lievtenant and chief generall of all martiall affaires . tyrone again sues for pardon , and proffers submission , saying , that it was offered injuries that compelled him thus to revolt : so there was another meeting appointed at dundalke decemb. 22. where on his knees hee shewed great sorrow ; and made humble submission , desiring a cessation from armes eight weeks , now this submission being sent into england , the lord lievtenant received authority from the queen to make a finall conclusion ; so that another meeting was appointed , march 15 at dundalke ; where many articles were propounded to the rebels , which they slightly regarded ; but for better deliberation , tyrone desired the tenth of april , for another meeting . but tyrone with pretences did frustrate all these parleys , and though hee had his generall pardon granted , yet continued he in his disloyall courses ; so that on the former indictment 1595 , he is after out-lawed in 1600. but he being prepared and his men expert , by trayning and often skirmishing , whereas at the first two or three of them were employed in the discharge of a musket , hee left off to dissemble and submitted no more , but gives incouragement , and that with good successe unto his confederates . first , he sends ayde to the lemster rebels to annoy the english , and assaulted the fort of blackwater ; as being a hinderance in his passing too and fro . but captaine williams valiantly defended it with great losse to tyrone , who went and lay further off , but this captaine and his company continued their defence bravely untill august , though much pinched with want of victuals : when sir henry bagnal marshall of ireland with foot and horse of the english endeavoured to relieve it , and passing along the narrow passages through the thicke woods beyond armagh . where the rebell with all his force assayled him , and bearing a deadly hatred and malice against the marshall , against whom he bent his whole strength , and commanded his souldiers so to doe , that he had the fortune to kill him ; yet like a valiant gentleman he sold his life at a deare rate , to many of the rebels . but his fall caused our mens hearts to fayle ; whereupon the rebell had the greatest advantage against the english : the like never hapning againe , called the defeat at blackwater . wherein we lost thirteen valiant captains , and fifteen hundred old souldiers : whereupon likewise the surrender of the fort ensued . it was thought this misfortune to happen from an oversight of the marshall , who made the van of the army too suddenly to retreat ; and too sudden faces about , puts feare in the reare ; and makes them suppose it may be a running away . for as sir walter raleigh , in his fifth book & first part of the history of the world , that as well in the wars of these later ages as in former times it hath been found ever extreame dangerous to make a retreat in the head of an enemies army : as he renders the reason , but i cannot digresse any further . this overthrow much increased the insolencie of the rebels , the rebells having gotten courage and armes thereby , and tyrone termed the deliverer of his countrey , and the authour of their liberty . all vlster in rebellion , connagh revolted , and the rebels in lemster a continuall terrour and vexation to the english . and now tyrone sent forces into munster , where after the departure of sir john norris , most of the county revolted , and now brake out like lightning , making havock , and destroying in a barbarous manner . and for the better countenancing of the matter , a new pretended earle of desmond is set up , on condition to be vassall to o neale . at this time a supply came out of england , of a thousand and fifty old souldiers from out the low countreys , and nine hundred and fifty joyned to them of new , raised in england , sent under the command of sir samuel bagnal colonel , and nine other captains to strengthen the queenes forces i●lemster , and a hundred under colonel bagnals command . in the midst of these broyls , the impudent rebell is no● ashamed to intreat for pardon , and sue for peace . although , as appeared in his letters sent to the king of spaine , he magnified his victories , and vowed perseverance : but his conditions were insolent and so not regarded . and now the wound is growne so great , and the case so desperate that it admits of no cure , but by the hand of a valiant expert souldier . and none found like robert earle of essex , whom favour with the queen , and fortune of warre had made popular . and his own active inclination , and the policie of his powerfull enemies in court , wrought it for his undertaking ; and by his absence they plotted his ensuing overthrow . but before his going two regiments of old souldiers out of the low countries were sent into ireland , and dispersed at his comming through the whole army , for the exercise of the rest . 1050 foot . the first regiment sir charles percy colonell . richard morison lievtenant colonel , and five other captains . 950 foot . the second regiment , sir henry bockwra , colonell . captaine john chamberlaine lievtenant colonell , and four other captains . this earls commission was large , without limitation almost even the power of a prince , and an army as great as hee desired , the like unto which in all points ireland never saw . the establishment was sealed by the qu. march 24 , 1598. it contained the pay of the chief officers of the army . the lord lievtenant generall , per diem , 10 l.     the lievtenant of the army , per diem , 3     the generall of the horse 2     the judge marshall 1     the auditor generall 0 13 ▪ s.   the controuller generall of the victuals 0 10   the lievtenant of the ordnance 0 10   the surveigher 0 6 8 d. two clerks of munition , each 0 5   foure corporals of the field 0 6 8 d. one commissary of victuals 0 8   and three others each 0 6   the carriage master 0 6   and twenty colonels each   10   sum. total . per annum , 13127 l. 16 s. 8 d. more it contained , the pay of thirteen hundred horse divided into twenty six bands a captain at per diem , 0 4 s.   a lievtenant 0 2 6 d. a cornet 0 2   and fifty horsmen , each at 0 1 3 d. sum. total . per annum , 31408. l. 5 s.   it contained furrher sixteen hundred foot , distributed into a hundred and sixty companies , each band having a captain at per diem , 0 4 s.   a lievtenant 0 2   an ensigne 0 1 s. 6 d. two sergeants , a drum , and a surgeon each at per diem   1 s.   and 94 souldiers and six dead payes allowed to the captain , each at per diem     8d . sum. total . 228246l . 13s . 4d . it further contained an extraordinary supply of six thousand pounds per annum , to be allowed by concordation , for spies , guides , messengers , barks hyring , keeping of prisoners , buildings , reparations , and like charges . the totall of the establishment per annum , amounts to two hundred seventy seven thousand , seven hundred eighty two pounds . besides , her majesty was at great charge not contained in the establishment : as first for officers generall . the lord lievtenant for his ordinary entertainment yeerly , 1300l . his lordships troop of horse yeerly 1513l . 2s . 2d . his lordships fifty footmen , as being allowed him for his followers , 608l . 6s . 8d . the treasurer at wars per annum , 638l . 15s . the marshall of the army per annum , 104l . 18s . 9d . the mr. of the ordnance for himselfe per an. 450l . 3. s. 4d . for clerks , gunners , and ministers for the ordnance , per annum , 459l . 5s . 10d . the muster master generall per annum , 209l . 17s . 6d . secondly , for chief officers newly erected . the governour of loghfoyle , per annum , 365l . the governour of cariofergus , 182l . 10s . the governour of dundalke , 182l . 10s . the commander of the forces at rathdrum and wickelow , 182l . 18s . the commander of the forces in ophaly , 182l . 10s . the commander of the forces at cavan , 182l . 10s . sum. total . 6590l . 19s . 7. d. most of these officers last named , besides this last allowance , have either a horse or foot company in the army , or both : thirdly , a further charge the queen was at for officers in the foure courts , and certain patentees . in the exchequer , the earle of ormond , lord treasurer of ireland , for his fee per annum , 40l . the treasurour at wars , 66l . 13s . 4d . the chiefe baron , 71l . 10s . and in augmentation to him , 88l . 17s . 9d . the chancellour , 14l . the second baron , 34l . the auditor generall , 200l . the surveigher generall , 80l . the remembrancer , 40l . the serjeant at law , 17l . 6s . 8d . the attourney generall , 149l . 6. s. 8d . the sollicitour , 149l . 6s . 8d . the escheatour , 8l . 13s . 4d . the second remembrancer , 10l . 10s . the chiefe ingrosser , 14l . the second ingrosser , 9l . 6s . 8d . the second chamberlain , 13l . 6s . 8d . the clerke of the first-fruits , 10l . the keeper of the records , 13l . 6s . 8d . the usher of the court , 3l . 6s . 8d . the clerk of the common pleas , 3l . 6s . 8d . the transcriptor , 2l . 13s . 4d . the deputy auditour , 11l . the vice treasurours deputy , 11l . the somonitor , 5l . 6s . 8d . the marshall of the court , 5l . 6s . 8d . a messenger , 1l . 4s . 5d . two pursuivants each for 18l . 5s . in the kings bench . the chiefe justice , 400l . the second justice , 133l . 6s . 8d . the clerk of the crown , 10l . in the chancery . the lord chancellour per annum , 415l . 6s . 8d . the master of the rolls , 50l . and in augmentation to him per an. 88l . 17s . 9d . two ministers each , 27l . 13s . 4d . the clerk of the crown , 6l . 13s . 4d . and in augmentation , 26l . 13s . 4d . the clerk of the hamper , 14l . divers officers in the star-chamber , 56l . 13s . 4d . severall ministers of the ordnance holding by patents , 135l . 13s . 5d . the constable of dublin castle , and others belonging to him , 335l . 13s . 4d . to officers of state . the secretary per annum , 106l . 13s . 4d . the clerk of the counsell , 62l . 13s . 4d . the surveigher of the victuals , 143l . 6s . 8d . the king at arms , 35l . 6s . 8d . the serjeant at arms , 18l . 2s . 6d . the pursuivant at arms , 13l . 6s . 8d . the irish interpreter , 27l . 7s . 6d . officers about the custome . for creation money to noblemen . the earle of ormond , 30l . the earle of kildare , 20l . the earle of clanrichard , 40l . the earle of thomound , 20l . the baron of cacher , 15l . divers annates and procurations , 299l . 19s . 3d. for parchment , ink , & bags in several courts , 282l . 10s . 8d . for other payments by warrant , 226l . 2s . 4d . in the county of vvexford . the justice of the liberties , per annum , 20l . the seneschall , 25l . the receiver , 20l . the marshall , 2l . the totall of these is , 3461l . 13s . 9d . in the province of lemster . the lievtenant of the queens county , 121l . 13s . 4d . the provost marshall of the army , 77l . 11s . 3d. the provost marshall of lemster , 102l . 13s . 1d . officers in munster . the lord president , 138l . 6s . 8d . for his diet and the counsels allowed at his table , 520l . the retinue of 20 foot , and 30 horse per annum , 803l . the chief justice , 100l . the second justice , 66l . 13s . 4d . the queens attourney , 13l . 6s . 8d . the clerk of the counsell , 20l . the clerk of the crown , 20l . the serjeant at arms , 20l . the provost marshall , 255l . 16s . sum. tot . 1951l . 16s . 8d . for officers in connagh . the chiefe commissioner per annum , 100l . his diet with the counsels at his table , 882l . 10s . an allowance to himselfe , 40l . the justice , 100l . the queens attourney , 20l . the clerke of the crowne , 20l . the clerke of the counsell , 20l . the serjeant at armes , 20l . the provost marshall , 264l . 12s . 6. d. the increase of pay to the present cōmissioners , 282. l. 10s . sum. total . 949l . 12s . 6d . certaine bands of irish kerne 1579l . 8s . 9d . for warders in severall provinces , 3577l . 2d . for commissaries of musters , 577l . 18s . 4d . for pensioners of all sorts , 3249l . 9. d. lastly , almes men , 88l . 19. s. 4. d. the totall of the above-named charge not contained in the establishment , 21328l . 8s . 7d . to which adde the establishment , 277782l . 15s . the totall of the yeerly charge was 299111l . 3s . 7d . to which if you adde the great charge of all forts , of munitions , with the like extraordinary expences , and consider that the 1300 horse , and the 1600 foot by new supplyes were to be made up 20000. what a masse of expence is here in one yeere , able to drain this kingdome , seeing nothing comes from ireland but complaints . it will require the wisdome and providence of those that undertake it , and the patience of the people that beare it . all this in a readinesse , the earle of essex departs from london in march 1●99 , in the beginning of the yeere , not providently foreseeing what a step hee then made to his ruine . the nobility and gallant gentry accompanied him on his way . and the earle of kildare made such haste in an ill vessell , that himselfe and many a brave man with him were all drowned in the passage . the earle being arrived in ireland , took the place of government , and laboured to acquaint himself with the estate of that kingdome , what parts were quiet , what in rebellion , who had certaine intelligence , that the rebels in the county of dublin were in number of the chiefe families , 48 foot , 20 horse . in kildare 220 foot , three horse . in the county of carlogh , being wholly wasted , only six or seven castles held for the queen . in the county of vvexford , all wasted but the castles held for the queen , and some english families , but all the rest in rebellion . in these two counties 750 foot , 50 horse . in the county of leaz , most of the chiefe in rebellion , 570 foot , 30 horse . only a few castles held for the queen . in the county of ophaly , some castles held for the queen , others by the rebels , 468 foot , 12 horse . in the county of kilkenny , many great families of the irish , the butlers in rebellion , 130 foot , 20 horse . the rebels held the castle of bellirage and colekill . the rest the earle of ormond held for the queene . in the county of meth , the son and heire of sir william nugent in rebellion , and the rebels of vlster had much wasted the heart of the pale . in the county of west meth , lying most waste , and possessed by the rebels , 140 foot , twenty horse . besides , captain tirril a bold man of english race , who had of vlster men and other rebels 200 foot . in the county of lowth , all wasted by the rebels , only an english , irish baron , the townes and castles stood for the queene . in the county of langford , 120 foot . the whole in this province of lemster , and meth joyned with it : 3048 foot , 182 horse . in the province of vlster . consisting most of irish , except somewhat which the scots , held , were all forced to give way to tyrone . dundalke the frontier towne between the pale and ulster , and knocfergus a frontier towne towards scotland , were kept by the english , and some few other castles , all the rest possessed by the rebels . in the upper and lower clandebays the rebels , 160 foot , 70 horse . the duffery had 20 foot . two more rebels had 100 foot , 20 horse . the captain of kilwarben had 60 foot , 10 horse . mac , 60 foot , 10 horse . beyond the min water , 40 foot . sir francis mac surlebay , 400 foot , 100 horse . the island of magie , belonging to the earle of essex was wasted . mac guir in fermannagh had 600 foot , 100 horse . other rebels thereabout had 500 foot , ●●0 horse . the o reylies in the brenny or county of cavan had 800 foot , 100 horse . o cane in his countrey , 500 foot , 2●0 horse . seven other chief rebels had , 1180 foot , 281 horse . tyrone the arch traytour , tyrone his country , 700. foot , 200 horse . and divers other rebels with him : so the whole forces of the rebels in vlster , 1702 horse , 7220 foot . in the county of tipperary , the baron of caher , a butler with his brother and followers , 30 foot , 12 horse . and divers other great families had in severall companies , some not having above three or foure horse , 1660 f. 79 horse . in the county of corke , james fitz thomas , the new created earle of desmond , 250 foot , 30 horse . and divers other families , 820 foot , 8 horse . in the county of luirick , fisz lacy with others had , 300 foot , 15 horse . in the county of kerry , the lord fitz-morice and others , 500 foot , 30 horse . in the county of desmond , osuillinan beare , and others had , 500 foot , 6 horse . in the county of waterford , 200 foot , 10 horse . the whole number of the rebels in munster , 5030 foot , 242 horse . the rebels of connagh were , 3070 foot , 220 horse . in all the foure provinces , meth being reckoned for a county in lemster , the strength of the rebels were , 18246 foot , 2346 horse . concerning which in april , the earle of essex sent intelligence into england by a letter . and in a second letter of the resolutions of tyrone ; first , that he intended to hearten his confederates , and then to make head in vlster with his own forces , and o donnel in connagh , that the rebels had taken oath at a publick crosse to be constant , and none ●ought pardon but in such insolent manner , that it was rather a contempt . that the very subjects grew cold in the service , that although on private revenge they could appeare with an 100. horse , and 300 ▪ foot , yet now pleaded their inability to ayd the queen with sixe of each ; the earle gathered some english forces together , and against his owne advice in england , and the q. command ( deceived by some false counsell ) hee set not on the head , but on a few weake rebels in munster , a matter of no consequence , being beaten as they were . june 15. the lord lievtenant received letters from a captain out of the north of vlster , that tyrone had received amunition out of spaine , but no treasure ( as was reported ) that he did sollicite the redshanks into his pay , and had provision of armes , and other assistance daily from the scots . and also advised the earle of their strength , and of their intention to protract the warre , and weary the english ; in prevention whereof he wished his lordship to procure foure thousand redshanks which in their boats might break in upon tyrone , which thing the lord bourgh had formerly undertaken to procure , but was prevented by death . iu. 25. the lord lievtenant wrote unto the queen of the state and condition of the rebels , shewing the cause of their rebellion , with the meanes to reduce and keepe them in subjection , and that as well by sea as land provision must bee made to reduce them : and afterward gives such direction to her majestie , as was followed in the ensuing warre , though himselfe had not the good hap to put it in practice . and in the conclusion bewayles his owne misfortune , that his enemies ( whom he names ) had gotten so neere her majesties elbow . in the end of july his lordship brought backe his forces into lemster , himselfe going to dublin , having done little , but admitted some few to protection , which afterward revolted againe . in his absence 600. souldiers which were left in the glinne had been beaten by the irish , for which his lordship used great severity in punishing of them , putting to death the tenth common souldier , calling the captaines to a court marshall , caused an irish lievtenant to be shot for parlying with the rebels . by this time the qu. advertised his lordship of his errour in not setting on the chiefe rebell tyrone , but he excused himselfe , and layd the fault on the counsell of ireland , and that his intention now was that way beat , but yet that first hee must suppresse some neere dublin : which being done , he took a view of his army , and found it so much impaired , that hee sent to england for supply of 1000. new men to inable him presently to undertake the vlster journey . and now resolved to march northwest , he willed sir conyers clifford governour of connagh , to compell tyrone to give resistance at belike , while himselfe set on him on the other side . so that sir con. clifford with one troop of horse , and 1400. foot came to the curlew mountaines , where he left his carriages under the guard of his horse , untill he had tryed the passage forward , who was presently assaulted by the rebels , taking the advantage of the woods , boggs , and a stony causey , and although the english stoutly received the charge , yet they being weary with a long march , and their powder fayling them which they had about them , they began to faint & so to flye ; so that many were slain in the place , and many hurt , besides two worthy commanders , sir con. clifford , alexand. ratcliffe , killed : and had not sir john jepson valliantly succoured them with his horse , most of the rest had perished : this happened by a great oversight ( as was thought . ) by this time the 1000. men out of england were arrived in ireland , yet his lordship wrote over that he could doe little this yeere , but only goe to the borders of vlster , whether going in september , tyrone shewed himselfe two dayes together on severall hills some distance off , whence hee sent to desire a parley with his lordship . who rejected that offer , & also sent him word , that on the morrow he should find him armed in the head of his army . the next day after a light skirmish , one of tyrones horsmen cryed that tyrone would not fight , but would speake with the lord lievtenant apart from the army unarmed . the next day also he was told , that tyrone desired the qu. mercy , and would faine speake with his lordship at the foard balla . el●nch , neere the chiefe towne of the county of louth . where they two only met , and tyrone saluted his lordship very courtly , many speeches passing betweene them . whether ( as being left not farre off ) his lordship called sixe or seven of his chiefe commanders , and tyrone as many of his friends : and there was a conference about a treaty of peace , and a truce made from sixe weekes to sixe weekes , untill may , with proviso that on 14. dayes warning given on either side , it should be lawfull to resume armes againe . now , the queen having received his lordships letters what he had done , which was nothing with such an army in so long space . she wrote him a tart letter , much blaming his proceedings , and questioning his discretion . which did so gaule and wring his lordship , that presently he left adam loftus , the archbishop of dublin , and sir george carew treasurer of the wars to governe ireland , so went into england . and unexpected presented himselfe before the qu. in her privy chamber , but had not that welcome that hee expected , and after a few words was commanded to his chamber , and afterwards to the lord keepers house in the nature of a prisoner . and now a list of the commanders , and whole army is taken and set downe both horse and foot , how disposed of throughout the whole kingdome , and were 14422. foote 1231. horse . the truce continuing the helme was easily held by those hands in which it was put , but dec. 6. tyrone began to practize acts of hostilitie upon that he had given ( as hee said ) 14. dayes warning , and because the earle of essex was imprisoned in england , on whom he did relye for safety , and would not now trust the counsell of ireland , that had so often deceived him before , this intelligence posted into england , that the rebels were ready to assaile the pale . and a false rumour raysed by essex enemies , that england would suddenly be in a combustion , which was no little prejudice to the said earle . the queen hearing this and more , that the rebels daily increased , and the english irish discontented that the government was wholly out of their hands , by sending english deputies over . that tyrone grew proud , bearing trust on the king of spaine , who had sent him somewhat , but promised more ; and the pope not wanting in his fatherly cate towards him , sent him a crowne of phenix feathers , in imitation no doubt of vrban the third , who sent king john lord of ireland a crowne of peacocks feathers . upon this sir charles blunt , lord montjoy , is thought fit to be sent , and was thought on by the qu. before essex came over , who was forward to take the charge upon him , and so turned the queenes intentions ▪ this lord was a tall comely man , wise , valiant , and learned , close in his counsels , resolute in his determinations . his courses were much contrary to other deputies , and so effected what they could not doe . 1. he led our men warily on any service , not willing to dis-hearten our men , or incourage the enemie ; and himselfe ever at hand , either to hearten or helpe , hee ventured his own person often , although it be a great question in military discipline , whether it be wisedome or no . 2. his planting of garrison in the rebels countreys compassing tyrone on every side , so that they could not easily assist on the other . other deputies made two or three journeys in the yeare , and that with the whole army ; which was discovered by the rebels , that they fled into the woods and bogges , nor could the army abide the field long for want of victuals , being so many at one place ; where as the lord montjoy planting good garrisons in many places , taking the field with 1000 ▪ foot , and 200. horse onely , was able openly to affront tyrone , seeing he was compelled to leave many of his forces behind to guard his countrey from those garrisons , which else would have forraged his countrey . thus he did not only in summer as others had done , but in winter also , himselfe being five or sixe dayes in a weeke , on horse-backe , which course did so vexe the rebels , who were driven to lye in the woods without shelter for themselves or cowes , which allowing them not milk , they wanted present provision , nor could they save their corne for the future . 4. againe , he had a speciall care to cut the passages open and plaine , that our forces might the more secure meet together . 5. further , he was not easie to grant pardons and protections , but to such who had drawne blood on their fellowes , and so lost the hope of reconciliation to the rebels , and forbad all parlyes with them . but as the rebels were many at the earle of essex comming , so now much more increased . in the county of dublin increased one hundred . and in many other countreys , besides five castles lately taken by the irish . in the province of lemster increased 1280. rebels . in the province of connagh increased 300. rebels , besides the doubt of tibot ne longe . who had one hundred irish men in the queenes pay . so that now the enemie strongest , the english weakest , and many other disasters made the businesse very difficult . in this case the lord montjoy undertooke the businesse about ian. 1599. a little before whose comming tyrone marcheth out of the north in a vaunting manner unto munster , to incourage and countenance the rebels , but under a religious pretence to visite a peece of the crosse at a monastery in tipperary county , and so accompanied with the lemster rebels went on his devotion . now the army of english reduced to 12000. foot , & 1200. horse , for whose payment order is given to the treasurer and chamberlaine of the exchequer of england , to pay the treasurer of the warres of ireland , after the rate of the former establishment , and other extraordinaries . so there was signed an establishment by the queene , ian. 1. 1599. for the pay of commanders , and souldiers . and the lord deputy hasting away for ireland , ian. 10. 1599. in his way wrote backe to master secretary , that he might have more forces in regard the rebels were so strong . a second establishment signed by the lords , 11. feb. 1599. wherein every officers and souldiers pay , and other charges , the whole yearely charge 14055 pounds , 4 shillings 8 pence , farre short of that allowance which the earle of essex had . february 26. the lord deputy landed in ireland , when sir george carew was made lord president of munster , tyrone did not expect such a sudden arrivall , so that hee was still in west munster , where he might be surprised as the earle of ormond thought , if things hapned well . and that he could not thence escape without engaging himselfe , if the passages were watched . so that daily newes came that tyrone now , or never was to be ruinated : and how many lords and others of the irish which were for the queene had layed waite for him , and would stop his passage back , but all this vanished into irish ostentation of service , which seldome use to take effect , and many times are not truly intended as this businesse did shew . and that his lordship should not expect any helpe from divers of the nobilitie , and gentry of the pale , they preferred a petition to him , that they were not able by reason of the spoyles the souldiers had made upon them , but a meere excuse ( as essex shewed before . ) then his lordship wrote to secretary cecill , to excuse himselfe , for not reducing the 14000 which hee found in the army unto 12000 , and the cause thereof as he had done before . and upon that receives an answer from the queen , that she doth accept of his reasons for the present , but would have him effect it by degrees . and not to entertain many irish commanders , who are of small fidelity , and being employed to use them far from their own countrey , and useth some other advertisements ; and so concludeth . and now for all the great hopes tyrone escaped into the north , passing over the enny in great hast , and marcheth 27 miles in one day : more then he had gone in five before , so that he could not be over-taken . and at his being there , he sent out a mandate , by which hee summoned the subjects of munster to appeare before him in this forme . o neal commendeth himself unto you moris fitz thomas , o neal requesteth you in gods name , to take part with him , and fight for your conscience , and right , and in so doing o neale , will spend his life to see you righted in all your affaires , and will help you , and if you come not to o neale between this and 12 of the clocke tomorrow , and take his part , o neale is not beholding to you , and will doe to the uttermost of his power to overthrow you , if you come not to him by saturday noon at the furthest from knoc dumain , in calrye the fourth of feb. 1599. o neale requesteth you to come and speak with him , and doth give you his word , that you shall receive no harme , neither in comming or going from him , whether you be friend or not , and bring with you to o neale gerald fitz gerald ; subscribed o neale . march the 7 , the lord deputy had intelligence , that tyrone was come to his house at dungannon , and that the earle of clanrichard had sworn , that when his sonne came out off england , in may , he would enter into action ( for so they call rebellion : and that the plantation at logh foyle , was endeavoured to be hindered by the rebell . the 20 of march , the secretary informed his lordship of the relaxation of the earle of essex ; who sued earnestly in his behalfe to the secretary , even so far as to make his excuse for the matter in ireland . the lord deputy makes a list of his army , about the beginning of the yeare 1600 , and casts up the allowances . generall officers for the army as in the former establishment . collonels 12 apiece per diem , 10 s. twenty six troops of horse , in some more , in some lesse at severall rates of pay in number , 1200. in loghfoyle garrison 4000 foot . in carickfergus garrison , 700 foot . in the province of connagh , 1400 foot . in the province of munster , 2950 foot . in the province of lemster , 4500 foot . totall of foot , 1400. likewise a list which the deputy drew out of the companies formerly mentioned ; which lay in lemster , newry , and carbugford , for to prosecute tyrone in his country , horse 325 , foot 3200. out of these taken to guard places and passages while the army did return , foot 810 , horse 20. besides deduct the six dead pays allowed to each company of foot , which is 288 , and foure out of fifty horse , which is 26 , and other deductions of sicke and unsufficient men for service . there remayns for his army in field , 2102 foot , horse 279 which is but a small handfull for so great a service . divers others there were which had pay ; as his lordships chief chaplain five l. a week , and ten other preachers at forty shillings a week , his doctor of physick five pound a week . in aprill it was consulted about entertayning of 2000 scots , and that each man should have a cow for a moneths pay or six pence , per diem . which businesse was to be furthered by the queens agent in scotland , but it came to nothing being disliked in england . now the deputy resolved to pursue the rebels in many places at once , both by the north garrisons , and the rest of the army . aprill the third , the lord deputy sent master secretary notice of the falsheartednesse of those that seemed most sure , and that the irish commanders were dangerous to keep , yet knew not how to remove them without certain losse of them . and how he intended to send a thousand old souldiers out of dublin , to loghfoyle , and others to lye in garrison at balishannan , both places of great consequence , and proved very advantageous to the english afterwards . and informed likewise that tyrone by his so suddain and hasty flight out of munster , had much disheartned many of his confederates , so that daily the heads of some rebels or others were brought unto the deputy . and the rebels of lemster made suit to be received to mercy : only the towns where the rebels had to do were very insolent . and tyrone , by the arrivall of two ships , ( wherein were many priests ) did incourage his friends . lastly , the deputy complained to the secretary , that all places were bestowed in england , so that he could gratifie no deserving man . further hee sent word that hee doubted of the earle of ormonds constancy to the queenes cause : and shewed his reasonsa name greatly followed in that countrey . in that province of munster , the rebels were very strong , by reason tyrone had been there , and by the aide of mac carty more . there hapned an ill chance about the time that sir george carew went to his charge of munster , whereof he was president . who comming to kilkenney in his way from dublin , with the earle of thomond in his company , and a hundred horse to attend him ; where the earle of ormond , told them that he was to parley with some rebels of those parts , whereof ow●y m●c rory was chiefe , and requested them to accompany him . to which they consented and rode eight miles to the place of meeting , with some twenty horse of the earle of ormonds , and a few followers refusing the guard of the lord presidents 100 horse , and the earl of ormond , left his two hundred foot two miles short , and with his other company met with owny , who came out of the woods , leaving five hundred men well appointed not farre off ; came up to him with some pikes , but after an houre spent , and nothing agreed on , the lord president wisht the earle of ormond to returne , but he said hee would first speak with the jesuit archer ; and did much revile him , calling him traytor . in the mean time the rebels foot had incompassed , the earle and his company , and presently tooke the earle of ormond prisoner ; and mac rory laid hands on the lord president : but the earle of thomound rushed on him with his horse , and they both hardly escaped , the earle of thom. being hurt in the thigh . the countesse of ormond having one only daughter , was much perplexed and distressed , but the lord deputy sent her a guard for her house . there were severall conceits upon his surprisall , some supposing it was not against his owne will , but howsoever the lord deputy thought it a matter of no great consequence . the fort of phillipstown in ophaly was to be victualled , and the rebels gave cut that they would hinder it . and through the emulation of a great commander that had another preferred before him , and strengthened by the court faction in england . it might have miscarried , for the said commander chose out some weake companies for this service to be led by the other ; but the deputy being advertised thereof , profered them to him that had made the choise of them , but hee refused to goe with them . and sir oliver lambert with 14 companyes did with much valour and courage effect the businesse , though strongly opposed . may the fifth , the lord deputy makes toward tyrone in the north : who had intelligence that he was lodged in the strong fortresse of coughlurkin where the rebels had fortified three miles in length . his lordship drew towards armagh with 1500 hundred foot and two hundred horse , and sent captain edward blany with five hundred foot , and fifty horse to make good the passage through the moyry for the earle of southampton , and sir oliver lambert , who were to come that way to the army : and comming to the faghard , not far from dundalke , whether hee went to the earle , and told him of the convoy , assuring him that the lord deputy would meet him by two of the clocke in the afternoon ; hereupon the earle having with him besides the conuoy , two foot companyes , and fifty horse of gentlemen volunteers : and so marched backe to the dangerous passage of the moyry ; where the rebels taking advantage of the woods and bogs , assailed our men , lying lurking on both sides , our men being to passe over a ford . but by this time the lord deputy himselfe was come neere the place , who sent two regiments , who beat backe the rebels ; who left a few to skirmish with those two regiments , and the rest fell back into the wood , and issued out upon the reare , brought up by the earle of southampton , with great fury both with horse and foot : but sir henry foliot made very good stand , and sir oliver lambert taking his colours in his own hand , with some thirty of the earle of southamptons best men , hastened towards the assaylants to second the earle , who behaved himselfe with great courage , and made the rebels give ground . tyrone was seene not farre off with great forces , yet fell not on , so that they marched to the camp : little hurt being done to the english , but much to the rebels . may the 26 , the deputy had letters from the lords in england , and it was only to answer the demands of some irish lords upon submission . june the 19 , the lord deputy sent to master secretary how that certain aide was come from spaine to the rebels ; and makes a request for a fleet to lie on the coast of ireland , and some small barks to hinder the scots from relieving the irish , now sir samuel bagnal drew out of the newry into monaghan , where he took some booty , and slue six commanders , and many of the rebels men with little damage to himselfe . many rebels of lemster now seek for mercy , but are not admitted , except some service done for the queene against their companions . two chiefe rebels offer to submit , but neither could be received without the others head . his lordship now out of england required to doe some thing against the lemster rebels ; in his way thither , tooke two hundred cowes , seven hundred garrais , and five hundred sheep , burning and wasting the corne all the way , as he went to a most dangerous passage , where sir oliver lambert was appointed to meet him , both being constrained to fight all the way with the rebels untill they met , having done much harme unto the rebels . may the seventeenth , they both marched towards a fortresse , where the rebels had stored much provision of all sorts , at whose entry there was a foard compassed with bogs , over which our horses passed quietly : but his lordding in the head of the foot was assayled with fury . the traitour terrill having appointed a hundred shot to ply the deputies person , and given them marks to know him . but the english defeated and slue 35 rebels , among which was owmy mac rory , a vile rebell , who before had taken the earle of ormond prisoner , a bloudy bold young man ; by whose death that party never was able to appear in field . and now the captaine , and by their example the souldiers cut down the corn with their swords , that the rebels were driven to want for the future . his lordship returned one day with the foot alone , and sent about the horse , and yet the rebels which lay there about durst not fight with him . eight heads of chief rebels were brought unto his lordship that night , and one arch-rebell alive , who was presently hanged . sir oliver lambert foraging abroad , tooke a thousand cowes , five hundred garrais , and a multitude of sheep and killed twenty rebels ; and much spoile daily was done then by the english . at his lordships going out of leaz , some were received protection . at this time his lordship had letters of approbation from her majesty , with a promise of supply both of horse and foot , and with advice to make the company lesse , thereby to gratifie more gentlemen with places of command . august the twentieth , his lordship returned to dublin ▪ where hee heard of the complaints that were made against him by those of the pale to the lords in england . in answer whereunto he writes to master secretary , onely desiring his good wil in candid interpretation of his actions september the fourteenth , his lordship takes his journey towards the north , and encampeth three miles beyond dundalke , and lay there untill the eighth of october , it being most tempestuous foule weather , his lordships tent having been often blown over . tyrone , in the mean time , before his lordship came , had possessed the newry , a strong fortresse as any the rebels had , but his lordship was resolved to cut his way through them if they made resistance . many skirmishes fell out well on our part , and in small time he came to armagh , where not farre off his lordship built a fort in a very convenient place ; having a river by it all environed with bogs , & a hill like a promontory which his lordship called mount norris . so hee sent some companies of ours to fetch corne and timber over the bogs , where tyrone met with them ; and skirmishing with them was put to the worst , and next day neale o quin , was taken prisoner , tyrones great favourite . and the rebels intending to hinder the building of the fort were soundly beaten , and that finished and left in it foure hundred men under captain blany . his lordship returning by carlingford found the passage very difficult for his horse , that they were sent a little about ; and now they had certaine intelligence that tyrone was come downe unto a place , by which we were to passe . which was a very great wood at the foot of a mountain , reaching so neer the sea , that it had no more space , then that six or seven might walke abreast , with some lesse , and at full sea none in some places . his lordship disposing his forces for the fight , sending out a forlorne hope to march afore , and a forlorne reare . the enemy sought to make good a small piece of ground like a semicircle , where the sea made a diameter , and a thick wood the circumference ; and at the corner next to our army , there ran a river out off the wood at the side of which they made strong trenches , and at the further corner a barricado which reached far into the wood , and down to the sea . the enemy appeared horse and foot on this plain , but at our mens going over the river , their horse drew into the woods , and their foot into the trenches , whence they poured out vollies of shot . but the stout courage of the english was such that in little space they beat them out of their trenches and from their works , and made them retire into the woods , but sallied out againe upon our reare ; to their further losse . and in all this not much hurt to us , only two gentlemen of quality killed ; not twenty lost , about sixty hurt , of the enemy eighty killed , and the losse was ( as wee had intelligence two hundred . our marshall and serjeant major were always ready to assist the weak , and bring succour to the distressed , and the army went on cheerfully . and by this tyrones reputation got a crack . his lordship returned to dundalke , and from thence to dublin , with his followers and voluntiers , having disposed the horse and foot into garrisons , forts ▪ and provinces under their commanders . the horse were 1198. the foot 14150. about november his lordship sends into england , in the behalfe of two chiefe rebels submitted conner roe m●● guire and his sonne , both which had done good service in the last north journey : and had taken tyrones brothers eldest sonne , a yongman of the greatest hope in the north , and though three thousand l. were offered for his ransom , yet they brought him to the lord deputy . there were certain rebels neere dublin , in the glinne which in his lordships absence had done much spoile , so that his intent was to chastize them , but seeming and shewing to goe another way , that they should not suspect him , on christmas day early in the morning , and after a tedious march he arrived at the chiefe rebels house , so suddenly that he took his wife and eldest sonne , and made him fly starke naked into the woods , while his lordship kept a good christmas , in his house till the twentieth of january , his souldiers wasting and spoyling the country , in the mean time . and leaving garrisons in some places , he passed into trim in eastmeth , and so to danoar , in westmeth a strong castle , having visited many chiefe gentlemen in the way . february the two and twentieth , his lordship had letters out of england , in which hee heard that the earle of essex was in the towre for treason ; which news wrought much alteration in the deputy ; now hee begins to insinuate and comply with secretary cecill . and essex irreparably fell , more perchance by the sharpnesse of his enemies wit , then by the burthen of his owne crime . howsoever the deputy being privy to so much as hee was , he said he would not put his necke under the queenes attourneys tongue ; and resolved with himselfe that had he been sent for into england , not to have undergone the hazard of a triall : but his lordships former service , and future employment blew over this storm without any shatter falling on him . but with countenance and good successe hee goeth forward , and with courage to set on tyrrils island very strong , standing in the midst of a bog , in the midst of a plain neere an abbey , where his lordship proclaimed tirrils head at two thousand crowns , and so assayled the island . but the next day , the foure and twentieth of february , so much snow fell that nothing could be done , and in the night the rebels stole away quitting the island , and left some store of corne , and a few cattell , so his lordship passed beyond the island into a plain , destroying the corn and burning the houses as he went into meth , and then to trim , and so marched into the ferney , from whence to ardes , so seven miles to mellifont , then to drogedagh two miles , where he stayed untill the tenth of aprill , and then went to dublin , in all which passage nothing of moment was done , but visiting some chiefe subjects , and striking terrour to the rebels . about this time his lordship had order for the proclayming of a base coine , and cry down the currant . to hinder the rebels traffick , as was pretended , but it proved the undoing of the poore souldier , each shilling having but two pence half-peny silver in it : so that commodities were raised to an excessive rate ; and the exchange which was formerly provided for their helpe , was growne difficult , or altogether put down . at drogedah , his lordship altered the list of the foot , but not the horse : and disposed them into garrisons . her majesties charge in the yeere 1600 to 1601 , by establishment , and orders for increase was 276914l . 9s . 4d . out of which by his lordships providence was saved , 15262l . 6s . 5d . also by checks imposed on the army 1729l . so the charges that yeere , besides munition and other extraordinaries 234622. certaine businesses that hapned in munster , that yeere , under the command of the lord president , sir george carew . in generall some submitted , and some revolted . his lordship comming to dungarun , had notice that florence mac ca●●ie : though hee had received favours from the state , was entred into action ( for so they call rebellion ) and raised in carby and desmond , of the provincialls and bonnaghs ( for so are hired souldiers called ) two thousand foot , never assailed the english untill they came betweene kinsale and cork , where they set on captain flowre serjeant major of munster , who had 1200 foot , and 100 horse ; who did valiantly resist and beat back the rebels , though he had two horse killed under him ; yet were 100 of the rebels slain , upon which florence mac carty submits , and yielded his son for pledge . now plots are laid for the killing of the titular earle of desmond , by one dermod oconner , who had married the daughter of the old earle of desmond , and had the leading of 14000 bonnaghs , who after surprised him by a tricke , and presently sent his wife to the lord president for the mony promised in reward , and wished him to come to kilm●…h , and there hee would bring him , but the rebels in the way rescued him , and set him free again . may the twentieth , his lordship took the field , and marched towards li●●eck , and from place to place prosecuted the rebels so close that many submitted and others fled out of the country : and the titular earle of desmond by sir charles wil●●● , was quite driven out of the countrey , in whose passage sir george thornton sent out the garrison , and killed 120 of the rebels , and got 320 garrans laden with baggage , fifteen pikes and peeces , 40 horse ; but lost sixteen horse of his owne in the fight , the titular earle was quite broken and stole backe into munster , and lived as a wood kerne , with three or foure in his company , and once againe being like to be surprized , he ran away in such hast , that he left his shooes behind him . the lord deputy wasted and gathered in all the corne , so that the yeere following the rebels were pinched , and in munster all subdued or submitted , so that 400 of that province received their pardons under the great seal . and all being quiet , hee did question the corporate towns that were so ready to assist the rebels , as being aiders and abetters of the rebellion for their owne private gaine . and so he sent 1000 of the munster list to the lord deputy to be disposed at his pleasure . the lord deputy and the counsell wrote into england from tredagh , where he had layne from march , 21 , untill aprill the sixteenth following , to signifie that many chiefe rebels had submitted . chiefe of the ferny and of the fewes , and the chiefe likewise of the bienny . and further sollicited for supplyes of mony , victuals and munition , to be sent some to dublin , but most to galloway , for the forces to plant ballishannon . an establishment signed by the queen , march 31 , 1601 , which was according to the former , the charge 255773l . besides the charge of munition , of levying horse and foot , for re-inforcing the army , with many like charges . about april divers rebels in the north submit , and discover many secrets to our captaine concerning the spanish invasion this yeare . oghy ohanlon submitted at tredagh , and subscribed to divers articles . the garrison at liffer did spoyle the rebels , and tooke 300 cows . the lord deputy kept saint georges feast at dublin , april the twentieth , inviting many of the submitted rebels , where he carryed himselfe with such wisdome and gravity ; that they did both admire him and feare him . in may , munster rebels had their pardons granted them upon the intercession of the lord president . a list out of five english shires , and irish submitties , 207 horse , 374 archers , as likewise arising out of the irish lords and their captains horse 128 , kerne 361. and now preparation is made for the summer service , whence to take forces for the field . ! to be drawne out of munster to connagh , a thousand foot , fifty horse . and in connagh already 1150 foot , horse 74. thus to be disposed in connagh , at galloway , and athlone ; 350 foot . at the abbey of boyle in connagh , under the command of the earle of clanrichard , a thousand foot , 62 horse . to leave in lemster side of the shannon , at the annaly , to further the plantation of balishannan , eight hundred foot , horse twelve . these all lying to infest the rebels , or to hinder their joyning together , or to hinder northerne forces from comming into lemster . and to hinder tyrones gathering in the corn . may the two and twentieth , his lordship parts from dublin , and wrote into england for six thousand souldiers ready , if so be any forreigne aide should come , and to have a magazine at limrick , many pardoned in the county of corke . and about the eight of june , his lordship came neere the pace of moyry , where hee purposed to build a fort to secure that pace . now againe , hee sollicits his former demands by letters into england . and so he marched by dundalke to lecagh , comming suddenly on them he took much booty , and many submitted to his lordship in this passage , from thence he went to mount norris , and so hee intended to plant a garrison at armagh , and so forth hee went to blackwater , to see that way to that fort , where the marshall bagnal had his defeat . the foure and twentieth , hee marched two miles short of the newry , with a thousand two hundred and fifty foot , and an hundred and fifty horse . the nine and twentieth day , his lordship had notice that sir henry davers had done much damage to brisan mac art , in killing his men , and taking his cattell . many received pardons and were accepted of , because that certaine newes came , that the spanish forces which lay at lisbone , were to come for ireland . so his lordship disposed of the companies into garrisons and forts neere the enemies countrey , and went with his followers to dundalke , having with him onely three companies of foot , and a troop of horse ; but going towards the north , he gathered some forces out of the garrisons , so he went to a hill neere blackwater on the southside , making a stand where tyrone and his horse and foot shewed themselves in a medow beyond the river with trumpets , and drums , and colours which they used not to doe before , but now only in a bravado . making some shot at us , which being at too fat distance fell short without doing , any hurt , but we having a rabenet and a falcon planted on a little hill , made some shot at the rebels which made them seulke into the woods like puppits . so that his lordship sent 300 foot to a hill close by the waterside ; and at the evening came and encamped upon it , whence he saw tyrone draw some horse over the water to our side ; but sir william g●d●lphin went with a troope of horse to meet him , but he presently retyred back . so we placing the two small pieces , charging them with musket shot , drove the rebels out of the trenches , which they had made beyond the river , so that the 300 men passed over the river and possessed them , and an adjoyning old fort , with a plain , not altogether musket shot from the wood , where the rebell was fled , and his lordship seeing the trenches did admire that they wold take so much pains to make that which they had so little care to keepe , so his lordship went to view a place in tyrones wood , who stood looking on us ; who only made a few shot at our men in their retreat . so the sixteenth his lordship passing over the blackwater , with a regiment of irish , marched to a place at the left hand of our campe , at the entrance of a great wood , where our men made a stand in a fair green medow , having our campe not farre behinde them , and the wood at each side and before them ; in which great multitudes of the rebels were assembled ; so that there hapned a great and large skirmish ; with various accidents ; sometimes they ; sometimes wee giving ground ; for the lord deputy drew our forces out of the campe , as he saw the rebels increase . doctor latwar his lordships chaplaine , not content to see this in the campe , went into the medow to our colours , and was shot so that he died the next day . not one more slain of the english only a captaines legg broken , but 26 of the irish on our side , and 72 hurt , such as were kept in pay only , that they should not side with the rebell . among the rebels tyrones secretary , and above two hundred kernes were killed , which did much abate their courage , and animate our men . his lordship wrote into england , complayning of the scarcity of the victuals , and that which was , being salt fish , which as hee said was most unfit for marching , was not good nor wholsome . his lordship rising from about blackwater , made another proclamation for tyrones head at 1000l . and 2000l . to bring him alive . so hee marched too and fro spoyling and cutting downe all the corn thereabouts , and burning houses in the woods neere where the rebels lay , but would not fight . so he returned to the blackwater , and with some choice foot and horse went to view the way to dungannon , tyron's chief house , ten miles distant , and setting some to cut down the wood the rebels sought to hinder them , but were beaten back , so after we marched six miles to armagh , and three to rawlaghtany . from whence sir hen. davers with 300 foot and 40 horse , went to burn some houses that stood in a fortresse which he performed , but the rebels followed them back even to our campe into which they poured a volley of shot , and retyred into an adjoyning fortresse . here the commissary viewed the army , and found in the list 2950 , but by pole 1728. the fourth day at night the rebels came with cryes , drums and bag-pipes , as if they would have attempted our campe . and poured into it two or three thousand shot , but doing little hurt . for his lordship commanded that none of our men should stirre , having lodged in a trench some 400 shot , with command that they should not give fire untill the rebels were neere ; which doing they put up paid with the shot , and sent out lamentable cryes . so then his lordship sent for more forces because hee had intelligence , that tyron's army was much increased . now there came more certaine newes of the spaniards comming , and of their intention to land at waterford , in respect of the commodious harbour , and the peoples good affection unto the spaniards . a speedy supply of a thousand shot was required out of england , because tyrone was growne very strong , as appeared by a list given by one that had been lately tyrones marshall , and now received into favour : as followeth . tyrone for his guard 100 horse . his sonne hugh o neale , 100 horse , in all 400. his brother carmack , 100 horse in all 400. art mac baron , 20 horse , phelim o hanlors sonne , 10 horse . turlogh brasils sonne 50 horse . con tyron's base sonne , 20 horse . his guard of foot , led by james o sheale a lemster man , 200. 400 led by jenken fitz simon of lecale , 200. 400 other chiefe commanders of foot , 3260 foot . tot. horse and foot , 4060. all these ( except 300 ) had meanes to keepe themselves and companies in tyrone : and divers of them besides have great forces to keep their owne forces . about this time some discourtesies hapned between the lord deputy and the lord president of munster , for that he had made some complaints of the deputy in england , but by perswasion of secretary cecil , the lord presidents great friend , they were united as fast as greatnes will permit . his lordship for want of victuall lay about armagh , and the blackwater fort . aug. 29. his lordship came to trim , where the counsell of dublin met him , and from whence , september the third , they wrote into england , in excuse that they had passed the limited summe of 6000 for extraordinaries : it being farre too little to compasse so much businesse , and provide so many things as was needfull ; and had not been able out of it to repaire athlone castle , the key of connagh ; nor divers other forts and castles of great consequence . now intelligence came from secretary cecill , that the spaniards were discovered about sylly 45 sayle , ( whereof 17 men of warre ) and supposed that they would l●nd ●t limrick : most of them 100 tun apiece , and had six thousand souldiers in them . as also other letters from the councell in england , that his lordship would aske what supplyes were needfull , and that in convenient time . september the nineteenth , two thousand men out of england arrived , some in corke , and some in waterford . and his lordship writes for store of munition and victuals , to be with all speed sent to dublin , telling master secretary that tyrones very friends would faile with his fortune , and many others when they could rid themselves of the feare of him . and that the irish submitted lords desired to continue subjects , if they might see appearance of defence , though perchance not so much out of their honest disposition , as for the smart they yet feele of a bitter persecution . in june , the queene wrote to the lord deputy with her own hand , a most gracious acceptance , and a free commendations of his good service . september the three and twentieth , the spanish fleet came into kinsale , lying between rosse and corke bay out into the south sea : the lord deputy and lord president of munster , being both together with the councell at kilkenny , whence they road both to corke . where they understood the number of the spaniards to be about six thousand , under the command of don jean de aquila , who was one of the chiefest commanders of the king of spaine , and had been generall in britany : and that a thousand of them scattered by foul weather , were landed at baltamore to the westward of kinsale . and that they expected ( according to promise ) great aid and assistance from the pretended earle of desmond and florence , mac carty , who were both taken prisoners , and already sent into england . and that they had brought sixteene hundred great saddles , for which tyrone had promised to furnish them with horse , and then they would keepe the field , for they had likewise many armes in hope the irish rebels would supply them with men , which would revolt at their first appearance . about october , many letters are sent into england , to the counsell and to master secretary . and he tels them , that seeing the occasions are so great , good supplies are to be sent with all speed , because defence must be made for the subject that hath means . and money also , because the swordmen which have no means , will goe to the enemy if wee entertain them not . thus his lordship streightned for want of men , to suppresse the rebels in the north , and oppose the forreigne enemy in the south ; but that god who accounts rebellion as the sin of witchcraft , and an evill thought against lawfull soveraignty impiety , did so counsell and incourage him , that collecting a small force together to corke , hee shews himselfe in field , and presently marched within five miles of kinsale , and on the 17 of october , within halfe a mile of the walls , and sate down under a hill called kn●c robin , whither the spaniard out of the towne , made some shot to hinder his encamping but could not . and the next night made a great salley , but were beaten back again . many skirmishes hapned between the english & spaniard , who always went backe by weeping crosse ; by gods providence and the valour of our stout commanders . so that don jean himselfe said hee never saw men come more willingly to the sword then ours . there was little done by reason our artillery were not come to the campe . but the 26 , our campe rose and intrenched themselves very strongly on spittle hill , on the north side of kinsale , a little above musket shot of the town . sir john barkley with three other captains , the night before falling into the spaniards trenches , made them forsake them ; and fell into the gate of the towne with them , and killed and hurt above 20 of them , having but three of our men hurt . the disposall of the whole army in forts & garrisons . left at loughfoyle horse 100 , foot 3000 under severall captains . left at caricfergus horse 150 , foot 850. in lecale , foot 150. left in the north garrisons , horse 100. foot in no : garrisons 800. left in the pale and places adjoyning 175. foot in the pale under severall captains 3150. left in connagh 62 horse . foot left there , 1150. tot. 587 horse . foot 9100. a list of the army with his lordship at kinsale . the old munster list , horse 175. foote 1950. new companies 2000 foot . brought from the north and the pale to kinsale , 436 horse , more foote 950. more foot 2080. tot . at kinsale horse 611. foot 6900. the whole army in ireland 1198 horse , 1600 foot . but many of these companies were very deficient : the the 27. our artilery were landed at oyster haven , and brought into the campe : and two culverings were planted to batter the castle of rincovaur which the spaniards possessed from their first comming , which castle commanded the harbour of kinsale , but one of the peeces presently brake , so we planted two more , which grew so hot , that the enemy , seeing they could not bee releeved , neither by water nor land ( for both had beene tryed , but in vaine ) sent out a parly for conditions that would not bee accepted , but presently after for life only , which was granted , being 86 in number , and some 30 had beene slaine in the defence of it . the spaniards drew a demi cannon out of the towne , and did play into our campe : the first shot killed two men , and indangered many , piercing his lordships tent , the shot altogether falling about his quarter , some supplies of men , munition , and ●●ctuals , came out of england at this time , brought by the earle of thomond , and being noysed that tyrone was comming downe with a great army to joyne with the spanyard ; the campe was strongely fortified on the north side from the towne ; and the next day the lord president with 2100. foot , and 325 horse drew out into the borders of the province to stop him , at least hinder his passage . but the spaniards getting intelligence of the lord presidents going out of the campe , and supposing us thereby to be much weakned , about noone they drew out most of their forces , and sent 60. shot and pikes to the foot of the hill neere our campe , leaving their ●●enches very well lined . some entertained skirmish with those that did approach so neere ; others of our men went about and set upon the trenches , and beat the spaniards out of them , so that when the formost retyred , supposing to have reliefe of their seconds which they left in the trenches they were deceived , and faine to make haste into the towne : many of them hurt and killed , a serjant taken , so that don jean committed the serjant major : commended the valour of our men , and that his owne had lost their reputation . and commanded that no man should after come off from his service , except he were fetched off by an officer . the 13. day ten great ships came into kinsale under the command of sir ri●h. leveson , who brought 2000. foot with munition and artillery : and officers of all kinds to attend the same . a list of the army at kinsale foot 11800. out of which was chosen a flying regiment ( as they called it ) to answer all alarmes , and were exempted from other duties . the horse 857. the castle niparke upon a breach made by our cannon , yeelded only on condition of saving their lives , sixteen being only left in it ; it stood in an island beyond the water . the lord president returned with foure regiments , two he carryed out , and two met him , and comming to the campe , they quartered by themselves on the west side of kinsale , and were commanded by the earle of thomand , for the lord president went to the lord deputy . the towne with a demi-cannon played upon our admirall , and vice-admirall in the the harbour of kinsale . and shot them throughout . but our shippe peeces presently dismounted the demi-cannon , and hurt their chiefe gunner . our battery lay so continually upon the towne on all sides , that did it much offend the enemy within , who impatient that we built a fort close to the towne west gate . made a brave sally with 2000 men on our ordinance on the east side , and made most furious assault , having brought with them tooles to cloy the peeces , and to dismount them if possible . and indevoured to pull downe the gabions in our trenches and baskets filled with earth , for the safegard of our gunners and cannoneeres . but they found such resistance by the great courage of our men , that they were driven to retreate into the towne , leaving above 120 dead in the place , and many slaine neere the towne , some others taken prisoners . but on our side not many hurt , two captaines and one lievtenant killed . among the spaniards at their shipping many of them were found to have spells , characters , and hallowed medalls , as preservatives against death . a drumme was sent to offer don jean to bury his slaine , who returned thankes , but withall prayed the lord deputie to see them buried , promising to doe the like for ours , when they fell in his power . at this time newes came that sixe spanish ships were put into castle-haven , neere baltamore , and sixe more were scattered from them by foule weather , these six brought two thousand men , and many ordnance and munition , and news that 20000 more were comming . sir richard levison getting five or sixe ships out of the harbour of kinsale , got in little time into castle-haven , and and sunke one spanish ship . the admirall of the spaniard having 9 foot water in her hould drave on a rocke , and the vice-admirall and two others run aground , most of the spaniards quitting them . and so our fleet returned to kinsale . into which harbour came a scottish barke laden with 80 spaniards , who were by the master put all into the hands of the english , so were landed and carryed into the campe , upon whose examination divers discoveries were made , that great preparations were made for ireland , and that in spain they doubted not but that it was taken already . now intelligence came to the campe that o donnell was joyned with the spaniards that landed at castle-haven , & that he together with all the forces that tyrone could make , would releeve kinsale . upon which our campes did more strongly fortifie and intrench themselves for their owne defence . and so had not leasure to follow the batteryes as they had done before , because the new supplies were much wasted with hard service , and great sicknesse . two small sconces were built at the west side of the towne , betweene the earle of thomands quarter and the water , and so cast up trenches from place to place , to invest the town to the land , and hinder the driving in of the cattell into the town . o donnels forces , are said to be 4000. and tyrones 8000. which are all to joyne with the spaniards , and lye not above sixe miles from our campe . a letter was intercepted , sent to oneale by the spanish generall . to the prince oneale , and lord o donnell . j thought your excellencies would have come at don ricardos going , since he had order from you , to say that upon the spaniards comming to you ( from castle-haven ) you would doe me that favour ; and so i beseech you now , you will do it , and come as speedily and as well appointed as may be : for i assure you that the enemy , are tyred and very few , and they cannot guard the third part of their trenches , which shall not availe them , for resisting their first fury , all is ended . the manner of your comming , your excellencies know better there then i to give here : for i will give them enough to doe this way , being alwayes watching to give the blow all that i can , and with some resolution that your excellency fighting as ye doe alwayes , i hope in god the victory shall be ours without doubt , because the cause is his . and i more desire the victory for the interest of your excellencie , then mine owne . and so there is nothing to be done , but to bring your squadrons ; come well appointed and close withall , that being mingled with the enemies ; their forts will doe as much harme to themselves as unto us . the lord keepe your excell . kinsale decemb. 18. after the old stile . though you be not well fitted , i beseech your excellen . to dislodge and come towards the enemy , for expedition imports , it is needfull that we all be on horseback at once , and the greater hast the better , signed by don iean de aquila . this newes made us ply our batteryes the more , and the like importunitie made tyrone advance within a mile of us in the way to corke . but some of our foot drawing out of the campe towards him ; for that time he drew himselfe into the woo●s . our army was but weake at this time , many sick , and some run away in number 6595. tyrone often shewed his horse and foot on a hill not ●a●e off ; and we had intelligence from one of tyrones commanders that both he and the spaniards resolved to a●…t our campe together on all sides in the night . but tyrones guides missing the way , happened to be with●● an houre of day , when they were discried , in a plain not far from our campe : where tirrill led the vantgard wherin the spaniards from castle haven were , tyrone leading their battell , and o donnell their reare intending to force the great campe . but the lord deputy , with the lord president having sate in counsell all that night drew out some regiments . the marshall sir richard wingfield with 400 horse , and sir henry fowers regiment advanced within 20 score of the enemy , resolving to give them battell , two more regiments being come up ; which the enemy perceiving retyred over a foard somewhat disorderly , and the marshall seeing it desired leave of the lord deputy to fight ; which being granted to take occasion according to his discretion , hee presently marched forward over the foard . the enemy still retyring further over the bogge into a plaine , hoping to find the bogge some safegard from us . but the marshall with some horse and foot went to the bogge side , and gave them occasion of skirmish ; there their battalians standing firme on the one side of the bogge , and our foot on the other . in the meane time the marshall found a way through the foord to the ground where the rebels stood , hee possessed the same with some foot , and presently got over three troope of horse , with which he charged the enemies battailes of 1800 men , but finding them stand firme , wheeled about . but now three troope of horse more , and two regiments of foot which were with the lord deputy , who stood not farre off with a vigilant eye , came all up . so that the marshall with the horse charged home upon the reare of the battell , which being irish , and not used to fight in the plaine , especially seeing their horse dye , which were the chief gentlemen ( in number five or six hundred ) were suddenly routed , and our men followed the execution . the other two battels seeing the other routed , advanced to their succour , but the lord deputy sending another regiment to charge on the flanke of the vangard , which presently retyred disorderly , being followed by our horse and foot . but the spaniards that were not so light footed , drew out by themselves , yet were soon broken ( by a troope of horse led by sir william god●lphin ) and most of them killed their commander don alinza del campo taken prisoner , together , with two captaines , 7 alfieroes , ensignes or colours ( as we call them ) and 40 souldiers . in the mean time many of the light-footed irish escaped away , by advantage of this execution done on the spaniard . and all the mayn battaile except 60 were killed . on our side little hurt , sir richard greames coronet killed , some commanders of quality hurt , and six souldiers hurt , many of our horses killed , and others hurt . of the irish 1200 left dead in the place , besides those that were killed in two miles chase . wee took nine of their ensignes , all their drums , powder , and two thousand armes . and their destruction had been greater , had not the greedinesse of our men in pillaging and rifling the spaniards hindred it . and had not our foot been tired out with continuall service , and our horse spent for want of provision to keepe them in good case , we had cut the throat of all the rebels , for they never made resistance ▪ nor looked behind them , but ran and shifted for their lives . his lordship presently in the midst of the dead bodies , gave thanks to god for this great victorie . so let all thine enemies perish , o lord , but let them that love him be as the sun when he goeth forth in his might . the rebels were upon report about six thousand foot , & 500 horse , whereof 14 captains slain , souldiers slain 1995. his lordship had not above 1200 foot , and lesse then 400 horse , so that it was gods great goodnesse to give him the day . and about noon he returned giving volleys of shot in manner of triumph . which the spaniards in the town hearing , who had layn still all this while expecting tyrone , and now supposed that it had been he , made a sally out upon our campe , but soone perceiving their errour , they did retire into the town again . but made divers sallies out to hinder our making of trenches , and other works which now we did most earnestly . about the last of december , don jean sent to the deputy about a parley , tearming him vice-roy , and much complained of the treachery and falshood of the irish . and that if honorable conditions were offered , he would accept ; and so after many parlyes and propositions , articles were accorded on both sides . that the spaniard with all he had , and while they tarry be well intreated , and have things necessary for their money : and sent safe away into spain in english ships , assoone as conveniently they may : paying for their passage , and leaving a pledge for the safe returne of them backe againe . so our army went to refresh it self at corke , and the span. abroad in kinsale ; only don jean ▪ rode with the deputy , and made means to his lordship , that his excellencie would shew some commiseration on the spanish prisoners that were in corke , that were in great extremity for want of provision in number 160. ian 25 ▪ certaine captaines are dispatched west ward to receive from the spaniards , at castle-haven , baltamore , and b●●r-haven , those castles which they possessed , but they not knowing of this their generals composition , they a●b●●r-haven being 60 , did build a fort of trees and earth and planted three pieces in it . about the eight of march ( for so long it was by reason of foule weather and crosse winds , before all the spaniards ▪ could be sent home ; his lordship with the army attending ▪ thereabout , not willing to trust them over-much , or give them occasion of doing ill . about the end of the yeere 1601 , his lordship wrote unto the counsell in england , shewing them the hope that they had of the peace and quiet of munster , upon the death and execution of three arch-rebels . likewise shewing them there was great discontentment in the army , upon an occasion of an abatement of halfe a pound of beefe to each m●● a day , and two herring o●●●●shdays ; and that the horsmen did murmure , for that 〈…〉 ; were raised 5 s. in a quarter more then usual , being but 〈…〉 before ▪ now 15 s. which his lordship did alter againe for feare of a mutiny . and presently after his lordship fell sicke , and so continued repayring to dublin to take physi●k . now here majesties charge is cast up for the former yeer ending 1602 , and it was 246087 l ▪ 7 s. 8. d. besides the concord●u●● ▪ bils impressed upon account here , the levies and transporting of forces , ( paid in england ▪ the payment of works , and the charge of the office of the ordnance , powder , bullets , &c. now a list is taken of the army in the beginning of the● yeere ▪ 1602 ▪ collonels 14. totall● of the horse by the list 1487. foot 16950. but of these only 500 horse ▪ and 3650 foot went into the field with his lordship , the rest were placed in severall forts , castles , and countries ▪ for the better preventing of the rebels joyning together , and were so placed , that upon little warning many o● them might meet with his lordship , now intending to bend all his forces on tyrons country . so being recovered , took the field in iune , and marching up to blackwater , to the fittest passage into the heart , of tyrone five miles eastward from the fort of blackwater . there was but a small space or skirt of a wood between our camp and the river , which wood he had cut through the yeere before , and there building a bridge over the river , and a fort to safegard it ( calling it charlemount , he passed to dungannon , six miles distant , a plaine open way : whence tyrone making hast away left the towne and his own house there seated all a fire , so his lordship sending a● company before to view it , presently marched thither with his army , and tyrone fled as high as the castle r●● , upon● be ▪ ban , his lordship sent out . companys to spoyle and forrage , as farre as en●●killin or lough erne , and taking two of tyrones chiefe islands , hee marched to lough-sidney where he met sir arthur chicester ▪ with his forces ; who came from carickfergus ; at their meeting place his lordship raised a for● capable of a 1000 foot , and 100 horse , and called in mountjoy , after his own barony . and his lordships resolutions were to follow tyrone from place to place , but that a scarcity of victuals hindred him , so that he was fa●● ▪ for 20 days to go● elswhere to provide , but leaving those garrisons in the mean time , so strong about tyrone , that he should not dare to venture on the plain● , and they stirring about to seek after him in his fortress , he should not feed his c●…is abroad . now fresh news came of new supplyes from spaina , and confirmed , for that a ship of spaine arrived at ardea , and brought o swillivan beare , and other captaines of the rebels munition and store of money : which made them grow somewhat resolute , whereas before they were ready to sue for mercy : this caused some obstructions in their proceeding . but the lord deputy intending to take the field and have the newry but hearing that tyrone would send and disturbe the parts about killultagh , to hinder that himselfe should not be prosecuted , his lordship sent some commanders to invest a strong fort wherein lay all the goods of such rebels as were fled into tyrone : called enishlanghen , which was seated in the midst of a great bog , and no way accessable , but through thick woods very hardly passable , and the fort had about it two deep ditches both compassed with strong pallisado's a very high and thick rampire of earth , and timber , and well flanked with bulwarks , and sixty souldiers for its defence ; who by the industry and valour of our men were made to yield , and men brought to his lordship at the newly . this done his lordship took the field , aug. 20 , marched towards armagh , and so spoyled tyron's country , who was fled into fermanagh ; from whence he went to a fortresse at the bottome of lough earne , so that hee could not be approched , so that making wast thereabouts & leaving garrisons , at the end of sūmer his lordship returned to dublin . about october 20 , many rebels offered submission , especially many of tyrones captains , and tyron himself writes an humble letter to the lord deputy . who begins a journey into connagh to take the submission of other rebels , and to view the towne of galloway , where he continued all christmas , and caused a fort to be built there . the lord president of munster , went to surprize the castle of dunbay which oswillivan bear got from the spaniard , at bearhaven , where in were sixty warders , and three peeces of ordnance , neere unto which his lordship pitched his camp having a rising hil between it & the castle ; there were within it some spaniards & italians : but our battery making a breach was entred by the english , and possessed part of it , but the rebels defended the rest all the day and night , and part of the next day : untill our men wonne it by force , and slue and executed 134 men , sparing 12 of good account , which were kept to worke upon tirrill . spanish ordnance taken in this fort , one demyculvering , two sacres , and one falcon all of brasse , and two sacres , five minions , and one falcon of iron ; the castle was blown up , and his lordship returned to corke , sir samuel bagual with a regiment , fell by night into tirrils campe , lying in muskerry , killed 80 of his men , made him flie away in his shirt , took a thousand cattell , 60 horses and hackneys , and much rich spoyle . and sir charles wilmot brake by night into the quarters . of the knight of kerry , killed 40 of his men , tooke 500 cows , 200 garrais , and two moneths provision of meale , and meeting with other rebels , he took in all 2000 cows , 4000 sheep , and 1000 garrais , so that the rebels as b●oken men flew towards pale : about this time captain taffe commanding our irish in carbery , assaulted a band of rebels , led by a priest the popes nuntio , who killed the priest with most of his men , and got his cattell . upon whose death mac carties , & all cerbery submitted . so the lord president from connagh returned to munster , and leaving two commissioners to governe munster in the beginning of march , sailed into england . and now tyrone himself sues for the queenes favour , which she is very unwilling to grant , supposing him not worthy to live , who had cost so many lives , and caused he so much charge and trouble : yet the deputy earnestly mediates , but it doth not appeare that ever shee did yield unto it ; yet willing he should come in . but tyrone had little left but the grudging of the common people , which alwayes followes disasters , and exclaymed that he had ingaged the ruine of his whole nation , for his owne private disco●tents , and that these warres howsoever beneficiall to him , yet were they most pe●nicious to them . thus tyrone having almost , if not altogether worne out and wasted his friends and fortune , found it high time to seek ●avour and accept it upon any terms . which the deputy having secret intelligence of ( the queens death not yet publikely knowne ) made some haste to accept of his submission , lest another should have taken the beast out , that he had taken in his toyle . and so march 30 , 1603 , at me●ifont hee made his humble submission to the deputy ( sitting in a chaire of state ) on his knees , and in the company of the deputy rode to dublin , april 4. at which time open tydings came of the death of that victorious queen , and the happy comming in of k. james : do the earle of tyrone , made a new submission to the deputy , as to king james king of england . and now upon this change divers of the towns and cities , as cork , waterford , and wexford , through the ●educing of the priests and jesuits ) had set up the idolatrous masse ▪ and brought in popish superstition , by force and violence , on a ●a●●e suggestion , that k. james was a favourer of the same . so the deputy was ●ike to have a new businesse in hand by those that had not shewed themselves all this time ; who seeing their hope of gaine gone , the rebellion growing to an end , themselves will venture to continue it rather then let it ●●●ke . as limrick and galloway , but especially corke grew exceeding insolent , and by force to advance to the height , the romish religion . and for prevention hereof his lordship first writes to the maior , and then drawes towards them with the kings forces . hanged some of the ring-leaders at corke , sware the other cities to obedience , leaving strong garrisons in them . left sir george carem the kings deputy , sent for tyrone , and carried him into england ; where he was joyfully welcomed , and graciously entertained at the court , created earle of devonshire , and made a privy counsellour , tyrone having procured his pardon of the king , and a proclamation for his safegard in his return to ireland , being grown exceeding odious to our nation , there he stayed awhile , but after being disloyall , fled into spain , and there died . the war ended the army list , horse 1000 , foot 11150 , and after to be reduced to 8000 foot . the charge from 1602 to 1603 , beside concordatum , munition , and other extraordinaries 290733 l. 8 s. 9 d. which war continued from october 1 , 1598 : to the last of march , 1603 , which was foure yeeres and a halfe , and cost besides great concordatums , great charge of munition , and other great charge of extraordinaries 1198717 l. 19 s. thus was ireland by that noble lord cured of its desperate state , and brought into the most absolutest subjection , in which it had ever been since the first conquest . and had the resolution held of disarming the papists , which afterward could not be effected when our army was reduced to so small a number . or the eye of policy or church discipline been so vigilant or observable , as it might have been . we need not now have 〈…〉 what we may justly , though 〈…〉 enough lament . but whether slides my eager pen , it was my promise to set a period to that sad seene ; and how meanly performed , no man knows better then my selfe . but since that tragick part is now againe ( after so many halcyon happy dayes ) come on the stage ; it calls to minde still some sad events which then hapned , and follow 〈…〉 rebellion , whose indentive is imaged ●ancour , and end 〈…〉 and destruction . for besides that inhumane disposition of the native irish ▪ as appeared by a barbarous fact committed about 〈…〉 in ●ent by three irish people in their house , killing them and burning that running away by the light ; but were apprehended , executed , and hung on gibbets . there is an imbred hatred in them towards the english , and a generall dislike of our civill government , but much more of our religion , the love of the irish to spain , ( whence some of them are descended . the least successe of the rebels , and the hope of pardon upon the worst event ; which last by the great wisdome of the 〈…〉 is prevented by ●etting their 〈…〉 ●ale assoone as they are en●●ed into rebellion , the better to awe them ; for those continuall parleys and overtures of peace proved most dangerous to the state , and most advantageous to the rebels ▪ and caused them to revolt upon the least 〈…〉 and where as the ●●i●es have layen so loo●e on them these many years ▪ it makes them proue ●adish , who by nature goe best with a hard hand . being best preserved by the same means by which they were first gained . these things lying 〈…〉 in their hearts ( has now ●●oake out in a filthy running soare ) especially pressed by the hands of priests and iesuits , who for their owne 〈…〉 and end● , care not what exigence and extrea●ity they 〈…〉 those mis●ed people into , who were they so wi●e as to consider those miseries they formerly indured , when the provision of the countrey was destroyed , and they lay scattered in the wayes dead by 1000 with hunger , and nothing more common then to see multitudes of those miserable people dead in the ditches of towne , with their mouthes all coloured greene with eating of nettles and docks , and whaelse they could reare out of the ground . beside this , two most horrid● spectacles were then s●●ne three children ( the eldest not above 10 yeares old all eating and grawing the intrals of their dead mother , upon whose flesh they had fed 20 dayes past having devoured all the flesh to the bare bones ; now fell a roasting the in●r●lles on a slow fire to sustaine themselves from starving . another more cruell discovered by captaine traver lying at the newry , of certaine old women in those parts which used to make a fire in the fields , whether divers little children drove out cattell in the cold mornings , and comming to warme themselves , were by these surprised , killed , and eaten , which at the last was discovered by a great girle which brake from them by strength . for the certaine information the captaine sent our fo●… souldiers to try the truth of it , who found the ●o●ls and bones of children scattered in the fields ; and so did apprehend those cursed cairiffs , and put them to death . those and many as bad are the accidents that happened in that rebellion . and who can expect better in this , or 〈…〉 who 〈…〉 not worse , if no● suddenly prevented , this fire of rebellion now kindle● ; will be found to increase into a devouring 〈…〉 by slow and slender oppositions to the first cruption , if the rebels have liberty to combine and know their owne strength , for by delay the foe is incouraged , and his number animated by such as submit for feare of them , when they cannot be secured by us . and if we have not such forces as may keepe and command the field , thereby to compell the rebell to make resistance●t one place with most of his forces , then will hee forrage and spoyle all abroid in the country ; but if hee be made unite in one head , then will he soone be driven to want of victuals , which will be apt to breed murmurings and mutinies among themselves . and a warre of force will be great , costly , and large ( as the earle of essex said ) and that will make the burden more deservedly to be complained of , then that of queene elizabeth , who did grieve and groane ( as shee sayd ) with her subjects , under so great a weight as the maintaining of 1400. foot , and 1500 horse , in a climate full of contagion , in a kingdome utterly wasted . which forces ours must farre exceed , for although the rebels have not such woods and fortresses as then , yet now are they equall in number , and farre more ready then formerly , and better exercised in feats of armes , and no doubt will make the best advantage of the hils and boggs , for the earle of essex was wont to say that the warre in ereland , was as aswell to be made with woods and bogges as men ; it 's not like the coursing of a hare , but as the digging after an earthed foxe from one angle to another . it was then thought the savingst way to breake them by factions raysed among themselves , they being coveteous and mercenary ; and will be hired to any thing , especially if the iesuites and preaching priests be but rooted out , which doe solder them so fast and close together , that were they quite banished ; they would moulder asunder in short time of themselves . some obstructions were then like to happen , as ready to hinder the good progresse arising from the discountenancing of the generall by the supreame authority that imployed him ; his want of trusty friends to mediate and speed his proceedings ; this feare raysed many jealousies in the earle of essex head , and run him on the rash attempt to have ( unw●rranted ) the service . this made lord mountjoy , so labour to ingratiate himselfe with secretary cecil , a man powerful with the queen , by which meanes all necessaries are timely sent unto him , himselfe incouraged to diligence , and had in honour and reputation in the eyes of his souldiers . it was the only overthrow of victorious haniball , to bee secretly maligned , by the crafty wiles of hanno working upon some thrifty humours of the senators of carthage , and ready to urge all his proceeding to his disadvantage . and when some shall labour by false evidence to sway the opinion of his supreame judge in the title of their favour and his deserts ; this dealing may prove injurious to the service by whomsoever to be undertaken . it was then thought fit for the further countenancing of the generall , for to leave the disposing of many places , especially the companies of the supplies sent unto him , for so gentlemen were kept in ireland from being troublesome in importuning authority for companies in england , & men did more indeavour to deserve well being in the eye of him of whom they have , or else expect advancement , and by that meanes will he bee able to curbe the insolencies and misdemeanours , of many bad captaines , who sue and presse hard for command to make a living , rather then out of any love to the cause or countrey , or any affection to their companies , as may appeare by keeping of them imperfect , and so lay the greater burden of service on the rest , or else by changing away some for such such as are not seruiceable , as was attempted in the first scottish imployment and knowing that their time is short , and at the end of the war begins ( through their wast and improuidence , their misery ) captaines make harvest wages by reaping other men corne . these crimes in the queenes wisdome were thought so heynous , as that the offenders were made examples by casheering , degrading , and other notes of infamy . and captaines refusing to shew their companies , when they were required by the commissaries of the mustors should be checked two moneths pay , which will prove no ill president to be now obserued . another inconvenience then happened in that there were not large magazins of provision layd in the safe townes lying on the sea or great rivers , for an army has a large body , and much of it ( like a frogs belly ) and without that satisfaction the hands and knees are feeble . and through the default of the victualers there happened as great a mischiefe , that seeing the state of england exceeds all other princes in their large allowance both by sea and land . so for the kind more nourishable , as hoofe and porke , where as the spaniard and french feed-on hard pease and beanes , dry ruske , and insiped rice , easie to bee kept indeed . but through the coozenage and deceit of the victualers , it is both cut short in quantity , and unsavoury , and unwholsome in the quality breeding diseases and infection among the poor souldiers . this is no news to any that have been in the late actions of the english , and will never be otherwise untill some severe course be taken with these cruell harpies that ruine both king and people by uttering any musty provision . an excellent and commendable provision was then made for the sick ; a quest-house in the towne , and carefully looked into , and to have their lendings in ready money , and surplussage allowed . and for those that were sick or sickly in the camp ; their own means allowed them very duly . then a generall contribution from the officers and captaines of the army : amounting to fifty pound a week , bestowed in providing warm b●o●h , meat and lodging ; as was a great succour both to the sick and ●aymed , not permitting them to lye in the field scattered or neglected , as though by their losse of limbes or health , they had lost their christianity , what is it that takes away the edge of their valour , that they dare not venture so boldly as they would , but this neglect and scorne that is offered them , or least the losse of a member prove more miserable then the losse of their lives . but let us now goe on with better hopes , and resolutions becomming the english nation , assuring ●●●selves there is now wealth and honour to be gotten as wel a● then , when di●●rs atchieved the dignity of earles , many vis●o●●ts , 13 at the least . barons which were colonels and captaines in that service , besides many well affected irish ; who wonne honour and not b●ing can be w●●●ing c●s●r , a●d the 〈…〉 will take care of us . besides , know of what condition your adversaries are rebels in the highest degree against god , so having wounded their own conscience , and god their hearts ; they will prove no other then a hea●● of deere , shewing a faire head ; but make their heele the safe gardian off them ; and those light-footed kerne have alwayes made better use of their heels then hands ; and proof hath shewed when ever they were called to the aid of the scots or english . whose best commendations was , that the irish at the first went on well , but according to their custome suddenly fell off ; and leave their party ingaged , if they looke not to it . so they did in a good cause , and with good company , but now all stained , and stand guilty of rebellion , which is as the sin of witchcraft . they became crest-falne , faint-hearted , that if followed with speed , actum est . the tragedy is ended , they must all uncase . but why am i so bold , when wisdome almost divine is busie about it ? as if i meant to light a candle to the sun ; why that has been at noon day , to pry a corner that glorious light stoops not too . besides , abundans cautela non nocet . many boayes in the sea , many beacons on the shoare , makes all the more safe and secure . and it may be used as an old wifes medicine , if it doe no good it will do no hurt : for it is not meant as an advice , but as an opinion of a wel-wisher , which may be allowed or cancelled at any mans pleasure . but when thou goest out with thy host against thine enemies , keep thee then from all wickednesse , deut. 23. 9. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a52629e-260 part. 3. a perfect relation of the beginning and continuation of the irish-rebellion, from may last, to this present 12th , of january, 1641 with the place where and persons who did plot, contrive, and put in execution that romish damnable designe : as also their inhumane cruelties which they have and still execute with divellish hatred upon the protestants / written by a worthy gentleman and sent over by a merchant now dwelling in dublin ; whereunto is annexed the merchants letter who sent the copy of this relation : with another letter wherein is truely related the battell fought betwixt our english and the rebels on the tenth of january as a town called swords eight miles from dublin. jones, henry, 1605-1682. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a54346 of text r9329 in the english short title catalog (wing p1508). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 26 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a54346 wing p1508 estc r9329 12532131 ocm 12532131 62785 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54346) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62785) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 249:e131, no 35) a perfect relation of the beginning and continuation of the irish-rebellion, from may last, to this present 12th , of january, 1641 with the place where and persons who did plot, contrive, and put in execution that romish damnable designe : as also their inhumane cruelties which they have and still execute with divellish hatred upon the protestants / written by a worthy gentleman and sent over by a merchant now dwelling in dublin ; whereunto is annexed the merchants letter who sent the copy of this relation : with another letter wherein is truely related the battell fought betwixt our english and the rebels on the tenth of january as a town called swords eight miles from dublin. jones, henry, 1605-1682. p. g., merchant now dwelling in dublin. 8 [i.e. 16] p. printed by j.r., london : 1641 [i.e. 1642] the relation was written by "dean jones of kilmore," i.e. henry jones, the bishop of meath. the merchant's letter signed: p.g. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a54346 r9329 (wing p1508). civilwar no a perfect relation of the beginning and continuation of the irish-rebellion, from may last, to this present 12th. of january, 1641. with the jones, henry 1642 4851 18 0 0 0 0 0 37 d the rate of 37 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a perfect relation of the beginning and continuation of the irish-rebellion , from may last , to this present 12th . of ianuary , 1641. with the place where , and persons who , did plot , contrive , and put in execution that romish damnable designe . as also their inhumane cruelties which they have , and still execute , with divellish hatred , upon the protestants . written by a worthy gentleman , and sent over by a merchant now dwelling in dublin . whereunto is annexed the merchants letter who sent the copy of this relation : with another letter wherein is truely related , the battell fought betwixt our english , and the rebels , on the tenth of ianuary , at a town called swords , eight miles from dublin . 〈…〉 sir , i received your kind letter from your friend , whose presence i have not yet had the happinesse to enjoy ; i shall shew him what curtesie and respect i can . i have now herein made bold to trouble you with a relation written by an honest gentleman of these parts . i will passe my word the work is truly written , and not like those scurrilous things printed concerning this kingdome . god help us , we are in a miserable condition , there will be no safety here without the destruction of vile popery . our armie consisting of about 3000. men , is again gone abroad this day to fight with the enemy , god give them good successe . yesterday they burnt some villages about seven miles off that harboured the rogues , and brought in 3000. sheep , and 80. cowes , with other pillage : our ships being four snall ones , one great one , of a 190. tuns , are gone yesterday well provided to releeve droghedath , which i hope they have done , the winde being to their desire . this in exchange of your news , which i pray impart to our friends . thus with my hearty good wishes to you , and your wife , i take leave , your very loving friend , p. g. a perfect relation of the rebellion in ireland , from the beginning thereof , till this present ianuary . since the irish army in may last was disbanded , ( which was done with much reluctation of the multitude , being very unwilling to lay down their arms , ) and the romish plot for civill warres ( and bloody battell practised by the lurking jesuits , and their adherents , the romanists in generall ) between our gracious soveraign , and his subjects of scotland tooke none effect ; and the opportunity and means of taking away root and branch of the protestants , both english and scotish in ireland was avoided . it is clear and manifest , that this new way of treason and rebellion , was by the disloyall and persidious romanists , the incendiaries of all christendome , at some frequent conventicles and meetings , principally at a friary called multifornam in the county of westmeath , where many hundreds of them met and consulted for many daies together this last summer ( provision being brought in unto them by the countrey ) where they thus plotted , contrived , and put in execution as followeth , videlicet . that on the 23. day of october last , most of the kings forts and castles throughout the realm , should be by select men set out and allotted to every particular fort and castle to be by them surprized ; and the governours and keepers thereof slain , or kept prisoners . accordingly many castles and forts were then surprizes ; the surprizers under colour of neighbourhood and friendship , inviting themselves to breakfast or dinners to the governors and keepers thereof , where themselves , their wives , children , and servants were robbed , spoiled , and stripped of all their monies , plate , jewells , goods , corn , cartell , housholdstuffe , and apparell , and some slain or hanged , and some kept prisoners , and barbarously handled . for surprisall of his highnesse principall castle and city of dublin ; where the residence of this princely government is , was allotted and assigned the lord macguire baron of eneskelim , the two macmoghans , and others . the lord macguire to that purpose repaired to dublin some few daies before ; and the macmoghans , and the rest , the two and twentieth of october , with intent to surprise the castle on the morrow at the opening of the gates , and letting downe the draw-bridge , and to act their intended tragicall massacre of the protestants , on the twenty fourth day of october being sunday . to that purpose had they gathered together a multitude of desperate savage barbarous fellowes out of their remote countries into dublin : of whom ( upon the discouery of the conspiracie ) the lord macguire , the macmoghans , and many others were apprehended and tooke the castle the same day ; but not so early in the morning as they intended , and are yet there in durance . and many hundreds more were neere approaching to the city of dublin on the three and twentieth day of october ; but upon the noise of the discovery , retreated . and moreover about foure hundred men having divers moneths lien on shipboord in the port of dublin in two of the best ships furnished with guns , frequenting that port , hired under pretence of transporting those foure hundred men , being levied and shipped by his highnesse letters of licence for spain were upon the discovery neglected , and no further care taken for their transportation , or victualling . but the friar , one mallun , that had been the cheife agent in victualling , and for the pretended transportation of those foure hundred men , hid himselfe from further examination and inquiry ; and the men were thereupon set on shore . what the secret intended intended plot was , as well touching those foure hundred men , as also touching those two armed ships , the occurrences and consequence being compared , i leave to the judicious to discern ; many delayes being made against articles of charter-party , to hinder the masters and navigators of the sayd ships from hoising saile when the winde served . notwithstanding , it pleased that almighty and omniscient god , that hath been alwayes propitious , benigne , and gracious to our gracious king , in rescuing and delivering him ; as also his gracious father of famous memory , and famous queene elizabeth their predecessor , from many malicious , wicked , and bloody romish designes ; as the queen from pistolls , poisons , and poniards , and the armado of spain , in the year 1588. king iames , and our gracious king charles from the gun-powder-treason , and since , in bringing back our gracious soveraigne lord , and king , out of the jawes of spain , and rome ; by defeating , and preventing the massacre of his majesties royall sister , and her royall issue in holland ; from the spanish armado , in the year 1639. overthrown by the hollanders , without his losse or costs . from intestine and civill wars between him and his subjects of scotland , laboured by that arch-devill , arch-juggler . so now by his secret and mighty power and providence ( as the manner of discovery will make appeare ) to prevent the imminent ruine , and utter destruction and losse of the whole realme of ireland , and his highnesse people the protestants , which must have followed ; if the castle or dublin , whereby all his highnesse stores and provisions of all manner of arms , ammunition , and instruments for war ▪ being then no small quantity had been surprised . yet the rest of the conspirators in most of the counties throughout the the realme being confident of the good successe of the lord macguire in surprising the castle , and city of dublin . ( and well they might be confident thereof , for the good successe of the catholike cause was prayed for at their masses ; ) went on with their traiterous and bloudy resolutions ; and the neighbouring irish in most counties , slew the neighbouring english ; debtors their creditors tenants their landlords , some lords of lands their tenants , mortgagers their mortgagees , servants their masters , and severally possessed themselves of their severall lands and goods , money , plate , jewels , apparell , housholdstuffe , corn , and cattell , and thrust them , that they let live , out of doores naked . many great mens servants being irish , ran away from their masters with their best horses to the rebels . the rebels further prosecuting their traitterous and rebellious designes , surprised every day more and more of his highnesse forts , castles , and towns , partly by fraudulent and treacherous insinuation , partly by force , partly by promises of faire quarter to those his highnesse subjects , who had upon the noise of the rebellion betaken themselves thereunto for safegard of themselves and their goods , that upon rendition they should carry away bag and baggage . behold , all ye that passe by , and read this relation , how these promises of quarter were performed ! no sooner came his majesties subjects out of those holds , but they were all , by the rebells , stripped naked ; some bloodily wounded , even to death , but left alive languishing ; their bellies being ripped , and guts issuing , cast upon dung-hils ; some butchered and cut into gobbets ; some men , some women hanged , yea many hanged , or otherwise put to death by them , when they returned from some skirmishes with lesse . no degree of laity , or of , or belonging to the clergy spared ; but ladies , gentlewomen , women great with childe , yea , children , very infants and sucklings , as well as men , all robb'd , and stripped naked , and exposed to extremity of winde and weather , in a cold winter season ▪ and forced to lie on the cold earth in the fields , in their travell towards dublin ; over whom , being driven together in herds and flocks , the salvages insulted , and upbraided them , saying , now are ye wilde irish as well as we , and ye may go to dublin , if ye will ; but ye will finde little succour there , for we are sure the castle and city are taken . whither thousands of them repairing from farre , being fore smitten with hunger and cold before they came thither ; many of them , after severall reliefs upon the high way , having been thrice stripped by the unmercifull salvages ( it is true ) found but slender succour ; for indeed it is not there to be had , howsoever some particular men have been very bountifull in their alms and contribution . for the one halfe of the city and suburbs are papists , and will not , or dare not relieve a protestant for fear of romes curse , which is denounced against them , if they do relieve . of the other halfe two parts of three , are poore , and not able to give ; and halfe a third part are departed with their estates into england for safety ; insomuch as the distressed poore robbed people dye there on heaps , as before they did in the fields upon their travell . it is now little more than two moneths since this rebellion burst out , during within , and since which time the traitors and rebels have so bestirred themselves , that they have not left an englishman subsisting in any part of the realm , except in the province of conhaught ; where they are beholding the goodnesse , loyalty , ●nd fidelity of the noble earle of glenricard , and the care and vigilancie of the right honourable the president of the same province , for their being : and in some parts of the provinces of munster and vlster ; the first whereof is in part planted with english , being the portion of the noble earle of corke , and the last with scots , being the portion of divers noble and generous scots ( who have behaved themselves bravely , and stoutly against the rebels ; as also some of the english chiefetains have , who ( i doubt not ) shall reape the due merit of their courage and valour ; ) and in some other few fortified towns , castles , and forts , able for a while to defend themselves from the rage and fury of the multitude , who have dared to stop up all the high-wayes and passages from dublin to remote parts , thereby to prevent all postage of letters , and messages from the state to any town , city , or county , governour , lievetenant , or commander , to lay ambushes for his highnesse forces , men , arms , and ammunition , and to surprise the arms , and slay the men , to rob and spoile all the english within two myles of the city of dublin , and to bring up their forces so neere , and to skirmish with his highnesse forces , they having gotten at least 3000 , or 4000 arms of his majesties by force , or fpraud , but most by treachery . they have dared above a whole moneth to besiege his majesties towne of drogheda , both by sea and land , the same being but twenty miles remote from dublin ; insomuch as both towns are already straightned for victuals : drogheda having had for all that time no market at all , and dublin a very slender and thin market ; therein appeering now scarcely either pound of fresh butter , or cheese , turkey , goose , hen , capon , chick , egge , or pigge , or any manner of sea-foul ; and little fish ; all which were wont to be very plentifull , and at cheape rates . it is supposed that most of the fisher-men are become rebels . the prices of corn , beife , mutton , veale , and porke are already doubled to that they were at the b●gining of the rebellion . for i● very deed the rebels have surprised , or do detaine from market , or are possessed of all the corn and cattle almost in the whole realm . a 〈…〉 moneths space after the treason and rebellion brake out ; it seemed to be none other , but such as was plotted , stirred , and enterprized only by some male-contented old irish , against the english ; whose ancestors and themselves h 〈…〉 ss fled their ancestors lands , and revenues , and the couse not romish , and universall ; but it had been possible to have been conceived , that if the castle of dublin had been surprised ; the cause would have proved not onely discontent for dis-inheritance , but the catholike romish cause , a kingdome , and a new catholike king . as soon as those of the vicinity of dublin , lords , knights and gentlemen of the pale , the old english , had by their cautelous insinuations , and protestations of loyalty and fidelity to the king , and crowne , soverally obtained from the right honourable , the lords , justices , severall arms and ammunition out of his highnesse store house , in his castle of dublin , for their pretended private defence against the rebels : and had afterwards declared themselves , by laying aside those severall arms and ammunition together , for a publike offence against our soveraigne lord the king , his crowne and dignity , to be their confederates , then it apperred manifestly that the cause was not only private discontent of some particular men , but universall , romish , and devillish , even for a kingdom . for what did , or could the last committee of parliament crave of his highnesse for enlargement of their jurisdictions , immunities , and liberties , which was not liberally of his free grace granted . let the whole world behold , and see the free grace , and bounty , of a royall , virtuous , and pious king ; and the disloyall ingratitude , and heathenish immanity , of a persidious , and rebellious people , who have so traiterously requited his king-like clemency and benignity . for they have not only destroyed , and made desolate his kingdome in two moneths , which hath been fourty years implanting since the last civill wars ; but they have also robbed him of his rents , revenues , and customes , and part of those subsidies which themselves had helped to confirm by act of parliament , and robbed , spoiled , and murthered many of his liege-people , which should , and would have cheerfully payed those subsidies . for they have destroyed all merchandize and trade throughout the realm , whereby even many of themselves , and their impious faction , must of necessity sh●●er infinitely ; millions of gold will not countervail the dammage on all sides . one thing more in particular , touching those of the pale neer the city of dublin , and the confines is worthy to be related , videlicet , that when some of them had obtained arms , and ammunition for 500. men , with pretence to resist the rebels : besides those a forementioned for their private defence , they returned answer , that they could not levy so many men , who would fight against the rebels : and therefore they would return the arms , and ammunition , and so did , but not to the castle of dublin , whence they received them , but to the town droghedath , which is now besieged , between which and dublin , the some men now ly with an arm. , expecting doubtlesse , shortly to have all those arms again . for the best of them , who appeared most in getting forth chose armes , have since refused to come in upon proclamation , they have joyned themselves with the rebels , they have taken the kings subjects prisoners , they have again r●leased them , and given them passes from the irish army , coloured with pretended authority in the kings name , with their ●wn names , and a romish priests , or fry●rs subscribed . was not this a neat romish trick ? let all these conveyances , and occurrences be laid together , and then let all the princes , and nations of europe judge , and censure , whether religion can warrant such fraud , and treachery , treason , and rebellion , robbery , spoil , rapine , bloudy cruelty , and murders . the primitive persecutions were exquisite torments of divers kindes full of tyranny , and cruelty ; but they were short , and made a speedy end of life ; but this new found way of persecution by cold , and hunger , much more terrible , and exceedeth them all , because it is a long lingring , and languishing torment , and so much the more cruell , because exercised on women , yea women great with childe , infants , and sucklings . these tyrants , and bloudy minded men , certainly are not kings , nor governours ; by what authority then exercise they such cruelty upon their fellow subjects ? what can they say for themselves , if they should answer before their king ? if they pretend religion , though there be a mulct of ninepence , each sabbath upon every person of competent age absenting himself from divine service by a statute law enacted in the realm , they cannot alledge that it was put in execution , or that they had not freedom for their romish superstitions , which to endeavor to convince them of by argument is but folly . for their pretended catholike cause , which already appeareth to be the mother of treason , and rebellion , the sin of witchcraft , murder , and all other abominations , and will shortly appear , even to themselves to be the daughter of antichrist , and antichristianisme , must by an inevitable div●ned cree , be convinced by fire , and sword . not unto us , o lord , not unto us , but unto thy name give the glory , for thy loving mercy , and for thy truths sake . for if the lord himself had not been on our side , now may we , that survive since the day of discovery of their abominable treason , and rebellion , say , when they rose up against us ; they had swallowed us up quick , they were so wrathfully displeased at us . pr●ised be the lord , which hath not given us over as a prey unto their teeth . the snare is broken , and we are delivered . it may be collected that king david , in these precedent words of his , prophecied of these later times , and the romish persecution . for how were the snares broken , and we delivered , when there was but tenne houres left unrun out from catching us in their snare ? meerly by the providence of god , as the many formerly mentioned deliverances were . it appeareth manifestly , that the conspiracy had been long in batching , and contriving with true romish secrecy . for the honest-man owen o-connely , the discoverer being an irish man , but a protestant ( as he hath declared to divers of his familiar friends ) having observed by discourse among the irish , that there was some enterprize in hand prayed for , at their masses , in furtherance , and good successe of the catholike cause , although he had dissembled his religion , and frequented their masses in places remote from his habitation , where he was not known , could never obtain a true discovery of the particular , untill the very evening of the two and twentieth day of october , when hugh mac-moghan , one of the conspirators , intending to expresse his love to owen o connely , and to rescue him out of the approaching danger , and to that end having invited him by letters , and an expresse messenger to ride with him a long journey to dublin , upon earnest affairs , they with the rest being thither come ; opening his minde to owen , told him what the enterprise was , videlicet , the surprizall of the castle of dublin , and massacre of the protestants , and enjoyned him secrecy , and fidelity . owen could do no lesse for his own safeties sake , then give consent , and promise fidelity , and secrecy . but withall he diswaded hugh mac-moghan from the enterprize , but did not prevail . for hugh mac-moghan answered , that it was too farre gone , he was so deepely engaged , that he had vowed perseverance , or to that effect . if it be so , replied owen , let us go on , i will do my best , or to that effect . notwithstanding his verball consent , the good man moved with the fear of god , love of his king and country , and commiseration of his fellow subjects , christians , and protestants , whom he well saw , and knew were sure to be lost , and ruined if the plot succeeded , wisely reserving to himself his compunction of heart , and loyall affection , kept company with the traytors , and revelled with them in taverns , untill he had drunk too much ; but in the end watching his opportunity , slipt away , from them , into one of the lords justices houses , and discovered unto the lord justice the conspiracy ; to which the lord justice gave little credence at first , because he perceived that owen had d●●●k too much . but the vehemency , and importunity of owen , moved him to embrace , and take the information to heart , and immediately it being then late in the night to go to councell with his peers , and to take course for prevention of that wicked , and damnable treason , and for apprehension of the conspirators , who were eight or nine of them attached , within eight or nine houres after ; a little before the prefixed hour of their intended mischief , and the lord macguire about the midst of the same day . for every particular of the manner of dise very , it is not materiall to set out ; owen o conn●y best can , and hath already told his own tale . herein is given only a brief touch of it , whereout may be gathered , that the finger of god was in it , in framing the heart of hugh mac moghan towards owen o connely , and to discover that to him in the very point of time , which he had so busily , and industriously long sought alter . therefore let glory be given to god the principall discoverer . dated at dublin the fourth of ianuary . 1641. worthy sir , by the last weeks p●ste i writ unto you , certifying you of our lamentable condition , craving your favourable advice , and charitable helpe in our affairs ; whereof i doubt not , it being gods cause and our dear countries , for which we all suffer . i h●●● herein sent a letter from a very good friend of mine , and kinsman , master dean jones , of kilmore , who hath miraculously escaped with life : of which i humbly crave the carefull delivery to our worthy k. attorney . as for our affaires in generall , or otherwise , here is no difference or amendment since my last ; only , i thought meet to write unto you a short relation of our late skirmish . on monday night last , we sent out a party of about 2000 foot , and 200 horse , to a town called swords , eight myles off ; where they came about six of the clocke next morning , and found the enemie , being a thousand men , intrenched in the town , on whom they shot for the space of halfe an houre ; and at last brake in upon the trenches , but found strong opposition . but our division or party coming another may upon them , put them to flight ; and pursuing them about halfe a myle , reterned , plundered the town . our new english souldiers spared neither man , woman , or childe therein , they got store of good booty ; among which , about 400 cowes , a great part whereof should that morning have been killed for the rogues breakefast , they expecting a supply : our men also tooke four colours , and flew in the towne and pursuit 179 men , besides those the enemy conveyed away during the fight , on horsebacke , and otherwise , whose number or quality is not yet known : the town also was burnt , and great store of corn unthrashed . but alas ! our victory is nothing , if we consider the losse of a brave spirit on our part , sir lorenzo cary , brother to the lord falkland , who with three more were killed in the fight on our part . vntill we have a good supply we are able to do little , which god send unto us speedily , and preserve us till then , and evermore . laus deo. in dublin , ian. 1641. your humble and affectionate servant , p. g. finis . mercurius hibernicus, or, a discourse of the late insurrection in ireland displaying (1) the true causes of it ..., (2) the course that was taken to suppresse it, (3) the reasons that drew on a cessation of arms, and other compliances since : as also, touching those auxiliaries which are transported thence to serve in the present warre. howell, james, 1594?-1666. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a44735 of text r5988 in the english short title catalog (wing h3094). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 35 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a44735 wing h3094 estc r5988 12086924 ocm 12086924 53765 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44735) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 53765) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 73:12 or 237:e52, no 17) mercurius hibernicus, or, a discourse of the late insurrection in ireland displaying (1) the true causes of it ..., (2) the course that was taken to suppresse it, (3) the reasons that drew on a cessation of arms, and other compliances since : as also, touching those auxiliaries which are transported thence to serve in the present warre. howell, james, 1594?-1666. [4], 28 p. [s.n.], printed at bristoll : 1644. written by j. howell. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.) dedication signed: philerenus [i.e., james howell]. different ed. of mercurius hibernicus, or, a discourse of the late insurrection in ireland on reel 535:19. reproduction of original in huntington library, and thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a44735 r5988 (wing h3094). civilwar no mercurius hibernicus: or, a discourse of the late insurrection in ireland, displaying, 1. the true causes of it (till now not so fully disco howell, james 1644 6140 6 0 0 0 0 0 10 c the rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion mercurius hibernicus : or , a discourse of the late insurrection in ireland , displaying , 1. the true causes of it ( till now not so fully discovered . ) 2. the course that was taken to suppresse it . 3. the reasons that drew on a cessation of arms , and other compliances since . as also touching those auxiliaries which are transported thence to serve in the present warre . — patremque mercurium blandae quis negat esse lyrae . printed at bristoll , 1644. mercurius hibernicus , his advertisement to the wel-temperd reader . there is a mongrell race of mercuries lately sprung up , but i claime no acquaintance with them , much lesse any kinred . they have commonly but one weeks time for their conception and birth ; and then are they but like those ephemeran creatures , which pliny speakes of , that are borne in the morning , grow up till noon , and perish the same night : i hope to be longer liv'd then so , because i was longer a getting , there was more time and matter went to my generation . there is a tale how the true mercury indeed , descended once in a disguise , to see how he was esteem'd on earth ; and entring one day into a painters shop , he found there divers pictures of apollo , jupiter , mars , with others , and spying his owne hanging in a corner hard by he asked what the price of that pourtrait might be , the painter answered , that if he bought any of the rest , he would give him that into the bargaine for nothing : mercury hereupon shaking his white caducean , flung out in indignation , and flew up to heaven . should mercury chance to descend now from his spheare ▪ i think he would be much more offended to find himself personated by every petty impertinent pamphleter ; yet i beleeve he would not take it ill that aulicus assumes his shape , nor that the harp , who owes her first invention to him , should be made now his crest . to my honourable friend master e. p. sir , if you please to cast your eyes upon the following discourse , i beleeve it will afford you some satisfaction , and enlighten you more in the irish affaires . the alleagiance i owe to truth , was the midwife that brought it forth , and i make bold to make choyce of you for my gossip , because i am your true servant philerenus . mercurius hibernicus . there is not any thing since these wars begun , whereof there hath been more advantage made , to traduce and blemish his majesties actions , to alienate and imbitter the affections of his people , to incite them to armes , and enharden them in the quarrell , than of the irish affaires ; whether one cast his eyes upon the beginning and procedure of that warre ( which some by a most mōstrous impudence would patronize upon their majesties ) or upon the late cessation , and the transport of auxiliaries since from thence . there are some that in broken peeces have written of all three , but not in one entire discourse , as this is : nor hath any hitherto hit upon those reasons and inferences that shall be displayed herein . but he who adventures to judge of affaires of state , specially of traverses of warre , as of pacifications , of truces , suspensions of armes , parlies , and such like , must well observe the quality of the times , the successe and circumstance of matters past , the posture and pressure of things present ( and upon the place ) the inducement or enforcement of causes , the gaining of time , the necessity of preventing greater mischiefes ( whereunto true policy prometheus like hath alwayes an eye ) with other advantages . the late cessation of armes in ireland was an affaire of this nature ; a true act of state , and of as high a consequence as could be : which cessation is now become the common subject of every mans discourse , or rather the discourse of every common subject all the three kingdomes over : and not onely the subject of their discourse , but of their censure also ; nor of their censure onely , but of their reproach and obloquy . for the world is come now to that passe , that the foot must judge the head , the very cobler must pry into the cabinet counsels of his king ; nay , the distaffe is ready ever and anon to arraigne the scepter ; spinstresses are become states-women , and every peasan turned politician ; such a fond irregular humour reignes generally of late yeeres amongst the english nation . now the designe of this small discourse , though the subject require a farre greater volume , is , to vindicate his majesties most pious intentions in condescending to this late suspension of arms in his kingdome of ireland ; and to make it appeare to any rationall ingenious capacity , ( not pre-occupied or purblinded with passion ) that there was more of honour and necessity , more of prudence and piety in the said cessation , than there was either in the pacification or peace that was made with the scot . but to proceed herein the more methodically , i will lay downe , first , the reall and true radicall causes of the late two-yeers irish insurrection . secondly , the course his majesty used to suppresse it . lastly , those indispensable impulsive reasons and invincible necessity which enforced his majesty to condescend to a cessation . touching the grounds of the said insurrection , we may remember when his majesty out of a pious designe ( as his late majesty also had ) to settle an uniformity of serving god in all his three kingdomes , sent our liturgie to his subjects of scotland ; some of that nation made such an advantage hereof , that though it was a thing onely recommended , not commanded or pressed upon them , and so cald in suddenly againe by a most gracious proclamation , accompanied with a generall pardon : yet they would not rest there , but they would take the opportunity hereby to demolish bishops , and the whole hierarchy of the church ( which was no grievance at all till then ) to which end , they put themselves in actuall arms , and obtained at last what they listed ; which they had not dared to have done , had they not been sure to have as good friends in england as they had in scotland ( as lesley himselfe confessed to sir william berkley at newcastle ) for some of the chiefest inconformists here , had not onely intelligence with them , but had been of their cabinet-counsels in moulding the plot : though some would east this war upon the french cardinall , to vindicate the invasiō we made upon his masters dominions in the iste of rets ; as also for some advātage the english use to do the spaniard in transporting his treasure to dunkerk , with other offices . others would cast it upō the jesuit , that he should project it first , to force his majesty to have recourse to his roman catholick subjects for ayd , that so they might , by such supererogatory service ingratiate thēselves the more into his favour . the irish hearing how well their next neighbours had sped by way of arms , it filled them full of thoughts & apprehensiōs of feare & jealousie , that the scot would prove more powerfull hereby , and consequently more able to do them hurt , and to attempt wayes to restrain them of that connivency , which they were allowed in poynt of religion : now there is no nation upon earth that the irish hate in that perfectiō , & with a greater antipathy , than the scot , or from whom they conceive greater danger : for whereas they have an old prophesie amongst them , which one shall heare up and downe in every mouth , that the day will come when the irish shall weep upon english mens graves , they feare that this prophesie will be verified and fulfilled in the scot , above any other nation . moreover , the irish entred into consideration , that they also had sundry grievances and grounds of complaint , both touching their estates and consciences , which they pretended to be farre greater than those of the scots . for they fell to think , that if the scot was suffered to introduce a new religion , it was reason they should not be so pinched in the exercise of their old , which they glory never to have altered . and for temporall matters ( wherein the scot had no grievance at all to speak of ) the new plantations which had been lately afoot , to be made in conaught and other places ; the concealed lands and defective titles which were daily found out ; the new customes which were imposed , and the incapacity they had to any preferment or office in church and state ( with o●her things ) they cōceived these to be grievances of a farre greater nature , and that deserved redresse much more than any the scot had . to this end , they sent over commissioners to attend this parliament in england , with certaine propositions , but those commissioners were dismissed hence with a short and unsavoury answer , which bred worse blood in the nation than was formerly gathered ; and this , with that leading case of the scot , may be said to be the first incitements that made them rise . in the course of humane actions , we daily find it to be a true rule , exempla movent , examples move , and make strong impressions upon the fancy ; precepts are not so powerfull as precedents . the said example of scotland , wrought wonderfully upon the imagination of the irish , and filled them ( as i touched before ) with thoughts of emulation , that they deserved altogether to have as good usage as the scot , their country being farre more beneficiall , and consequently , more importing the english nation . but these were but confused imperfect notions , which began to receive more vigour and forme after the death of the earle of strafford , who had kept them under so exact an obedience , though some censure him to have screwed up the strings of the harp too high ; insomuch that the taking off of the earl of straffords head , may be said to be the second incitement to the heads of that insurrection to stirre . adde hereunto , that the irish understanding with what acrimony the roman catholicks in england were proceeded against since the sitting of our parliament , and what further designes were afoot against them , and not onely against them , but for ranversing the protestant religion it selfe , as it is now practised ( which some shallow-braind scismaticks doe throw into the same scales with popery . ) they thought it was high time for them to forecast what should become of them , & how they should be handled in poynt of conscience , when a new deputy of the parliaments election ( approbation at least ) should come over . therefore they fell to consult of some meanes of timely prevention : and this was another motive ( and it was a shrewd one ) which pusht on the irish to take up armes . lastly , that army of 8000. men , which the earle of strafford had raised to be transported to england for suppressing the scot , being by the advice of our parliament here , disbanded ; the country was annoyed by some of those stragling souldiers , as not one in twenty of the irish , will from the sword to the spade , or from the pike to the plough againe . therefore the two marquesses that were ambassadours here , then for spaine , having propounded to have some numbers of those disbanded forces , for the service of their master ; his majesty by the mature advice of his privy counsell , to occurre the mischiefs that might arise to his kingdom of ireland by those loose casheered souldiers , yeelded to the ambassadours motion , who sent notice here of to spaine accordingly , and so provided shipping for their transport , and impressed mony to advance the businesse ; but as they were in the heat of that work , his majesty being then in scotland , there was a suddē stop made of those promised troops , who had depended long upon the spaniards service , as the spaniard had done on theirs . and this was the last , though not the least fatall cause of that horrid insurrection : all which particulars well considered , it had been no hard matter to have been a prophet , and standing upon the top of holy-head , to have foreseen those black clouds engendring in the irish aire , which broke out afterwards into such fearfull tempests of blood . out of these premises , it is easie for any common understanding , not transported with passion and private interest , to draw this conclusion . that they who complied with the scot in his insurrection ; they who dismissed the irish commissioners with such a short unpolitick answer , they who took off the earle of straffords head , and delayed afterwards the dispatching of the earle of leicester ; they who hindered those disbanded troops in ireland to goe for spaine , may be justly said to have bin the true causes of the late insurrection of the irish ; and consequently , it is easie to know upon the account of whose soules must be laid the blood of those hundred and odde thousands poore christians , who perished in that war ; so that had it been possible to have brought over their bodies unputrified to england , and to have cast them at the doores , and in the presence of some men i beleeve they would have gushed out afresh into blood , for discovery of the true murtherers . the grounds of this insurrection being thus discovered , let us examine what meanes his majesty used for the suppression of it . he made his addresse presently to his great counsell , the english parliament then assembled , which queen elizabeth and her progenitors did seldome use to doe , but onely to their privy counsell in such cases , who had the discussing and transacting of all forreigne affaires ; for in mannaging matters of state , specially those of war , which must be carried with all the secrecy that may be , trop grand nombre , est encombre , as the frenchman saith , too great a number of counsellours may be an incumber , and expose their results and resolutions to discovery and other disadvantages , whereas in military proceedings the work should be afoot before the counsels be blazed abroad . well , his majesty transmitted this businesse to the parliament of england , who totally undertaking it , and wedding as it were the quarrell ( as i remember they did that of the palatinate a little before by solemne vote ; the like was done by the parliament of scotland also , by a publike joynt declaration , which in regard there came nothing of it , tended little to the honour of either nation abroad ) his majesty gave his royall assent to any propositions or acts for raising of men , mony and armes to performe the work . but hereby no man is so simple as to think his majesty should absolutely give over his own personall care and protection of that his kingdome , it being a rule , that a king can no more desert the protection of his owne people , then they their subjection to him . in all his declarations there was nothing that he endeard and inculcated more often , and with greater aggravation and earnestnesse unto them , then the care of his poore subjects their fellow-protestants in ireland : nay , he resented their condition so f●rre , and took the businesse so to heart , that he offered to passe over in person for their reliefe : and who can deny but this was a magnanimous and king-like resolution ? which the scots by publike act of counsell , did highly approve of , and declared it to be an argument of care and courage in his majesty . and questionlesse it had done infinite good in the opinion of them that have felt the pulse of the irish people , who are daily ore-heard to groan , how they have bin any time these 400. yeeres under the english . crowne , and yet never saw but two of their kings all the while upō irish ground , though there be but a salt ditch of a few hours sail to passe over . and much more welcome should his majesty , now regnant , be amongst them , who , by generall tradition , they confesse and hold to come on the paternall side from fergus ( by legall and lineall descent ) who was an irish prince , and after king of scotland , whereas the title of all our former kings and queens was stumbled at alwayes by the vulger . his majesty finding that this royall proffer of engaging his owne person , was rejected with a kind of scorn , coucht in smooth language , though the m●ine businesse concerned himselfe neerest , and indeed solely himselfe , that kingdome being his owne hereditary right . understanding also , what base sinister use there was made of this insurrection by some trayterous malevolent persons , who , to cast aspersions upon his majesty , and to poyson the hearts of his people , besides publike infamous reports , counterfeited certaine commissions in his majesties name to authorize the businesse , as if he were privy to it , though i dare pawn my soul his ( or her majesty ) knew no more of it then the great mogor did . finding also that the commissioners imployed hence for the managing and composing matters in that kingdome , though nominated by the parliament , and by their recommendation authorized by his majesty , did not observe their instructions , and yet were connived at . understanding also , what an inhumane designe there was between them and the scot , in lieu of suppressing an insurrection to eradicat and extinguish a whole nation to make booty of their l●nds , ( which hopes the london adventurers did hugge , and began to divide the beares skin before he was taken , as his majesty told them ) an attempt the spaniard not any other christian state ever intended against the worst of savages ; the conceit whereof infused such a desperate courage , eagernesse and valour into the irish , that it made them turn necessity into a kind of vertue . moreover , his majesty taking notice that those royall subsidies , with other vast contributions whereunto he had given way , with the sums of particular adventurers ( amongst whom some aliens ( hollanders ) were taken in , besides the scot , to share the country ) were misapplyed , being visibly imployed , rather to feed and english rebelliō then to suppresse an irish : nay , understanding that those charitable collections which were made for the reliefe of those distressed protestants , who being stripped of all their livelihood in ireland , were forced to fly over to england , were converted to other uses , and the charity not dispensed according to the givers intention . hearing also that those 5000. men which had been levyed and assigned to goe under the lord wharton , the lord of kerry , sir faithfull fortescue and others were diverted from going to the west of ireland , and imployed to make up the earl of essex army : and having notice besides that the earl of warwicke had stayd certaine ships going thither with supplies , and that there was an attempt to send for over to england some of those scottish forces which were in vlster , without his privity . lastly , his majesty finding himself unfitted , and indeed disabled to reach those his distressed subjects , his owne royall arme ▪ all his navall strength , revenues and magazines being out of his hands ; and having as hard a game to play still with the scot , and as pernicious a fire to quench in england , as any of his progenitors ever had : receiving intelligence also daily from his protestant nobility and gentry thence , in what a desperate case the whole kingdome stood , together with the report of the committee that attended his majesty from them expresly for that service , who amongst other deplorable passages in their petition , represented , that all means by which comfort and life should be conveyed unto that gasping kingdome , seemed to be totally obstructed , and that unlesse timely reliefe were afforded , his loyall subjects there must yeeld their fortunes for a prey , their lives for a sacrifice , and their religion for a scorne to the mercilesse rebels . his majesty ( as it was high time for him ) taking into his princely thoughts those wofull complaints and cryes of his poore subjects , condescended at last to appoint some persons of honour to heare what the irish could say for themselves , as they had often petitioned ; and god forbid but the king of ireland should receive his subjects petitions , as well as the king of scotland . but his majesty being unsatisfied with what they propounded then , the lord marquesse of ormond marched with cōsiderable forces against them , and though he came off with honour , yet no reliefe at all cōming thither for many moneths after from the parliament here , who had undertaken the businesse , and had received all the summes and subsidies , with other unknown contributions to that end , matters grew daily worse and worse . to sum up all , his majesty receiving expresse and positive advice from his lord justices and counsell of state there , that the whole kingdome was upon poynt of utter perdition , which was co-intimated the same time to the parliament here , by a speciall letter to the speaker ; i say his majesty finding that he had neither power of himselfe , it being transmitted to others ; and that those trustees did misapply that power and trust he had invested in them ( for the time ) to make good their undertaking for preservation of that his fruitfull kingdome ; being impelled by all these forcible reasons , his majesty sent a commission to the lord marquesse of ormond his lieutenant generall ( a most known sincere protestant ) to hearken to a treaty according to their petition ; and if any thing was amisse in that treaty in poynt of honour ( as it shall appeare by comparing it with others , there was none ) we know whom to thank . for out of these premises also , doth result this second conclusion . that they who misapplied those moneys , and mis-imployed those men which were levyed with his majesties royall assent for the reduction of ireland : they who set afoot that most sanguinary designe of extirpating , at least of enslaving a whole ancient nation , who were planted there by the hand of providence from the beginning : they who hindred his majesties transfretation thither to take cognizance of his own affairs and expose the countenance of his own royall person for composing of things : they , they may be said to be the true causes of that unavoidable necessity ( and as the heathen poet sings , the gods themselves cannot resist necessity ) which enforced his majesty to capitulate with the irish , and assent to a cessation . it was the saying of one of the bravest roman emperours , and it was often used by henry the great of france , her majesties father , that he had rather save the life of one loyall subject then kill a hundred enemies : it may well be thought that one of the prevalentst inducements that moved his majesty ( besides those formerly mentioned ) to condescend to this irish cessation , was a sense he had of the effusion of his owne poor subjects blood , the hazard of the utter extirpation of the protestants there , and a totall irrecoverable losse of that kingdome , as was advertised both in the petition of the protestants themselves , the relation of the committee imployed thither to that purpose , and the expresse letters of the lord justices and counsell there . to prove now , that this cessation of arms in ireland was more honourable and fuller of piety , prudence and necessity , then either the pacification or peace with the scot . i hope , these few ensuing arguments ( above divers others which cannot be inserted here , in regard of the fore intended brevity of this discourse ) will serve the turne . 1. imprimis , when the pacification was made with scotland , his majesty was there personally present , attended on by the floure of his english nobility , gentry and servants , and the enemy was hard by ready to face him . at the concluding of the irish cessation , his majesty was not there personally present , but it was agitated and agreed on by his commissioner , and it hath been held alwayes lesse dishonourable for a king to capitulate in this kind with his owne subjects by his deputy , then in his owne person , for the further off he is , the lesse reflects upon him . 2. upon the pacification and peace with scotland , there was an amnestia , a generall pardon , and an abolition of all by-passed offences published , there were honours and offices conferred upon the chiefest sticklers in the war . at the cessation in ireland there was no such thing . 3. when the pacification and peace was made with the scots , there was mony given unto them , as it is too well knowne . but upon the setling of this cessation , the irish gave his majesty a considerable summe as an argument of their submission and gratitude , besides the maintainance of some of his garrisons in the interim ; and so much partly in poynt of honour . 4. at the concluding of the pacification and peace with scotland , there was a vigorous fresh , unfoiled english army afoot , and in perfect equipage ; there wanted neither ammunition , armes , money , cloaths , victuals or any thing that might put heart into the souldier and elevate his spirits . but the protestant army in ireland had not any of all these in any competent proportion , but were ready to perish , though there had been no other enemy then hunger and cold : and this implies a farre greater necessity for the said cessation . 5. in ireland there was imminent danger of an instant losse of the whole kingdome , and consequently , the utter subversion of the protestant religion there , as was certified both to king & parliament by sundry letters & petitions which stand upon record : there was no such danger in the affairs of scotland , either in respect of religion or kingdome ; therefore there was more piety shown in preserving the one , and prudence in preserving the other in ireland , by plucking both ( as it were ) out of the very jawes of destruction by the said cessation . we know that in the medley of mundane casualties , of two evils , the least is to be chosen , and a small inconvenience is to be borne withall , to prevent a greater . if one make research into the french story , he will find , that many kinds of pacifications and suspensions of armes were covenanted twixt that king and some of his subjects , trenching farre more upon regall dignity then this in ireland . the spaniard was forced to declare the hollanders free-states , before they could be brought to treat of a truce : and now the catalans screw him up almost to as high conditions . but what need i rove abroad so far ? it is well known , nor is it out of the memory of man , that in ireland it selfe there have been cessations , all circumstances well weighed , more prejudiciall to majesty then this . but that which i heare murmured at most as the effect of this cessation , is the transport of some of those souldiers to england for recruting his majesties armies , though the greatest number of them be perfect and rigid protestants , and were those whom our parliament it selfe imployed against the irish . but put case they were all papists , must his majesty therefore be held a favourer of popery ? the late king of france might have been said as well to have been a favourer of protestants , because in all his wars he imployed them most of any in places of greatest trust , against the house of austria ; whereas all the world knows , that he perfectly hated them in the generall , and one of the reaches of policy he had , was to spend and waste them in the warres . was it ever knowne but a soveraigne prince might use the bodies & strength of his own naturall-born subjects , and liege men for his owne defence ? when his person hath been sought and aimed at in open field by small and great shot , and all other engines of hostility and violence : when he is in danger to be surprized or besieged in that place where he keeps his court : when all the flowers of his crowne ( his royall prerogatives which are descended upō him from so many successive progenitors ) are like to be plucked off and trampled under foot : when there is a visible plot to alter and overturn that religion he was born , baptized & bred in : when he is in danger to be forced to infringe that solemn sacramentall oath he took at his coronation to maintain the said religion , with the rights & rites of the holy anglican church , which some brain-sick scismaticks would transform to a kirk and her discipline , to some chimericall forme of government they know not what . francis the first , and other christian princes , made use of the turke upon lesse occasions ; and if one may make use of a horse , or any other bruit animall , or any inanimat engine or instrument for his owne defence against man , much more may man be used against man , much more may one rationall creature be usd against another though for destructive ends in a good cause , specially when they are cōmanded by a soveraigne head , which is the maine thing that goes to justifie a warre . now touching the roman catholicks , whether english , welsh , irish , or scottish , which repair to his majesties armies either for service or security , he looks not upon them as papists , but as his subjects , not upō their religion , but their alleagiance , and in that quality he entertaines them : nor can the papist be denied the character of a good subject , all the while he conformes himselfe to the lawes in generall , & to those lawes also that are particularly enacted against him , & so keeps himself within the bounds of his civil obedience : as long as he continues so , he may challenge protection from his prince by way of right , and if his prince by some accident be not in case to protect him , he is to give him leave to defend himselfe the best he can , for the law of nature allowes every one to defend himselfe , and there is no positive law of man can annull the law of nature . now if the subject may thus claime protection from his prince , it followeth , the prince by way of reciprocation may require assistance , service and supplies from the subject upon all publike occasions , as to suppresse at this time a new race of recusants , which have done more hurt then ever the old did , and are like to prove more dangerous to his crowne and regall authority then any forraigne enemy . but whosoever will truly observe the genious , and trace the actions of this fatall faction which now swayes with that boundlesse , exorbitant , arbitrary and antinomian power , will find , that it is one of their prime peeces of policy , to traduce and falsifie any thing that is not conducible to their owne ends : yet what comes from them must be so magisteriall , it must be so unquestionably and incontroulably true and lawfull , that it must be beleeved with an implicite faith , as proceeding from an in-erring oracle ( as if these zealots were above the common condition of mankind , to whom errour is as heriditary as any other infirmity ) though the thing it selfe encroach never so grosly both upon the common liberty , the states and soules of men . but if any thing beare the stamp of royall authority , be it never so just and tending to peace and the publike good , yea , though it be indifferent to either side , it is presently countermanded , cryed down , and stifled ; or it is calumniated and aspersed with obloquies , false glosses and misprisions ; and this is become now the common theam wherewith their pulpits ring . which makes me think , that these upstart politicians have not long to reigne ; for , as the common proverb saith , fraud and frost end foule , and are short lived , so that policy , those counsels which are grounded upon scandals , reproaches and lyes , will quickly moulder & totter away , and bring their authors at last to deserved infamy and shame , and make them find a tombe in their owne ruines . adde hereunto as further badges of their nature , that black irreconcilable malice and desire of revenge which rageth in them , the aversnesse they have to any sweetnesse of conformity and union , the violent thirst they have of blood , which makes me think on that distique of prudentius , who seemed to be a prophet as well as poet ( a true vates ) in displaying the humours of these fiery dogmatists , this all-confounding faction which now hath the vogue , to the punishment , i will not say yet , the perdition of this poore island . sic mores produnt animum , & mihi credite , junctus semper cum falso est dogmatè coedis amor . thus in english : manners betray the mind , and credit me , ther 's alwayes thirst of blood with heresie . finis . the case of katherine harris a protestant sufferer; whose husband was barbarously murdered the 26th of march, 1687. by the earl of clincarty ... harris, katherine, fl. 1687-1701. 1701 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a35621 wing c938 estc n31639 99834785 99834785 39322 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a35621) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 39322) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2205:6) the case of katherine harris a protestant sufferer; whose husband was barbarously murdered the 26th of march, 1687. by the earl of clincarty ... harris, katherine, fl. 1687-1701. [2] p. s.n., [london?, 1701?] with a docket title. the house of commons journal, 19 may 1701, mentions a petition by "catharine harris, alias kiff" on this matter. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng harris, katherine, fl. 1687-1701 -early works to 1800. harris, william, -protestant sufferer in ireland -early works to 1800. clancarty, donough maccarty, -earl of, 1667 or 8-1734 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -james ii, 1685-1688 -early works to 1800. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the case of katherine harris , a protestant sufferer ; whose husband was barbarously murdered the 26th of march , 1687. by the earl of clincarty and his party , begging his life on his knees at mallo in the county of corke ; being the first that suffered for the protestant religion . that the said katherine , late wife of the said william , was imprisoned , and in a most notorious manner had all she had plundered , to the value of 3000 l. by the party of the said earl of clincarty . that by petition to the late king james in ireland , she obtained an order to clincarty , that he would settle four plough-lands and a house , part of his estate , in consideration of her suffering ; but being in great danger of her life , she and her family were forced to fly for england . that the said katherine , after coming to england , petitioned his majesty king william , and the late queen of blessed memory , who granted unto her during her life , two of the said plough-lands , and a house which was then let at 61 l. per ann. and now owes 800 l. on the said lands . wherefore she humbly prays , she may have a saving in the resumption bill , she having lost her husband , three brothers , and also the said 3000 l. in the late wars in ireland , and being left with seven children . by the lord deputie and councell whereas for preuention of such disorders, ryots and rebellions within this realme, as might grow by loose and disloyall people ... ireland. lords justices and council. 1625 approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a04104 stc 14190.5 estc s3726 33150856 ocm 33150856 28785 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a04104) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28785) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1880:15) by the lord deputie and councell whereas for preuention of such disorders, ryots and rebellions within this realme, as might grow by loose and disloyall people ... ireland. lords justices and council. falkland, henry cary, viscount, d. 1633. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by the company of stationers, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at dublin : anno domini 1625. at head of text: henry falkland. "giuen at his maiesties castle of dublin the 25. of iune, 1625. adam loftus canc. lanc. dublin. charl. wilmot. dom. kinsale. henry docwra. francis aungier. george shurley. adam loftus." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng arms control -ireland -early works to 1800. gun control -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-11 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the lord depvtie and covncell . henry falkland . whereas for preuention of such disorders , ryots and rebellions within this realme , as might grow by loose and disloyall people , hauing meanes to arme themselues , to doe mischiefe against his maiestie and the common wealth , diuers proclamations haue beene heretofore published by the late lo : deputies and councell of this kingdome , cōmanding that no master or owner of any ship , barque , or any merchant , factor , or other tradseman , nor any other person or persons whatsoeuer , denizen or stranger , should bring or cause to be brought into this kingdome or any part thereof , without speciall licence from the lords of the councell in england , or from the lord deputy and councell here , any quantity or quantities of gunpowder , or any muskets , calliuers , hand-gunns , pistols , or other peeces , morrions , head-peeces , armors , or any other furniture for the warres ( swords and rapiers , and sword and rapier blades onely excepted ) vpon paine of his maiesties displeasure and indignation , and vpon p●ine of se●sure and so , feyture of the same , whereof the one moytie to be to the vse of the kings most excellent maiestie , and the other moytie to the vse of such person or persons as should so discouer and seise the same to his maiesties vse . and wee being now againe informed that the said proclamations haue of late beene little regarded , but that great quantities of powder , armes , and other warlike munition of all kindes haue beene daily brought into this kingdome from forraine parts , and sale thereof made to all sorts of people , without respect of persons , so as many loose ●earnes , and idle persons of bad and lewd behauiour , being furnished and armed with powder , peeces and othe● warlike weapons , doe not onely make great spoile and hauocke of red and fallow deere , and other game within the proper lands of sundrie noblemen and gentlemen of this kingdome , but are thereby the rather imboldned to commit diuers insolent ryots , burglaries , robberies and murders , and many times to runne into open action of rebellion , to the great disturbance of the publike peace and trouble of the state and common-wealth of this kingdome : by meanes whereof , greater mischiefes and inconueniences may happen in this realme , if due care and circumspection bee not speedily had for preuenting the same . and although after so many warnings giuen , wee may iustly call such persons to account as haue offended against the said proclamations , by imposing the vtmost penaltie that by the tenor of the same might be inflicted vpon them for their wilfull contempt against his maiestie and the state in that behalfe : yet hoping that by the renewing of the said former proclamations once more , the same will from henceforth be more strictly obserued and kept then heretofore it hath beene , we therefore doe againe in the name of the kings most excellent maiestie , declare , publish , and command , that no master or owner of any ship or barque , or any merchant , factor , or other tradesman , nor any other person or persons whatsoeuer , denizen or stranger , shall from henceforth bring or cause to be brought into this kingdome , or any part thereof , ( without speciall licence from the lords of the councell in england , or from us the lord deputie and councell of this kingdome ) any quantitie or quantities of gunpowder , or any muskets , caliuers , handguns , pistols , or other peeces , murrions , head-peeces , armours , or other furniture for the warres ( swords and rapiers , and sword and rapier blades onely excepted ) vpon paine of his maiesties displeasure and indignation , and vpon paine of seysure and forfeyture of the same , whereof the one moytie shall be to the vse of the kings maiestie , and the one halfe of the other moytie to be for the officer of his maiesties store , where the same be seised , and the other moytie , and halfe of the aforesaid moytie , to be giuen to him who shall discouer and seise the same , or the value thereof , according to his maiesties rates . and we doe further in his maiesties name declare and publish , that if any merchant , factor , or tradesman , or any other person or persons within this realme , now haue or at any time hereafter shall happen to haue any quantitie or quantities of gunpowder , or any muskets , caliuers , handguns , or other peeces , murrions , head-peeces , armour , or other abiliments of warre ( swords and rapiers , and sword and rapier blades excepted ) in his or their hands or possession , to the intent to sell the same or any part thereof to any person or persons , that then such merchant , factor , or other person or persons , within one moneth after the date of this proclamation , or within one moneth after the said powder or munition ; shall come to his or their hands shall vpon paine of seisure , and forfeiture thereof , and vpon paine of his maiesties displeasure and indignation , bring or cause to bee brought all such powder , and other munition , into one of his maiesties stores of ordinance and munition , whereupon wee the lord deputie and councell shall from time to time take order , and prouide that the officers of his maiesties ordinance and munition shall receiue the same , and the owner or owners thereof immediately vpon the deliuerie thereof into his maiesties store , be fully satisfied and pa●ed for the same , at such rates and prices , as the master of the ordnance hath vsually issued the same . prouided alwayes that it shall and may be lawfull to and for euerie citie or towne corporate within this realme , to retaine and keepe within their seuerall stores , such powder or munition for the necessarie defence of the said cities and townes corporate , so as the said corporations doe within fortie dayes after the date hereof , certifie us the lord deputie and councell , what quantitie or quantities of powder or other munition they and every of them haue now in their stores , and so as they nor any of them doe not issue the same nor any part thereof by way of sale . and we doe further declare and publish . that if any nobleman , gentleman , or person of honest and good behauiour , or if any citie or corporation , or any owner or master of barque or ship going to sea , shall haue occasion to vse any reasonable quantitie of powder , or any muskets , calliuers , or other furniture of warre , that euery such person and persons , and euery such citie , towne or corporation , shal be from time to time , by the warrant of the lord deputie , or by the warrant of the seuerall presidents of the prouinces of munster and connaght , or of other commanders or gouernors within their seuerall commands , furnished and supplyed of any such competent quantitie of powder or munition as he or they shall desire to vse , at such reasonable and easie rates as his maiestie doth vsually issue the same to his armie within this land . and we doe hereby expresly charge and command all and euery gouernor and gouernors , mayors , soueraignes , portriffes , bayliffes , constables , and all custo●ers , searchers , and councellers , within all and euery the ports , hauens and creekes of this realme , and all other his maiesties officers and ministers to whom it may appertaine , that they and euery of them doe from time to time vse and imploy their best diligence and endeuours to discouer and leise to his maiesties vse as aforesaid , such quantities of powder , muskets , calliuers , hand guns , peeces , and other munition and furniture of warre , as shall be brought into this kingdome or any part thereof , to be sold to any person or persons , or which any merchant , factor , or other person or persons shall deteyne and keept in his hands or possession , to the intent to sell the same , contrarie to the purport of this proclamation , and that herein they fayle not to performe their duties , as they will answere the contrarie at their perils . prouided alwayes , that it shall not be lawfull for any person or persons whatsoeuer , wearing any irish ma●tle or trowses , to vse , carrie or keepe any musket , calliuer , hand-gun , pistoll , or other peece or peeces , nor to haue or vse any gun-powder , nor to weare , carrie or keepe any murrion , head peece , swordes , rapiers , skeynes , or any other armes whatsoeuer inuasiue or defensiue , upon paine to forfeyt the same to his maiestie . and that it shall be lawfull for euerie nobleman , gentleman , or other person of honest and good behauiour , conforming him or themselues vnto the english fashion of apparell , to seize and take away the same , and the same so seized and taken away , to carrie to the next iustice of the peace , to the intent the same may be deliuered into his maiesties next magazin or store-house of the munition and armour in those parts , or to such person or persons as shall haue ouersight or command of the same . and whereas many times heretofore instructions haue beene giuen , aswell to the lords presidents in the seuerall prouinces , as to the justices of assize in their seuerall circuites and sessions , for abolishing the vse of irish apparell , & the reducing of all men to vse a ciuill and comely attire , according to the lawes and statutes of this kingdome : yet although they haue ( according to the said instructions ) indeuoured to take away the barbarous custome of wearing mantles , trowses , skeynes , and such like vnciuill and vncomely apparell , we see notwithstanding the vse of them rather increased then any wayes reformed or abated , euen to this day , to the great contempt of authoritie , and the disgrace of this kingdome among other ciuill nations . for reformation whereof , we haue thought fit hereby once more to giue all men notice , that as his maiestie hath often recommended the care of the redresse of the said barbarous custome unto us , and abolishing the vse of such vnseemely apparell , so now w● intend to inflict the vtmost penaltie of law vpon such as from and after the time hereby prescribed shall presume eyther to weare the said barbarous attire , or to suffer any within their family or rule to weare and vse the same , contrary to the lawes and statutes of this kingdome , and doe therefore hereby straightly charge and command , that from and after the first day of august next no man doe weare any mantle , trowses , or long skeynes , nor doe suffer any to be worne by any within his family , gouernement or rule but by the time aforesaid doe attire themselues , their children , seruants , and followers in such comely manner as the ciuillest subiects of this kingdome now vse to doe : in default whereof , they are to expect no fauour , but to be proceeded against for their wilfull and obstinate contempt in the seuerest maner that by the lawes and statutes of this kingdome may be taken against them , and besides such other punishments to be inflicted vpon them , as the law doth impose . we hereby charge and command , that no person which from and after the time aforesaid , shall weare or vse any irish apparell or weapon shall presume to come , nor shal be admitted to haue accesse or audience to or at the councell table , or in any court of justice in this kingdome , nor before any judge or magistrate , vpon any matter or cause of priuate complaint whatsoeuer . and wee doe likewise hereby straightly commaund all sheriffes , prouosts , marshals , and other officers , that as they shall finde any man that after the said day shall weare any such long skeyne , to take the same and breake them , and such men as they shall finde wearing of mantles or trowses out of their owne houses , to take the same from them , and before their faces to cut them into peeces , that they neuer be worne againe . of the erecution whereof , wee require the said sheriffes and prouost-marshals , and other his maiesties officers , to be verie carefull , as they will answere the contrarie and their neglect or remissenesse therein . prouided alwayes , that it shall and may be lawfull to or for any person or persons to vse or weare any mantle within his or their houses , notwithstanding any thing in this proclamation , to the contrarie . giuen at his maiesties castle of dublin the 25. of june , 1625. adam loftus canc. lanc. dublin . charl. wilmot . dom. kinsale . henry docwra francis aungier . george shurley . adam loftus . imprinted at dublin by the company of stationers , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . anno domini 1625. an exact description of ireland chorographically surveying all its provinces & counties ... : with an index of all the provinces, counties, baronies, cities, towns, forts, castles, rivers, lakes, havens, bays, mountains, promontories, &c., in such a manner as may serve for a geographical dictionary for ireland ... : done according to the latest surveys, and agreeing with all the new maps / by laurence eachard ... echard, laurence, 1670?-1730. 1691 approx. 201 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 97 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a37731 wing e142 estc r22203 12264322 ocm 12264322 57936 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37731) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57936) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 141:15) an exact description of ireland chorographically surveying all its provinces & counties ... : with an index of all the provinces, counties, baronies, cities, towns, forts, castles, rivers, lakes, havens, bays, mountains, promontories, &c., in such a manner as may serve for a geographical dictionary for ireland ... : done according to the latest surveys, and agreeing with all the new maps / by laurence eachard ... echard, laurence, 1670?-1730. [12], 144 p. : 5 folded maps printed for tho. salusbury ..., london : 1691. first ed. cf. nuc pre-1956. advertisements: p. [11]. reproduction of original in huntington library. includes index. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -description and travel. ireland -description and travel -early works to 1800. ireland -gazetteers. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-08 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an exact description of ireland : chorographically surveying all its provinces & counties after a more accurate , plain , easie , and particular manner than any before done in this kind . shewing the exact state of that kingdom , and all the principal things that are necessary to be known . and 5 maps relating thereto . with an index of all the provinces , counties , baronies , cities , towns , forts , castles , rivers , lakes , havens , bays , mountains , promontories , &c. in such a manner as may serve for a geographical dictionary for ireland . very useful for the right understanding the p●…esent affairs of that kingdom . done according to the latest surveys , and agreeing with all the new maps . by laurence eachard of christ-college in cambridge . london : printed for tho. salusbury at the sign of the temple near t●…mple-bar in fleetstreet . 1691. the preface . ireland is at present a place of very considerable action , and of so nigh concern to this nation , that i thought a short description of it could not be very unacceptable in so curious an age , tho●…gh offer'd by one who has so lately troubl●…d the publick with something of this nature . since it is usual for authors to give some account of their works in their preface , i shall do so of this ; and that as briefly as i can . in making of it , i have observed as good a method as i could , and have been also as particular , not leaving out any thing that ought to be known , or was necessary to make it compleat ; not only observing those things that were purely chorographical and modern , but also such as were historical and ancient . in the provinces and counties , i have also been very methodical , agreeing with each other ( even to the equal number of paragraphs ) so exactly , that what is in one , may be found in all ; and have given them all the true dimensions according to the latest survey . the towns i have describ●…d as largely as i could from any a●…thor i could procure , ( tho' perhaps not so largely as some may expect ) m●…ntioning m●…re than i can find in any other book , always beginning with the most northern town in the county , ( as nigh as i could ) and going on in such order , ( shewing their distances all the way in english m●…les , the 60th part of a degree ) as may be most easily found in the maps . i have shewn the distance of the chief town in each county from dublin , the chief of the kingdom . the index i am sure must be of good use to all such as desire to understand the history and affairs of this country : and for the speed●…er finding of those places there mentioned , i have set the longitude and latitude of all the towns and castles , ( according to p. lea's and h. moll' s map. ) that this index might be of greater and more general use , i have named many more places than are in the book ; tho' perhaps there be not enough to satisfie every one's curiosity , yet i have left out none that deserved any thing of observation . i must desire the reader to take notice , that i have mentioned very little of these late wars , ( those no ways belonging to my design ) but have ( as i have hinted elsewhere ) taken care as much as i could , to rep●…esent all things as they were ( or ought to have been ) before these troubles began : but howsoever , i have taken particular notice of all such places as have been any thing notable in these times ; and have often given some small hints for distinction sake . perhaps it may also be expected , that i should give a list of the governors , and several officers , with an account of the number , condition , &c. of the souldiers , with other things concerning the present state of this kingdom . but these things , by reason of the many alterations every day , are extreamly difficult to do , and are quite from my design ; therefore i shall leave 'em to such as have more convenience and better intelligence than my self ; reckoning ( notwithstanding their omission ) that this book fully answers the title-page . by reason of the little time i have had to write this book , possibly i may have committed some small faults , ( perhaps in the exact number of the parishes , boroughs , castles , &c. which were very difficult to get ) if there be any such , i hope the impartial reader will not take notice of them to my disadvantage . if there be found any fault in the description of the wild irish , it must be attributed to my authors , who were not altogether so modern as i could have wished . the business of these times , and the present want of such a description , has made me somewhat more hasty than i would have been : but however , i have endeavoured to do every thing as well and exact as the time would permit . the five maps herein contained , are one general map of the whole kingdom , divided into provinces ; the other four are the provinces divided into counties . books lately printed for , and sold by tho. salusbury at the sign of the temple in fleetstreet , viz. the history of the late great revolution in england and scotland , with the causes an●… means by which it was accomplished . together with a particular account of the extraordinary occurrences which happened thereupon . as likewise the settlement of both the kingdoms under their most serene majesties king william and que●…n mary . octavo . price 5 s. wisdom's dictates : or , rules physical and moral , for preserving the health of the body , and the peace of the mind : fit to be regarded and practised by all that would enjoy the blessings of the present and future world. to which is added , a bill of fare of seventy five noble dishes of food , far exceeding those made of fish or flesh. by tho. tryon , student in physick . price 1 s. arithmetical rules , digested and contracted for the help and benefit of memory ; very necessary and useful , as well for gentlemen and tradesmen , as for youth and apprentices , in mercantile affairs . with examples illustrated upon the rules . by arthur leadbetter , schoolmaster in the whiting-street in bury st. edmonds in suffolk . price 1 s. bragadocia , a comedy . price 1 s. a table of the provinces and counties of ireland . antrim — page 43 armagh — 52 catherlagh — 88 cavan — 50 connaught — 58 cork — 101 down — 54 dublin — 80 dunnagal — 46 east-meath — 77 fermanagh — 49 gallway — 67 kerry — 100 kildare — 83 kilkenny — 86 k●…ngs-county — 84 leinster — 70 letrim — page 62 limrick — 99 londonderry — 46 longford — 74 louth — 55 mayo — 64 monoghan — 51 munster — 91 queens-county — 85 roscommon — 66 slego — 63 tipperary — 99 thomond — 69 tyrone — 41 ulster — 38 waterford — 97 west-meath — 77 wexford — 89 wicklow — 81 a generall mapp of the kingdom of ireland . by francis lamb. map of ireland a chorographical description of ireland , &c. of ireland in general . chap. i. ●…f its name , bounds , situation , clime , form , dimensions , distances , air , soil , products , commodities , rivers , lakes , bays , mountains , capes , &c. ireland is called by the latins , hibernia ; by orpheus , aristotle , strabo , stephanus and claudian , ierna ; by pomponius me●… iuvenal and solinus , iuverna ; by pto●…omy , iuernia , and sometimes britannia minor ; by martian of heraclia , ioyepnia ; by diodorus siculus , irim ; by eusta●…hus , oyernia or overnia , and vernia ; by some called bernia ; plutarch called it by the name of ogygia . the irish bards or poets have mentioned the names of tivolas , totdanan , and banno , as the most ancient names . in later times it went by the name of scotia , and scotia min●…r , to distinguish it from the other scotland . it is now called by the inhabitants eryn , and sometimes gwydhill ; by the welch , yverdon and ywerdhou ; by the germans , irlandi ; by the italians , irlanda●… ; and by the french , irlande . it is environed on all sides with the ocean ; bounded on the east with a violent and unruly sea , called the irish sea , or st. george's channel , which separates it from england and wales , and on the north-east from scotland ; on the west with that vast ocean called th●… western or atlantick ocean , which parts it from the main continent of america ; on the north with the northern ocean , called the ducalidonian ocean ; and on the south and south-west with that which is called the vergirian ocean . if we consider it in respect of heavenly bodies , it is situated between the 5th degree and 58th minute , and the 10th degree and 45th minute of longitude that is from london ; but reckoning from tenneriffe , it lies between the 8th and the 12th degree , and 55 minutes of longitude , equal with the greatest part of gallicia and asturia in spain : and between the 51st degree and 15th minute , and the 55th degree and 15th minute of northern latitude , equal with wales , and the greatest part of england . by this account we may see that it lies wholly under the ninth and tenth climes , with a little of the eighth ; so that the longest day on the most southern parts is 16 hours , and about 25 minutes , and the longest day on the most northern parts is 17 hours , and about 12 minutes , that is almost an hour longer . it lies in one of the temperate zones toward the northern parts of it , about five degrees from the middle ; so that for its situation it cannot be very intemperate either in summer or winter . as for the form and shape of this island , it is oblong ( nigh as long again as broad ) somewhat ( though but little indeed ) resembling an egg , to which form many have likened it to . speed compares it rather to the shape of the fore-leg of a bear , which is as difficult to imagine as the other ; and if we consider all the variety of windings and turnings , scarce any thing can be imagined to have a more irregular form. it is for bigness an island of the third rank , reckoned to be about half as big as england : in length , from fairhead , the northern point of antrim in ulster , to missen-head , the south point of cork in munster , about 285 miles : in breadth , in the widest place , that is , from the east-parts of down in ulster , to the west-parts of mayo in connaught , 160 miles : from the east of wexford in leinster , to the west of kerry in munster , 152 miles : but in the middle , from the east of dublin , to the west of galloway , 146 miles . the whole circuit ( reckoning all the windings and turnings ) is above 1400 miles . it lies distant from scotland , north-east and south-west , ( from cape red-boy in antrim , to the south-parts of cantire ) 15 miles : from england , east and west , ( from the east-parts of down , to st. bees-head in cumberland ) 84 miles : from wales east and west , ( from the east-parts of wexford to st. davids ) 45 miles : from france , north-west and south-east , 220 miles : from spain , north and south , 440 miles : and from new-france the nighest part of america , ( from which it lies exactly west ) about 1440 miles . the air is most mild and temperate in respect of hot and cold ; so that it is cooler in summer and warmer in winter than in england , but nothing so clear and subtile as here , therefore not so good in summer for ripening of corn and fruits : in the winter it is more subject to wind , clouds and rain , than frost and snow . it is so excessive moist , that many there are sore troubled with loosenesses and rheumes , more especially strangers , who seldom escape those distempers ; for the staying of which they have a liquor called usque-bah , or an aqua : vitae , which is esteemed of as stronger and better than ours . as for its soil , it is of it self abundantly fruitful , but naturally rather fitter for grass and pasturage . in some places the rankness of the soil is so great , the grass so long , and withal so sweet , that the cattel in those places would soon graze to a surfeit , if they were not sometimes hindred . this country , in many places , is incumbred with vast bogs , and unwholsome marshes , being full of great lakes and sands , and is also over-grown with many large woods : but of late years these inconveniencies have been very much corrected by drying and draining up many of the marshes , and by cutting down several of the woods . it produces a vast number of goodly flocks of sheep , which they share twice a year . here are likewise excellent good horses , ( which we call hobies ) which have not the same pace with others , but a soft and round amble , setting one leg before another very finely . as for cattle , here are infinite numbers , being indeed the principal wealth of the inhabitants ; ( it is said , they will give no milk if their calves be not by them , or their skins stuffed with straw or hay . ) for bees , they have such numbers , that they are found not only in hives , but also in the bodies of trees , and holes of the earth . it is very much troubled with wolves , but has no snake , or venemous creature whatsoever , neither will any live here . it has variety of all sorts of wild and tame fowls ; and vast quantities of fish , especially salmons and herrings . all living creatures , besides men , women and greyhounds , are smaller than ours in england . the principal riches and commodities of this kingdom are cattel , hides , tallow , suet , great store of butter and cheese , wood , salt , honey , wax , furs , hemp , linnen cloth , pipe staves , great quantities of wool , of which they make cloth and freezes , with those course rugs , or shag mantles , which are vented into foreign countries : variety of fish and fowl , and also several metals , as lead , tin and iron ; in a word , there is nothing wanting either for pleasure and profit , every thing being extraordinary cheap and plentiful ; and of late times the industry of the inhabitants have not been so much wanting , and by reason of the great converse with the english are more civilized then formerly both trade and learning flourishing i●… such a measure , that were it not fo●… these unhappy broils , it well might have been counted as beautiful an●… sweet a country as any under heave●… . the principal rivers of this country are ; 1. shannon , or shennon , which ariseth in the county of letrim in connaught : it divides for the most part of the way , connaught from leinster and munster , and makes many lakes , ( particularly lough-ree , and lough-derg ) passing by the towns of letrim , iames town , lanesburrough , athlone , clonefert , killalow and limrick , after a course of 200 miles , ( of which 60 navigable ) falls into the western ocean with a mouth above seven miles wide . others are , 2. swift awiduff , or blackwater . 3. baleful-shure . 4. woody-barrow . 5. rolling-liffe . 6. pleasant-boyne . 7. spreeding lee , &c , these shall be all more particularly treated of in the provincss . the havens are many and commodious , those of chief note are , 1. waterford , at the mouth of the river shure . 2. cork , at the mouth of the river lee. 3. youghill , at the mouth of the river awiduff , or blackwater . the principal lakes of this kingdom are ; 1. lough-erne , in the county of fermanack in ulster , nigh 30 miles long , and 10 broad , bordering about with shady woods , and full of inhabited islands , some containing 2 or 300 acres of land , having vast store of trouts , pikes , and salmons . 2. lough-neagh , or sidney , between the counties of antrim and tyrone , 20 miles long , and 12 broad , beset and shadowed along with thick woods , and unpassable bogs , yet extreamly pleasant . 3. lough-ree , made by the river shannon , between the counties of roscommon , longford , and west-meath , 15 miles long , and five broad . louth-derg , another made by the shannon , between tipperary , thomond and gallway , 18 miles long ; and four broad . 5. lough-corrib in the county of gallway , having in it several isles abounding with pine trees . 6. lough-conn in the county of mayo . 7. lough-cara , &c. 8. lough-cilly in the county of slego . 9. lough-allyn in the county of letrim . 10. l●…gh-dercuereagh . 11. lough-hannel in west-meath , with several others . the most considerable bays of this country may be reckoned , 1. the bay of gallway , a very large and safe harbour , capable of a vast fleet of ships , and defended on the west , with the south isles of arran : it lies between the counties of gallway and thomond . 2. dingle-bay , a large and spacious harbour in the county of kerry in m●…nster . 3. bantry-bay in the county of corke in munster , full of small islands . 4. dunnagal-bay , between the counties of dunnagal , slego and letrim , at the entrance of lough-earne . 5. bay of london-derry , a kind of a lake between the cou●… ties of dunnagal and londonderry ; called also by the name of lough-foyle . 6. ca●…rickfergus-bay , between the counties of a●…trim and d●…wn . 7. carlingford-bay , between the counties of down and louth . 8. bay of dublin in the county of dublin . 9. wexford-bay in the county of wexford . 10. kin●…sale-bay in the county of corke , with many other of less note . mountains of chiefest note are reckoned , 1. kn●…ck-patrick , or st. patrick's hill , in the west parts of the county of limrick , mounted up a mighty height , and yielding a pleasent prospect into the sea , beholding a far off , the river shannon , falling with a vast mouth in the ocean . 2. sliew-bloemy in queen's county , with their rising tops mounted up a wonderful height from whence arise the rivers shure , nuer and barrow . 3. the mountains of evagh and moourne , a ridge of hills not far off the sea in the county of down . 4. sliew-gallen , certain hills in the county of tyrone , dividing it into two parts . 5. curlew-hills in the county of r●…scommon in connaught . 6. the gualty mountains in the county of tipperary , nigh the counties of limrick and cork . the most considerable capes or promontories are , 1. fair-head in the county of antrim , the mok northern point in this kingdom , about 17 miles off scotland . 2. st. iohn's point in the county of down , about 8 miles south of down . 3. old-head in the county of cork , about seven miles south of kingsale . 4. missenhead in cork . the most southern point in this country . 5. leane , a very long point in the county of thomond , at the mouth of the river shannon . 6. st. iohns cape , in the county of dunnagal , about 13 miles west of dunnagal . 7. north cape in the northern parts of the same county . 8. dog-head , in the western parts of the county of gallway . i could here mention several of the bogs , as allin , red-boy , &c. but these will be of no great use . in the province of ulster and county of dunnagal , upon an island in a little lake , called derg , there is an old little monastery , in which is a very narrow vault within the ground , so small that a man can scarce stand up right in it , not containing above 6 or 7 persons at once : this they call st. patrick's purgatory , very much talked of by the ignorant for walking spirits , and dreadful apparitions ; which they say was occasioned by st. patrick's earnest prayers to god , that the torments which the wicked are to suffer after this life might be presented to the eye , that he might the more easily root out the sins of his country men. they foolishly imagine , that this cave was digged first by ulisses , when he went to parlee with those in hell. this place was very much resorted to by pilgrims , till the later end of king iames the first reign , this hole was laid open , and the friers caused to depart . there are seven places in ireland , which are more properly called by the name of cities , viz. dublin , vvaterford , gallway , limrick , cork , londonderry , and kilkenny , to which we may add , athlone , kingsale and drogheda ; four archbishopricks , viz. armagh , dublin , cashell , and tuam ; 19 bishopricks , and one university , viz. dublin . here are also about 39 market towns ; 119 places that return parliament men , which commonly go by the name of burroughs ; 93 towns of commerce and trade ; 222 castles of old erection , besides several new fortresses built in the later times ; and 1586 parishes . the chief city of the whole kingdom , is , dublin , the vice-roys seat. chap. ii. of the inhabitants and famous men , particularly of the wild irish , shewing their language , names , diet , attire , manner of living , customs , religion , superstitions , whimseys , marriages , burials and wars . the inhabitants descend originally from the britains , according to the best authors : since then intermixed with danes , swedes , and normans ; but at present they are both english and irish. as for the english ; i shall need to say nothing of , nor the more civilized sort of irish , who are very conformable to the customs and laws of our nation . but the kernes , rapperies , &c. ( those meer irish , who as yet have not been throughly conquered or civilized ) are those that i do intend particularly to treat of ; therefore i would not have our irish schollars take it amiss , or think ill of that character which no ways belongs to them ; but before i go any further i shall here ( as the most fit place ) mention some of the most eminent persons this nation has produced . the most famous men of this country may be reckoned 1. st. patrick , a person of eminent piety , who converted this nation to christianity between the fourth and fifth centurys . 2. palladius , another person who helped to convert this kingdom about the same time . 3. columbus a religious monk some few ages after , who would by : no preferments be induced to leave his country . 4. richard fitz-rase , a learned bishop of armagh , who florished anno 1350. a declared enemy to the errors and corruptions of the romish church . in later times were 5. iames usher , arch-bishop of armagh , so eminent for his piety and learning . 6. ieremiah taylor , the eloquent bishop of down and connor ; with several others in our times . now to give a character of the natural wild irish ; they are of a middle stature , strong of body , of an hotter and moister nature than many other nations of wonderful soft skins , and by reason of the tenderness of their muscles , they excell in nimbleness and flexibility of all parts of the body ; they are reckoned of a quick wit , ( tho' besotted to many follies ) prodigal and careless of their lives , enduring travel , cold , and hunger ; given to fleshly lusts , light of belief , kind and courteous to strangers , constant in love , impatient of abuse and injury , in enmity implacable , and in all affections most vehement and passionate . they are very much delighted with musick , but especially with the harp and bagpipe , at the first many of them are very skilful . the language , that they commonly speak is originally british , or at least a dialect of it , but now very much degenerated from it , by reason of the intermixture with norwegians , danes , easterlings or oos●…-mans and english saxons ; so that at present it has but very little affinity with our modern welch , which is the same with the old british . but the names of waters , isles , mountains and places are said to be meerly british . this tongue is also spoken in the western parts of scotland , and the isles of hebraides , as camden says . the english tongue is very frequently used among 'em , and in some places ( particularly in the county of wexford ) they make use of a mungrel sort of speech between english and irish. they are vulgarly called by the names of teague and dear-ioy . the greatest men have often the letter [ o ] put before their names , as o neal , o-rock , o-donel , &c. some of the better sort also carry the name of mac , ( which signifies son ) as mac-decan , mac-cannon , mac-carty , &c. when they are babtized , they commonly add some profane name taken from some event , or else some colour as white , black , red ; else from a disease or scab , or peeldness ; or from some one vice or other as thief , proud , &c. they never give the name the parent or any of the kindred then living , for they are persuaded that their death is hastned thereby ; but when the father is dead the son commonly assumeth his name , lest it should be lost . as for their diet , they feed very much upon herbs especially water-cresses ; upon mushromes , shamroots and roots : they delight also in butter tempered with oatmeal ; also in milk , whey , beef-broth , and flesh oft-times without any bread at all . as for their corn , they lay it up for their horses , for whom they are very careful , when they are hunger-bitten in time of dearth , they disdain not to eat raw flesh , after they have pressed out the blood thereof : and for to concoct it , they will drink down very large quantities of usquebah or aqua-vitae , draught after draught . they also let their kine blood , which when is grown to a jelly , and strewed over with butter , they eat with a very good appetite . as for their attire , they commonly wear little jackets of woollen , and those very short ; breeches most plain and close to their thighs ; over these they commonly wear a mantle or shag rugg deeply fringed , and well set out with many colours , within which they often lap themselves , and sleep on the very ground . they go for the most part bare headed , unless it be when they put on an head-piece . they wear their hair long , and count it the greatest ornament . the women also make a great esteem of their hair , especially if it be golden colour and long withal , for they lay it out in a full length plated in a bravery : they rather load then adorn their heads with great quantities of fine linnen , rolled up in wreaths . their way of living is after a very odd sort , having no great imployments ; for they are given to idleness above measure , and count it the greatest riches to take no pains , and the most pleasure to enjoy their liberty . their cows , and cattle are the chiefest wealth they have , and in greatest esteem . they count it no shame or infamy to commit robberries , which they very frequently use with great cruelty ; when they go to rob they make prayers to god that they may meet with a booty ; and they suppose it was sent them from god as a gift . they also suppose that violence and murder are no ways displeasing to god , for if it were a sin , he would not present them with that opportunity ; and they count it a sin not to make use of a fair opportunity : further they say that this sort of life was left to them , and that they only walk in their fathers steps , that it would be a disgrace to their nobility to forbear such facts and get their living by labour . when they go out in a morning to do any business , they mark him they met first ; if they be prosperous they endeavour to meet him oft , if not they are as careful to avoid them . before they sow their corn , the good wife or mistress of the house , sendeth salt to the said field . in the towns , when any magistrate entreth first upon his office , the wives and daughters along the streets , and ou●… of the windows bestrew them and their followers with wheat and salt. at every third word it is ordinary with them to rap out an oath , as by the trinity , by christ , by st. patrick , by st. brigid , by their baptism , by their godfathers hand and such like . when they take never so solemn oaths they will be forsworn upon every occasion , but if they sware by any great man and be forsworn , they forfeit a great sum of money or cattle to that same person whose name they used . in matters of religion they are roman catholicks , in some things very devout , mortifying and keeping under their bodies , very much , watching and praying , fasting every wednesday and saturday : some of 'em fast on st. catharine's day , and also on christmas day , though they be never so sick . in matters of divine service they are very slovenly , the vestments ●…re so foul and nasty , that they would make one cast up his stomach : the altar portable , and by some abuse or other polluted ; the mass-book all ●…orn , the chalice of lead without a cover to it , and the small vessels for wine made of horn. the priests ●…hemselves are very poor , and mind nothing but gathering of goods , and getting of children . they make a great shew of the canon-law , but have never a jot of learning . they commonly have their children succeed them in their churches , for whose illegitimation they are dispensed withal . when they first see the moon after the change , commonly they bow the knee , and say the lord's prayer , and then speak to the moon with a loud voice , leave us as whole and as sound as thou hast found us . they use to look through the shoulder-blade-bone of a sheep , when the flesh is clean taken from it ; if they see any dark or duskish spot in it , when they look through , they say that some course shall shortly be carried out of the house . they pray for wolves , and wish them well , and then they are not afraid to be hurt by them . they count it unlawful to rub down , o●… curry their horses , or to gather grass for their meat on saturdays . when a●… horse is dead , they hang up his fee●… and legs in the house ; yea , the very hoofs are esteemed as a hallowed and sacred relick . they count her a wicked woman or a witch that cometh to fetch fire from 'em on may-day ; neither will they give any fire then , but unto a sick body , and that also with a curse . they are of opinion , that if their butter be stolen , 't will soon after be restored again ; if they take away any of the thatch that hang over the door , and cast it into the fire . they believe , that the kite will not take away their chickens , if they hang up the the egg-shels , out of which they were hatched in some place of the rough of the house . if any praise an horse , or any other of their beasts , before they have said , god save him , or have spit upon them ; if any harm befal that beast within three days after , they ●…eek out him that praised him , and then mumble the lords prayer in his right ear. they fully beleive , that to set a green bough of a tree before their house on may-day , will cause them to have abundance of milk all summer long . they have besides these , many other follies , which for ●…hortness sake , i shall now forbear to mention . those that dwell in towns seldom make any contract of marriage with them in the country ; they pass their promise , not for the present , but for the future time ; or else give assent without deliberation , so that for a very little falling out , they part asunder , the husband to another woman , and the wife to another husband : oft it is not known whether the contract was true or false , till the last gasp : hence grow robberies , depredations , murthers , and deadly hatred . they are very much given to incest , and nothing is so common as divorces under pretence of conscience . it is grown a common custom after the husbands's death , for the wife to have a third part of the goods , the rest is divided by even portions among the children ; but when they come to possession , he that is mightiest commonly go away with the best share ; sometimes an unkle , or nephew , if he be a great man , , will seize upon the inheritance , and shut the children out of all . when any one lies a dying , women hired on purpose stand in cross-ways , calling upon him with great out-crys , and abundance of rediculous expostulations , why he should depart from so many advantages . after he is dead , they keep a mourning with lowd howlings , and clapping of hands together . when the corps go forth they follow it with such a peal of out-crys , that a man would think the quick , as well as the dead , were past all recovery . neither do they mourn less for those that are slain in battel , or by robbing , though they affirm such to have an easier death ; yet they will rail on their enemies with spiteful words , and continue for a long time a deadly hatred against all of that kindred . they suppose that the souls of the deceased go into the company of certain men , famous in those places , of whom they still retain strange fables and songs , as of giants of great renown , which they say they oft-times see by illusion . their warefare consists of horsemen , of soldiers set in the rereguard , whom they call galloglasses , who fight with sharp hatchets ; and of light-armed footmen called kernes , whose service is with darts and skeanes . to give a shout to every man going out of a gate , and counted fortunate . they commonly use the bagpipe in stead of a trumpet : they carry a●…out them amulets : they recite certain prayers , and in joyning battel , they cry as loud as they can pharroh , with this perswasion , that he who cryeth not so loud as the rest , shall suddenly be taken from the ground , and carried along the air , into certain desart valleys , where he eateth grass , ●…appeth water , hath some use of reason , but not of speech : but at last ●…y the help of hounds and hunters , ●…hall be brought home again . chap. iii. of its antiquity and old inhabitants a short history , shewing the sever●… conquests and rebellions ; government laws , strength , arms , archbishoprick●… and bishopricks , and the old and ne●… division . ireland is of very great antiquity , 〈◊〉 we may believe the irish writers , wh●… say it was inhabited by one caesari●… noah's neice , before the flood : abou●… 300 years after the flood , bartholan●… a scythian came hither , and fough●… many famous battels with giants . many years after , nemetheus , a scythia●… also , arrived here , and was soon ca●… out by the giants . after this , del●… with some grecians , seized on this isle●… and soon after gaothel and scota hi●… wife ( daughter to pharaoh king o●… egypt ) landed here , and called this island scotia , after his wives name this was about the time of the israelites departure out of egypt . som●… few ages after , hiberus and hermion , sons of milesius king of spain , by the permission of gurguntius king of the britains , planted colonies here , after ●…t had been dispeopled by pestilence . these are meer fables of the irish's own making , without any grounds . the antient inhabitants were the ●…ish , being originally britains according to the best authors , distinguished then into several lesser people and names , as shall be afterwards spoken of . these were a rude and barba●…ous people , of whose actions we know but little of ; this country not being so happy as ever to be conquered by the romans , those great masters of learning and civility . towards the wain of the roman empire , we find them called by the name of scots , ( the reason thereof is uncertain ) and this country scotland , they subdued the hebraides , or western isles , and the neighbouring picts and calidonians , and gave the name of scotland to the northern parts of the bri●…ish continent : besides this , we hear but little of them except that of pal●…adius and st. patrick's converting them to the christian faith. not long after they left the name of scots , and returned to their first and more wo●…ed name of irish , then being under the government of several small princes . the first conquest , or rather invasion , of this country , ( setting aside egfrid king of northumberland's destroying several places with fire and sword , anno 694. ) was by some of the saxon monarchs of england , ( particularly by king edgar ) who made themselves masters of dublin , and several other considerable places ; but being in a short time so incumbred with danes at home , that they were well satisfied to leave all that they had gained here , being scarce able to defend their own from that nation : so that these soon recovered their former liberty , that is , under the government of their own princes . the next conquest was made by the northern nations , as danes , swedes and normans , going by the general name of norwegians , who first scowred along the coasts by way of pyracy ; but afterwards , ( finding the weakness of this isle , ( by reason of its several divisions ) they made an absolute conquest of it under one turge●…ius , whom they elected for their king. they were not masters of it long before the king of meath ( the only irish prince in favour with turgetius ) found out a stratagem , by the help of his daughter omlag●…liben , ( whom this tyrant loved ) and slew him , and with him all the norwegians that were his attendence ; and by this means they soon routed the rest , so that the petty princes once more enjoyed their former dominions . the last conquest was by king henry the secend of england , anno 1172. who was called in for the assistance of the king of leinster , who was driven out of his kingdom by the king of meath : he restored him , and made a conquest of these petty princes , who submitted themselves to him , and gave him all their power which was confirmed to him by pope hadrian ; and ever since this country has ( for the most part , though with divers alterations ) remained subject to england . the kings of england had only the title of lords of ireland , ( tho' kings in effect and power ) till anno 1542. henry the eighth , in an irish parliament , was declared king of ireland , as a name more sacred and repleat with majesty , which was confirmed to mary his daughter by pope paul iv. anno 1555. the irish have always looked upon our conquests as such wrong and injustice done to 'em , ( though indeed nothing could be more to their advantage ) that they would never let slip any opportunity of rebellions . the first rebellion was in the reign of edward the first , 〈◊〉 when that prince was engaged against the scots , one dovenald o neal rose up and styled himself king of ulster , and in right of inheritance the undoubted heir of all ireland , but he was soon quell'd again . the second rebellion was in the reign of king henry the eighth , anno 1537. by the earl of kildare , who also added the pretence of religion : this was soon suppressed , the earl taken and beheaded with his five uncles . the third rebellion was by o neal , in the reign of queen elizabeth , anno 1563. ( notwithstanding he was pardoned for the beginning of one before ) he burnt the cathedral of armagh , and besieged dundalk , but without any success . after two years sir henry sidney , lord lieutenant , went against ●…im ; in fight broke his forces , so that ●…leeing to the scots , ( whom he had ●…ikewise injured ) he was assassinated ●…n cold blood , and soon after attainted ●…n parliament , and the title o neal quite abolished . the fourth rebellion in this coun●…ry was not above 14 years after , in anno 1579. about the middle of queen elizabeth . it was begun by the earl of desmond , who ( not being of sufficient power himself ) called in the spaniards , who began to possess themselves of several places : but how soever this was of no such ill consequence as some others were , for about a year after , the spaniards were all driven out , ( sir oem being a considerable agent against them ) and the earl himself was taken and executed anno 1583. the fifth rebellion was in the same reign , anno 1595. made by sir oem , ( who before had done great service against the earl of desmond . ) this was more dangerous than any before , he being a good soldier . anno 1598. he defeated the english nigh black-water , in 1599. brought the earl of essex to condescend to a treaty with him . in 1601. he brought the spaniards over to his assistance , who took and garisoned kinsale . this war lasted eight years , till anno 1603. kinsale was retaken , and the spaniards totally driven out ; whereupon sir oem submitted , and was brought over by the lord lieutenant to king iames the first . the sixth rebellion was the most terrible of all , made by a general insurrection of all the irish , anno 1641 , in the beginning of our troubles in england , who assassinated an incredible number of the english , after such a barbarous sort as no age nor nation could ever parallel . our nation could lend them no assistance till anno 1649. and 50. oliver cromwel , with ireton and others , gave them a most bloody chastisement , erecting many a dreadful trophie of the divine vengeance against all such perfidious traitors ; so that if mercy had not been shewn in time , they might with a little more expence of time and treasure , utterly extirpated the irish name and nation . as for these present troubles , i shall say nothing of , having been treated of by so many good pens already ; and in my description of the provinces , counties , towns , castles , &c. i shall say but little of these wars ; and knowing by reason of them there have been many alterations , ( which i shall take but little notice of , ) i shall give a description of every place as they were before the wars begun . yet perhaps i may be a little more particular in those towns which have been most famous in these wars . the government of this country is by a vice-roy , ( though he has not that name ) first called keepers or wardens of ireland , afterwards justices of ireland , and now lord lieutenant and deputy of ireland . their authority is large , ample and royal ; having power to make war , to conclude peace , to bestow all magistracies and offices , except a very few ; to pardon all crimes , unless they be some of high treason ; to dub knights , &c. and truly there is not in all christendom any other vice roy that tomes nigher the majesty of a king for his jurisdiction , authority , train , furniture , and provision . there are assistant to him in council the lord chancellor of the realm , the treasurer of the kingdom , and others of the earls , bishops , barons and judges , which are of the privy council . when any one entreth upon the honourable place of government , first the letters patents are publickly read ; after that he takes a solemn oath in a set form of words before the chancellor ; then the sword is delivered to him , which is to be born before him ; and then he is placed in a chair of state , having standing by him the chancellor of the realm ; those of the privy council , the peers and nobles of the kingdom , with a king of arms , a sergeant of arms , and other officers of state. besides the lord lieutenant himself , in more remote provinces , are several inferiour governours to administer justice , as a principal commissioner in connaught ; and a president in the province of munster , who have to assist them certain gentlemen and lawyers who are directed by the lord lieutenant . as for the several degrees of states , this country has the very same as in england , as earls , barons , knights , esquires , &c. here are also the same courts as in england ; as the parliament , ( which at the king of england's pleasure is called by the deputy , and by him dissolved ) the star chamber , the chancery , the kings-bench , the common-pleas , and the exchequer ; likewise four terms in a year . here are also juces of assizes , of nisi prius , and of oyer and terminer , and justices peace in every county . also the king hath his serjeant at law , his sollicitor , &c. as for the common laws , ireland is governed by the same with england . the strength of this nation consists partly in the situation , being begirt about with difficult and dangerous seas ; and partly in the several fortif●…ations and castles built by the english since they became masters of it . their forces have never been reckoned very numerous till of late , and then they have either been so ill disciplined , or of such cowardly dispositions , ( especially in their own country ) that an enemy of no very great power ( were it not for their strong places ) might easily tame ' em . the arms of this kingdom , are azure , an harp or , stringed argent , which arms , king iames the first ( to shew himself absolute king of ireland ) caused to be marshalled with the royal arms of great britain , and have ever since been set upon our coyns . i should speak of the revenues , coyns , weights , measures , and such like of this kingdom ; as for the first , i can have no perfect account of , so that i dare not say any thing of it ; as for the rest , they are mostly the same as in england . the ecclesiastical government is under four archbishopricks , viz. armagh , dublin , cashell and tuam , under these were at once a great number of bishopricks , and those but poor ones , ( as they are generally now ) but since the reformation , have been reckoned o●…ly 19 , and of some of those i am a little uncertain . six are under armagh ; ( the metropolitan ) viz. londonderry , connor , dromore , clogher , kilmore and dundalk ; three under dublin , viz. kilkenny , kildare and fearnes ; five under cashell , viz. waterford , limrick , cork , ardfeart and emly ; and fi●… under tuam , viz. gallway , ●…lone , killala , clonefert and killalow . this island was anciently divided into many several peoples and provinces , as the robognii , darnii , volontii , vennionii , and erdinii in the north parts now ulster ; the auteri , ganganii , and nagnata in connaught ; the menapii , cauci , blanii , and brigantes in leinster ; and the luceni , velabri , ulterni , vodii , and coriondi in munster . afterwards it came to be divided into five parts , which were so many kingdoms , viz. ulster , connaught , meath , leinster and munster . since then the kingdom of meath have been joyned to that of leinster , the rest remaining as before , so that is divided at present into four distinct provinces , viz. 1. ulster , 2. connaught , 3. leinster , and 4. munster . the first of these lie on the north , the second on the west , the third on the east , and the fourth on the south . these provinces are divided into 32 counties , and those subdivided into 253 baronies or hundreds , and those have in them 1586 parishes . these shall be every one treated of in their order . chap. iv. of ulster , shewing its name , bounds , dimensions , riv●…s , products , remarks , &c. and describing all its counties , towns and castles . the province of ulster , is called by the latins , ultoni●… , and sometimes ulidia ; by the irish , cui guilly , or province of guilly ; by the welch , ultw●… ; and by the english ulster . it is bounded on the east with st. george's channel ; on the west with the main atlantick , or w●…stern ocean ; on the north , with the ducalidonian , or northern ocean ; on the south with the province of leinster ; and on the south-west , with the province of connaught : so it is encompassed on 3 sides with sea , being almost of a round form. ulster province map of ulster the chief rivers of this province are ; 1. b●…nne , rising in the county of down , in armagh ; it receives the river tanwagee , and then passes through the great lake neagh , then divides the county of antrim from that of londonderry , and falls into the ducalidonian ocean , a little below colerain . 2. lough-foyle , which washes st. iohn's town and londonderry , then falls into the ducalidonian ocean , making a great bay , or lake of the same name . 3. swilly , in the county of dunnaga●… , falling into the ducalidonian ocean , with a kind of a lake . 4. lagen-water in down , washing dromore , lisburn , and belfast , falls into the bay of carrickfergus . 5. newry-water , parting down from armag●… , and falls into ca●…ngford-bay . 6. main in antrim , &c. this country abounds with large lakes , shaded with many and thick woods ; the soil is fruitfull in corn and grass , but in some places a little barren ; howbeit , fresh and green to see in every place ; well furnished with horses , sheep and oxen ; and it affords great plenty of timber , and fruit-trees . the waters are deep , and fit for vessels , very well replenished with fish ; and as for salmons , here are more in some rivers of this country , than in any other river in europe . in this province is one archbishoprick , viz. armagh ; six bishopricks , ( besides raphoe , united to londonderry ) viz. londonderry , connor , dromore , clogher , kilmore and dundalk ; ten market towns , viz. athordee , armagh , carrickfergus , carlingford , drogheda , dundalk , dunnagal , londonderry , louth and newry ; 14 towns of commerce and trade ; 34 places that return parliament men , or boroughs ; 30 castles for the defence of the country ; and 214 parishes in the whole . the chief city of all is londonderry . the boroughs are are as following , viz. four in antrim ; antrim , belfast , carrickfergus and lisburn : three in londonderry ; colerain , lamnevaddy and londonderry : six in dunnagal ; ballishannon , dunnagal , st. iohn's town , kilberg , lifford and raphoe : four in tyrone ; agher , dungannon , omagh and strabane : one in fermenagh , viz. eniskilling : two in cavan ; belturbet and cavan : one in monoghan , viz. monoghan : two in armagh ; armagh , and charlemont : six in down ; bangor , down , hilsburrough , killileagh , newry and new-town : and four in louth ; atherdee , carlingford , drogheda and dundalk . the religious places in this province , were once the abbey of dunnagal ; the monastery of derry ; the monastery near the river liffer ; that famous one at the bay of carrickfergus ; also millifont abbey ; and lastly , the most renowned monastery at armagh , out of which many others were propagated in britain and ireland . these places , when standing , were very much frequented by pilgrims . this province , before the english conquered it , was a kingdom of it self , under its own kings : first conquered by iohn curcy , a valiant english-man , in the reign of king henry the second : soon after it was so neglected by the english , that it was causioned into many estates and principalities by the natural irish. in this estate it continued ( the kings of england having but little profit of it ) till tir-oens rebellion ; the conquest of whom , brought this province in full subjection to the kings of england , and has ever since continued so , but not without some considerable disturbances . it was anciently divided among the erdini , in and about fermanagh ; the venicnii , in part of dunnagal ; the robognii , in londonderry , antrim●… , and part of tyrone ; the volontii about armagh ; and the darni about down and the western parts . afterwards by the english divided into three counties , viz. down , louth and antrim . it stands now divided into ten counties , viz. 1. antrim , 2. londonderry , 3. dunnagal , 4. tyrone , 5. fermanagh , 6. cavan , 7. monoghan , 8. armagh , 9. down , and 10. louth , of these , five borders on the sea , viz. louth , down , antrim , londonderry , and dunnagal : tyrone , armagh , fermanagh , monoghan and cavan●… , are midland counties . these counties are subdivided into 60 barronies . 1. antrim . antrim is the most northern county in ireland ; it has on the east st. george's channel ; on the west , londonderry , from which parted by the river banne ; on the north the ducalidonian ocean ; and on the south , or rather south east down : it is in length , 46 miles , and in breadth 27 ; a county of it self sufficiently fruitful . it is divided into nine barronies , viz. bally carie , dunluce , kilconway , tome , antrim , glenarm , carickfergus , belfast , and killultagh : in which is one market town and four boroughs . the chief town is carrickfergus . principal places are , 1. dunluce castle , on the north parts upon the ocean ; a very strong pile , seated on a rock hanging over the sea , and parted from the land by a ditch . 2. connor , 28 miles south east of dunluce , a small bishoprick united to down , not else of note . 3. antrim , five miles south of connor , nigh the lake neagh : it is a borough , but a very ordinary one , though it gives name to thi●… county . 4. carick fergus , or knoc●… fergus , 12 miles east of antrim on 〈◊〉 bay of the same name : it is a bo●…rough and market town , a very ric●… and populous place , the chief of th●… county ; it has an excellent goo●… harbour , and is well strengthned wit●… a castle , but is at present somewha●… decaying : this place stands 90 mile●… north of dublin . 5. belfast , 8 mile●… almost south of carrick fergus , on th●… mouth of lagen-water by carrick fergus bay. it is a borough , and 〈◊〉 thriving town , every day increasing . 6. lisborn , or lisnagarve , 〈◊〉 miles south west of belfast , on th●… river lagen-water , by the border●… of down , remarkable for nothing bu●… for sometime quartering our army . 2. londonderry . londonderry , or the county of col●…rain , sometimes krine , has on the east antrim , from which parted by the river banne ; on the west dunnagal ; on the north the ducalidonian ocean ; with some of dunnagal ; and on the south , or south west tyrone . it is in ●…ngth 36 miles , and in breadth 30. 〈◊〉 country somewhat champion , yet ●…ery fruitful . it is divided into sive baronies , viz. ●…olerain , loghinsholm , kenoght , tyrekeri , ●…nd the liberties of londonderry : in ●…hich is one market town , and three ●…oroughs . the chief town is lon●…onderry . principal places are ; 1. colerain , ●…n the river banne , by the borders ●…f antrim , four miles of sea , and six ●…outh of dunluce castle : it is a bo●…ough , and a considerable place , once ●…iving name to this county . 2. lam●…evaddy , a little borough , 10 miles ●…lmost west of colerain , on the river roe-water , nigh lough-foyle . 3. londonderry , sometimes derry , and dory , 14 miles almost south west of lam●…evaddy , on the river lough-foyle , nigh ●…he borders of dunnagal : it is a market borough and bishoprick , made a london colony , anno 1612. a place of no great bigness , but of singular strength and notable fame , for other noble resistances , as well as for the last siege . it is now the most considerable city in the province of ulster , and has a very convenient haven . it stands 108 miles almost north-west of dublin . 4. cumber a small town about 8 miles south-east of londonderry , by the borders of tyr●…ne . 5. tome castle , a fortress 26 miles almost east of cumber on lough-neagh . 3. dunnagal . dunnagall or tir connel , and sometimes connallea , has on the east londonderry and tyrone , on the west the main western ocean ; on the north the ducalidonian ocean ; and on the south fermanagh and the bay of dunnagall . it is in length 64 miles , and in breadth 35. a country in a manner champion and full of havens . it is divided into five barronies , viz. enish owen , killmakrena , raphoe or lagen , boylagh and bannogh , and tyrehugh . in which is one market town and five burrough ; the chief town is dunnagall . principal places are 1. st. iohns-towns , a little borough town on the river lough foyle by the borders of ty●…one , nigh 6 miles south west of londonderry . 2 raphoe , 8 miles south west of st. iohns town , a poor forsaken place , once a city and a bishoprick , since joyned to londonderry . 3 , lifford , a small borough town 5 miles south east of raphoe , on the river lough foyle by the borders of tyrone . 4. dunnagall , 35 miles south-west of lifford , on a large bay of the same name nigh the mouth of the river eask . it is a borough and a market-town , the chief of the county , and stands 100 miles north west of dublin . 5. kilbeg or calebeg , 12 miles west of dunnagall , a borough-town affording an haven and a commodious harbour for sailers . 6. ballishannon or bellishann●…n , 12 miles south east of kilbeg , and 8 south of dunnagall , having a good haven and stands nigh the borders of fermanagh , nigh the sea. 4. tyrone . tyrone or tir-oen , sometimes tir-eogain , has on the east lough-neagh and armagh ; on the west dunnagall , on the north or north east londonderry ; and on the south and south west monaghan and fermanagh ▪ it is in length 47 miles , and in breadth 33. a county tho' rough and rugged , yet sufficiently fruitful . it is divided into four barronies , viz ▪ strabane , omagh , clogher , and dungannon . in which are four boroughs but never a market town ; the chief town that i find here is dungannon . chief places are 1. strabane , a borough town and castle , nigh the river . lough foyle , by the borders of dunnagall , 12 miles south of londonderry . 2. omagh or drummaragh , a borough town on the river poe water , about 15 miles almost south of strabane . 3. monjoy , a strong fort 24 miles east of omagh , on the lough neagh . 4. dungannon , above 6 miles south west of monjoy . a borough-town esteemed the head of the county , a place of some strength , standing on a hill 4 miles from charlemont in armagh . it lies 72 miles almost north of dublin . 5. binburb , a little town on the borders of armagh , 6 miles south of dungannon . 6. agher , a small borough 15 miles west of binburb , and 9 almost south of omagh . 7. clogher , nigh 3 miles south of agher , a ●…ishops see , but a very slender one . 5. fermanagh . fermanagh or farmanagh , has on the east monoghan ; on the north west dunnagall ; on the north and north east tyrone , on the south cavan , ●…nd on the south west letrim in con●…aught . it is in length 38 miles , and 〈◊〉 breadth 24. a county full of woods ●…nd boggs , being a third part fill'd ●…ith the lough-earne . it is divided into eight baronies , ●…iz . lurge , maghereboy , terekenedy , ●…ionawly , maghere , klonekelly , knock●…inie , and coole . in which is never a market town , and but one borough , ●…he chief town is eniskilling . principal places are 1. tarmon , a castle of considerable note on the north parts of the great lake , on ●…he borders of dunnagall . 2. balleck , 〈◊〉 town 10 miles almost west of tar●…on , by the mouth of the lake , by ●…he bordars of dunnagall , 3 miles east ●…f ballishannon . 3. tully castle , 9 ●…iles almost east of balleck by the borders of the lake . 4. eniskilli●… or inskilling , 7 miles south east 〈◊〉 tully castle , and 42 south of londo●… derry . it is a borough , the only pla●… of note in this county , but small , ye●… of notable strength and fame in the●… wars ; it 's scituated on a little islan●… in the middle of the lake or rathe●… between two lakes , having too forts●… the one called the old fort , the othe●… the new fort. it stands 78 mile●… north west of dublin . 5. crom castle●… on the lake 12 miles south east o●… eniskilling . 6. cavan . cavan or cavon , sometimes east braeny , has on the north east monoghan , on the west letrim in connaught●… on the south longford , west meath●… and east meath in leinster . it is i●… length 47 miles , and in breadth 22 ; a●… county whose inhabitants live in piles●… and forts rather than towns. ir is divided into seven barronies , viz. tullagha , tullahonoho , cavan , tullagarvy , clonchy , castle raghen , and clonomoghan . in which are two boroughs , but never a market town . the ●…hief town is cavan . principal places are ; 1. belturbet , a ●…ttle borough town on the end of ●…ough earne , nigh the borders of fer●…anagh , above 16 miles south east of ●…niskilling . 2. cavan , 7 miles south ●…f belturbet , a borough town of no ●…ote , but for being the head of this county : it stands 55 miles north west of dublin . 3. kilmore , a little ●…own , about three miles south west ●…f cavan : it is a bishops see , but a ●…ery poor one . 4. castle raghen , a ●…astle which gives name to a barony ●…3 miles south east of kilmore and ●…avan , nigh the borders of east-meath 〈◊〉 leinster . 7. monoghan . monoghan , has on the east armagh ; on the west fermanagh ; on the north tyrone ; on the south cavan ; ●…nd on the south east louth , with ●…art of east meath in leinster : it is in ●…ength 34 miles , and in breadth 20. 〈◊〉 country mounting aloft with hills , ●…nd well covered with woods . it is divided into five baronies , viz●… trough , monoghan , dartree , cremorne●… and farny donaghmaine : it has bu●… one borough , and never a marke●… town . the chief town is monogha●… the rest are scarce worth naming . chief places are ; 1. glashlogh , 〈◊〉 small town , not far off the borders o●… armagh and tyrone . 2. monoghan ▪ five miles south of glaslogh , and fou●… from the borders of armagh : it is 〈◊〉 borough town , and the chief o●… the county , but not else worth the●… observation . it stands 60 miles almost north west of dublin . fo●… methods sake . i shall mention , 3●… clonish , a little place twelve mile●… south west of monoghan , on th●… borders of fermanagh . 4. lislea 〈◊〉 a castle four miles south east o●… clonish , not far off the borders o●… cavan . 8. armagh . armagh , or ardmagh , has on the●… east , down , partly seperated by the river newry ; on the west tyron●… and monoghan ; on the north , the●… lough-neagh ; and on the south louth : ●…t is in length 32 miles , and in breadth ●…7 . a county for rich and fertile soil , is said to surpass any in ire●…and . it is divided into five baronies , viz. onealan , towrany , armagh , fewes , and orior . in which is one market town , ●…nd two boroughs . the chief town ●…s now charlemont . principal places are ; 1. charle●…ont , a borough and strong for●…ress , now the chief of the county , ●…emarkable for the last siege . it ●…tands on a river called blackwater , ●…n the borders of tyrone , four miles south east of dungannon . 2. ar●…agh or ardmagh , about seven miles south of charlemont , once a very famous city , now a poor place , scarce any thing remaining but a few small wasted cottages , with the ruinous walls of the monastery , priors , and primates palace ; yet it is still an archbishops see , and the metropolitan of all ireland , and keeps the name of a borough , and market town . 3. tyan , a small place seven miles almost west of armagh , on the borders of tyrone and monoghan . 4. mayre-castle , 19 miles south east of armag●… on the borders of louth , nigh five mil●… north of dundalk . 9. down . down , has on the east st. george channel ; on the west armag●… partly seperated by the river neury ▪ on the north , or rather north we●… antrim ; and on the south carling ford bay , ( which parts it from louth and the ocean . it is in length 4●… miles , and in breadth 30. a count●… very fertile , though in some places i●…cumbred with woods and bogs . it is divided into eight baronies ▪ viz. ards , castlereagh , dufferin , lek●… ale , kinalearty , lower evagh , upp●… evagh , and moourne . in which is on●… market town and six boroughs . th●… chief town is down . chief places are ; 1. bangor , 〈◊〉 borough town on carickfergus bay seven miles south east of that place 2. newtown , four miles nigh sout●… of bangor , a borough town o●… the north of the louth of strangford . 3. hillsburrough , a boroug●… town , 16 miles south west of ●…ewtown , and three from lisburn in ●…ntrim . 4. dromore , four miles nigh ●…outh of hillsburrough , a small bi●…oprick . 5. kilileagh , a little bo●…ough , 17 miles east of dromore , ●…n the louth of strangford . 6. ●…trangford , six miles south east of killileagh , a little town on the mouth ●…f a lough of the same name . 7. ●…own , or down patrick , a borough , ●…nd head of this county , six miles ●…igh west of strangford : it is a ●…ishoprick united to connor in an●…im , and is one of the most ancient ●…owns in ireland , famous for the ●…ones of st. patrick , st. bridget , ●…nd st. columbus : it stands 65 miles ●…llmost north east of dublin . 8. ●…eury , 25 miles south west of down , 〈◊〉 borough and market town , on the ●…iver neury , by the borders of ar●…agh . 10. louth . louth , anciently luva and luda , in irish iriel , has on the east st. george's channel ; on the west monoghan and east meath and leinster on the north armagh and carlingford bay , which parts it from down and on the south east meath , fro●… which parted by the river boyne it is but 25 miles long , and 13 broad ▪ a county full of forage , and sufficiently fruitful . it is divided into four baronies viz. dundalk , louth , atherdee , an●… ferrard ; in which little compass ar●… five market towns , and four baronie●… the chief town is drogheda . chief places are ; 1. carlingford nigh the borders of down , a boroug●… and market town , a considerabl●… place of good resort , standing on 〈◊〉 commodious bay of the same name 2. dundalk , eight miles south wes●… of carlingford , a borough , marke●… town , and bishoprick : it was formerly walled , but now dismantled it has a very commodious haven , an●… is remarkable for the quartering ou●… forces . 3. louth , seven miles sout●… west of dundalk , a small marke●… town , not now remarkable for an●… thing , but giving name to the county 4. atherdee , or ardee , a borough an●… market town , six miles south o●… louth . 5. drogheda , or tredagh , 12 miles south west of atherdee , a borough and market town , the chief of this county , a very fine strong and well inhabited place , and has an excellent haven . it stands on the river boyne , on the borders of leinster , about 24 miles north of dublin . thus much for ulster . chap. v. of connaught shewing its name , bounds , dimensions , rivers , products , remarks , &c. and describing all its counties , towns and castles . the province of connaught , or conaught , sometimes connagh , by the latines conacia , and sometimes conachtia , by the irish connaughty and connaughly , and sometimes called the county of clare . it is bounded on the east with the province of leinster , from which separated by the river shannon ; on the west , with the main western ocean ; on the north and north-east , with some part of the ocean ; and the province of ulster ; and on the south and south-east , with the province of munster , from which parted by the river shannon . the form of it is long , and towards the north and south ends narrow . connaught province map of connaught as for the rivers , here are few of considerable note besides that great one of shannon , spoken of before . the chief are , 1. moy , in the county of mayo , which for a little way divides ●…hat county from slego , and falls into ●…he ocean by mayo and killala . 〈◊〉 . suck , which divides the county of roscommon from gallway , and falls into ●…he river shannon , not far off clonefert . 〈◊〉 . droses , a little river in the coun●…y of thomond , which falls into the ●…hannon , a little east of clare . 4. gyll , 〈◊〉 small river in the county of gall●…ay , which falls into the bay of gall●…ay . this province abounds with many ●…onvenient bays and creeks fit for navigation : in some places it is fresh ●…d fruitful , in some places dangerous , 〈◊〉 reason of the many bogs , and thick 〈◊〉 with woods , ( though of late much ●…eared of both ) the air not so clear as 〈◊〉 some places , by reason of the vapourous and foggy mists . the soi●… sufficiently fruitful , were not the inhabitants so much wanting , producing abundance of cattel , good store o●… deer and hawks , and plenty of honey . it is the meanest of the fou●… provinces in general . in this province is one archbishoprick , viz. tuam ; five bishopricks besides angchony and mayo united t●… tuam , and achonry united to elphin ▪ viz. gallway , atblone , killala , clonefert and killalow ; seven market-towns viz. athlone , clare , gallway , kingstown roscommon and slego ; eight place●… of commerce and trade ; 12 place●… that return parliament-men , or boroughs ; 24 castles of old erection besides fortresses raised in later troubles ; and 366 parishes . the principal town of the whole is gallway . those that go by the name of boroughs , are as follow ; viz. two i●… letrim , iames-town and carrickdrumrush : one in slego , viz. slego : on●… in mayo , viz. castlebar : four in roscommon ; elphin , tulsk , athlone an●… roscommon : three in gallway ; athenry , gallway and tuam : and one i●… thomond , viz. enistown . the religious places of this province were once the monastery of colman ( a devout saint ) at inisleath ; the monastery of mayo , built by thirty men of the english nation ; a famous abby in the barony of boil , under curlew hills , together with the abby of beatitude . these places are now become the ruines of time. this province was , before the english conquest of it , a kingdom of it self . first conquered by several english adventurers in the reign of king henry the second ; not long after , so neglected by the english , that it was cantoned again among the irish and degenerate english till tir oen's rebellion , by whose conquest the province was also reduced to the english government , but never so throughly conquered as the rest ; governed by a principal commissioner under the lord lieutenant . it is now the only province that remains unreduced . it was anciently divided ( that is , in ptolemy's time ) among the gangani , said to dwell about the counties of thomond and gallway ; the auteri , in and about the county of mayo ; and the nagnati in roscommon , and the north-eastern parts . after it became one province , here is to be noted that thomond was for a long time counted a part of munster . it is at present divided into six counties , viz. 1. letrim , 2. slego , 3. mayo , 4. roscommon , 5. gallway , and 6. thomond , or clare county . of these , four border on the sea , ( besides letrim ) viz. slego , mayo , gallway and thomond . roscommon is a midland county , so may also letrim be counted so . these counties are subdivided into 51 baronies . 1. letrim . letrim , the most northern eastern county , has on the east and north-east cavan and fermanagh in ulster ; on the west and south-west slego and roscommon ; on the north ( where it is very small ) the ocean , with a little of dunnagal in ulster ; and on the south-east and south longford in leinster . it is in length 44 miles , and in breadth 18. a county mounted with hills full of rank grass , feeding an infinite number of cattel . it is divided into five baronies , viz. rosclogher , drumhaire , carrigallen , letrim , and mohil . in which are two boroughs , but never a market-town . the chief town is letrim . principal places are , 1. letrim , standing not far off the river shannon . it gives name , and is reckoned the chief of the county , but not else of note at present . it stands 75 miles almost north-west of dublin . 2. carrick-drumrush , a small borough-town , nigh three miles south-west of letrim , standing on the river shannon by the borders of roscommon . 3. iames-town , another borough , nigh four miles south-east of carrickdrum , on the same river , by the borders of roscommon . 2. slego . slego , has on the east , letrim ; on the west , part of the county of mayo ; on the north , or north-west , the western ocean ; and on the south and south-west , roscommon and mayo . it is in length 36 miles , and in breadth 34. a very plentiful county for feeding and raising of cattel . it is divided into six baronies , viz. carbuy , tiraghril , corran , coolavan , leney , and tyreragh : in which is one market-town , and but one borough , the chief town is slego . chief places are , 1. slego , five miles off the borders of letrim , on a bay of the same name , having a very commodious harbour , and a strong castle : it is the chief and only town of note in this county , and is a borough and market-town . it stands 95 miles almost north-east of dublin . 2. achonry , 17 miles almost south of slego , once a city and bishoprick , now quite ●…ined ; and the bishoprick united to elphin in roscommon . 3. castel-connor , 17 miles nigh west of achonry on the river moy , by the borders of mayo . 3. mayo . mayo , or majo , has on the east and north-east roscommon and slego ; on the west the main western ocean ; on the north with the same ocean ; and on the south with the country of gallway . it is in length 58 miles , and in breadth 44. a fertile county , abundantly rich in cattel , deer , hawks , and plenty of honey . it is divided into nine baronies , viz. tyrawly , erris , burithoole , gallen , costello , clonemorris , killmain , corrah , and morrisk ; in which there is but one borough , and never a market town . the chief town is reckoned mayo . principal places are ; 1. killala , or killaloo , a small town , which is a bishops see , standing by the sea side , or rather by a large bay. 2. mayo , or moy , about three miles south east of killala , reckoned the chief town of the county , but now much decay'd : it was once a bishoprick , now joyn'd to tuam , and the jurisdiction to killala ; it stands on the mouth of the river moy , on the borders of slego , about 115 miles almost west of dublin . 3. castlebar , 22 miles south of mayo , a small borough town , standing on a little river , which falls into the lough conn . 4. shroule , a little town in the borders of gallway , 23 miles south of castle-bar . 4. roscommon . roscommon has on the east longford , east-meath , and part of kings-county in leinster , with part of letrim , from which parted by the river shannon ; on the west mayo and gallway ; on the north and north-east slego and letrim ; and on the south and south-east gallway and kings-county : it is in length 54 miles , and in breadth 28 : a county plain and fruitful , and with mean husbandry yieldeth plenty of corn. it is divided into six baronies , viz. boyle , ballintuber-west , roscommon , ballimoe , athlone , and moyearne : in which are two market-towns , and four boroughs ; the principal town is athlone . chief places are , 1. boyle . a little place by the lake key , nigh the borders of slego , of some note in these wars , and remarkable for an old abbey . 2. elphin , a bishop's see , 10 miles south of boyle , but of no great note . 3. tulsk , a small borough town , nigh three miles south-west of elphin . 4. roscommon , 13 miles south of tulsk , a borough and market town , which gives name to this county , but is but a poor place , all the houses being mean and thatch'd . 5. athlone , a borough , market town , and a bishop's see , about 15 miles south-east of roscommon : it is a place of considerable strength , and the key of all connaught , and the chief of these parts : it stands on the river shannon , on the confines of west-meath in leinster nigh lough ree ; and has a castle , and a very beautiful bridge of hewen stone : it stands 60 miles west of dublin . 6. ballinasloe , a little town 12 miles south-west of athlone , on the river suck , by gallway . 5. gallway . gallway has on the east part of kings-county and tipperary ( from which parted by the river shannon ) and some of roscommon ; on the west , the main ocean ; on the north and north-east the counties of mayo and roscommon ; and on the south thomond : it is in length 82 miles , and in breadth 48 : a county very fruitful to the husbandman , and no less profitable to the shepherd . it is divided into 17 baronies , viz. ballinananen , rosse , moycullin , clare , donamore , ballimore , kellehane , tiaquin , killconnell , clon-mac-owen , loughreagh , kiltartan , and the isles of arran . in which are two market towns , and three boroughs : the chief town is gallway . chief places are , 1. tuam or toam an archbishop's see , 7 miles off the borders of mayo , once a famous city , but now reduced to a meer village . 2. gallway or gallive , a bishop's see , market and borough , 17 miles south of tuam , a very strong , neat , and rich city , the third ( by some counted the second , ) in all ireland : it is built almost round , and in a manner tower-like , of entire stone : it is situated by the fall of the lake corbes into the sea , and by a large , safe , and dilicate harbour , call'd the bay of gallway , capable of a vast fleet of ships , so well seated for merchandize , that it has been looked upon as the greatest place of trade in all ireland : it stands 102 miles west of dublin . 3. athenree or aterith , a borough town 9 miles east of gallway , enclosed with a wall of great circuit , but slenderly inhabited . 4. clonefart , a decaying town 25 miles east of athenree , and 2 from the shannon : it still keepeth the title of a bishop's see. 6. portumny , a small place 8 miles almost south of clonefart upon the river shannon nigh lough-derg . 6. thomond . thomond or clare county , sometimes twomond and twowoun , or north-munster ( then part of munster , ) has on the east and south the river shannon , which parts it from tipperary , limrick , and kerry in munster ; on the west the ocean ; and on the north gallway : it is in length 55 miles , and in breadth 38 : a county of a very fruitful soil , and commodious for navigation . it is divided into eight baronies , viz. burrin , inchiquin , tullagh , bunratty , islands , ibrickan , clanderlay , and moysarta . in which are two market-towns , and but one borough : the chief town is killalow . principal places are , 1. killalow or labu , a market town and a bishop's see , once a very considerable place , but now decaying , though still counted the chief of the county : it stands on the river shannon , on the borders of tipperary , 10 miles almost north of limrick , and about 90 miles almost south-west of dublin . 2. enis town , a borough about 20 miles west of killalow . 3. clare , nigh three miles south of enes town , a market town , which gives name to this county , therefore by some reckoned the head thereof : it stands nigh a lake made by the river shannon . 4. bunrotty , 11 miles south-east of clare , a little town standing by the river shannon , and fortified with a castle . thus much for connaught . leinster province map of leinster chap. vi. of leinster , shewing its name , bounds , dimentions , rivers , products , remarks , &c. and describing all its counties , towns , and castles . the province of leinster , sometimes called lemster , by the latins lagenia , and in more ancient times lagen ; it is called by the natural irish leighnigh and leighingh ; and by the welsh lein . it is bounded on the east with the ●…rish ocean or st. george's channel ; ●…n the west with the province of ●…onnaught , from which separated by ●…he river shannon ; on the north with ●…he province of ulster ; on the south ●…ith the ocean ; and on the south-west with the province of munster , a little way parted by the river shure : in form it may be said somewhat to resemble a triangle . it is in length from the most north parts of the county of east meath , to hooke-tower , the southern point in the county of wexford , about 112 miles ; in breadth from the town of wicklow , to the most west part of king's county , about 70 miles . the circuit ( reckoning the windings and turnings ) may be about 360 miles . the chief rivers are ; 1. barrow , which arises in queen's county , running east , and then south , washes caterlagh and lughlin , then takes the shure nigh waterford , and together with it falls into the ocean . 2. boyne , which arises in king's county , and run towards the north east , washes trim , navan , slaine , and drogheda , and immediately after looses it self in the ocean . 3. liffe , or leffy , arising in the county of wicklow , about 15 miles from its fall into the sea , and takes a large compass , and falls into the sea at dublin . 4. nuer , beginning in queen's county , washes kilkenny and thomas-town , and falls into the river barrow , a little above ross. 5. urrin , or slane , beginning in wicklow , washes ballinglass and inishcorthy , and falls into the sea at wexford . 6. inny in kings-county , falling into the shannon at lough-ree . this province is very fertile and fruitful in corn and pasture-ground , and well watered with rivers ; the air clear and gentle , mixt with a temperate disposition , yielding neither ex●…remity of heat nor cold. it is plentiful both in fish and flesh , and in other victuals , as butter , cheese , and milk. the commodities chiefly consists in cattel , sea-fowl and fish , and breeds excellent good horses . the inhabitants come nearest the civil disposition of the english , from whom they are for the most part descended ; so that i look upon this to be the most considerable province in ireland . in this province is one archbishoprick , viz. dublin ; three bishopricks , ( besides loughlin united to fearnes , and glenelach united to dublin , ) viz. fearnes , kildare and kilkenny : 16 market-towns , viz. athboy , arcklo , ardragh , carbre , dublin , kildare , kilkenny , longford , loughlin , mariburrough , molingar , philips-town , ross , trim , wexford and wicklow : 47 places of commerce , and as many that return par●…iament-men , or boroughs : 102 castles well fortified by the english , and 926 parishes . the chief place i●… dublin , also chief of the kingdom . the boroughs are ; three in longford ; st. iohns-town , lanesburroug●… and longford : three in west-meath ▪ foore , killbegan and molingar : six i●… east-meath ; athboy , duleck , kells , navan , ratooth and trim : three in dublin ; dublin , newcastle and swords . four in wicklow ; arcklo , ballinglass blessen and wicklow : three in kildare ; arthy , kildare and naas : thre●… in kings-county ; bi r , bunalin an●… philips-town : three in queens-county ballinekill , mariburrough and port-arlington : eight in kilkenny ; callen , st ▪ canice , gowran , inis-teige , kells , kilkenny , knocktopher and thomas-town . two in catherlagh ; catherlagh an●… loughlin : and eight in wexfor●… ; bannae , clamine , clonegeen , feathard , iniscorthy , rosse , taghmon and wexford . the religious places of this province were once the monastery of s●… mary of oustmanby ; the magnificen●… abby called st. thomas-court at dubli●… built by king henry the second o●… england : likewise tintern monastery , that notable abby founded b●… william marshall earl of pembrook , who called it de voto , because of a vow that he made . these places have now little remaining . this province was , before the english conquest of it , divided into two kingdoms , viz. leinster and meath , both under their own kings ; till a falling out hapned between the king of meath and he of leinster , which caused king henry the second of england to make a conquest of it . leinster has been inseparably annexed to england ever since , but meath was granted in fee-farm to hugh lacy , a noble english-man . since which it came wholly under the king of england , and now the province of meath is united to leinster . it was anciently divided among the brigantes , inhabiting kilkenny , caterlagh , kings and queens counties ; the menapii , in and about wexford ; the cauci , in and about wicklow ; and the blanii or elbanii in dublin , east-meath and west-meath . afterwards divided into meath and leinster , ( as before was said ; ) meath contained the counties of east-meath , west-meath , and longford . it is now divided into 11 countie●… viz. 1. longford , 2. west-meath , 3. eas●… meath , 4. dublin , 5. wicklow , 6. ki●… dare , 7. kings-county , 8. queens-count●… 9. kilkenny , 10. catherlagh , and 11. wexford . of these , four borders on th●… sea , viz. east-meath , dublin , wicklo●… and wexford ; the seven others ar●… midland counties . these countie●… are again divided into 90 baronies . 1. longford . longford ( by some made in connaught ) is the most north-western county , and has on the east and south , west-meath ; on the north and north-east , letrim in connaught , and cavan in ulster ; and on the west , the river shannon , which parts it from roscommon in connaught . it is in lengt●… 27 miles , and in breadth 16. a small ▪ but a rich and pleasant county . it is divided into six baronies , viz. longford , granard , ardagh , moydoe , rathlin and shrowle : in which are two market-towns and three boroughs ; the chief town is longford . principal places are , 1. st. iohns-town , or ballanalie , a borough-town on the river camlin , in almost the ●…iddle of the county . 2. longford , 〈◊〉 the same river , five miles almost ●…est of st. iohns-town , a market-●…own and a borough , the chief of the ●…ounty , but of no great note . it ●…ands about 58 miles almost west of ●…ublin . 3. ardagh , six miles south-●…ast of longford , a little decayed mar●…et-town . 4. lanesburrough , almost ●…2 miles west of ardagh , a borough-●…own standing on the river shannon , which has a bridge over it into ros●…ommon . 2. west-meath . west-meath , has on the east , east-meath ; on the west the river ●…hannon , ( which parts it from roscom●…on in connaught ) and longford ; on ●…he north , cavan in ulster ; and on the south , kings-county . it is in length ●…0 miles , and in breadth 20. a coun●…y which gives place to none in ferti●…ity and populousness . it is divided into 11 baronies , viz. foore , delyn , moygoish , corkery , molingar , fabill , furtullagh , moycashell , rathconrath , kilkenny and clunlona : in which is one market-town , and three boroughs ; the chief town is molingar . principal places are , 1. foore , a borough-town , two miles off the borders of east-meath , of little note 2. molingar or mullenger , 13 miles south of foore , a market and borough-town , of considerable note and strength , not only the chief of this county , but of the whole province of meath . it stands 40 miles nigh●… west of dublin . 3. ballimore , 13 miles west of molingar ; a small town nigh●… the south-parts of longford . 4. killbegan , 10 miles south-east of ballimore ; a little borough-town on the river brasmagh , by the borders o●… kings-county . 3. east-meath east-meath , has on the east , the ocean and dublin ; on the north and north-east , cavan and louth in ulster ; on the west , west-meath ; and on the south , kildare . it is in length 38 miles , and in breadth as many . a county very rich , pleasant and populous . it is divided into 11 baronies ; viz moyrgallon , slane , duleck , skreene , navan , kells , lune , moysenragh , deece , rato●…h , and dunboyne . in which are two market-towns , and six boroughs ; the chief town is trim. chief places are , 1. kells , a little borough on a small river called black-water , which falls into the boyne nigh navan . 2. slane , a little town on the boyne , 12 miles east of kells , and seven west of drogheda . 3. duleck , a borough seven miles nigh east of slane , and four south of drogheda , on the river nenny . 4. navan , a small borough on the river boyne , 10 miles west of duleck , and seven almost south-east of kells . 5. athboy , or aboy , eight miles south-west of navan , a borough and market-town , well inhabited , and of good resort . 6. trim , six miles almost south-east of athboy , on the river boyne , a borough and market-town of good trade , reckoned the chief in the county . it stands 23 miles almost north-west of dublin . 7. ratooth , a little borough-town 12 miles east of trim , and as many north-west of dublin . 4. dublin . dublin , or divelin , has on the east the irish ocean , or st. george's channel ; on the west and north-west , kildare and east-meath ; and on the south , wicklow . it is a small county but 28 miles long , and 16 broad . a county very rich and fertile in corn and grass , but destitute of woods , so that they have a kind of a fat turff or coal . it is divided into six baronies , viz. ballrudery , cross , cooleck , castleknock , newcastle and rathdowne . in which is one market-town and three boroughs ; the chief is dublin . chief places are , 1. swords , a little borough-town nigh the sea , eight miles north of dublin . 2. dublin , or balacleigh , an archbishoprick , a market and borough , the metropolis of the kingdom , the seat of the vice-roy , and an university . it is a very noble city , ( surpassing any in england except london ) adorned with many glorious buildings , seated on a delectable and wholsom place , ( first built on piles of wood ) on the river liffe , which affords it an excellent haven : to the south are hills , westward an open champion ground , on ●…he east the sea at hand in sight . it ●…as a very strong wall of rough ●…uilding stone , towards the south for●…ified with rampiers . it openeth at ●…ix gates , from whence there run forth suburbs of great length : towards ●…he east stands the kings castle on ●…igh , most strongly fenced with dit●…hes and towers : just over against ●…t is a beautiful college , richly en●…owed and consecrated unto the name of the holy trinity . here ●…re also many other fine buildings , as ●…he cathedral , the archbishops pa●…ace , the collegiate church , the town-hall , &c. 3. newcastle , a bo●…ough-town eight miles almost west ●…f dublin . here also stood the city ●…f glendelach , a bishop's see ; now ●…uined , and the bishoprick united to dublin . 3. wicklow . wicklow , ( sometimes a part of the county of dublin ) has on the east st. george's channel ; on the west , kildare and catherlagh ; on the north , dublin ; and on the south , wexford . it is in length 36 miles , and in breadth 28. a county sufficiently fruitful . it is divided into six baronies , viz. rathdown , ( part in dublin ) newcastle ▪ talbotstone , ballinecur , arcklow and shel ▪ aly. in which are two market-town●… and four boroughs ; the principa●… town is wicklow . chief places are , 1. blessinto , a smal●… borough-town on the river liffe●… bordering on kildare . 2. baltinglasse ▪ another borough , 13 miles south o●… blessinto , on the river urrin or slane ▪ by the borders of catherlagh . 3. wicklow , a market-town and borough , 2●… miles east of baltinglasse . it is the chief of the county standing on the sea , and has a narrow haven at the mouth of the river letrim , ov●… which stands a rock in stead of a castle , enclosed with a strong wall : i●… stands 24 miles nigh south of dublin 4. arcklow , a market-town and a borough , 12 miles south of wicklow . i●… stands by the sea , and once gave name to a county , and now a title to the duke of ormond , who is baron of this place . 6. kildare . kildare , has on the east , dublin and wicklow ; on the west , kings-county and queens county ; on the north , e●…st-meath ; and on the south , catherlagh . it is in length 38 miles , and in breadth 23. a county most rich and plentiful in all things . it is divided into eight baronies , viz. carburny , ikeathy , salt , naas , connel , ophally , noragh and reban , kileah and mone . in which are two market-towns and three boroughs ; the chief town is kildare . principal places are , 1. carbury or carbre , towards the north-west part a market-town , but much decayed . 2. naas , a borough-town 13 miles south-east of carbury , nigh the river liffe . 3. kildare or kildar , 11 miles almost west of naas ; it is a considerable place , the chief of the county , a market-town , a borough and a bishop's see , formerly much celebrated for the holy virgin briged . it stands 27 miles south-west of dublin . 4. arthy , a borough-town 12 miles south of kildare , on the river barrow , not far off of the borders of queens-county . 7. kings-county . kings-county , formerly called offaly , has on the east , kildare ; on the west , the river shannon , ( which parts it from gallway in connaught ) and part of tipperary in munster ; on the north , west-meath ; and on the south and south-east , tipperary and queens-county . it is in length 48 miles , and in breadth 14. a county not so rich as some others . it is divided into 11 baronies , viz. warrenstown , coolestown , philipstown , geshill , kilcoursi , ballicowen , balliboy , carri-castle , eglish , ballibrit and clonlisk . in which is one market-town and three boroughs ; the chief town is phillipstown . principal places are , 1. phillipstown or kingstown , towards the north parts , three miles off the borders of west-meath , a market-town and borough , not remarkable for any thing but for being the head of the county . it stands 38 miles west of dublin . 2. bunalin or bannahet , a small borough-town , 25 miles almost south-west of phillipstown , standing on the river shannon , on the borders of gallway in connaught . 3. bi r , another little borough-town six miles south of bunalin , standing on the borders of tipperary in munster , on a river that runs into the shannon . 8. queens-county . queens-county , in irish lease , has on the east , kildare ; on the north and west , kings-county with tipperary in munster ; and on the south , kilkenny . it is in length 35 miles , and in breadth 32. a county full of woods and bogs . it is divided into seven baronies , viz. portneh inch , stradbally , balliadam , slewmargie , cullinagh , mariburow and upper ossery . in which is one market-town and three boroughs ; the chief town is mariburow . chief places are , 1. port-arlinton , a small borough-town in the north parts of this county on the river barrow , on the borders of kings-county . 2. mariburow or queenstown , 10 miles south of port-arlinton : it is a borough and a market-town , but no●… otherwise remarkable than for bein●… the head of the county . it stand●… 72 miles almost south-west of dubli●… 3. ballinekill , another borough-tow●… eight miles south of mariburow , an●… about a mile from the borders of kilkenny . 9. kilkenny . kilkenny , has on the east , catherlag●… and wexford ; on the west , tipperary in munster ; on the north , queens-county ; and on the south ; waterford i●… muster , from which parted by th●… river shure . it is in length 40 miles and in breadth 22. a county wit●… towns and castles on every side makes a fine shew , and in plenty o●… all things gives place to none . it is divided into 11 baronies , viz. fassadinig , galmoy , cranagh , kilkenn●… lib. shellilogher , gow●…an , kells , knock●… pher , ida , ibercon and iverk . in which is one market-town , and 8 boroughs ; the chief town is kilkenny . chief places are , 1. kilkenny , a market , a borough , and a bishoprick , in the middle of the county on the river nuer . it is a large and strong city , the most populous , rich , and well traded inland town in ireland : it consists of two parts , the irish town , in which is the cathedral ; and the english , which was built since , and is now the principal , the former being only a suburb to it . it stands 56 miles south west of dublin . 2. gowran , a borough , 8 miles east of kilkenny , nigh the borders of catherlagh . 3. callen , a borough 15 miles almost south west of gowran , on the river callen , the third town of the county . 4. kells , a borough town on the same river , six miles west of callen . 5. thomas-town , a borough four miles west of kells , on the kiver nuer : it is a walled town , the second in the county . 6. inishteige , a borough on the same river , four miles south east of thomas-town , and the fourth in the county . 7. knocktopher , another borough seven miles west of inisteige : here is a little borough called st. canice , three miles-west of kilkenny . 10. catherlagh . cathelagh , caterlagh , or carlogh , has on the east wicklow and wexford ; on the west kilkenny , and part of queen's county ; on the north kildare ; and on the south and south east wexford : it is in length 28 miles , and in breadth 18. a county of a fertile soil , and well shaded with woods . it is divided into five baronies , viz. ravilly , catherlagh , forth , idr●…ne , and st. mullin . in which is one market-town and two boroughs . the chief town is catherlagh . principal places are ; 1. catherlagh , or caterlogh , standing on the river barrow , on the borders of queens county . it is a market-town , and a borough , the chief of the county , and is fortified with a castle : it stands 38 miles almost south west of dublin . 2. loughlen , laghlin , or old loughlin , eight miles almost south west of catherlagh , a borough town of no note . 3. loughlin , or laghlin , three miles east of the other , on the river barrow , once a considerable city , and a bishoprick , now reduced to a village , and the bishoprick anited to fearnes in wexford . ii. uuexford . wexford , or weesford , by the irish loghhagarm , has on the east the ocean ; on the west catherlagh and kilkenny ; on the north wicklow ; and on the south and south west the ocean , and some of waterford in munster , from which parted by waterford haven : it is in length 47 miles , and in breadth 27. a county fruitful in corn and grass . it is divided into eight baronies , viz. gory , scarewalsh , bantry , ballageen , shelmaliere , sheilbourne , bargie , and fourth . in which are two market towns and eight boroughs . the principal town is wexford . chief places are ; 1. fearnes , or ferns , towards the northern parts , a town of no note but for being a bishops sec. 2. inishcorthy , a borough town , eight miles nigh south of fearnes , on the river urrin or slany . 3. ross , a borough and market-town , on the river barrow , 15 miles south west of inishcorthy , on the borders of kilkenny , once a famous city now almost ruined . 4. wexford , or weesford , 17 miles east of ross , a market town and borough . it was once reckoned the chief city in all ireland , and was the first colony of the english , still a fair and large town , which has a very commodious haven at the mouth of the river urrin or slany : it stands about 62 miles south o●… dublin . 5. taghmon , a little borough town seven miles nigh west of wexford . clamine , a borough five mile●… south west of taghmon . 7. banne another four miles south of clamine by a convenient bay of the sam●… name . 8. duncannon , nigh five mile●… west of banne , a considerable castl●… on waterford haven , so that no ship●… can go to waterford or ross withou●… leave . 9. featherd , a little boroug●… two miles from duncannon . thus much for leinster . munster province map of munster chap. vii . of munster , shewing its name , bounds , dimensions , rivers , products , remarks , &c. and describing all its counties , towns and castles . the province of munster , many times called mounster ; it is called by the latines momonia , and by the natural irish mown , and in common construction of speech wown . i is bounded on the east and south-east with the province of leinster ( from which partly separated by the river shure , ) and the ocean ; on the west with the atlantick or western ocean ; on the north with the province of connaught , from which seperated by the river shannon ; and on the south and south-west with the virgivian ocean : the form thereof is a kind of a long square . it is in length from waterford haven to the western-point in the county of kerry , not far off dingle , about 135 miles ; in breadth , from the north parts of tipperary to baltimore , in corke , 120 miles ; but from baltimore to the north parts of kerry , ( which is more natural , ) is but 68 miles . the circuit , ( by reason of the great windings and turnings , ) is above 600 miles . the chief rivers of this province are , 1. shure , sewer , or shower , which begins in tipperary , runs south , and washes thurles , and passes by cashell , then runs east and washes clonmell , carick , and waterford , then it takes in the barrow , with which it falls into the ocean . 2. black water , awiduffe or avenmore , which begins in kerry , runs east , and washes mallo and lismore , then runs south , and falls into the sea at youghill . 3. lee , in the county of corke , runs east and washes corke , and soon after falls into the sea , making several small isles . 4. bande , likewise in corke , runs east , and washes bandon-bridge , and falls into the sea at kingsale . 5. leane , in kerry , runs west , and falls into dingle-bay . 6. cashen , in kerry , which falls into shannonmouth . this province abounds with many e●…cellent bays and havens , with many rich towns ; the air mild and temperate , neither too hot nor too cold ; the sol in some places is hilly , looking aloft with woody wild and solitary mountains ; yet the vallies below are garnished with corn fields , all both pleasant for sight and fertile for soil . the most general commodities of this province are corn , cattel , wood , wool , and fish , the last whereof it affords abundance of all sorts , especially herrings . in this province is one archbishoprick , viz. cashell ; five bishopricks ( besides ross and cloyne united to corke , and lismore united to waterford , ) viz. waterford , limerick , corke , ardfeart , and emly : seven market-towns , viz. carrick , clonmell , corke , dingle , kingsale , limrick , and waterford : twenty five places that return parliament men , called boroughs ; sixty six castles of old erection , and ( according to morden , ) 80 parishes in the whole . chief city of the whole is commonly reckoned waterford , but limerick at present deserves the preheminence . the boroughs are as following , viz. five in tipperary ; cashell , clonmell , fetherd , tipperary and thurles : four in waterford ; dungarvan , lismore , tallagh and waterford : three in limrick ; askeaton , kilmalock , and limrick : three in kerry ; ardfeart , dingle , and trally : and 10 in corke ; baltimore , bandon-bridge , caraby , charleville , clone , corke , kingsale , cloyne , mallo and younghill . the religious places in this province were once the two abbies a●… youghill , one called north-abby , an●… the other south-abby : the two abbies at limerick , st. francis-abby , an●… dominick-abby : the two abbies a●… corke , st. francis-abby , and the abb●… of the isles . and lastly , that famou●… abby of the holy-cross in tipperary ▪ these are now quite ruined , and wholly out of use . this province , before the englis●… conquest of it , was a kingdom of i●… self , and ruled by its own king. i●… then contained some part of connaugh●… ( that is , the county of thomond ; ) sinc●… the english became masters of it , i●… has been kept close to that crown ▪ only the spaniards at one time became masters of a little of it , bu●… were soon driven out . it is now governed by a lord president , who ha●… one assistant , two learned lawyers and a secretary to keep it in obe●…ience . it was anciently divided among the ●…lterni in tipperary ; the coriandi , in ●…imerick , waterford , and part of tip●…erary and corke ; the luceni in kerry ; ●…he velibori in desmond in corke ; and ●…he vodii in some part of corke . afterwards divided into deswown , hierwown , meanwown , and urwown . of later ●…imes it was divided into two parts , viz. west-mounster , and south-mun●…ter . it stands at present divided into five counties , ( by some into six , ) viz. 1. tipperary , 2. waterford , 3. corke , to which is joyned the county of desmond , 4. limerick , and 5. kerry . of these , three border on the sea , viz. waterford , corke and kerry ; tipperary and limerick are midland counties . these counties are again divided into 52 baronies . 1. tipperary . tipperary , or holy-cross , by the irish thobruidearum cuntae , has on the east , queens-county and kilkenny in leinster ; on the west , limerick and the river shannon , which parts it fro●… gallway and thomond in connaught on the north or north-east , kings county in leinster ; and on the south waterford . it is in length 58 miles and in breadth 36. the south-part●… are exceeding fertile , and well furnished with good buildings . it is divided into 14 baronies , viz. lower ormond , ormond , arra , owny , ikerin , ileagh , eliogurty , kilnalong , kilnamama , clonwilliam , middlethird , slewwardagh , comsey , and iffa and ossa . i●… which are two market-towns , an●… five boroughs ; the chief town is clonmell . chief places are , 1. thurles , a borough-town , on the river shure , si●… miles from the borders of kilkenny 2. cashell or cassel , 12 miles south o●… thurles . nigh the river shure , a borough and an archbishoprick , but no●… else of note . 3. fethard , a little borough-town , eight miles almost eas●… of cashell . 4. tipperary or holy-cr●… a borough-town 17 miles west 〈◊〉 fethard . it gives name to this cou●…ty , and was once a very famous pla●… 5. emly or awn , above seven mil●… west of tipperary , nigh the borde●… 〈◊〉 limerick : it is a bishop's see , once famous city , but now much decay●… . 6. clonmell , a market-town and ●…orough 26 miles nigh east of emly : 〈◊〉 is now the chief of the county , a ●…ch place of great strength , and stands 〈◊〉 the river shure , on the borders of waterford , about 82 miles south-west ●…f dublin . 7. carick , or carick-mac-griffen , a market-town on the same river , 10 miles east of clonmell . it ●…s situated on a rock between the li●…its of waterford and kilkenny . 2. waterford . waterford , has on the east , waterford-haven , which parts it from wexford in leinster ; on the west , cork ; on the north , the river shure , which parts it from tipperary , and kilkenny in leinster ; and on the south , the ocean . it is in length 46 miles , and in breadth 24. a fine county as well for pleasure as riches . it is divided into six baronies , viz. glanehery , upperthird , middlethird , desees , coshmore , and cosbrid . in which is one market-town , and four boroughs ; the chief town is waterford . chief places are , 1. waterford , 〈◊〉 the irish phurtargie , a market , 〈◊〉 rough , and bishops see , standing 〈◊〉 the river shure on the borders of k●…kenny . it is a very wealthy , we●… traded , and populous city , the seco●… for bigness in this kingdom , endow●… with many ample privileges : t●… streets are narrow , thrust close , an●… pent together : it stands in an unhealthful air , but for trade as conveniently seated as any port in the world , having a most excellent haven , though a good distance from the sea , yet ships of the greatest burden may easily ride at the key . it stands 75 miles nigh south of dublin . 2. dungarvan , 20 miles almost south-west of waterford : it is a borough-town seated on the sea , well fortified with a castle , and has a very commodious road for ships . 3. lismore , a borough-town , 13 miles west of dungarvan , on the river blackwater , once a bishops sea , but now united to waterford , and is in a decaying condition . 4. tallagh , a borough-town , above five miles south of lismore , by the borders of cork . 3. limerick . limrick or limerick , has on the east , tipperary ; on the west , kerry ; ●…n the north , the river shannon , which parts it from thomond in con●…ught ) with a little of tipperary ; and ●…n the south with cork . it is in length 48 miles , and in breadth 27. a fertile county , and well inhabited , but able to shew few good towns : the west parts are mountainous , and the rest plain . it is divided into nine baronies , viz. clonello , kenry , limerick , ownyheg , connagh , clanwilliam , smale county , coshma , and coshled : in which is one market-town , and three boroughs . principal place is limerick . chief places are , 1. limerick , or lough-meagh , a market , a borough , and a bishop's see , now the metropolis of munster . it is an eligent , rich and populous city , and of singular strength , situated partly on an island ●…n the river shannon . it is counted two towns , the upper , wherein stands the castle , and the cathedral church , has two gates opened into it , and each of them a fair bridge o●… stone into it , with bulwarks , an●… little draw-bridges , the one leading unto the west , the other unto the east : unto which the lower town joyneth , fenced with a wall , and a castle also thereto , and a fore-gate at the entrance into it . the bridges and castles are very beautiful . it stands 60 miles off of sea , yet ships of burthen can come up to the walls . it stands about 95 miles almost west of dublin . 2. askeaton , a little borough nigh the shannon , 13 miles almost west of limerick . 3. athdora , a small town eight miles south-east of askeaton , and nine south-west of limerick , of old time fortified . 4. killmallock , 16 miles south of limerick , a borough-town both rich and populous , and enclosed with a wall. 4. kerry . kerry ( reckoned a county palatine ) has on the east , limerick and cork ; on the west , the atlantick ocean ; on the north , the river shannon , which separates it from thomond i●… connaught ; and on the south , desmond in cork , with part of the ocean . it is in length 60 miles , and in breadth 47. a county full of woody mountains , and in many places good corn-fields . it is divided into eight baronies , viz. iraghticoner , klanmoris , corkaguinie , trughenackmy , magunihie , glanaroghty , dunkeron , and iveragh : in which is one market-town and three boroughs ; the chief town is dingle . principal places are , 1. ardfeart , a borough-town nigh the sea , which is also a bishop's sea , but a very poor one . 2. trally , a little borough-town about five miles south-east of ardfeart , and four from sea , a place of no note . 3. dingle , a borough and a market-town 23 miles almost west of trally . it is the chief town of this county , and the most western of note in all ireland . it stands very commodious for navigation , upon a very large bay of the same name . it stands 164 miles almost south-west of dublin . 5. cork . cork , or coreach , has on the east , waterford , with a little of tipperary ; on the west , kerry , with some of the sea ; on the north , limerick ; and on th●… south and south-east , the virgeria●… ocean . it is ( taking in desmond , whic●… is 30 miles long and 8 broad ) the largest county in ireland , being in length 86 miles , and in breadth 50. a county said to be wild and woody , yet has many good towns. it is divided into 15 baronies , viz. dunhallo , orrery and kilmore , armory or earmoy , condon or clongibbon , kilnatalloon , imokilly , barrimore , barrets , corke , lib. kinalea , kineatmeaky , muskery , and carbury : desmond contains the other two , viz. bantry and bear. in these are two market-towns and 10 boroughs ; the chief place is cork . chief places are , 1. charleville , the most north-town , a borough on the borders of limerick . 2. mallo , a little borough on the river blackwater , 14 miles south of charleville . 3. youghill , a borough on the mouth of the river blackwater , by the borders of waterford , 30 miles south-west of mallo . it is a rich and populous town , well walled round , in form somewhat long , and has a very commodious haven , and a well fenced key . 4. cloyne , 8 miles nigh west of youghill , a little borough and bishoprick , said to be united 〈◊〉 cork . 5. ballicora , a small borough 4 miles almost west of cloyne . 6. cork , ●…3 miles west of ballicora , a market , borough , and bishop's see , the chief of ●…his county . it is a neat , wealthy and ●…opulous city , inhabited most by eng●…ish , standing on the river lee , where it ●…as a commodious haven . it is of good ●…trength , enclosed within a circuit of walls in form of an egg , with the river flowing round about it , and running between , not passable through but by bridges , lying out in length as it were in one direct broad street , and the fame having a bridge over it . it stands 124 miles south-west of dublin . 7. kingsale , 12 miles south of cork , a borough and market-town , nigh the mouth of the river banne . it is a populous and well traded town , the second in the county . it has an excellent haven for ships , and is fortified with old walls . 8. bandon-bridge , a borough on the same river 8 miles almost west of kingsale . 9. rosse , 16 miles south-west of bandonbridge , on the sea , and a city and a bis●…oprick now united to cork , and is a meer village . 10. baltimore , a borough , and commodious port 14 miles nigh south-west of rosse . an index of all the provinces , counties , baronies , cities , towns , forts , castles , rivers , lakes , havens , bays , mountains , promontories , &c. in such a manner as may serve for a geographical dictionary for ireland . the longitude of the towns is reckoned from london . p. stands for province , c. for county , and b. for barony . a. aboy . see athboy . achill islands , by the p. of connaught , and c. of mayo . achonry , a town in the p. of connaught , c. of slego , and b. of leney ; lon. 9. 12. lat. 53. 58. agher , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of tyrone , and b. of clogher ; lon. 7. 44. lat. 54. 25. allin , a bog in the p. of leinster , and c. of kildare . allyn , a lake in the p. of connaught , and c. of letrim . annagh , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of cavan , and b. tullagarvy ; lon. 7. 46. lat. 54. 5. annagh , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of down , and b. of upper evagh ; lon. 6. 46. lat. 54. 19. antrim , a county in the p. of ulster . antrim , a barony , and town , in the county of antrim ; lon. 6. 46. lat. 54. 45. archdale , a castle in the p. of ulster , c. of eermenagh , and b. of lurge ; lon. 8. 14. lat. 54. 28. arcklow , a barony and town in the p. of leinster , and c. of wicklow ; lon. 6. 35. lar , 52. 41. ardagh , a barony and town in the p. of leinster , and c. of longford ; lon. 8. 8. lat. 53. 34. ardagh , a town in the p. of connaught , c. and b. of letrim ; lon. 8. 22. lat. 53. 56. ardagh , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of east-meath , and b. of slane ; lon. 7. 14. lat. 53. 54. ardagh , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of corke , and b. of carbury ; lon. 9. 16. lat. 51. 32. ardbracan , a town in the p. munster , c. of east-meath , and b. of navan ; lon. 7. 14. lat. 53. 38. ardee . see atherdee . ardfeart , a town in the p. of munster , c. of kerry , and b. of klanmore ; lon. 10. 54. lat. 52. 9. ardmagh . see armagh . ards , a bar. in the p. of ulster , and c. of down . armagh , or ardmagh , a county in the p. of ulster . armagh , a barony , and town in the c. of armagh ; lon. 7 12. lat. 54. 20. armoy , or earmoy , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of corke . arra , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of tipperary . arran , a barony , and isles , in the p. of connaught , and c. of gallway . arthy , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of kildare , and b. of noragh and reban ; lon. 7. 28. lat 52. 55. askeaton , a town in the p. of munster , c. of limrick and b. of clonello , lon. 9. 20. lat. 52. 26. athboy , or aboy , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of east-meath , and b. of lune ; lon. 7. 24. lat. 53. 36. athdora , a town in the p. of munster , c. of limrick and b. of coshma ; lon. 9. 7. lat. 52. 24. athenree , or aterith , a barony and town in the p. of connaught , and c. of gallway ; lon. 9. ●…4 . lat. 53. 50. atherdee , or ardee , a barony and town in the p. of connaught and c. of roscommon , lon ●… 3. lat. 53. 50. athlone , a barony and town in the p. of connau●…ht , and c. of roscommon ; lon. 8. 25. lat. 53. 21. a●…erith . see athenree . avenmore . see black-water . awiduduff . see black-water . awn , a town in munster . see emly . b. ballageen , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of wexford . ballanalie , in longford . see st. iohnstown . balleck , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of fermanagh , and b. of lurge , lon. 8 39. lat. 54. 24. balliadem , a barony in the p. of leinster , and queen's county . balliboy , a barony in the p. of leinster , and king's county . ballibrit , a barony and town in the p. of leinster , and king's county , lon. 8. 13. lat. 52. 55. ballicora , a town in the p. of munster , and c. of corke , and b. of imokilly , lon. 8. 25. lat. 51. 47. ballicowen , a barony in the p. of leinster , and king's county . ballimore , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of roscommon . ballimore , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of gallway . ballimore , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of west meath , and b. of rathconrath , lon. 8. 10. lat. 53. 25. ballinananen . a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of gallway . ballinasloe , a town in the p. of connaught , c. of roscommon , and b. of moycarne , lon. 8. 42. lat. 53. 14. ballinekill , a town in the p. of leinster , queen's county , and b. of cullinagh , lon. 7. 42. lat. 52. 48. ballinetur , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of wicklow . ballintaber , a b●…rony in the p. of connaught , and c. of roscommon . ballishannon , or bellishannon , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of dunnagal , and b. of tyrebugh , lon. 8. 44. lat , 54. 23. ballrudery , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of dublin . balltinglass , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of wicklow , and b. of talbotstown , lon. 7. 6. lat. 52. 53. baltimore , a town in the p. of munster , c. of cork , and b. of carbury , lon. 9. 32. lat. 51. 17. bande , a river in the p. of munster , and c. of corke . bandonbridge , a town in the p. of munster , c. of cork , and b. of kineameaky , lon. 8. 56. lat. 51. 36. bangor , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of down , and b. of ards , lon. 6. 13. lat. 54. 44. bankaule , a castle on the p. of connaught , c. of thomond , and b. of banrathy , lon. 9. 00. lat. 52. 35. bannaher , a town in the p. of leinster , king's county , and b. of garri-castle , lon. 8. 24. lat. 53. 5. bannae , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of wexford , and b. of sheilbourne , lon. 7. 5. lat. 59. 9. bannae , a river in the p. of ulster . bantry , a barony , bay , and town in the p. of munster , c. of cork and desmond , lon. 9. 40. lat. 51. 31. bantry , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of wexford . bargie , another barony in the same county . barretz , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of corke . barrimore , another in the same county . barrow , a river in the p. of leinster . bear , a barony , town , and isle on the p. of munster , c. of cork and desmond , the town stands , lon. 10. 4. lat. 51. 20. belfast , a barony and town in the p. of ulster , and c. of antrim , lon. 6. 28. lat. 54. 38. ballishannon , see ballishannon . belturbet , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of cavan , and b. of loughte , lon. 7. 54. lat. 54. 6. binburg , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of tyrone , and b. of dungannon , lon. 7. 27. lat. 54. 23. bi r , a town in the p. of leinster , king 's c. and b. of eglish , lon. 8. 22. lat. 53. 00. blackwater , awiduffe , or avenmore , a river in the p. of munster . blackwater , a river in the p. of ulster , and c. of tyrone . blackwater , a river in the p. of leinster , in the c. of east-meath . blany-castle , in the p. of ulster , c. of monoghan , and b. of cremorne , lon. 7. 13. lat. 54. 7. blessinto , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of wicklow , and b. of talbotstone , lat. 7. 2. lat. 53. 8. bloemy , or slew 〈◊〉 , a mountain in the 〈◊〉 . of leinster , and queen's county . boile , see boyle . boylalagh and b●…agh , a barony in the p. of ●…lster , and c. of dunnagal . boyle , or boile , a barony and tow●… in the 〈◊〉 ▪ of connaught , and c. of roscommon , lon. 8. 6. lat. 53. 54. boyne , a river in the p. of leinster . burdale , a river in the p. of ulster , and c. ●…f dunnagal . burithoole , a barony in the p. of connaught , ●…nd c. of mayo . burrin , a barony in the p. of connaught , and 〈◊〉 . of thomond . c. calebeg , see kilbeg . callen , a town in the p. of leinster , and c. of kilkenny , lon. 7. 46. lat. 52. 25. cam-owen , a river in the p. of ulster , and c. of tyrone . st. canice , a town in the p. of leinster , and c. of kilkenny , lon. 7 , 42. lat. 52. 36. cara , a lake in the p. of connaught , and c. of slego . carbury , or carbree , a barony , and town in the p. of leinster , and c. of kildare , lon. 7 20. lat. 53. 22. carbury , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of corke . carbuy , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of slego . carichdrumrusk , a town in the p. of connaught , and c. and b. of letrim , lon. 8. 36. lat. 53. 52. carrickfergus , or knockfergus , a barony , and town on the p. of ulster , and c. of antrim , lon. 6. 24. lat. 54. 57. carick mac-griffin , a town in the p. of munster , c. of tipperary , and b. of iffa and ossa , lon. 7. 44. lat. 52. 15. carlingford , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of louth , and b. of dundalk , lon. 6. 43. lat. 54. 4●… carne-castle in the p. of ulster , c. of antri●… and b. of glenarm . lon. 6. 30. lat. 54. 57. carrigallen , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of letrim . cari-castle , a barony in the p. of leinster , and king's county . cashell , or cassels , a town in the p. of munster , c. of tipperary , and b. of middletherd , lon. 8. 13. lat. 52. 23. cashen , a river in the p. of munster , and c. of kerry . cassels , see cashell . castel-connor , in the p. of connaught , c. of slego , and b. of tyreragh , lon. 9. 38. lat. 54. 3. castello , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of mayo . castlebar , a town in the p. of connaught , c. of mayo , and b. of corrah , lon. 9. 47. lat. 53. 46. castlehaven , a town in the p. of munster , c. of cork , and b. of carbury , lon. 9. 22. lat. 51. 22. castleknock , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of dublin . castlemain , an harbour in the p. of munster , and c. of kerry . castle-raghen , a barony , and town in the p. of ulster , and c. of cavan , lon. 7. 42. lat. 53. 48. castlereagh , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of down . catherlagh , or caterlagh , a county in the p. of leinster . catherlagh , a barony , and town in the c. of catherlagh , lon. 7. 18. lat. 52. 46 cavan , or cavon , a county in the p. of ulster . cavan , a town in the c. of cavan , and b. of loughte , lon. 7. 52. lat. 53. 58. charlemont , a town in rhe p. of ulster , c. of armagh , and b. of onealan , lon. 7. 14. lat. 54. 26. charleville , a town in the p. of munster , c. of corke , and b. of . ossery , lon. 9. 2. lat. 52. 13. cilly , a lake in the p. of connaught . and c. of slego . clamine , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of wexford , and b. of sheilbourne , lon. 7. 5. lat. 52. 13. clanderlag , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of thomond . clanvilliam , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of limrick . clare county , see thomond . clare , a town in thomond , in the b. of islands , lon. 9. 22. lat. 52. 42. clare , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of gallway . clogher , a barony and town in the p. of ulster , and the c. of tyrone , lon. 7. 44. lat. 54. 23. clonawly , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of fermanagh . clonchy , a bar. in the p. of ulster , and c. of cavan . clonefeart , a town in the p. of connaught , c. of gallway , and b. of longford , lon. 8. 32. lat. 53. 15. clonello , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of limrick . clonemorris , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of mayo . clonish , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of monoghan , and b. of dartree , lon. 7. 45. lat. 54. 18. clonlisk , a barony in the p. of leinster , and king's county . clon mac owen , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of gallway . clonmell , or clommell , a town in the p. of munster , c. of tipperary , and b. of iffa and ossa , lon. 8. 00. lat. 52. 15. clonomoghan , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of cavan . clonwilliam , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of tipperary . clorne , a town in the p. of connaught , c. of letrim , and b. of mohill , lon. 8. 18. lat. 53. 46. cloyne , a town in the p. of munster , c. of cork , and b. of imokilly , lon. 8. 19. lat. 51. 43. clunlona , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of west meath . colerain , a barony , and town in the p. of ulster , and c. of londonderry , lon. 7. 17. lat. 55. 7. comsey , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of tipperary . condon , or clongibbon , a barony in the p. of munster , and county of cork . conn , a lake in the p. of connaught , and c. of mayo . connagh , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of limrick . connaught , one of the four provinces in ireland . connel , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of kildare . connor , a town in the p. of ulster in the c. and b. of antrim , lon. 6. 47. lat. 54. 48. coolavan , a barony in the p. of connaught and c. of slego . coole , a barony in the p. of ulster and c. of fermanagh . cooleck , a barony in the p. of leinster and c. of dublin . cooles-town , a barony in the p. of leinster , and kings-county . cockagvinie , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of kerry . corke , a county on the p. of munster . corke , a town in the county of corke , lon. 8. 48. lat. 51. 44. corkery , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of west-meath . corrah , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of mayo . corrau , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of slego . corrib , a lake in the p. of connaught , and c●… of gallway . cosbrid , a barony in the p. of munstea ●…nd c. of waterford . coshmas and coshlea , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of limerick . coshmore , a barony in the p. munster , and c. of waterford . cranagh , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of kilkenny . cremorne , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of monoghan . crom-castle in the p. of ulster , c. of fermanagh , and b. of coole , lon. 7. 56. lat. 54. 20. cullinagh , a barony in p. of leinster , and queens county . culmor-fort by londonderry . cumber , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of londonderry , and b. of tyrekeri , lon. 7. 47. lat. 54. 52. curlew-hills in the p. of connaught , and c. of roscommon . d. dartree , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of monoghan . deece , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of east-meath . delyn , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of west-meath . decureagh , a lake in the same county . derg , a lake made by shannon , between the c. of gallway , tipperary and thomond . derg , a lake in the p. of ulster in the c. of dunnagall , from whence comes a river called derg , in tyrone . deseese , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of waterford . desmond , a county in the p. of munster , and c. of corke . disnie , a river in the p. of leinster , and c. of kilkenny . dingle , a town in the p. of munster , c. of kerry , and b. of corkagvinie , lon. 10. 35. lat. 51. 59. doghead , a cape in the p. of connaught , and c. of gallway . doonkillin , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of gallway . doore , a river in the p. of ulster , and c. of dunnagall . down , a county in the p. of ulster . down , a town in the same county in the b. of lekeale , lon. 6. 14. lat. 54. 24. downamore , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of gallway . drogheda , or tredah , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of louth , and b. of ferrard , lon. 6. 52. lat. 53. 42. dromore , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of down and low-evagh , lon. 6. 42. lat. 54. 27. d●…ss , a river in the p. of connaught , and o●… thomond . ●…n , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of d●…n and b. of castlereagh , lon. 6. 28. lat. 54. 36. drum , a town in the p. of connaught , in the c. of roscommon , and b. of athlone , lon. 8. 30. lat. 53. 17. drumhaire , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of letrim . drummeragh . see omagh . dublin , a county in the p. of leinster . dublin , a town in the same county , in the b. of newcastle , lon. 6. 43. lat. 53. 20. duffe , a river in the p. of connaught , and c. of letrim . dufferin , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of down . duleck , a barony and town in the p. of leinster , and county of east-meath , lon. 6. 51. lat. 53. 38. duncannon . see dung-cannon . dundalk , a barony and town in the p. of ulster , and c. of louth , lon. 6. 55. lat. 54. 2. dundrum , a town and bay in the p. of ulster , c. of down , and b. of kilnelearty , lon. 6. 22. lat. 54. 20. dungannon , a barony and town in the p. of ulster , and c. of tyrone , lon. 7. 18. lat. 54. 28. dungarvan , a town in the p. of munster , c. of waterford , and b. of desees , lon. 7. 51. lat. 51. 58. dungcannon , or duncannon , a fort in the p. of leinster , c. of wexford , and b. of sheilbourne , lat. 7. 13. lat. 52. 8. dunhallo , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of corke . dunkeron , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of kerry . dunluce , a barony and castle in the p. of ulster , and c. of antrim , lon. 7. 16. lat. 55. 12. dunmanus-bay in the p. of munster , and c. of co●…ke . dunnagall , or tirconnel , a county in the b. of ulster . dunnagall , a town in the same county , in the b. of tyrebugh , lon. 8. 38. lat. 54. 33. e. east-meath , a county in the p. of leinster . eglish , a barony and town in the p. of leinster , and kings-county , lon. 8. 18. lat. 53. 4. eliogarthy , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of tipperary . elphin , a town in the p. of connaught , and c. and b. of roscommon , lon. 8. 40. lat. 53. 45. emly , or awn , a town in the p. of m●…nster , c. of tipperary , and b. of clonwilliam , lon. 8. 42. lat. 52. 20. enishlaveg , a lake in the p. of ulster , and c. of londonderry . enishowen , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of dunnagall . eniskilling , or inskilling , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of fermanagh , and b. of terekenedy , lon. 8. 13. lat. 54. 17. enish-town , a town in the p. of connaught , c. of thomond , and b. of islands , lon. 9. 24. lat. 52. 43. earne , a lake in the p. of ulster , and c. of fermanagh . erris , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of mayo . evagh , upper and lower , two baronies in the p. of ulster , and c. of down . evagh , mountains in the b. of upper evagh in the c. of down . f. fabill , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of west-meath . fairhead , a cape in the p. of ulster , and c. of antrim . farmanagh . see fermanagh . farny donagh●…n , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. or m●…nagh ▪ fartin , a river in the p. of munster , and c. of kerry . fassadinig , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of kilkenny . fearnes , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of wexford , and b. of scarewalsh , lon. 16. 46. lat. 52. 35. fermanagh . or farmanagh , a c. in the p. of ulster . ferns . see fearnes . ferrard , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of louth . fethard , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of wexford , and b. of sheilbourne , lon. 7. 10. lat. 52. 8. fethard , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of tipperary , and b. of middlethird , lon. 8. 2. lat. 52. 22. fewes , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of armagh . fini , a lake and river in the p. of ulster , and c. of dunnagal . foore , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of west-meath . fourth , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of wexford . foyle , a lake and river in the p. of ulster , and c. of londonderry . freath , a castle in the p. of connaught , c. of thomond and b. of ibrickan , lon. 9. 51. lat. 52. 43. furtullagh , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of west-meath . g. galleacliff , a castle in the p. of connaught , in the c. of slego , and b. of carbuy , lon. 8. 58. lat. 54. 16. gallen , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of mayo . gallen , or slew-gallen hills , in the p. of ulster , and c. of tyrone . gallway , a county in the p. of connaught . gallway , a town in the same county , the b. of doonkillin , lon. 9. 29. lat. 53. 10. gally , a river in the p. of munster , and c. of kerry . gallmoy , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of kilkenny . garde , a lake in the p. of connaught , and c. of slego . geshill , a barony in the p. of leinster , and kings-county . glanaraghty , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of kerry . glandagh , a river in the p. of ulster , and c. of dunnagal . glaneherg , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of waterford . glaslogh , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of monoghan , and b. of trough , lon. 7. 26. lat. 54. 18. glenarm , a barony and town in the p. of ulster , and c. of antrim , lon. 6. 36. lat. 55. 3. gory , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of wexford . gowran , a barony and town in the p. of leinster , and c. of kilkenny , lon. 7. 22. lat. 52. 34. granard , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of long ford . grean-lake , or bay in the p. of munster , and c. of kerry . gualty mountains , in the p. of munster , and c. of tipperary . gyll , a river in the p. of connaught , and c. of gallway . h. hannel , a lake in the p. of leinster , and c. of west-meath . hillsburough , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of down , and b. of castlereagh , lon. 6. 53. lat. 54. 42. holywood , a town in the same county , and barony , lon. 6. 23. lat. 54. 42. horrib , a lake in the p. of connaught , and c. of gallway . hoyle , a lake in the p. of leinster , and c. of west-meath . humes , a castle in the p. of ulster , c. of fermanagh , and b. of magherboy , lon. 8. 17. lat. 54. 18 ▪ i. iames-town in the p. of connaught , and c. and b. of letrim . lon. 8. 31. lat. 53. 50. ibe●…con , a barony in the p. of leinster , an●… c. of kilkenny . ibrickan , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of 〈◊〉 . ida , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of kilkenny . i●…ne , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of catherlagh . iffa and ossa . a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of tipperary . ikeathy , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of ki●…dare . ikerin , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of tipperary . ileagh , a barony in the same county . imo●…killy , a barony in the p. of mu●…ster , and c. of cork●… . 〈◊〉 , an isle in the p. of ulster , and c. o●… dunnagal in the lou●…-swilly . inchiquin , a barony in the p. of connaught ▪ and c. of 〈◊〉 . inishcorthy , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of wexford , and b. of scarewalsh , lon. 6. 52. lat. 52. 27. inishteige , a town in the p. of leinster c. of kilkenny , and b. of gowran , lon. 7. 19. lat. 52. 24. iniskilling , or inskilling . see eniskilling . inny , a river in the p. of leinster , and c. of west-meath . inny , a river in the p. of munster , and c. of kerry . inskilling , or iniskilling . see eniskilling . st. iohns cape in the p. of ulster , and c. of dunnagal . st. iohns point , a cape in the p. of ulster , and c. of down . st. iohns town , or ballanalie , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of longford , and b. of granard , lon. 8. 9. lat. 53. 41. st. iohns town , or tabone , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of dunnagal , and b. of enish-owen , lon. 8. 5. lat. 54. 53. iraghticco●…or , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of kerry . iveragh , a barony in the same county . iverk , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of kilkenny . k. kells , a barony and town in the p. of leinster , and c. of east-meath , lon. 7. 2●… . lat. 53. 42. kells , a barony and town in the p. of leinster , and c. of kilkenny , lon. 3. 6. lat. 52. 27. kells , a town in the p. of ulster , c. and b. of antrim , lon. 6. 52. lat. 54. 49. kelly , a town in the p. of munster , c. of corke , and b. of carbury , lon. 9. 5. lat. 51. 56. kenoght , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of londonderry . kenry , a barony in the p. of muuster , and c. of limrick . kerry , a county in the p. of munster . key , a lake in the p. of connaught , and c. of roscommon . kilbeg , or calebeg , a town and bay in the p. of ulster , c. of dunnagal , and b. of boylagh , and bannogh , lon. 8. 58. lat. 54. 33. kilbegs , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of east-meath , and b. of kells , lon. 7. 20. lat. 53. 46. kilcours , a barony in the p. of leinster , and kings-county . kiloare , a county in the p. of leinster . kildare , a town in the c. of kildare , and b. of ophally , lon. 7. 24. lat. 53. 8. kileagh . a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of kildare . kilkenny , a county in the p. of leinster . kilkenny , a barony and town in the same county , lon. 8. 18. lat. 53. 24. killala , or killalow , a town in the p. of connaught , c. of mayo , and b. of tyrawly , lon. 9. 44. lat. 54. 7. killalow , or labu , a town in the p. of connaught , c. of thomond , and b. of tullagh , lon. 8. 51. lat. 52. 32. killbegan , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of west-meath , and b. of moycashel , lon. 71 57. lat. 53. 18. kilconnell , and killehare , baronies in the p. of connaught , and c. of gallway . killglass , a town in the p. of connanght , c. of slego , and b. of tyreragh , lon. 2. 33. lat. 54. 8. killileagh , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of down , and b. of dufferin , lon. 6. 13. lat. 54. 27. killmackrena , a barony and town in the c. of dunnagal , lon. 8. 22. lat. 54. 56. killmain , a barony in the p. of connaught ; and c. of mayo . killmallock , a town in the p. of munster , and c. of limrick , lon. 8. 53. lat. 52. 15. killonway , and killultagh , baronies in the p. of ulster , and c. of antrim . killmare , a bay and river in the p. of munster , and c. of kerry . kilmore , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of cavan , and b. of loughte , lon. 7. 55. lat. 53. 56. kilmore , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of east-meath , and b. of deece , lon. 7. 10. lat. 52. 27. killnaloug , and kilnamama , baronies in the p. of munster , and c. of tipperary . kilnatalloon , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of corke . kiltarton , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of gallway . kinalea , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of corke . kinalearty , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of down . kineleatmeatry , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of corke . kingsale , a town in the p. of munster , c. of corke , and b. of carbury , lon. 8. 44. lat. 51. 33. kings coun●… , a county in the p. of leinster . kings-town . see philips-town . klanm●…rris , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of kerry . klonekelly , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of fermanagh . knock fergus . see carick fergus . knockninie , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of fermanagh . knocktopher , a barony and town in the p. of leinster , and c. of kilkenny , lon. 7 36. lat. 52. 24. l. lagen-water , a kiver iu the p. of ulster , and c. of d●…wn . lag●…lit . see loughlin . lamnevaddy , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of londonderry , and b. of kenoght , lon. 7. 3●… . lon. 55. 3 lanesburough , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of longford , and b. of rathliu , lon. 8. 28. lat. 53. 34. leane , a lake and river in the p. of munster , and c. of kerry . leane , a cape in the p. of connaught , and c. of thomond . lee , a river in the p. of munster . leinster , or lemster , one of the four provinces in ireland . lekeale , a barony in the p. of ulster , and 〈◊〉 of down . lemster . see leinster . leney , a barony in the p. of connaught , a●… c of slege . letrim , a county in the p. of connaught . letrim , a barony and town in letrim lon. 8. 34. lat. 53. 54. letrim , a barony and town in the p. of 〈◊〉 , and c. of gallway , lon. 8. 5●… . la●… . 〈◊〉 ▪ letrim , a river in the p. of leinster , and c. of wicklow . liffe , a river in the p. of leinster . lifford , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of du●…nagal , and b. of raphoe , lon. 8. 5. lat. 54. 47. limrick , limerick , or lymrick , a county in the p. of munster . limrick , a barony and town in limrick , lon. 8. 58. lat. 52. 32. lisborn , or lisnagarve , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of down , and b. of killultagh , lon. 6. 36. lat. 54. 33. lislea , a castle in the p. of ulster , c. of mo●…ghan and b. of dartree , lon. 7. 39. lat. 54. 7. lismore , a town in the p. of munster , c. of waterford , and b. of c●…more , lon. 8. 13. lat. 52. 1. lismore , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of c●…van and b. of 〈◊〉 , lon. 7. 5●… lat. 53. 55. lisnagarve , or lisnagrave . see lisborn . leg●…ll , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of armagh , and b. of onealan , lon. 7. 11. lat. 54. 25. leghinsh●…lm , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of lond●…nderry . londond●…rry , or colerain , a county in the p. of ulster . londonderry , a town in the same county , and b. of tyrekeri , lon. 7 55. lat. 54. 57. longford , a county in the p. of leinster . longford , a barony and town in the same county , lon. 8. 17. lat. 53. 39. longford , a barony in the p. of connaught and c. of gallway . longford fort in the p. of munster , c. of tipperary , and b. of slewverdagh compsrey , lon. 8. 00. lat. 52. 35. loughlin , or laglin , two towns in the p. of leinster , c. of catherlagly , and b. of idrone ; one lon. 7. 24. lat. 52. 40. the other lon. 7. 18. lat. 52. 38. louth , or lough , a county in the p. of ulster . louth , a barony and town in the same county , lon. 7. 5. lat. 53. 57. lune , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of east-meath . lymrick or limerick . see limrick . m. m●…keen , a lake in the p. of ulster , and c. of ferman●…gh . maghere , and magherel●…y , baronies in the p. of ulster , and c. of fermanagh . mag●…hie , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of 〈◊〉 . m●…ine , a river in the p. of ulster , and c. of 〈◊〉 . majo . see mayo . 〈◊〉 , a lake in the p. of connaught , and c. of mayo . mallo , a town in the p. of munster , c. of corke , and b. of mallo , lon. 8. 54. lat. 51. 58. mayo , or majo , a county in the p. of connaught . mayo , or moy , a town in the c. of mayo , and b. of trawly , lon. 9. 40. lat. 54. 7. ma●…iburrough , or queens-town , a town in the p. of leinster , and queens-county , lon. 7. 43. lat. 52. 57. mayre-castle in the p. of ulster , c. of armagh , and b. of a orior , lon. 6. 51. lat. 54. 5. meath , a province now joined to leinster . melvie , a lake in the p. of ulster , and c. of fermanagh . middleihird , two baronies in the p. of munster , one in tipperar●… , the other in waterford . missenhead , a cape in the p. of munster , and c. of corke . mihill , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of letrim . molingar , or m●…llengar , a barony and town in the p. of leinster , and c. of west-meath , lon. 7. 50. lat. 53. 27. m●…ety , a bog in the p. of munster , and c. of tipperary . monjoy , or munjoy , a fort in the p. of ulster , c. of tyrone , and b. of danga●…non , lon. 7. 11. lat. 54. 33. monoghan , a county in the p. of ulster . monoghan , a barony and town in the same county , lon. 7. 27 , lat. 54. 14. moourne , a barony and mountain in the p. of ulster , and c. of down . morgith , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of west-meath . mounster . see munster . moy , a river in the p. of connaught , and c. of mayo ; for the town of mayo , see mayo . moycashell , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of west-meath . moyearne , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of roscommon . moycullen , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of gallway . moydoe , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of longford . moyr-gallen , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of east-meath . motsarta , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of thomond . moysenragh , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of east-meath . mullengar . see molingar . mullin , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of catherlagh . munster , or mounster , one of the four provinces in ireland . muskery , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of cork●… . n. naas , a barony and town in the p. of leinster , and c. of kildare , lon. 7. 9. lat. 53. 12. navan , a barony and town in the p. of leinster , and c. of east-meath , lon. 7. 11. lat. 53. 37. neagh , a lake in the p. of ulster . neury , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of down , and b. of upper evagh , lon. 8. 50. lat. 54. 12. neury , a water , a river in down and armagh . new-castle , a barony and town in the p. of leinster , and c. of dublin , lon. 6. 59. lat. 53. 17. newer . see nuer . new-town , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of down , and b. of ards , lon. 6. 15. lat. 54. 38. noragh and reban , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of kildare . nuer , or newer , a river in the p. of leinster . north-cape in the p. of ulster , c. of dunnagal . o. old-fleet , an harbour in the p. of ulster ' and c. of antrim . oldhead , a cape in the p. of munster , and c. of corke . omagh , or drummaragh , a town and barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of tyrone , lon. 7 , 49. lat. 54. 33. onealan , a barony in armagh , in the p. of ulster . ophally , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of kildare . orior , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of armagh . ormond upper and lower , baronies in the p. of munster , and c. of tipperary . orrery and kilmore , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of corke . ossery , a barony in the p. of leinster , and queens-county . owen-nassa a river in the same county . owny , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of tipperary . o●…nheg , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of limrick . b. patrick , or knock patrick , a mountain in the p. of munster , and c. of eimrick . st. patrick's purgatory in the p. of ulster , c. of dunnagal , and b. of tyre●…gh . phillipston , or kings-town , a town and barony in the p. of leinster , and kings-county , lon. 7. 45. lat. 53. 15. philipston , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of louth , and b. of dundalk lon. 7. 5. lat. 54. 3●… poe water , a river in the p. of ulster , and c. of tyrone . port-arlinton , a town in the p. of leinster , queens county , and b. of portneh inch , lon. 7. 39. lat. 53. 7. portneh inch , a barony in the p. of leinster , and queens county . portumny , a town in the p. of connaught , c. of gallway , and b. of letrim , lon. 8. 3●… . lat. 52. 59. q. queens county , a county in the p. o●… leinster . queens-town , or mariburrough , a town in the same county , lon. 7. 43. lat. 52. 57. r. raphoe , a barony and town in the p. of leinster , and county of dunnagal ●…on . 8. 13. lat. 54. ●…8 . rathconrath , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of west-meath . rathdown , a barony and town in the p. of leinster , and c. of wickl●…w and dublin , lon. 6. 35. lat. 53. 9. rachbin , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of longford . ratooth , a barony and town in the p. of leinster , and c. of east-meath , lon. 6. 54. lat. 53. 28. ravilly , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of catherlagh . redboy , a castle in the p. of ulster , c. of antrim , and b. of glenarm , lon. 6. 45. lat. 55. 7. ree , a lake made by the shannon , between connaught and leinster . rinbane , a castle in the p. of ulster , c. of antrim , and b. of ballycarie , lon. 7. 00. lat. 55. 15. roe , a castle in the p. of ulster , c. of londonderry , and b. of colerain , lon. 7. 14. lat. 55. 2. roo-water , a river in the same county . rosologher , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of letrim . roscommon , a county in the p. of connaught . roscommon , a barony and town in that county , lon. 8. 42. lat. 53. 32. rosse , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of gallway . rosse , or new rosse , a town , in the p●… of leinster , c. of wexford , and b. of bantry , lon. 7. 16. lat. 52. 18. rosse , a town en the p. of munster , c. of corke , and b. of carbury , lon. 9. 13. lat. 51. 24. rosse , a town in the p. of connaught , c. of slego , and b. of carbury , lon. 9. 5. lat. 54. 14. rosse , a town in the p. of connaught , c. of mayo , and b. of corrah , lon. 9. 38. lat. 53. 38. s. salt , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of kildare . scarewalth , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of wexford . sewer , or shower . see shure . shannon , a great river between connaught , munster , and leinster . sheilbourne , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of wexford . shel aby , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of wicklow . shellilogher , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of kilkenny . shelmaleire , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of wexford . shower , or sewer . see shure . shrowle , a barony in the p. of leinster , and c. of longford . shure , sower , or shower , a river in the p. of munster . sillin , a lake in the p. of leinster , and c. of west-meath . skreene , a barony and town in the p. of leinster , and c. of east-meath , lon. 7. 7. lat. 53. 34. slane . see urren . slane , a barony and town in the p. of leinster , and c. of east-meath , lon. 7. 4. lat. 53. 42. slego , a county in the p. of connaught . slego , a town in that county , and b. of carbuy , lon. 8. 58. lat. 54. 13. slew margie , a b. in the p. of leinster , and queens-county . slewwardagh , a barony in the p. of munster and c. of tipperary . smale-county , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of limerick . strabane , a barony and town in the p. of ulster , and c. of tyrone , lon. 8. 4. lat. 54. 46. stradbally , a barony in the p. of leinster , and queens-county . strandmore-bay in the p. of munster , and c. of waterford . strangford , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of down , and b. of lekeale , lon. 6. 14. lat. 54. 24. streamston , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of west-meath , and b. of moycashell , lon. 8. 2. lat. 53. 22. suck a river in connaught , between gallway and roscommon . swilly , a river and bay in the p. of ulster , and c. of dunnagal . swinzado , a castle in the same county , and b. of boylagh and bannogh , lon. 8. 56. lat. 54. 52. swords , a town in the p. of leinster c. of dublin , and b. of cross , lon. 6. 43. lat. 53. 28. t. tabone . see st. iohnstown in dunnagal . taghmon , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of wexford , and b. of shelmaliere , lon. 6. 58. lat. 52. 17. talbotston , a barony and town in the p. of leinster , and c. of wicklow , lon. 6. 59. lat. 52. 54. tallagh , a town in the p. of munster , c. of waterford , and b. of cosbrid , lon. 8. 16. lat. 51. 56. tanragoes , a river in the p. of ulster , and c. of armagh . tarmon , a castle in the p. of ulster , c. of fermanagh , and b. of lurge , lon. 8. 21. lat. 54. 27. temoleague , a town and haven in the p. of munster , c. of corke , and b. of carbury , lon. 8. 57. lat. 51. 27. terconnel . see dunnagal . terdkenedy , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of fermanagh . thomastown , a town in the p. of leinster , c , of kilkenny , and b. of gowran , lon. 7. 28. lat. 52. 26. thomond , or clare , a county in the p. of connaught . thurles , a town in the p. of munster , c. of tipperary , and b. of eliogurty , lon. 8. 9. lat. 52. 55. tiaquin , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of g●…llway . tipperary , a counry in the p. of munster . tiraghill , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of sligo . tirconnel , or terconnel . see dunnagal , tir-oen . see tyrone . t●…am . see tuam . tome , a barony and town in the p. of ulster , and c. of antrim , lon. 7. 3. lat. 54. 45. towrany , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of armagh . trally , a town in the p. of munster , c. of kerry , and b. of trughenackmy , lon. 9. 58. lat. 52. 7. tredagh . see drogheda . trim , a town in the p. of leinster , c. of east-meath , and b. of navan , lon. 7. 14. lat. 53. 33. trough , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of monoghan . trughenackmy , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of kerry . tuam , or toam , a town in the p. of connaught , c. of gallway , rnd b. of downamore , lon. 9. 18. lat. 53. 24. tullagarvy , and tullagha , baronies in the p. of ulster , and c. of cavan . tullagh , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of thomond . tullahonoho , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of cavan . tully-castle in the p. of ulster , c. of fermanagh . and b. of maghereboy , lon. 8. 21. lat 54. 22. tullymor , a town in the p. of ulster , c. of down , and b. of upper evagh , lon. 6. 52. lat. 54. 18. tulsk , a town in the p. of connaught , and c. and b. of roscommon , lon. 8. 42. lat. 53. 44. tyan , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of armagh . tyrawly , a barony in the p. of connaught , and c. of mayo . tyrehugh , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of dunnagal . tyrekeri , a barony in the p. of ulster , and c. of londonderry . tyreragh , a barony in the p. of connaught , and the c. of slego . tyrone , or tir-oen , a county in the p. of ulster . u. ulster , one of the four provinces in ireland . upperthird , a barony in the p. of munster , and c. of waterfore . urrin , or slane , a river in the p. of leinster . w. warrenston , a barony in the p. of leinster , and kings-county . waterford , a county in the p. of munster . waterford , a town in the same county , lon. 7. 27. lat. 52. 10. west-meath , a county in the p. of leinster . wexford , or weesford , a county in the p. of leinster . wexford , a town in the same county , and b. of shelmalcire , lon. 6. 46. lat. 52. 19. wicklow , a county in the p. of leinster . wicklow , a town in the same county , and b. of arklow , lon. 6. 30. lat. 52. 57. y. youghill , a town in the p. of munster , c. of corke , and b. of imokilly , lon. 8. 7. lat. 51. 48. youghill , a town in the p. of munster , c. of tipperary , and b. of arra , lon. 8. 44. lat. 52. 47. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a37731-e1520 name . bou●…ds . situation . clim . form. dimentions . distances . air. soil . products . commodities . rivers . lakes . bays . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . capes . st. patricks purgatory . remarks . inhabitants . famous men. the wild irish. language . names . diet. attire . way of living . customs . religion . superstitions . whimsies . marriages . burials . wars . antiquity . old i●…habitants . first conquest . second conquest . third conquest . rebelli●…ns . 1. 2. third r●…bellion . fourth rebellion . fifth rebellion . sixth rebellion . government . inferiour governours . courts & laws . strength . arms. archbishopricks , &c. the old division . new division . name . bounds . r●…vers . products . remarks . boroughs . religious places . history . old division . new division . bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bo●…nds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns , bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. name . bounds . rivers . products . remarks . ●…oroughs . religious places . history . old di vision . new di●…ision . ●…ounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. name . bounds . rivers . products . remarks . boroughs religious places . history . old division . new division . bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. name . bounds . dimensions . rivers . products . remarks . boroughs religious places . history . old division . new division . bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. bounds . division . towns. a letter from the lord broghill to the honourable william lenthall esq; speaker of the parliament of england. containing a relation of the great successe it hath pleased god to give the parliament forces under the command of the lord broghill, in defeating the army of the rebels in ireland, under the command of the lord muskerry. together with another letter touching the said defeat. imprimatur hen. scobel cleric. parliamenti. orrery, roger boyle, earl of, 1621-1679. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a90193 of text r206666 in the english short title catalog (thomason e640_10). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a90193 wing o486 thomason e640_10 estc r206666 99865782 99865782 118033 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a90193) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 118033) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 98:e640[10]) a letter from the lord broghill to the honourable william lenthall esq; speaker of the parliament of england. containing a relation of the great successe it hath pleased god to give the parliament forces under the command of the lord broghill, in defeating the army of the rebels in ireland, under the command of the lord muskerry. together with another letter touching the said defeat. imprimatur hen. scobel cleric. parliamenti. orrery, roger boyle, earl of, 1621-1679. [2], 6 p. printed for robert ibbitson dwelling in smithfield neere hosier lane end, london : 1651. annotation on thomason copy: "aug: 15". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -17th century. a90193 r206666 (thomason e640_10). civilwar no a letter from the lord broghill to the honourable william lenthall esq; speaker of the parliament of england.: containing a relation of the orrery, roger boyle, earl of 1651 2913 4 0 0 0 0 0 14 c the rate of 14 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-04 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from the lord broghill to the honourable william lenthall esq speaker of the parliament of england . containing a relation of the great successe it hath pleased god to give the parliament forces under the command of the lord broghill , in defeating the army of the rebels in ireland , under the command of the lord muskerry . together with another letter touching the said defeat . imprimatur hen. scobel cleric . parliamenti . london , printed for robert ibbitson dwelling in smithfield neere hosier lane end . 1651. a letter from the lord broghill , containing a relation of the great success of the parliaments forces against the rebels in ireland , the lord broghill hath given battle to the lord muskerry's army which consisted of 1000. horse and dragoons , and neer 2000 foot . my lord broughill had but 400. horse and dragoons , and under 600 foot , the charge was bloody on the victors side ; for the lord broghill had 120 ▪ horse-men shot , and 30 killed ; he charged him that led up the irish opposite wing , and killed him , but the irish did so overwing him , that his own troop that consisted of most gent. reformadoes , was charged in front , flank and rear both by horse and foot ; amongst which my lord was so farre engaged , that they offered him quarter , upon the refusal whereof they cried , kill the fellow with the gold lace coate , which in all probability had been effected if a reformado leivtenant of his troop had not come in to his rescue , whose horse was killed on that account , and himself twice shot . the lord broghill got off with a dry pike beating by the pikemen , but his horse received three shots . the irish lost 600 men , among which many officers , prisoners but few are taken , besides some officers of the field which are now in corke ; the defeated army had designed conjunction with the lemster forces and the releif of limrick where the siege still continues , as also before galloway , but of their rendition i yet say nothing . the lord deputies designe upon limrick , being , as it is believed , to reduce it by famine , and therefore to prevent them from all relief , is very diligent . the toryes do so infest all parts of this dominion , that without parties of horse all parts are dangerous . the plague , i praise god , is quite ceased at youghall , and is not at bandon , but hot extremely at kinsale , and in most of the rest of the townes in this province , except corke , where it decreaseth . to morrow the lord broghill goeth again hence into the field to hinder the irish from gathering in a body again . blairney 1. august . sir , i presume in this enclosed to give you the relation of a late mercy , the lord was pleased to confer on a part of the parliaments army under my command ; it was truely a very seasonable one , in respect of the consequence of it , and by reason god had of late been pleased to withdraw his favour from us , in many ( though small ) encounters ; i trust this has taken away the expectation of relief from limbrick , who my lo. deputy the last night did acquaint with our victory , by 3 peals of ordnance , and three volleys of small shot round about the leager . i make bold also to send you a copy of one of those many charmes which we found quilted in the doublets of many which were kild , that you may see how miserably the poor creatures are deluded by their preists , and how impossible it is to keep the natives of this dominion out of armes , whilst such great seducers have so unquestioned a power over them . i am not so vain to write this unto you , as you are of so eminent and publike a capassity , but only as you are a person , which has placed so many signal obligations on me , that i almost esteem it as highly my duty to give you an account of my actions , as of being unalterably sir , your most humble and most affectionate faithful servant broghil . neer malto the 28. of july . 1651. sir , there having been letters intercepted out of limerick from the governour , the bishop , the major , and the other prime men in it , that they were in a very low condition ; and that if not suddenly relieved , the commonalty of the town would force them to take conditions , conjuring all their friends in armes over all ireland to march day and night to their relief ; i instantly drew all the forces of this county together , hearing that the lord muskery was marched out of the county of kierry , with all the forces he had there , and was drawing to him all the men he had in this county , intending a general randezvouz with the forces of lei●ster at galbally , a fast mountainous country , not above 15. mile from limerick , which was the place they intended to relieve ; upon my advance up to mallow , muskerys forces not being formed , retired westward into the mountains and woods neer drishane ; the place wherein the beginning of the last winter he had defeated a considerable party of ours , under the command of lieut. col. elsing ; this made us not credit that their designe was for limerick , but rather for the destroying of our quarters , and that which inclined us the more to that faith , was , the certain intelligence we had of a strong party of horse , being gone over the black-water only to that end , for we could not fancy if really they mean't any high thing , they would voluntarily deny themselves such an assistance . we therefore for the security of our quarters div●ded our selves in two parts , yet not so far asunder , but that in six houres we could easily joyne , and because those horse gone over the black-water might be timely looked after , i marched all that night ( which was the most tempestuous night i ever was in ) in order thereunto . in the morning by dawn of day a in thick mist , their body got by us within musket-shot , but a party of ours took two lieutenants of horse and some troopers , by whom we learn't ( as the same day i did by several intelligences ) that muskery would instantly again come up to droumagh , a place about 12. miles from mallow , and there would be forming his army . this made me suddenly again randezvouz at castle-lyons , where i received orders from my lord deputy to make the fighting or dispersing of muskery's army , my only designe . the 21. therefore of this instant i marched to mallow , the 22. ( though we knew the enemy had treble our numbers , both in horse and foot , yet in regard if they were not suddenly fought with , we might be necessitated to bring all our interest in ireland to one cast . ) we resolved at a councel of warre , on horseback to go and seek them , but we were not three miles on our march towards them , but a spy i had sent out , brought me certain intelligence , that the enemies army was three houres before marched from droumagh towards castle-lishin , one of the fastest places in ireland , and directly in the way to limerick , which was immediately confirmed by some prisoners our scouts brought in . this made us hasten after them , and about the fall of night we discovered the fires of their campe ; about midnight in an horrid storm of rain and winde , we fell upon their horse-guards and beat them in , at which their camp took so hot an alarum , that without giving us leave or time to do any thing else , they drew all away in haste and disorder , but through a place and country that the very teigs themselves could hardly march in but we had this satisfaction , that 't was to the place from whence they came , which secured us from any intent they had on our freinds before limerick . the 23. we lay within four miles of their army again . the 24. we advanced to fight them , but they retreated over the black-water to drishane . the 25. we followed them over the black-water , which was much risen by the vast rain which were fallen , concluding if they would not fight on that advantage , 't was in vain any longer to follow them . besides , our men and horses were exceedingly harrast , we had spent all our bread , and which was worse , they might by a further prosecution of them that way , give us the slip in the night and get to limericke , or to a conjunction with their friends , before we could get up to ours . these and many such other considerations made us , after we were past the black water , and saw no enemy , to return toward mallow , from whence we intended having breaded our souldiers , to march to a place called courtstowne , which lay fitly to interpose between muskeries army and the galbally , and not above one good daies march from limericke . in prosecution whereof we marched from the ground we were drawn up in , and our van was not full half a mile from it , when our rear sent me word , they discovered foure great divisions of horse come down the hill , and that they were marching after us . this alarme made me march back to a faire moore i had newly gone over , where i drew up the van of the horse and our foot , and went to a rising ground , from whence i discovered all their army come down into the plain and advancing directly towards us , i knew when once their foot came into the plain they would give us a faire field , and to speak truth they could not then have avoided it . i gave major wallis the command of our left wing , maj. coppage , commanded our foot , & i our right wing . our word was prosperity theirs st. james , our signall white in hats , theirs greene fearne . being drawn up as we desired , i went to every division of horse and foot , and encouraged them , but blessed be god , they needed no such thing ; for indeed i never saw men more generally willing to fight then our men were . in this good temper to save the enemie the labour of coming to us , i advanced to meet them , and a regiment of their foot having saluted my wing all the way they marched to the charge ( though god be praised not disorder'd it , we fired in each others faces , and mingled , i had the happinesse to kill the officer which lead the division i charged , and after a round dispute , though we were so very much overnumber'd and winged , that they charged us in flanck and rear , and that their pikes too galled us exceedingly ; yet after a second charge on one of their rallyed divisions , we gave them a totall route , and carryed all that wing of horse and foot before us . this was done before our left wing engaged ( we it seems marching somewhat of the fasttest . and though afterward when i saw our left wing engaged and mingled ; and i was rallying some horse to go and help them , yet by a great division of theirs falling into our rear , after we had beaten what we charged in front , we were necessitated to mind our selves , and by that time we had beaten these importunate followers , god was pleased to give major wallis's wing the like successe to what he had given mine . we had a very fair execution for above three miles , and indeed it was bloody , for i gave order to kill all though some few prisoners of good quality were saved ▪ all their foot field-officers charged on foot with pikes in their hands , so that few of them got off , it too , being farre from any boggs or woods , which they say they elected purposely that their men might have no confidence but in their courages ; but we relyed on a better strength then the arme of flesh , and when their strength failed them , ours did not fail us . their priests all the way before they came to fight , encouraged them by speeches , but especially by sprinkling holy water on them , and by charmes , of which i herewith send you a coppy , ( many of them were found quilted in the doublets of the dead ) . certainly they are a people strangely given over to destruction , who though otherwise understanding enough , let themselves be still deluded by rediculous things , and by more rediculous persons ; had i been one of the charmed , i would have first tryed mine on the priest which gave it . muskery himself got off narrowly . the chief of our prisoners are l. col. macgillacudáy commanding young muskery's regiment , and a man more popular than muskery himself in his own country . major mr. gillariogh an old spanish souldier , maj mac fivine , a very leading man in kerry , capt. mac gillacuddy , brother to the lieut. col. cap. seales governour of the island of valentia , cap. suillivane , capt. clausly with some troopers , and other inferiour officers . what people of quality are killed we know not , onely one l. col. suggaine that ran up and down the field offering 100li . for his life , neither doe we know the number of the dead , but this we know , that all the field was well bestrewed with dead bodies . i think that there was never knowne better knocking in ireland , nor so faire a field , where all divisions came to handy-blowes , few of our horse officers but are themselves or their horses wounded . my own horse was wounded in three severall places , and i had a good knock with a pike over my left arm lieut. inman under god saved my life , but in doing it , had like to have lost his owne , being wounded in two places , and his horse shot under him . we have not lost above 26 men , all troopers , and we have not lesse then 130 wounded , all troopers too but six . there were ( in this signal mercy ) many sweet appearances of providence towards us , o that our returns were proportionable to their cause : but truly i blesse god , i can confidently say this , that not the meanest souldier amongst us , but did with his mouth acknowledge god in the whole action , and i hope did it too , with , and in his heart . we are so extreamly shattered , that we are come for a few daies to refresh and fit ourselves for a second march . a copy of the spell mentioned in the letter and relation . jesu christi fili dei vivi illumina me . benedicta mater dei , gubernatrix angelorum & totius mundi ora pro me ad benedictum filium tuum florem — angelorum ad coronam — coelorum & confessorum — affligentium civitatis suae jerusalem pater noster , ave maria , credo in deum . this orizon was found on the sepulcher of christ , and was approved of by the councell of trent : whosoever carries this orizon about him shall not perish in battle , water , or in fire , and shall be free from the pestilence , and from all his enemyes both spirituall and corporal , and shall be eased from the disease of his heart : and she , whosoever , that is troubled with childe-birth , bind this orizon about her belly and she will be delivered of the child without danger . finally , whosoever carrieth this orizon about him continually , shall see the virgin mary 14 dayes before his death . finis . imprimatur , hen : scobell cler : parliamenti . whereas at the parliament holden in this kingdom in the twelfth year of the reign of king edward the fourth ... by the lords justices and council, mau. eustace canc., orrery. ireland. lords justices and council. 1661 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46103 wing i714 estc r39304 18367785 ocm 18367785 107377 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46103) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107377) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1636:39) whereas at the parliament holden in this kingdom in the twelfth year of the reign of king edward the fourth ... by the lords justices and council, mau. eustace canc., orrery. ireland. lords justices and council. 1 broadside. printed by john crook ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1661. title from first two lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council-chamber in dublin, the 24. day of march, 1661." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng grain -ireland. restraint of trade -ireland. ireland -history -1660-1688. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2r diev et mon droit honi sit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lords justices and council . mav. evstace canc. orrery . whereas at the parliament holden in this kingdom in the twelfth year of the reign of king edward the fourth , it was enacted as followeth , viz. item , at the request of the commons , for that there is so great lack of money in this land , and also the grain are inhaunsed to a great price , because of great loading from day to day used and continued within this realm , by the which great dearth is like to be of grains , without some remedy be ordained in the said parliament , whereupon the premisses considered , it is ordained , enacted , and established by authority of the said parliament , that no person or persons lade no grain out of the said land to no other parts without ( if one peck of the said grains exceed the price of ten pence ) upon pain of forfeiture of the said grain , or the value thereof ; and also the owner of the ship within which the said grains are loaden , shall forfeit the said ship , ( that is to say ) the one moyety of the said ship and grains to the king , and the other moyety to the party that seiz or take the said grains and ship : and to the end that no person may for the future pretend ignorance hereof , we think fit to publish and declare , and we do hereby publish and declare , that we do expect due obedience and conformity to be given unto the foresaid law. and we do hereby straictly charge and command all persons of what degree or quality soever he or they be of , to yield their ready obedience thereunto , and that no grain be henceforth transported out of this kingdom , other than into the kingdoms of england , scotland and dominions of wales , without special licence to that purpose first had and obtained from vs , the lords iustices , or other thief governor or governors of this kingdom for the time being . provided , that such person or persons who shall transport any grain into the said kingdoms of england and scotland , or dominion of wales , do first enter into bond with good sureties to the collector of the customs in any port where the said grain shall be loaden respectively to his majesties use , in double the value of such grain as shall be so transported by them , with condition that the said grain shall be landed in some certain port of england , scotland or wales , to be named in the condition of the said bond , and shall within six months after return certificate of landing the said corn accordingly . given at the council-chamber in dublin , the 24. day of march , 1661. god save the king . jo. armachanus . massereene . hen. midensis . r. coote . santry . hen. tichborne . ja. donelan . j. temple . art. forbes . ja. ware. rob. meredith . theo. jones . dvblin , printed by john crook , printer to the kings most excellent majesty : and are to be sold by samuel dancer bookseller in castle-street , anno dom. 1661. whereas there was an ordinance made by the late general convention of this kingdom, assembled by his majesties authority, intituled, an ordinance for the speedy raising of moneys for his majesties service ... by the lords justices and council, mau. eustace, canc., orrery. ireland. lords justices and council. 1662 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46195 wing i946 estc r36953 16162565 ocm 16162565 104943 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46195) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104943) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:61) whereas there was an ordinance made by the late general convention of this kingdom, assembled by his majesties authority, intituled, an ordinance for the speedy raising of moneys for his majesties service ... by the lords justices and council, mau. eustace, canc., orrery. ireland. lords justices and council. eustace, maurice, sir, ca. 1590-1661. orrery, roger boyle, earl of, 1621-1679. 1 broadside. printed by john crook ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1661 [1662] title from first 4 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council-chamber in dublin, the 13. day of february, 1661" [1662] reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng fraud -ireland. tax collection -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the lords justices and council . mav . evstace canc. orrery . whereas there was an ordinance made by the late general convention of this kingdom , assembled by his majesties authority , intituled , an ordinance for the speedy raising of moneys for his majesties service , and dated the first day of march 1660 ; which ordinance was for raising a double pole ; and whereas we have received information that in the leavying of the moneys charged by the said ordinance , there have been great misdemeanours in the collectors and sub-collectors thereof in several counties , by charging the people with more money than in the books of assesments delivered to the collectors were charged on them , exacting in some cases double , and in some cases treble the sums charged on them , and in exacting moneys towards payment of the said double pole from others who were not charged in the said books of assesments ; which moneys so unduly received , the said collectors and sub-collectors have taken and converted to their own private uses , without rendering any accompt for the same to his majestie ; by which misdemeanours in the said collectors and sub-collectors , his majesty hath been abused , and his subjects oppressed : we therefore ( who have it in charge from his majesty to preserve his subjects from wrongs and oppressions ) being abundantly sensible of those miscarriages , and being desirous to apply such remedy thereunto , as may tend not onely to the just punishment of the offenders , but also to the relief of those who have been oppressed ; do in order thereunto , by this proclamation in his majesties name strictly charge and command , all and every the commissioners appointed for taxing the said double pole in all and every the counties of this kingdom , that where they have not as yet returned to his majesties receiver general or his deputy , duplicates of the books delivered to the collectors of the said moneys , that they do forthwith cause the said duplicates to be returned to his majesties said receiver general or his deputy , without referring him to the returns of the first single pole ; wherein if they fail ( it being that which they ought long since to have done ) as we may thereby have cause to suspect that some of them have at least purposely connived at the frauds of the collectors or sub-collectors : so they may justly expect to be proceeded against for their so long neglect in returning the said duplicates ; and the said commissioners of every county are to take order that the clerk employed by them in transcribing the said books , do attend the next going iudges of assize into the county where such clerk was so employed , and there on the first day of the session of the said iudges of assize , for that county where such clerk was employed , that the said clerk do deliver to the said iudges a duplicate of the said books , attested by some of the said commissioners , and there to attend during the sessions of the said iudges for that county ; and the said iudges of assize are then and there to hear and examine all complaints that shall be exhibited unto them , against any of the said collectors or sub-collectors , or others , for or concerning any frauds or abuses committed or concerning the levying of the said double pole , and to proceed according to law against such persons , as shall be found to have misdemeaned themselves therein , and that in such sort as may be not onely for the just punishment of such offenders , but also exemplary for others to take warning by , that they presume not to offend in that kind , and also for satisfaction and reparation to be made to the persons injured ; and the said iudges of assize are at their return from the circuite to give an accompt in writing at this board of their proceedings herein . given at the council-chamber in dublin , the 13. day of february , 1661. god save the king . ja. dublin . hen. tichborne . ja. donelan . j. temple . r. coote . paul davys . fra. hamilton . robert forth . ja. ware. rob. meredith . dvblin , printed by iohn crook , printer to the kings most excellent majesty : and are to be sold by samuel dancer bookseller in castle-street , anno dom. 1661. an exact and true relation of the present posture of affairs in ireland giving an account of the designs of the late king james and his army / published ..., by a gentleman belonging to the bishop of londonderry ; that was taken prisoner by king james his men, and since made his escape from dublin the 26th of june last, and arriv'd at london on tuesday last, being the 2d of this instant july, 1689. gentleman belonging to the bishop of londonderry. 1689 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a38904 wing e3623 estc r9150 13274860 ocm 13274860 98716 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a38904) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98716) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 453:30) an exact and true relation of the present posture of affairs in ireland giving an account of the designs of the late king james and his army / published ..., by a gentleman belonging to the bishop of londonderry ; that was taken prisoner by king james his men, and since made his escape from dublin the 26th of june last, and arriv'd at london on tuesday last, being the 2d of this instant july, 1689. gentleman belonging to the bishop of londonderry. 1 sheet ([2] p.) printed for james partridge ..., london : 1689. caption title. printed in double columns. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng james -ii, -king of england, 1633-1701. ireland -history -1688-1689 -sources. broadsides -england -london -17th century 2007-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an exact and true relation of the present posture of affairs in ireland . giving an account of the designs of the late king james and his army . published for general satisfaction , by a gentleman belonging to the bishop of londonderry , that was taken prisoner by king james his men , and since made his escape from dublin the 26th of june last , and arriv'd at london on tuesday last , being the 2d of this instant july , 1689. licensed and entred according to order . sir , vve have this relation , by a gentleman who was taken prisoner at londonderry by some of king james's men the eighteenth of april last , and from thence carried to dublin by a strong guard , where he was forced to give in 5000 l security for his appearance every day at the castle : but seeing that king james had so good intelligence every day from england , he perswaded his bail to come for england ; who thereupon left dublin the. 26th of , june , in a small wherry , with only two boat-men ; and arriving at mossen the 29th of the same month came to london the 2d instant . who certainly affirms : that collonel kirk has been in the river of londonderry for three weeks past ; but could not get in by reason of some floats of timber which the enemy has sunk at brook-hall . that about the first of june the royal regiment marched from dublin towards londonderry , where they intended to do great feats ; but the garison bravely sallying out , killed every man of them , except only two lieutenants , who escaped on horse-back ; in pursuing of whom , the besieged got a brave prey of three hundred cows , and other provisions : the next day the enemy sent to have leave to bury their dead , which was granted ; in the mean time , while they were at work , collonel walker had occasion to send a message to the enemies general , by a captain of the garison ▪ after he had deliver'd his message , and was returning back , one of the french officers drew his sword , and vowed that he would revenge his friends blood upon the rogue , and immediately r●n him through the back , and killed him . the town had immediate news of the said murder , and sallyed out , upon which the enemy , according to their old custom , took to their heels . as for iniskilling , if they could be provided with ammunition , it would hold out for twelve months ; for they have all the cows , sheep , and salt , that was in the three neighbouring counties : they have made two very large redoubts , inclosing all the island , that was about the town ; so that they have grass enough under the command of their guns , to keep their horses ; which consists of 1500 , their foot of 5000. the enemy never made any attempt there , only upon their march to londonderry , they thought to have taken it in by the way , but were defeated with the loss of four pieces of cannon , and 15 barrels of powder , and shot equal , which they had not time to plant ; for the besieged sallied out , and took their cannon , with the loss only of ten men ; and kill'd 40 of the enemy . the protestants of dublin and drogheda live pretty peaceably ; but all the country besides , though they have protections , yet nevertheless they are dayly robb'd , plundered and abused by the soldiers and rabble : and when complaint is made , they have no satisfaction . the earl of tyrconnel is out of all imployment , and hath betook himself to a private lodging at chappel-lizard ; collonel macharty finding king james kinder to the french than to the irish , said one day in a tavern , that he would lay down his commission , rather than be subjected to the french. next morning somebody told king james , who immediately sent for him ; who , instead of denying , or excusing what he had said , added much more : so that he insensed the king so much against him , that he disposed of all his imployments to the french ; he was major general of the army , governor of cork , and collonel of a regiment of horse : this happened upon the 16th of june ; the 17th , in the evening , he went out of town on horse-back with one servant towards kilmanan , it was thought he went to chappel-lizard to tyrconnel . the lord brittas being much in favour with the king , was unfortunately at the globe tavern upon cork-hill with some french officers , somebody came into the room , and gave an account that there was an express arrived from france , giving an account of queen mary's being with child ; but it was his ill luck to say , that if she was with child , it was got by the french king : next morning it came to king james's ear , who immediately sent for him , and turned him out of his command , as collonel of foot , and gave it to a french captain before his face , upon which my lord went immediately into the country , and will not return any more , it is thought . their whole army of ireland , besides them that are in the garisons , consists of but 15000 foot , and 5000 horse and dragoons , such as they are . there is at the siege of derry 9000 foot , and 2000 horse , the rest is all scattered up and down there is coin'd in dublin shillings and six pences of copper , with the cross and crown in the middle on the one side , and james rex on the other . all the old furnaces and brewing-kettles are called in by order , and those they make this coin of ; for before this invention , they had no way of paying their army . advertisement . the art of curing diseases by expectation , with remarks on a supposed great cure of apoplectick fits. also moct useful observations on coughs , consumptions , stone , dropsies , feavers , and small-pox . with a confutation of dispensatories , and other various discourses in physick . by gideon harvey , m. d. their majesties physician of the tower , and fellow of the college of physicians of the hague , in 12 o. printed for and sold by james partridge at charing-cross , and randall taylor near stationers-hall . london : printed for james partridge at the post-house at charing-cross . 1689. irelands sad lamentation discovering its present danger in some remarkable passages which have happened since the discovery of the horrid popish plot : in a letter from a person of honour to his friend in london, upon the dissolution of the late parliament. f. l. 1680 approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a48271 wing l18 estc r36235 15620100 ocm 15620100 104206 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48271) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104206) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1151:21) irelands sad lamentation discovering its present danger in some remarkable passages which have happened since the discovery of the horrid popish plot : in a letter from a person of honour to his friend in london, upon the dissolution of the late parliament. f. l. 1 sheet ([2] p.) [s.n.], london printed : 1680. dated and signed at end: dublin, january 1680. f.l. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng popish plot, 1678. ireland -history -1660-1688. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-12 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion irelands sad lamentation : discovering its present danger , in some remarkable passages which have happened since the discovery of the horrid popish plot . in a letter from a person of honour to his friend in london , upon the dissolution of the late parliament . my pen is not able to represent to your view the dusky scene , which the dissolution of the parliament hath drawn on the hearts and countenances of all loyal protestants in this kingdom ; from this great sessions , we hoped some commiseration would have been had of us , considering the great and eminent dangers we now lie under : but these hopeful joys being frustrated , and expecting neither redress from or by the assistance of our present governor , nor any other part of the government here , we do , as men in a general wreck , give up our selves to the protection of god almighty , and the mercy of those incessant billows that threaten us with death . we have little hopes , if at all any , of being secured from that popish cruelty which most of us have felt in this age. you of england may object , your danger is equal to ours , that our governor and other magistracy are all protestants , the arms ours , ( or at least ought to be so ) and all other strengths . this indeed , were it so , might abate our jealousies , but i shall make a collection of some remarkable passages , such as at present will occur to my memory , and then i leave you to be the impartial judge . in the year 1677. at the height of the plot , the duke of ormond , by the interest of the duke of york , received his commission to supersede the earl of essex in the government of ireland , and accordingly , on the 24 th of august , in the same year , made his entrance with great solemnity . the next spring ( being a time when the grand consults were held for putting an end to their infernal designs ) he takes a progress over the whole kingdom , to see in what posture the same lay , ( for what design i know not ; ) in which journey he was much attended by popish gentry , freely conferring ( i will not say to make proselytes ) the honour of knighthood on many undeserving persons , as he passed through the countrey . the plot being discovered in september 1678 , there was little or no notice taken of it here at court , though it was proved those of the plot of england held a correspondency with some in ireland , and that many black bills , &c. were , or was to be sent over for the massacre intended , yet no means were used by the lord lieutenant , with assistance of the council , for the security of the nation , or prevention of that horrid design ; but the vigorous protestant magistracy of this city raised their militia , both foot and horse , part of whom were ordered to guard every night in their turns , but in the outward part of the town , so intolerable was the usage we received , they would not suffer our companies to guard in the city , ( which must be the refuge in time of extremity ) alledging the king's guards were appointed to defend the same ; so that upon any attempt , our voluntier inhabitants must certainly have perished , before the king's soldiery , who receives pay , had enter'd into any dangerous engagement . of this city the earl of arran , son to the duke , is governor . thus were we all exposed every man to provide for his own safety : the first vapor of popish venom which might give us occasion not to doubt what they intended for us , was this , the lord mayor went in person , with some of his brethren , to demolish the mass-houses of this city , by removing the altars , and other idols , locking up the doors , and committing the keys to the church-wardens of the respective parishes : it happened that at one of those obnoxious houses an officer of the mayors , a waggish fellow , taking some of their popish trumpery , ( and in derision of that superstitious religion ) began to act the priest ; then taking their holy-water , and sprinkling part of it on some of his fellows , the rest on the floor , like a shopkeeper 's apprentice to lay the dust , he was told by one who stood by , he should dearly repent those direful actions . and that very night going to his own house , about ten a clock was set upon by four or five persons , who stifling him , threw him down , then wounded him in several places , crying , kill the rogue , kill the rogue ; which they had certainly done , had he not had armor on , which he always wore for his own safety in the execution of his office : yet this assassination had no more effect at court , than a sport to laugh at , how the poor catchpole was served in his kind . when the duke received a command to seize colonel talbot , the colonel was revelling at the duke's table , sitting with him at dinner ; and most people think if he had not been there at the duke's receipt of the commands , he had not been apprehended . the reasons which induced them to that opinion , is , when the colonel attained his liberty upon surety , the aforesaid earl of arran was his bail. not long after the discovery , upon several suggestions of the protestants against the insolence of the popish clergy and their assemblies , the lord lieutenant and council issue forth a proclamation , for the apprehension of priests and jesuites ; therein inserting a reward of five pounds for a priest , and ten pounds for a jesuite . in obedience to which , a captain of the trained-bands , took several in one saints eve , privately celebrating mass in their popish vestments , and the next morning brought them before the duke ; where , upon examination , some of them produced the duke's own protection , some protected by colonel fitz-patrick , and other eminent popish gentry . in fine , they were all dismissed , as well those who were protected , as those who were not , as was all who were afterwards taken , the apprehenders being gratified with no other than a reproof for their too much diligence , by which means the papists have found no discouragement nor obstruction in their proceedings ; and i do believe their hopes are raised to as great an extasie as ever , having so much influence on the present government of this kingdom . when the irish plot broke forth , and bourke accused the earl of tyrone , all endeavors possible were used for the vindication of the earl ; but when he was cleared at waterford , and bourke did not appear , then had the papists got cock-a-hoop again , and no man durst say within the castle of dublin , ( or anywhere else , if it came to the duke's ear ) that there was any such thing then on foot , or lately designed , as a plot to invade this kingdom , extirpate the protestant religion , and subvert the government thereof . i say , no man under pain of gaining the duke of ormond's displeasure , durst speak his apprehension of such a thing as a plot in this kingdom . the inclinations of the duke hath been more visible of late , by the actings of his son , ( who , without doubt , did nothing without his fathers permission ) in the tryal of the lord stafford , basely pledging his honour , to acquit that most culpable and undeniable traytor ; which hath given so great a wound to his reputation , that the name of the butlers is grown a load to almost the generality of this nation . when complaint was made against the duke in england for his misbehavior in this government , he applied himself to the council for a certificate , that he had acted nothing vnjust in his station : but 't was refused by several privy-counsellors , who are good and just men , valuing the protestant interest , and abhorring all foreign jurisdiction or authority from or under the see of rome . i shall say little of our chancellor , who , by the duke of york's interest , was made primate also of this kingdom , the two onely places that can sway the government , and , without doubt , will not be so ungrateful to his promoter , but , when occasion shall serve , he may command his service either as to ecclesiastical or civil matters , or what else will best tend to his advantage ; part of his injustice hath already appeared before his majesty in council , which would seem but a grain or drachm , were it weigh'd with his other insulting oppressions . by this you may see the tender care that hath been taken of us ; what strength the protestants can have in a conscientious war , i mean , against the papists or foreign enemies ; when we can judge no less but our leader is our opposite ; when we cannot enjoy the presence of our dread soveraign to awe those rebels who daily combine against us . we want an essex again , whose judgments and justice were so equally ballanc'd , that even his worst of enemies without shame to themselves cannot calumniate his honourable proceedings . i must tell you again , we want an essex , a shaftsbury , that is to say , a good and zealous protestant that will stand up for us in this time of eminent and scarcely-to-be-avoided danger . i can assure you , here 's no man harbours an evil thought of his king , no man doubts of his excellency and compassion towards us ; but rather are given to think he is under the same misfortune of some of his predecessors , lead by evil counsellors , which god of his mercy grant may not prove fatal : we onely , with sufficient cause , reflect on his ministers and officers here , and unanimously say , with the prophet isaiah , his watchmen are blind , they are all ignorant , they are dumb dogs that cannot bark , sleeping , lying down , loving to slumber ; yea , they are greedy dogs that can never have enough ; they are shepherds that will not understand ; they all look to their own way , every one for his gain from his quarter . and now that his majesty , with the assistance of his great council of parliament , would purge the officers of his dominions , and those who shall be found defiled and unclean , to cast out ; and those who are pure and clean , prone to the advancement of his honour , to establish , ought to be the prayers of you and all good protestants , as 't is of , sir , your faithful humble servant , f. l. dublin , january 1680. post-script . we hear that colonel fitz-patrick , a manager of our kingdom , and who married the duke of ormond's sister , is of late turn'd protestant , and now in england : i like no such masquerade , turning upon an exigent . one whose generation hath been counted primitives of the romish church , cannot surely forget his ancestors fame : his father a hainous rebel , and his mother hang'd for making candles of englishmens grease in the time of the late rebellion . london : printed in the year 1680. we the lord lieutenant and council considering the duty incumbent on us to give a right representation of his majesties great care of, and indulgence to, his people, and to make the execution of the laws as easie and safe to his subjects, as the exegencie of the times and necessity of affairs may possibly admit ... by the lord lieutenant and co. ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) 1662 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46085 wing i671 estc r36850 16143494 ocm 16143494 104834 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46085) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104834) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:41) we the lord lieutenant and council considering the duty incumbent on us to give a right representation of his majesties great care of, and indulgence to, his people, and to make the execution of the laws as easie and safe to his subjects, as the exegencie of the times and necessity of affairs may possibly admit ... by the lord lieutenant and co. ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. printed by john crook ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer book-seller ..., dublin : 1662. title from first 5 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at his majesties castle of dublin, the thirteenth day of december, 1662." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng taxation -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . ormonde . we the lord lieutenant and council considering the duty incumbent on vs to give a right representation of his majesties great care of and indulgence to his people , and to make the execution of the laws as easie and safe to his subjects , as the exigencie of the times and necessity of affairs may possibly admit : and taking notice that many of his good subjects who attend the confirmation of their estates in this kingdom , graciously intended them by his majesty , according to the act for the better execution of his majesties gracious declaration , &c. may by reason of the great scarcity of coyn , be in present disabled , and through the expectation of a return of a commission for valuing the estates of adventurers , souldiers and others , that are by the said act to pay half a year or a years rent to his majesty according to the value of the said estates in the year one thousand six hundred fifty nine , may have unwarily taken up hopes that upon the application of the house of commons to this board , the time of payment would be inlarged , which his majesties pressing occasions would not then permit , and that upon some or all of these grounds , many persons may not onely have neglected to provide moneys , but also may lie under the trouble of misapprehensions that advantage will be taken by his majestie for their failers in payment by the fifteenth of this month of december : vpon deliberate consideration hereof , and of what hath further occurred unto vs , upon this occasion though the said moneys have not been paid in proportionably to what was requisite and reasonably by vs expected , so that the wilful and total failers deserved no inlargement of time , yet many having done their part with great duty and readiness , so that the present exigencie of his majesties affairs hath been in some degree supplied thereby , & many as we understand being upon the way with their mony : we therefore to manifest to the whole kingdom that his maiesty takes more satisfaction in the happiness & contentment of his people , than in any advantage to himself , have thought fit ( according to the power intrusted with vs by an act of parliament , intituled , an act for the inlargement of the periods of time limited in an act for the better execution of his majesties gracious declaration for the settlement of his kingdom of ireland , &c. ) and do by this our act of council inlarge the time for the payment of the first half years value payable out of the estates of adventurers , souldiers and others , unto his majesty , unto the third day of february next ensuing the date hereof , before or on which day all persons concerned are hereby required to make the said several payments due from them by the said act , according to the truest estimate they can make of their lands , as the same yeilded in the year one thousand six hundred fifty nine ; and whensoever the commissions that have issued , or shall issue for the valuing of the said lands as aforesaid , shall be returned , in case any person shall have paid more than by the return of such commissions shall appear to have been due from him , an allowance shall be made to him of such overplus , upon return of the said commissions . and this readiness of ours to give full satisfaction in this particular , will we hope quicken all persons concerned in subsidies , quit-rents and other payments to his majesty , to answer the same duely at the receipt of his majesties exchequer , that his majesties occasions being supplied by his own dues , the people may with more assurance enjoy the tranquillity , happiness and protection of his government , the contentment whereof is the chief advantage his majestie draws at present from this kingdom . given at his majesties castle of dublin , the thirteenth day of december , 1662. god save the king . jo. armachanus , mau. eustace canc. ja. dublin , ossory , barrymore , drogheda , mount-alexander , anglesey , shannon , massereene , hen. midensis , mich. cork , fran. aungier , tho. pigot , jo. bysse , j. temple , paul davys , fra. hamilton , robert forth , ja. ware , rob. meredith , theo. jones . dvblin , printed by john crook , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , and are to be sold by samuel dancer book-seller , in castle-street , 1662. whereas we are informed, that the price of corn, and all sorts of grain and meal, is grown excessive great in severall parts of this kingdom, and the same doth arise (as is conceived) not so much from the scarcity of the store, as from the great quantities of corn that have been of late carried out of this countrey into foreign parts, and also from the ill disposed minds of the countrey-farmers and corn-masters at home ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1674 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46205 wing i972 estc r36960 16164324 ocm 16164324 104951 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46205) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104951) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:69) whereas we are informed, that the price of corn, and all sorts of grain and meal, is grown excessive great in severall parts of this kingdom, and the same doth arise (as is conceived) not so much from the scarcity of the store, as from the great quantities of corn that have been of late carried out of this countrey into foreign parts, and also from the ill disposed minds of the countrey-farmers and corn-masters at home ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. [2] leaves. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1674. title from first 10 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council-chamber in dublin, the 18th day of may, 1674"--leaf [2] reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng grain trade -law and legislation -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense cr royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . essex . whereas we are informed , that the price of corn , and all sorts of grain and meal is grown excessive great in severall parts of this kingdom , and the same doth arise ( as is conceived ) not so much from the scarcity of the store , as from the great quantities of corn that have been of late carried out of this countrey into forreign parts , and also from the ill disposed minds of the countrey-farmers and corn-masters at home , some whereof keep back their corn , and will not bring the same into the publick markets to be sold ; others some there are , who go into the near adjacent counties , where corn is sold at more moderate prices , and buy up all they can , with intention to hoard the same , either to export or sell it at their own rates : and others some do hasten early to meet such as are coming to the publick markets , and buy up all they can forestall , on purpose to inhance the price thereof , and sell the same again at their own wills and pleasures . and whereas so great misdemeanors are not to be suffered in any well govern'd commonwealth , and are against the laws and statutes of this realm ; and the several magistrates and officers in the respective cities and towns corporate of this kingdom , and the iustices of the peace in the counties at large ought to be very circumspect , and active , in their several and respective places , to discover and bring unto condign punishment all such persons as they shall find to be guilty of any the offences aforesaid . to the intent and purpose therefore , that all his majesties good subjects may know that we are very sensible of the aforesaid several misdemeanors , and intend to proceed to a speedy and orderly reformation of the same for the relief of the poor , and the due punishment of such as shall be found guilty of offending in that kind , and for a timely and seasonable prevention of that great scarcity , which otherwise may by such evil practices be brought upon this whole kingdom ; we the lord lieutenant and council do hereby in his majesties name , strictly charge and command all manner of persons whatsoever , that they do from henceforth , until michaelmas next , forbear to ship , carry , or transport any wheat , barly , rye , beare , oats , pease , pulse , meslin , or any meal out of this realm , to any other place whatsoever beyond the seas , as they will answer the contrary at their perils . and we require all his majesties officers in the several and respective ports of this kingdom , and the farmers of the great branches of his majesties revenue , that they do seise all such grain or meal as they shall find to be shipt after the date of this our proclamation , and before michaelmas next , with intent to export the same contrary to the true meaning hereof . and we do hereby farther require , and in his majesties name straightly charge and command all countrey-farmers , and corn-masters , and all such who trade or deal in the buying and selling of corn , and have by them any stores of wheat , barley , rye , beans-oats , pease , pulse , or any other sort of corn , grain , or meal , that they do bring , or cause to be brought such a competent part and portion thereof , into the publick open markets every market-day weekly , as may supply the markets with corn , and furnish the poor with bread at such rates as the markets shall afford . and we do charge and command all mayors , sheriffs , bayliffs , portreeves , magistrates , and other officers whatsoever , in the several and respective cities and towns corporate of this kingdom , that they do in their several places and offices make diligent search and strict inquiry after such as are ingrossers , fore-stallers , and regraters within any their cities , liberties , or towns corporate of this kingdom , and cause them to be punished and proceeded against according to law ; and that all his majesties iustices of the peace in the several and respective counties of this kingdom , do in their several and respective counties , baronies , parishes , and places , inquire after and find such out as do ingross and hoard up corn , grain , or meal to inhance the price thereof , and shall not bring the same , or send competent portions thereof , according to this our ▪ proclamation , every market-day weekly , into the publick open markets , there to be sold at such rates as the market shall afford ; and that they do advertise us the lord lieutenant and council thereof with all convenient speed , that thereupon such proceedings may be had against such ill-affected persons as shall be according to iustice , and the laws of this kingdom , which we shall take special care shall be strictly put in execution against so great and evil doers . given at the council-chamber in dublin , the 18th day of may , 1674. ja. armachanus . mich : dublin canc. thomond : j : temple . jo : bysse . h : ingoldesby geo : rawdon . god save the king . dvblin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde book-seller in castle-street , 1674. the great case of transplantation in ireland discussed; or certain considerations, wherein the many great inconveniences in the transplanting the natives of ireland generally out of the three provinces of leinster, ulster, and munster, into the province of connaught, are shewn. / humbly tendered to every individual member of parliament by a well wisher to the good of the common-wealth of england. gookin, vincent, 1616?-1659. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85446 of text r6361 in the english short title catalog (thomason e234_6). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 55 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85446 wing g1273 thomason e234_6 estc r6361 99872975 99872975 125422 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85446) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 125422) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 40:e234[6]) the great case of transplantation in ireland discussed; or certain considerations, wherein the many great inconveniences in the transplanting the natives of ireland generally out of the three provinces of leinster, ulster, and munster, into the province of connaught, are shewn. / humbly tendered to every individual member of parliament by a well wisher to the good of the common-wealth of england. gookin, vincent, 1616?-1659. [2], 32 p. printed for i.c., london, : 1655. annotation on thomason copy: "jan 3d"; the 5 in the imprint date has been crossed out and the date altered to 1654. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a85446 r6361 (thomason e234_6). civilwar no the great case of transplantation in ireland discussed; or certain considerations,: wherein the many great inconveniences in the transplant gookin, vincent 1655 9902 6 0 0 0 0 0 6 b the rate of 6 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the great case of transplantation in ireland discussed ; or certain considerations , wherein the many great inconveniences in the transplanting the natives of ireland generally out of the three provinces of leinster , ulster , and munster , into the province of connaught , are shewn . humbly tendered to every individual member of parliament by a well wisher to the good of the common-wealth of england . london , printed for i. c. 1655. the great case of transplantation in ireland discussed &c. the planting of ireland is the subject of many mens desires , most mens discourse , of few mens endeavours ; some of these few , deeming themselves lead by principles of religion , in order to the purity of the gospell , some by principles of publique good , in order to the preservation of the english nation and interest entire ; some by principles of advantage , in order to the fixing english estates , where the hazard may be least , and profit greatest , urge earnestly the transplanting of the irish ( pardon'd for life , and to continue in the dominion ) into connaught , as the first expedient in order to the well planting of that land ; to which purpose divers orders have at sundry times issued ; but others , who embrace the same principles , and are also desirous to be ●ead by them , conceive this conclusion , at least inconsequent ( if not contradictory ) to those premises ; and for this perswasion , humbly offer these considerations . concerning religion . first , if the physitians and attendants must necessarily cast out the patient whensoever any hazard of infection is possible , all diseases are disperate : but the unitive principles of christianity teach us , that separations of persons , are then onely lawfull when necessary , and then onely necessary when the malignity of the poyson is greater then the vertue of the antidote , or obligation of duty . here two things then ought to be weighed . first , whether it be more probable as things now stand , that the irish papists should pervert the english protestants , or that the english protestants should convert the irish papists . secondly , whether the english protestants be more obliged by any special duty to continue many of the irish papists ( though the probability of infection were greater ) than by that general fear and probable hazard to remove them . the consequent of the first disjunction seems most probable on these grounds . first , natural conscience makes all persons , who stand in awe of a diety , preferre some religious external observations before none ; when therefore no toleration is given to the exercise of popery , and the reformed religion publiquely professed throughout the nation , it is very conceivable that natural conscience may perswade many papists ( at least ) externaly to frequent the protestant assemblies ; and many have been woon in the ordinances , who by external motives were first induc'd to them ; but what temptations in such an instance may invite protestants to turn papists , is not conceivable . secondly , by the cruelty of the papists in the late rebellion , the protestants are more confirmed against popery ( as the original of those cruelties ) and by those heavy judgments wherewith god hath avenged the blood of his servants ; the papists themselves made less in love with that profession which lead them on to those cruelties , and thereby provoked these judgments ; in this instance therefore it is much more probable , papists should be converted than protestants perverted . thirdly , when god intwists his interesse with man's , man is commonly so inamoured with his own , that in such a case he is not apt to leave god's ; and such is the present case in ireland , it is not even for the civill interess of protestants to turn papists , it is for the papists to turn protestants . fourthly , in time of peace , when the highest externall inducements , ran on the papists side yet many irish were reduced to protestanism , for every one english seduced to papism . objection , against this some may perhaps pretend , that the papists in ireland are hardened in their idolatry , and few of them converted of late . answer , first , that it is not strange if onely few of them be converted , yea it is even wonderfull that any of them should of late be converted considering , first , the heavy pressures under which they have groaned to the very grinding of them , by which means more families have been destroyed under the protection of protestants , then in opposition against them . secondly , the many divisions among those who are called protestants , and bitternesses of those who are thus divided , because by the former the papist sees not where to fix if he should come to us , and because of the later he sees not what friends or security he could partake if the should fix . thirdly , the intire neglect of sending forth instruments to instruct them ; it is sad observe how garrisons are placed in every quarter where the irish inhabite , ministers in none ; as if our business in ireland was onely to set up our own interess , and not christs . fourthly , the lamentable ignorance of most and blasphemous haeresies of some , who have been employed and allowed publick maintenance , in protestant congregations , under the notion of preachers . first , so that if the irish papists be hardened , we must blame our selves for it . 't is certain that in these few places , where ministers make it their work , to deal with them and to remove those gross scandals out of the way , they find them , more pliant and flexible to submit to scripture directions , then some of those who complain of their hardness . secondly , who art thou who complaines of their hardness ? didst thou ever pray for their softning ? if no , mourn for thy own hardness , if yea , labour for what thou hast prayed , and presume not to cast the dust off thy feet till thou hast thus laboured . many fearing god , and studying the spiritual advantage of those poor natives , are confident that the lord's harvest in ireland is farr more then the labourers . thirdly , the blade appears not above ground , assoon as the seed is sown ; supernaturall habits are infused after the manner of acquired ; after good husbandry hath been used , stand still awhile , and see what increase the lord will give ; nay what he has given ; many of them desire now , earnestly , to put their children into the care of the english of qualitie adjoyning to them ; offer largely to their maintenance in the education of the religion and manners of england ; i shall not search mens hearts to censure , the doing this for sinister ends ; who knows but god may have softned and convinc'd them by his rod ; but this is certain , the means is good ( though their ends are bad ) and god may bring a good end out of that too ; the son may be sincere , though he father be a hypocrite , and what his earthly father intended onely for the saving his estate , his heavenly father may advance to the saving of his soul . objection . but some may be employed to instruct them as well in connaught , if they should be transplanted thither , as if they be not transplanted . answer , first , those that shall be employed , must be either such as are already in the other parts of ireland , or out of england : if the first , they must be either ministers , or gifted men ; for the ministers , they are so few , that they suffice not the places inhabited already ; and for the gifted men , although they ( might possibly be spared hither without any considerable loss in them , and to convert heathens ( as they count the irish ) were a fitter work for new apostles ( as they count themselves ) then to pervert christians , yet 't is probable they may be as unwilling to preach , where there is need of them , as they have been forward to intrude themselves , where there was no need of them ; but alas , they must first stay at home , and be some years catechiz'd before they go , that so they may be learners before they shall be teachers , rayling at ministers ; ordinances , and all the reformed churches observations will perswade the papists , they are men of their own religion , not that will turn them from it ; and other divinity these know not ; and for godly learned ministers to be brought out of england , to go among the irish , will sure be a difficult work , when we find it so hard to invite any to come among the english . secondly , the company of professors is a powerfull engagement to profession , the setting of brands together , and some already kindled to these unkindled , is the way to get heat , when the spirit of the lord is pleased to blow them . thirdly , mans soul is like a narrow mouth'd bottle , the to fill it , is not to pour buckets of water over it , but to take it singly , and pour in the water gently by little and little ; publick preaching may be compared to the former , but private catechizing and family duties to the later . if then these papists be suffered to continue in the english plantations , they may enjoy the labours of godly able ministers , the encouragments of protestant professors , and the catechizings of private christians , all which are powerfull morall instruments to conversion ; but if they be transplanted , as their consociation may probably settle them on their old lees , so their separation certainly deprives them of these advantages ; and by a persistance in their former principles , continue them papists still , or by a forgetting them ( if possible ) and no better distil'd into them , make them turn atheists . secondly , let us consider whether there be not some speciall obligations which in conscience and religious duty more binds us to continue these poor natives ( though papists ) with us , then that general fear and possible hazard of infection binds to transplant them ( especially since these have been shewn to be but panick . ) it is a clear maxim in christian religion , that we must not commit a less sin , though it were to avoyd a greater ; in evils of suffering the less is eligible , in evils of sin none is aligible ; if then this act of transplantation be sinfull and contrary to these obligations which lie on us , the avoydance of future infection will not acquitus , it will not free us from the guilt of murther , to kill our selves , lest another should kill us . consider then , that many of those who are thus punished with the guilty , are guiltless at man's tribunall , which onely judgeth of outward expresses , the heart and intention thereof being peculiarly subjected to the judgment of god who onely can only search it ; many are such as not only did not act against the english in the irish rebellion , but did eminently act with them , and for them ; and were instrumental , not only in the serving of some privat persons ( which might be the result of particular affection ) but also of securing some , & reducing other publique places of strength to the power not onely of the english nation , but of the parliament ; and shall these innocents be punished with the guilty ? the lord would not deal so with sodome . heathens did use to remark with great rewards , those who in common causes abstained from common defections ; they that forgot the bonds of relation , religion , and nation , in the day of our weakness , should not be forgotten in the day of our powr's . is it an equal crime to act with and against the english nation ? why then is there an equal punishment ? objection . the avenging of blood is of strictest obligation , and the irish in the late rebellion having contracted a national bloud-guilt , no eye must pittie them . answer . first , if by nation be meant the greatest part , the assertion is true ; but if it be every individuall , then it was shewn before , that there was a difference in acting , and therefore should be so in punishing . secondly , nationall guilt is expiated by nationall judgements ; the wickedness and bloud-guiltiness of benjamin did not necessitate an universall destruction , but 25000. being slain , wayes are studied to preserve the remainder . thirdly , particular bloud-guilt of private persons , is expressly excepted from pardon by that act of settlement , which vouchsafes pardon to others ; and as it is unjust that those who are pardoned , should suffer for the guilt of those who are not : so it is unnecessary that punishment should be inflicted in common , when triall of the guilt and execution of the guilty may be single . fourthly , if all murther be unpardonable , and this whole nation be in that degree , guilty of murther , as renders them unpardonable , then no punishment inferiour to death is proportionate unto their guilt ; to which it is consequent , that the transplanting them into connaught is unjust , as in the defect being less then that guilt or obligation to punishment , so in the excess removing them from the english , by whose evidence alone the courts of justice can proceed to their triall ; and therefore tends more to their pardon then punishment . fifthly , that even murther is in some cases pardonable , appears by the practise of all states & armies . david did not unjustly to pardon abner , who yet made it a sport to shed bloud ; and by the nature of the thing it self , for every unlawfull breach upon man's life is murther , and every abettor of that breach is guilty of the same murther : since then war may be unlawfull on both sides , but is not ordinarily on both sides lawfull , either the war must continue whilest one man therein ingaged surviues , or the guilt of murther is in some cases pardonable . and if in any cases , then certainly in these two . first , when the guilt was for most part contracted , either through ignorance or infirmitie . secondly , when the pardon directly leads to publick good , and the sparing of a few to the preservation of many ; the former ingredients make the guilt less evill , the later ingredients make the pardon more good . and in the present instance both these concur . first , the irish nation were generally ingaged in the rebellion , either through ignorance of the design , and apprehending they acted by the king's commission , and for his and god's service ; or through infirmitie , partly fearing their priests threats , partly their land-lords frownes , partly the violences of others , of the english who at the beginning reckoned an irish man and a rebell tantamount , and on that score forced many into war , ( who desired peace ) with the irish in armes , who accounted and declared all enemies , that joyned not ( at least seemingly ) with them , and proceeded with more severity against dissenting natives than english . on the cleering of this objection from justice , hangs indeed the whole weight of the controversie ; and therefore the doing it solidly , can be of no mean concernment ; the way will be , by considering of the resolution , that the law gives to two or three questions , and the application of them to this present affaire . 1 what punishment is , what are the ends thereof , and whether and in what cases it may be annulled or abridg'd . 2 in what kind of punishments the rulers or generality of a nation may involve the commons or each particular . 3 how long punishment against a nation is to be continued . to the first , punishment is the evill of suffering enjoyned for the evil of doing . the ends thereof are commonly mistaken , men making punishment the end of punishment , & the gratyifing either the law it self ( which is without sence of the satisfaction ) or god ( who delights not in suffering , as such ) or the party injured ( the scratching of whose itch , in the way of revenge , barely , is utterly unlawfull ) the truth is , an injury done is unrepealable , and neither god , nor the law of reason delights in accumulation of suffering , or are pleased with pain ( barely as it is paine ) reason dictates , man must do nothing to hurt another man , unless it have some good end , and in the paine of the enemy alone so nakedly considered , there is no good but false and imaginary ; therefore were it not for what 's to come , the law would never punish ( though the greatest crime , for what 's past , for that 's irreversible ; therefore the sayings of the wise men are , we must come to vengance , not as it were sweet , but profitable ; some things are honest simply , some upon necessity , of which sort is punishment ; no wise man inflicted a punishment because a fault is done , but that it may be done no more , for justice is not anger but caution ; to devise how one may bite him that bites us , is the part of a beast ; from whence ( it follows ) although you do no injury , though you punish an offence , yet you likewise do no injury , if you do not punish ( unless in connexion with the ends ) contrary to the vulgar , who are as inexorable as nemesis , and thinks him the justest man , that like draco , writes all his laws in blood . now the ends of punishment are these three . 1. that the offender may be rescued from lapsing into the same fault for the future . 2. the offended from future injuries ; and 3. example to all by the penance of few . from whence it will follow ( to the third head ) contrary to the stoicks judgement , who say ( that punishment is due to the offence , and a wise man gives every one his due , and therefore no delinquency should scape ) by better reason , there being not alwaies a juncture of those ends with suffering , that sometimes it may be taken off , or relaxed ; before a penal law will not seem so strange , but even after a penal law likewise . if the ends for which punishment was ordained in a moral estimation be not necessary , or if other ends on the opposit part occur , not less profitable and necessary , or if the ends proposed by the punishment may be attain'd any other way . answerable to these reasons were their actings : when god gave the law , he deprived not himself of all power , but reserved a liberty to pardon ; none can put any one to death without law , nor any but the supream pardon them , sayes another ; and this mercy they dispenc'd on these two cautions of violence and ignorance , where they found them ; for that these take off from voluntary , and that from guilt . now if strict law give thus much scope for mercy , what ought mercy and goodness , which should be in all to their like ; but especially when evangelicall law ( goodness and mercy ) commands this too . to apply this first particular to the case of the irish , it will thus state it , as was declared before , that though their crimes have been heinous , yet they are to be punished onely with reflexction ( not on their evill past , but the good to come ) and then onely if no other way will compass this end , but their punishment , and then onely in such a degree as they are found capable of the diminutions of punishment , iignorance and violence ; and certainly neither of these will be denied , but that as a great part of them acted through ignorance , so the force of an army levied was sufficient to compell the rest , &c. 2 the second question is answered thus ; magistrates may contract guilt from the commons , they vicissively from their magistrates and heads , or rulers , & in sharing in the publick crime , must in the punishment ; but it is to be noted likewise , that there are publick punishments and private for example ( as when a common-wealth is overthrown , it suffers a publick death ; reduced to a province , undergoes slavery , a city loses its walls , shipping , officers , treasure , laws , ensigns , magazines ; in sharing these each particular may suffer ; but that particular men for the offence of a community without their consent , should lose the things that are proper to themselves is unjust ; publick offences brings publick punishments particular guilt , particular suffering . apply this second to the irish , and let the active ruling part be distinguished from the passive subjective , and publick punishments from particular , and justice is done . the last question is thus satisfied ; how long a commonalty shall be prosecuted with justice ; shall punishment be alwayes exacted while the community last ? no : those being extinct by whom merit was derived to the community , the merit it self is also extinguished , and punishment cannot consist without merit ; you may account it a sufficient punishment that none of the offenders are now alive ( sayes the civil law ) it is a mistake in mans dealings ( though with god just ) that because children receive honours and rewards for their fathers good deeds , that they should be punished for their evill ; because a benefit may without injury be conferd on any , but so cannot a punishment . this decides the last part of the scruple , touching the irish , for the bloody persons ( known ) are all dead by sword , famine , pestilence , the hand of civill justice , or remain still lyable to it , or are fled beyond sea from it ; the priests and souldiers ( the kindlers of the war in the beginning , and fomenters of it since ) are for the first universally departed the land , and for the second , to a vast number , and the most dangerous , & the remaining , are weary of war , having long since submitted , and those that are out , sue for nothing but mercy ; for the poor commons , the sun never shined ( or rather not shined ) upon a nation so compleatly miserable ; there are not one hundred of them in 10000. who are not by the first and fourth articles , of the act of settlement under the penalty of losing life and estate ; the tax sweeps away their whole subsistence ; necessitie makes them turn theeves and tories , and then they are prosecuted with fire and sword for being so . if they discover not tories , the english hang them , if they do , the irish kill them , against whom they have nothing to defend themselves , nor any other that can ; nay if any person melted with the bowels of a man , or moved by the rules of common equitie , labour to bring home to them that little mercy which the state allowes , there are some ready to asperse them as favourers of tories , coverers of bloud guiltiness ; and briefly , in a probable computation five parts of six of the whole nation are destroyed , and after so sharp an execution , is it not time at length to sound a retreat ? must we still cry justice , justice ? wherefore is justice so invok't against them ? was it not for cruelty ? god has aveng'd it ; let others take heed how they become guilty , especially they that aveng'd it ; the fair vertue of justice ( overdon ) degenerates into the stinking weed of tyranny , beasts scorn the humble prey ; heathens having conquer'd by justice , have conquer'd again by mercy ; the state does intend a cordial for that consumptive nation ; it is onely desired they would be pleased to accelerat it , lest by dying before , they lose the opportunity of shewing they would at last have had pitty . secondly , that the pardon of this national bloodguilt is subservient to publike good , and in order thereto ought to be extended to all such as are obnoxious to no other guilt than what is common and national , may be evidenced by diverse arguments ; but in regard they conclude in like kind , against the transplanting of the irish , into connaught , it is opportune to proceed to the second instituted comparison , whether it be more conducive to the publick good of the english nation , and to the preservation of them intire , to continue the irish or transplant them ? consider therefore . 2. concerning publick good . the publick good of ireland respects either the publick revenue , or the good of the present , or of future english inhabitants and planters . first , for the publick revenue . the revenue or contribution of ireland is generally raised out of corn , and the husbandmen of that corn are generally irish , the removal therefore of these necessarily infers the failer of that ▪ for , 1. the irish , who raise their contribution out of corn , live themselves on the roots and fruits of their gardens , and on the milk of their cows , goats , and sheep , and by selling their corn to the english , provide money for contribution ; if then the irish should be thus transplanted , their corn would not be vendible , not to one another , for all would be sellers , not to the english ; for to carry it 50 , 60 , or 100 miles to english plantations , would make it so dear to the buyer , and cheap to the seller , that it cannot reasonably be thought practicable . 2. the lands of ireland are generally so unapt for corn , without much charge in manuring them , and the harvest-season so catching , without many hands to save the corn , that the first crop seldome ( if ever ) makes the husbandman a saver : if then the irish be removed from their lands prepared for seed , to the wast and uncultivated lands of connaught , the lands they leave can pay no contribution for the first year , because they will become wast till others inhabit ; and the lands to which they remove can pay none , because ( being wast ) they must spend a year of their time , and much of their principal stock to improve ▪ them , before they can derive any sutable profit out of them . secondly , for the present inhabitants , souldiers , and others . 1. the souldiers lately disbanded ( especially the private souldiers ) have neither stock , nor money to buy stock , nor ( for the most part ) skill in husbandry : but by the labours of the irish on their lands , together with their own industry , they may maintain themselves , improve their lands , acquire stock , and by degrees inure themselves sutably to that course of life : but the transplantation of the irish leaves these poor mens proportions of land totally wast ; and unless they can , like nebuchednezzar , live on grass , they must perish , or sell too too cheap their dear-bought recompence . 2. the other inhabitants , by the labours of the irish tenants or servants , are enabled to contribute to the publick charge , and maintain themselves and families in some measure : but the transplantation of the irish will utterly deprive them of all manner of livelyhood ; and as the destruction of the english already planted in ireland is a sad evil in it self , so in its consequence it can be no encouragement to other english to plant . 3. considerable numbers of english families , ( upon the hopes they had of peace and quietness ) have already scattered themselves into the country , laid out ( what they saved thriftily , or got hardly all this long time of languishing ) to begin a new fortune with ) on purchasing farms , buying stock , building houses : but now this early hope must be nipt in the bud ; for if transplanting goes forward , ( it will so multiply tories ) the english cannot possibly live in the country , and their stock cannot possibly live in towns , and their improvement and buildings must be utterly lost , and themselves totally ( when they least feared it ) undone . 4. the army , and all the inhabitants , derive their bread , meat , drink , all the most necessary means of living , from the labours of the irish ; and if these be transplanted , then they must either fall with their own weight , or purchase such supports out of england at rates too high for their condition , or leave the land . thirdly , for future inhabitants , adventurers , souldiers , and such others as shall engage in the planting of ireland . the first and chiefest necessaries to the settlement and advancement of a plantation , are those natural riches of food , apparel , and habitations . if the first be regarded , there are few of the irish commonalty but are skilfull in husbandry , and more exact than any english in the husbandry proper to that country . if the second , there are few of the women but are skilfull in dresssing hemp and flax , and making of linnen and woollen cloth . if the third , it is believed , to every hundren men there are five or six masons and carpenters at least of that nation , and these more handy and ready in building ordinary houses , and much more prudent in supplying the defects of instruments and materials , than english artificers . since then 1000 acres of land ( plantation measure ) being but of indifferent goodnes , with the rest of the lands in ireland , shall require as much stock as whose original price and charge of transporting will amount to 15000 or 2000l . since likewise husbandmen and tradesmen that are laborious , can subsist by their labours and trades comfortably in england , and most will not probably leave their native soyl on any terms ; and those who will , on extraordinary terms . it is necessarily consequent , that the transplantation of the irish doth not onely deprive the planter of those aforementioned advantages , but also so exceedingly aggravates his charge and difficulty in planting ( by his irremedicable want of whatever he brings not with him out of england ) that his charge will manifestly appear to be more than his profit ; and it is not easily conceivable how or when five or six millions of acres are like to be planted or inhabited upon so clear an account of expence and loss . objection . against all these advantages it is onely objected , that the english may degenerate , and turn irish , unless a separation by transplanting the one from the other be observed ; and to this purpose experience of former ages is urged . answer . of future contingents no man can pass a determinate judgement ; but if we speak morally , and as probably may be , it may much rather be expected that the irish will turn english . those topicks before instanced concerning religion do infer it as very probable , that with the religion professed by the english , it is likely they may receive their manners also . and this is confirmed by experience of all of that nation who embraced the protestant religion . and as to former experience , even that likewise seems to add weight to this expectation , because whatever inducements perswaded the english formerly to turn irish , the same more strongly invite the irish now to turn english . 1. when england was reformed from popery , no care was took , nor endeavours used to spread the reformation in ireland ; by which means the english colonies there continued still papists , and so in religion were alienated from the english , and and fastned to the irish : but now it being most probable that most of the irish will embrace the protestant profession , it is upon the same grounds most probable that they will embrace the english manners . 2. former conquests of ireland were either the undertakings of some private persons , or so managed by publick persons , that the power and profitable advantages of the land remained in the hands of the irish : but as in the present conquest the nation of england is engaged , so is the power and advantage of the land in the hands of the english . for instance . 1. the irish were the body of the people , and too potent for the english ( especially at such times as the troubles of england caused the armies to be called thence , which historians observe to have been the times of degeneration , as a means to self-preservation . 2. the irish were the general proprietors of land , and an english planter must be their tenant ; and the temptation of this relation and dependence is very prevalent ( at least ) to bring the posterity to a complyance , and that to a likeness , and that to a sameness . 3. the irish were the chiefly estated , and the intermarriages with them were accompanied with greater friends and fortunes than with the english , who were not onely strangers , but for the most part ( till of late years ) comparatively poor . 4. the lawyers were irish , the jurors irish , most of the judges irish , and the major part of their parlament irish ; and in all disputes between irish and english , the irish were sure of the favour . but now the condition of ireland is ( through gods goodness ) so altered , that all these arguments are much more forcibly perswasive , that the irish will turn english . 3. the frequent use of the irish language in all commerce , and the englishes habituating themselvs to that language , was one great means of irishfying the english colonies : but now the language will be generally english ; and if the irish be mingled with the english , they will probably learn and be habituated to the english tongue , which is found by experience to be suddenly learn'd by the irish ; whereas if they be transplanted into connaught , the distinction of the english and irish tongue will not onely be continued , but also the irish left without means of learning english . 3. concerning the security of the english , and their interess . 1. for the present , this plantation will necessarily make many tories . for , 1. many inhabitants , who are able to subsist on their gardens in their present habitations , are unable to subsist in travelling to connaught ; and for the present to derive subsistence from the wast lands of connaught , when they come thither ; and therefore will rather choose the hazard of torying , than the apparent danger of starving . 2. many irish masters will disburthen themselves of their attendants and servants on this occasion , in regard the charge of retaining them will be greater , and their imployment of them less , both in the journey , and journeys end ; and these servants , however disposed to honest labour and industry , yet being thus secluded from means of subsistence , necessity will enforce to be tories . 3. the range of the tories will be so great , and advantages thereby of securing themselves and cattel so much , that untill the whole land be otherwise planted , it will not be probable that our armies should either have intelligence of their places of abode in their fastnesses , or be enabled to find them , those who are acquainted with the service of tory-hunting , know much of this difficulty . and impossible it is , that those parts of the land which adjoyn to those fastnesses , should be planted in many ages , if tories ( secured in them ) make incursions on such as shall plant . 4. the irish numbers ( now so abated by famin , pestilence , the sword , and forein transportations ) are not like to overgrow the english as formerly , and so no fear of their being obnoxious to them hereafter : but being mixed with , they are likelyer to be swallowed up by the english , and incorporated into them ; so that a few centuries will know no difference present , fear none to come , and scarce believe what were pass'd . the chiefest and eminentest of the nobility , and many of the gentry , have taken conditions from the king of spain , and have transported at several times 40000 of the most active spirited men , most acquainted with danger and discipline of war , and inured to hardness ; the priests are all banished ; the remaining part of the whole nation are scarce the sixth part of what were at the beginning of the war , so great a devastation has god and man brought upon that land , and so far are they from those formidable numbers they are ( by those that are strangers to ireland ) conceived to be ; and that handfull of natives left , are poor laborious usefull simple creatures , whose design is onely to live , and their families , the manner of which is so low , that it is a design rather to be pitied , than by any body feared , envyed , or hindred . secondly , for the future . by this transplantation , 1. the irish commonalty are put under the power of those chiefs , who have engaged them in so much blood in the late rebellion . 2. they are collected into one rendezvouz , and so fitted for an united undertaking , when occasion shall be administred . scilurus , his arrows might easily be broke singly , but bound in one bundle , they abide any stress . 3. they are seated in a country furthest distant from england , and for the sea-shore most remote from the course of the english fleet , where therefore they may receive arms from any forein prince with most security , modelize themselves into arms , and be furnish'd irresistably for a new war ; by means of these advantages , the english in the last rebellion first lost connaught , and last regained it . fourthly , they exceedingly mistake who imagine that the passage out of connaught into the other three provinces is difficult , or may be easily ▪ defended against the irish , if they should thus be armed and fitted for a new war . whereas it is evidently for the securitie of the english and english interesse , to divide the irish one from the other , especially the commonaltie from the cheifs , and both from the advantages of receiving probable assistants from foreiners . objection . but notwithstanding many of these inducements to joyn with the english , yet many of the irish have of late turned tories , by means of this cohabitation . answer . the mistake is great in attributing that effect to this cause . the reall causes of those later tories are such as these . first , the common-wealth's necessitie for money to maintain the army of ireland , brought the protected people under a tax so insupportable , that the generalitie of them were forced to a monethly diminution of their principall substance , which by degrees brought laborious husbandmen to so sad a state of povertie , that they were necessitated to this hard choice of starving or turning tories . secondly , lawes were imposed on the protected to discover and resist enemies upon pain of death although they neither had nor were allowed armes or means to inable them to it , or defend themselvs ; nor could the law-givers protect them either in their estates , or lives , from that enemie to whose malice and fury the observance of those lawes made them liable ; so that both the contempt of , and obedience to them , exposed these poor people to be punished with death either by the english or irish . thirdly , the violence and oppression by some of the souldiers inflicted on them is incredible ; and by the injured people's just fear to complain , many horrible facts of this nature go daily unpunished . fourthly , the narrowness and streightness of the parliaments concessions of mercy to that nation in the first and fourth article of the act of settlement , which doth not declare one in 500. pardonable either for life or estate ; and when men see a line of destruction measuring out their portion , nature teaches them to perserve their lives as long , and sell them as dear as they can , by resisting to the uttermost , the power of that state whose declared resolves exempt them from all mercy . object . but if this toleration of irish cohabiting be allowed , the adventurers and souldiers ( it is feared ) will acquiesce in them rather than expose themselves to the expence and difficultie of transporting and planting with english . answ. all the irish , and all their stock is not proportionate to the fifth part even of the three provinces , and therefore cannot satisfie the proprietors ends , of planting their land ; though being advantagiously dispersed and disposed of , they may be instrumentall by their labours , and industry , to make preparation for , and to facilitate the settlement of such others as the planters must necessarily bring thither for the full improvement of his land . thus we see no necessity of this transplanting ▪ in regard of the three great ends alledged , religion , profit , safety , but rather so great a necessity of them , that there 's no reason at all for it . but there is one thing more which wise men will consider , and that is , the impossibility of this transplanting . among the five things , impossiblilities are one head that are excluded deliberation . there are laws made , and orders gone out , for their going universally into connaught by march next ; but suppose they should have a dram of rebellious blood still in them , or be fullen and not go ; it is not impossible but this may be so , nay it is certain it will be so , for they were by orders to remove long since , and yet an inconsiderable part onely obeyed , the generality choosing to run all hazards obstinately , than condescend . they say they can but find want and ruine , ( at the worst ) if they stay , and why should they travel so far , for that which will come home to them ? can it be imagin'd that a whole nation will drive like geese at the wagging of a hat upon a stick ? but there 's an army to compell them ; i , this is the way to have an army , nay to have two armies , one more then we would ( of the enemies ) and then perhaps to have one less then we would again , never a one of our friends ; surely more english souldiers have perisht by the countrey , then the sword of the irish ; they are more afraid of tories then armies , and woods and boggs then campswhere ; it will be harder to find them then vanquish them ; and when will this wild war be finished ? ireland planted , inhabitants unburthened , souldiers setled ? at this rate who will be able to stir abroad for fear , to live at home for want ? and when a dangerous experiment has been tryed , it may be quiet will be sought at a dearer rate then it might be found now ; it 's a sad thing to fight against men till they are reduced to us , & then to fight against them , because they will not part from us . and that this is certainly the true state of the controversie ( and not any dregs ) of rebellion in them unpurg'd , yet will by this evidently appear , that those whom fear or want has made lately to swell the number of the tories so much ( to shew their disposition to quietness ) did at their first going out , and do still continue to offer securitie for their peacable demeanors in the english quarters , if they may be accepted , and to take the first opportunity , to go beyond sea for souldiers ; and if this will not be granted , who knows what desperation may make them willing to do , and us unwillingly to suffer ? although to discover so many monstrous and evident dangers and losses necessarily impending upon the generall removall of the irish out of the three provinces into connaught , and not against small single , but such severall great interess , viz the continuing the irish papists , or making them turn atheists , the knitting again like worms their divided septs and amities which are now cut in sunder , the entailing barbarousness upon them by such a consociation for ever , the giving them power to rebell again by crouding them all together , and will , by the great injury they conceive they have in this action , against , which they have ( 't is strange ) as great a resentment , as against loss of estate , yea even death it self . the aspersing the english nation with cruelty , ungratefulness , and in some sort unfaithfulness . the destruction of the states revenue , the standing army , the disbanded souldiery , former english inhabitants , present adventurers , and future planters . though it were enough to represent barely a hydra so pregnant with mischievous heads , to have it cut off , and new resolutions to succeed those which have been before , and invention to project on all hands upon what surer grounds an action of such moment may be founded : yet if the parlament shall be pleased but so much to respect the good meaning of what is here written , as ( by their clemency passing by all the infirmities thereof ) to let the residue fall under the cognizance of any persons deputed thereto . there are likewise expedients ready to be humbly tendred , if they may be accepted , which offer at least at the assoyling all these difficulties and disturbances , and the putting that whole land ( by gods blessing ) into a quiet and flourishing estate : but it was judged more convenient to exempt them from the publication of this paper , that the parlament might neither seem to have their wisdomes forestall'd , if they shall advise on other expedients , nor their counsels revealed , if any thing offered there should happen to find favour in their eyes . there are some things wherein the reader is to be premonish'd , to stop his wonder how such destructive resolutions could pass , or be let pass from the hand of authority all this time . for which consider , 1. those that were in england must see and hear with their eyes and ears that were in ireland , and according to informations given from them , were necessitated to square their directions to them : now it is no wonder if those that were but strangers to that land should not ( at first sight ) understand the compleat interest thereof ; and so though their wils were zealous to that which was good in the general , yet their understandings not fully inform'd ( so soon ) might cause them to deviate in some particular . 2. when these resolutions were at first taken to transplant the irish universally , the face of things much differed in ireland from what it appears now ; and that might be conveniently propounded ( nay done in one time ) which will not so well suit with the series of affairs at another : then necessity might have made it fit to have transplanted , now the unfitness makes it not necessary : so that both the one and the other might have been just and unjust , as they were accommodated to several times and conditions . it is impossible for men to foresee all things ; events failing from what was preconceiv'd , may make counsels vary from what was precontriv'd . 3. though those that sate at the helm saw it necessary in their wisdomes to give out such orders in those times , yet in their goodness we see they did not think fit to execute them even till this time , as if they did wait a time to be gratious to the irish nation , and would expect all opportunities that might enable them therein , and any new accidents intervening , that would conspire thereto . and now ( god having put the same into their hands at present ) it is the earnest suit of many , and ought to be the desire and prayer of all moderate and sober christians , that he would put into their hearts to embrace and use it ; that mercy may be remembred in the midst of justice , by those who themselves desire not justice without mercy , and that thoughts may be had of what indulgence is due to the frailty of a man , as well as what severity to the obstinacy of a rebel ; it being an heroickness not to insult upon an humbled enemy , and wisdome not to make him desperate . the conversion of that nation will be a more pious work than their eradication , it was that was pretended , fasted , prayed , preach'd for so often ; sure it was intended . god hath complicated our good with this mercy , as if he would not let men be too cruel to those poor blind natives , without being so to themselves ; and would reward their compassionate thoughts towards them with the many good effects that will thereby accrew . the unsetling of a nation is an easy work , the setling is not , it has cost much blood and treasure there , and now prudence and mercy may accomplish the work ; the opportunity for it , will not last alwaies , 't is now ; the physicians late assistance despairs , where his early help might have been prosperous . the souldiers ( there ) exhausted with indefatigable labours , hope now for their rest . the old english , having lain so long under taxes , wait for their jubile . the adventurers expect some crop at length , from what they have long since so plentifully sown . the state may challenge a revenue from what she has so amply expended on . it had been better ireland had been thrown into the sea before the first engagement on it , if it will never turn to account , but still to expence : but the time is come when the venture will defray the expence of the voyage , if all be not shipwrack'd in the harbours mouth ; all there contrive quietness , pray for peace . this transplantation is the main remora that puts to a stand . the seed-time was , the harvest would come on . the spring will hasten after so sharp a winter . and how glorious a victory will that be , when both the bodies and minds of a nation are overcome ! the first by power , the second by love ? how will the souls of the irish blush hereafter , that they should have been once cruel against those , whom they find still so mercifull towards them : when love shall hold a stricter rein upon them than fear , and make them wash away that blood they have drawn from others , by tears drawn from themselves . how shall they bless god for their unprosperousness , and rejoyce in those infelicities whereby they are made happy ? and the english that are in that land bid past cares , and fears , and present wants adieu , and leave those hives they have been almost starved in , like industrious bees , to repair their old stocks with new honey . how at ease will the state be from those cares , that , like vultures , have continually preyed upon their hearts in the behalf of that land ? and what a pleasing sight will it be to england , instead of meagre naked anatomies , which she received driven from ireland in the beginning of a war , to empty her self of her young swarms thither in the beginning of a peace ? if antiquity deceive us not , that land was once called the island of saints ; and if novelty deceive us not again , it may find as strange a change to good , as it had a fall to ill ; god has made ( in the nature of instruments ) the good or ill of thousands beneath , to hang upon the breath of a few that are above . o what a guard had there need to be on their lips , whose words dispence death ! what prayers to god! what uprightness towards man ! if any errours be committed , those on the right are easyest cancell'd ; it is better to save one innocent , than destroy many guilty persons : but to make guilty persons become innocent ( by saving ) how excellent will that be ? how much more comfort will the heart receive hereafter , to hear the once poor erring irish live good protestants , honest subjects , than to have heard they dyed blinded papists , bloody rebels ? and there can come no glory from that ruine which may be avoyded . the most contemptible things carry engins of death along with them ; a gnat , a hair , a rasin-stone can destroy , but great glorious universal agents ( like the sun ) are the parents of life ; a storm or accident may throw down a house , but art and industry are required to build it ; and this way treads a destructive path , as hath been shewn , and therefore should be no longer trodden in ; god grant they whom this concerns most , may be as sensible of it , as some are whom it concerns less ; that they may mind this affair according to the greatness of its consequent ( which slights all mediocrity ) and will be transcendently good or evil ; and as comets may reflect obliquely upon vulgar men , but more eminently signifie for great personages , so these effects may be showred among the common people , but will be poured upon the head of the commonwealth . but i had forgot that i had said before , that transplanting is an impossible work , and therefore it is enough to pray ( and may hope to prevail among wise men ) that they would be pleased to leave ▪ undone that which they are not able to do , which i take to be a reasonable and modest request . finis . the last, best, and truest nevves from ireland, that came since the rebellion sent from a gentleman in dublin to his friend, a divine, in london. gentleman in dublin. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a49629 of text r22316 in the english short title catalog (wing l476). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a49629 wing l476 estc r22316 12620971 ocm 12620971 64504 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49629) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64504) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 250:e140, no 3) the last, best, and truest nevves from ireland, that came since the rebellion sent from a gentleman in dublin to his friend, a divine, in london. gentleman in dublin. [7] p. printed by thomas harper, london : march 18, 1641 [i.e. 1642] year of publication from thomason coll. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a49629 r22316 (wing l476). civilwar no the last, best, and truest nevves from ireland, that came since the rebellion. sent from a gentleman in dublin, to his friend, a divine, in gentleman in dublin 1642 1648 19 0 0 0 0 0 115 f the rate of 115 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the last , best , and truest nevves from ireland , that came since the rebellion . sent from a gentleman in dublin , to his friend , a divine , in london . london , printed by thomas harper , march 18. 1641. the last , best and truest newes from ireland . vpon friday the 4. of feb. the governour of drogedah sir henry tichburne with some horse and foote , sall●●d out of the e●st gate , with an intention to fetch in some corne from a place called the greene hills , being a quarter of a mile out of the towne , but they we●e scarce out of the towne gates , before they were encountred by hugh boy o neale , the enemies marshall of the fi●ld , who was there waiting an opportunity with about seven hundred men ; the enemy at the first assault made a great shew of courage and resolution , but assoone as captaine fortescue , and captaine owens had fired on their flankes , they instantly ranne away , and the horse and foote of our side fell to execution , and in the chase killed about two hundred , together with the said hugh boy o neale , and some other officers , and that without the losse of one man on our side , but one who afterwards dyed of his hurt . upon the fourteenth day captaine martyn was sent with fifty musquetiers , and falling into a qu●rter of the enemies , there was some twenty of the enemies slain , and but one of ours . upon the eighteenth the governour having resolved to beat upon a quarter of the enemies at a place called ramullin , halfe a mile off the towne , he being accompained with sir patrick weymes , with some of the lord of ormonds horse , together with the lord moores , sir adam loftus , sir thomas lucas , their horse , and captaine weynman , captaine byrone , captaine fortescue , sir iohn burlasse , captaine billingsly , captaine roper and captaine cadogan , with 450. foote marched out of the towne upon breake of the day , and the forlorne hope of horse , and 40. commanded musketiers marched a good way before the body , and being come within musket shot , the enemy plaied stoutly and very hotly at them ; but our musketiers having killed about ten of them , lieutenant francis moore who commanded the forlorne hope of horse being accompained with his cornet , and c●ptaine cadogan , & the lord moores horse charged into the town , but with much adoe , the enemy having baroc●ded the waies , and having entred the towne ▪ they discerned the enemy flying by the river boyne towards the old bridge , they pursued them , and in the chase they killed some sixty of them , and if the musketiers had come in , there had beene an hundred more killed at least , for so many of them had got under a mighty great and steep rocke on the water side , where the horsemen could not possibly come at them , and withall ▪ their owne fellowes colonell mac brians men being on the other side of the boyne shot very thicke at us , but hurt not one , though they spent a great deale of powder and lead ; when wee retreated wee could discerne a great body of the enemy making towards us from old bridge , and as we came towards our main body , which all the while remained entire , we could see a great number of the enemy marching in good aray towards our body ; but before we could come up , though we road hard , the enemie betooke themselves to their heels , and da●●ies sonne of plattine , being one of their captaines , lost his horse , and ran away a foote over the great ditches towards his fathers house , which had he not done , he had gone home shorter by the head ; here againe we killed about a score of them , both executions done by the horse , the foote not stirring but when the governour led them towards the enemy ; in this last skirmish the earle of ormonds , and the vice treasurers horse gained good applause for their valour and forwardnesse , as likewise did the lord moores , and sir thomas lucas in the first ; the horse had no sooner retreated to the body , but we could discerne colonells mac brians men hard by us , the sight of them drew us to a beliefe that we should have a hot fight now with both the divisions , those that before had fled to plattine , having rallied thēselves into a body again , & that with such celerity ▪ as was to be wondred at , but howsoever they let us depart quietly , & we came seasonably into the town , for had we staied a little longer , some 800. of the enemy had got betwixt us and the towne , and then we had been engaged to fight with all their divisions , which did consist of 1500. or 1600. men at least . upon the 24. being saint matthias , most hppily arived our reliefe of provision and ammunition , it came seasonably , for we were come almost to the last morsell : the enemy laboured hard to hinder the bringing of it in , who hoped that famine should force us to yeeld up the towne ▪ they had two peeces of ordinance ▪ and a world of muskets playing from either shore ; but god be praised , our ships came up safely to the key without the losse of one man , or so much as one hurt but one , which was a great wonder , the channell being not in most places a musket shot over , ●●y the vessells sometimes were forced to come within a stone cast of the shore . on the next day in the morning we were not aware before 500. of the enemy had entred the towne of tradagh , and the whole grosse of them without , making all haste to enter in at an old low doore , which by the treachery of some of the townesmen , who are not as yet certainely knowne , was broken open for them ; it was a strange thing to heare , for the aire ecchoed with their hellish cries , being entred , and the allarum taken , they were forthwith encountred in severall p●ces , a great number of them made for the mill mount , the only strength of the towne , where captaine cadogan kept his guard , it was darke , and a man could not well distinguish betweene a friend and a foe ; the enemy immediately upon their advancing up the hill , laid captaine cadogans out centries dead , which hee perceiving from the hill , caused fire to bee given at them , which they perceiving to be hot , faced about , and as they were taking themselves to their heeles , captaine cadogan arrested their leader with a musket from the mount , who being pilladged , was found to be an officer , the rest failing of their plot ran into orchards & gardens , where they were cut in peeces by cap. owens men , and their companies being encountred by the governours owne men , and sir thomas lucas his horse were quite broken and routed , divers other companies comming in , they were slaine and taken , or the greatest part of them : one captaine conner a meath man was slain , & amongst others an old traiterous servant of captaine cadogans ; divers of the captaines and others are concealed by the townesmen in their houses , and although upon perill of their lives they were required to bring them forth , yet they have hitherto failed . it was a happy deliverance , for which we are bound to give god thankes ▪ for truly had any understanding enemy had the same advantage of us as these men had , we had beene all lost , besides the centry we lost one hors● man ▪ and two or three footmen , and very few hurt , but so soone as day appeared , with our great and small shot were beaten from our wales like dogges . captaine roper and captaine morice had like to have beene taken by them , as conceiving the enemy upon their entrance to be our own men ; truly both officers and souldiers behaved themselves like men , they were both valiant and resolute , so that wee are confident the rebellious blades will not bee very forward to come to such another breakefast as this in haste . this day came sir philemon oneale from the f●rther northerne parts to these enemies who had beleagured us , he was as we hope and beleeve very well beaten by the scotchmen , but we have no certainty of it as yet . as i am a gentleman all this is true , you may report this to the whole world . so i take my leave , desiring thee to pray for us , and we will fight for thee and the rest , not doubting but that our god whom we serve , will still so blesse us and grant us victory to the glory of his name , which is the prayer of , thy truly affectionate friend . whereas in expectation of conformity to the laws of the land, concerning uniformity of common-prayer and service in the church and the administration of the sacraments ... by the lords justices and council, mau. eustace canc., orrery. ireland. lords justices and council. 1662 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46150 wing i820 estc r39307 18367821 ocm 18367821 107380 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46150) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107380) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1636:42) whereas in expectation of conformity to the laws of the land, concerning uniformity of common-prayer and service in the church and the administration of the sacraments ... by the lords justices and council, mau. eustace canc., orrery. ireland. lords justices and council. eustace, maurice, sir, ca. 1590-1661. orrery, roger boyle, earl of, 1621-1679. 1 broadside. printed by john crook ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1662. title from first 3 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council-chamber in dublin, the 30. day of april, 1662." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dissenters, religious -ireland. ireland -history -1660-1688. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-02 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-02 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the lords justices and council . mav . evstace canc. orrery . whereas in expectation of conformity to the laws of the land , concerning uniformity of common-prayer and service in the church and the administration of the sacraments , indulgence to , and forbearance of dissenting and non-conforming persons of several perswasions hath been long time used ; and whereas there were no proceedings against them for several months ; and when the iudges in their several circuits found it fit to question those that would not make good use of that clemencie , and yet upon new hopes all proceedings thereupon were stopped and suspended ; and yet the event hath not answered to our expectation , but recusants , non-conformists , and sectaries have grown worse by clemencie : we therefore have thought fit to declare , that we still hoping that gentle courses , & this further extension of his majesties gracious clemencie may work upon those who were misguided , that for the time past all offenses committed against his majesties said law of uniformity of common-prayer , and service in the church , and the administration of the sacraments , shall be no further proceeded against . whereof all persons concerned are to take notice . and we do further declare , that no person or persons are for the time to come to expect the like indulgence ; and that all iudges of assize , iustices of peace , and all others concerned , are to see the said law duly put in execution . and this declaration we make , that none may be surprized , or pretend ignorance , or any other excuse for their disobedience to the said law. given at the council-chamber in dublin , the 30. day of april , 1662. god save the king . ja. dublin . donegall . drogheda . conway and kilulta . hen. midensis . jerem. dunensis . r. coote . hen. tichborne . jo. bysse . paul davys . robert forth . rob. meredith . arthur hill. dvblin , printed by iohn crook , printer to the kings most excellent majesty : and are to be sold by samuel dancer bookseller in castle-street , anno dom. 1662. a remonstrance of sir frederick hammilton, knight and colonell to the right honourable the committee of both kingdoms. hamilton, frederick, sir, fl. 1645. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45371 of text r215872 in the english short title catalog (wing h477b). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45371 wing h477b estc r215872 99827631 99827631 32054 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45371) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 32054) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1849:24) a remonstrance of sir frederick hammilton, knight and colonell to the right honourable the committee of both kingdoms. hamilton, frederick, sir, fl. 1645. [8] p. s.n., [london : 1643] caption title. imprint from wing. signatures: [a]⁴. running title reads: a remonstrance. eng mountrath, charles coote, -earl of, ca. 1610-1661 -early works to 1800. hamilton, frederick, -sir, fl. 1645 -early works to 1800. donegal (ireland : county) -history -early works to 1800. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. a45371 r215872 (wing h477b). civilwar no the remonstrance of sir frederick hammilton, knight and colonell. to the right honourable the committee of both kingdoms. hamilton, frederick, sir 1643 1768 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2009-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the humble remonstrance of sir frederick hammilton , knight and colonell . to the right honovrable the committee of both kingdoms . i have served king james and king charls , neer this thirty yeer in their court , as a gentleman of their privy chamber , without pension or monopoly ; and for most of that time , i have had a command in the old army in ireland . king james having in his life time conferred upon me , the troop of horse , with the foot company , and the government of carrickfergus , which were commanded by the old lord chichester . afterwards i levied a regiment of foot , and was with honourable recommendations , imployed by his majestie into germany , where i served some yeers under the glorious and victorious prince , the king of sweden , returning with his royall recommendations , and good acceptance of my services , witnessed with his princely tokens , bestowed upon me . at my return it hath been heard of , what hard measure i met withall in ireland , by the power , and greatnesse , of the late earl of strafford ; whose designe was apparent , the ruine of my honour and fortune , if the lord had not of his great mercy inabled me with courage , to stand for my innocency , for the defence of both . since this horrid rebellion , how i have been ingaged with a poor handfull of men , and what wonderfull things god hath done for us , and with us , is not unknown to my greatest enemies , though they call me a bragger . after it pleased god to inable me , to bring off my wife and children from the great miseries they suffered , without any comfort or relief , leaving my castle and garrison in the best condition i could , procuring the souldiers leave to apply my self hither , with hopes of better preferment for my self , and speedy relief for them . coming to london-derry where i had some fortune left me by my wifes father , sir john vaughan , who died governour of the said citie . i found that means he left me , and all my tenants , incroached upon by the regiments there , who had taken of me and my tenants , to the value of three thousand pounds ; notwithstanding the severall reliefs they received both from england and scotland ; besides the great sums they have got of other mens lands , and the severall great preyes hath been got amongst them since this rebellion . finding my self so used by them , and not able to command my own rents and tenants , having been as active in the service , as any colonell amongst them , and the means of keeping them so free from the incursion of the rebels out of connaught , did think in honour and justice , my own lands and tenants undestroyed , should have been laid off for my own quarters and maintenance ; but finding neglect , and hard-heartednesse amongst them , i was forced to apply my self to my noble friends in scotland , who were pleased to take my hard condition and great charge , into their honourable and charitable care , and consideration , and to appoint me the command of a regiment of horse there , untill they could be the instruments of procuring me from the honourable parliament here , some greater power and preferment for the better inabling me to go on with the service there in ireland . i being in scotland , news was brought to the committee of estates there , of the dangerous discontented condition of their army in ireland , neer carrickfergus ; and how through want of means , they were necessitated to joyn themselves in a dangerous oath , to stick to one another in applying themselves towards the parliament of england , for performance of what was promised them : which miserable extremity of theirs , the state of scotland indeavoured to relieve and suppresse , so long as they could ; untill at length two or three regiments did forsake that kingdom , as the rest intended ( to the no small hazard of all the three kingdoms ) had not the state of scotland , out of their judicious care , made use of me , and sir mungoe campbell , a colonell of that army , whom they sent with instructions , to indeavour the appeasing of their discontents , and to perswade the rest of the regiments , not to abandon that kingdom , and to leave it into the hands of the rebels ; who at that time were apparently in a readinesse to have entered upon the countrey , so soon as the scots army had forsaken it , being confident ( as many others were ) that no perswasions could alter their resolutions from going : neverthelesse , it pleased god , beyond expectation , so to blesse our indeavours , and instructions , as we prevailed with them , and our words were taken for a time , to stay , untill the state of scotland were advertised with what we had undertaken for , in their names , should be speedily sent them from scotland , which accordingly was performed , notwithstanding their own great burdens at that time . i was afterwards the immediate instrument , and best help to the ministers , who were intrusted with the solemn league and covenant , to get it taken by the citizens of london-derry , the regiments and countrey thereabouts ; who will confesse , that without me , it had not so easily past , if at all , at that time . notwithstanding all these pretences and services , besides the severall recommendations of the parliament , and committee of estates in scotland , have i waited here neer this eight moneths , in expectation of some course to be taken with me , for the recompence of my past services , and incouragements to go on , and as yet have met with neither . therefore prayeth leave to inform what danger i apprehend will follow to the publike service , if i shall be thus neglected and discountenanced for my faithfull services . if sir charls coote , a young gentleman , whose hopefull expectation i will not except against , what the parliament shall think fin to confer upon him , so as his preferment do not intrench upon the prejudice of the publike service , or upon my honour and interest ; wherein i conceive both will suffer , if the resolution hold as is reported , to make him lord precedent of connaught . and what content it will be to the rebels , when they shall hear my services against them , hath been so rewarded , as not onely the counties of sligoe , and leitrim ; which god hath inabled me to do so great service in , since this rebellion , without the help of sir charls coote , who must by this title injoy the fruits of my labour ; as also be commander of my own castle and garrison , and such well deserving souldiers in it , as hath served neer this six yeers , without means , but out of my own fortune hath maintained officers and souldiers , there being neer 6000. pounds in arrear , due to me ; and having lost as great a fortune in that kingdom , in stock , and rent , as any here hath , what such hard usage may produce , and what dishonour this will be to me , to have another put over my head , with the charge of those two counties , wherewith i was at the beginning of this rebellion intrusted , by warrant and commission , from the lords justices , and councell of that kingdom , to raise , and command , what numbers of men i thought fit for the service ; and now to be turned out of this trust , after all my long service , great losse , and sufferings , unquestioned for any misdemeanours , or neglect in that charge , i humbly submit to your honours judicious wisdoms . tendering to your further considerations , my weak opinion out of my knowledge and experience of the countrey , and out of my faithfull zeal for the advancement of the service ; what i hold fittest for the present to be done concerning connaught . that according as i joyned in a paper with sir charls coote , mentioning the way we intended to prosecute the war there : we may be inabled with equall power to help one another , as we shall stand in need , and that i may be trusted onely with those two counties , with what proportion of the supplies shall be thought fitting for me to make use of . that sir charls coote may command the rest of the whole province , consisting of four counties , which he may the easier deal withall , i taking charge of the other two , which i have so long served for ; and it were hard measure , if not injustice , to turn me out of the province , and out of my own house with disgrace , which must be no otherwise , if he must be lord precedent of connaught ; yet rather then i should in any way appear in opposition to the parliaments pleasure ( if it were not to informe them of the conveniences and dangers , which may concern their own services ) i should choose to forsake all . consider likewise , that sir charles cootes house , and being , is so far remote from sligoe , and those parts in leitrim , wherein i live , as with no conveniency can he do service there , without neglecting the countrey where he lives , being neer fifty miles distant . if the parliament be resolved not to give ear or credit to my opinion or advice , let me have my arrears , and contentment for my house , and interrest in that province , and dispose of me elsewhere , at their pleasure . frederick hammilton . finis . mephibosheth and ziba, or, the appeal of the protestants of ireland to the king concerning the settlement of that kingdom by the author of the mantle thrown off, or, the irish-man dissected. h. b. 1689 approx. 130 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 36 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a30918 wing b76 estc r8543 12530000 ocm 12530000 62756 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30918) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62756) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 304:5) mephibosheth and ziba, or, the appeal of the protestants of ireland to the king concerning the settlement of that kingdom by the author of the mantle thrown off, or, the irish-man dissected. h. b. [8], 63 p. printed for r. chiswell ..., london : 1689. h.b. is the author of the mantle thrown off. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1688-1689. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2008-02 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion mephibosheth and ziba : or , the appeal of the protestants of ireland to the king , concerning the settlement of that kingdom . — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . plat. in sympos . ex hesiod . by the author of the mantle thrown off : or , the irish-man dissected . licens'd , august the 30 th . 1689. london , printed for r. chiswell , at the rose and crown in st. paul's church-yard . mdclxxxix . the preface to the reader . if we compare our present , with all the circumstances of our late unhappy condition , by descending to a considerate recollection of those desperate attempts of arbitrary government , to violate our religion , and the laws , and to enslave these kingdoms , by a despotick invasion upon our just rights and properties : we must either account it the signal effects of a wonderful providence , or else make our ingratitude as great a miracle , as was that of our deliverance : and as we chiefly owe all to that divine hand , who by his over-ruling influence disposes of sublunary affairs , by turning them which way soever he pleases ; so must we subordinately to him , ascribe the present settlement to his instrument , and the restorer of our peace , his now sacred majesty . now as all good men here must needs express the happiness and tranquillity they enjoy , by acknowledgments of this nature ; so it may be presumed , that his protestant subjects of ireland , are not wanting in a right sense of that affectionate tenderness , and regard for their interest and present condition , which his majesty has graciously vouchsafed such evincing demonstrations of . for if the greatness of any danger , does justly require a proportionable estimate upon the means conducing to a deliverance from it ; then consequently the british protestants of ireland are by so much their more obliged unto higher testimonies of gratitude , for his majesty's princely endeavours to re-instate them in their religion , laws , liberties , and possessions , than were those of england , by how much all these were in a greater measure infringed and now actually and totally violated . but as this is a truth , which ( by more than bare arguments of presumption ) i fully perswade my self , that no protestant of that kingdom , is so insensible of , as to dispute , whatever some unreasonable male contents , and factious ill-spirited men , fondly attempt to do , that are inhabitants of this ; yet seeing his majesty has expressed so much condescention , as to vouchsafe liberty to such of them as are in london , to offer their reasons in the framing up of a proclamation of pardon to the irish rebels , it might justly be accounted a betraying as well of their majesties , as of their own interest , not to endeavour by lawful methods , a just preservation of both . i know it will be difficult for them to avoid a censorious imputation of partiality and prejudice , especially by such as are in the bottom disaffected to them ; or rather in the main to the protestant cause , how zealously soever they assume the outward shape of it . to this sort of men , the most candid , and indifferent representation of the present insurrection of ireland , will be looked upon with an evil eye , and under stood as an effect of self-interest . others there are that may misinterpret their proceedings , not out of a general disaffection to the british protestants , but because at this distance it is impossible for them ( how intelligent soever in matters of state and government ) to be throughly acquainted with the humour and genius of the native irish , of which none ( i presume ) can be such competent judges as those , who have been long conversant in the country , and have had the opportunities of inspecting into all their affairs , and to observe how their begotted zeal , their insuperable cruelty , and aversion to the english , their natural inconstancy , and perfidiousness in the breach of faith , and the most sacred and solemn obligations , which they can possibly lie under , or be engaged in , raised and fomented partly by the vileness of their tempers , but chiefly by the instigation of their priests , who are the publick incendiaries of that kingdom ; and whilst the people are governed by their arbitrary influence over them , it must happen of course , that such implacable enemies to the reformed religion , will possess their blind and slavish votaries with a like antipathy , both against it , and its professors : by which 't is plain , that if they were well inclined , yet lies it not in their power to be true to the english , the infallible dictates of their priests superseding all other considerations with them . not to enumerate their other qualities , i shall only add their dexterous obsequiousness under the protestant ( which has been no small delusion , and mischief to the too credulous english ) and their insupportable tyranny and insolence under their own government . we usually say , that experience is the best school-master ; and that an ocular , and practical , is preferrable to a remote and speculative knowledge , which being a maxim , non solum dato , sed concesso , as well granted as allowed on all hands , it must needs follow , that the protestant nobility and gentry of ireland , are most capable of understanding its proper constitution , and of proposing such expedients , as my produce the most durable , as well as equal settlement of that kingdom . i say , equal settlement , because though their sufferings have been such , as may in justice demand a retribution from the invaders of their lawful possessions ; yet on the other hand , do the principles of their religion , as well as natural clemency and compassion ( which their enemies even in the late reign , could not but acknowledge , how far soever they were from imitating them ) restrain them from thoughts of blood , and from a mutual exercise , and return of the like measures of severity , which have been shewn to them , their profession not allowing them any such latitude , as to do evil that good may come of it ; seeing that the apostle has thought fit to pass sentence upon that unlawful practice , so common in , and peculiar to the church of rome , by that plain asseveration , that their damnation is just . but though both their religion , and , their natures , carry a powerfull propension in them to acts of mercy ; yet neither ( i suppose ) will debar them from recovering of their own , by having justice done upon such , as have violently rent it from them ; nor will yet hinder them from taking such justifiable , but effectual courses , as may incapacitate their adversaries to commit the like for the future : and besides the common equity , we may draw the reasonableness of the first of these , from the pungent necessity , which the english are reduced to through the rapin , and outrages of the irish , especially such whose substance consisted chiefly in personal estates , for which if they should have no compensation from their injurers , such , by consequence , must ( notwithstanding the reduction of that kingdom ) remain in a miserable , and distressed , who liv'd formerly in a very opulent , and comfortable condition : and then as to others who have real estates to return to , ( tho' they have likewise incurred great losses in their stock , &c. ) yet i perswade my self , that there are hardly any of them , but would desire to be divested of both , and to continue in their present exile , under all the hardships of an indigent and mean estate , rather than return to their own with the conditions of a general pardon , and indemnity to the irish ; who are so naturally , i had almost said essentially prone to rebellion , as to grasp at the next opportunity , which must needs end in the inevitable ruine , and final extirpation of the british . a serious consideration upon all which , has by a natural sympathy to my distressed countrey-men , as well as out of an hearty zeal to religion , and a due regard to the preservation of the protestant interest , incited me to commit the following sheets to publick view : for which boldness , i could expect no pardon , if a matter of so universal a nature , as is the settlement of a nation , did not with all candid and judicious men , give a great allowance to the infirmities of so honest a design . and tho' i heartily wish , that some more accurate pen would undertake the subject , the neglect whereof seems to be an unpardonable omission in those , whose learning and parts entitle them to an ingenious defence both of themselves , and others in that kingdom ; yet their silence in a juncture , and upon an occasion , which so nearly concerns them , if they have a due regard to their religion , and to a firm and lasting settlement of their country , made me choose rather to say something , tho' impertinently , than to be wanting altogether to the maintenance of so good a cause , wherein men of learned education , and of a great interest in that kingdom , are unaccountably defective ; excepting that ingenious gentleman colonel phillips , to whose character and vindication of ireland , that nation stands infinitely indebted . another reason to the former , is , in pursuance to a letter dated from tunbridge , and writ to a friend in london upon this occasion , wherein i promised a larger discourse ; and to make my word good , have adventured upon the following tract ; in which the reader will find the substance of that letter , together with many other ample , and additional improvements , the design whereof ( to represent it in a word ) is to shew how improper it is to vouchsafe a pardon to the nobility and gentry of the irish papists , in order to reduce the populace to obedience ; but that the quite contrary , is the best method , as well for a safe and durable , as for a ready and expeditious conquest of that kingdom , &c. but i will detain you no longer in the porch , but send yon to the main work in the ensuing relation . mephibosheth & ziba , or , the appeal of the protestants of ireland to the king , &c. of such dismal and amazing consequence , to the british protestants , have been those frequent revolutions in the government of ireland , occasion'd by the constant rebellions and vile perfidiousness of the natives ; but more especially the two last scenes , of forty one , and the present deplorable juncture , have offer'd to the world so black and odious a representation of their unparallel'd barbarity and insolence , as gives occasion of wonder at the present proceedings , as to the framing of a proclamation for their pardon . it is difficult indeed to imagine that those men who have committed so publick a devastation in that lamentable kingdom , been so inhumanly injurious to their kind and too indulgent neighbours , t●● english ; as to divest those of their substance a●● estates , who were formerly the chief instru●●●●● of their support ; nay more , which are immers'd in protestant blood , should ( after all their repeated violences and horrid outrages ) be kindly and amicably treated by those whom they bear an utter abhorrence and detestation to . this ( though design'd as an effect of transcendent mercy ) is a most insuperable grievance to the protestants of that kingdom , and not to them peculiarly , but to england also , if rightly and duly reflected upon . but that this is not gratis dictum , i shall endeavour to evince by the sequel of this discourse , by asserting , that so unaccountable has the antipathy of the irish ever been towards the english , that those commonly inviolable bonds both of religion and interest , ( which we find so operative in other nations ) and with which they were link'd together , were not able to overcome it . that even when the english were earnestly supplicated by their own kings , to vouchsafe their assistance , and presented them with victory over their enemies and competitors ; yet at the same time , by such a monstrous ingratitude , ( as 't is hard to conceive humane nature to be guilty of ) were barbarously assassinated by those savages , to whom they had procured deliverance . but a better instance cannot be given of that radicared and unalterable prejudice , which they bear towards the english , than its continuance by an uninterrupted hereditary succession or lineal descent from father to son , ever since the first footing of the british in that kingdom ; and therefore , as a terrour to their children , when they would frighten them , they are wont to use this irish expression , hoot-a-sasonought ; the meaning whereof is , that the english are coming ; by which means their children suck in , together with their milk , a natural aversion to them . so essentially true is that expression , odiunt quos metuunt : those whom men fear , such they hate ; humane nature being impatient under superiors , and by a powerful instinct of self-love , apt to convert their esteem of , into hatred against such persons whom they are not able to govern and controul ; but rather whos 's high power and interest they look upon as dangerous to the repose both of themselves and others . and as this principle is true in it self , so has it been carefully instill'd by the irish parents , into their children , industriously cherishing and improving all the outward symptoms of their dislike to the interest and government of the english ; against which , as they use their utmost endeavours to embitter and prepossess them , so are their priests as active to sowre and corrupt their judgments , with wild and terrifying notions of the falshood and heresie of the protestant religion ; pronouncing the severest anathemaes of eternal condemnation to all that profess it , and representing to them , that they are without the pale of the church , and to be treated as common enemies to the faith ; that they are no otherwise to be accounted of than as dogs and castaways , or a sort of infernal spirits , which are sent into their country , to inflict a punishment upon their bodies , and for a trial of their constancy in the religion of the holy church : but that god will in his due time give them the victory over them , and that then they will do god good service that are most instrumental in their destruction . these daily and repeated suggestions of the priests , which operate upon their votaries by a lasting and deep impression , have ( together with the leaven'd principles of a byass'd and partial education derived from their parents ) established such a fundamental hatred in their minds against any thing that bears the stamp of english , that whenever by their rebellion they wrested the reins of government from them , their implacable rage did not only extend to their innocent persons , but to every vegetative and inanimate substance that bore but the characters of their improvement . and to me it seems an unparallel'd instance of an irreconcileable inveteracy , thus to destroy the flourishing effects of the english industry , when no other way remain'd of executing their inhumane fury , tho' at the same time they thereby defac'd the beauty and ornaments of their country , and consequently acted diametrically contrary to their own true interest . but , alas ! this aversion was so deeply rooted by the aforesaid artifices , consisting in the education of their parents , and instructions of their priests , that no acts of clemency or indulgence were ever found capable to prevail with them to adhere faithfully to the government and crown of england ; no , not the highest titles of honour or dignity ; not their matrimonial alliances with the english ; not the largest priviledges or immunities from the crown ; not the greatest places of trust , or most weighty employments in the state ; not the highest opportunities of advantage , or of secular profit : and in fine , not any encouragements which were either in the power of the english to bestow , or of them to accept , could induce them to extinguish that hatred in their breasts , which upon all inviting occasions they executed upon the protestants , trampling upon all their obligations and civilities by a most horrid ingratitude and an insolent contempt ; and that humanity , which in the very breast of a cannibal would claim some power , seem'd so quite eras'd out of their hearts in all their outrages towards the english , as if their cruelties had quite unmann'd them , and ( as it were ) sunk their erect into a savage shape of wolves and tygers . indeed , the gratifying of their lusts was oftentimes of that prevalence with their grandees , that to answer their importunity they were necessitated to enter into marriage with english families , in whose beauty and humour , though 't was impossible for them not to manifest very great complacency ; yet were not their amours to the children sufficient to restrain their barbarity from the parents : an instance as unnatural to others , as peculiar to these monsters ; and should i undertake to enumerate the tragedies committed by them , upon such whose near relations they had taken to their own beds , all mankind must needs consider their unequal'd inhumanity with horror and amazement . but i refer the reader to the history of ireland , where he may meet with an abundant variety of places to this purpose , together with those various tragick scenes of such bloody massacres and impious assassinations , as no story can parallel for the matter , nor satan himself contrive more butcherly arts in the manner of their execution . but i shall not insist longer upon these things , which are but too lively imprinted in the memories of the irish protestant sufferers ; but rather proceed to my present design , which is to shew , that pardon and lenity to them , however it carries the face of mercy , is yet in reality the contrary . and in the second place , that it will not attain the end design'd , the more easie reduction of that kingdom . in relation to the first of these , it is to be consider'd , that mercy , in its true and genuine importance , is a work of deliverance and preservation , and wheresoever it is vouchsafed , a chief regard is to be had to the security of men's rights and interests . now 't is plain , that pardoning of the irish cannot be capable of any such interpretation , unless it be granted , that the british of ireland have been usurpers of their rights . 't is but too apparent , that the present insurrection of ireland has wasted and destroyed the whole kingdom ; that thousands of the english have either become sacrifices to the rage and cruelty of the natives , or else have perish'd by famine or other disasters . if then it be demanded , who were the agents of this publick mischief and calamity ? was not all of it transacted by the irish ? that is a truth which admits of no dispute . but if it be again ask'd , were not the natives irritated thereunto by provocations receiv'd from the english ? this indeed may be controverted by some who are foreigners to the state of that kingdom ; and therefore i think it fit to return an answer to that objection , by taking a short survey of the late condition of ireland , immediately before this universal devastation committed by the papists . tyrconnel was seated at the helm , a bitter and implacable enemy to the british protestants . the militia , all compos'd of english , had for a considerable time before been disarmed . the standing army , made up of english souldiery , disbanded ; and irish , both officers and private souldiers , preferr'd to their places . the corporations divested of their old charters , and then new modell'd by turning out the protestants , and placing natives of the kingdom in the magistracy and government of them . papists made judges , put into the commission of the peace , constituted sheriffs , coroners , constables , &c. throughout the whole kingdom . the protestant clergy disturbed in their ministry , and the discharge of their sacred function . many of the poorer sort of protestants practis'd upon by various arts of the popish priests , and thereby seduc'd from their religion , and turn'd papists . the houses of the sick invaded both by seculars and regulars , who would violently shut the protestants doors against their own ministers , and by a thousand impious contrivances and unheard-of machinations , so menace and terrifie them with the thoughts of damnation to those of their religion , as forced them in the agonies of death to renounce the principles of their faith ; or at least the priests pretended that they did so , and that they came off conquerors , the known and apparent refusal of many notwi●hstanding . this transient prospect of affairs does sufficiently discover to us , that the irish were under no hard or severe circumstances from the protestants , and far from standing in awe of them , who ( now that the course of things was so manifestly inverted ) were become their masters , instead of that of their slaves and vassals . but perhaps it may be urged , that the protestants were for espousing the interest of king william , then prince of orange : and indeed , 't was reasonably to be supposed , that all persons who had any valuable regard for their religion , or to the retrieving of the laws and constitutions of the land , were strongly inclined to favour and assist in so good and advantagious a design . but then , alas ! the english were in no capacity of putting their good wishes in execution : they had been disarm'd , and thereby divested of all ability whereby to make any considerable defence , or to provide for their security : besides , they were under a strict guard from their enemies , who had all the power and strength of the kingdom in their hands , and kept a vigilant and an attentive eye upon all their actions : which kept the english so much in subjection , and was so great a discouragement unto them , that hardly any attempted to declare for the prince , till february ; whereas most of the rapin and devastation was committed before . this compendious description of affairs will ( i presume ) be deem'd sufficient to satisfie all judicious and impartial men , that without the least provocation or plausible pretence of right , the irish papists have acted the late massacres , burnings , and other publick mischiefs and calamities upon the protestants of ireland : which if they had been mutual and reciprocal injuries , though they that were in a good cause , would have been sufferers for their loyalty and service to the king ; yet on the other hand , there might have been room for the king's mercy . but where the inveteracy of a malicious antagonist discharged it self in whole vollies upon a quiet and inoffensive people , without any other inducement than that of a bare surmise , that they were inwardly affected to king william ; seems as irrational and unjustifiable an argument for those violent outrages committed thereupon ; as 't is haply , without precedent ( if duly reflected upon in all its circumstances and respects ) that men so habituated to rebellion , and profess'd enemies to the protestant interest and religion , should have a pardon vouchsafed unto them . i now proceed to shew , that a pardon to the irish cannot properly be interpreted an effect of mercy , but in reality the contrary . to illustrate this to you , i think it reasonable to affirm , that that cannot be accounted an effect of mercy , which is extended to such criminals as have invaded and usurped the rights and properties of others ; which is consequent to my first position , that mercy is to be confin'd within the boundaries of common right : and if this were not so , such as live most obedient to the government , could expect no security from it ; which would be a practice as disagreeable to the first institution of government in the world , as 't is contrary to nature and the common reason of mankind . besides , by this means no government could long subsist , because it must necessarily encourage such men as openly violate and contemn its injunctions ; and by consequence , such as most trample upon , must possess the places of judicature , and the greatest offenders become prime ministers of state. but to encounter this argument more closely , 't is a maxim receiv'd among princes , to manage with a steady and equal hand in affairs of state , and in consequence hereunto a general pardon is reckon'd to be a mutual good. but in pursuance to this ( i presume ) it will be granted , that such as have adher'd to the interest of king william , and consequently have , upon all occasions , demonstrated their zeal and sincerity for the protestant cause and religion , may reasonably put in as just a claim to his mercy , as such who have declared their enmity to both . the justice and equality of this matter being thus considered , it is not to be suppos'd , that he who came to rescue our selves and the reformed religion from the violent intrusion of romish idolatry and slavery , would transfer our possessions to those whose injustice he came to punish and suppress . this seems to be an act of greater severity than was that precipitate and hasty judgment of david to mephibosheth , let ziba and thou divide : for in this case the irish are in possession of the whole , and are so far from making any overtures , or shewing any indication of their submission , that they have not so much as the argument of that unworthy sycophant on their sides , meeting the king on the way . nay , so far have they deviated from the least of that respect which is even owing to a christian , that in their common discourses they cursed the very name of the prince of orange , as the off-spring of that man who was so fatal to the romish church in the netherlands , which they feared , was an ominous presage of his posterity's being so to the● . and if their inveterate malice against the british protestants in ireland was capable of any addition , they augmented it ; for the affection which was visibly discernable in them , to his now sacred majesty , whose person and government the irish papists have in so great an abhorrence , and do , with the most impious anathemaes , so inhumanly execrate and revile , that we may justly account their malice not inferiour to that of the jews to our saviour , in scourging his effigies , as a meritorious act in their devotion . but i would not be understood in this place , as if the tenour of th●s discourse were design'd to restrain the fountain of the king's mercy ; but if the current be diverted from its proper channel , by turning it from his enclosures into the common , methinks there is a reasonable subject of complaint against those , whose avarice and too-interested a regard to their private advantage ( in prejudice to the publick welfare , not perhaps of one , but of three nations ) carry them beyond the bounds both of reason and common equity . we have had the most cogent and evincing demonstrations , that the royal affections of his majesty are graciously inclin'd to us , by that wonderful condescention shewn to his irish protestant subjects , in that he permits , nay , commands them to speak ; and since he is thus mercifully pleased to hear them represent their grievances ( the effects of their faithful adherence to the cause he owns ) they presume to request no more than this , not to be debarr'd from the benefits of his grace and favour to them : they claim nothing of what in justice belongs to their adversaries ; but desire their own , not the possessions of others , but a restitution of their proper right , and this not to extend to losses in war , ( which those who outwardly seem to espouse , but secretly endeavour to undermine our true interest , would insinuate ) but for robberies and other outragious acts of violence , committed in time of peace : and these of so notorious a nature , that had even their own popish government , and king , been in any capacity of asserting but part of the laws , the offenders would ( at least in some degree ) have been constrained to make restitution . nor do the protestants of ireland desire the blood of any , the principles of whose religion , as well as natural clemency , being such as permits them not to repay their adversaries in their own coin ; but to chuse rather to leave them to god , and the king's justice . that which they would pray and intreat for , is only that which might be a means of preserving those , who have escaped the irish cruelty , as to their lives , though not in their estates : namely 〈◊〉 reparation for their substance taken from them , without which , they must inevitably perish , being in a worse condition than were the egyptians , when they told joseph , that they had nothing left but their bodies and lands : whereas these poor protestants , who are now most humble supplicants to his majesty , were never invested in the latter , their whole substance consisting in personal estates , which they were totally stripped and dispossessed of . some have urged his majesty's proclamation of pardon in scotland , as an argument to infer the reasonableness and necessity of the like to be extended to the rebels in ireland ; but 't is plain to me , that an instance of so great disparity , insisted upon by men of understanding , serves but to confirm the apprehensions and opinions of many in that , which 't is not my business here to mention : only this i will affirm , that it seems not to be chargeable upon our prime ministers of state , but upon a small fry that hope to fat themselves in the troubled waters of ireland . they are not unacquainted with the humour and disposition of the irish , and how subject they are to bribe , when reduced to any exigency : for which reason they are very unwilling at present to dispossess them of that wealth , which by rapin and spoil they have gained from the english ; to the intent that it may be left to be offered at their altars , to make an atonement for them . but to return , it seems easie to answer that objection of the proceedings of scotland , which in no circumstances or respects , run parallel with the present rebellion of ireland . those of scotland were guilty of no murthers or robberies , upon their first excursion , but acted only in their own defence ; whereas those of ireland , began both , without any opposition , or the le●st disturbance given them by the british . they of scotland had a pretence ( though weak and insufficient ) of being induced to what they did , at the instigation of their lords , and grandees , who were for the late king james , and acted under his commission . but they of ireland had not so much as this colour , when they committed their outrages in that kingdom . nay , to come nearer to them , even their own government issued out proclamations for restraining their inhumane violence : though 't was plain , that this was only a pretence of justice , there being no effectual course taken to bring notorious offendors to the least , not to say , condign punishment , but were rather secretly animated , and encouraged in their villanies by their gentlemen , and grandees . but to come to a period , as to this affair of scotland , they are a people of the same nation , united in one common interest ; nay , and in religion too , as to the main and essential part of it : and his majesties pardon , when graciously vouchsafed to such , may be interpreted to be of an universal influence , and extent , because it comprehends as well friends as enemies , by reaching to those relations which are general among them , and so in a manner including all ; besides , what these rebels did , was by vertue of a pretended commission , and so their opposition , and acts of hostility , may come under the construction of a war , and in that respect more proper for pardon . whereas the irish ( not to enumerate particulars , or to aggravate matters , which are notorious enough in themselves ) can lay claim to none of these reasons , in all which they are utterly foreign , and bear no relation to the british protestants . i will now descend to a recital of those reasons , which seem of force to perswade any unprejudiced and impartial man , that a general and free pardon will not attain the end designed , the speedy reduction of ireland . we that by sad and lamentable experience are fully acquainted with the humour and genius of the natives of that kingdom , are none of us ignorant that arts of mildness and indulgence , are not proper means to dispose them to obedience ; the more that they are caressed , or favoured , the more rough , and intractable they appear to be : and all the civilities , or acts of kindness , which have , or can be shewn to them , do but serve to heighten their insolence , and ingratitude , instead of begetting in them any hearty affection , or esteem . that this is an impartial , as well as practical , and not a malicious , or speculative notion of the evil temper , and vile disposition of this people , as well their former , as their late unworthy carriage towards those of the english , who had been most obliging to them , is a demonstrative , and an infallible proof ; by which the protestants are now ( though too late ) convinced , that in this , they nearly resemble their bogs , which are never to be trusted to by going gently over , but the only safety is by cutting your way to the bottom . if any proposals be made to them either in war , or peace , they immediately draw this favourable inference from it to themselves , that they are looked upon as very formidable , and considerable ; that they are of the stronger side , and upon that account will never resolve to submit : i want not instances which i could recount of this present rebellion , of divers gentlemen , who applied to some of the irish grandees , for their protection , upon assurance of former friendship , ( which the irish are as profuse in the expressions , as they are perfidious in the discharge of ) and to that , they added promises of making suitable retribution , to whatsoever acts of favour should be shewn to them ; but instead of meeting with a return of kindness from the irish , ( as the former civilities done to them , and their repeated acknowledgments of them , with most vehement protestations of a sincere friendship , might have made it reasonable for them to expect ) were entertained with insultings , and vile expressions of reproach , and contempt . again , i cannot see , how a general pardon will affect them to a suitable submission , or to a laying down of their arms , it will rather make them more obstinate in their rebellion , which i gather from the following reasons . first , if it be an argument on our side , to hasten the conquest , for fear of assistance from the french , or of our other embroils ; this seems to give equal encouragement to the irish , to hold out , in expectation of those advantages so favourable to their interest . the irish understanding and courage is observed to be by themselves understood , and depended upon by negatives : the enemy , say they , are afraid of us ; therefore they know , we are wise in council , and strong in arms ; if not , they would never offer such terms to us . 't is a maxim received amongst them , never bid first ; and they deduce this consequence from it , that he 's on the weaker side who does . the commonalty of the irish are born up in this rebellion by the assurances they have from their priests , of being relieved by catholick princes : that the common interest of their holy church and religion , will oblige them to it : that the present differences betwixt them and the french will be compos'd by the next pope ; there being nothing more common than for every infallible vicar of christ , to act diametrically contrary to his predecessor ; as being generally of another interest , swayed by different principles , and governed by new maxims and policies of state. to this they add , that 't is impossible for catholick princes to joyn with hereticks to maintain the interest of an usurper , who is such an open and profess'd enemy to their church , in opposition to saint james , whom they style , the confessor , and doubt not to see him triumphant over the hereticks of europe : these and the like , are the usual arguments of the priests , which they artfully instil into the common people . now what can more effectually confirm them in the belief of this opinion , than to offer them more than they can ask , ( viz. ) a pardon for life and estate , together with the enjoyment of all they had before the rebellion ; and not only that , but what they have violently got since by robbing and pillageing of the english . the irish have not been shie in their frequent discourses , that if they miscarried in this attempt , the requital must be such as to put them beyond all expectation of another opportunity : for they confessed , that what they did , proceeded not from any provocation given them by the english ; nor could they have any pretence ( the government being wholly vested in themselves ) whereas in the former rebellion they wanted not matter of complaint , for which reasons they owned , that they could not think of mercy , if that proved an abortive , which they were labouring with all their might to bring forth to such perfection as to secure , and perpetuate to themselves the catholick interest , and religion , all which is agreeable to their motto , now , or never ; now , and for ever . and to confirm them in their opinions in this matter , take the following brief account of their actions . their lords , and clergy , put the populace upon the most violent and irregular courses , telling them , that they must now trust to their musket and skene ; for their actions have been such , as left no room for a pardon from the english ; and pursuant to this , there is scarce a private soldier , but will tell the protestants that they expect no mercy , as being conscious to themselves , that they have left nothing undone that could provoke , or disoblige the protestants . now if after all this , they be courted and addressed to , before a blow is struck by the king's army , which is sent over ; they will be so far from making a right use of this indulgence , that it will only raise their scorn , and puff them up with insolence and ambition , equal to that of their obtaining a victory : for however his majesty in great mercy and tenderness of christian blood , may make proposals to them ; yet their earthy , and slavish nature , is such , as will induce them to believe , that nothing but fear of them , begets those tenders of pardon and mercy , and whilst they are prepossessed with apprehensions of so base a a composition , and alloy , offers of indemnity to their grandees , is to them huzza's of victory . the next reason in maintenance of my opinion , is , that giving pardon to all that lay down arms , &c. will be a means to enlarge the war : for no doubt the generality of men of estates will make their submission to the english government , but this outward compliance will only render them the more useful to their own party , both in respect of giving them intelligence , and advice , and of supplying them with money , which they may receive out of their estates in the english quarters , and their friends out of that in the irish . it seems a vulgar , and dangerous errour to believe , that taking away the men of estates from the irish , will be a means of obliging the rest to submit , whereas it rather portends the quite contrary , and i 'm really of opinion , that the irish ambition is nothing beyond having them in their quarters . this renders them formidable in the opinion of their own party , that they should be so courted , and sortifies the commonalty with an assurance , that when matters are come to the worst , they can have recourse to a pardon . this may be deemed a maxim of war calculated for the world of the moon , that upon a rebellion , the men of estates , and leaders into it , as soon as they have formed an army and headed them , till they had seized upon all the english estates , should then be invited to pardon , and thereby be capacitated to attend , not only the present success of this , but of another rebellion : which as it has been a practice too frequently pursued in the english conquests of ireland , as its fatal consequences have but too fully evinc'd ; so is it matter of astonishment , and admiration to see the same measures re-assumed in the present juncture this seems an invitation to them to rebel , to vouchsafe a pardon to such , by whose influence and example the inferiour sort have been prompted , and instigated to it : for the rabble are not capable of making an head , but by the government , and direction of their superiors ; but when once they are gathered into a body , they are then more easily managed , and commanded without them : and 't is doubtless a signal advancement to their common interest and design , to protect , and preserve them 'till the next opportunity presents , of making another attempt . on the contrary , it appears to be much more reasonable , to believe , that the pardoning the populace , and excluding their commanders , would be a more expeditious expedient whereby to obtain the kingdom : for though the irish heads of their clans influence the common people , whilst the lands , and herds follow them , yet that homage , and dependance , ceaseth of course , when they are divested of both . this common experience evinceth to be true , by shewing how careless and unnatural the vulgar irish are to their grandees , when they find it their interest not to adhere to them . this would quickly receive a demonstration , if a proclamation were issued forth , extending only to private , and inferiour men , or at least to none exceeding the degree of a captain . before the late king james's accession to the crown , men rarely heard the poorer sort speak of their old lords , but with sad complaints , that they had ever been the occasion of their ruin ; and whatever they now do , proceeded more from a dependence upon foreign aid , than any confidence they placed either in their chieftians , or themselves and if now an experiment were made , which they would adhere to , whether their english , or irish landlords ? this would no longer remain a question , for they are by so much the more sensible of the great advantages derived to them from the english government , by how much they are possessed with a deep sense and apprehension of their present sufferings , under their own , or rather french tyranny , when the english farthing is become their sixpence . it is not rational for men to adhere to such as are in no capacity , either of securing themselves , or their dependants : separate them from the opinion of foreign assistance , and they will soon despair of their own strength , and forsake their grandees ; but to reduce them by pardoning their lords , is ( if it should take ) the only way to fix them perpetually to them , and suggest to them an opinion , that they are very considerable abroad in their foreign alliance ; or else , that the english would not make court to them at home , when they are at their devotion , and lie at their mercy , as now they must be own'd to do . besides , the bringing in the common people by their lords , is to make them own their deliverance to them , and consequently to be under a stricter and more indispensable obligation of homage and subjection to them , than formerly ; which ( i presume ) would be a thing neither honourable nor safe . the ordinary people have no inclination to travailing , no , not so much as removing from one province to another . let them but enjoy the conveniency of returning to their cabins , and of living quietly under the protection and security of the english laws and government , and they will account to have made a very good and advantagious exchange . thus having , in general terms , described the present constitution and circumstances of the irish , i shall now descend to particulars , and first look back into their ancient forms and modes of government , before the arrival of the english in that kingdom , which nearly resembled that of the arabs , though not so regular : for their chief regard was to the power and force of him that govern'd , not to the right of succession ; it was enough , if he were of the same family , whether brother or son. elder or younger , and in proportion to these wild maxims , they enjoyed their estates . he that was accounted the most warlike , or more truly speaking most barbarous , the rest of the family submitted to him . this savage custom prevailed upon them till the coming of the english , whose presence among them gave some check to it ; yet could never be extirpated , till the english laws and government were established in their country , which to this day ( notwithstanding their present usurpation ) they cannot but acknowledge to be an happy conquest ; but though the advantages of it be great to themselves , yet there are many of them so unreasonably prepossest in favour of their former confusion , or rather in prejudice to their present change , because done by the english , as to wish again for their onions and garlick of aegypt , and to anathematize the best reform'd amongst them , for introducing the english customes and restraints upon a free people , as they accounted themselves , when indeed they were but slaves to their own brutality and lust . i shall not stuff paper with what our chronicles and histories of ireland relate , as to the title and interest of england to that kingdom , nor repeat the treasure of blood and coin it has cost , to preserve it under the english government ; but shall only observe to the reader , that it never continu'd so long without a deluge of blood , as in the late calm and peaceable interval , since the war of forty one , which was not ended till fifty three , nor the kingdom setled till sixty three . so that by a proper computation , it was not perfectly quiet in the possession of the british protestants above twenty two years ; for we must commence the date of our troubles in that kingdom from the late king 's ascending the throne . this is then but a short rest of twenty two years for that desolate kingdom , ( tired with the long fatigues of a constant war , and almost all its british veins quite emptied of protestant blood ) and yet the longest and most profitable that ever the english enjoy'd there , much of which is attributed to the conquest of cromwell , who thought it a diminution to his honour , to condescend to any terms with so base an enemy ; and had not the interest of their patron , the late king , prevailed in the settlement of that nation , but lest them in the same condition they were found in at the restauration of king charles the second , ireland had been in the greatest tranquillity of any of the three kingdoms , and consequently an entire interest for our deliverer , his present majesty . it is now a matter deserving our consideration , whether that kingdom , as it remains in the irish and french hands ( whether by both or either united ) it can be reasonably suppos'd to with ▪ stand his majesty's forces and subjects in that kingdom . in order to which , first reflect upon the irish , as to their commanders ; and secondly , as to their troops . first , as to their commanders ; notwithstanding that they boast of some few colonels , and inferiour officers , yet they cannot nominate one man that ever actually did or can command a field . their great captain justin mac carthy might be as good in a cellar as any general in europe ; but in a field ( as the king of denmark said of him , when he was sent to him ) his army must not be commanded by glass-eyes . their offi●ers being thus mean , their troops are next to be considered , and they perchance in the general , are the most abject wretches in the world ▪ taken by force from the spade and cabin , who by blows and continual instruction , were brought to handle their arms , but not one in ten can fire a musquet without shut eyes and a trembling hand . i speak not this at randome , or by hear-say , but upon good grounds . 't is true , their horse are better , but yet we have had a demonstration of their behaviour and all their actions in the north. this being a true character of their own force , their dependence must be upon the french auxiliaries , to supply these defects ; but how that suits with the irish interest and design is not difficult to imagine . the irish gentry ( for i must say that the common people desire not war with the english ) put themselves upon this rebellion , not so much out of a loyal adherence to their king , as to be free lords of the soil , and are now under no predominancy , if they are capable by their own strength to continue their deliverance , otherwise they had better be under the english mild government than the french arbitrary power , whose cruel tyranny to his native subjects affords no invitation or encouragement to others , to put themselves under it . by this short enquiry , it seems plain , that the present posture of affairs in ireland , are not in so good a disposition , as to entitle those wretched people to demand terms , but rather to throw themselves upon and acquiesce in the king's mercy ; and that to descend to capitulations with them , much more to give their leaders pardon , is to encourage and revive a running enemy . if then it be granted , that they are not in a capacity to oppose the arms of england , and that one fourth of the kingdom is already in the actual possession of the protestants , the best of the irish forces lost , and that many of them living have laid down their arms. this being premised , the next thing to be considered , is , what motives there are for giving pardon to their chief commanders , and those which are insisted upon are two . the first is , that by giving a general pardon , the kingdom will be the sooner gain'd . the second , that a pardon will preserve the towns and cities , which the irish will burn , if made desperate . to the first of these i shall return a two sold answer . first , that a pardon to the chief lords and men of estates , will not affect the army , for that few of them are consider'd there as souldiers , in regard that other men , subordinate to them , are the commanders and leaders in the army ; so that pardoning them secures not the men of action , who lie under such circumstances as a general pardon will not free them from . secondly , a pardon for all crimes and misdemeanours relating to the crown , will be no security to the private souldiers , captains , lieutenants , &c. my reason is , for that all the robberies and spoils done to the english , were committed by such , though at the secret instigation and encouragement of their great ones . now the english cannot prefer an action at law against any but these private men ; and if thereby they become obliged ( as in justice they ought ) to make restitution of what they have made a violent seizure from the other , that must certainly bring on their inevitable ruin , which will make it as equal to them to die in the field as in a gaol . and now , as to the second motive , that a general pardon will prevent burning and other devastations , i answer , that it will have the quite contrary effect , and consequently be an occasion of more mischief ; which i undertake to demonstrate from the following reasons . first , it is an unalterable maxim , rivetted amongst ●em , as well by the principles of their religion as natural genius and common custom , to do as much mischief as they possibly can to the protestants ; and as soon as they receive an account of this pardon , will be very industrious to leave what marks they can of their inveterate fury ; and 't is possible for them to effect this in a days time throughout the kingdom , and yet keep within the compass of their pardon . secondly , this general pardon will not prevent burning and other destructive arts of the english plantations , but rather promote them ; for that their lords being reinvested in their estates , will consider , that if the english houses and improvements be destroyed , their estates will be the sooner inhabited , for that the english coming in poor , will have nothing to build or improve their estates : so that in course , the irish lands must be first peopl'd . for these reasons it seems evident , that a general pardon will not have the effect propos'd , neither as to the more expeditious reduction of that kingdom , nor for the preventing of the ruin and devastation feared from the irish . the next consideration , in order to the former , is , what mischiefs will attend a general pardon , and how it will affect the english or british interest ; which shall be laid down in these seven following particulars . first , it will be an encouragement to the irish , to commit the same outrages again , and will animate them to an embracing of the first opportunity , which they have now more reason to expect to prove favourable to them , than formerly , since that the french are engaged with them in one bottom , and are link'd together in a general interest , as being ( as 't is said ) by vertue of the late compact , entituled to a share in the kingdom . now , if at any time the french should be at leisure , by concluding of a peace with his enemies abroad , he may , at pleasure , pour an army into ireland , where the natives there will be in a readiness to give them a kind reception , and that without hardly exposing themselves to any hazard , in regard that they will suppose that they will be no losers by it . since a pardon attends their greatest outrages , the worst that can ensue , will be only to bring them in , and to secure them from committing more . secondly , it will enrich the irish , and impoverish the english , who , at a moderate computation , may be deem'd to have lost in personal estates , money , goods , and cattel , to a greater value than the land of the whole kingdom amounts to , all which is in the possession of the irish , which as it renders the protestants of little use in defence of the kingdom , so on the other side , it strengthens the hands of the irish , and makes them formidable and very capable of raising disturbances in it . money commands men , and men command kingdoms , and the irish were never since the conquest , masters of more , if they pass unquestioned , with the personal estates of the british protestants . thirdly , it will be the irresistible ruin of the protestants of that kingdom , seeing that all the tenants are despoiled of their stocks ; so that a tenant having no cattel to put upon his land , can consequently pay no rent , nor be capable of living in the kingdom . a calamity better indeed exprest with tears than ink ; and 't is no small addition to so lamentable a subject , to see some thousands , that twelve months ago , and less , lived perhaps as plentifully as any people of europe , at this day wandring beggars , and some perishing in the fields for want of sustenance , as they must inevitably do , if ireland were in the english hands tomorrow , upon the conditions of a general pardon to the natives . great ( i had almost said , infinite ) numbers there are , that in november last lost personal estates , to the value of thousands , not having now clothes to their backs , nor bread to eat . they are now scattered through this kingdom , some relieved by the benevolence of their relations , others by the publick charity of the kingdom , and by reason of the distance of their abode , are the less remarkable ; but when once they meet together in the same place , from whence they were expell'd by irish robberies and the like acts of an inhumane violence , it may reasonably be said of them , as of the prophet's dry bones , can these live ? and his return will be the proper answer , thou lord , knowest . for , should they have no reprize on the irish estates , they must inevitably perish at the very doors of their enemies . fourthly , as this will ruin all men of personal estates , so will it also have the same effect upon those of real : for , their tenants being lost , their lands must of course lie waste , and even quite depopulated : for , the landlords of ireland were as well stripped of their personal estates , as their tenants , and generally came for england , with as small a provision for their subsistence in it ; so that in their return , they will not have a penny to buy stock , nor a bed to lie upon . fifthly , as it destroys all the protestants that have , or had , an interest in the kingdom ; so it for ever deterrs any new planters . it can never be forgotten , that in the midst of peace a nation was destroyed in a day , and the authors indemnified that did it . who will adventure themselves in such a country , or , at least , attempt to go to a place that lies at the mercy and devotion of savages , and is not protected by its friends . sixthly , a general pardon will make it a perpetual charge to england , as well as place it beyond a possibility of its reimbursing the expence its reduction will now contract upon this nation ; besides the apparent hazard of multiplying the like charge and trouble , by being expos'd to the same work in a few years again ; for , as long as their grandees enjoy their estates , they will influence the populace , so as to have them at their beck , for any design , which they will not be wanting to promote , against the government . seventhly , a general pardon will be the only instrument of preserving all the irish in the kingdom , and for the reasons already mentioned , of diminishing the english , which will make it a perfect irish colony , who are wonderfully productive of their breed , and must therefore necessarily be kept in obedience , by a powerful army , which will be very expensive to the crown , for that it is the english trade and consumption , that made the revenue of ireland , which sinking to a low ebb , must be supplied out of england . these reasons , being allowed to be of force , against granting of a general pardon to the irish ; i will in the next place offer what seems an expedient in this affair , whereby the irish may not be made desperate , nor yet the losing protestants irrecoverably ruined : but that both the one and the other , may be rendered useful to the king and kingdom , and yet even the irish not excluded from his majesty's mercy . i cannot undertake so much as a regular computation of the numbers of the irish , but know in one county where the protestants were numbered 700 , the papists amounted to 7000. and tho' other counties of that kingdom are better planted with british , yet at the lowest , and most moderate reckoning , there is above five irish for one british . now if of so many millions ( for it is not to be supposed that one irish papist in that kingdom is , or indeed can be free , both as a native , and as of that communion , as not being admitted to mass , or confession , a prohibition from either of which they believe to be damnable , that joins not in the extirpation of hereticks ) an hundred should be excepted from pardon , could this reasonably be interpreted an act of severity , or a design to extirpate a people : do we find in any story such a decimation ? pardon me , that i use the word so improperly , for here is not one of twenty thousand taken off : if such moderate justice can be excused to the protestants , it can deserve no less then adoration from the papists , nor could such a miraculous mercy proceed from any monarch , or religion , but ours . notwithstanding all which , 't is matter of admiration to see the shimeis of our age ( the family of saul ) throw up the dust of their cloven feet , and scurrilously call our david a man of blood ; though to this day , he has not suffered one drop to be spilt : but in his royal will carefully imitates the exemplary goodness of his blessed master , who in the discharge of his embassy into this lower world , affirms , that the design of his negotiation , was not , to destroy , but to preserve the lives of men : and even in the pardon proposed , the exception is under eighty , and though all of them so notoriously immersed in blood and rapin , that the very cannibals would deem them quite divested of humanity ; yet his majesty leaves a door of mercy , wherein for them to enter , if they will but testifie by their actions , that they strive to merit an admission . but when this does justly silence the enemies of god , and the king , as it reasonably ought to do , yet they will still impertinently object , that though the lives of these men , may be so wrapt up by their own behaviour , as to render them capable of meriting their preservation , yet their estates must be sacrificed to the resentments of the present government : and to make their seditious noise , carry some sound of truth , they sum up their estates by multiplication , and that to thrice as much as they really amount to . but why do not these iusticiaries who express so great a care , and sollicitude for the irish , give us an account of what the british have been deprived of , which is so great , that all the irish papists estates of that kingdom , were they to be sold , could not make satisfaction for one moiety , which they have robbed the protestants of , in their personal substance . but i hear some of them say , by an equal parity of reason , that the british desire satisfaction out of irish-mens estates ; merchants may expect reparation for their losses at sea out of prizes taken by the king's ships . this argument may well be thought to proceed from men of abdicated sense , as well as interest : for pray , wherein consists the parallel ? merchants venture themselves with the expectation of divers accidents , and contingencies , and accordingly lay their designs of profit in a form proportionable to their hazards . and to shew the consideration , the government has for them , and what relief they are to expect upon a loss at sea , the parliament provided in the statute for subsidies of tunnage , and poundage , that in such cases , they should receive back the customs they paid . now though it be impossible to run the comparison , yet the gentlemen of ireland , i durst be guarantee for , will thankfully acknowledge the like satisfaction : give them but as much as they have paid in quit rent , taxes , harth-money , customs , and excise , since they were put into a legal possession of that kingdom by king charles the second , and they will desire no more . i confess these pot-guns of the jacobites are not worth answering , yet i cannot forbear mentioning one thing more : who are they that commit robberies at sea ? if pirates , and especially of the king's subjects , are they treated like enemies of war ? and will they be established in a quiet , and peaceable possession of what they have robbed from their fellow-subjects ? the case is the same in ireland : our fellow-subjects , for so they were entitled , before this rebellion ; set upon their quiet and innocent neighbours , and seized violently upon their whole substance . how equal the parallel then is , of losing ships at sea by a foreign enemy , and such robbers at home , a child may judge . but to come to that i propose as an expedient to answer the thing designed , ( viz. ) a quick and easie conquest of ireland . in the pursuit of this topick , the question that will arise from it , will be , whether pardoning the commonalty in general , and excepting some few of the grandees , or pardoning the chief men with the commonalty , under the same qualifications , will most contribute to the safe and effectual reduction of that kingdom . i shall espouse the first of these , by asserting , that pardoning the commonalty , and excepting some of their greatest men , will soonest prevail , and that for these three reasons first , pardoning the commonalty , and excepting some of their chiefest men , will encourage the populace to submit upon that very assurance , and consequently upon their own bottom , without any dependance upon the heads of their clans ; which of how contemptible a consideration soever it may appear to some , is certainly a matter of the greatest moment in the reduction of that kingdom . for 't is as well the assiduous contrivance , as common interest of the irish grandees , to keep the commonalty under the circumstances of a constant dependence upon them , endeavouring to possess them with an opinion , that 't is by their means , and upon their account only , that the others obtain terms and security , by which politick influence upon the ordinary sort , in the closing of one rebellion , they lay a foundation for , and so not only give birth , but add fuel to another : for the heads of clans , as well by themselves , as by the co ▪ operating instigation of their priests , carefully instil into the ignorant multitude , that let them make an insurrection when they please , they can incur no danger ; for at the utmost extremity of things they are , and must ever be the grand instruments of their preservation : let them be never so deeply involved in blood and rapin , yet that their power and interest is such , as must necessarily bring them off : they are the tall cedars , that can at any time defend the lower shrubs , and what need they fear , since they are under so strong a guard , and protection , whose persons are so formidable , as well as inviolable to the english , as always to shield them from harm . but if this deluded mobile see , that the king has no regard to their leaders , but on the contrary excludes the greatest of them from pardon ; this will demonstrate to them , that 't is his royal mercy , not the interest of their lords , that must preserve them : this will remove the opinion of their dependance upon their lords , and consequently oblige them to suitable apprehensions of his majesty's clemency to them ; by which means deriving their preservation from the crown , they will wholly depend upon it : whereas they never were yet separated from the interest of their clans , but in those few years of cromwel's government , the good effect whereof those who were eye-witnesses of it in ireland , and now living , can give a description ; when most of the commonalty went to church , and doors with a wooden latch were as secure , as an iron grate in the reign of king charles the second . secondly , pardoning the commonalty , without any dependence upon their commanders , being extended as a matter of meer grace and princely favour to them , will possess those poor people with apprehensions of the good inclinations of the english towards them , which will induce them to a ready submission . they ( as most barbarous people ) are generally of diffident , and timorous natures , and 't is with some difficulty , that they can be prevailed upon to believe , that their crimes shall be forgiven . this , i suppose , may proceed from the fierceness , and cruelty of their own dispositions , as not looking for those unexpected returns of kindness from such , whom they have testified so implacable an aversion , and prejudice against . now whilst they crowd under their leaders , they are fostered up in that opinion , which the way prescribed of reducing them , will take them off , and make them sensible that the protestants look not on them as the authors , but the forced instruments of this rebellion ; which , when they are made apprehensive of , will soon divert the stream from its former current , and their private soldiers will fly from their marked out commanders , as from a plague , or publick contagion . now that this is no novel notion , their very practice in former rebellions does fully evince , when the father to save his own , would betray his sons life , which was the usual method throughout the whole kingdom : neither is it in the power of their priests ( how arbitrary soever in the exercise of their function ) to govern , or restrain them longer , than whilst their own party can protect them ; their secular , carrying so great a predominancy over their spiritual interest , as makes them inseparable slaves to their cow , and pottato-garden ; and he only commands them that is lord of the soil , without any regard to proximity of blood , or ancient property . but to proceed to my third reason , that pardoning the commons , is the ready way to put a period to the rebellion : our laws , as well as reason acquaint us , that the king 's general pardon is no security to any private man for personal actions , for any robberies , or mischiefs done to the protestants . now all the waste , and havock committed in ireland , was done by the commonalty , though by private orders , and instructions of their leaders , and to their greatest profit . these men will be told by their lawyers , that this pardon is but a snare to bring them in , and that private actions which will be commenced against them , will rot them in gaol . but the general pardon excepting so many men of estates , and in express words declaring that they shall be converted to a restitution of what the protestants have lost , this will quiet , and allay the fears of the commonalty , that they shall be free from actions and suits at law , by the satisfaction the estates of their commanders will make . if these reasons be allowed sufficient for the confirmation of what they are alledged , the next thing that falls under our present consideration , is , what settlement will most effectually conduce for the speedy planting of that kingdom : for that there is too apparent reasons to fear , that the greatest part of the farmers , and traders are now incapacitated , and consequently can be of little use , or benefit , till something be raised to put them in stock ; so that it must necessarily be a new people that must bring that upon the wheel , for it is not visible how the late english , or british interest can make it more . now to invite both his majesties subjects , as well as foreigners of the reformed religion , into that kingdom , these things offer to their encouragement . first , to take off the umbrage and fears of new rebellions . and to give a rational prospect and assurance of advantage to such as shall come there , for the future . for the first , to remove the fears , which men are generally possess'd with of insurrections in that kingdom , there needs a retrospection into that government , since its first conquest by the british , and then see the success it had : which useful animadversion will naturally lead men to a consideration of what misfortunes and miscarriages it has since been incident to ; and to what in a more especial manner it has been of late obnoxious ; it being a received maxim , as well in the body politick , as natural , that the most secure way of applying a wholesome remedy , is first to make a right discovery of the disease . the deportment of the english in their first government of ireland was managed with abundance of candour , and generosity of temper , by all means and ways imaginable , indulging a savage people over-run with rudeness and barbarity : and seeing that they were then united in the principles of one religion , it might be conjectured no artful undertaking , or task of extream difficulty , to reduce them to an entire obedience to the civil government , who stood so unanimously well affected to that of the ecclesiastical . but it was afterwards found a work of a far different nature , and much harder to effect , to reform the errors and innovations introduced into their church , than to propagate christianity , where it was never established before : the irish hating , in religious matters , what came from the english clergy ; and so inveterate they were against their reformers , that they would anathematize all such as seem'd inclined to favour them , giving it in strict charge to their children , never to imitate the customs and manners of the english ; which , to create the greater abhorrence against , as well as to demonstrate their implacable rancour , would ( agreeably to their more early nurture and education of their off-spring ) put the first food into their mouths with the point of a sword ; a true hieroglyphick of their savage cruelty , as well as their expressions were a denotation of their great barbarity , which they used upon that occasion , wishing that they might never die , but with a sword in their hands , in the midst of their enemies . this barbarism the english government thought to eradicate , by reducing them to the more easie discipline of civility , and that to be done by the gentle methods of kindness , and a favourable indulgence to their lords and the heads of clans , making them presents , & giving them a legal power over their followers and tenants , thereby to wean and alienate them from that arbitrary violence which they had usurp'd before ; all which , like honey in a vitiated stomach , turned to choler , and they became the greater enemies to good laws and constitutions , by having the opportunity put into their hands of converting them from a regular administration to vile and enormous abuses . to this the english government superadded that powerful tye of marriage , that so uniting in blood might be an introduction to english humanity and civility ; but all this was like corn sown upon thorns , choaked up by the natural brutality of that ungrateful people , insomuch , that they could not be brought to any part of conformity ( no , not in their garments ) to english fashions , until by statute-laws they were compelled to decency : such an invincible detestation they bore to the manners and customs of the british , which recalls to my mind a passage i was in part an eye-witness of : a gentleman of the irish marrying one of lynster , whose education there being something refined by conversing with the english , and coming to his own house , according to the custom of the country , all his tenants and clans , brought in beefs , muttons , &c. in a great abundance , and the lady finding more than could be spent while 't was fresh , ordered to have some of it powdered up ; which these people hearing of , renounced their lord and lady , as invaders of their ancient priviledges and liberties , which ( as they affirm'd ) were never violated before in that house , where 't was never known that flesh was salted , but on the trencher . i must intreat the reader 's pardon for this digression , and return to the still-mistaken tenderness of the english government , which was so very indulgent , that though the irish were never twenty years quiet , and scarce half so long , till king james the first , yet did the kings and queens of england not only vouchsafe pardon , but likewise heapt creations of great honour and dignity upon those who , in the general acceptation , were irreconcileable enemies both to it and them. i will not stand to enumerate particulars , but rather referr the reader to the several authors that have writ of that kingdom , and shall only give a succinct account of some passages of the rebellion of forty one , too deeply imprinted in the memories of men , ever to be eras'd or forgotten , which , if sir john davis , that writ so excellently of the defects of the kings of england in the civil policy , in the government of ireland , had lived to be a spectator of , he would have enlarged that admirable discourse , in which he prophetically lamented what we have by two rebellions since fatally found true : in the rebellion of forty one , their barbarous and inhumane massacres demonstrated to the world the cruel design of the irish , quite to extirpate and destroy the whole race and progeny of the british , which in their former insurrections they had in some measure spared , but were resolved to correct that errour in this , which they looked upon themselves to have been guilty of in former rebellions , and as a demonstration of their carefulness in the execution of so damnable a design , there was not found five of the roman catholicks innocent , though they cannot but acknowledge , but that even in the time of cromwel's government they had fair trials , and no articles entred into with them , but were most inviolably and punctually observ'd , even to the priviledges of a little town call'd featherd , where , until the restauration of king charles the second , the irish not only enjoyed their estates , but had the keeping of their town , chose their own officers , &c. but in all the promises or articles made with the irish , cromwel observed one standing . rule , never to give a pardon for estate to any of their grandees , nor grant terms for priests to remain in the kingdom . had the monarchs of england acted by the same measures before that , i mean , since the reformation , there had been no such national revolution in that kingdom ; as the vast multitudes of the protestant exiles in this give but too lamentable a proof of , and consequently there had been no occasion for this discourse : for by that means the irish could never have been capable of making an insurrection , and so could not have come under such circumstances , as to require a pardon for their security , not to relate the wonderful good effect which seven years continuance of that government met with in that kingdom , which was , that most of the common people went to church , and some of the discreetest of their men of estates began to hearken with great attention to discourses made upon the fopperies and absurd innovations of popery . the country flourished to a vast degree , grew rich and populous to a miracle , and had the same settlement been confirm'd , in which it lay under at the restauration of king charles the second , there had been no possibility left for the effecting of those fatal mischiefs which have prevail'd with so irresistible a force in that poor kingdom . but his mercy to this perfidious people was , upon its first vouchsafing , feared to be an ominous presage of cruelty to the british protestants : and we have now but too fatal experience of the truth of what even at that time it portended . by what has been insisted upon , it seems sufficiently plain , that the success attending the indulgence of the english government to the irish , has alwaies been to enable and animate them to fresh rebellions , in which their inveterate genius has fully shewn , that they were never wanting upon the least inviting opportunity , alwaies with open arms and as ready hearts embracing the enemies of england , as their patrons , in imitation of the vile and ungrateful carriage of the samaritans to the jews , whom they owned as brethren , when they were in prosperity , and stood in need of their assistance and protection ; but disclaim'd all kind of relation or affinity to them , when they were distrest by other nations , and so either called for their relief , or else supposing that the enemies of the jews would proceed against them as their friends and confederates , resolved to untwist all the bonds of their alliance , and to side with the common adversary , when it appeared to be for their interest so to do . and something parallel to this , is also the demeanour of the irish toward the spaniard , who in the reign of queen elizabeth ▪ were their catholick guardians , from whom they boastingly derived their original extraction and descent : now the spaniards are their paltroons , and the french their deity , and so as catholick as they pretend , would not stick to make court to the turk , were he in a capacity to invade england , and to offer them assistance . the premises of this discourse seem very copious as to the asserting a necessity of extraordinary acts to take off the fears that , by the experience of former precedents , may reasonably be judg'd to attend that kingdom , and to give encouragement for new , as well as for old inhabitants . now there seems nothing possible to secure that kingdom , but the extirpation of two setts of men among them , such as are invested in the greatest command and authority over their bodies ; and the priests and clergy , who have so absolute a government over their souls . for these are the men that have been the great instruments and incendiaries of all their rebellions , that have as well forwarded as headed the easie multitude , and without whose instigation the populace would have submissively acquiesced under , and never appear'd against the british . and if our long experience of former times and revolutions be deem'd a competent testimony in this case , with what greater shew of reason have we now cause to be afraid of the time to come , especially if we consider the present juncture and constitution of affairs ? for now the french have found the way into that kingdom ▪ and are throughly acquainted with the interest , situation , strength , or rather weakness of it ; are entituled to a proportion in it by vertue of the pretended right of the late king james , and in order to that , have livery and seisin given them . this ministers just occasion of fear , that they will give frequent alarums to that kingdom , which never had before a foreign enemy in the bowels of it ; the spaniards seeing but the edges and out-skirts of it , whereas the french industriously pry into every corner , upon the favour of him that delights in the destruction of these kingdoms , which to facilitate , or rather to the utmost of his power compleat , gives up the distressed innocent protestants of ireland into the barbarous hands of the french king , whose success and dexterity , though not inclination , is greater in the butchering hereticks , as the good and great king james calls the protestants of these kingdoms . now , if the common herd of the irish be separated from their prime leaders , and from their wolves in sheeps clothing , there will be none left to blow up the coal of treason or sedition among them , or any to head or animate them in it : and the progress of a few years of careful instruction from our protestant clergy , in the rudiments and first draughts of our profession , will initiate them into the more safe religion and easie government of the british . besides , if the french have no confederates left in that kingdom , to give them a favourable reception , ( as in this case they would not ) there would be no great reason to fear them , neither would they dare to attempt the country without that dependence . if it should be thought hard usage to dispossess the irish-men ; it may be answered , that there are fields of mercy for the king to extend : and this desired for the preservation of the protestant interest , is but a small enclosure ; not one , as i said before , of twenty : thousand ; nor was there ever greater criminals up to the elbows in protestant blood in the rebellion of forty one : the very same individual men that are engaged in this , found guilty , and once condemned for that , and how their estates after forfeiture were torn from the british protestants , is no secret to the world. nor is it unknown , that upon their restauration , in the year one thousand six hundred and sixty two , above sixty thousand protestants were drove out to seek their bread , and scattered through the world : this was nothing . but to banish less than an hundred must be great cruelty , though men twice guilty of blood and treason , and those whose estates they are in present possession of , stained with neither . this is a compendious , as well as an easie way to remove the fears of future rebellions , and gives good assurance for the time to come , that the commonalty will be united as one people with the british , when they have neither lord , nor priest to follow ▪ and when they have no instructers to bear up the credit of their old superstition , they will of course become proselytes to the protestant communion ; for the people are naturally zealous of their erroneous traditions , instill'd into them by their priests , and are of a credulous disposition ; which shews , that the authors of these being once removed , the effects will soon cease , and the people for want of their own , will naturally resolve themselves into the reformed religion : we know that 't is a common principle of mankind , to have some religion or other ; and then most ignorant , and barbarous parts of the universe , adore the most contemptible beings , rather than be divested of a deity : which mis-application of their worship , cannot be thought an argument , that there is no god , as some atheistically dispute ; but on the contrary , presupposes his ▪ existence to be engraven in such legible characters , in the minds of men , which so powerfully inclines them to so firm an assent to that infallible truth , as to believe every thing to be a god , rather than that there is none at all : they can easily from a continued chain , and concatenation of subordinate causes , collect one prime and metaphysical one ; and tho' they do not understand its nature , they question not its existence : thus the academicks , and peripateticks , epicureans , and stoicks in cicero , ransack'd the great variety of nature , some making fire , some water , some the four elements , some nature it self to be a god ; but notwithstanding these mis-apprehensions concerning the true object of divine worship , few , or none questioned a supream and independent being , the great creator of that admirable fabrick of the world , of so orderly an harmony , and contexture in all its parts , as sufficiently denotes the infinite wisdom , and soveraign power of that grand architect , who made heaven and earth , the sea , and all that in them is . this being then a perpetual , and unalterable instinct in humane nature , to embrace some kind of religion , or other ; it must needs follow , that the irish , when they are debarr'd from their false , must in consequence adhere to the true , and reformed worship of god : from which , as the priests by all the impious arts of romish policy , endeavour to frighten , and discourage them , by loading it with ignominious reproaches of novelty and falshood , and of certain damnation attending the profession of it ; so on the other hand , if these vermin were once removed , who poison and corrupt the minds of the people , tincturing them with strong prejudices , against what can be offered , for their confutation by the protestant clergy ; a more easie access would be obtained for wholsom instruction and advice to enter , and their own reason , together with that of their interest , would beget in them a sober , and more impartial attention , to the excellent frame , and constitution of our religion , than their present implicit belief of the dictates of their pretended infallible church suffer them to be capable of . all protestants know , that 't is not possible for humane nature to resist those invincible arguments , which may be urged to them in vindication of our church , and religion , if they will but lay aside their prejudices , and be so just to their own reason , as to give it its true empire , and praedominancy in a right judgment , and discriminative determination of truth from errour : this ( as i have hinted already ) the removal of their priests , ( who delude their votaries like the indian bramins , or such as waited upon the oracles of old ) and a sensible apprehension of the great advantages derived upon themselves , by this strong endearment of their persons unto the english , would abundantly facilitate their conversion : add to this , a true and lively character of the horrid corruptions , and abuses of their church , of its notorious degeneracy from its original institution , of the distinct times , and periods , of its declension from its former purity , into errour and superstition , upon what occasions , through what interests , and by what indirect principles , sinister maxims , and secular policies , they were first formed , and introduced ; of the strange artifices , and subtle inventions , and impious machinations of their priests , to retain them either in absolute ignorance , or erroneous apprehensions of religion ; locking up from them the divine oracles , lest they should these behold the things that belong unto their peace , and which are able to make them wise unto salvation ; and consequently would fully discover to them , the great deformities , and absurd falshoods , the piae fraudes , romish intriegues , and vnwarrantable equivocations , so universally practised by that pretended catholick church : as well as representing how their common argument of the novelty of our religion , may by turning the point to them , be justly retorted upon themselves , in as much that 't is not we , but they who are the novelists ; not we who relinquished their communion , but they who forsook that of the ancient church : not we , by our separation from their corruptions , but they by their erroneous additions to that faith , which was first delivered unto the saints : not we , who reduce all things to the primitive standard , but they who have debauched the principles of christianity , by their adulterating innovations : not we who ( like that of the jews ) were first an independent national church established in purity of doctrine , and a wholsome discipline ; but by the tyranny and encroachment of this usurper of an universal title , and jurisdiction , became envassalaged to her heavy yoak , as the jews did to that of the gentiles , and afterwards broke the brasen serpent of their idolatry , pulled down the images , and cut down the groves , and took away the high places of their superstitious devotion , and reduced our selves to our antient platform : but they parallel to these heathenish violations of the jewish oeconomy , had introduced such notorious errors and corruptions into the church , as had almost eaten into the heart and life of christianity , and vertually , if not formally , undermined , its very foundation ; and then they impertinently demand that irrational query , where was your religion before luther ? with how much advantage may men return the argument by demanding where their's was before the council of trent ? inasmuch , as ours received its establishment from our first conversion to the faith , from joseph of arimathea , simon zelotes , or whoever was the first preacher of christianity in britain ; but theirs , as it now stands , with its new articles embodied into the ancient creed , which they have made equally necessary to salvation with the prime principles of religion , is of no longer date , than that council , as the decisions of it do abundantly evince . next to an impartial unfolding to them the apparent weakness of this pretended argument of the novelty of our religion , the removing of another popular objection , of our granting a possibility of salvation to men of their church , and their denying it to those of ours , will be of great use to bring them to our communion : and how easie is it , to represent to them , the fallacy of this plain and absolute sophism ? for , do we grant a possibility of salvation to all in their church equally , and without any restriction , as the priests contend for ; and would make their rude , and ignorant votaries believe ? or , is it only in cases of invincible ignorance , and that but a bare possibility ; whereas we affirm a certainty of salvation in our own church ; and can any rational man be supposed to be encouraged by this concession ( if it be any ) either to persevere in a religion which under the most favourable qualifications that can be imagined , hath but a bare possibility of salvation , attending it , and that to very few persons ; or to espouse that , in preference to another , that hath all the warrantable grounds of a firm certainty , and the most convincing assurance that religion can be capable of ? were not this to forsake a secure ship , and in a storm to put to sea upon a plank ? or like an unskilful pilot , that upon his approach to an haven , should be told , that there are two different ways that lead to the port ; the one direct , and safe , the other circular , and full of dangerous rocks and shelves , and yet should make choice of the latter , because there is a bare possibility of escaping from shipwrack . again , granting a bare possibility of salvation under the aforesaid limitations , is only an effect of charity in us , and not of the least approbation of their religion ; and herein we imitate the holy apostle st. paul , who as he gave an higher encomium to this , than to any other divine grace : so also acknowledged , that such as built hay and stubble upon the foundation of christianity , should be saved so as by fire , that is , with difficulty ; whereas such as did so , denied the possibility of st. paul's salvation , as the church of rome does to us . to this we may add the practice of the orthodox towards the donatists , who were so favourable in their constructions of them , although hereticks , as not to exclude them from the aforesaid possibility ; but on the contrary , the donatists like the church of rome , confined salvation to themselves , and denied it to the orthodox . but i shall not insist longer upon these points , referring the inquisitive reader , for his more ample satisfaction , to archbishop laud's book against fisher the jesuit , and to the learned dean of st. paul's his vindication of the said book : but though the brevity designed , hinders me from protracting this discourse upon this subject , yet not from making a necessary apology for what i have said already . some may perhaps be so censorious , as to suppose the foregoing arguments to be designed by the author , as a model , or platform for others to imitate , or transcribe in the reduction of the irish papists to our church ; and therefore to take off that imputation , i think fit in my own defence to make the following asseveration , that my sole intention in it , proceeded from a pure zeal to the reformed religion , and a desire to shew how easie it might be to work upon the vulgar romanists , by these or the like motives , if their priests were once removed from them : this , as it would certainly be a very great happiness to the nation in general , by making it of one interest by being of one religion ; so would it be an act of transcendent charity to the souls of these poor wretches , who are miserably seduced by the impious delusions of their priests , and with all good men ought to be the principal inducement of prohibiting them a free exercise of their innovated and depraved superstition , which cannot be effectually accomplished without expelling their priests out of the kingdom : and if the british could be so happy as to live , to reap the benefit of the reduction of the irish to their church , it might reasonably be hoped , that this present would put a period to all future rebellions in that kingdom . to which i may add a passage of a country fellow , who passing through the rubbidge of london , after the fire ; and seeing a crowd of people , came up to them , and enquired what was the matter ? some answered , that they were waiting for the committee to settle the foundations ; and one said , they had resolved the buildings should be on the old foundation ; to which the countrey fellow with an oath replyed , it had been as good then , that london had never been burnt . i leave others to make the application , and shall only say with lamentation , that what that poor fellow spoke ignorantly , is verified of the protestants of ireland , who have no other expectations to bear up their spirits in this deluge of misery , now violently descended upon them ; but , that as the blood of the martyrs in the primitive church increased their numbers ; so this may lay a foundation , by shewing the indispensable necessity of putting the irish past the hopes of repeating the like tragedy , and that nothing but such a method can possibly repair the ruines of that kingdom . i have hitherto been shewing the miseries and calamities that have attended the british plantations , by the frequent rebellions of the irish . and then the justice of making some reparation at this time to the protestants , out of the estates of some of the most notorious leaders of this rebellion . and have also shewn the great advantage such justice would derive upon that kingdom at this time , in new planting it . i am in the next remarks to observe , how much it imports england to improve this opportunity , which the enemies of their publick peace and tranquillity have put into their hands : and this is a subject of so copious a nature , as might claim a treatise by it self ; but my design being to awaken , not direct the wisdom and conduct of england , i shall only remind them of the charge and expence of english blood that poor distressed kingdom has already cost , and then lay before them the advantage that would accrew to england , if ireland was once reinstated and settled in protestant hands . that the loss of men is the greatest misfortune and severest punishment that can arrive to , and be inflicted upon a nation , is confirmed by the judgment of an infallible author . for when the prophet was sent to david , to offer three things to his choice ; not one of them consisted in depriving him of treasure , herds , or possessions , but every punishment was , the loss of men. it is not possible to give an exact account of the numbers , that caldron of england , as ireland may be truly call'd , has swallowed up in five hundred years ; but according to the best computation that can be made , there has been by war , famine , and murders , of the british , more than twenty hundred thousand souls . by the several accounts in history , of the supplies sent from england in the rebellions there , the computation is made too large here to mention the particulars , but may reasonably be believed , if we recount the several rebellions in five hundred years , when there was never twenty years free ; and in the last , where some account was taken , it was found to exceed two hundred thousand , and that after not twenty years of perfect peace ; for although the kingdom was for the greatest part quiet , during the reign of king james , and some of that of king charles the first , yet some places of it were constantly involv'd in trouble . it would hardly be believ'd in story , since there is no precedent , that a kingdom so frequently conquer'd , and so horribly outragious in their rebellions and inhumane massacres , should still be put into the hands of the rebels , that are implacable in their hatred to their conquerors ; but it has rather been an infatuation than mercy in the english , to retain such serpents in their bosoms , which nothing can excuse , but that it is a judgment of god to blind the eyes of his people in this matter , that so these philistines may be left to punish the sins of these nations , who have reason to repent for their past omissions , and to pray that they may never more be incident to the same errour and miscarriage , lest the message of the prophet ahab be ours , because thou hast let go out of thy hand , &c. after the loss of that which comprehends it , 't will appear vain to mention the treasure this kingdom has buried there , but it is an additional aggravation to our other misfortunes , and had half of it been expended in other adventures , it might have been return'd with greater advantage than the whole kingdom of ireland has hitherto been worth : not but that it is obvious to every eye , that europe cannot shew such a spot of ground , that may deserve the motto trajan gave to his money in reference to dacia , which applying to this fertile island , we may thus express , hiberniae abundantia . having thus hinted at the losses which england has sustain'd by indulgence given to the irish , i now come to discuss those advantages which would accrue to this kingdom , if regard were had in the next settlement to the british protestants , that have their dependence in that country . and not to trouble the reader with what he may see put forth , by a more accurate pen , in that ingenious discourse of the interest of england in the preservation of ireland : i shall only name some few things by him omitted , and first shew , that ireland might be made a nursery for seamen to england ; which upon too frequent experience is found to be so much wanting , that upon every marine war , the merchants ships are forc'd to stay at home , for want of men to supply them ; so that it may be said , ( though a paradox ) that by employing the hands of war , we destroy the sinews of it , money , by our embargoes upon trade . now , since england justly challenges the priority in trade , and will by no means admit ireland to touch the forbidden fruit , their navigation , this is the way not only to keep them from transgressing , but also at the same time to employ them in being fosterers ( to use their own language ) to your navigation , and that is , by keeping them imployed in fishings . that island seeming to be set in the sea , as a bait for the inhabitants of the deep , and might very well imploy twenty thousand in that service , which , besides the immense treasure the product of their labours would bring to england , this other signal advantage would accrew from it , ( viz. ) the having so many men at a call , and in actual readiness for the service of england , since they will never be engag'd in voyages abroad . and as ireland may be a nursery for seamen , so is it a forrest , out of which the wooden , yet invincible , walls of england may be repaired , the timber of ireland being in some respects , and for divers uses , more proper for building ships , than the freer and clean oak of england . nor must we end here , but as we have begun with the timber for shipping and brought them on the stocks , so must not leave them until flown from their nests , with their wings spread at sea ; it being practicable to build , rigg , and even from the vane at the topmast-head to the bolt in the keel , to set out a ship to sea from ireland . i have seen one of two hundred tunn so fitted , excepting the sails , which might easily be had , if encouragement were given . iron is not wanting in that kingdom ; flax for white occum there is in great abundance ; as also hemp for cordage , which is made there . and as before i mentioned the encrease of seamen , so in this i might urge the addition of ship-carpenters . i might enumerate , even to a volume , the particular instances wherein ireland may be of use to england , but i shall name for all but two more , that of iron and the linnen manufactory , both of which drain out of england more than all the foreign commodities imported into it besides : this , without a serious consideration of the assertion , seems an extravagant notion ; i must therefore , before i pass from it , give some reasons for my opinion , which be pleas'd to take in the following particulars . first , the consumption of linnen is of greater value than silks , or any foreign manufactory ; for , not the poorest beggar at the door , but bears a proportion in that commodity . secondly , the importation of linnen admits of no improvement nor exportation to any part of the world , but our own plantations ; but silks , i mean raw grogreen , yarn , cypress , cotton , and many foreign commodities are in england improved and manufactured ; so that upon exportation they fetch into the kingdom a great part of what was taken out , by the importation ; as is found by experience . the east-india trade doth , notwithstanding the gold and silver carried thither , for purchasing commodities , that after brought home by exportation , bring in more ready money than was sent out for their purchace . linnen and iron are the commodities , i mean those of swedeland and the east sea , which take from us the least of our native commodities , and by that means draw away so much money , that the computation being made , has been found to be the loss of england in some millions by that trade , of linnen , &c. of france . i presume , by these few instances already nam'd , it will be allowed , that linnen and iron carry away the greatest part of the coin and treasure of the kingdom ; for bills of exchange are the same thing , and allowed so by men of commerce . now , if ireland , be capable of such a management , as to furnish the same commodities , this will save the loss of so much treasure , as yearly goes out of england into foreign parts to purchase them . experience is an undeniable evidence in this case , and that which may be done in part , is not difficult to effect in the whole . there was in the year before tyrconnel's accession to the government of ireland , transported out of that kingdom of iron-pots , bar-iron , &c. to the value of more then twenty thousand pounds , and the linnen manufactory was in so hopeful a progress , that of it a very considerable value was shipped into england , and afforded cheaper than it can possibly be brought from any parts of the world. now , if all that has been discours'd upon this subject be apparently practicable , and that so vast an improvement may be made of ireland , for the advantage of england , and that nothing hath been such an insuperable obstacle and impediment unto it , as the great indulgence given to the irish , and consequently the fresh instances of rebellion in that kingdom , as deriv'd from the former : it seems then extreamly rational to remove those publick discouragements , by laying a foundation of future safety , and of a firm and lasting peace in that kingdom , which would invite inhabitants thither , that might secure that nation to the crown of england , with less cost and greater returns for that charge now expended upon it . i shall close this discourse with a succinct account of what advantage such a settlement would bring to his present majesty , and his successors ; which i shall endeavour to shew in the following particulars . first , as to the encrease of subjects , we find that king david , ( who was a man after god's own heart ) ambition'd nothing beyond the numbers of his people ; and it had not been his sin , but glory , to have encreased them ; but his fault consisted in this , ( viz. ) the numbring of them , of which god had made a solemn promise to the patriarch abraham , that they should be as the stars in heaven , that cannot be numbred . so said the angel , look and see if thou canst count them . this may be inverted in the story of ireland , where the numbers slain are harder to be reckoned than are those of the living . but if there was thought to be near two millions of souls in ireland , at the beginning of this last ravage , we may reasonably account it possible , for there to have been five times that number , if acts of violence had not put a period to more mens lives , than that of natural death : and in proportion to this , with what vast incredible multitudes of men ( may we reasonably compute ) would these kingdoms have abounded , and consequently how rich and invincible ? secondly , how would it contribute to the eternal fame , and immortalize the memory of our gracious and victorious king , to all posterity , that under his most auspicious reign such an happy model , and frame of government should be established , as none of his predecessors could ever attain unto ? which would verifie that of our great and miraculous deliverer , which was said of david , and he shall be as the light of the morning when the sun ariseth . thirdly , this would infinitely augment their majesties revenue ; as to which , that ireland may be made considerable , is apparent from the several gradations already made in that kingdom . in all the kings and queens reigns precedent to queen elizabeth , we hear of nothing , but of sending money into that kingdom . in her reign there was something raised in the kingdom , conducing to its support , which was in proportion to the forfeitures and abatements of the irish interest , for that nothing improved the receipts but the lessening of them , which made room for more industrious people . in the reign of king james the first , there was a farther enlargement and encouragement given to the british protestants , and accordingly the revenue encreased from thirty five thousand pounds to fifty . king charles the first made some addition to the british settlement , and by the encouragement of grants , to strengthen defective titles , advanc'd the revenue to eighty thousand pounds , and so incredibly did that country grow and improve under the hands and industrious management of the british , that where money was formerly , in the reign of queen elizabeth , debased twenty pound per cent , beyond the intrinsick value of sterling , it came to that pass , that gold became a burthen to the kingdom , and men in their bargains made exceptions of it in payment , but the bloody massacre in forty one soon put an end to that flood of prosperity . in the reign of king charles the second , upon his restauration , the protestants lay under some discouragements , occasioned from their fears of a rising from the indulgence given to the natives , procured by the interest of the late king james , then duke of york , whose darlings and especial favourites they were , by means of whose interessed regard for them , many ( by his powerful sollicitations to his brother ) were restored to their estates , that were capital in their crimes . this gave just occasion of jealousie to the british protestants , that most of their enemies would meet with the like success ; and during this inundation , the revenue of customs and in-land excise , dwindled to less than 70000 pounds per annum : but upon the king 's better information of the settlement of ireland , great encouragements were revived to the protestants , and then in one year commencing in 1664 , the customes , and import excise , that upon an exact account made the precedent year but 34000 pounds clear , made 86000 : so great an alteration did the promised security of the protestant interest , effect in that kingdom : and in the same proportion did the in-land excise advance from 36000 to 80000 pounds , and from that time forward , until the accession of the late king to the throne , did the revenue rise , and amount to 140000 in the import duty , and above 100000 pounds , in the in-land excise : but from the reign of the late king , it daily declined ; a plain demonstration that the revenue of ireland , like the army of the israelites , prevailed no longer than the hand of moses was lift up in favour of them . now by the same rule of proportion , that the intradoe of ireland flourisheth with the growth and increase of the protestants , may his present majesty expect the augmentation of his revenue , as that kingdom shall be established in the hands of the british ; and were it proper in this discourse to descend to particulars , it would be no difficult province to evince , how possible it is for that kingdom to be improved to double the value it ever yet made to the crown . i have now come to a period of my design , and having given a true , and ( i hope ) impartial account of the nature , temper , and constitution of that hitherto unhappy kingdom , together with a description of the proper causes of those dismal revolutions , and vicissitudes , which have attended the fortune of its english inhabitants : i shall in few words apologize for this narrative , which i do believe to be the sense of the british protestants , whose lot is fallen in that akeldama . we do not then presume , to anticipate the king's unlimited clemency to all his subjects , or desire that it should be wholly engrossed by such as are protestants , much less to offer reasons for the utter extirpation of the natives ; but rather wish their reformation than confusion ; and to the end that they may become our brethren , as well in religion , as temporal interest , do humbly offer these remarks , by which ( we presume ) it doth evidently appear , that without the total remove of their pestilent deluders , the priests , and extirpating the most considerable of their leaders , and men of estates , that kingdom can never be established upon the firm basis of a durable and lasting peace : but on the contrary be exposed to greater danger and distress , than it has ever been subject to , since the conquest : for , besides the foreign pretensions that were never so plausible , as now , the english will not be encouraged to plant so readily there , as they have formerly done , by which the irish will soon fill the kingdom ; and by their prodigious increase in their numbers , will improve proportionably in their strength , which with assistance from the french , will render them as well invincible in their own thoughts , as really more formidable than ever to the british , and so bring this rising phoenix to ashes , out of which it can never be expected to revive . but all our hopes ( under the divine disposer of all things here below ) are wrapt up in his present majesty's great wisdom and conduct , in which , without the least reluctance we chearfully , and most humbly , acquiesce ; and agreeably to the title , and patient submission of our mephivosheth , make our devout and hearty prayers , for the long and happy reign of their majesties . for we were all but dead men , when the lord our king came for our deliverance ; and if it be his will , let the ziba's of that kingdom take all , so that we may live in peace , under the benign influence of his government , who hath saved us from the jaws of that roman beast , which was open to devour not only us , but these nations , and hath so seasonably preserved us from sinking into an abyss of destruction , at a time , when there seemed none to help , or to deliver . and now that powerful , and all wise providence , which has so eminently appeared in the preservation of this great instrument and protector of the reformed religion , give him a wise , and understanding heart to govern this people , whom he hath sent to save , in such a miraculous , and extraordinary manner : and bless their majesties with a long , peaceable , and prosperous reign in this world , and crown them with eternal glory , and immortality in the next . amen . finis . exceeding good nevves from ireland being a perfect relation of the relieving of the city of dublin, by the regiments belonging to sir iohn clotworthy, col. hill, and col. conway, who fell upon the rebels at carric-mac-rosse in leimster, putting them all to flight. also, their taking 200. horse, 800 gowes [sic], some sheepe, and divers prisoners; besides, a great number of the rebels slaine. certified by a letter from ulster, to one of the britttsh [sic] officers here in england. published the 30. of may, 1647 h. j. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a87461 of text r201532 in the english short title catalog (thomason e390_9). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a87461 wing j13 thomason e390_9 estc r201532 99862031 99862031 160252 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a87461) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160252) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 62:e390[9]) exceeding good nevves from ireland being a perfect relation of the relieving of the city of dublin, by the regiments belonging to sir iohn clotworthy, col. hill, and col. conway, who fell upon the rebels at carric-mac-rosse in leimster, putting them all to flight. also, their taking 200. horse, 800 gowes [sic], some sheepe, and divers prisoners; besides, a great number of the rebels slaine. certified by a letter from ulster, to one of the britttsh [sic] officers here in england. published the 30. of may, 1647 h. j. [8] p. printed by b.a., london, : may 30. 1647. dated and signed on page [8]: belfast, 10. may, 1647. h.j. signatures: a⁴. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -campaigns -early works to 1800. a87461 r201532 (thomason e390_9). civilwar no exceeding good nevves from ireland: being a perfect relation of the relieving of the city of dublin, by the regiments belonging to sir iohn h. j. 1647 1023 8 0 0 0 0 0 78 d the rate of 78 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion exceeding good nevves from ireland being a perfect relation of the relieving of the city of dublin ▪ by the regiments belonging to sir iohn clotworthy , col. hill , and col. conway , who fell upon the rebels at carric-mac-rosse in leimster , putting them all to flight . also , their taking ●00 ▪ horse . 800 gowes ▪ some sheepe , and divers prisoners ; besides a great number of the rebels slaine . certified by a letter from ulster , to one of the britttsh officers here in england . published the 30. of may , 1647 london , printed by b. a. may 30 ▪ 1647. more gallant newes from ireland sir , upon the order sent hither , from the committee for the affaires of ireland , directing , that wee should make the strongest diversions we could , to entertain the rebels , that they might not have leysure to prejudice the garrisons under the lord of ormond , and upon his lordships desire , that we should allarm them , by sending out parties into their quarters , tho our souldiers are naked , and the officers miserably poor , and destitute of all means , y●t rather then any inconveniency should arise to the publique , it was resolved by some of the officers of the brittish forces to send out 2 parties severall wayes , wherin some of us only could be drawn to this service , and of the forces in the counties of down and antrim , there marched out in this party , under the command of colonel conway , son of the lord clanboyes , sir john clotworthies , and col. conwayes regiments of foot , with the horse of col. hills regiments , and those belonging to the 3 regiments , and some other of the troopes consisting in all of about 800. horse and foot . who having no meanes for carrying of victuall , or victuall for any continuance , the foot tooke ten dayes meale on their backs , and marched as far as the county of meath in leimster , the counties of monaghau and cavan on the borders of ulster , and fell on a party of the rebels beyond carric-mac rosse , being five foot companies , and two troops of horse , who were so suddenly surprized , that they made very small resistance , but quit their posts , & betook themselves to their heeles , and in the pursuit divers were killed ; but they being fresh , & acquainted with the bogs & passes in those parts , and our men weak & weary , could not performe any great executions upon them , but took and brought away 7 or 800 lean cowes , and 200 small garons , and some sheep , of which our hungry soldiers soone made havock of , whereof they could not in reason be restrained , having no other meanes to give them the least satisfaction in , but the remainder of our purchase , which being distributed amongst the souldiers and officers that were abroad , was a very seasonable relief to them ; but those at home in their quarters will be necessitated to fall on the cowes of the country , their stock of the last years harvest being quite spent and devoured , and the inhabitants themselves will grow so desperate , that seing all is like to be gone , they think it but reason to take a share of their owne . they have wayted with much patience on the effect of our commissioners solicitation in hope to be eased of their extreame oppression . but what we have labouted to spare them in , our fellow souldiers of the scots army are taking from them : for it seemes here being reports spread , of the dismission of that army , their officers are exacting 3 months assesment together , which is so insupportable a burden , that they are weary of their lives . and indeed ▪ it is a most compendious way to bring our miseries to an end , for we must quit the country for ought i see after all the miseries we have endured , in preserving of it from the rebels , who will be found troublesome to england . gods will be done , we cannot make brick without straw , though we would undergo any burdens , so we may be rendred serviceable to this cause . we have heard nothing yet of our other party of the lagan forces , who are marched out under col. mervin , about the time ours went abroad from these quarters , and have bin 14 dayes abroad busied in conaught , as we have bin towards dublin , and after a short refreshment , our officers are resolved upon another march , with a stronger party , which we hope wil prove a good means of security to the lemster garrisons , though it be a great wasting to our poor souldiers , who want shooes and all other necessary accommadation for such service , which gives them as mvch discouragement , as the rebels are lifted up , to see supplies of men and money come over so slowly , being informed , that the divisions in england , are greater then they have been at any time since these troubles . the pyrates 〈◊〉 so busie in our northerne coasts , and about the isles of scotland , that our fishermen and barkes are like to be in great danger to be taken ( as some have been already ) unlesse some of the parliament small ships be appointed to lye on these coasts , to prevent the dayly intercourse betwixt the rebels of ireland and th●se of scotland . thus having given you a short account of our affaires , i rest your affectionate friend and servant , h. j. belfast , 10. may , 1647. finis . whereas the process of his majesties court of exchequer are issued out to several sheriffs, collectors, and receivers of the respective counties, towns, and places of this kingdom, for divers arrears of rents, debts, and other sums of money due to the kings majestie, at or before the twenty fifth day of december, one thousand six hundred sixty eight ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) 1678 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46192 wing i939 estc r36951 16162366 ocm 16162366 104941 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46192) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104941) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:59) whereas the process of his majesties court of exchequer are issued out to several sheriffs, collectors, and receivers of the respective counties, towns, and places of this kingdom, for divers arrears of rents, debts, and other sums of money due to the kings majestie, at or before the twenty fifth day of december, one thousand six hundred sixty eight ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1678. title from first 8 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council-chamber in dublin the 27th. day of april, 1678." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng rent -taxation -ireland. taxation -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . ormonde . vvhereas the process of his majesties court of exchequer , are issued out to several sheriffs , collectors , and receivers of the respective counties , towns , and places of this kingdom ; for divers arrears of rents , debts , and other sums of money , due to the kings majestie , at or before the twenty fifth . day of december , one thousand six hundred sixty eight . and for other branches of his majesties casual , or other revenue not in farm to the late farmers , and due at or before the twenty fifth . day of december , one thousand six hundred seventy five . which by contract with the king's majestie , are to be applied to certain payments undertaken by richard , then lord viscount , now earl of ranelagh , and others his partners . and forasmuch as we are informed , that several doubtful and uncertain charges have issued in such process , and that several of such sheriffs , and collectors have been dilatory , or negligent in the collection of such charges as are clear and undoubted , and remisse in the due payment of what hath been collected . we the lord lieutenant and council , being desirous , that his majesties good subjects , that stand unduly charged in such process , may be freed from all trouble and vexation concerning the same ; and that the arrears and debts of all others that stand duly charged , and are able and responsible to pay the same , may be put into some speedy and easy way of collection , have thought fit , at the humble desire of john stepney , one of the partners party to the said contract , and john hayes esq acting and intrusted for others of them , and accordingly do order and require by this our proclamation , that all and singular such sheriffs , collectors , and receivers , do from and after the tenth day of may next , forbear to collect , levy , or receive any rents , debts or summes of money , by virtue or colour of such process ; and that they and every of them do at or before the last day of may next , accompt in his majesties court of exchequer , for all moneys by them received by virtue of such processs , and pay the same into his majesties receipt of his exchequer . and we do also hereby require all sheriffs , and collectors , that have accompted and not taken out their quietus est , at or before the said last day of may next , to clear their accompts . given at the council-chamber in dublin the 27th , day of april 1678. ja : armachanus . mich : dublin canc. donegall . longford . strafforde . massereene . blesinton . granard . lanesborough . hen : midensis . ca : dillon . char : meredith . jo : bysse . ol : st. george . hans hamilton , ja : cuffe . god save the king. dublin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the king 's most excellent majestie ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde book : seller in castle-street , 1678. the royal message from the prince of orange to the peeres and commons in england to advertise them of some dangerous plots of forraigne enemies, undertaken by don keevalo caris, and others, to invade this kingdome : with his desire, that all the ports and cinque coasts be fortified with strong armes and ammunition : as also how he freely proffer'd himself to resist both them and the irish rebels. frederick henry, prince of orange, 1584-1647. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a40410 of text r19651 in the english short title catalog (wing f2106). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a40410 wing f2106 estc r19651 12607639 ocm 12607639 64273 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a40410) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64273) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 250:e135, no 23) the royal message from the prince of orange to the peeres and commons in england to advertise them of some dangerous plots of forraigne enemies, undertaken by don keevalo caris, and others, to invade this kingdome : with his desire, that all the ports and cinque coasts be fortified with strong armes and ammunition : as also how he freely proffer'd himself to resist both them and the irish rebels. frederick henry, prince of orange, 1584-1647. [7] p. printed [sic] for tho. powel, [london] : 1641 [i.e. 1642] reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a40410 r19651 (wing f2106). civilwar no the royal message from the prince of orange to the peeres and commons in england, to advertise them of some dangerous plots of forraigne ene frederick henry, prince of orange 1642 1107 16 0 0 0 0 0 145 f the rate of 145 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-02 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the royal message from the prince of orange to the peeres and commons in england , to advertise them of some dangerous plots of forraigne enemies , undertaken by don keevalo caris , and others , to invade this kingdome . with his desire , that all the ports and cinque coasts be fortified with strong armes and ammunition . as also how he freely proffer'd himself to resist both them and the irish rebels . prnted for tho. powel . 1641. a royall embassage from the prince of orange to the well affected subiects in england . wee having maturely considered of the disloyal opposition , which have been reflected on our father , the manifold endeavours of your unwearied vigilancie , and the obstacles that interrupt the same , with the multiplicity of distractions wherein your kingdome is dangerously involved did forthwith according to our indulgent affection , think it expedient to premonish and advertise you of the numerous perils which are imminent and impendent over you ; it strooke a repercussive griese and carefull sollicitation into our princely minde , as soone as we had intelligence concerning the same ; and that their stratagems might prove abortive , for the prevention thereof wee thought good to shew our zealous duty to his maiesty , our respective affection to his parliament ▪ and the future security of his royall throne and realme . and first we predictate unto you the obscurely hatched conspiracies of the king of spaine , the object of whose sole intents have principaly aimed at the destructive ruine of your nation : wee have had credible intelligence , that hee is suddenly resolved to raise a strong and formidable navie ( scarce inferiour to that almost invincible armado ) and with a rushing and unexpected throng invade the land . don pedro affirmed this to be true , and hath conducted many paper-messengers to us concerning the absolute astipulation and credible assertion of the same . don pedringano likewise ( my singular and intimate friend ) did certifie the same unto mee : wherefore we lovingly , yea and obsequiously too , premonish you to be circumspective and cautious : for to our certaine knowledge don keevalo caris is in great preparation to ruse and augment his fleet , as appeared by the notions of our dearest friends , but besides this trap , there is likewise a dangerous snaredistended against your kingdome , which both doe violently threaten a most precipitious destruction ; my intent is not mysterious or enigmaticall , but rather very perspicuous to be interpreted . i mean ths frenchmen , who , like the egyptian locusts who are resolved to swarme in the realme suddenly , and so imbrew their inhumane hands in the off●sive bloud of the protestants . these with the auxiliary assistance of the rebels in ireland , being link confederates , and once conioyned in the cruell concatenation of tyrannicall conspiracies are able to precipitate the whole kingdome at one stroke , if gods omnipotent and doe not ave●t it , and your vigilant endeavours prevent it . sed mal orae speramus , wee hope and expect a more happy , favourable , and propitous event t yet notwithstanding without any 〈◊〉 procrastinati●n wee humbly beseech for yo●r owne safety particularly , and the epidemicail security of the whole kingdome , that you would with judicious maturity of cou●cel● serious●y c●●sider the perillous precedent 〈◊〉 and you may then cl●●te , that the 〈…〉 very dangerous . w●erefore 〈◊〉 ●●sp●ct our humble our humble advice that you woul● bee gr●ciously pleased to 〈…〉 the chief coasts and cinque ports with military armes , and strong ammunition in defence of the kingdome , for otherwise nothing can be expected but ruinate and precipitate destruction . likewise , that you would gravely consider and appoint , that the city of london be strongly provided , and the tower soundly searched , least any intestine plot should be somented at home . as also , that all military ammunition be provided , and it be forthwth ordered , that the traine bands should daily waite for prevention of any conspiracie that should ensue . thus as we have presented our present care and indulgent sollicitation for the safetie and welfare of the kingdome : so likewise we presume to commend respectively our petitionary desire to your honours : first , that your honours would be graciously pleased to condescend to his maiesties pleasure and just command , without repugnance and opposition ; for a distracted varience betwixt a king and his subiects , is the first ground and principium of confusion to a nation . therefore we humbly imlore your honours to conioyne with his maiesty in a reciprocall concord , that the knot of peace and tranquility may be tyed so securely fast , that all the hell-guided conspiracies of forraigne enemies may be annihilated and abolished . that you would likewise endeavour to concatenate the affections of the people to his majesty , that his royall prerogative and imperiall throne be not violated , and trampled downe by the malicious aspersions of such as are ill affected and dangerous persons in the realme . that the divisions and distractions in the kingdome may be allayed and asswaged , to the comfort of his maiesty , the honour of his parliament , and the perpetuall peace and prosperity of the realme . in the meane time my diurnal prayers assiduous supplica●ions shal be invocated upon the mighty and almighty assistance and auxiliation of god that all your deliberations and determining councels may be directed to the right obiect , and for my part i will confirme my resolutions , and am fully intended to assist you with my full power and forces ; and i shall likewise diligently endeavour to repel and detrude those forraign enemies : and for the irish rebels wee shall labour to qualifie , and by gods divine providence assisting us we shall crowne england with an olive branch of victorious tranquility in the kingdome . his maiesties consent for the princesse maries going to holland . and her maiestie to accompany her thither . his maiestie being very much pressed by the states ambassador to send the princesse his daughter immediately into holland : and being likewise earnestly desired by his royall consort the queene , to give her majestie leave to accompany her daughter thither ; hath thought fit to consent to both desires , and to make this his maiesties resolution known to his parliament . finis . whereas we are informed that the price of corn, and all sorts of grain, meale and malt, is grown excessive high in several parts of this kingdom, which doth arise as is conceived from the great quantities of corn which have been of late carried out of this kingdom, into forreign parts ... by the lord deputy and council, arran. ireland. lord deputy. 1684 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46211 wing i979 estc r36977 16170363 ocm 16170363 104969 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46211) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104969) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:74) whereas we are informed that the price of corn, and all sorts of grain, meale and malt, is grown excessive high in several parts of this kingdom, which doth arise as is conceived from the great quantities of corn which have been of late carried out of this kingdom, into forreign parts ... by the lord deputy and council, arran. ireland. lord deputy. arran, richard butler, earl of, d. 1686. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin took ... and are to be sold by mary crook ..., dublin : [1684] title from first 7 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. date of publication suggested by wing. "given at the council chamber in dublin the fifth day of may 1684." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng grain trade -law and legislation -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord deputy and council : arran . whereas we are informed that the price of corn and all sorts of grain , meale , and malt is grown excessive high in several parts of this kingdom , which doth arise as is conceived from the great quantities of corn which have been of late carried out of this kingdom , into forreign parts . we the lord deputy and council , for a timely and seasonable prevention of that scarcity which by such transportation of corn may be brought upon this kingdom ; do hereby in his majesties name strictly charge and command all manner of persons whatsoever , that they do from henceforth untill michaelmas next , forbear to ship , carry or transport , any wheat , barly , rye , beare , oates , pease , pulse , meslin or any meale or malt out of this kingdom , to any other place whatsoever beyond the seas , as they will answer the contrary at their perilis . and we require all his majesties officers in the several and respective ports of this kingdom : and the commissioners for manageing of his majesties revenue in this kingdom , that they do seize all such grain , meale or malt , as they shall find to be shipt after the date of this our proclamation , and before michaelmas next , with intent to export the same , contrary to the meaning hereof . given at the council chamber in dublin the fifth day of may , 1684 mich. armah . c. longford . granard . char. meredith . william davys . john keating . he. hene . rich. reynell . john cole . rob. hamilton . tho. newcomen . god save the king dvblin printed by benjamin took , printer to the kings most excellent majesty and are to be sold by mary crook , at his majesties printing house on ormonde-key . the cheif [sic] affairs of ireland truly communicated. for a check and reproof to all such as walk westminster-hall, onely to spread false wonders of the toryes, and landing of forrein forces in ireland, that they may discourage any that are now willing to go over either to plant, or serve in the wars for the better speeding of the work yet behinde. parker, henry, 1604-1652. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a91193 of text r203125 in the english short title catalog (thomason e652_14). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 46 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a91193 wing p398 thomason e652_14 estc r203125 99863197 99863197 115384 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91193) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 115384) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 100:e652[14]) the cheif [sic] affairs of ireland truly communicated. for a check and reproof to all such as walk westminster-hall, onely to spread false wonders of the toryes, and landing of forrein forces in ireland, that they may discourage any that are now willing to go over either to plant, or serve in the wars for the better speeding of the work yet behinde. parker, henry, 1604-1652. [2], 12 [i.e. 18] p. printed by f: neile, london : 1651 [i.e. 1652] attributed to henry parker. the last 5 pages are numbered: 12, 9, 8, 13, 12. annotation on thomason copy: "by h: parker esqr"; "february 2d". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. ireland -politics and government -17th century -early works to 1800. a91193 r203125 (thomason e652_14). civilwar no the cheif [sic] affairs of ireland truly communicated.: for a check and reproof to all such as walk westminster-hall, onely to spread false parker, henry 1652 8165 27 0 0 0 0 0 33 c the rate of 33 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the cheif affairs of ireland truly communicated . for a check and reproof to all such as walk westminster-hall , onely to spread false wonders of the toryes , and landing of forrein forces in ireland , that they may discourage any that are now willing to go over either to plant , or serve in the wars for the better speeding of the work yet behinde . london : printed by f : neile . 1651. the earl of clanrickard titular deputy of ireland , for the titular king of great brittain , upon receit of the duke of lorrains agreement with the irish agents , sends out his summons to assemble the states of ireland , that he may communicate to them the said agreement , and some other matters of publick concernment . one copie of his summons to the county of gallway follows here verbatim . after my hearty commendations , the last generall assembly held at lough reagh , having adjourned their sessions unto the sixth of november next , which through eminent occasions , and at request of the officers of the army , hath been appointed sooner , but by reason of the slendernesse of appearance , and power of the enemy , was disappointed from concluding any thing , upon the weighty affairs they had to debate , and adjourned unto the said day first appointed : we have therefore thought fit to renue , and appoint the meeting of the said assembly at james town , upon the said sixth day of november next , at ten of the clock in the forenoon , and do hereby pray , and require , that you will under your hand , and seal , return unto the said generall assembly , at the time , and place aforesaid , either the former persons returned from the county of galloway , and corporations therein , or two other able , and lawfully elected persons , by an assembly , or generall meeting of the aforesaid county , and two other able , and lawfully elected , persons , by the inhabitants of every burrough in the said county there to sit , and vote in all matters debated , by the said assembly , and if the power of the enemy will not admit such generall meetings , you are to cause the said election to be made , and returned in the best manner you may , and to give notice to the persons by you to be returned as aforesaid , not to fail in the said hour ▪ the rather that we have to commmunicate to the said ▪ assembly , as well a dispatch lately received by us of a transaction made , and concluded with the duke of lorrain , for the relief of this kingdome ; as also severall matters relating unto , and concerning the said agreements , and other matters of much importance to his ma : service , and the good of this nation , which ( least any interruption may be given us by the enemy ) we intend shall be entred upon , and debated the first day of the sessions , having resolved to avoid the danger of a long session , to hasten as far as in us lyeth the results to be there taken ; and so we bid you heartily farewell , and remain : at aghnanure the 10. october : 1651. for the county of galloway . your loving friend , clenrickard . by vertue of this summons , a generall assembly was to meet at james-town in connought , novemb. the 6th . last : but the appearance probably was then very slender , and the power of the english did ( as it had done before at longh reagh ) disappoint the formall concluding of any matters of importance . in leynster , munster , vlster , all the cities , burroughs , towns , and places habitable ( almost ) were in english hands , if any messengers could be found to deliver summons , no competent electors could be found to observe the same : and even in connought the two head cities were at once besieged , and the besiegers of each were so fearles of being raised or disturbed by all the forces of ireland , that divided as they were , they yet further subdivided themselves , and marched abroad constantly to seek out enemies , and take in garrisons , all that lay within any reasonable distance . it must needs be therefore a very hard matter for clanrickard driven to such straits as he himself was , out of a nation so far subdued as ireland , then was to call together any thing , that might in any construction be admitted to be a generall assembly : or any representative fit to conclude of generall affairs . howsoever a copy of that agreement which had been completed betwixt charles the 4th . d ▪ of lorrain on the one part , and the lo : taaffe , viscunt sir nic : plunket ▪ knight , and geff : brown esquire of the other part , shall be here inserted faithfully . some abbreviation shall be used , as to those tedious , superfluous repetitions , which the lawyers stile intruder as necessary , but i shall not recede from the sense , and substance in the least : for that i appeal to the enemy himself . the copy follows . an agreement betwixt charles the 4th . d. of lorrain : and theobald l : viscont taaf ; sir ni : plunket , and geoff : browne , deputed and authorised by the kingdom and people of ireland . 1. the most illustrious duke is to be vested with royall power , under the title of protector royall of ireland . 2. because religion is the prime end and subject of the treaty : all is to begin with an imploring application to the pope for his paternall benediction , and help , that he will not be wanting in things spirituall , or temporall : in consideration whereof it is protested , that constant perpetuall obsequiousness of duty and faithfulness shall be paid to his holiness , and the apostolick see . 3. in consideration of this royall protectors power granted , the duke is by war to prosecute the kings enemies , and afford him all possible assistance . 4. the said duke is to do nothing in abrogation of the kings authoritie , or jurisdiction in ireland , but rather to amplifie it : and having restor'd the kingdom , and religion to their due , pristine estate , he is to resigne cheerfully the kingdom to the king . 5. before resignation as aforesaid , the duke is to be re-imbursed all by him preimpended in this business : and for this re-imbursement a generall , exact obedience to the duke in faith and fidelity from the kingdom and people is made , and to be observed ; without reservation to any other superiority whatsoever . 6. the duke is not to fail on his part to expell out of ireland hereticks , enemies to kings , and religion : and to recover and defend all things belonging to the faithfull subjects of ireland . 7. the duke is solely , and absolutely to exercise all military power , for the present and future in ireland , as to the nomination of all commanders , and guiding all martiall proceedings at his own pleasure , and in his own person : unles he in his absence substitute some other catholick person . 8. the duke is to introduce no innovation into the towns , &c. to him assigned repugnant to the securities , priviledges , immunities , proprieties , lands , estates , or antient laws of the irish : reserving only to himself authority to apply remedy in any thing accruing , wherein publick prejudice may be concerned . 9. the duke is not to interpose in administration of judiciall , or civill affairs , but leave them to be proceeded in according to the fundamentall laws , and politick forme by the kings chief governor , and the assembly instituted . 10. the manner of calling assemblies to be as formerly , unles complaint arise against their government , or other extraordinary emergencys hinder : and then according to the antient laws , the calling of the assembly is to be at the pleasure of his highnes . 11. when the work is done in ireland , by consent of a general assembly , the duke promisses to afford agents to the king , against rebelling adversaries in other kingdoms . 12 in case the duke cannot go in person into ireland , it is free ▪ in his choise , and pleasure , to depute any other able man of catholick piety , who shall be independent in the militia , and in civill matters shall be received to all manner of councels in the same right , as any other counsellor , or commissioners . 13. all cities , castles , lands taken from the english , shall revert to the owners , if catholicks who have constantly persever'd in the catholick quarters under the duke , yet the dukes military power shal be intire over the same , to garrison , and dispose of them for publick security at his pleasure . 14. all pay to the souldiery is to passe from the duke , as well out of the publick revenue , as of the dukes coffers , when that fails : always provided that what the duke disburses of his proper , for publick uses for the future , be repaid him , as his former disbursements . 15. all goods of enemies , and delinquents , are to be converted to publick military charges , and towards rewarding great merits by the duke , with advise of the generall assembly . 16. the duke besides 20000 livre. already contributed , promisses all further accommodations and supplements of war , together with his power , and industry , whatsoever is not above the reach of his faculties , and beneath the necessities of the war : towards repayment whereof as well principall , as the annuall provenue , and use thereof , the whole nation of ireland is to be liable , untill the last penny paid , and for caution in the mean time , the duke is to be seized and possessed in his own hands of galloway , limerick , athenree , the castle and town of athlone , and waterford , and the royall fort of duncannon , ( when recover'd from the enemy ) and these are to remain to him , and his heirs ( untill full , intire satisfaction received ) and to pay just obedience : and the garrison'd , and commanded at his pleasure . 17. in laying of publick taxes , and leavying the same for the dukes satisfaction , the duke to proceed by advice of the generall assembly , and all aggrieved parties in case of inequality to seek redresse from the generall assembly . 18. for tiquidating , and stating the dukes disbursements a certain method shall be agreed upon betwixt the duke , and the said transactors ; but for the persons to be intrusted in that charge , the gen ▪ assembly is to alter them at their pleasure . 19. the duke shall make no peace , nor cessation without the lord deputy , and generall assembly . 20. the lord deputy , and generall assembly shall make no peace &c. without consent of the duke . july 22. 1651. signed charles of lorrain . here is discovered a strange sodering , and patching together of contrary interests , by four severall parties on the one side , only that england may be undermined ; and betrayed by the conjunction of their counsels , and forces on the other side . here is the pretended vicar of christ , the pretended king of ireland , the pretended duke of lorrain , and the pretended plenipotentiaries from the generall assembly of the irish , and all these make their adverse pretentions reconcileable to each other , in this transaction , that they may appear against england , like the foxes which absolon coupled together , with firebrands in their tailes , when he intended to burn joabs standing corn . the pope would certainly govern ireland intirely , and imediately by his own substitutes , if it were possibly to be obtained , rather then admit of these conditions for the king or duke : but since all cannot be obtained , he will lay hold of what share he can . the king likewise cannot affect such rivals as the pope and duke : nor can the people of ireland voluntarily envassal themselves to so many signiors : nor would the duke of lorrain take the whole burthen of this rugged adventure upon himself , without better security ▪ but al of them bearing a joynt spight against the english , for the satisfying of that common spight , are willing , though against their wils , to daub up their own particular concernments with morter , altogether untemperd . it is not worth while therefore to inquire at present , what it is that all these treat for here joyntly , t is the dividing of englands spoiles , as appears by the 6t .. 11th . 15th . articles , but let us a little inquire what that game is , which every one of these treators hunts after , and pursues severally . the popes ends are to be found in the 2d . and 1●1 ▪ articles ▪ that help , and benediction which is expected from rome , is not to be bestowed in vain : if the pope will now set to his assisting hand , and by his holy croisadoes , and other devote spells , contribute treasure to this work , ireland shall again return to his obedience , nay ireland being happily reduced , england , and scotland shall be attempted in the next place . we see the stuped old bishop dos not yet despair : though god has already powrd out some vials of his wrath upon his seven-hilled see , and rent away from him more then a 3d. part of his territories , and though there are more viale yet remaining , that must discharge more indignation shortly upon his throne : yet all this dos not quite deterr him from looking after new acquisitions , and re-installments . well : let him morgage a good part of heaven to raise money , and let him imbarque that mony in this expedition of the duke of lorrayn , we are still confident his empire is in its declination , and those cups of blood which have been lately fild to him , by his command in ireland , are the last that he shall ever quaffe in such excesse . the dukes ends are provided for in the 1. 5. 7. 8. 10. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 18. 20 articles . he is by title to be protector royall of ireland , and by that office to assume regal power to himself , and deputies : the administration of civill , and judiciall affairs is to be left to a generall assembly , as formerly , or to the kings deputies , and ministers : but this in time of war amounts to nothing : because the military sword is absolutely , and independently girt upon the dukes thigh ; and t is well enough known , that in times of war the power military over-awes the civill as much , as the civill ought to overaw the military in times of peace . moreover , the war is not to be determined till the duke pleases , and if any dispute arise in the mean time betwixt power , and power , here is a particular reservation of authority to the duke to apply remedy : what that means : i leave to conjecture . besides , the duke is to have some share in the civil administration also , and the issuing of the treasure , & managing of the publick revenue is primarily in him : and till his disbursements be satisfied ( of which there is not yet no auditor but himself ) for principall , and provenue . all ireland is his morgage : yea divers of its chief cities , and fortresses are to be his in possession , for more speciall securance , and caution . upon promise of this security before the signing of the treaty , the duke sent 20000 l. to galloway , and since the full signing of the same , some other supplies of the like value have been sent from the same hand , and questionles , if the irish commissioners were able to grant enough to the duke , the duke has contracted warily enough for himself , but the main thing contracted for is yet in english hands , such as regard neither of the treating parties . so in conclusion , the duke is his own security : all that he has treated for with the irish , is but a crackt title : his own coffers must still purchase that which is to replenish his coffers : and the expence of his militia , must recover that which is to repay him for the expence of his militia ; it behooves the duke therefore now to lay all at stake , and not to dally away his treasure in crums , ( especially since he is dismist of the duke of newburghs entertainment , ) for all the body of his mercinary larro●…s , ( if he had swimming carriages , sufficient to their march , ) and all the plunder , and hire that that body has inricht him withall , are scarse sufficient to ensure this one irish bargain to him . the yong titular kings ends are condition'd for , in the 3. 4. 9. 11. articles : the duke promisses him fair , but leaves him nothing else to depend upon , besides bare promises . yea , and the commissioners also ( to whom the duke has promist a resignation of the crown after all demands satisfied , and debts paid ) treat by a commission from the kingdome and people of ireland , not so much as mentioning him : if then the yong titular king was privy , & consenting to this transaction : so directly threatning the extirpation of protestants here cald hereticks , and the confusion of england here made the pray of so many hunters ; we may safely conclude , that he has abjurde both religion , and country ; nay we ▪ may conclude further , that having postponed all other things to private aimes of his own , in the pursuing of those aimes , he is rather transported with counsels of blood , and revenge , then of hope and advantage . but if his consent was not past to these articles , so dishonourable , and injurious to himself , his irish subjects are not so loyall , and faithfull to him , as sometimes they would faine professe themselves to be , and as his tame complyance with them seems to merit at their hands . how wise his councellors are , i cannot apprehend ; for when i consider that the scots , and the irish have been perpetually courted by him , and gratified with condiscentions against his religion , against his honour , against his conscience , against his inclination : and yet nothing was ever hitherto held out to the governing party in england , but the red flagg of defiance : his counsels seem to me unfathomable . the advantages of the irish are now lastly to be look't after , in the 1. 2. 6. 12. 13. 15. 19. articles . for they are not only to be restored to their own forfeited estates : but rewarded also for their bucheries , and outrages with all that pertains to the english . they are to have negative voices in all truces , and treaties of peace . they are to be governd by a catholick prince , and in his absence by a catholick deputy : till the duke declares himself fully satisfied , and continued . they are to have the popes crosier as predominant amongst them as ever formerly . in brief , they are to have popery secured to them for ever , by vertue whereof , they shall be absolved of all blood by them already drawn , and enabled to shed , as much hereafter upon all occasions offred , for since they have not pawnd , but really sold themselves in fee to the duke of lorrain , ( knowing , and foreseeing their countries insolvency , and that the dukes pretences are never probably to be answerd in this age , though right reckonings might be expected ) that dear religion of theirs , which so sweetned to them by the sacrificing of hereticks , must needs be indefeasibly establisht amongst them . now all these things sumd up together , need no commentary to be made upon them : every english man , that knows what belongs to an english man , will be a sufficient commentater to himself . in observing of the irish especially ( for the other 3. treators are forrein to us ) and their sincerity in treating , no man can be deficient : for they we see here , whilst they are professing fidelity to the parliament , and seeking freedome of their own consciences , yet are articling with the duke of lorrain , and other potentates at the same time , to root out the very name of english , and protestant from the face of the earth : and though they have alwayes made their kings cause a principall part of their quarrell against us , notwithstanding that he is our profest enemy : yet upon all advantages they are ready to casheir him , though he he hath always followed his fathers steps in this , in keeping a secret , strict , and servile correspondence with them : yea , and espousing so much guilt of blood for their sakes , as all the water in the sea betwixt england , and ireland , will never wash off from his unhappy family . about the beginning of novemb : limerick yeelded to the lord deputy upon such articles , as shew what distresse the town was in : but the articles have been printed and publisht already , and therefore i forbear here to insert them . howsoever presently after , the lord deputy sent his summoning letters with offers of fair termes to galway , copies whereof you shall now have . a copy of his excellencies letter to gen : preston , governor of galway . sir , i shall not now do you the courtesie as to summon you at such a distance , because your gravity once chid me for it as unadvisedly ; but for the good mens sake of the city , who perhaps may not be so ayery in the notion of a souldiers honor , as to understand the quibles of it , or to find the worth or weight in them , to admit them in ballance against the more feeling concernments of their own safety , and subsistance ( though men of your unhappy breeding think such glorious trifles worth the sacrificing , or of other mens lives and interests , for ( however you would your own ) i have here sent to them a sober tender of conditions , which they may ( perhaps ) think it behooves them to consider , whilether's time , and rather at distance then stay till the refusall , bring mischief or danger neerer their doores . this if you shall fairly communicate as t is directed , and especially if you be found complyant to the substance and effect of it , ( waving the frivolous impertinencies of a souldiers honour or humor rather ) you may partake in the benefit of such conditions , as your quality renders you capable of . if you smother or suppresse it , you may guesse whose head shall pay for the trouble , or mischief that shall follow if god enable us to reach it , as i doubt not but he will , because he is , and we have eminently found him still to be a righteous judg , pleading the quarrell of the innocent , and a severe avenger of their blood against those that spill it , or lightly regard it , as well as a mercifull father , and faithfull master to those that serve and fear him . clare castle : novemb : 7. 1651. sir : your servant , h : ireton . to the citizens of gallway . gent : i suppose you cannot but understand ; that as god hath been pleased to blesse and d●spose of our affairs ) we have no place considerable in ireland to intend next but your city , where i believe you must needs feel some restraint already , both to your trading and supplies , and cannot but foresee more coming on that will reduce you ( by gods blessing continuing with us ) to extremity ere long , though we should not at all deal with you in a more forcible way . and therefore though i can expect little fruit of a formall summons at this distance , and season ; if you be under the power of mercinary souldiery ▪ ( who will perhaps pretend point of honour , not to yeeld before more extremity , or immediate force at hand : but really intend their own interests , so far as to keep themselves in a warme quarter , and good pay , whilst they can , though thereby ( besides first milking of you dry ) they bring you into as bad a condition at last , as those in limerick , and other places have done the poor people that maintained them , and then getting as good conditions as they can for themselves to be gone , leave you with your more weighty interests behinde , to stand at the stake , yet not knowing but your wisedome may have kept you so far masters of your selves , and your city , as to be able to rid your selves of such guests when you see cause . i thought fit hereby to offer you , as once i did to limerick last year whilest they were their own masters , that if you will yet open your gates , and submit to the state of england , you shall find more mercy , and favour to all save the originall authors of the rebellion , the first engagers in command or councel therein ▪ before the first general assembly , or such as sate therein , then you shall ever have from me by bargaining for your selves . or if you think it better for you to capitulate for conditions , i shall ( if you accept them ) without farther trouble to us , give you the same in effect , which i tendred to limerick at my first setting down before it this year , in case they would have surrendred then , so as to have set us free for other work the remainder of the summer , which if upon the sad example of what they by the refusall haue lost , and what they came to at last , after all the distresses , impoverishments , and miseries of the siege , you incline to lay bold on while you may , and so prevent the like miseries ▪ you shall soon understand them from me . now indeed though you should not be ever mastered by an hungry sharking souldiery , yet the multitude of priests , those incendiaries of blood , and mischief amongst men , and of other desperate persons ( engaged upon their principles in the beginning of this religion , and in the murthers , and outrages therein committed ) which i understand you have amongst you , makes me apt to doubt that by reception and protecting of them , and adherance thus far unto them ( if not by any bloudy and treacherous acting of your own ) you may in the righteous judgment of god be so far involved with them in the same guilt , as to be doomed , to pertake with them in the same plague , and given up to be either overawed or deluded thereunto , by the same persons with whom , and for whose sake you have so made your selves partakers in the guilt , or ( at least , i am sure such , as those amongst ( so far as they can prevaile to overpowre you , ( or deceive you ) will endeavour to engage you as deep , render you as desperate as themselves , and makes your wealth and strength serve to maintain or protect them , and their broken wicked interrest , as long as ever they can , yet what ever issue it have , i shall have the satisfaction in my self of having discharged such a duty towards the saving and reall good of men ( if capable of it ) and in having by this a good tryall , how god suffers you to be inclined ( for mercy or judgment to your selves ) and see the more light what dealing he cals for towards you from our hands . if you shall be blinded or hardned to the refusall of this mercy whilest you may have it , and to put the state of england , and us their servants to the charge , hardship , and labour of drawing before you to besiege you , when there is no town but yours to protract the end of the war , you may well expect ( since we have nothing else considerable to do ) that we shall indeavour to the utmost to make you pay dearly for it in the issue , and more then others before you , by how much you alone do ( with lesse reason or hopes , and more malignant obstinacy ) lengthen out our charge and trouble , and make your selves the single , and more singular mark of justice . but if there be ( as i am not without hope there may be ) a generation amongst you , more peaceably or providently inclined , and not so violent or mad as the rest , who would willingly imbrace mercy while they may , but are over-powred by a faction of other desperate ones , i shall be glad for those that are so minded if ▪ god gives them hearts to do that right to themselves , as to use some meanes whereby we may know them , and who the rest are that oppose it , ( or the principles of them ) that so we may have some ground of discrimination ( when god shall give it into 〈◊〉 power ) to use that tenderness towards them , and severity towards the other which god in such ●ase ) would call for , and we should desire . for generall ireton . sir , it would prove no courtesie unto me , your summoning me at such a distance , but rather a discurtesie , which had ( in my opinion ) rendred you guilty of a second errour against the rules of war . you may not think strange that the people of this town should stand upon souldiery , honour , and have skill to oppose an enemy , who have of themselves ( without the assistance of others ) long since stood out against the threats and attempt●s of the lord forbs , who was generall of a fleet when he besieged them , and forced by them to retire without any losse to themselves . if my profession be unhappy ( as you terme it ) i cannot but admire , you should follow the same , which it hitherto hath proved to your content , may hereafter prove unhappy to you according to your own judgment of it . and if men of that profession shall be backward in venturing mens lives , in a just cause , ( such as i own being for my religion , king , and country ) they shall hardly attain to the effecting of any great enterprise . but such as hazard mens lives without a just cause will one day answer for their blood before god the just judg , in which ( when you reflect on your own actions ) you will find your self as guilty as others . your letter to the mayer , aldermen , and burgesses of this town i delivered them , knowing their honest and gallant resolution to be such , as they may not be drawn or tempted to any the least distrust or jealousie of the souldiery amongst them , which you indeavour by your letter to fill their imaginations with all , for your own ends , and their utter ruine , and had i suppressed or smothered it , i cannot guesse whose head should be subject to pay for it : for i hold that the heads of those with you , are as unsetled on their shoulders , as any i know in this town . your servant , tho : preston taragh . galway , 12 novemb : 1651. for the lord gen : hen : ireton , these . vve received yours dated at the castle of clare the 7th . of this instant , wherein you seem ( under the cloud of a friendly advice ) to set distrust , and jealousies betwixt us , and the souldiery amongst us , which perhaps the like hath wrought your desired effects of division and distraction in limerick , and other places to their own ruine : yet have we that confidence in the ownipotent god who is the author , and fountain of vnion , and charity that nothing shall be able to rent or break the setled conjunction which is between us in the town , so that howsoever god shall be pleased to direct our intenions , it will appear by the effect to be the general act of all without exception . you were pleased to speak in your letter of conditions offered to limerick the last year , and likewise of others offered by you to them , when first you sate before that city this year , of both which we being ignorant , cannot give that full resolution upon those offers by you made , we do expect from you the full scope of both these conditions mentioned in your letter , and that without exception of any person , or persons in or of this town , whereupon we will return unto you such answer and resolution , as god shall direct us , and which shall become good christians , and men of our condition and quality : and so we remain , galway 12. novemb : 1651. your servants . richard kickwarty . mayor . oliver french . stephen french tho : linch . james lich. jo : stephens . dominick boowne . john blake . a reply to preston . se here old prestons confidence : because he fights for his king , county , and religion : because the citizens of galloway adhere unanimously to him : because he has a maxime of war to warrant him : and because he supposes there is an insnaring intent in the favourable conditions offered by the lord deputy : therefore he still resolves to run the hazard of a longer siege , and will rather abide the worst events of war , then accept of the favour here tendred . death has lately bereaved us of that pen that would , and best could have replied to there cavillations : neverthelesse such a fained plerophory of confidence as this must not passe without some reply . and first his lordship should have affirmed , that he fought for a just king , for an oppressed country , and for a religion truly christian : for that which he now affirms is but of little weight , in as much as all kings , all nationall quarrels , all religions are not justifiable , nor to be maintained by force at all times . and as to this particular case , the king here intimated is such a one , as in a solemnly-sworn , scotch covenant has renounced , and discomission'd preston himself , and all his adherants , as enemies to his scotch covenant , yea , and to requite this renuntiation of the king , the irish at the same time have offred to renounce him , and to alienate the crown from his posterity . let it be provided ; that popery may be establisht in ireland , and the buchering of 500000 british protestants remitted : and there are plenipotentiaries in england at this instant , that will conclude with us about ejecting monarchy out of ireland for ever . this shews how ingeniously this governor of galway makes kingly interest one prop of his cause , and one plea for his conscience in a dispute so bloody , as this has hitherto prooved , and still is likely to prove . then for his countrey that affords him as weak an argument for the upholding of his courage , as his king . for 1. that which he cals his country has no place to convene , and vote in but woods and boggs : and divide ireland into 10 parts , and 7. of those ten have laid down arms , submitted to the parliament : and desire protection no otherwise , then as they disavow all that were guilty of the first massacre , and continue now in hostility against the english . 2ly . admit there were any right of government in that minor part of fugitives , which preston here cals his country , meerly because they continue to abett , and justifie by force the first rebellion in 1641. yet still he knows , those fugitives themselves are now subdivided into severall parties , and contrary counsels . one part of them is now treating with the duke of lorrain , about a resignation of ireland into his hands , an other is proposing contrary termes to the common-wealth of england . 3ly . grant all ireland undivided , in a free generall assembly , did impowre preston still to maintain by armes , that horrid conjuration and barbarous exception of 1641. will he imagine , that such a power can make the demands of satisfaction , and expiation illegall in the english , or a deniall of the same legall in him , and his principalls ? he may aswell suppose that law civill may abrogate the law of nature ? and that the commands of impious ▪ bloody man , may supersede the most fundamentall institutions of god . what an incredible stupidity is this in preston then , that he puts any comparison betwixt his own cause , and the lord deputies , when all the world knows his sword is drawn to maintain the most execrable outragious slaughter of christians , that ever the earth was made drunk with , and guilty of , and the lord deputies is drawn only to recover due vindication for the same ? but preston alledges further that he is religions champion , as well his kings , and countries : and this must needs move very much with all that know his religion , for we must understand , by his religion , the virgin mary commands in heaven equall at least with jesus christ , even as on earth the bishop of rome governs almost solely , and intirely above all that is called god . by his religion , divine merits suffice not without humane additions by his religion , the pope may invert totally gods most sacred ordinances , making incest sodomy , perjury , rebellion , &c. excusable , and commendable as often as they serve his advantages , and pretentions by his religion , an absolute soveraignity is due to the pope over all princes , and governments , and to deny the same attaints any man of heresie . by his religion , heresie is a sufficient cause to expose whole nations , to the destruction of his emissaries , yea if oaths have been made to preserve them from destruction , those oaths are to be avoided , and falsified upon paine of damnation . by his religion , many thousands of protestants infiduously murdred before open war in ireland , since 164● were piously sacrifized to christs vicar at rome , and for him to defend these sacrifizers , merits much of all the angels and saints in heaven . of this religion therefore which thus inables the pope to do things diabollicall , whilst it pretends to clothe him with divine soveraignity , more need not be said ; if this religion be in any proportion , or shadow answerable to that which was preacht , and practis'd by our saviour , let preston still injoy his confidence in it . the 2d . thing that buoys up the spirit of the lord of taragh is the unanimity , and stoutnes of the townsmen under his command : and this to us signifies very little : for when a company of tradesmen , and mechanicks has a governor to flatter them with stories of the lord forbes , a priest to invegle them with fables of purgatory , and a souldier to aw them with pikes , and muskets : t is no great wonder if they promise compliance , and give way to their mayor , and some few aldermen to subscribe for them . nay if the lord of taragh himself seem at present , as things now stand , to promise himself much from this agreement , and subscription of the townsmen , that is as little to be wondred at ; because it may very wel be notwithstanding , that he which now speaks big words upon the approach of winter , may yet resolve to be more attentive to reason , when the approach of the spring ads more advantages to his besiegers . he cannot chuse but remember that in 1650. he had as much assurance of constancy and fidelity from the tradesmen , in waterford , as he has now in gallway , yet both he and the waterfordians in the end found cause to lament that unhappy assurance . drogheda suffred for its obstinacy , though it was the first town that rejected favour , let gallway then and preston too , consider what it is ▪ to reject favour at last cast , and to remain obstinate after all other places of consequence are reduced : let not the lord deputies fair warning be too far slighted . a 3d. thing that animates his lordship , is a puntilio of honour , which some rude , meer sword men reverence , and observe as a maxime of war ; and by this maxime a commander in chief is to prefer his own repute before the saving of thousands under his charge : and t is declared to be forfeiture of repute to him , to accept of conditions from an enemy whilst they aree too favourable , and too timely . all the misery which fell upon waterford by pestilence , famine , and the sword in 1650. might have been prevented by this lord of taragh , ( at that time governor there ) had not his honour been inconsistent with the acceptance of the terms then offered : and the termes then offred were better then his lordship ▪ afterwards accepted without any blemish to his honour , they were only dishonourable in this , that they were offerd too soon , and before the city had sufficiently tasted the miseries of a lasting siege . at that time before a sacrifice had been made of 10000 men , to the repute of this famous generall , t was not fit for him to march away , but after this due right , and solemnity performed , he had a maxime of war to warrant the rendition of the place upon termes more disadvantagious . we know not when , where , not by what senate of martialists , these tyrannous laws of honour were enacted , but the tyranny of them is very manifest , and by this tyranny iredah , wexford , limerick , and some other places in ireland , have been lately brought to very sad , and tragicall castrophes : and it should seem preston thinks himself still necessitated by the same , to bury himself , and gallway in honourable ashes . the lord deputy taking just scandall at such ignorant mercinary swordmen , as these who follow armes out of choise , not necessity , and not understanding honour rightly defined , shed blood for formality , no● policy ▪ calls the profession of them unhappy : and this preston stomacks at , and retorts , as if the lord deputy were himself of the same profession . herein his ignorance appears still more at large : for the lord deputy ▪ did not speak disdainfully of all , but only of such souldiers as fall under the foresaid distinction : he is as much mistaken in souldiers now , as he was before in the honour of souldiers : and this shews that his rude , and truly unhappy trade never tought him rightly either to define , or distinguish . the last thing that hardens preston , or rather that is made use of by preston to harden the townsmen of gallway is this ; that the lord deputy intends no more favour to them , notwithstanding all his fair offers of mercy , then he dos to the souldiery , and the rest of the desperate incendiaries in gallway , whom he excludes from it . and he tels the people the lord deputies design is onely to breed variance , and division betwixt both parties , that both might be made his prey the more easily . nay he is not ashamed to tell the people that limerick was bet●ayed , and lost by the same fraud . what are these people ashamed of ? all the world knows , that limerick after great hardships , and distresses endured in a long siege , was forced at last to submit to that ingens telum , which we call necessity : and those miserable people that are still surviving after all those calamities , will be sad witnesses , that they may curse that obstinate unity that made them hold out so long , not any factions , or dissentions that made them submit so soon . the english were never guilty of circumventing enemies by subtilties , and of all english men there was never any one more averse from deluding snares then the lord dep : ireton : let them but name one town in ireland during all these wars , that ever lost by timely yeelding , or had cause to boast of long holding out , and this argument shall be wholly granted them . finis . whereas his majestie was graciously pleased by a commission under the great seal of england, bearing date at westminster on or about the tenth day of december last past, to constitute and appoint sir charles meredith, knight and chancellor of his majesties court of exchequer in this kingdom ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1676 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46143 wing i800 estc r36888 16149145 ocm 16149145 104873 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46143) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104873) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:26) whereas his majestie was graciously pleased by a commission under the great seal of england, bearing date at westminster on or about the tenth day of december last past, to constitute and appoint sir charles meredith, knight and chancellor of his majesties court of exchequer in this kingdom ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. [2] leaves. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1676. title from first 7 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 26th day of may, 1676"--leaf [2] broadside in [2] leaves. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng taxation -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council of ireland . essex . whereas his majestie was graciously pleased by a commission under the great seal of england , bearing date at westminster on or about the tenth day of december last past , to constitute and appoint sir charles meredith knight , and chancellor of his majesties court of exchequer in this kingdom , sir james cuffe knight , john stone esq robert wood dr. of laws , thomas taylor esq robert gorges dr. of laws . thomas sheridan , william hanway , edward wigg , thomas waller , and murtogh dowling esqs to be his chief commissioners , & governors for managing of all and every the rates , duties summe , and summes of money , and other his majesties revenues and in●omes in this kingdom , during his majesties pleasure . and whereas his majestie hath been since graciously pleased by an indenture under the great seal of england , bearing late the eighth day of april last to demise grant , & to farm let unto sir james shaen knight & baronet , william hill , william rider , thomas hoar , francis soane , william muschamp , edward richbill , stanhop mill , lawrence stannyan , john gourney , and thomas sheridan esqs all his majesties revenues , profits and incomes in this kingdom , which upon the 26th day of december last 1675 , and until the 25th day of december , which shall be in the year of our lord 1682 inclusive , are or shall be due , answerable or payable unto his majestie , his heirs or successours ( new ai●es , or increase of his majesties revenue by acts of parliament to be hereafter past , only excepted ) with full power and authoritie , to govern , improve , let , set , receive , collect , levy & manage the same , by themselves , their deputies , agents , substitutes and servants at and under the rents , covenants , conditions , savings , limitations and restrictions therein mentioned , as in and by the said letters patents ( relation thereunto being had ) doth more fully and at large appear . and whereas some of the said farmers are since arrived in this kingdom , who have produced before us the lord lieutenant and council , his majesties said letters patents of the said farm , bearing date the aforesaid eighth day of april last , as also a sufficient power & authoritie from the rest of the said farmers , to take upon them the care and management of the said farm , and of his majesties revenue , thereby demised to them . and whereas his majestie by his letters under his signet and signe manual , bearing date at his court at white-hall the 18th day of this instant may , hath signified his royal will and pleasure , that a proclamation should issue for superseding , annulling and vacating the aforesaid commission and all powers and authorities therein and thereby granted , which upon the perfecting and sight of the patent of the said farm are by his majesties said letters declared to be actually superseded , we the lord lieutenant and council in obedience to his majesties said letters , do therefore by this our proclamation publish and declare , that the aforesaid commission granted to the said sir charles merideth , sir james cuff , john stone , robert wood , thomas taylor , robert gorges , thomas sheridan , william hanway , edward wigg , thomas waller , and murtogh dowling , and all the powers and authorities thereby granted , are suspended , annulled and vacated , and shall from henceforth cease and determine . and we do hereby require and command the aforesaid commissioners , the chief treasurer , and all other receivours , collectors , and ministers , which are or have been imployed under them , to be answerable & accountable only to his majesties said farmers of his revenue , for their respective receipts , proceedings and actings , in , by and under the said commission , and for preventing any inconvenience which may happen unto , or befall his majesties said revenue , by the revoking or superseding the said commission , we do hereby further require and command all and every th apersons imployed immediately under the said commisioners at the head office or generall office of the revenue at dublin , and likewise the receivers , collectors , and other officers and ministers who are now imployed in and about the said revenue elsewhere , to continue and act in their severall and respective imployments and stations , during the time they shall be continued and authorized , or untill they be removed dismissed or discharged , by the said farmers or the greater number of them , or such as they or the greater number of them have constituted and appointed , or shall hereafter constitute and appoint . and in the mean time , they are to observe and follow such rules , orders and instructions , as they shall from time to time receive from the said farmers , or the major part of them , or those authorized and appointed by the major part of them . and we do hereby require all his majesties officers and ministers in this kingdom , to be aiding and asisting unto the said farmers , and such as they shall from time to time associate unto or appoint , or imploy under them in and for the execution of the trust commited to them by the said grant and demise , whereof all persons concerned are hereby required to take notice given at the council chamber in dublin the 26th day of may , 1676 ja : armachanus . mich : dublin canc. massereene . fitzharding . heugh . glenaully : j : povey . jo : bysse . wil : steward . ol : st : george . hans ▪ hamilton . wm : flower ri : gethin . john cole . god save the king. dvblin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the king 's most excellent majestie ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde , bookseller in castle-street . 1676. a nevv description of ireland vvherein is described the disposition of the irish whereunto they are inclined. no lesse admirable to be perused then credible to be beleeued: neither vnprofitable nor vnpleasant to bee read and vnderstood, by those worthy cittizens of london that be now vndertakers in ireland: by barnabe rich, gent rich, barnabe, 1540?-1617. 1610 approx. 231 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 67 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a10713 stc 20992 estc s115922 99851139 99851139 16398 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10713) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 16398) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 728:7) a nevv description of ireland vvherein is described the disposition of the irish whereunto they are inclined. no lesse admirable to be perused then credible to be beleeued: neither vnprofitable nor vnpleasant to bee read and vnderstood, by those worthy cittizens of london that be now vndertakers in ireland: by barnabe rich, gent rich, barnabe, 1540?-1617. [16], 116 p. [by william jaggard] for thomas adams, printed at london : 1610. printer's name from stc. running title reads: the description of ireland. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. 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that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -controversial literature -early works to 1800. ireland -social life and customs -early works to 1800. ireland -religion -17th century -early works to 1800. ireland -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. england -foreign relations -ireland -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-05 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a new description of ireland : wherein is described the disposition of the irish whereunto they are inclined . no lesse admirable to be perused then credible to be beleeued : neither vnprofitable nor vnpleasant to bee read and vnderstood , by those worthy cittizens of london that be now vndertakers in ireland : by barnabe rich , gent : malui me diuitem esse , quam vocari . printed at london for thomas adams . 1610. the contents of the chapters contained in this booke . of the little credite that is to bee giuen to their testimonies , that haue hitherto written of ireland . cap. 1. of the temperature of the ayre , and the fertility of the soile vniuersally through ireland . cap. 2. of the nature & disposition of the irish how they are inclined . cap. 3. from whence it proceedeth , that the irish are so repugnant to the english . cap. 4. that the irish by nature are inclined to cruelty . cap. 5. of the ingratitude of the irish . cap. 6. of the inciuilty both of manners and conditions vsed by the irish . cap. 7. of the vulgar sotte of the irish , what account they make of an oath . cap. 8 that a conquest should draw after it , law , language , and habite . cap. 9. of certain septs and degrees amongst the irish . ca. 10. of the manner of the irish coshering . cap. 11. how ireland was purged from all venimous wormes , by the praiers of saint patrick . cap. 12. of the holy saintes that hath beene borne , bred , and brought vp in ireland . cap. 13. of the superstitious conceit that is holden by the irish , about certaine wels. cap. 14. a true discription both of the citty , and cittizens of dubline . cap. 15. of some defects in the gouernment of dublin . ca. 16. of the trade & traffique that is vsed in dublin . ca. 17. of the ambition of the irish . cap. 18. of the doctrine of the pope , how imbraced by the irish . cap. 19. how the papists of ireland , are neither ashamed nor afraid , to manifest themselues . cap. 20. the inconuenience of popery , how it hurteth in ireland . cap. 21. whither there by any possibility , that the irish should be able to maintaine warre against the kinges maiestie . cap. 22. of those lets and impedimentes that defeated our late gracious qu. in her seruices against the irish . ca. 23. of pardons and protections , how hurtfull in ireland . cap. 24. of the dallying out the time of seruice , and the delayes of ireland . cap. 25. how tyrone was still supplyed with souldiors , and all other prouisions for warre , at the queenes charges . cap. 26. that the irish are more dangerous then necessary , for his maiestie seruice in ireland . cap. 27. the conclusion . to the right honourable , robert earle of salisbury , vicount cranburn , baron cecill of essenden , lord high treasurer of england , principall secretarie to his maiestie , one of the lordes of his honourable priuie councell , and knight of the noble order of the garter , &c. most honorable , and most worthie earle , the seuerall bookes that are spread , bearing the names and titles of histories , of summaries of chronicles , & of diuers other collections drawn from vnworthy authors : some of them printed , some otherwise published here in ireland , by papists , by lieng chroniclers , by idle poets , by bardes and irish rythmers , all of them conteining matter of vntruth : as the memories of superstitious foundations , lies and fables , foolishly medled and compacted togither : written rather in the maintenance and fauour of lewd misdemeanor , of superstition , of idolatry , and do rather giue encouragement to wicked subiects to enter the field of rebellion , to take armes against the prince , to disobey , to contemn , to despise , not onelie the princes lawes , and his maiesties gracious proceedings , but also setting open the wide gate that leadeth to many misdemeanors against the prince himselfe . i haue therefore thought it a matter much importing his maiesties seruice , to do my best endeuor to stop this gap thus broken downe , that thus openeth the way to the wastfull spoile of rebellion , of treason , of superstition , of idolatrie , of disobedience , of contempt : and to giue a booke to the well-disposed of that realme of ireland , wherein they may behold that truth , which they themselues haue heard with their eares , haue seene with their eies , and are able to testifie vpon dailie experience . these lines thus squared out , i durst not presume to present to your honor , in respect of anie abilitie that i acknowledge to be in my selfe , i knowe there can come nothing from me , that may be anie waies answerable to your exquisit iudgment or worthinesse : but it is your owne vertue , your owne affabilitie and noble disposition , that was yet neuer knowne to despice or discountenance any mans endeuours , that were honestlie intended , or vndertaken to a good end and purpose . it is this , your honorable inclination , that hath encouraged me : this is it hath made me to presume of a fauorable acceptance . to you therefore , and to your honor alone , i haue in most humble and submissiue manner , bequeathed those experiments , which forty yeares obseruation hath taught me to know . to your honor , whose exquissite iudgment is best able to discerne , and whose wisdome and knowledge is most fitting to redresse : by whose honorable care for the good of the common-weale , england and ireland , are both made happie . by whose prouidence and wisdome ( next vnder his maiestie ) we haue hitherto reaped the fruits of a most happie and blessed gouernment . to your honor therefore , i submit my labors , my loue , my lines , my seruice , my selfe , my endeuors , & all that i haue , to be at your honors dispose : and thus will rest to praie for your honour , that god would still continue his blessinges vpon you , as hitherto he hath done . your honors , in all humble and dutifull affection : barnabe rych . ❧ to the curteous and friendly reader , either english or irish , either protestant or papist , either learned or vnlearned , or to any other whosoeuer , i care not . one of the diseases of this age , is the multitude of books , that doth so ouercharge the worlde , that it is not able to disgest the abundance of idle matter that is euery day hatched and brought into the world , that are as diuers in their formes , as their authors be in their faces . it is but a thriftlesse , and a thankelesse occupation , this writing of bookes , a man were better to sit singing in a coblers shop , for his pay is certaine , a penny a patch : but a booke-writer , if hee get sometimes a few commendations of the iudicious , he shall be sure to reape a thousande reproaches of the malicious . bookes are like cheese , that is neuer well seasoned to euery mans tast ; for one will say it is too salt , another wil say it is too fresh , a thirde will say it is to tart , another thinkes it to be too milde ; one will haue it too hard , another too soft , another too tough , another too brittle , it neuer pleaseth euery mans tast ; no more do bookes . i am censured for writing of a book , to be a malicious enemy to ireland , to poore ireland , that ( god knoweth ) is rather to be pittied , then spighted . i confesse , i haue made my selfe known in print , to be an enemy to popery , but not to ireland . aristotle being vpbraided by some of his friends , that he had beene ouer mercifull to a wicked man : i haue indeede ( saide aristotle ) bin mercifull towardes the man , but not towards his wickednesse . so say i by ireland , though i finde fault with the idolatry that is committed in the country , yet i find no fault with the countrey it selfe , nor with a great number of good people that are of the irish birth , that i neuer ment to reproue , neither am i able to detect . but for those that haue found , so many faults with my book , that i so honestly meant for the good of the countrey . i forgiue them from my heart , for i durst sweare for them , they did it more for want of wit , then for any malice they beare to my person . i haue liued in ireland of a poore pay , the full recompence of 47. yeares , spent in my prince and countreyes seruice , i haue not begged nor purchased any man lāds , rents , or reuennewes ; i haue not heaped to my selfe , eyther offices or church-liuinges : yet something i haue noted of the countrey by obseruation . i see a number of good people , that are both capable of obedience & discipline , if they were not misled : but their minds ( alas ) are still poysoned with popery , and what is he that it not touched with a kinde of compassion , to see the poore & silly people so seduced & carried away by these iuggling iesuites ? what monstrous miracles are there daily presented , and how many lying woonders are there to bee witnessed , testified by men scarce worth to bee credited , and yet with what confidence are they receiued and beleeued ? i haue yet once againe betaken me to my penne , and i haue writ something . i know not what my selfe : he that would vnderstand it , let him read a gods name , he shall finde i haue dealt plainly , without welt or gard . i woulde not haue it thought , that i make any difference between the english and the irish , in respect of their birth , for i know there be as woorthy men in ireland , as any are in england , though not in such generality , nor so many in number : neyther is that to be wondered at , for there are many reasons to enduce it : so i know , there are too many of the english , that are planted in all the parts of ireland , that are no lesse superstitious , no lesse idolatrous , nor no lesse contentious both to god and the k. then the most wilde or sauage irish man , that neuer came in place where to learne good or bad . it is not therefore either the countrey or the countryman , that maketh me either to loue or hate , it is their manners and conditions that maketh mee both to prayse or dispraise . as m. stanihurst therefore in his description of ireland , in the 8. chapter , discoursing of the manners and dispositions of the meere irish ( for so hee tearmeth them ) before he entereth into the matter , fore-warneth his reader , not to impute any barbarous custome , that he shold there speake of to the cittizens , townes-men , or to the inhabitants of the english pale , for that he reputeth thē to be men of another spirit , better trained vp in science , knowledge , ciuility , in curtesie , and such other like complements of humanity . let mee intreat the like fauour , that hauing now occasion to speake of the manners and customes of the irish , do not thinke me yet to be so generall , but that i doe make a great difference , betweene those that are rude , vnciuill , vnreuerent , vncleanly , and vntaught , and those other againe that are milde , modest , mercifull , kinde , curteous , and that are euery way indued with wit , reason , and vnderstanding . and i do make the like exceptions betweene those that are irreligious , superstitious , idolatrous , seditious , rebellious ; that doe retaine iesuites , seminaries , and other traiterous priests , then of those , that contrariwise are professors of the gospell , that do embrace the holy scriptures , and do indeuour themselues in the seruice of their god , and obedience to their prince . now , for these men of little wit , and lesse vnderstanding , that because by the text of the holy scriptures , i haue hunted their pope from saint peters chaire , to the seat of antichrist , would therefore conclude , that i were an enemy to ireland ; let them vnderstand , that i loue ireland , and that i thinke there is as neere a high way to go to heauen from out of ireland , as there is from any part of england , or else my selfe would neuer haue stayed so long in the countrey . now , for the people , they are in ireland , as in all other places , some good , some bad , yet more rude & vnciuil in ireland , then they be in any part of the worlde that is known : but for poperie ( i protest ) they are more foolish-superstitious in irelande , then they be in rome it selfe . but i do therefore , rather pitty , then malice them ; there be a great many of known papists in dublyne , that i doe loue , and wish well vnto : for , may not a man loue a papist , as hee loueth a friend that is diseased ? admit i had a brother that were visited with morbus galicus it selfe , might i not loue him , and hate his sicknesse both at once ? euen so i loue a papist , i loue the party , when i defie his religion . but popery is a malady not easie to be cured , and i thinke these lines of mine will sooner moue choller , then giue contentment , or produce amendment . and yet as i meane not in this my description of ireland , to busie my selfe about any matters of state , so i will not meddle with the discouery of any hidden secrets , that may bee brought into any question of doubt , for the truth and certainty : for , as i haue vsed no other helpe then mine owne experience , so my best method shall be , to speake nothing but what is true , and so to be approoued . if there be any exceptions taken by fooles that be ignorant , i hope the wise & learned will make no worse construction then the matter doth import : for the rest that bee of a wrangling disposition , let them do as they haue done , fret and fume at that which they are not able to contradict : let them ioyn impudencie to their ignorance , and because they cannot comprehend the sincerity of true religion , let them carpe and cauill against it , and let them neuer spare . an epistle , added in the due praise and commendation of that worthy and worshipful gentleman , maister william cokyne , sheriffe and alderman of the most renowned and honourable citty of london . worthy gentleman , if the kingdome of heauen were to be merited by a mans owne deseruings ( as a number of grosse-headed papistes will not let to affirme ) you were then happy , for you neither needed to purchase any popes pardons , or to buy any masses of scala celi , to be sung for your soule when you are dead . you haue begun a worke of supererogation , more merritorious in the iudgements of all those that are ( indeed ) godly wise , then either the building of a chappel , or a chantery , or the giuing of perpetuities , either of lands or liuings , what or how soeuer bestowed about any popish purposes . this enterprize , the rather by your encouragement thus vndertaken , for the planting of the northerne parts of ireland , with the english , cannot be but acceptable in the presence of god , when it shall draw so much to the aduancement of his glory , making way for the gospell of iesus christ to be truely preached in a place where there was nothing but idolatry and superstition formerly practised ; giuing light and vnderstanding to a blind and ignorant people , to discern the way of saluation , that do rather hope to be saued by the means of saint patricke , then by the mercy of god. this action cannot be but pleasing to the kings most excellent maiesty , when the sequell shall not redound to his honor , but likewise to his profit : but how happily will it fall out for a number of poore people in england , that are oppressed with penury , by reason of the multitude that doth so superabound , whereby the scarsity of victuals doth the more exceede , that may there be releeued by their owne industry : for ireland is able to render relecfe to forty thousand people , but to be placed in those parts of the countrey , that at this present lyeth wast , and altogether vninhabited : and yet where the countrey is best planted and peopled throughout the whole realme , the thirde part of the commodity is not raised , that the soile would affoord : the reason is , by the ill husbandry of the irish , that either for want of wit , or for want of knowledge , doth not mannage their husbandry according to skill . and although it be out of my element to speake of husbandry , that all the dayes of my life , could neuer play the good husband for my selfe : yet i am not so dull of conceite , but i can see a number of defects , and that in the most principall points of their husbandry ; as in the manner of the tilling of their ground , and sowing of their corne , they haue no other meanes whereby to draw the plough , but euery horse by his owne taile , so that when the poore beast by his painfull labor , hath worne the haire of his taile so short , as it can bee no longer tied , the plough must stand . i might speake of many other defects , and one amongst the rest , of the vnseasonable time that they vse in the making of their hay : but to speak truely of their ill husbandry in that point : in the greatest part throughout all ireland , they vse to make no hay at all , although they haue as good grounde as any other countrey doth affoord : so that their poore cattle in the winter season , haue no other fother , then what they can picke vp , and gather from the ground : but in those parts neere about dublyne , where they vse to make hay , they neuer meddle with the cutting of their grasse , till they bee likewise ready to cut their corn , so that they wil haue their hay haruest , and their corne haruest , to come both together , which cōmonly neuer falleth out , till september be wel spent : at which time of the yeare , there sometimes falleth out great store of raine , so that from the best meddow lands , which is euermore vpon their lower grounds , their hay is many times either vtterly marred , or altogither swept away with a floud . i might heere conclude and boldly affirme , that if those parts of ireland that now lieth wast , were inhabited by an industrious people , and that the rest of the countrey were manured aud husbanded according to skill , ireland woulde sustaine more people by two parts , then are now inhabiting in it . but leauing to speake of ireland in generall , i will come to that part of the north now intended to be planted , namely of the derry and the colrane . in the time of sir iohn parrates gouernment , i my selfe lay at colrane , with a hundered souldiers vnder my leading , i may therefore speake something of mine owne experience . for the land that is adioyning about colrane , it is verie firtill , and the whol countrey that stretcheth it selfe between the riuer of bande , and the riuer of lough-foile , that was sometimes o-cannes countrey , is not onely a most pleasant place , but is likewise verie commodious both for corne and pasture . on the south side of the riuer of bande , fast by colrane , there lieth a goodly country , called the rowt , no better corn land in any part of ireland , and it did at that time so abound with conies , so exceeding fat , and therewithall so sweete , as i neuer saw the like , neither in ireland , nor in any other place where i haue trauailed . what should i speake of the salmon fishing of the bande , which is so famously known and spoken of : and there is moreouer for three moneths of the yeare , betweene september & december , such a fishing for eeles , as i thinke is not the like againe in europe , especially when there shall come men that hath skill to take them , which the irish hath not to any purpose , yet they take great store , by reason of the great aboundance of such notable eeles , both for greatnesse and for goodnesse , as the like are no other where else to be found . i might speake heere of the fishing for fresh water trowts , whereof there are great plentie in euery riuer , in euerie brooke , in euerie lough , and that throughout the whole realme of ireland , but speciallie in those northerne partes about colrane and the derry . but let me speake now of the fishing for sea-fish , and first for cod and lyng : what shippes are yearely set out from all the parts of england : some to new-found-land , some to island , some to shotland , some to ward-house , some to one place and some to another : and i thinke of my conscience , that at the verie entrance aswell of the riuer of the bande , as of the riuer of lough-foyle , which are not aboue some eight or ten miles distant , there will fall out as good fishing both for cod and lyng , as in any other place that i haue formerly spoken of . now for herring-fishing , who can name a better place then loughfoyle it selfe , and there is one other loughe fast by , called by the name of lough-sully , where hee that were but standing vpon the shore at the time of herring-fishing , would thinke that the very sea it selfe did swell of herrings , there are such abundance all along that coast. without doubt , there will be found good fishing for ray , for haddock , for whiting , for gurnard , and for all manner of other fishe , which neuer faileth all along the coast of ireland , if it be sought for . as i haue now spoken of fishing , so i might yet again speak of fowling : but let it suffice , that aswell for fish , for foule , for conics , for cattle , and whatsoeuer is otherwise needefull for mans sustenance , the whole realme of ireland is as rich and fertile as any other countrey in christendom : yea and for all manner of fruites : as apples , peares , & plums , in manie parts of the countrey , where men haue bin industrious to plant , they haue as good fruit in ireland as anie is in england . to conclude , there wanteth nothing in ireland but the true knowledge of god , & obedience to the prince , the which by gods permission , will so much the rather bee brought to a good passe , when that part of the countrey that in former ages hath bin most rude and inclined to inciuilitie , that hath euermore bin the receptacle and refuge for the worst disposed people , shall by this plantation , be made a patterne of good example , aswell for godly as ciuill gouernment , to all the realme besides : but there is a kind of temeritie that doth no good , yet is conueyed by those men , that are vtterly ignorant in the affaires of ireland . since my comming from dublyn , within sixe daies after my arriuall here at london , i thinke i was asked sixteene seuerall times , what i thoght of this plantation in the north of ireland , and whether it were possible that those labouerers and workmen that are now sent ouer for the building , coulde saue their throats from cutting , or their heades from beeing taken from their shoulders , before the worke were finished : or what assurance there could bee , but that when this erection were fullie perfected , and that men did thinke themselus to be most quietly setled : why might not the irish do then as they had done before , in one night to lay wast and consume al with fire and sword ? so that i see there be a number that are afraid , but it is but of their owne shadowes . but let timerous men doubt as they list , and let ignoraunt men write what they please : ireland ( god be praised ) is in no such daungerous manner of plight . that doubt is dissolued , and the daunger is past : for menne may worke as quietlie in those places wherevnto they are now sent , as they might doe if they were in cheapeside . and in that part of the countrey , through the which a thousand menne in times past would haue beene intercepted , i dare now vndertake to passe my selfe and my boy . but there be some will saie : and why may it not come to passe , that there may be as great daunger as euer there was , and that the irish may be as potent to execute mischiefe , as euer they haue bin before ? i say , they cannot . and whosoeuer shall please to read the sequele heerein contained , i hope shall be fullie satisfied in that point , for onelie to that ende and purpose , i haue endeuoured these lines . and all the matter that i ayme at throughout this whole booke , is but to make it manifest , that the irish are of no such resistance at this houre against his maiestie , as they haue beene in times past against our late queene . i am not ignorant , that although ireland be reduced to a great conformitie , and that his maiestie hath a number of loyall and faithfull subiects in euery part of that kingdome , yet i know againe there be some , that are not to be trusted , and therefore i speake not of their mindes , but i speake of their manners : and i say , that the rebel of ireland shall neuer more stand out hereafter , as they haue done in times past . if any man please to read , let him iudge of my reasons , in the meane time , there is but one thing ( worthy gentleman ) that is to be feared , and may very easily be holpen , if you suffer no papist ( either english or irish ) to plant himself among you . looke well but to that , and there is no doubt but the almightie god himselfe will blesse your enterprise , and england and ireland both , shall hereafter call you happy , & i shall rest still to wish you well . your wel-willing friend barnabe rych . a description of ireland , together with the manners , customs , and dispositions of the people . cap. 1. of the little credite that is to be giuen to their testimonies , that haue hitherto written of ireland . i thinke ireland to be in nothing more vnfortunate , then in this ; that the historie of the countrey was neuer vndertakē to be truly set forth but by papists . giraldus cambrensis , whose testimony of that countrey is most auncient , & vpon whose authority all that haue hitherto written of ireland doe especially relie , was a papist , and in his description of ireland hath fabled so many follies , as stanihurst himselfe , though he maketh mention of them in his historie which hee hath written of ireland , yet he durst not auouch them to bee true , but leaueth them to the discretion of the reader , to iudge of them as he findeth himselfe disposed . but to put the matter quite out of doubt , cambrensis himselfe , in his epistle dedicatorie to king iohn , giueth aduice to the k. that the peter-pence might be paide throughout the whole realme of ireland , that his father had formerly promised to the pope ; in performing whereof , he might thereby deliuer his fathers soule , ( i thinke hee meant from purgatory ) for he was not so mad to beleeue that a soule could be deliuered from hell. a second writer , that hath made colections of the history of ireland , as stanihurst himselfe reporteth in his epistle to sir henry sidney , was his fast & sure friend edmond campion . i need not discribe the man any further , for his ende made tryall of his honesty : but like will to like ( quoth the deuill to the colliar ) and birdes of a winge ( they say ) will flie together : but for maister stanihurst himselfe , i knew him many years sithence at antwarpe , where hee professed alcumy , and vndertooke the practise of the philosophers stone , and when hee had multiplied lyes so long , that euery body grew weary of him , hee departed from thence into spaine , and there ( as it was said ) he turned physition , and whether he bee aliue or dead i knowe not : but these three , giraldus cambrensis , edmond campion , and richard stanihurst , are the onely authors that haue patched & peeced together the history of ireland : who besides , that they haue stuffed their volumes with manifest vntruthes , so they haue enterlarded their lines with such ridiculous matter , as they themselues are ashamed to auouch them for truth . for the rest that hath been attempted by holinshed and hooker , they haue referred the whole matter of what they haue writ , concerning ireland , to those mens authorities : holinshed , to what had bin collected by campion and stanihurst ; and hooker , to no more then he had translated out of giraldus cābrensis . these lying authorities , do euermore engender ignorance , & there is nothing that hath more led the irish into error , then lying historiographers , their croniclers , their bardes , their rythmers , and such other their lying poets ; in whose writinges they do more relie , then they do in the holy scriptures , and this rablement do at this day endeuour themselues to nothing else , but to feed & delight them with matter most dishonest and shamefull : for in their speaking and writing , they do nothing but flatter them in their vngracious humours , still opening the way with lying praises of their progenitors , what rebellions they haue stirred vp , and how many mischiefes they haue performed ; this is such a whetstone to their ambitious desires , and being thus made drunke with these lying reportes of their auncestors worthinesse , that they thinke themselues to be reproched for euer , if they should not be as apt & ready to run into al manner of mischiefe , as their fathers were afore them . from hence it commeth , that being thus drowned in ignorance , they thinke it to be the true high-way to happinesse , for euery man to do what hee list , and do therefore seeke to free themselues from lawe , iustice , and reason , because they would not be brideled , or compelled to obey , either to duty or honestie . for ireland otherwise , the lesse it hath been famed for any memorable matter , the more it hath bin replenished with horrible murthers , and actions of bloud ; there are no histories of good things worthy to be followed , but tragedies of crueltie , fit to be abhorred . one of the greatest felicities wherewith ireland hath bin blessed , is the gouernment of godly princes , which haue endeuoured themselues , to their great expences , to reforme that countrey , and to reduce the people to ciuility , and to a reasonable knowledge of humane society . cap. 2. of the temperature of the ayre , and the fertilitie of the soyle vniuersallie through ireland . my meaning is not to make any cosmographicall description of ireland , i haue nothing to do with longitude , with latitude , nor with altitude : i will not speake of the countrey how it stretcheth it selfe towards the east , or towardes the west , nor how it is deuided into prouinces , into shires , nor into countries ; nor how the countrey is replenished with citties , with towns , and villages : but to speake something of the temperature of the climate , vnder the which it is adiacent . i say , we do not find ireland to be cold in the winter , nor so hot in the summer , as it is in england . the frosts in ireland , are neither so harde nor of that continuance as they be in england , and yet the countrey is verie cold , with a kind of rawish moisture , but not so nipping , nor dureable , as the dry cold that commonly coms with frosts . ireland is wonderfully inclined to fogs & mists , and giuen to very much raine , aswell in summer as in winter , and the countrey is full of springs , and great currants of water that fals from the mountaines , which with a shewer of raine will rise verie suddenly , and will fall againe as quickly when the weather cleareth vp . ireland is full of great riuers , and mightie huge loughes , such as we call meeres in england , wherein are many large and spacious islands , where the irish haue many times fortified themselues against the prince , but are still ferreted and drawne out by the eares , though other whiles with great difficulty . to speake of ireland generally , it is replenished with riuers , with woods , with bogs , and with as good lande , both for corne and pasture , as any europe affoords ; but not so well manvred , nor so well husbanded : for the farmers of ireland , are far to seeke in many pointes of good husbandry , and the women ( for the most part ) haue as little skill of huswifery . from hence i might affirme , and confidentlie conclude , that throughout the whole realme of ireland , what betweene the ill husbandrie of that which is inhabited , and so much of the countrey againe lying wast for want of inhabitants , there is not the third part of that profit raised , that irelaud would affoord . for fish , for foule , for conies , they are very plentiful throughout all the partes of ireland , and for red-deare , they haue them vpon the mountayns , but not in such plenty as i my selfe haue knowne . fallow deare are not so common , vnlesse it bee in some few parkes . to be short , there is nothing wanting in ireland that is behouefull for the sustinance of man , yet i dare not stretch so far as m. stanihurst , that would haue ireland the treasure-house of the world , as he hath published in his booke , i will not say how vainely or how vnwisely . let other men iudge of that , but i thinke he meaneth of hidden treasures that are not yet discouered . it is truth , there are some small store of pearle now and then found , chopt vppon by chance , but not in such abundance that they bee worthy to be so spoken of , nor those few that be found , are neither so oryent , so praise worthy , nor of such price and estimation , as those that are brought from other places , both from the east and west indies , and yet i once saw an irish pearle that was sould for xv . poūd . i neuer heard of any mines either of gold , or siluer , or copper , or tinne , or leade , or of any other minerall matter that was found in the countrey , that would quit the charge in refining ; but to speake truly , the irish are so malicious that they wil not suffer men of art and skill to make search for them : one of the best mines that is knowne to bee in ireland , is that of iron , which is very rich ( indeed ) if it would hold out , or that there were any store of the oore to be found , as like enough it would do if the irish would giue men leaue to seeke for it . it is many yeares agoe since i heard talke of an allum mine that was found , and great hope was had of profit and commodity , but how it was left , i know not , i thinke by the vnwillingnesse of the bad disposed people of that countrey , that will neuer ( by their good willes ) suffer men to worke with their heades vppon their shoulders . ireland ( without doubt ) is a fruitfull countrey , and it yeildeth in most abundant maner , all conuenient necessaries that is behouefull for humaine sustinance , but to hope after mines and minerals in ireland , i thinke there is no such likeli-hood , for those are euermore to bee sought after , in those countries that are warme , or at the least very dry , but not in those places that are so ouercharged with raine , and so much giuen to moisture as ireland . cap. 3. of the nature and disposition of the irish , and howe they are inclined . i thinke it shall not bee impertinent to this my discription of ireland , to discipher the disposition of the irish , of what temper they be framed , and wherevnto they bee naturally inclined . but before i will set down mine owne vnderstanding , what i my selfe haue gathered by experience , i will deliuer what m. stanihurst hath writtē on the very same matter , whose words be these : the inclination of the irish people is , to bee religious , franke , amorous , yrefull , sufferable of infinite paines , very glorious , many sorcerers , excellent horsemen , delighted with warres , great almes-giuers , passing in hospitality , the lewder sort ( both clarkes and lay-men ) sensual and ouer-loose in liuing , the same ( being vertuously bred vp or reformed ) are such mirrours of holinesse and austeritie , that other nations reteyne but a shaddowe of deuotion , in comparison of them . as for abstinence and fasting , it is to them a familiar kinde of chasticement . they follow the dead corps to the graue with howling and barbarous out-cries , pittiful in apparance , whereof grew ( as i suppose ) the prouerbe ; to weep irish . thus farre haue i cited , what maister stanihurst himselfe hath published of the disposition of the irish whereunto they are inclined . and now ( not to impugne any thing that maister stanihurst hath written ) i will yet once againe take a superficiall suruey of what hee hath set downe , and will giue him mine opinion , what i doe thinke of his description . and first , he saith [ they are religious ] i say , it is truth , but i would to god it were according vnto knowledge . [ they are franke , ] neither will i impugne that , for the irish are beneuolent enough among their friendes and acquaintance . [ they are amorous ] i thinke he meaneth to women : but if he speaketh in generall , i say and affirme , that the greatest number of the irish , are vtterly ignoraunt what honest loue doth meane . [ they are yrefull ] the more is the pitty , for it hath cost the price of much christian bloud . [ they are sufferable of infinite paines ] but yet at any hand they wil not , or can cannot indure to labonr , for there is not a greater plague-sore to ireland , then the ydlenesse thereof . [ they are very glorious ] very true ; and they are no lesse proud , for the meanest shackerell , that hath scarce a mantle to wrap himselfe in , hath as proud a mind as oneal himselfe , when he sits vpon a green banke vnder a bush in his greatest maiesty . [ there are many sorcerers ] and the countrey doth no lesse abound with witches ; and no maruel that it should so do , for the deuill hath euer bin most frequent and conuersant amongst infidels , turks , papistes , & such other , that doe neither know nor loue god , then he can be amongst those that are the true professors of the gospell of christ . [ they are excellent horsemen ] yet good for nothing but for the seruice in ireland . [ they are delighted with warres ] they are delighted with rebellions , commotions , and insurrections ; but they cannot be called wars , that are stirred vp by subiects against their prince . [ they are great almes-giuers , ] i neuer heard any great commendation of their almes-giuing , in any such generallitie , vnlesse it were to a fryer , a priest , or to some other of that annointed order . [ passing in hospitalitie , ] i would be loath to barre the irish of that right ; for to giue them their due , they are as bountifull of their meate and drinke , as any other nation in europe whatsoeuer . [ the lewder sort both clarks and lai-men , sensual & ouer-loose in liuing , ] by that same word [ clarkes ] so ioyned with the laity , i thinke he meanes the irish clergy , which he saith are of lasciuious and lose liuing : hee might haue added farther , that the greatest number of them are trayterous priests , protested enemies to their prince , and so vowed to their pope ; [ the same being vertuously bred vp or reformed , are such myrrors of holinesse and austerity , that other nations retaine but a shaddow of deuotion , in comparison of them . ] a proud praise , that the holy ones of ireland should so farre out-stretch all the holinesse in the world besides : but i will not contradict m. stanihurst ; for without doubt he spake but as he thoght : and heere wee may see , that these lying suppositions thus published by our irish writers , haue led the people into such a blind arrogancy , that they will admit nothing for truth , but what they receiue from their owne authors , or gather out of their owne bookes ; and now it followeth . [ as for abstinency and fasting , it is to them a familiar kind of chastisement . ] i thinke this abstinency and fasting , is the holinesse which maister stanihurst hath formerly spoken of , for this is a visible holinesse ( indeede ) which euery man may see and wonder at : for let mee speake of the most abiect creatures , that i think either ireland or the world affoordeth , and those are the kearne of ireland , amongst whom , there is not so notable a wretch to bee found , that will not obserue his fasting daies , three daies in a weeke at the least , and those are wednesdaies , fridaies , and saturdaies : then they haue other vigiles , and such saint eeues , as i neuer heard of but in ireland , nor i thinke be knowne in any other place , which they obserue and keepe with such religious zeale and deuotion , that i am sure cardinall bellarmine himselfe cannot be more ceremonious then these bee , nor shew himselfe to be more holy , nor more honest ; yet that very day , that for conscience sake , they will abstaine from eating of flesh , butter , cheese , milk , egges , and such like , that very houre they will not forbeare to spoile , to robbe , to rauish , to murther , nor to commit any other villany , what or howsoeuer . and let mee say something for our females in ireland , and leauing to speake of woorthy matrones , and of those women that are honest , good , and vertuous , ( as ireland good bee thanked is not destitute of many such ) i will speake onelie of the riffe-raffe , the most filthy queanes , that are knowne to bee in the countrey , ( i meane those huswiues that doe vse selling of drinke in dubline , or else where ) commonly called tauerne-keepers , but indeed filthy and beastly alehousekeepers : i will not meddle with their honesties , i will leaue that to be testified by maister maior of the bull-ring , but otherwise for the greatest number of them ( for god defend that i should condemne them al ) they are in the manner of their life and liuing to bee detested and abhorred : yet on their prescribed fasting daies , if there bee any sanctity in abstaining from flesh , from butter , from cheese , from milk , from egges , they are as holy ( i dare vndertake ) as the pope himselfe , and why not as honest ? this is the holinesse which ( i thinke ) m. stanihurst hath so highly commended to be in the irish ; and this is to be lamented , that the poor people of that countrey should bee so seduced and made beleeue , that their fasting , their praying in latine , their running wels and to other idolatrous places , is a full satisfaction for any sins that they can commit , how detestable or abhominable soeuer ; for thus they are taught , and so they beleeue . but is not this a madde manner of fasting , that marcheth in equall manner with theft , with murder , with treason , with drunkennes , with whoredome , and with all manner of sodometry ? but the cause of all thinges must needes tell whose childe the effect is . now lastly , m. stanihurst seemeth to find fault at the manner of the irish burials , and sayth ; they follow the dead corps to the graue , with houling and barbarous outcries pittifull in apparance , whereof grew ( as i suppose ) the prouerbe to weepe irish . i think it would be admired in any part of christendom , to see the manners of the irish , how they vse to carry their dead to their graues , in the remote partes of the countrey ; to a straunger that had neuer seen the sight before , at the first encounter , would beleeue that a company of hags or hellish fiendes , were carrying a dead body to some infernall mansion ; for what with the vnseemlinesse of their shewes , and the il-faring noyse they doe make , with their howling and crying , an ignorant man would sooner beleeue they were deuils of hell , then christian people . but as m. stanihurst saith ; [ it is pittifull in appearance : ] pittifull indeed , that a people so many yeares professing christianitie , should yet shew themselues more heathen like , then those , that neuer heard of god. m. stanihurst farther supposeth , that the prouerbe , to weepe irish , had heere the first beginning : it may be so , and it is troth , that in citties and townes where any deceaseth that is of worth or worthinesse , they wil hyre a number of women to bring the corps to the place of buriall , that for some small recompence giuen them , will furnish the cry , with greater shriking and howling , then those that are grieued indeede , and haue greatest cause to cry ; and herevpon ariseth this prouerbe , to weepe irish , that is to say ; to weepe at pleasure , without cause , or griefe . heere is thus much more to be considered , that notwithstanding this vnchristian-like demeanour of the irish , that in their burials do shew themselus like infidels , repugnant to all christianity , there is neither iesuite , seminary , nor popish priest , ( that do so swarme in the countrey , ) that wil once rebuke or find fault at the matter . but they are not to be blamed , for the popes doctrine hath no such operation , to draw men from darknesse to light ; but it serueth rather to hood-winke them , or put out both the eies , and so make them starke blind . cap. 4. from whence it proceedeth , that the irish are so repugnant to the english . i remember , there was sometime one alan cope , who hath written of many matters , who , if a man might iudge of , ( but as hee hath testified of himselfe ) was a most arrogant & superstitious papist , yet writing against that foolish conceit houlden by the irish , that ireland was purged from venemous wormes , by the only praiers of s. patrick , was therefore complained on , and accused by m. stanihurst , that cope had wronged and slaundered the whole irish nation . i hope i shal not be so dealt withal , that bicause i haue detected and reproued the vnciuill demeanors of those that bee blame-worthy , i shall not therefore be exclaimed on , to be an open deprauer of all that whole nation . i protest , i do know neuer a man in ireland that i do hate , or that i do wish any harme vnto , and therfore if i hapen to glance at the abuses of those that be ill , let not those that be good think themselues thereby to be detected , or so much as touched . but as the throng of fooles , doth euermore exceed the number of the wise , so the multitude of the rude and ignorant among the irish , do far passe the number either of the religious , or ciuilly reformed . i do not hold , that euery citizen or townsman that liueth in common society , is therefore to be accounted ciuill ; neither doth it follow , that euery man inhabiting the countrey , is therefore to be called vnciuill ; for ciuillity and vnciuilitie , hath no relation to the citty or countrey , but it hath consideration to the manners and conditions of men , that are therfore to be accounted ciuil or vnciuill , according to the dispositions of the mind . all the countries that are knowne ( especiallie in europe ) haue their seuerall inclinations aswel to vertue as vice : we say , the frenchmen are politike and deceitfull , and not so valiant in conquering , as prouident in keeping . the spaniard is saide to bee proud and tyrannous . the italian full of curtesie , and full of craft . the dutch are more wise when they be in their cups , then when they bee in their clossets ; the english are reputed to bee more wise to look after , then they are to foresee : and the englishman ( indeede ) doth then thinke himselfe to bee best in fashion , when he is most out of fashion . to speake now of the irish more at large , for to them my talke doth especially belong , i say they are behoulding to nature , that hath framed them comly personages , of good proportion , very well limbed , & to speak truly , the english , scottish , and irish , are easie to bee discerned from all the nations of the world : besides , aswel by the excellency of their cōplexions , as by al the rest of their lineaments , from the crown of the head , to the sole of the foot . and although that in the remote places , the vnciuill sort so disfigure themselues with their glybs , their trowes , and their mishapen attire , yet they appear to euery mans eye to be men of good proportion , of comely stature , and of able body . now to speak of their dispositions , whereunto they are adicted and inclined . i say , besides they are rude , vncleanlie , and vnciuill , so they are very cruell , bloudie minded , apt and ready to commit any kind of mischiefe . i do not impute this so much to their naturall inclination , as i do to their education , that are trained vp in treason , in rebellion , in theft , in robery , in superstition , in idolatry , and nuzeled from their cradles in the very puddle of popery . this is the fruits of the popes doctrine , that doth preach cruelty , that doth admit of murthers and bloudy executions ; by poisoning , stabbing , or by any other maner of practise hosoeuer : the pope teacheth subiects to resist , to mutinie , and to rebel against their princes . from hence it proceedeth , that the irish haue euer beene , and still are , desirous to shake off the english gouernment . from hence it doth proceed , that the irish can not endure to loue the english , bicause they differ so much in religion . from hence it proceedeth , that as they cannot indure to loue the english , so they cannot be induced to loue any thing that doth come from the english ; according to the prouerbe , loue me , and loue my dog : so contrariwise , he that hateth me , hateth in like manner all that commeth from me . from hence it is , that the irish had rather stil retaine themselues in their sluttishnesse , in their vncleanlinesse , in their rudenesse , and in their inhumane loathsomnes , then they would take any example from the english , either of ciuility , humanity , or any manner of decencie . we see nowe the author of this enmity , is hee that neuer did other good , where hee had to doe with mens consciences . there is yet a difference to bee made , of those faults that do grow from our weaknesse , and those that do proceed from our mallice : and the irish in this are the more to be pittied , that are no better taught ; whose educations , as they are rude , so they are blinded with ignorance , and i thinke for deuotions sake , they haue made a vow to be ignorant . but although the vulgar sort , through their dul wits , and their brutish education , cannot conceiue what is profitable for themselues , and good for their countrey , yet there bee some other of that countrey birth , whose thoughts and mindes being inriched with knowledge and vnderstanding , that haue done good in the country , and whose example hereafter , may giue light to many others : for i thinke , that if these people did once vnderstand the pretiousnesse of vertue , they would farre exceed vs ; notwithstanding , our long experience in the soueraignty of vertue . cap. 5. that the irish by nature are inclined vnto cruelty . it cannot be denayed , but that the irish are very cruell in their executions , and no lesse bloudy in their dispositions , the examples are to many , and to manifest , to be by any means contradicted . but some will say , their cruelty doth not so much proceede from that naturall inclination that is in themselues , as from the mallice and hatred they bear to the english gouernment , which they haue alwaies spurned at , and are still desirous to shake off ; but their rebellious dispositions are thereby made the more apparant , and they ought therefore to be so much the more restrained : for there is not a more daungerous thing , to relye either in the promises , or in any other assurances of those men , that are by nature ambitious , disloyall , cruell , and accustomed to shed bloud . but let vs make a short suruay , what they are in behauiour amongst themselues , and wee shall find that it is the english gouernment that staieth them from their bloudy executions , the one of them against the other , and that our late gratious queene was in nothing more troubled , then in keeping them from persecuting and prosecuting the one the other , with fire , with sword , and with such raging fury , that the most barbarous sauages that neuer knew ciuility , are not more tragicall in their executions , then are the irish . the time hath beene , when they liued like barbarians , in woods , in bogges , and in desolate places , without politique law , or ciuil gouernment , neither imbracing religion , lawe , nor mutuall loue . that which is hatefull to all the world besides , is onely beloued and imbraced by the irish , i mean ciuill warres and domesticall discentions . the wilde vnciuill seythians , doe forbeare to be cruell the one against the other . the canibals , deuourers of mens flesh , doe leaue to bee fierce amongst themselues , but the irish , without all respect , are euer most cruel to their very next neighbours . in ciuill broiles , euery base rascall is an equall companion with the greatest commaunder , and their libertie to do wrong , is no lesse the one then the other ; for they knowe they are the more willingly drawne to vndertake commotions and rebellions , for the aid & assistance of these licentious routes that follow them : they therefore forbeare no mischiefe , abstaining no more from that which is holy , then from that which is prophane : neither marriage nor honour so protect any , that rape be not mingled with murder , nor murder with rape . all things are full of misery in ciuill wars , and as in forraigne encounters , there is nothing more honourable then conquest , so in ciuill and domesticall conflictes , there is nothing more miserable then victory : for the rebellious that are led by cruelty first to vndertake , can vse no moderation where they become victors . these ciuill furies , are by seuerall means ingendered : many take armes oppressed by the tyranny of princes , but these through sufferance and ouermuch liberty : some others , hauing beene offered wronges and iniuries , haue therefore betaken thēselues to actions of rebellion ; but these fearing to be punished for wronges by themselues committed , doe therefore seeke to preuent it by playing the rebels : some to free themselues from thraldome , ( as they pretended ) haue opposed themselues against their princes ( and as they say ) to purchase liberty : but what subiectes in europe , doe liue so lawlesse as the irish , when the lords and great men throughout the whole countrey , doe rather seeme to bee absolute , then to liue within the compasse of subiection ? neither haue i known any amongst the irish , that haue stood vpon those tearms of liberty , but whom they wuld set free frō the prince , they would inthrall to the pope . i neuer yet heard of any man that was an enemy to the common quiet of a realme , but he was likewise an enemy to the commonwealth . alexander was wont to say , that the clemencie of kings & princes , consisted not so much in them selues that were to command , as in the disposition of their subiects , that were to obey . and one , attributing the flourishing estate of sparta , to the gouernment of the kings that knew howe to rule well ; nay , answered another , it is to bee imputed to the vertue of the citizens , that knowe how to obey well . alasse poore ireland , what safety may bee hoped for thee , that art still so addicted to disobedience , to contempt , to sedition , to rebellion , that thy wounds are no sooner closed vp , but thou thy selfe goest about to open them againe ? your granfathers haue felt the smart of disobedience , your fathers haue complained of it , your selues haue seen the calamities of contempt , and god grant that your childrens children , haue not iust cause to curse the miseries that are raised vp by rebellion . the extreamest point whereunto the crueltie of man may stretch , is for one man to kill another , yea diuinity it selfe , willeth vs to shew fauor , and not to be cruelly inclined , no not to bruit beastes , which the almighty hath created and placed amongst his other creatures , aswell for his glory as for his seruice , and hath himselfe had mercifull respect vnto them ; as when he saide to ionas , should not i spare niniuy that great citty , wherein are sixe score thousand persons that cannot discerne between the right hand and the left , and also much cattle . we see here god himselfe had some commiseration to the poore cattell , and it was not without respect , that he prescribed to moses in the first table of the commandementes , that aswell the cattell as the stranger within thy gates , shuld cease from their labour , and rest on the sabaoth day . if it hath pleased god the creator of all things to be thus regardfull to the worke of his handes , i am fully perswaded , that such as by nature do shew themselues to be no lesse bloudy minded towardes men , then towards beasts , do shew themselues to be naturally inclined to cruelty , the vglines whereof , is to be abhorred and detested amongst men . cap. 6. of the ingratitude of the irish . the irish , as they are naturally inclined to cruelty , so there is neither lenity , loue , nor liberality , whereby to confirme them in their duty and allegiance to their prince . some will say that there is not a readier meane whereby to draw subiects to a setled loue , then a gracious clemency to be vsed by the prince : but in times past it would not serue , and i shall not need any far-fet presidents , let vs but remember our late gracious queene , with what mildnesse and with what mercy , she ruled and gouerned forty & odde yeares , and with what disloialty was she still requited . her maiesty thought in being gracious , she might thereby haue woon their hearts to a more louing and willing obedience , and to this ende , to drawe them to a more dutifull regard , what did she neglect , that was either befitting for a prince to grant amongst subiects , or behouefull for subiects to receiue from their prince ? if clemency might haue mittigated the rigor of cruelty , what pardoning , what protecting , and what tollerating of offences that were daily and continualy committed against her . but for the better discouery of their ingratitude towardes her maiestie , how did shee continually grace and countinance the nobility of that realm , not onely suffering them to triumph and tyranize ouer their tenants and followers , with such priuiledges and prerogatiues , as were more befitting kings , then behouefull for subiects , but also shee bountifully bestowed of them , contributions , stipendes , pentions , and other daily paies out of her cofers , for the better vpholding of their decayed estates , and to haue woon them ( if it had bin possible ) to her loue and their allegiance ; and how som of them requited her , it is so manifestly known , as it were but lost labour any further to rehearse . how many gentlemen againe of that country birth , came daily into england about sutes , that were still begging and craving , and were continually returned from her maiesties court back again into ireland , laden with guiftes and prefermentes , that she graciously & liberally bestowed on them ; who after they had passed & possessed their grants , would neuer com in place to say amen , when they heard her maiesty praied for ; but rather by their ill example of contempt , made some others more obstinate and stubborn , then otherwise they would . i thinke the ingratitude of the irish ( considering how mildly they haue bin and are yet gouerned ) deserueth no lesle to be condemned thē their treasons : and rebellious : and there is nothing so much detested amongst the irish themselues , as this vice of ingratitude . ingratitude is no way to be excused nor coloured , theft , robery , murther , yea treason it selfe , may bee a little flourisht ouer with some blind excuse , but ingratitude can neither bee couered nor shadowed by any meanes , but remaining naked , must mannifest it selfe euery where with shame & dishonour . not to requit a benefit receiued is ill , but this may be said to bee the frailty of man : but to render and requit euill for good , is most pernicious , and this malignity hath euermore proceeded from detestable creatures , denounced and abhorred by god and all good men . the egyptians vsed to geld such persons as were detected with this vice of ingratitude , to the end that there might been no farther procreation of so viperous a brood : if this seuerity were vsed to those of the irish that haue tasted of the bounty , liberality and mercy of their princes , & haue repayed them againe with grudge ; murmnre , disobedience , contempt , and sometime with treason it selfe , i say the eunuches of ireland , would farre exceede in number ouer and aboue all the rest that were fit for propagation . they haue bin still gouerned by such princes , who shunning the seuerity of lawes , haue rather conformed themselues to diuine mercy , then to due iustice ; they haue bin and still are , gouerned by christian princes , endued with the knowledge of the truth , that haue ruled and do rule with curtesie and clemency , but it is the imperfections of their iudgements , that maketh them to mistake the perfection of their princes . chap. 7. of the inciuility , both of manners and conditions , vsed by the irish . if i should set downe the sluttish and vncleanly obseruations of the irish , as well of the men , as the women , but especially of those manners & conditions whereunto they invre themselues in the remote places of the countrey , i might set downe such vnreuerent and loathsome matter , as were vnfit for euery queasie stomacke to vnderstand of . i will not speake of those affaires belonging to child-bearing women , that are no lesse vnciuill then vncleanly , in many their demeanors belonging to those businesses : neither will i speake of their vnmannerly manners in making of their butter , nor of the beastly physicke they haue vsed to apply to a cow , when she will not giue down hir milke . i might speake heere what i my selfe haue seen in the north parts of ireland , how vnhamsomely the women do vse to grinde their oat-meale . but to speake generally throughout the whole realme of ireland , in those thinges wherein they should be most neate and cleanely , they doe shew themselues to be most sluttish and filthy ; namely , in making of their butter , and washing of their linnen . first , they do abuse one of the greatest blessings of god bestowed vpon that country , for as god promised the children of israell to transport them into a land that flowed with milke and honey , so the plenty of milke throughout all the parts of ireland doth so abound , that the greatest part of the people ( of the poorest sort ) are especially relieued and sustained ( both summer and winter ) with milke and butter ; but according to the prouerbe , god sendes meate , and the deuill sends cookes ; so , it pleaseth god to send them plenty of milke , but as they behaue themselues in the vsing of it , it is fit for no body but for themselues , that are of the vncleanly diet : not onely in their milke and butter , but in many other vnsauoury dishes besides . it is holden among the irish , to bee a presagement of some misfortune , to keepe their milking vessels cleanly , and that if they should either scald or wash them , some vnlucky misaduenture would surely betide them : vpon this conceit , al the vessels that they vse about their milke , are most filthily kept : and i my selfe haue seene , that vessell which they hold vnder the cow whilst they are in milking , to be furred halfe an inch thicke with filth , so that dublyne it self is serued euery market day with such butter , as i am sure is much more loathsome then toothsome . now , in the manner of their washing , they are yet more filthie then in any other of their exercises , wherein they are most vncleanlie , and i do almost loath , but to thinke of their scouring stuffe which they doe vse in the stead of sope ; but hee that came in place when they were in their laundry , in their nettyng ( as they call it ) would neuer after stop his nose , if he chanced to goe by where they were scouring of a priuy . these and many other loathsome obseruations are vsed by the irish , from the which they wil not be diswaded , but the vnnurtered sort among them are no lesse admiring our decencie , then wee their rudenesse & vnciuility . and as i haue said elswher , they wil not take any presidents from the english , and long it was before they coulde bee brought to imitate our english manner , in diuers pointes of husbandry , but especially in the ploughing of their land ; in the performing whereof , they vsed the labour of fiue seuerall persons to euery plough , and their teem of cattle , which commonly consisted of fiue or sixe horses , were placed all in front , hauing neither cordes , chaines , nor lines , wherby to draw , but euery horse by his owne taile ; and this was the manner of ploughing when i knew ireland first , and is vsed still at this day in manie places of the countrey . demand of them , whie they should be so much addicted to their owne durtie demeanures , & that they should not conforme themselues to those ciuill courses which they see are to bee perfourmed with lesse paine , and more profit ; they can satisfy vs with no other reason but custome , thus did our ancestors . custome is a metall amongst them , that standeth which way soeuer it bee bent ; checke them for their vncleanlinesse , and they plead custome : reprehend them for their idolatry , they say thus did our fathers before vs : and i thinke it bee custome that draweth them so often into rebellion , because they would do as their fathers haue done before them . but alas ! their iudgements are both blinde and lame , and they are deafe to all good counsels , they are falne into a blinde arrogancy , and they are so generally bewitched with popery , that they will neither draw example nor precept from the english . but i hope my generall speeches , will breed no generall offence ; to say that the irish are generally adicted to poperie , it would argue but a quarrelsome disposition , to denay that truth which wee see in daily example before our eies , and the irish themselues ( i am sure ) would be much offended , if they were not able to drop ten papists , for one protestant , throughout the whole realme ; themselues are neither ashamed , nor affraid to confesse it , and i would wee might as well trust them in their fidelity to the king , as we may beleeue them in that : but they all speake faire , and they say they loue the king , and without doubt there are some small number , to whome it hath pleased god to open their eies , and that doe stand assured to his maiesty : but for the greatest number of those that be papists , what fair semblance soeuer they make , his maiestie may well say with our sauiour , this people honoureth me with their lips , but their hearts are far from me . and for these , whatsoeuer they speake with their lippes , their harts are at rome . do they not shew it through euerie part of the realme , in cittie , towne , and countrey , in their receiuing and entertaining of iesuites , seminaries , and popish priests , the protested enemies to his maiestie ? with what face may they then auouch themselues to loue the king , that dooth with such feruencie embrace his maiesties deadly enemies . i will neuer beleeue them , neither can it sinke in my head , that an honest man may be brought to be in league with god and the deuill , and to be in perfect loue and charity with them both together . the vulgar sort of the irish , wanting facultie to iudge of thinges truely as they are , and suffering themselues to be ledde and carried away with outward apparitions , are not only possessed with bold nesse to despise , but likewise with malipertnesse to impugne those meanes , that should aswell induce them to the loue and obedience of their prince , as to the true knowledge of their god , wherin consisteth the state of their saluation . it is ignorance that hunteth after light in darkenesse , that beleeueth shaddowes to be substancial ; but diuine knowledge , from whence proceedeth all blessings , it is the parent of peace , of wisdom , of obedience , and it is the light of reason , that discouereth truth from falshood , and therefore the most resplendant ornament of man. chap. 8. of the vulgar sort of the irish , what account they make of an oath . the multitude of the irish ( i meane the ruder sort ) are very regardlesse of their oathes , and there are many reasons to induce it ; for i haue knowne ireland these forty yeares , yet ( to my remembrance ) i neuer knewe any man punnished for periury , by any iudiciall course of the princes lawes . they haue a custome , that vpon any controuersies amongst themselues in the countrey , the tenants are inioyned to sweare by their land-lordes hand ; the which oath , if the land-lord do by any meanes disproue , he imposeth a great fine vppon the partie , and he shall be sure to pay it : they are therefore verie circumspect in taking of that oath . they haue some respect againe to their oaths , when they are deposed vpon a masse-booke : and i will trust him better , that offereth to sweare by bread and salt , then him that offereth to sweare by the bible ▪ i meane , amongest the greater number , that make no conscience what they swear vpon an english book . and the simpler sort of them , do hold their oathes to be so much the more , or so much the lesse , according to the bignesse of the book : for if they sweare vpon a little booke , they think they take but a little oath . thus , what betweene those that are simply ignorant , and the other againe that are blinded with poperie , there will hardly be found a iurie that wil find for his maiestie . and heere ( with al reuerēce ) i must needes remember that euer renowned qu. elizabeth , who would many times saie , that the irish were so allyed in kindred the one with the other , and she hauing neuer a cosine in the country , could neuer get her right . but woe be to him , that hath his state depending vpon the verdict of a iurie in ireland , especiallie if he be a protestant . the honestie of him that should giue testimonie in any matter whatsoeuer , is to be reputed for more or lesse , according to the companie that hee is knowne to frequent . i do not thinke it therfore conuenient , that a papist , that is trained vp in the deuillish doctrine of equiuocation , and that they may sweare what they list , with a mentall reseruation , is to be receiued as a witnesse against a protestant , or to bee beleeued or credited in any thinge that he shall either say or sweare against him . because the two midwiues , shiphuah and puah in the first of exodus , tolde a lie to the king , who had commaunded that all the male children of the hebrewes should be slaine , therefore saith our holy father the pope , it is lawfull to lie for aduantage . methinkes his holinesse might haue borrowed such another from the 12. of exodus , where by the commandement of god , the children of israel borrowed iewels of siluer and gold of the egyptians ; if the popes catholiques might haue the like liberty with protestants , then it were an excellent matter to be a papist , for then a man might both lie & steale by authority , and they are not farre from the matter : for it is knowne well enough , that in the time of our late gracious queene , the pope gaue full power and authority to dispence with all popish recusants , neither to holde worde , promise , contract , nor protestation , what or howsoeuer , that had bin formerly conditioned , or were heereafter to be made with any heretique ( as they call him ) that will not acknowledge the pope to bee christs high vicar heer on earth , and that he hath thereby full authority to depose kings and princes at his owne will and pleasure . methinkes this doctrine of equiuocation and mental reseruation , was very acceptable to the yong married wife , who in her husbands absence being solicited by an amorous friend , she consented vnto him , vpon condition , that hee should not meddle with her lippes , neither to kisse , nor so much as to touch them ; hir louer demanded the reason , she answered ; that at my mariage day , this mouth of mine made inuiolable promise to my husbande of continencie ; and therefore , what my mouth hath religiously vowed , shall ceremoniously be kept : content thy selfe therefore with the other parts of my bodie , for my lippes are onely vowed vnto my husband , and for him i will reserue them . i think of my conscience , this woman was as firme in the promise she made to her husband , as a number of papists in their oaths they do make to the king . this doctrine is not onely warrantable against protestants , but it may sometimes serue to salue a vow that is rashly made to god himselfe , as the holie pilgrim , that made solemne protestation to offer the one halfe of his good fortunes at the high altar , whatsoeuer should betide him in his iourney . and by the way as he passed , fortuning to find a bag of nuts , hee eate vp the kernels , and offered vp the shels . what call you this , equiuocation , or mentall reseruation ? but call it what you list , this doctrine doth fit our holy fathers tooth , for he hath taught vs long agoe , there is no faith to bee holden with heretiques . cap. 9. that a conquest should draw after it lawe , language , and habit. maister stanihurst is of opinion , that a conquest should draw three things after it , and that the vanquished should surrender themselues to imitate the lawes , the language , & the manner of apparrell vsed and accustomed by the victors . i could wish that the irish would submit themselues to the obedience of our english lawes , for i say the countrey is accursed , that is not gouerned by law , but it is ignorance that breedeth contempt of law ; contempt of law , draweth on rebellion ; and rebellion is the vtter decay , ruine , and desolation of countries and kingdomes . it is ignorance ioyned with obstinacie , that hath not onely contemned the positiue lawes of princes in ireland , but they haue likewise dispised and impugned the deuine lawes of the liuing god. and where god is not knowne , the prince cannot bee obeyed : for it is the light and knowledge of gods word , that conteineth subiects in obedience vnto their princes ; and where the gospell is generallie receiued , there is peace and tranquillity vniuersallie embraced . it is not so in ireland , and they are in nothing more repugnant then against the law of god. and as for the imitation of language ( as m. stanihurst hath said ) it hath been thought very expedient , for diuers respects , that the conquered should surrender themselues to the language of the conqueror : and for this very cause , when william duke of normandy had conquered england , hoping to translate our english language into french , he caused al our english lawes to be written and set downe in the french tongue , and so they haue continued , and are still remaining at this very houre . but heer beehold the godly disposition of our gracious king that now raigneth , who comiserating the calamity of the hunger-starued realm of ireland , that hath neuer yet tasted of any thing published in their owne language , but lies , fables , and popish fantasies , that hath but led them into ignorance and error . to giue them some tast therfore of that heauenly foode , whereof they haue neuer yet felt smack or sauour ; he hath caused the new testament , togither with the booke of common praier , in that forme and manner as it is now vsed in our english churches , to be both translated into irish , and to be printed in the irish charracter , that aswell the lettered sort , that can reade their owne language , as also the vnlearned , that can but vnderstand what they heare others read , may reap the benefit of his maiesties clemency and loue towards them , that doth seeke by curtesie to winne them , that might otherwise enforce them by compulsion of lawes . now , for the irish to invre themselues to speake english , i thinke it were happy for england & ireland both . if neuer a papist throughout that whol coūtry , could either speak , or so much as vnderstād a word of english : and it is holden for a maxime in ireland , that ten english wil sooner become irish , then one irish will be found to turne english . now , for the imitation of habit and attire , that ( m. stamhurst saith ) should likewise follow a conquest , i protest i would not wish the irish so much harme , to inioyne them to follow our english fashion in apparrell , when there is almost neuer a passage from chester to dublyne , but one foole or other commeth ouer with a new fashion , either for men or women , or for both . and although the irish are proud enough of minde , yet they are not lightly proude in their apparrell ; and yet the example of our english pride , hath doone a great deale of harme amongst that people . i remember many yeares ago ( when i was a little bookish ) i haue read of a pretty prouiso , deuised for the preuention of pride , an act established , debarring all sorts of people , aswell men as women , from the wearing of any gayish or light-coloured apparrell ( players and curtizans onely excepted ) to whome free liberty was giuen to weare vvhat they themselues listed . this did not onely incite those that were honest , to liue within the compasse of modest and comly attire , but it was alike inducement to those that were well knowne strumpets , to shelter themselues vnder the habit of modesty , thereby to escape from being reputed infamous . but as the prouerbe is , it is not the frocke that maketh the friar , so without doubt , those women are not all dishonest of their bodies , that by the outward showes in their attyre , a man woulde thinke , they had sent their consciences vnto the stewes . it were pitty that beutie should be mercenary , or that by strange inuentions it should set it self to sale ; and why are those beauties vailed , that women themselues desires to shew , and euery man desires to see ? but they say it is for modesty , and i commend it , but let them bee modest likewise in their manners . pithagoras neece was wont to say , that a woman going to bedde with a man , ought together with her peticote , to put off all bashfulnesse , but in the morning to put it on againe : not like her , that when she first went to bed with a sea-faring man , stript her selfe quite of her modesty , & could neuer finde a time to put it on againe after . but modesty ( aswell in attire , as in conuersation and manners ) hath euer beene the reputed ornament of women ; but to speake truth of our gentlewomen of ireland : that be of irish birth , they haue little practise , either in pride or in good huswiferie ; for they are for the most part alwaies busied in taking their ease . and it is holden for a seruile kinde of basenesse amongst the irish , for a gentleman or a gentlewoman , to be seen in any manner of faculty , idlenesse onely excepted . and this conceipt of theirs , is another occasion of ignorance , which as it engendreth many vaine & lasciuious thoghts , so it draweth after it , wicked and dishonest deeds . to conclude this chapter , i say , that those of the irish that haue reduced themselues to ciuility , ( were it not for their religion ) are otherwise , of very good conuersation ; and aswell in their manners , as in the decencie of their apparell , they are very modest and comly , but they are so charmed by their ghostly fathers , that if an angell shoulde come from heauen , and speake against poperie , he should be condemned amongst them , yea and holden for accursed . chap. x. of certaine septes and degrees among the irish , how they are reputed . there is amongst the irish , as amongst all the nations of the world , diuers degrees , accorto the which each man is regarded . for the nobilitie of that realme , they are amongst them as honorable , and as worthy to bee honoured , as of any other nation whatsoeuer ; so likewise againe , both of knights and gentlemen . after their gentlemen , whereof a great number of them are rude and vnciuill enough , the horsmen succeedeth in the next ranke , who is more fit to serue his lord and captaine in an action of rebellion , then in the seruice of his prince . the galloglas succeedeth the horsman , and hee is commonly armed with a scull , a shirt of maile , and a galoglas axe : his seruice in the field , is neither good against horsmen , nor able to endure an encounter of pikes , yet the irish do make great account of them . the kerne of ireland are next in request , the very drosse and scum of the countrey , a generation of villaines not worthy to liue : these be they that liue by robbing and spoiling the poore countrey-man , that maketh him many times to buy bread to giue vnto them , though he want for himselfe and his poore children . these are they , that are ready to run out with euerie rebell , and these are the verie hags of hell , fit for nothing but for the gallows . we are now come to the hors-boyes , so tearmed by their professions , which is , to keep or dress horse ; and as in england we cal them hors-keepers , so in ireland he carries the name but of a horse boy how yong or old soeuer . there are other septes or professions , namely of bardes , which are in manner of poets or rythmers , which do nothing but sit and compose lies . then they haue harpers , and those are so reuerenced among the irish , that in the time of rebellion , they will forbeare to hurt either their persons , or their goods , but are rather inclined to giue them , & are verie bountifull , either to rymers or fooles . then is there a certaine brotherhood , called by the name of karrowes , and these be common gamsters , that do onely exercise playing at cards , and they will play away their mantels , and their shirts from their backs , and when they haue nothing left them , they will trusse themselues in straw ; this is the life they lead , and from this they will not be reclaimed . but here is now a matter to be noted , that among all these sorts and professions of the irish , the child is euer desirous to imitate what his father hath bin before him . if the father hath been a horseman , the sonne will be a horsman : if the father hath beene a galoglas , the sonne will be a galloglas : if the father hath beene a kerne , the sonne will be a kerne : if the father haue been a horse boy , the son will be no better . but this is most of al to be wondred at , that if the father had bin a rythmer , the son would bee a rithmer ; which seemeth strange vnto mee , that poetry in ireland , should succeed by discent from the father to the sonne , that must be holpen elsewhere , not only by nature , but art : and therfore , if their irish rymers be of such excellencie , as the irish themselues will commend , i say it is wonderfull . euery great man in the countrey hath his rymer , his harper , and his knowne messenger , to run about the countrey with letters . these altogither among themselues , do obserue the law of complements , and euery profession hath his particular decorum , i cannot commend them for their ciuility , nor they do not superabound in honesty : their vertue is , they will do nothing but what their fathers haue done before them . chap. xi . of the maner of the irish coshering , and of the credulity in beleeuing of lyes . there is amongst the irish , a kinde of feasting or banquetting , which they call coshering , & this is the maner of it ; good company both of men and women being drawne together a feasting , to entertaine the time betweene meales , they haue their rythmers & their harpers ; the one , to sing , and the other , to play : the songes that they vse to sing , are vsually in the commendation of theft , of murther , of rebellion , of treason , and the most of them lying fixions of their owne collections , inuented but of purpose , to stirre vp their hearts to imitate the example of their ancestors , making repetition how many cowes they had stoln , how many murthers they had committed , how many times they had rebeld against their prince , and what spoiles and out-rages they had done against the english . the maner of their sitting in this great feasting , is this ; stooles nor tables they haue none , but a good bundle of straw strewed about the floure , they set themselues downe one by another : another burden of straw being shaken ouer their legs , doth serue them to set on their dishes . perhaps , if it bee in the time of summer , or where the place will affoord it , then in the stead of straw they vse greene rushes ; but whether it be straw or rushes thus strewed ouer their legges , this is both table and table-cloath , wheron they vse to place their dishes . victuals they shall haue plenty , beefe , mutton , porke , hens , rabits , and all together serued in a great woodden platter : aqua vite they must haue good store , or else it is not worthy to bee called a feast . vpon wednesdayes , fridayes , and satterdaies , they haue like plentie of fish , for vpon those daies , to eate a bit of flesh , is a more deadly sinne , then either drunkennesse or letchery . and commonly the irish custome is , that when they are serued with flesh , they haue no bread with their meat , but if their store be such that they hauebread , their finest manchets are ordinarily oaten-cakes , in this sort prepared . first , in the remote places of ireland , in the stead of threashing their oats , they vse to burne them out of the straw , and then winnowing them in the wind , from their burnt ashes , they make them into meale , but if i should say how vnhandsomely they doe grinde them , or if i should tel , how my selfe haue seene a woman sitting with a mustarde quearne betweene her bare thighes , grinding of oatmeale , i thinke a man would haue little list to eate of the bread ; but of this meale , as ill in complexion ( to looke vppon ) as a little durt vnder a mans feet , they make their cakes , for other bread they haue none , and it is but seldome when they haue this . i might tell some other vnmannerly tales vsed by the irish , in those times of coshering , but i will let them passe . and as m. stanihurst saith , the antiquitie of this manner of feasting , is set foorth by virgil , when dido entertained the troyan prince & his company ; but maister stanihurst shall neuer make me beleeue , that the irish maner of coshering was drawne from that president : but the manner of our irish writers , haue euer beene , to draw presidents from ancient and worme-eaten authorities : for with these trifles they doe bewitch the poore ignorant people of the country , that they make them beleeue what themselues list to perswade ; and the irish are wonderfully addicted to giue credit and beleefe , not onely to the fabulous fixions of their lying poets , but also to the prognosticating soothsayers and witches , like our husbandmen of the countrey , that doe draw all their knowledge from the counsell of a kalender . and if any of their wise men , or wise women ( as they call them ) do prognosticate either good or euill fortune , they doe more relie in their presagements , then they do in the foure euangelists : and sooner they will beleeue them . they doe beleeue in charmes and incantations : then they haue words and spels to driue away rats , & to heal diseases : then they haue inchanted gyrdles , that can defend the violence of shot , and are of such defence , that no sword , or any other weapon shall hurt the party that is girded with them . it were both admirable and incredible for to set downe the obseruations vsed by the irish , vppon certaine saints eeues , but especially on may-eeue , & midsommer eeue ; what watching , what ratling , what tinkling vpon pannes and candlesticks , what strewing of hearbes , what clamors , and what other ceremonies are vsed , and not onely in the countrey , but in dublyne it selfe , the very markes and badges of infidelity , neither obserued nor beleeued amongst any other people in the worlde , but amongst infidels , pagans , and papists . and it is a wonder to see , how from these vain fantasies , so many famous impressions do arise , or rather ( i may say ) how many infamous lies are beleeued , and as when a man hath once gotten the end of a clue , hee may winde off at pleasure what himselfe listeth ; so men that are naturally inclined to nourish nouelties , hauing once receiued any thing for truth , he thinketh it a deede of charity to impart it to his friend , and feareth not to adde something of his owne inuention , the better to make the matter to be beleeued : and thus from a particular errour , by this manner of handling , it becommeth publicke : for as the flixability of our inuentions , to frame reasons vnto all manner of dreames and fantasies , are very apt and readie , so our immaginations are likewise found as easie to receiue impressions from falshoode , deriued from very friuolous and foolish apparitions : but it is commonly saide , that to bee light of beleefe , and easily perswaded , proceedeth from a lightnesse of the wit , and weakenesse of the braine . cap. xii . how ireland was purged from all venemous wormes , by the prayers of saint patrick . maister stanihurst , in his chronicle of ireland , is very angry against maist . alan cope , that seemed to scoffe at the irish conceite , that will needs attribute the purging of venemous wormes from out of ireland , to the prayers of s. patruke . now , although maister alan cope , sufficiently proueth by the testimony of seuerall writers , that ireland was destitute of all these venomous wormes , many hundred yeares before saint patricke was borne ; yet maister stanihurst is so angry , that there should bee any doubt or question made of that which hath beene so long receiued and beleeued for an vndoubted truth amongst the natiues of ireland , that he pickes a great many of quarrels against m. alan cope ; finding fault first , that he neither obserued decorum persona , nor decorum dialogi , and then he quarrelleth with his diuinity , which ( as hee saieth ) is farre dissonant from the rules of charity . and when he hath charged m. cope with many other absurdities , he setteth downe this proposition , that like as god in his iustice punisheth a country that is hard hearted , with wormes and vermine , so of his mercy they are remoued again from a realme , that is obedient and ready to follow his lawes and precepts . to put this out of question , hee bringeth this president , that as pharaoh woulde not listen to those threats denounced him by moses & aaron , was therfore punnished with frogges and flyes , and such other vermine , yet vpon his shew of repentance , at the instant request of moses , those plagues were appeased , and the wormes extinguished : why then ( saith he ) may it not likewise hold , that saint patrick , finding the irish so prest and ready to embrace the christian faith , might not stand so highly in the fauour of god , as through his earnest prayers , the venemous and poisoned wormes should be abandoned . but alas ( saith he ) this is not a matter of such difficulty to be belieued , when it was fore-promised by christ himselfe , who in the xvi . of marke saith , and these tokens shall follow them that beleeue , they shall cast out deuils in my name , they shall speake with new tongues , they shall driue away serpents , &c. were not these places of scripture well spyed out by our irish chronicler , and as aptly applyed , as those of the deuill , that willed christ , if hee were the sonne of god , he should cast himself from the pynacle of the temple , for it is written , that his angels should hold him vp , that hee should not dash his foote against a stone . but i will not contend with m. stanihnrst , nor with any other , whether it were saint patricke , who by his praiers hath thus purged ireland from toads , from snakes , from adders , & from other like venomous wormes : but there are other , aswell beasts as birds , as the roe-buck , the moule , the pianet , the nytingale , that are as meer strangers in ireland , as the other , and i cannot thinke but that it was one mans worke to expell all these together , and all at one time . but if it were saint patrick , or whosoeuer otherwise , that was so seuere against the nytingale , the sweete querrister of the wood , whose delectable harmony is pleasing to euery eare , i would he had been as strict in iustice against that foul mouthed bird the cuckow , whose notes were neuer yet pleasing to any mans eare , that was iealous of his wife . and yet to do the irish no wrong , this gauling griefe of iealousie , is no generall sicknesse in ireland , it troubleth very few , and i account them so much the wiser ; it is a kinde of frenzie , that neuer yet did good , the wise men of the world hath euer sought to restraine it by discretion . if histories be to be credited , lucullus , caesar , pompei , anthoni , cato , and diuers other gallant men , were cornuted : and although they themselues knew it , yet they made no stirre about it , that coxcombe lepidus onely excepted , who dyed with verie greefe that his wife had made him cuckold . but how many husbands haue their beene , that haue indured this accident , not onely without reproach and offence against their wiues , but with singular commendation to their owne vertue , in concealing it from the world . some women there hath beene , that hath prostituted themselues , thereby to aduance her husbands credit , sometimes to saue her husbands life : but this subiect is not for this place , and these presidents are out of season for this age , but there hath beene husbands knowne , that haue of themselues made port-sale of their wiues honesties , aswell for their profite , as for their preferment : as phanlius the argian , who through ambition , offered his wife to king phillip : and as galba , who bestowed a supper of merenas , and perceiuing him to cast some amorous glances on his wife , beeing risen from the table , shrunke downe vppon his cushion , as one oppressed with sleepe , thereby to giue him the better scope , whereby hee might persist . it is a foolish curiosity for a man to seeke for that which he would bee loath to finde , and that when he hath found , he cannot amend . i rather commend me to him , who taking his wife so tardy , that hee needed no other witnesse , then what himselfe had seene , would not yet beleeue his own sences , but would say , that he wold neuer condemn a true dealing wife , for a false misdeeming eye . i applaude his wisedome , that with his owne vertue , could suppresse his ovvne shame . it is not said without iudgment , that a good mariage might be made betweene a deafe man , and a blind woman . but i say , i woulde not wish that a man should either be too light in hearing , or too quicke of sight , to looke into his wiues affaires : and for him that would liue in a quiet content , i say that one eye were enough , and with the most , for him that will be still peeping and prying into his wiues businesse . chap. xiii . of the holy saintes , that haue bin borne , bred , and brought vp in ireland . if a man may beleeue maister stanihurst in his discription of ireland , there hath bin many holy saints , natiues of that countrey , that were full of miracles , & performed so many wonderful matters , as there is neuer a wise man in the worlde would beleeue them to be true , and so they continue still at this present houre . our holy , holy brood of iesuites , seminaries , fryers and such other , do performe stranges thinges , but specially for the increase and propagation of children , not a barren woman in an house where they be lodged : for she that is not child-bearing , a blessing from one of these of the holy order will make her so to fructify , that her husband ( whatsoeuer he wanteth besides ) shal be sure to want no children . but as maister stanihurst aduiseth his reader not to be ouer credulous to beleeue all that is written of those holy saintes themselues , nor yet of their fained miracles : so i protest , for the loue that i beare to a nūber of my ireland frends , i could wish them to bee well aware of this holy brood of the popes cockrels , the prouerbe is old , and not so old as true : that pigeons and priestes do make foule houses . i haue heard of many miracles , and there is no place or countrey where popery is profest but they are full of miracles , full visions , and full of strange euentes , but the miracles of ireland , they are more foolish , more ridiculous , more grosse , and more absurd then any other , that i haue either heard or reade of . it were strange to make relation of the miracles that haue bin wrought at the holy crosse , but especially at saint patricks purgatory ; and it is a peece of rethoricke , sometimes by seeming to affect ignorance , to set forth a subtilty ; and he that should but reade , what maister stanihurst himselfe hath set downe of that miraculous place of s. patrickes purgatory if he hath bin but a little touched with the tincture of wit , will finde out the very mystery of grosse and palpable knauery . and as ireland is full of strange miracles , so i thinke there are more saints known in that countrey , then euer was heard of in heauen , or were euer registred in the popes golden legend . wee reade of a holy saint that was long sithens in the north of ireland , called by the name of saint wooddoge , to whom was giuen a large portion of lands , the which were after translated to the byshops sea of rapo ; but some of those landes being houlden at this day from the byshop that now is , and being called in question vpon what consideration the church liuinges should bee so detained , there is a recorde brought foorth , how a holy byshop , many hundred yeares sithens , conueied away that parcell of lād to one sugere a boylle , with these plain words , for the vse of his daughters body . they haue moreouer in the north of ireland , an old monumēt ( cald by the name of baughall murry ) and this is reserued onely for o-neale to sweare by . there is mention made of many other saints ; as saint colme , saint branden , saint keuen , saint mac-looge , saint dolocke , and they say there are some few saintes of a later edition : as saint bedloc , saint brown , & there is great hope that if tyrone bee not already in the popes kalender that he shall not be long out . i thinke this saint colme before spoken of , is that great saint in the north , called by the name of coleme rille , in great veneration at this day for many strange miracles , the which they say hee still performeth . then they had a gentlewoman saint , that stanihurst in his history maketh mention of , called by the name of bridgit , not that bridgit who in the time of pope vrbane errected a certaine order of nunnes , ( called bridgidians ) but this without doubt was a very holy woman , for she lyes buried with two men ; namely with saint patrick , and coleme rille , as apeareth by an ancient monument in the cathedrall church of doune in the north of ireland , where this inscription is to be reade : hi tres in duno , tumulo tumulantur in vno , brigidia , patricia , atque columba pius . i haue not numbred saint patrick amongst these saintes that be of irish birth : for if a man may beleeue m. stanihurst , hee was a welch-man borne . he setteth downe in his chronicle the certaine place of his birth , and how comming ouer into ireland , he bound himselfe prentise to a maister , that set him to keepe hogs , and following his maisters swine in the fielde , one day as they were rooting , one hogge among the rest , turned vppe with his snowt a parcell of gold , the which patricke taking vp , brought home his hogges to his maister , and with that gold , he bought his own freedome : & thus departing againe into his owne countrey , he trauailed after that to rome , wher being instructed in the christian faith , from thence he returnd again into ireland , where he established the christian religion , & wrought a great many of miracles more then were true . thus farre m. stanihurst , and till i had read it of his owne setting downe , in his description of ireland , i would haue layed two to one , that s. patrick had bin an irishman borne . but i will be better aduised hereafter , both how i lay any wagers , & how i beleeue any such authorities . but let s. patricke be what countriman he list , i wonder how he foūd the irish so confirmable as m. stanihurst reporteth , that will beleeue nothing now , but what their fathers haue beleeued before them . they are now so much inclined to custom , that they will giue no place to reason , but let thē stand vpon custome as much as they list , yet truth is truth , in despite of customes hart : but presumption is our naturall and originall infirmity , and this opinion of wisdome is the plague of man. i think the ouer good conceit and self-weening opinion that man hath of himselfe , is the mother of false opinions , both publike & perticular , when there is nothing whereunto men are more addicted , then to giue way to their owne opinions . it was a bold speach deliuered by pliny : this only is sure , that nothing is sure , and nothing more miserable , and yet more arrogant and obstinat then man. obstinacie , is no other thing , then a setled and firme purpose and determination , either to do , or not to do something : he that is in this manner resolute , is vnfit to receiue either councell or aduise , how wise , how learned , how behouefull , or how honest soeuer . and such men , preferring their own opinions , are the cause of many euils , & do manie times bring themselues and others into extreame dangers : and it is but lost labour to disswade any such persons by the rules of reason , for they presuming to know more then all the world besides , do stop their eares to all good councels , and their eies to all daungers , and persisting in their obstinacie , without reason or iudgement , the brownists themselues are not more precise , nor sir patricke , ( saint patrick i meane ) the canonized saint of ireland , was neuer more holy , then these obstinate fooles doe assume vnto themselues in their owne conceits . curtesies that are bestowed vpon obstinat persons , are euermore bestowed in vaine , for there is no curtesie nor clemency that can be so vsed , but the nature of obstinacie , is rather to impugn , then to make any shew of humilitie . chap. xiiii . of the superstitious conceit that is holden of the irish , about certaine wels. there are yet other admirable matters in ireland , such as i am halfe ashamed to speake of , and yet if there were but one halfe of the vertue in them that the irish do beleeue , and wil confidently auow , wee needed no other physicke nor surgerie to heale all manner of diseases . the blind might be restored to their sight , the halt and lame to their limbs ; there is no infirmity , but it might be cured at sundry sanctified and holy wels , whereof there are great plenty in ireland . the citty of dublin is quartered out with them . first , on the east part , they haue sai . prtricks well , the water whereof , although it be generally reputed to bee very hot , yet the very prime of the perfection , is vpon the 17. of march , which is sai . patricks day , and vpon this day , the water is more holy then it is all the yeare after , or else the inhabitants of dublin are more foolish vpon that day , then they be al the yeare after . for vpon that day thither they wil run by heapes , men , women , and children , and there , first performing certain superstitious ceremonies , they drinke of the water ; and when they are returned to their owne homes , for nine daies after , they will sit and tell , what wonderfull thinges haue bin wrought by the operation of the water of sa. patricks well . on the west part of dublin they haue sa. ieames his well , and his feast is celebrated the 25. of iulie , and vpon that day , a great mart or faire is kept fast by the well . the commoditie that is there to be vented , is nothing else but ale , no other merchandize but only ale : i thinke such another faire was neuer heard of in any other place , where a man can not buy so much as a penniworth of pins , but what money hee hath to bestow , hee must lay it out for ale , and yet it carries the name of s. iames his faire . the multitude of rascall people that vseth to frequent this faire , are first accustomed to perform certaine ceremonies at s. iames his well , in casting the water , backward and forward , on the right side and on the left , and ouer their heads ; then drinking a draught of the water , they go into the faire , and there installing themselues in som brothel-booth , they sit and drinke drunke all the day after . on the south side of the towne , they haue sa. sundaies wel : i cannot tell what countrey man sa. sunday was himselfe , but his wel is of pretious estimation amongst the irish ( i meane ) amongst the popish sort of the irish , that doe flocke thither so thicke vpon sunday mornings , in the summer season , that i am sure , that if saint sunday were there in person to read a lecture out of the new testament , they had rather go altogither to an alehovse then they would trauell so farre to see him . to the north-wards from the citty of dublin , they haue s. dolocks well ; another sanctified place ceremoniously frequented at certaine seasons , foolish and ridiculous to be spoken of ; so that let the wind blow which way it list , east , west , north , or south , dublin is so seated , that a papist may go from the high crosse , with a blowne sheat right before the wind , either to an idalatrous masse within the towne , or to a superstitious well , without the towne . but this is most of all to be admired , that a people that hath bin so many yeares instructed and informed in the doctrine of the gospell , should still submit themselues to such grose & peruerse foolerie . i might speak of diuers other wels , for i think there is neyther apostle nor patriarch , that neuer came neere vnto ireland , and yet there be welles , fountaines , and other holy places , that be attributed vnto them . but if i should speake of the wonders and myracles , which they say are wrought there , it would make a more admirable history thē that of sir iohn mandevile : it woulde vndoo all the physitians in england and ireland . for at those holy wels , and at many other of those sanctified places , the blinde are made to see , the lame are made to goe , the cripple is restored to his limbes , or what disease soeuer , neuer so strange , neuer so inueterate , which is not there cured . but i am sory for dublyn , the place where i my selfe do liue , the towne that of all others in ireland , i do best loue , i do not therefore speake any thing maliciously ( i appeale to their owne knowledges ) whether i speake true or false : i haue often said , & still do say , that there be many good people in dublin , and so throughout all the parts of ireland besides , men of all sorts , of all professions , and of all degrees , that are not to be detected . and thus ( i hope ) the good will take no exceptions at anye thing that i shall truly report of those that be ill . and although i direct my speech stil to the irish , i make no such difference between the english and the irish , but that i know there bee as peruerse papists that come daily creeping out of eng. to plant themselues in ireland , that giue worse example , & are more daungerous to his maiesties estate , than those that are naturally borne in ireland . i dare be bould to avowe it , that there is neuer a pulpit within the city of london ( that at paules crosse onely excepted ) that is better supplied , then that pulpit at christ-church in dubline ; and how many graue and learned men , that vpon a christian comiseration haue charitably admonished them to desist , from those blind fantasticall follies which they themselues by many years experience , haue found to proceed but from their owne vaine and superstitious conceites : but neither preaching nor teaching can so preuaile amongst them , but that they become thereby to be more froward and stubborne , and do with the more obstinacy perseuere , not so much of ignorance , but rather in despite . but i am come now to a strange euent , a tale of maister stanihurst his owne setting down in his history of ireland , and it is worth the reporting , if it be but laught at , and thus it followeth : there is in the notth part of ireland a mighty loughe , 30. miles in length , and 15. in breadth , called by the name of lough-earne , but now called lough sidny , i know the place well . this lough ( as maister stanihurst saith ) was at the first one of these holy wels , and was frequented and sought vnto , by the inhabitantes of those partes , for many miraculous accidentes that was there effected . a prescribed custome there was , ( belike set downe by some angrie saint ) that the pilgrimes at their departure should not leaue the wel vncouered , fore warning them aforehand , that when the spring should bee left open , the water should so abound , that it should drowne all the countrey adioying neare about . and it happened ( as maister stanihurst sayeth ) that an old trot came to sanctifie hir selfe at that well , and hauing vncouered the springe , a child of hers which she had left but fast by , began to cry , the which the woman hearing , forgetting the obseruance of her prescribed order , which was to couer the wel , she made hast to still her brat , and returning backe againe to haue mended hir misse , shee was incountered with the water , which was so farre ouerflowne , that it was past her help , whereby both she , her child , and all the rest of the inhabitantes with in that territorie , were al together drowned . and here maister stanihurst , fearing that his lye is to palpable and aparant , yet to the end it might be something the better beleeued , he addeth , that there is the more likelihood of truth in this story , because the fishers in a sunny day , may see the steeples and other piles plainly , & distinctly in the water . and this is a larger lye and more ridiculous then the first , for to begin withall , it is well enough knowne , that the lough is of no such deapth as m. stanihurst would perswade : large it is , and very ful of islands , & somwhat deeper in one place then in another , but not so deepe to drowne steeples . againe , maister stanihurst hath very fondly forgot a schoole principle , oportet mendacem esse memorem : for maister stanihurst being an irish-man borne , could not be ignorant ( i am sure ) that in all that part of the countrey neere about lough-earne , there was neuer yet any steeples knowne , vnlesse it bee the steeple of armagh , there is neuer another steeple nowe to that lough , not by a great many of miles , perhaps ( as m. stanthnrst saith ) there may bee some lately builded in the bottome of the lough , but i am sure that there neither is , nor neuer was any vpon the land , in all that part of the countrey . i do not meddle with this matter of any set purpose , whereby to impugne m. stanihurst in his historie of ireland ; although he hath therein fabled forth a great number of vntruths : but i haue done it indeed , whereby to make manifest the light beleefe of obstinate papistes , that are ready to giue credit to ydle lies and fantasies , then they are to beleeue the testimony of the word of god. cap. xv. a true description both of the citty and cittizens of dublin . he that had no other knowledge of the citty of dublin , but as it is described by m. stanihurst , in his chronicle of ireland , woulde thinke it to be far exceeding in statelinesse of building , and in many other commodities more then it is at this houre , & yet i am sure that within these forty yeares that i haue knowne dublin , it hath bin replenished with a thousand chimnies , and beautified with as many glasse-windowes , and yet it maketh no such sumptuous shew : but ( saith m. stanihurst ) it dooth exceed in gorgeous buildings , in martial chiualrie , in obedience and loyaltie , in largenesse of hospitalitie , and in manners and ciuility . first , for the gorgeous buildings in dublin , there be som other townes in ireland that do farre exceed it : and to speake truly , the buildings of dublin , are neither outwardly faire , nor inwardly handsome : a ruynous kind of building , neither conuenient nor wel cast : neither do i thinke , that either the masons , nor yet their carpenters , are of skill to contriue any better . for their martial chiualrie , i will not disauowe them , no doubt they haue able men among them , both of body & mind , but i beleeue there are better souldiers in ireland , then any be in dublin . for their obedience and loyalty , let mee not flatter ( if hee meanes it to the prince ) i say , that if they would mixe but a little loue with that loyalty that he speakes of , the popes vermin coulde not bee so well entertained in dublin as they be . it is but folly to dissemble any longer , for if we did but looke a little into the course of experience , wee shoulde find , that this mocking & dallying with them , hath done more hurt then good . for their largenesse of hospitalitie , i will not depriue them of their right : they are bountifull enough of their meat and drinke , according to their abilities . now lastly , for their manners and ciuility , i confesse , dublin is very well reformed , since m. stanihurst writ his chronicle . and now hee commeth againe to speake of the pleasantnesse of the scituation , & by seeming , he would make it a town impregnable . but i thinke m. stanihurst had little skil in the art of fortification . then he describeth it with so many churches , with so many chapels , with so many streets , with so many lanes , with so many gates , and with so many bridges , as i protest , i hauing knowne dublin these forty yeares , yet know not where to finde the one halfe of them he hath named ; and a great many of those that are to be seen , when they are found , make but a sory shew in respect of the commendation he hath giuen . maister stanihurst maketh mention of a certain tower scituat in dubline , commonly called by the name of lsoudes tower. which as he saith , as it first tooke the name from la bell lsoude , so it seemed vnto him to be some castle of pleasure , for kings to recreate themselues in . the pleasantnesse of the tower is very well knowne , in what case it was when m. stanthurst writ his chronicle , fitter ( in good faith ) to haue made a house of office , then for a pallace to entertaine kinges , & yet i cannot tell what manner of kings they had in ireland in those daies ; but if they had no better houses then lsoudes tower to recreate themselues in , they were the sillieth kinges that euer i heard on : but i wonder if copper ally had florished whē maister stanihurst writ his chronicle , as it doth at this day , what praises hee could haue published in the worthynesse of that worke . to speake the truth of dubline as it deserueth . first for the town it selfe , it is conueniēt enough , pleasantly seated , as wel for the serenity of the ayre as for the pleasing walks that are round about the citty . the cittizens themselues , are wonderfully reformed in manners , in ciuility , in curtesy : themselues and their wiues modest and decent in their apparell ( i speake of the better sort ) and they are tractable enough to any thing , religion only excepted . i had almost forgotten to speake of honesty , but it is in dublin as in all other places wher i haue trauelled , an easie matter to play the iugler , to make a shew and appearance of honesty , but to keepe a due rule and a formable decorum in our actions , that 's the very point . the very names of goodnesse and honesty , are many times the names of meere contempt , & who dares find fault at his honesty , that is a knowne dissembler both with god and the world . god blesse me for speaking against pride , letcherie , drunkennesse , or against idolatry . i will not speake against dublin , but in many parts of ireland it is more dangerous to be reputed an honest man , then to be a knowne knaue : greater perill to bee a dutifull subiect to the king , then to be a professed votary to the pope . men are not to be deemed by their outward appearance : for infidels , and those that haue no beleefe in christ , will counterfait holinesse : he is but a foolish painter , that cannot paint both white & blacke with one pensill . i will neuer beleeue him to be an honest man , that will first sweare obedience to his prince , and then will submit himself to the seruice of his pope ; that will goe to church openly , and heare a masse priuily ; that will listen a little to the preacher when he is in the pulpit , but will neuer come neere a communion . god keepe me from being an honest man , according to the description that i see made of honesty now adaies . and i say heraclitus was but a fool to passionate himself with comiserating the follies of his age ; but i thinke democritus would laugh till he were ready to burst , if hee were nowe liuing in ireland , to see the commixture of manners & dispositions , how they are now carried . i will talke no more of ydle matters , but now a little of religion in dublin : if there be one that doth submit himselfe to his maiesties procedings , there is ten for one that is vowed to the pope . who knoweth not this to be true , that knoweth dubline ; the papists themselues do reioice in it , and they not loue to dissemble the matter , but they will shew it both by wordes and deedes , that they are so , and will be so accounted ; and i thinke they would be angry with him that should otherwise report it . among many other priuiledges that they haue , one amongst the rest is , that if there bee any man within the citty ( be he free , or be he forraigne ) if he doe seeme to finde fault at their entertaining of iesuits and popish priests , they may by their charter , be at their choyse whether they will loue him or nay . if any man that is free-borne in the citty , that is conformable to his maiesties proceedinges , and doth shew himselfe a dutifull subiect to his prince , it is at the sheriffes choyce , whether he will bidde him home to dinner or no. but dublin is not yet so destitute , but that there are some , aswell learned diuines , as other graue and godly cittizens and towns-men , that god hath blessed with the light of his word , to spy out all the pageants of popery , that do daily indeuour themselues to giue good example , seeking no lesse to aduance the glory of god , the honor of their prince , the good of their countrey . cap. xvi . of some defects in the gouernment of dubline . this inclination to popery , whereunto the greatest number of the cittizens of dubline are so much adicted , is not onely preiudiciall to things appertaining to piety and godlinesse , but it is hurtfull to matters that are belonging to ciuill gouernment ; for this diuersity in religion , causeth opposition , and that the maiestracy of the towne beeing principally swayed by those of the popish crew ( that doth far exceed the rest in number ) bringeth a tolleration of popish inormities . first , where it is the vse and custome of euery well gouerned citty or towne , that on the sabbaoth day , during the time of the diuine seruice , there is a generall restraint to all inne-keepers , tauerners , alehouse-keepers , and to all sortes of victualers to shut vp their doores , & not so hardie as to retaine any guests within the house , or to serue either wine , beere , or ale , without the house , till the seruice and the sermon both bee ended : and that this might be the better performed and seene vnto , they haue certaine sworne men to make search , and to present all such as shall bee found to offend in the premisses : the which offenders , by all officers that be of worth , bee they maiors , baylifes , or sheriffes , are euermore seuerely and sharply punished . but in dublin , then in the time of diuine seruice , and in the time of the sermon , as well in the forenoone as in the afternoone , euen then ( i say ) euery filthy ale-house is thronged full of company , that as it were in despight of our religion , do sit drunkening and quaffing , and sometimes defiling themselues with more abhominable exercises : so that the sabbaoth day , which god hath commaunded to be sanctified and kept holy , is of all other dayes most prophaned and polluted , without any reprehension or any manner of rebuke . and although many godly preachers , and some other of the better sort of the cleargy , hath indeuoured a reformation , so farre as their commission doth warrant them , the which ( indeede ) is but by the way of exhortation to admonish and perswade : but those that haue authority to punnish and correct , and doth challenge to themselues a special prerogatiue , to mannage all affaires whatsoeuer within their citty , are for the most part of them so blinded with popery , that they can neither see , nor be perswaded that this dishonoring of the sabbaoth day is any offence at all . i cannot tell from whence it should proceede , whither of ignorance or despight , that they shold keepe so many popish holy daies in dubline ( more then euer were heard on in england ) the which because they are allowed by the pope , are therefore kept , as it were in contempt of his maiesties proceedings . there be some that are numbred in the beadrole of saints , and haue their feasts solemnly celebrated amongst the irish ( especially at dubline ) that of my conscience are damned deuils in hell. i know this will bee grieuously taken , and our papists will say my censure is very vncharitable , & more then becommeth a christian to auouch , but blind men can iudge no colours . and if our catholiques of dublin , could duely conceiue how horrible a sinne it is , for a subiect to become a conspirator , a rebell , or a traytor to his prince , they wold sooner pronounce thomas becket to bee a damned villaine in the pit of hell , then euery yeare to celebrate his feast with such solemnity as they are accustomed . i might speake of some other such like holy ones , that bee inrouled in the popes calender : and there is scarcely one weeke in a yeare , but we haue one popish holy-day or other solemnized at dubline , more then they haue at london , and yet i thinke there be as wise men in london , as any be in dubline , and as true , and as loyall to their prince , but the vidimus of the matter is , our londoners are neither vowed nor sworne to the pope . can there bee a more daungerous matter , then where impiety becommeth to bee lawfull , and by the magistrates leaue and liking , to take the cloake of vertue . i might speake heare of fryers , iesuites , and other of the pole-shorne order , well knowne to be his maiesties vowed and protested enemies , that are yet entertained , vpholden and maintained in dublin , not without great contributions allowed vnto them , by the papisticall sort of the cittizens , that will grudge and murmure to giue a souldier a nights lodging , that is drawne in by the lord deputy , but for the guard of himselfe , and of his maiesties castle , and for the preuention of trayterous practises . this harbouring and vpholding of traytors , must necessarily either put his maiesty to a charge for his owne security , or leaue his estate in a desperate condition , euermore subiect to the plots and practises of his capitall enemies . and i can see no reason why his maiesty should be drawne to an expence , by the misdemeanors of his false hearted subiects , but that they themselues should be made to feele the penalty of it , if not in their persons , yet in their purses . but in dubline , his maiesty should haue little neede of souldiers , or of any other martiall men to put him to charges , were it not for the contemptuous demeanor of the popish sort of the cittizens : but if vpon any vrgent occasion , there bee but one hundred of souldiers to bee ceased amongst them , the which they themselues by their obstinate impugning his maiesties proceedings , doth many times inforce , they will impose the charge ( as much as in them lyeth ) vpon those that they know to be best affected to religion , and that do stand most assured to his maiesty , both in duty and obedience ; and would not onely drawe contributions from forrainers and strangers , such as haue neither trade nor traffique in the towne , but would likewise inforce it from his maiesties pencioners , and other gentlemen , that are there attendant vpon the state , if they haue but a house or a chamber within their liberties . and they do not onely shew an vnwillingnesse to his maiestie in these trifling matters , but they do likewise make manifest their ingratitude by many other meanes . and whereas their corporation hath been dignified by seuerall kings and princes of england , with many large priuiledges , and that they haue the whole trade and traffique amongst themselues , no man to buy or sell within their liberties , vnlesse he bee a freeman , yet vpon any imposition , though it dooth properly belong vnto the citty , and not so much but for an annuall rent , which they are to pay to his maiesty for those lands and liberties that they doe hold from his highnes , yet they would exact it from strangers , that are neither free , nor haue any manner dealing in the citty , but to spend their money , which only the cittizens doth gaine by ; & there is neither merchandize , nor any manner of commodity that is brought from spaine , from france , from flanders , or from any other part of england or scotland , but they will haue the whole bargaine to themselues , not suffering any man that is not free , to buy for his owne prouision , no , not so much as a drinking glasse , but it must bee had from them , and by that meanes he shall be inforced to pay double the price . thus the freemen , by vertue of their priuiledges , will reap the whole commodity among themselues , and they would make the forraigners to pay theyr rent , and to become contributors to any impositions whatsoeuer it shall please them to assigne , and yet in their demaundes , they haue neither certaine summes set downe , what any man ought to pay , nor whoe they be that should pay , but the sheriffes of dublyn are the men that do ceasse at their pleasure whome they list , and doth impose vpon euery man what they list ; so that if the sheriffes of dublin be a little stuft in the head with a pope ( the disease being so common amongst them , that there are very few that doeth escape it ) where they ceasse a papist at sixe pence , they will aske a protestant tenne shillings , the which if the party denaies to pay ( or at the least to satisfie them to their owne content ) they will breake open a doore , contrary to lawe and equitie ( and i beleeue farther then their charter will reach vnto , if it were well ouerlooked ) they will carry away with them any goodes whatsoeuer they be , that they can finde . i could speak of many other mattres , and i could speake by experience : for although i bee not a freeman of dublyn , yet i was thus much behoulding to the two late shcriffes , that because i would not giue them tenne shillinges which they had imposed vpon me , at their owne will and pleasure , ( i know not why nor wherefore , vnlesse it were for writing a booke against the pope ) but they verie kindly drew me out of mine owne house and carried me to prison , where they kept me forth-comming for one night , & this ( i hope ) be very well knowne , by the same token , that the verie next sunday after , i coulde haue met with one of them , in hang-mannes lane at an idolatrous masse . but i cannot blame them , though they bee somewhat sparing of their purses vnto the prince , for with out doubt , they are at greater expences with the pope ; but if they coulde drawe in his maiesties pencioners , and those gentlemen that are to attend his highnes seruice , to bee contributers with them to those payments it pleased them to impose , i would more commend their wisedomes , then i can do their honesties . this description of the gouernment of dublin , cannot be a generall reproach to the cittizens vniuersally : for as i haue saide before , so i say still , that dubline is replenished with many worthy townes-men of all sorts ; and amongst the aldermen themselues , there are are some few that are well knowne to be assuredly confirmed , both to god and to his maiesty , and that doth hate and detest this iesuited generation of the popes riffe-raffe : but they are ouerswaied with the multitude , the papists do farre exceede them in number ; and doe they not impugne the prince himselfe ? then alasse what can they doe , in a matter that could yet neuer be redressed , neither by the prescript of law , nor by the intimation of loue . but were not this contemptuous disobedience of subiects , enough to bereaue his maiestie of his royall disposition : but i confesse , it is not good to put a prince into any iealousie , or to bring him into any doubt or suspition of his subiectes ; for these are meanes , not onely to trouble a princes mind , but also many times to betake himselfe to those extraordinary resolutions as might be offenciue . but it is very expedient for a prince to haue due intelligence , aswel of his enemies as of his doubtfull friendes , in what estate they remaine , what determinations they hould , and to haue knowledge of their enterprises , what courses they vndertake , and what purposes they pretend , but especially those princes that are incertaine and vnassured of the loue of their cittizens and subiects . cap. xvii . of the trade and traffique that is vsed in dublin , and from whence they doe exact their greatest commodity . the citty of dubline is principally vpholden by the english ; for the lord deputy holding there his maiesties estate , and the whole body of the counsell of that realme , together with the captaines , pencioners , all officers , as well appertaining to the army , as to the foure courtes , all their seruants , frendes and followers , being there for the most part resident ; this maketh the cittizens to raise their prises in all thinges , their houses , chambers & lodginges , are dearer rented in dubline , then they be in london . it is the nicitie of the english ( that are euery day innouating & deuising of new fashions ) that helpeth thē away with their sattins , their silkes , their fine cloath , both woollen and linnen , their new striped stuffes , their lace of gold , of siluer , of silke , and a number of other gaudy deuises , that the english do vse to buy at vnreasonable rates , that wold neuer be vented amongst the irish themselues . the trade that they commonly vse is but to london , from thence they do furnish themselues with all sortes of wares for their shoppes , for shipping they haue none belonging to the towne that is worth the speaking of , yet they will bee called merchantes ; and hee that hath but a barrell of salt , and a barre or two of iron in his shop , is called a merchant . he that doth but sel earthen pottes and pannes , sope , otmeale , trenchers , and such other like trash , is no lesse then a merchant : there be shopkeepers in dubline , that all the wares they are able to shewe , are not worth a poore english pedlers packe , and yet all these bee merchantes . but now to speake the truth , there are seuerall cittizens of dubline , that are very wealthy and men of good abillity , that haue there shoppes well replenished withall sortes of wares , as wel mercery , as grocery , and drapery , both linnen and woollen , and there is neither silk-man , nor milliner in london , that can shew better wares ( for the quantitie ) then some of those can do , that bee called merchantes of dubline . but i am now to speake of a certaine kinde of commodity , that outstretcheth all that i haue hitherto spoken of , and that is the selling of ale in dubline , a quotidian commodity , that hath vent in euery house in the towne , in euery day in weeke , at euery houre in the day , and in euery minnute in the houre : there is no merchandise so vendible , it is the very marrow of the common wealth in dubline : the whole profit of the towne standes vpon ale-houses , and selling of ale , but yet the cittizens a little to dignifie the title , as they vse to call euery pedler a merchant , so they vse to call euery ale-house , a tauerne , whereof there are such plentie , that there are whole streates of tauernes , and it is as rare a thing , to finde a house in dubline without a tauerne , as to find a tauerne without a strumpet . this free mart of ale-selling in dublyne , is prohibited to none , but that it is lawfull for euery woman ( be she better or be she worse ) either to brewe or else to sell aale . the better sort , as the aldermens wiues , and the rest that are of better abilitie , are those that do brew , and looke how many houshoulders there are in dublyne , so many ale-brewers there be in the towne , for euery houshoulders wife is a brewer . and ( whatsoeuer she be otherwise ) or let hir come from whence shee will , if her credit will serue to borrowe a pan , and to buy but a measure of mault in the market , she sets vppe brewing : then they haue a number of young ydle huswiues , that are both verie loathsome , filthie and abhominable , both in life and manners , and these they call tauerne-keepers , the most of them knowne harlots ; these doe take in both ale and beere by the barrell from those that do brue , and they sell it forth againe by the potte , after twoe pence for a wine quait . and this ( as i take it ) is a principall cause for the tolleration of many enormities ; for the gaine that is gotten by it must needes be great , when they buy mault in dublyn , at haulfe the price that it is sold for at london , and they sell their drinke in dublyn , at double the rate that they doe in london : and this commoditie the aldermens wiues and the rest of the women-brewers do find so sweet , that maister mayor and his brethren are the willinger to winke at , and to tollerate with those multitude of ale-houses , that themselues do euen knowe to be the very nurseries of drunkennesse , of all manner of idlenesse , of whordome , and many other vile abhominations . i haue hitherto spoken but of ale-brewers , that are almost as many in number as there bee dwellinge houses in the towne . there be likewise some three or foure that haue set vppe brew-houses for beete , whereof they are accustomed to make of two sortes ; that is to say : strong beere , and ordinarie : their ordinarie beere ▪ they doe vse to serue to the englishe , that are there inhabiting in dublyn , that doeth keepe seruantes and families , and this beere they do prize at sixe shillings the barrell , which according to their measure , amounteth to xlviij . s. the tunne , and in london their iiij . s. beere , that is solde after the rate of xxiiij . s. the tunne , is better beere by oddes . their strong beere is commonly vented by these ale-house queanes , tauerne-keapers , ( as they call them ) and this they do take at xij . s. the dubline barrell , and that is iust after the rate of xvj . s. a london barrell , which amounteth to iiij . l.xvj . s. the tunne , shameful for the magestrates of the towne to suffer , considering the cheapnesse of mault . here is now to bee considered , that there is almost neuer a householder in dubline ( whatsoeuer trade he otherwise vseth ) but hee will haue a blinde corner in his house reserued for a tauerne , and this ( if hee haue not a wife of his owne to keepe it ) shall bee set out to one of these women-tauerne-keepers , shee taketh in drinke both beere and ale , after the rate of xij . s. the dubline barrell , she payeth moreouer to the party of whō she hireth her tauerne , vj. s. out of euery barrell that she vttereth : if she doth not get vj. sh . more for her selfe , she will neuer be able to keepe her selfe honest , so that here is xxiiij . s. made out of euery barrell of beere , which commeth iust to ix . li.xij . s. a tunne . how shamefull a thing to be suffered in a wel gouerned citty , let wise men iudge , for with those that be called honest , i will not meddle . i haue beene so long amongst these filthy alehouses , that my head beginnes to grow idle , and it is no wonder , for the very remembrance of that hogges wash which they vse to sell for ij . d. the wine quart , is able to distemper any mans braines , and as it is neither good nor wholesome , so it is vnfit for any mans drinking , but for common drunkardes ; but i wil here leaue my women tauerne-keepers to maister maior of the bull-ringe to looke vnto , and i will now haue about with our dubline bakers , that will be sure to sell their bread at double the price that they buy their corne : and although there haue been seuerall maiors of the citty which haue seemed to be angry at the matter , yet as long as i haue knowne dubline , i neuer knewe maior , but hee was either ashamed or afraid to reforme it . but there be some that wil make ilfauored reasons , and will say , that the bakers haue such a kind of dexterity , that they will make any maior both deafe and blind : i cannot tell how it commeth to passe , but the bakers do make a good shift for themselues , for they neither reforme their owne bread according to the prises of corne , neither will they suffer the countrey-bakers vpon the market dayes , to bring in bread that is reformed to a true assise . thus the magestrates of dubline doth tollerate and beare with a number of inormities , vnfit to bee tollerated in any well gouerned citty , the which ( as i suppose ) they do the rather wink at , whē they know well enough that this extortion that is exacted by selling of bread and beere , doth pinch none but the english , those that are to follow the state , & those againe that are of the poorer sort of the irish , for there is not a cittizen in dubline ( that is of any abillity worthy to bee spoken of ) but he hath a farme in the countrey , that yeeldeth him corne , both for bread and beere , enough to find his owne house ; but the english that must goe to the bakers and the brwers , are made to pay dearely for it ( and so they do for euery other thing that they buy ) and as the irish do know all this well enough , so they haue therefore the lesse care to redrese it : and yet if the lord deputy should but withdrawe himselfe but for two yeares together into any other part of the countrey , the greatest part of the cittizens of dubline , would bee ready to begge , that do now dwell in a malicious conceite against the english . cap. xviii . of the ambition of the irish . the irish are very ambitious of fame and renowne , but it is with herostratus , that sought to leaue himselfe in recorde by burning the temple in ephesus ; so the irish do hunt after fame , and to leaue themselues regestred to posterity , they will kill , they will murther , they will rebell , and what action so vngracious which they will not attempt , to leaue an odible memorandome to their lowsie bardes and rithmers , that can writ in the commendation of nothing but of vice and villany . by this example of the irish , wee may distinguish betweene the louers of fame , and the louers of vertue , and although it bee true that vertue hath fame for an attendant , yet vertue seeketh not for fame : for glory with the crocodill flieth him that followeth it , and followeth him that flyeth it ; no wonder then though there bee great difference in their values that imploy them for fame , from those againe , that indeuours for vertue . this vaine ostentation , wee see whereunto it leadeth : and hee that seeketh renowne in a wrong boxe , either by vnlawfull attempts , or base indeuours stumbleth many times vpon infamie in stead of glory : so he that hunteth after dignities by vnworthy desertes , in seeking after estimation , betrayeth himselfe to open derision . amongst the wise , a man is esteemed but only for his vertues . for offices , authority , & riches ; al these , are but the guifts of fortune , but for a man to be exalted to a dignity , and to bee deemed worthy of the place by a common consent , that marke is vnfallible , for there magnificence doth manifest & make known it selfe . the office of a prince doth craue obedience in his subiects , but our affections are still depending of his vertues : if thus to a prince , what hope is there then left to a pesant , that hath neyther vertue , witte , nor honesty wherewith to blesse himselfe withall , and wil yet throng himselfe into a dignity , and onely but to make it durty . nero , demanding of a souldior why he hated him , was answered : because ( saide hee ) whilst thou wast worthy of loue i honoured thee , but nowe thou art become an enemy to vertue , i therefore abhor thee . ambition is no vice for any of these love-prized swaines . for when i see a fellow that is but base of birth bare of of honesty barren of wit , and that is but dropt into a dignity without desert , i neuer look vpon such a creature but methinks i see a iacke anapes in a sattin sute . this is a base ambition , and right of the irish stampe , for there is not a people vnder the sun , that are more desirous to be famed then the irish or that will aduenture vpon more desperate resolutions then they , and but to leaue themselues i●●●●●●d in some one of their rymer-rolles . the miserable malefactor at the very houre of his death , when he is going to execution , doth euen then affect fame , and is muche more desirous that his lokers on shoulde see him take his death with resolution and without feare , then hee is to reconcile himselfe vnto god , and is more ashamed that it should be said , that his countenance began to change with faint nesse of courage , then he is of the crime that he hath committed , how abhominable soeuer . and all this , but that he might appeare constant ; and to whome , but to those that do behold him , that are commonlie more inconstant then the wind . sir thomas more , whome ballarmine ( in his letter to george blackwal the popes archpriest ) so confidently avoweth for so worthy a martyr , was sicke of this disease , and at the last houre , when he was to take his death for treason , he did sacrifice to fame ; for when the executioner was ready to strike off his head , hee prayed him , in any wise to be good to his beard , telling him , that he should find his necke so short , that if he were not very warie in the performaunce of his businesse , it might proue a blemish to his reputation . methinks it to bee but an vnseasonable conceit , at the last houre of a mans life to fall a iesting with the world for vaine ostentation , and neglecting to seeke the fruition of eternall felicitie , to rest himselfe vpon the smoakie applause of fame . it may sometimes serue for a shroude to shelter a shame , but it is an ill chose time , to fall a iesting with the hangman , when he may play too much vpon the aduantage , if not by viuacitie or quicknesse of wit , to thrust backe a iest vpon the iester himselfe , yet ex officio , he may do it by action , that doth pinch nerer the quicke , then the bitterest words . but if more were a martyr as bellarmine woulde haue him , i say he was but a mocking martyr , that would fall a scoffing with the executioner , at that very instant when he was to take off his head . but i haue heard of some others that haue been of this merry disposition , and i thinke aswell worthy to be martyrs as more ; one amongest the rest that was condemned to the gallowes , and when the hangman came to fasten the halter about his necke , hee desired him of all friendshippe , that he would not bring the rope too neere his throat : for ( said he ) i am so ticklish about that place , that without doubt i shall hurt my selfe with vnreasoneble laughter . such another , going to the place of execution , desired the officer to shun a street that lay right in the way as he should passe , and to go a little about : the officer demanding the reason , hee told him , because he ought a cittizen a little money that dwelt in the same streat , and he feared that if hee shoulde see him passing by , he would arrest him , and bring him vnto some trouble of the law . i must not forget one more of these merry conceited fellowes , who going to the gallowes to be executed , was admonished by his ghostly father to take his death patiently , assuring him , that though his dinner were somewhat sharpe and harsh , yet he should find a ioyfull supper in heauen . alasse ( said the malefactor ) that 's but a cold comfort to mee , for i neuer vse to eate any supper . we cannot iudge of any mannes assurance by the boldnesse of his death : for it falleth out many times , that men in those cases , wil make great shew of resolution and courage , but for ostentations sake , and there is not a people that are more inclined vnto that then the irish ; but amongst those that haue most valiantly resolued themselues to execution , it is yet to be doubted whither in so dangerous an intent , constancy , or obstinacy had the preheminence . euery cowarde can dispise death in misery , for to the distressed , life is but a scourge , and death their only solace : but hee that can indure the calamity of all misfortunes with patience and constancy , more rather deserueth the chariot of triumph then caesar himselfe . those that in the times of execution are seene to runne to their end and to hasten on the execution , they do it with resolution , but because they will defeate themselues of time to consider of the horrour of death , for it grieues them not to be dead , but to die . heliogabulus , the most disolute man in the world , had a resolution to die some desperate death , as it might apeare by those prouisions he had made for the purpose ; for first , he built a stately tower from whence he might cast himselfe , hee also caused cordes to bee made of gold and crimsin silke , wherewith to strangle himselfe ; he further prouided a rych golden rapier of purpose to murther himselfe ; and hee prepared poysons , and kept them in boxes of emeraldes , and topases thereby to poyson himselfe . euery man that dares aduenture to desire death , cannot be said to be resolued to dye ; for many a man that hath seemed to wishe for death , hath fainted againe , when they haue beene put to the tryall . pouerty , misery , diseases , & death it selfe are subiects of a heauy burthen , that do waigh and grieue especially those mindes that are but of the common stampe : we had neede therefore to be very wel instructed both how to sustaine , and how to combat with those kindes of accidentes . the best aime we can take whereby to iudge of a mans death , is but to consider of the manner of his life : for haue we knowne him to liue constantly and quietly it is likely hee should then die resolutly and reposely , for it is to bee supposed , that hee that konweth how to liue , knoweth likewise how to dye . amongst all the benefites that vertue bestoweth of vs , the contempt of death is most aproued and precious : and as the place is vncertaine where death looketh for vs , we must therefore be the more vigilant to expect him euery where , for the premeditation of death , is but a fore-thinking how to liue and die well . it skilles so much the lesse when death doth come , so we be prouided for it , for all the time that we liue , we do but steale it from death , and the continuall worke of life , is in the end determined by death . the iollity of youth and the grauity of age are different in this point , for the one looketh forward and the other backward , youth delights it selfe with wanton allurements , age preacheth seuerity , and readeth daily lectures of temperance and of reformation , and whether it wake or sleepe , it doth not permit vs one houre but to thinke on instruction , on patience , on repentance , and on death . i might haue inlarged this chap. with other matter of some perticular persons in ireland , that haue sought to make themselues famous amongest theyr countrey-men , by those endeuours , that were directly preiudiciall to the dignity of the prince , but i wil here omit them , & for conclusion say , there is no na in the world , that are more ambitious of fame then are the irish , nor that dooth hunt after it with more contrary courses then do the irish . cap. xix . of the doctrin of the pope , how it is embraced by the irish ▪ they say it was s. patrick that purged ireland frō all manner of venemous wormes , and it is the pope that hath poisned it ten times worse with his locust vermine of friers , monks & iesuites , & he hath so infected the whole countrey with toades , frogs , & padocks , that in the habite of popish priests do keepe such a continuall croking in the eares of the poore people , that they haue made them deafe to all good councell . it is only the poison of the popes doctrine that inciteth to seditions , to rebellions , and that setteth subiects against their princes . look into bellarmines writinges , that hath taken such paines in behaulfe of the pope , and you shall finde , that all his bookes are stuffed with no other doctrine , but that popes may degrad emperors , kings , princes and potentates , may abrogate their lawes , may dispense with their subiects for their allegiance , that they may take armes against their soueraignes , that they may rebell ; yea , and althogh treason and murther be the most hatefull offences that any man can commit , and are most abhorred and detested of all men , yet they are admitted , maintained , and vpholden by the pope , and he doth not onely tollerate those offences , but he doth likewise giue pardons and dispensations to his villaines , both to practise and execute them , as that holy pope , that gaue parry plenarie indulgence and remission of all his sins to murther queene elizabeth . a filthy religion , that hath abased the simplicity of all natures , and defiled the people of so many nations , not onely through idolatry , and superstition , but also by bloud-shedding , and detestable murthers , as though it were lawfull and no offence ( if it be done vnder the colour and shew of religion ) to abandon all honesty and shamefastnesse : insomuch , that such horryble and detestable crewelty hath been showne , that their alters haue beene oftentimes inbrewed and stained with mens bloud , as though god were pleased with those horrible murthers , practised and committed by those abhominable wretches , that care not how they defile themselues with all kinde of beastlinesse , and detestable villany . this is the religion which the irish do imbrace , and this doctrine is it that hath deluded a number of poore people of that countrey , and hath set them so opposite , that they despise to learne any thing from the english , bee it neuer so necessary , that doth but appertain either to ciuillity , morallity , or humanity : it maketh some of them malitiously to impugne the proceeding of the prince , it hath induced a number of them into open rebellion . and this idolatrous doctrine is it that fitteth their turnes , that are so addected and inclined to vndertake against the prince . the property of true religion , doth euermore keepe men within the bounds of duty , it illumineth them with the true light of holinesse , and sanctimony ; and so desirous are they which followe the rule and discipline of christ , by immitation to exprese the gracious goodnesse and mercy of god , that in the same they repose the whole sum of religion : therefore neither prouoked with taunts , they are any thing moued , and being vexed with slandrous reports , they are not yet kindled with anger ; and although they bee sometimes prouoked with iniuries , they do not go about to bee reuenged : nay , rather they suppose that triall to be laid vpon them , that they by a heape and multitude of good turnes , should abate the edge of their enemies wrath . whilst the popes doctrine had ouerwhelmed the realme of england , with the misty fogs of darknesse , what commotions , what rebellions , & what tumults were stirred vp from time to time , by the commons of that realme : but after that the minds of men were able to behold the extraordinary light of the heauenly doctrine , they submitted themselues to that duty and obedience , which the rule of gods worde both prescribeth and commaundeth to subiectes : yet after this , when queen marie had againe reestablished the idolatrous religion of rome ; when hell was broken loose , and that the deuils themselues had stirred vp the harts of our english popelings to all cruell tyranny , that they left no torture nor torment vnattempted , that might haue wrought the subuersion and ouerthrow of christian piety : what a multitude both of men and women , suffered themselues to be tortured and cruelly tormented , through all the partes of the realme for the faith of christ , without any manner of resistance : and although this horrible cruelty had continuance for fiue whole yeares together , yet where was their heard of a rebell that offered to arise in armes , or by any meanes to oppose himselfe against that monstrous tyranny . the christian faith was first established by preaching , and the disciples and those that followed christ , preuailed still by suffering : the pope vpholdeth his doctrine , onely by persecuting , by murther , by treason , and by tyrannie ; such diuersity there is betweene the doctrine of christ , and the doctrine of the pope . it is truly reported of the french k. that was latelie cruelly murthered , who many years since lying before rone , had intelligence of an enterprise that should haue beene attempted against his life , and being well informed of the party that had vndertaken it , the king chancing to descry this gentleman thus described vnto him , caused him to be called ; who comming before his presence , the king perceiuing him alreadie begin to tremble , as one doubting some bad measure , saide vnto him : i am fully perswaded , you fore-imagine what i haue to charge you with , and your countenance doth already bewray it , but i am so well instructed in the businesse you haue taken in hand , that if you would goe about to hide it , you shoulde but make the matter the worse for your selfe ; faile not therefore as you tender your life , to confesse the truth of all your purpose . the villaine , that sawe himselfe thus discouered , beganne to hold vp his hands and to plead for mercy : but the king interrupting him in his pretence , saide vnto him ; did i euer do you any wrong ? haue i euer offended any friend of yours ? or how happeneth it ? or what might mooue you to conspire and enterprise my death ? the gentleman with a verie fainte trembling voice , and a selfe-accusing looke , aunswered him againe : that no particular occasion had euer mooued him to doe it , but the interest of the generall cause of his faction , for that he was perswaded by some of his ghostly fathers , that to root out ( and in what manner of sort soeuer ) to make away so great an enemy vnto their religion , would be an execution full of pietie , and a worke of supererogation . well then ( said the king ) i will shew you the difference of our religions : yours perswades you to kill me hauing neuer done you wrong , but mine wils me to pardon you convicted as you are : go your wayes therefore and auoid out of my sight , and let mee neuer see you here againe , and henceforward be better aduised in your enterprises , and take honester counsel then those that be of your owne religion , and thus he let him passe . we may here still see the fruits of the popes religion : but presidents in ireland do serue to little purpose , if they make against the pope ; all the testimony that the holy scriptures can afford , will neuer be credited in that point . we beleeue in ireland , that when christ came to worke the saluation of the world , hee did not finish the work he came for , but left the greatest part of the businesse to be performed by a popish priest . we can tell how to worship a god that is of our owne making , but we know not how to worship the god that hath made vs : we know how to receiue benefits and blessings from the prince , but we know not how to render that obedience that belongeth to subiects . my conclusion is , that as men cannot make knowne their dreames till they bee awake , no more can these acknowledge their faults till they meane to amend . chap. xx. how the papists of ireland are neither afraid nor ashamed to manifest themselues . they say , a manne ought not to be ashamed to speake what he seemeth not to thinke ; it should then follow , that men should not be ashamed to heare of that they are not ashamed to doe . the irish are not ashamed to manifest themselues , aswell by wordes as by deeds to be professed papistes ; they are not affraid to confesse it , and it may well be supposed that when men haue a daring to speake ill , they haue likewise an intent to do ill . but i must say , they are al his maiesties subiects , and so i thinke they bee , but i pray god send his highnesse to haue neede of them against the pope , for if it came to voices betweene them two , his maiestie would hardly bee able to reckon with the vsurer , after ten in the hundred thrughout the whole realme , but that the pope would still be able to encounter him with ten for one . that the irish are thus inclined to the pope and to poperie , i shal need no other testimony then their own demeanors , and i would bee glad for their owne sakes , that they could conuince mee of slaunder : but as i hope they will not go about it , so i thinke they will not be offended with me for speaking , when they themselus are not ashamed so publikely to manifest it . for , as they do shew themselues to be apparantly malicious to his maiesties lawes and proceedings , so they doe hate and detest him , that doth but speake against their pope , or that will take any exceptions against that catholick brood of the pole-shorne order , that they do both harbour in their houses , and vphold with their purses ( without doubt ) to their great charge & expences , considering the abhominable number of those balamites , that doth so abound throughout that whole realme , in city , town & countrey , that doth daily practise against his maiesties gouernment . and what prince in the world would indure to be thus crossed by this contemptious demeanor of vndutifull subiectes , and would not make them to feele the penalty of their wilfull disobedience , but that excelent maiestie that is not onely inclined to all gracious clemency in his owne person , but with the like royall disposition hee hath so prouided , that his ministers and those that he putteth in authority in that realm , doth behaue themselues in their gouerment with that mercy & mildnes whereunto he himselfe is addicted . if i shoud speake of the gouernment , how it is mannaged at this present , by that most honorable gentleman , the lord deputy that now is , who is likewise assisted with diuerse other of his maiesties counsaile of that realme , men in like maner of great wisedome and iudgement ; i might perhaps faile in making a true relation of their worth and worthines . i do therefore appeale to the irish themselues , when they did euer know ireland to be better supplied , either with a deputy , either with a counsell , either with a clergy ( i meane those of the clergy that haue beene inuested by a lawfull authority from the prince ) or that the affaires of that realme , were euery known to be mannaged with more mildnes , with more mercy , or with more loue and lenity then now they be : and i would but demand of them againe , when they did euer know the papists of ireland to bee more peruerse , more obstinate , or more apparantly contemptuous then now they are . i could yet say more , but i will wade no further in this , and i am sure the papistes themselues ( although they will not let to lie for adantage , yet ) they they will not for shame deny this truth . the papistes of ireland are ( as in other places ) of two kinds , the seducers , and the seduced . the seducers are those , that vnder a little shewe of litterature , or vnder the pretence of being trauellers , that they can say they haue bin in spain , or at remes , or at rome , or that haue bin iesuited , or that carrieth the marke of a monk , of a frier , or a runnagate priest , that can but say a masse , or read our ladies psalter ; any of these shewes , any of these pretences , or any of these tytles , are enough to grace and credit a dog , and not only to bring him into a venerable estimation , and to be holily accounted of , but to giue him that reputation amongst the multitude , that he shall be beleeued , and he shall be beloued ; for men are commonly beleued , as they are beloued . and these seducing spirits vnder a counterfet shew of holinesse ▪ are still endeuoring to peruert the simpler sort of his maiesties poore subiects , to withdraw them from their duties , and to arme them with all disobedience and contemptuous demeanour towards their prince . the second kind of papists , that i haue said to bee seduced , are the vnlearned and ignorant sort , that are abused and misled , by the onely inducements of those counterfait hypocrites , thus formerly described . now , if there be any comiseration to bee had to a people that are thus inchanted , these are to be pittied , and it is for their sakes onely that i haue endeuoured these lines , the which if i woulde goe about to confirme by any authoritie drawne from the holy scriptures , i know it would be to very litle purpose , when there is no testimony that can be alledged , either frō peter , or from paule , or from any other of the apost . or from christ himselfe , that will be either admitted or receiued against the pope . whatsoeuer i haue therefore related in this description , that may any waies concerne the irish , i haue neither inferred presidents , nor inforced other matter , but such as they themselues are best acquainted withall , and what is most frequent and conuersant to their owue experiments . and there is not a nation vnder the sun , that are more apt to make collections of accidentes that shall happen , or that will soner refer them to presagements of misfortune , then will the irish . and although our papists of ireland , are generally compacted of a dull mettall , that hath little sence or feeling but of ignorance & arrogancy , yet thus quick sighted they be , to looke into those euents that doth make nothing at all for their purpose , and are starcke blind on the other side , to discerne of those matters that do especially concerne themselues . if they woulde but remember , what a number of runnagate shakerels the pope hath sent from time to time , laden with his trash : with his buls , with his pardons , with his blessings , and with his ban-bels , which they take to be a strong supersedias against all perils & dangers , what or wheresoeuer ; and yet if there were but halfe that sanctitie in them that they suppose , they could not all miscarrie , some of them woulde take effect ; for they are assuredly perswaded , that he that can but furnish himselfe with a little holy-water , an holie candle , an agnus dei , a paire of hallowed beades , or with some such other of the popes trinkets , he is free from al misfortunes : & yet they haue seen the popes holy-banner that was brought amongest them from rome by d. saunders , that holy embassador , sent from the pope , and they were perswaded , that where this banner was once displayed , the very sight of it hadde bin enough to haue dismayed a whole army of deuils ; but this vaine hope of theirs cost a number of rebels liues , and sent a many of traitors heads to dublin . they saw what becam of the popes two holy prelates , ailyn and saunders , whom the pope had sanctified and al-to be-blessed : and thus hallowed , hee sent them into ireland , in assistance of them that wer then out in armes against their prince , and they saw what became of them ; the one was slain in the field among a number of other rebels , and the other finished a traytorous life by a miscrable death , and died in the woodes , and as it was supposed , was deuoured by wolues : but others say , he died in the wood clannedi , partly thorough famme , and partly of the irish ague . they haue seene how many confederates , how many conspiracies , how many practises of treason hath bin plotted , hom many detestable exploits haue been vndertaken , yet all of them discouered , and the practisers stil confounded , our silly papists of ireland haue not onely heard of these things with their eares , but they themselues haue likewise seen it with their eies . but they profite nothing , neither by hearing , nor in beholding : they can woonder at them , and they can say with the egyptians , when they sawe the miracles wrought by moses ; the finger of god is here , but they haue no grace to repent , it doth but hardē their harts , it armeth them with despite both against god , and against the prince . chap. xxi . the inconvenience of poperie , how it hurteth in ireland . might we now iudge of the tree what it is by the fruit , or ( as the papists themselues are accustomed ) to deeme of all causes by their owne effects , popery could not hide it selfe , but that it would appeare in it owne likenesse , loathsome to euery eie . but it is very easie for a man to winke at that , which himselfe is vnwilling to see ; but if we would not bee enemies to our own discretions , to discern of things with iudgement and reason , though reason it selfe be but a gadding instrument , and is many times misled by our owne affections , it could not yet lead vs so far astray , but it would vndoubtedly confirme vs , that poperie is the onely plague-sore , that hath so poysoned ireland . it is popery that hath drawn the people from that confidence and trust that they should haue in god , to beleeue in saints , to worship idols , and to fly frō gods mercy to other mens merits , and to set vppe a pope-holy righteousnesse of their owne works . it is popery that hath alienated the heartes of that people , from that faith , fidelity , obedience , loue and loyaltie , that is required in subiects towardes theyr soueraignes . it is popery that hath set afoot so many rebellions in ireland , that hath cost the liues of multitudes , that hath ruyned that whole realme , and made it subiect to the oppression of theeus , robbers , spoilers , murtherers , rebels and traitors . it is popery , that hath still hardened the hearts of that people , as well against god as against all goodnesse . i haue knowne ireland long , and i haue heard of many odible exploites that hath beene accomplished , by murther , by rebellion , by treason , and by many other villanies ; but they haue beene euermore plotted , conspired , acted , and performed by papistes : it is the papist that is still the authour , the vndertaker and the executioner of all manner of villanies , how barbarous , how cruell , or how odible soeuer . god be thanked , ireland was yet neuer so destitute , but there hath been a number of good people natiues of that countrey , that hath zealously and religiously professed the gospel , yet i neuer heard of any of those that was euer tainted , stained , or detected with any of these capitall crimes : no , it belongeth to popery , it is a parcell of the popes doctrine ; for hee auoweth it to be a worke meritorious , for any of his disciples to lie , to flatter , to counterfeit , to discemble , or to enter into any action , be it neuer so base , bee it neuer so abiect , be it neuer so seruile , yet if they can by any of these meanes compasse a plot of villanie , they may doe it by prescription , he giueth them buls , he giueth them pardons , he giueth them dispensations . from hence it is , that the poore popelings of ireland , doe thinke there is no other high-way to heauen , but that which leadeth by these damnable indeuours , thus graced and countenanced by the pope . and they know againe well enough , that his holines is in nothing beter pleased , then in those that will impugne and exploite against the prince . the better therefore to countenance the matter , and to giue thēselues oportunity , they pretend great loue and loyaltie , they will protest subiection , perhaps they will go to church and heare a sermon , and what care they for taking of an oath which they neuer mean to keep , the pope is able to forgiue all , and this is the vvay to giue them credit , whereby they may practise what they list , and how they list , they know it well enough : but if i would goe about to infer presidents , i might be infinite in example , to shew what murthers , what massacres , what treacheries , and what treasons haue bin performed , which the irish could neuer haue been able to haue effected , but by that honest repose there hath bin had of their fidelity , and by that countenance and credit that hath bin giuen them by the prince . it is by our trust that they compasse their treason & it is our sufferance that inableth them in all their mischiefe , and what they performe by fraud , by falshood , by periury , by breach of faith and fidelity , is still ascribed vnto them , for wit , for pollicy , for valiance , and is euermore reputed to their glory and our disgrace . if i were demaunded of the drift of my lines wherevnto they tended , i could not well make aunswere on the suddaine , yet i haue a meaning ; but i am brought into the laborinth of the metaphisickes , who wading in a matter past their reach , woulde conclude of some thing , but they know not what : i would approue by reasons , that the irish are not to bee trusted , because they haue already so often deceiued : and yet i do reproue my selfe , for i know there be in ireland , a number of worthy subiects that cannot bee detected , nor their fidelity and trust to their prince by any meanes impeached , and these doe not onelie deserue to bee countenanced , but likewise to bee cherished ; yet the traitor of ireland , as well in words , in lookes , in apparance , and in the whole course of his conuersation , doth so nearly resemble and imitate the true meaning man , that they canot be discerned nor distinguished by their outward shewes . it were therefore a desperate matter ( and of no small aduenture ) to commit a trust to those that are so hardly discerned . i will therefore conclude nothing , yet i say , for him that is a knowne papist , i would neuer trust his word , his promise , his vow , nor ( if it were for the princes seruice ) i would neuer trust his oath , for papists when they sweare fastest , they commonly lie fastest . i haue discouered my selfe to the full , and although i haue thereby made my follie the more apparant , perhaps it may yet giue some little blaze of light to those that bee wise , for wise men may learne more from fooles , then fooles from wise men : but the onely part to play the foole well , is amongst fooles to seeme to be wise , yet i could bee contented to play the foole a little , and so to be accounted amongst our irish catholikes , if they would vouchsafe , but to draw a litle spark of wisedome from my ouer much folly . there were many matters more to be wished for , but wishing in ireland is out of date , and our english recusants do know it well enough ; they haue therefore so planted themselues through euery part of ireland , that they are more pernitious in their example , then the irish themselues . i may now conclude ( and i hope with a good conscience ) that the popery of ireland , is the bar that excludeth all regard of duty , both to god and the king. chap. xxii . whether there be any possiblity that the irish should mainetaine a warre against the kings maiesty . the broiles that hath been stirred vp by papists in ireland are infinite , and they haue cost the price of many mens liues , and the expence of great summes of treasure . but methinkes , it cannot be called a warre , that is maintained by subiects against their soueraignes : it is for princes to make warre that are absolute , not for pesants that are dissolute : and for this papistical generation , that are euermore seditiouslie contending against their soueraignes : i cannot do them so much credite , to say they mainetaine warres , but that they stirre vp tumults , discentions , vprores , commotions , insurrections , and giue them the best titles that can bee applied , and they are but rebellious , and they themselues are rebels & traitors that do first vndertake them . now , that the irish should haue any meanes or abilitie to beare out a rebellion against our gratious king , i thinke there is no souldier so vnwise to affime it . wars are not to be performed without souldiers , nor souldiers can bee contained without pay ; for besides men , mony , munition , armor , weapon , & a number of other necessaries belonging to warre , there is neyther meanes to conquour , nor hope to defend . what may we now thinke of the irish ; first their greatest wealth , wherewithall to maintaine a warre , consisteth in otmeale and butter : their wisedome is our ouer-sightes , their strength our sufferance ; and they haue euer beene more beholding to their english friendes with their irish hearts , then to their wit , their pollicie , their valiance , their wealth , or to any other thing that ireland could affoord them . they are altogether vnfurnished of all manner of warlike necessaries , either for defence or offence , neither are they able so to fortifie themselues in any ground of aduantage , but that we are stil able to fetch them out by the eares , either by force or by engine : they cannot deale so with the english : for they hauing neither artillirie to batter , nor meanes to approach , a small company of our english souldiers will make good any place against the whole forces of the irish , and although they be but slenderly fortified . and i would but learne how it were possible for a people ( howe valiant or politique soeuer ) that hath neither mint to make pay , shipping to transport , that hath no manner of prouision , no store , nor store-houses furnished with munition , pouder , shot , peeces , pikes , armory , weapons , nor with a number of other ingines and implements belonging to the war , without the which , a warre cannot bee maintained ; they haue no prouision for cariages , but what themselues are able to carry vpon their backes , neither are they able to leauy new forces ▪ nor haue they meanes to supplie their olde , with conuenient necessaries belonging to an army . now if it bee possible , that a people thus distitute , should be able to wage warre against so mightie and puissant a prince , i will neuer trust experience againe so long as i liue . but let vs looke into their abilitie , what they are able to performe in the day of fight , and notwithstanding that i can take no exceptions to their ability of body , yet being neither armed , with corslet , nor pike ( not in any conuenient number nor in able sort ) by this defect they are not able to make a stand vpon any firme ground , where our hors-men are either able to charge or chace them , neither are they able to indure the incounter of our armed pikes : so that vpon any equall ground , that yeldeth no other aduantage then the vertue or valiance of him that doth command , and where hors-men & foote-men may be both brought to serue , the irish are not able to abide . the horse-men of ireland ; againe , are not fit to serue in the time of fight , neither against horse nor foote , vntill it doth come to a flat running retraite , and then in a chace they are good for execution , but otherwise , they can stand in little steede . the reason is , by defect of their appointment , for they are armed with a skull , a shirt of maile , and a staffe , which as they vse to cary , is of no seruice , but for execution in a chace : and their horse likewise , being as slightly furnished with a padde , wherein the rider hauing neither stirrops nor stay , no otherwise then if he shoud sit on the bare horse backe , is therefore quickly vnhorsed and easely ouerthrowne . i might farther inlarge , how they are not able to vphold any garrisons , nor to maintaine a camp , nor yet to conteine themselues in any company , one whole weeke together , but that they must betake themselues to their woods , to their bogges , and to their starting holes . i know i shall bee incountered heere with presidentes , and they will tell me of more then twenty seuerall traitors , that hath maintained rebellions against our late gracious queene : what sums of money they haue spent her ; how many men they haue consumed hir , and yet how little she preuaild against them , notwithstanding hir great expence , & the many yeares expired in their pursute . to the end therfore , to make discouery why there was no better seruice performed , i will vnrip those occasions , that were the lets and impediments : the which being made manifest , may giue some light for his maiesties future seruice in that realm , and therefore i hope not altogither vnnecessary . chap. xxiii . of those lets and impedimentes that defeated her maiestic , in her seruices against the irish . it is not vnknowne to all the world ( i am sure ) in what magnificent manner our late gracious queene behaued her selfe against the king of spaine , the monarch of this part of the world , that hath kingdomes at command , that hath indies vpon indies , both of siluer and gold to make pay to souldiers , and to beare his expences : that had the prime choyce of skilfull captaines , and of martial men of al sorts that europe could afford , that left no practise vnatempted , that either sapine , rome , or hell it selfe could plot or conspire . and all this ( and much more then i haue spoken of ) imployed for many yeares together , to haue ruined and subuerted this worthy princesse whom he so much maligned : but she , not only preuented him in all his purposes , but she many times incountred him , aswell by sea as by land , and triumphed in seuerall notable victories , and seuerall exploytes performed against him , sometimes at home in his owne dominions , yea almost at his owne court gates . why then ( will some say ) if her maiestie were able to performe so much against so mighty an enemy as the king of spaine , why could she not finde meanes to suppresse the rebellions of so base and beggerly a people as the irish , that are so lightly accounted of . i answere , because she was neuer so soundly aduised , nor faithfully counselled how to prosecute the irish , as she was to incounter the spaniard . it will bee yet againe replyed , what might be the reason that her maiestie should bee better aduised against the spaniard , then against the irish ? alas , who is ignorant of the cause , it is well enough knowne , that there was neuer any great affinity betweene the english and the spanish , vnlesse a little betweene merchantes for trade and traffique . but her maiestie had not a counseller in england , that was a spaniard born , or that was combined with the spanish , either by marriage , either by fostering , either by gossiping , or by any other meanes wherby to confirme loue & friendship betweene them : but as they were all noble and honorable personages , so they were firme and assured aswell in their loyalty to their prince , as in their loue to their countrey , and therefore in all their counselles and consultations , they more respected the honour of their prince , and the good of their countrey , then they did their owne priuate profits . now in ireland , there were diuers belonging to the counsell table , who although they were of english birth , they were yet so linked and combined with the irish , aswell by marriage , as by many other meanes , that i neuer knew so arrant a traitor in ireland , that was destitute of english friendes , that would vndertake in his behalfe , yea although he were out in open rebellion , that , they durst not apparantly aduenture , yet by secret meanes and practises , they would both straine themselues and try their friendes , to helpe out a traitor when it cam to a pinch . of this combination betweene the english and the irish , i might speake more then perhaps would bee thought necessary to bee openly published ; and it should seeme , that our progenitors many ages sithens , finding out the inconueniences , what hurt it did , seeking meanes therefore to preuent it , they established by act of parlament , that no man of the irish birth , should haue charge or bee put in trust , with any castle or place fortified , belonging to the prince . they were likewise prohibited , from diuerse principal affaires , and amongst these prohibitions , the english were likewise inioyned , neither to marry , foster , nor combine with the irish . i thinke our auncestors were not more carefull , then we be now , but it should seeme , they imployed their cares better then we do now . amongst many reasons that might bee rendered , why the english should bee so indeuouring and helping to the irish , there bee three especiall reasons , more importing then the rest . the first , is grounded vppon foresight or prouidēce , for those of the english that haue settelled themselues with landes or liuinges in the countrey , do finde it to bee a matter of approued policy , to combine with those of the irish , that are most likeliest to play the traitors , especially , if they bee bounding or bordring vpon him : for he thinketh by these meanes , not onely to saue his lands and tenementes from the spoyle of the party himselfe that is most likelie to endanger him but also by being in league and friendship of such a one , that is but in the state and condition of a demy-traitor ; that is , halfe in , and halfe out , he hopeth by his meanes so much the rather to scape scot-free , from the spoile of others : from which conceit of theirs , this prouerbe doth arise : that it is good to haue a rowland for an olyuer : or after our english interpretation ; a theefe to encounter a theefe . a second reason , that induceth the english to bee so vndertaking for the irish , is grounded vpon consideration , peraduenture some hundred cowes , some times more , and sometimes lesse : for guifts and presents , though they consist but in cowes , in horse , or in ready money it selfe , will be receiued , and hee that knoweth howe to steale from oue , and what to giue to another , shall find friends . now , a third reason , and that which most inforceth the english to stand so firme for the irish , is , for that it concernes our owne free-hold : for wee are so linked and combined with them , what by marryeng , what by fostring , and what by one meanes or other , that we must not see them quaile , wee must not see them confounded but their hurts will be to our own detriments if not of our selues , yet of our children of our brethren , of our cosines , of our wiues , of our alies , of our friends , or of some other such of our families , as we must put to our helping handes , wee must not see them vtterly ouerthrowne . who will demand now , how the irish haue been able so to dally with their priuce , & to continue their rebellions as in times past they haue done , when they haue bin still bolstered out by the english , when they haue had such friends , that ( if they could not preuaile in ireland ) durst aduenture to write into england , yea sometimes to the queene hir selfe , and vnder those plausible pretences of profit and pollicie , would perswade , what a sparing it would be , both of money & of mens liues , that a traytor that had committed infinite spoiles , and spent hir maiestie huge summes of money , should be brought in by composition , by pardon or by protection , and how many waies it would be auaileable to hir highnesse , that he should be receiued to mercie . and how many of these haue i knowne , that after they had receiued all these fauours , and hauing again strengthened and enabled themselues , haue watched their oportunities , but to commit new stealths , and to execute som other actions of villany , and thus going out againe , haue been ten times more chargeable then they were at the first . chap. xxiiii . of pardons and protections , how hurtfull in ireland . as i neuer knew the irish to want english frends that did vphold them so they are neuer destitute againe of some others , to procure them pardōs . this port-sale of pardons , hath been the vtter vndoing of ireland : for what betweene those pardons that were sent from the pope , and the other againe that were obtained from the prince , euery traytor , euery rebell , euery murtherer , euery theese & euery robber , might put in practise what he listed , without dread or danger , for the pope he dispensed on the one side , and the queene she pardoned on the other , and thus between them ( as time and occasion serued ) it was holden for the high way to preferment , for a man to play the traitor , and to stirre vp rebellion : for he that was found to be most dilligent , most daungerous , and most desperate , in the execution of treason , should not onely bee sure to haue a pardon , but hee should bee likewise gratified with a pension , or with some daily pay , from out of the princes cofers . now , who would forbeare to be a traitour , or a rebell , or a theefe , or to enter into any mischiefe whatsoeuer , that could stil warrant himselfe a pardon for a few stolen cowes ? this generality of pardons and protections , did much harme in ireland , for they still gaue encouragement to the ill disposed to aduenture of any enterprise , and to do any maner of villany what themselues listed , and there wanted not those that were fauorites and followers to the lord deputy , that were stil hunting after sutes , that obtained both pardons and protections , and manie other grants , that were so preiudiciall vnto the seruice of our late gracious queen , that she had been better to haue giuen them stipends of some thousandes by the yeare to haue maintained them in england , rather then to haue suffered them to haue made such traffique in ireland , as they did at that time . as these pardons were the onely encouragements to giue daring traitours to attempt against their prince , so they were againe the verie cause of dismay , whereby to terrifie the subiect from the seruice of his soueraigne : for when a traitour was out in rebellion , those that were bordering vpon him , that had best knowledge in the strength and fastnesse of his countrey , durst neuer serue against him ; for they knew wel enough that there was not a rebell in ireland so foolish , but that he had english friends to procure him a pardon , and then they were sure that the winding vp would be ( as it hath beene in many other things ) that he that shold oppose himself to serue his prince faithfully , should bee left to the spoile of a traitour , who hauing once made his owne peace by pardon or protection , would liue to be reuenged of as many as had serued against him . is it now so much to be wondered at , that her maiestie could haue no better seruice performed against her rebelles in ireland , when by her ouer much clemency , shee defeated her selfe of their seruices , that were best able to stand her in stead . i might speake further of pardons , that hath beene many waies more preiudicial , then i haue set downe : but i wil conclude , that so long as there are any pardons to be hoped for in ireland , so long there will be traitors in ireland : and so long as a proclaimed traitor shall be able to compasse either pardon or protection , so long the prince shall haue no seruice performed against any rebell , either by english or irish , that are dwelling neere about him , and that can best serue vpon him . chap. xxv . of che dallying out the time of seruice , and the delayes of ireland . there is nothing wherein our english policy hath beene more ouer-reached , then in mannaging the warres against the irish , that were still prosecuted with delayes , and dallying out the time with deluding parlies ( which they tearmed times of sessation ) but vnder those coloured-treaties , and counterfaite truces , though wee let slippe both time and occasion , yet the enemy forgat not to take all aduantages . for in those dallying times of their deluding parlies , the rebels recouered conaughe , they tooke eniskaline , monohan , the blackwatre ; they supplied themselues with wine , with aqua vitae , with armor , with weapon , with powder , with shot , and with all other necessaries whatsoeuer they wanted , from al the parts of ireland ; yea , from out of dubline it selfe . the presidents are innumerable , what practises haue beene performed in the time of parlies . and as alexander wold not admit of any of these night-stoln victories , so amongst the romaines , these entertaining of truces was banished as an enemy to their ancient proceedings , who were still desirous to fight by vertue , but not by deceipt . he only is iudged to be ouercome , that is not vanquished by craft , nor by fraud , nor by fortune , nor by chance , but onely by meere valiance . the time hath beene , when it was neuer deemed to be a worthy victory , where the enemies courages were not daunted by true valiance and magnanimitie . but for the seruiees in ireland , rest is euermore dangerous then rashnesse , and although it bee a foule imputation for a commander , to be reputed headie or haire-brain'd , yet amongest the irish , expedition that is sometimes vnseasonably taken , is more auaileable , and hath euer concluded with better successe , then this temporziing & trifling out the time with delayes and delusions . for , the rebel of ireland , must haue no leisure to take his breath ; he must be hunted like the fox that is new rouzed from his den , he must be chased from couert to couert ; and ply him thus but one three weekes or a month , and you quaile his courage , his edge is taken off , and his pride is sodainly abated . but would ye haue a president , let me put you in minde of the traitour odougherty , one of the gallants of the north of ireland , a champion of such worthinesse , that the papists were in great hope , that he would haue proued no lesse then a second tyrone ; but will you see what became of this mirrour of magnanimity , he compassed a plot of treachery , and of treason both , but such a plot as he could neuer haue effected , but by the trust that was reposed in him by the english . for this is the ground worke of all their villanies : we aduance them , wee countenance them , we credit them , and wee inable them ; and this trust , and this confidence which we repose in them , giueth them matter to worke vpon ; and by this meanes , odougherty performed his enterprise without resistāce , and as he neuer strooke stroke in the exploiting of his villany , so he neuer strooke stroke after , till his heade was taken of , neither durst he euer shew his face after , but in woods and bogges , where he thought to catch no harme . we see here the difference between expedition and delay , for as odougherty was spedy in the execution of his mischife , the lord deputy made as quicke a dispatch for the prosecution of reuenge , and makinge a speciall choice of a celected company for the following of that seruice , there was one amongst the rest ( sir thomas ridgway by name ) who of a voluntary disposition ( without weeting or knowledge of his dearest friendes ) conueied himselfe from his own house , and cam to the place of seruice with the formost man , and with the like speede he so persued the rebelles with such iudgement , valiance and industry ( and many times with a farre lesse company then the rebelles were in number ) that they expecting a more leisurable pursute , such as tirone and other traytors had had before them ( being now depriued of that hope ) they begane to faint at the first , and were in a short space as easely surprised . sedition durst neuer yet attempt any thing valiantly , and the multitude , hath euer had more courage to rebell then to fight . now to be short , it was the expedition of the lord deputy and the dilligence of the treasurer , that brake the neck of this rebellion in a much shorter time then hath been acustomed : and as this president of theirs may giue a further light for his maiesties future seruice , so by this it may appeare , that if the irish be wel followed with a direct course , they are of no such ability , as some ignorant men haue dreamed & beleeued . cap. xxvi . how tyrone was still supplyed with souldiors , and all other prouisions for warre , at the queenes charges . the greatest matter reputed to bee in the irish in times past was this , they had trechery to contract a plot of treason , and wit to conceale till they had performed it , and that being once effected , their greatest courage afterwards , whereby to maintaine their traiterous attempts , consisted in the hope of a pardon ; in the meane time , they kept themselues like foxes in their dennes , and wee hunting and ferriting after them , if sometimes by casualty , we fortuned to light vpon them , they trusted better to their heeles then they did to their handes . it will be sayed , that the irish in the time of tyrones rebellion , shewed themselues to bee men of better worth , then i do seeme to account of them . and it is truth , that in that rebellion of tyrones , they put the queene to a great expence of treasure , and continued the warre a much longer time then hath formerly beene accustomed ; but how it cam to passe , that the irish were so inabled on the sodaine , to maintaine their rebellion , and to continue it as they did , whether it were by any new supply either of strength , corage , force , or fortune , or by any other ability either of body or minde , inspired or infused into them more then their predecessors haue had before them , this would be knowne . and this i thinke were not vnnecessary to be descouered . i will not speake how tyrone was befrended by the english , neither will i make any repetition , how the english souldiors were generally enfeebled & brought so weake that they were not able to perform a good daies march ( i will not say how it came so to passe , but it is well enough knowne that so it was : ) and although that this penury wherewith our eng. troops were thus pinched , had been enough to haue abated the courages of the most able minded men , yet that was not it that made tyrone so potent as hee shewed himselfe , nor that did so much enable him against his prince . the matter that strengthened him , was the continuall supplies , aswell of men as of munition , armor , weapon , powder , shot , hee was still furnished with souldiors , ready armed and trained at her maiesties costs and charges , and it was hir maiesties purse that releeued him from time to time , with those supplies , that he himselfe ( otherwise ) had neuer beene able to haue compassed . our auncestors many yeares since , that had some speculation in the irish disposition , foreseeing well enough the danger that might insue , by training them vp in any warlike discipline , thinking to preuent the inconuenience ; they ordained by statute , that no englishman , seruing in that countrey with command , should retaine into his company of one hundred soldiors , aboue three irishman at the vtmost , and these were entertained rather for guides then for any other expectation that was hoped for by their seruice . whilst these obseruations were charily obserued , the irish wer not able to make any encounter against the prince : and ireland was able ( not onely ) to beare it owne expences , but also to contribute to the princes cofers , some twenty or thirty thousand pounds , per an. as appeareth by auncient records that are yet to be seene . by this wee might conclude , that it is better for wayfaring men , to treade those tracts already traced out to their handes , then to seeke vnknowne waies , that if they do not sometimes leade astray , are sure at all times to leade the furthest way about : for if those presidents left by predecessors , had bin by vs as carefully obserued , as they were by them wisely prescribed , the rebellious sort of the irish had not beene so wel inabled to haue maintained their rebelions , as now of late they haue done : but tyrone was the man that the irish did extoll , and tyrone was the man that was beholding to his english friends ; hee was beholding to those deluding parlies , to those deceitfull times of sessasion , that gaue him still opportunity to helpe himselfe by many aduantages : sometimes when hee was driuen ( as it were ) to the very last gaspe , & when he was not longer able to hold out , then there was a parle procured : by means whereof , he releeued himselfe with all manner of necessaries , and would lightly enterprise something , that was both to the disaduantage and dishonour of the prince . i haue already made mention of a prescript , wherein our english captaines were inioyned , that in euerie company of one hundred , they should not retaine aboue two or three that were of the irish birth , but during the whole season of tyrones rebellion , there were some companies , that for euerie three of the english , there were three and twentie of the irish ; and to speake truely , it might haue beene called a speciall and a choise company , that had not three irish for one english . how it fell out that our english captaines were thus inclined to entertaine the irish , and to discharge the english , i shall not neede to make relation ; there was a reason why , but they raked vp all the irish that were to bee gotten , that there was not a horse-boy left in the countrey , but he was armed & trained , and when hee had committed insufferable spoiles , away he went to the enemy . the rebels themselues sent as many rogues as they were able to procure , to be thus armed and trained , & to watch their oportunity to performe some exploit of villanie , and so to make their returne . besides this , there were whole companies of the irish raised at hir maiesties costs and charges , & that receiued her daily pay , that were as arrant traitors , as any were with the rebels , and committed as manie spoiles , killing and burning onely excepted . all these , still furnished tyrone with daily supplies of souldiers that were thus armed and trained at her maiesties charge , and he had the like helpes to supply himselfe with many other wants , but especially with powder and shot , wherewith he was stil releeued from out the queenes store ; somtimes by those irish bands and companies , that made more prouision for the rebels , then they did for themselues . sometimes again by some gentlemen of the countrey , who vnder the pretence of making themselues strong against the rebelles , woulde fetch out of the queenes store , powder , shot , armour , weapon , and what besides was there to be had , wherwith they still supplied tyrone , who otherwise had neuer beene able to haue maintained one good daies fight . i might yet speake further , how that euery pedling fellow that kept a shoppe , was suffered to sell peeces , powder , swords , and such other implements of war , not allowable for euery man to sell , & ( considering the state of the countrey ) not sufferable for euery man to buy . i will heere couclude , how all that extraordinarie wisedome , pollicie , and valiance , that was attributed vnto tyrone , was but our ouer-sights , our negligences , and our winking at that which was apparant vnto euerie wise mans eyes : and let the irish proiect vnto themselues what they list ( i say ) if tyrone had beene as well hunted after as odougherty was , he must haue come vnto the verie selfe-same market that odoughertie did . cap. xxvii . that the irish are more daungerous then necessary for his maiesties seruice in ireland . in euer read of any such pollicie , where a rebellious people , that were euerie day readie to reuoult from their dutie vnto their soueraigne , should be permitted to exercise chiualry , or should be inured with the practise of armes : but i could set downe a number of presidents , how prudent and pollitique princes , when they haue beene so continually vexed and vrged by rebellious traitors , haue not only prohibited them from the vse of weapons , but haue also restrained and depriued them from all manner of practises appertaining vnto warre , by the seuerity of lawes . i knowe amongst the nobilitie of ireland , there hath beene ( as there are still ) manie honourable persons ( & so there are of manie other gentlemen ) that without all doubt are as forward , as readie , and as willing to serue their prince , as any other whosoeuer . but to speake truely , sithence i haue knowne ireland , i neuer knew anie of the nobilitie of that realme , that was able to performe anie seruice ( that was woorth the speaking off ) with their owne countrey-men , in the behalfe of their prince , no not against a mean rebell : such a one as in a priuate quarrell , durst not lifte vppe a sword against anie noble man , that did dwell neer or border vpō him . and this is a matter to be admired , that any thred-bare rebel should be so apt and hardie to oppose against the prince , and so timerous againe to offend a nobleman of his owne countrey : and it is no lesse strange , that euery nobleman of ireland should be potent enough to right his owne causes against anie of that ragged rabble , that dares but look awry vpon him ( as i could shew may presidents ) and can performe nothing in the seruice of his prince , no not against the most basest rascall , that euer marched vnder the title of a rebell . the misterie of this matter is easie to be decided , for although i know that amongest the nobilitie of ireland , there be some that would be both willing & desirous to do the prince vnfained seruice in their own persons , yet they themselues know well enough that they shall neuer be followed in those indeuours : their owne houshold seruantes would faile them in such a case ; and hee that could bring a thousand followers into the field , in an action of rebellion ; is not able to bring one hūdred , in the seruice of his prince : they are so vowed and protested to the pope , that they will not be induced to serue their prince , at the leastwise , not in that due respect of loue , that subiects are boūd and doe owe vnto their soueraignes . perhaps in somptiuate quarrell between themselues , they may perform som exployt the one against the other , but it shall be don more in reuenge of their owne mallice , then for any loue they owe to the seruice . there is nothing , wherein the irish do more priuily deride vs , then in this conceit that we haue of their helpe : & therfore they haue hatched vp this pretty intergatory : where was it euer knowne , that one wolfe woulde prey vpon another . and it hath euer beene thought a most daungerous thinge , to haue friendes and enemies both of one nation . but i know the irish did neuer want friends , to perswade that their seruice is verie behoouefull : it may sometimes serue indeed , to help to stop a gap , but i answer it will shortly after break down the whole hedge , and it is but a madde part for him that would defend an entry , to shut vp the wicket , and then set ope the great gate . the irish do but betray the seruice and strengthen the enemie ( i speake of the multitude ) and to haue them trayned as heretofore they haue bin , ( especially those that are so much addicted to the pope ) i say it is dangerous , and a grosse ouersight . i haue hitherto displaied , ( though not all that i know ) yet so much as i think necessary , the which although it please not all , yet i would bee glad it shoulde proue profitable to some . i haue but glanced at things , by giuing them a touch and awaie , which if i shoulde inlarge but as they deserue , i might write a whole volume in folio . the vertue of things is not so much in their magnitude as in their qualitie , and so likewise of reason , which beeing wrapped in a few words , haue the best tongue . my purpose is to profit , not to please ; to intice , not to intrap ; to councell , not to controle ; and i rather desire to make my friends penitent , then leaue them insolent . i haue directed my lines but to the forming of good manners , and moderating of affections , and who can be silent in these matters here handled , if he loue his prince . and yet i know , that nothing can bee so well or prouidently spoken , but mallice will finde matter whereat to carpe and repine : yet i hope my good intent will be the rather born with al , in that i do but set down precepts of good councell , but not decrees to be resolued on . i hope it will be accepted of by some , that will reape profit by it , and find fit aduertisements and examples for them to imitate : which if it doe , i shall thinke my time and labor the better bestowed : if otherwise , my care is the lesse , because it hath contented my selfe , in keeping me from idlenesse . but i know some will say , it were as good be ydle , as ill occupied : t is true , there is no endeuour wherein a man may busie himselfe , that is more distastfull then the writing of books ( especially if they be of a reprehending humor ) but it is to those that haue guilty consciences , but to men of pure and honest life , they little force what any man can either write or speake against them . i may speake something by experience , for i my selfe haue been mistaken , and am reputed to bee an open enemy to ireland , and all but for writing a booke , entituled , the suruey of ireland , wherein i haue laboured nothing , but the discouery of the pope . but such is the malignity of papists , that they cannot indure to haue their idolatry checked , no not with presidents and examples that are drawn from the holy scriptures . certaine pagans offering outragious violence to a religious christian , mocking and vpbraiding him for his religion , they asked him in the end , what profite hee had by his christ : is not this a singular profit , quoth he , not to be moued with your bitter wordes , but to pardon and forgiue the wronges you do vnto me . i answer with the christian : let the papistsly and slander how they list , i thanke god , i am taught by the religion i professe , to put vp all wronges and iniuries , whatsoeuer they can offer vnto mee , and not only to forgiue them their vpbraiding and deprauing of me , but also pray to god that hee woulde so open their eies , that they may see the right way of their saluation . i hope there is no man that will accuse me of parciality , to say i haue more forborn to speake againste the follies of the english , then against the manners & customes of the irish : or that i doe otherwise distinguish betweene them , but value them both alike , the good , to be good , and the bad , to be bad . i confesse i haue bin very plain with the cittizens of dublin , but it is those that are only addicted to the pope , it is with those that haue so be-pusseld themselues in popery , that they yeeld to a number of disorders , that are no lesse odious in the sight of god , then iniurious to the king : yea & to eclipsing the reputation of their city if they did but well aduise themselues , with discreet consideration . perhaps it wil be imputed to me for an offence , that i haue so avowed the greatest number of the irish to be papists : but if popery be so catholike a matter as they themselues do beleeue , i haue then doone them great honour and credit so to repute them , but if it be a doctrine that seduceth , and that draweth subiectes rather to rebellion then to true obedience to their princes , is it not then best to speake the truth , if it be but to shame the deuill ? and now to purge my selfe from any malicious intent , i do heere protest before the face of the liuing god , and do further auow it by that religion that i do openly professe , that i do know neuer a cittizen in dubline , nor any other person that is a natiue borne in ireland , that i do either hate or dislike ; no , not hee that hath done me the greatest wrong , but do wish him as wel as i wish to my selfe , that god would make vs all wise , and set vs in the right tract that leadeth to life euerlasting . this is all the malice i beare them , this is all the hurt i meane them , to this end and porpose i haue written this booke , not against any papist in particular , but against popery in generall ; for popery in ireland is the original of a number of imperfections , that otherwise would bee reformed , and it is popery onely that hath secluded the english and the irish from that perfect loue and amity , which else would be imbraced on both partes aswell to the glory of god , as to the great benefit of this countrey . god bring it once to passe , that wee might all ioyne together as well english as irish , in the true acknowledgement of one god , of one religion , of one king , of one law , and of one loue , this is all that i wish for , and this is all that i haue indeuoured . finis . whereas in the present treaty concerning the setling and establishing of a firme & perfect peace within this kingdome ... ireland. lord lieutenant (1641-1649 : ormonde) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46151 of text r43298 in the english short title catalog (wing i829). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46151 wing i829 estc r43298 27137953 ocm 27137953 110002 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46151) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110002) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:38) whereas in the present treaty concerning the setling and establishing of a firme & perfect peace within this kingdome ... ireland. lord lieutenant (1641-1649 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [dublin : 1644/5] title information from first lines of text. "dated the 8. day of january, 1644. ormonde." other title information from first lines of text. imprint suggested by wing. imperfect: tightly bound with loss of text. reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649. a46151 r43298 (wing i829). civilwar no whereas in the present treaty concerning the setling and establishing of a firme & perfect peace within this kingdome ... ireland. lord lieutenant 1644 290 18 0 0 0 0 0 621 f the rate of 621 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion whereas in the present treaty concerning the setling and establishing of a firme & perfect peace within this kingdome , ( which treaty stands already adjourned to the 10. day of this ianuary ) severall matters of ●eight and consequence have been treated and deba●●d of , which doe necessarily require to be yet further ●●epared for the satisfaction of all parties , and conse●●tly and adiournment to a further time , beyond the 〈…〉 d tenth day of this january , is become necessary . we the lord lieutenant his majesties cōmissioner 〈◊〉 & in the behalf of his maiestie on the one part , and 〈…〉 donogh lord visc . muskery , alexander mac donell ●icholas plunket esquires . sir robert talbot baronet , ●●rmot ô bryen , patricke darcy , geffrey brown , and 〈◊〉 dillon esquires . for and in the behalf of his ma●●●●ies roman catholique subjects of the other part . 〈◊〉 ●●e thought fit to adjourn , and doe hereby adjourne 〈…〉 treaty of peace till the tenth day of february next , for better preparation of sundry matters concerning said treaty , and conducing to a peace . it is agreed 〈…〉 the said donough lord visc . muskery , alexander mac ●●●ell , nicholas plunket , sir robert talbot , dermot ô ●●●en , patrick darcy , geffrey brown , and john dillon , 〈◊〉 ●ny one or more of them may repaire to dublin , as 〈…〉 and remaine there as long in the meane time as 〈◊〉 shall thinke fit , or continue intercourse to that 〈…〉 ose by letters or messages as they shall finde ne●●●●●● . dated the 8. day of january , 1644. ormonde . whereas we are informed by john stepney esq., who is the only party to the earl of ranelagh ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) 1678 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46207 wing i975 estc r39310 18367855 ocm 18367855 107383 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46207) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107383) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1636:45) whereas we are informed by john stepney esq., who is the only party to the earl of ranelagh ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1677 [i.e. 1678] title from first 2 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council-chamber in dublin the 22th day of march 1677." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tax collection -ireland. ireland -history -1660-1688. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . ormonde . whereas we are informed by john stepney esq who is the only party to the earl of ranelagh , and partners contract that appears here to act on the place , that several sheriffs and collectors within the respective counties of this kingdom , have received by virtue of his majesties process , divers considerable summes of money due to his majestie , and which belongeth to the said earl and partners undertaking , some of whom have accompted lately in the exchequer , but not paid in the money due from them , and others have not as yet accompted ; upon consideration whereof , we think fit by this our proclamation , to require such of the said sheriffs and collectors who have accompted , with all convenient speed , and at furthest , by the tenth day of the next term , to pay the money in their respective hands into his majesties treasury , and such of them as have not accompted , that they do before the end of the said term make up their accompts , and pay such moneys as they have , or shall by that time receive into his majesties treasury , as aforesaid , to the end , the same may be applied to the uses of the said undertaking . given at the council-chamber in dublin the 22th , day of march 1677. ja : armachanus , mich : dublin cane . longford . blesinton . lanesborough . ca : dillon . char : meredith . walter plunkett . john cole . theo : jones . ja : cuff. god save the king . dublin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the king 's most excellent majestie ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde book : seller in castle-street 1677. a proclamation for the immediate fortifying of the citie of dublin and the suburbs thereof by lords iustices and councell, w. parsons, io. burlase. ireland. lords justices and council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46073 of text r36846 in the english short title catalog (wing i632). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46073 wing i632 estc r36846 16141693 ocm 16141693 104830 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46073) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104830) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:39) a proclamation for the immediate fortifying of the citie of dublin and the suburbs thereof by lords iustices and councell, w. parsons, io. burlase. ireland. lords justices and council. parsons, william, sir, 1570?-1650. burlase, john, sir. 1 broadside. imprinted first at dublin and reimprinted at london, and are to be sold by henry walker ..., [london] : 1641. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at his majesties castle of dublin the 22. of november. 1641." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. eng dublin (ireland) -history, military. dublin (ireland) -history. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a46073 r36846 (wing i632). civilwar no a proclamation for the immediate fortifying of the citie of dublin and the suburbs thereof by lords iustices and councell, w. parsons, io. b ireland. lords justices and council 1641 592 1 0 0 0 0 0 17 c the rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by lords iustices and councell . ❧ a proclamation for the immediate fortifying of the citie of dublin , and the suburbs thereof . w. parsons . io-burlase . whereas we the lords̄ iustices and councell upon the proposition , and the humble suit of the maior , aldermen , and citizens of the city of dublin , have consented and given directions , that fortification should be immediately made about this city , and the suburbs thereof , for the safety and the conservation of the said citie and suburbs , and his majesties loyall subjects therein . and for that it is requisite and reasonable , that all those that are involved in a common danger , should ingage their persons and contribute some part of their estates in a common defence , and for that it is necessary that workes of that nature and consequence be effected with all expedition . we do therefore in his majesties name require and command all and every person and persons of what quality or condition soeuer , as well citizens as souldiers , and others , from the age of seventeen yeares and upwards , now dwelling , inhabiting , and residing within this city , or suburbs thereof , within twelve houres after publication hereof , to give their personall assistances and attendance ( with all such shovels , spades , spittles , pick-axes , and other instruments and engines fitting for that worke , as they have , or can procure ) to such officers and engineers , and other persons as are , or shall be imployed by authority , for raising and making the said fortification , and to performe such labour and duties therein , as the said officers , enginieers , and persons imployed , shall direct ; and to continue in the said service , untill the worke be fully perfected . and if any such person or persons by reason of infirmity , or for other reasonable cause cannot , or shall not attend the said service , for every day for each person so absent , shall be contributed and paid ( the sum of six pence towards the fortifications aforesaid , by each person for himself , and his servant or servants , attendant or attendants ) to the hands of the alderman of the ward , or seneschall , or other chief officer of the liberties respectively , who shall give an account thereof to the chief governour and governours , and councell here for the time being , requiring the same ; neverthelesse , we leave all persons well-disposed to this service to make such voluntary contribution and benevolence thereunto , as they shall thinke fit , and whosoevet shall not by himselfe , and his servants attend this service , or contribute thereunto as aforesaid , such person may justly be esteemed ill-affected , and shall suffer such punishment , as the lieutenant generall and councell of war shall thinke fit to inflict . given at his majesties castle of dublin the 22. of november . 1641. ormond ossory . r. dillon . cha. lambert . ad. loftus . geo. shurley . i. temple . cha. coote . p. crosbie . ja. ware ▪ rob. meredith . ❧ god save the king . ❧ imprinted first at dublin , and reimprinted at london , and are to be sold by henry walker in buttlers alley in moor-lane . 1641. whereas in the twenty eighth year of the reign of king henry the sixth, there was one right wholesome law made in this realm for the suppressing, taking, and killing of notorious thieves and robbers, the tenor whereof is in these words following ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1675 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46153 wing i831 estc r36895 16150068 ocm 16150068 104880 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46153) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104880) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:33) whereas in the twenty eighth year of the reign of king henry the sixth, there was one right wholesome law made in this realm for the suppressing, taking, and killing of notorious thieves and robbers, the tenor whereof is in these words following ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. [2] leaves. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1675. title from first 6 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council-chamber in dublin the 7th day of july. 1675"--leaf [2] broadside in [2] leaves. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng brigands and robbers -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council : essex whereas in the twenty eighth year of the reign of king henry the sixth , there was one right wholesome law made in this realm for the suppressing , taking , and killing of notorious thieves and robbers , the tenor whereof is in these words following . whereas thieves , and evil doers , increase in great store , and from day to other do increase in malice more than they have done heretofore , and do destroy the commons with their thefts , stealings , and manslaughters , and also do cause the land to fall into decay and poverty ; and waste every day more and more , and so it is like to be confounded , if there should not be remedy ; it is ordained by authority of the said council , that it shall be lawful to every liegeman of our sovereign lord the king , all manner notorious and known thieves , and thieves found robbing , and spoiling , or breaking houses by night or by day , and thieves found with the m●nner to kill them , and take them with out impeachment , arraignment , or grievance to him to be done by our sovereign lord the king , his justices , officers , or any of his ministers for any such manslaughter or taking . and that every man that kills or takes any such thieves , shall have one peny of every plough , & one farthing of every cottage within the barony where the manslaughter is done for every thief . and that the town where the said manslaughter is done , and other four towns next to the said town , which were before charged with the escapes for such manslaughter , shall be quit and discharged of the said escapes and every of them , without any impeachment in any court , or payment to any officer . and that the sheriff of the county shall have sufficient power to make leavy of the money aforesaid in the said form , within one moneth after the said manslaughter , and shall deliver it to him that made the said homicide . and if the sheriff be negligent in lea●ying the said money in the form aforesaid , that he shall pay the summe of money to the party that hath cause to have it . now we the lord lieutenant and council considering that if the said statute had been put in due execution , many spoils , thefes , and robberies lately committed in this kingdom had been prevented , and most of the notorious thieves and robbers who have been active therein had been e're this apprehended , and brought unto due execution . wherefore and for the preventing of all mischiefs of the like kind for the time to come , and to the intent that the prosecutors of such evil malefactors may receive their just reward . we the lord lieutenant and council have thought fit , and do hereby accordingly will and require , and in his majesties name strictly charge and command all , and every his majesties liege people , and good subjects in this kingdom , that they and every of them in their several counties , baronies , villages , hamlets , and places of dwelling or aboad in this kingdom , be aiding and assisting to each other in the taking , apprehending , and killing of all such notorious thieves , robbers , and spoilers of their countrey , as shall be found robbing and spoiling or breaking houses by night or by day , against the force and effect of the said statute . and we do also command and require , that the sheriffs of the several and respective counties of this kingdom , do according to the power given unto them by the said act , take care to make leavies of the monies intended by the said act to be raised for the reward , and incouragement of such as shall take or kill any such notorious malefactors ; and that upon the taking or killing of any such notorious thief , and thieves , or robbers , they do within one moneth after send unto vs the lord lieutenant and council an accompt thereof , and of their proceedings therein , as occasion shall require , whereof they may not fail at their utmost perils . given at the council-chamber in dublin the 7th day of july . 1675. mich : dublin canc. thomond . tyrone . art : forbese . ro : booth . will : stewart . o : st. george . h : ingoldesby . hans hamilton . theo : jones . vv m flower . char : meredith . god save the king . dvblin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the king 's most excellent m●jesty ; and are to besold by joseph wilde book seller in castle-street . 1675. the vvhole triall of connor lord macguire with the perfect copies of the indictment, and all the evidences against him : also the copie of sir philome oneales commission, the popes bull to the confederate catholikes in ireland, with many remarkable passages of the grand rebellion there, from the first rise thereof to this present : his plea of peerage, and severall answers : with the severall replies made to him / by the king's sergeant at law and sergeant roll. william prynne, esquire, and m. nudigate ; and the copies of the severall testimonies brought in against him at his triall at the kings bench barre ... enniskillen, connor maguire, baron of, 1616-1645, defendant. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a56231 of text r212207 in the english short title catalog (wing p4130). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 95 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 26 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a56231 wing p4130 estc r212207 12732653 ocm 12732653 66510 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a56231) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 66510) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 223:15) the vvhole triall of connor lord macguire with the perfect copies of the indictment, and all the evidences against him : also the copie of sir philome oneales commission, the popes bull to the confederate catholikes in ireland, with many remarkable passages of the grand rebellion there, from the first rise thereof to this present : his plea of peerage, and severall answers : with the severall replies made to him / by the king's sergeant at law and sergeant roll. william prynne, esquire, and m. nudigate ; and the copies of the severall testimonies brought in against him at his triall at the kings bench barre ... enniskillen, connor maguire, baron of, 1616-1645, defendant. prynne, william, 1600-1669. nudigate, m. o'neill, phelim, sir, 1604?-1653. catholic church. pope (1623-1644 : urban viii) england and wales. court of king's bench. [2], 16, 32 p. printed for robert austin ..., london : 1645. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng enniskillen, connor maguire, -baron of, 1616-1645 -trials, litigation, etc. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a56231 r212207 (wing p4130). civilwar no the vvhole triall of connor lord macguire, with the perfect copies of the indictment, and all the evidences against him. also, the copie of enniskillen, connor maguire, baron of 1645 17075 417 0 0 0 0 0 244 f the rate of 244 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-05 tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread 2002-07 apex covantage rekeyed and resubmitted 2002-08 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2002-08 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the vvhole triall of connor lord macguire , with the perfect copies of the indictment , and all the evidences against him . also the copie of sir philome oneales commission , the popes bull to the confederate catholikes in ireland , with many remarkable passages of the grand rebellion there , from the first rise thereof to this present . his plea of peerage , and severall answers : with the severall replies made to him , by the kings sergeant at law , and sergeant roll . william prynne , esquire ; and m. nudigate . and the copies of the severall testimonies brought in against him at his triall at the kings bench barre , in hilarie terme l●…st : by the lord blaney . lady calfield . sir arthur loftus . sir iohn temple . sir william stewart . sir fran. hamilton . sir edw. borlacey . sir vvilliam cole . sir charles coot . mrs. vvordrofe . iohn carmicke . vvalter gubson . m. bunbury . cap. mich. balfoure . captain berisford . london , printed for robert austin , in the old-baily . 1645. there will be no need of making any long preamble to this businesse of the lord macguire : there is none of us but have cause to be very sensible of i●… in some of our blood , some deer friend , or at least some acquaintance in the present unhappy war ensuing this most damnable treason , plotted by him and his confede●…ates , the particulars whereof you will finde in order , which are in themselves so copious , and satisfactorie , that it will not need any other pointing out then the order it lies in ? here followeth a proclamation published upon the first discovery of the plot . a proclamation , by the lords justices and councell . w. parsons . io. borlase . these are to make known and publish to all his majesties good subiects in this kingdome of ireland , that there is a discoverie made to us the lords justices and counsell , of a most disloyall and detestable conspirace intended by some evill affected irish papists , against the lives of vs , the lords iustices and counsell , and many others of his maiesties faithfull subiects universally throughout this kingdome , and for the seizing not onely of his maiesties castle of dublin , his maiesties principall fort here but also of the other fortifications in this kingdome : and seeing by the great goodnesse and abundant mercy of almighty god to his maiestie and this state and kingdome those wicked conspiracies are brought to light , and some of the conspirators committed to the castle of dublin , by us , by his maiesties authority so as those wicked and damnable plots are now disappointed in the chief parts thereof , we there●…ore have thought fit hereby not onely to make it publikely known , for the comfort of his maiesties good and loyall subiectes in all parts of the kingdome , but also hereby to require them that they doe with all confidence and cheerefulnesse betake themselves to their owne defence , and stand upon their guard , so to render the more safety to themselves and all the kindome besides , and that they advertise us with all possible speed of all occurents which may cencerne the peace and safety of the kingdome , & now to shew fully that faith and loyaltie , which they have alwaies shown for the publike services of the crowne and kingdome , which we will value to his maiestie accordingly , and a speciall memorie thereof will bee retained for their advantage in due time , and we require that great care be taken that no levies of men be made for forraine service nor any men suffered to march upon any such pretence . given at his majesties castle at dublin , 23 octob. 1641. r. dillon . ro. digby . ad. loftus . i. temple . tho. rotheram . fr. willowby . j. ware . rob meredith . god save the king . imprinted at dublin by the society of sationers 1641. the rebellion ( notwithstanding this proclamation ) went on still , for though it took not at dublin , where this l. macguire , macmahan , and some other conspirators were discovered , and appredended , and many of the rebels were dispersed by reason thereof ; yet they called them in again from time to time , by warrants , ( of which sort here is the coppy of one under plunkets owne hand , ) and have ever since continued this rebellion . by the right honourable the generall assembly of the confederate catholiques of ireland . these are to will and command you forthwith to make diligent search and inquiries within your severall townes , villages , quarters and corporations , for all such souldiers as are come from the fort of duncannon , sithence the late c●…ssation ; which were under the command of captaine ralph capron , and captaine edward ashton , and wheresoever they or any of them shall be found , their bodies t●… restrain and deliver unto the said captains upon demand by the said captaines , or either of them , the said c●…ptains faithfully promising not to inflict any further pun●…shment upon the said souldiers or any of them , for this their f●…rst fault , whereof you may not faile , as you and every of you will answere the contrary . and for so doeing , shall be a sufficient warrant . given at waterford the 15th . of november 1643. n. plunket . to all his majestie sheriffs , soveraignes , portriffs , bayliffs , collonels , captaines , commanders and other officers whom it may concerne within the county of wexsord or elsewhere . and in this bloody warre plotted and begun in ireland by this lord macguire , and his confederates , and seconded in eagland : how many thousand of men women and children have lost their lives ; and for this the rebels plead great authority as appeares by this declaration following . a declaration of the lords , gentry , and others of leinster and munster , of their incentions towards the english and scotish protestants , inhabitants within this kingdome . whereas we are informed , that it is generally conceived and believed by the english , and scotish protnstants inhabitants of this kingdom , th●…t we the lords , gentry , and others of the said kingdom have taken arms , and taken forces , for the extirpation and banishing of them out of this kingnome , thereby to acquire to our selves their goods and estates : we therefore desire to be rightly understood : for wee hereby declare , that we never consented , nor intended , nor neither will intend , nor condescend to any such act , but do utterly disciaime them : but that each man known to be a modera●…e conformable protestant , may ( as well as the romish catholicks ) respectively live and en ; oy the freedome of their own religion , and peaceably and quietly possesse their own estates , so far forth as they , or any of them , shall joyne with us in this oath following : ia . b. doe in the presence of almighty god , and all the angels and saints , and by the contents of the bible , promise , vo●… , sweare and protest , to beare true faith and allegiauce to our soveraigne lord king charles , and the heires and successors of his body begotten , and will defend him and them , as ●…r as i may , with my life , power ; and estate , against all persons that attempt any thing against his or their persons , honours . estates , and dignities : and that i will with the exposing of my life , power , and estate , ●…oyn with the said irish or any other to recover his estate , roya●…l ●… erogatives forcibly wreste●… from him y the purit●…nes , in the houses of parliament in england , and to maintaine the same against them and all others tha●… sh●…ll directly or indirectly indeavour t●… suppress●… or doe any ast contrary to regall government ; as also to maintan episcopall iurisdiction , and the lawfullnesse thereof in the church , powers and priviledges of prelates , and the lawfull rights and priviledges o●… the subject : * and i will d●…e no act or thing directly or indirectly , to hinder the free and publike excercize of the ro●…ish catholik religion in any his majesties dominions and that i will joyn with , and be assistant to the members of this common wealth for redresse to be had of the grievances and pressures thereof in ●…ch manner and forme as shall be thought fit by a lawfull parliament , and to my power as far as i may i will oppose and bring to condigne punishment , even to losse of life , liberty and estate , of all such as either by force , or practice , co●…ncells , plots , conspira ies or otherwise , doe , or attempt any thing to the contrary of any article , cl●…use , or any thing in this present oath , vow , or protestation , contained , a d neither for reward feare , or punishment or any respect whatsoever , shall relinquish this oath and protestation . so help me god . this declaration and oath was entred inthe counsell book of k●…lkeney , and this is a true copie thereof . witnesse the hand of jerem●… green , clerk of the supreme councell of kilkeney . god save the king . by the confederate catholikes of the supreme counsell . vvhereas the scottish armie in the province of ulster , and other their adherents , in the said province , and other parts of the kingdome , have of late ( as often before taken ) a traiterous oath of coven●…nt against his sacred maiestie , his crowne , and dignity , and made an unchristian and prophane vow for the utter extirpation of the irish nation , and totall suppression of the catholike romane religion , subversion of monarchicall government , and introduction of confused annarchy within this realme : and not contented with the inhumane and unparalleld massacres by them committed on poore laborers , wom●…n , children , and many thousands of other innocents of our nation , without distinction of age , sex , or condition , before the conclusion of the cessasion at siggins towne , on the 15th . of september last , notwithstanding continuall depredations , robberies , thefts , burnings , and destruction of all the corne and inhabitants in many counties and territories within the said realme , and elsewhere by them acted before the said cessation : the said traiterous covenanters receiving their maintenance , support and orders , from the rebells now in armes against his majestie in england ; have augmented , and do rather multiply and increase , then diminish their exhorbitant courses : and whereas the said rebells have joyned in a strict union & confederation to destroy the irish nation root and branch ( as they terme it ) and their ministers and adherents , by their directions , at sea as well 〈◊〉 land , do exercise no lesse cruelty : for , as oft as shipping do meet any weaker vessels at sea , transporting men from this kingdome for his majesties seruice in england , if irish men , though protestants , and valiant and usefull servitors against the confederate catholikes in this warre , the irish are thrown over board , as doth appear by the late throwing into the sea , & drownig of an irish company of foot of colonell willowbies regiment , all protestants , and servitours as aforesaid ; and many women in their passage from dublin to bristoll , by one of the pretended parliament ships , and sundry other examples of that kinde , against the law of warre and nations . and whereas the said scottish army , all composed of rebels and assassinates , are now in their march in great numbers towards the three provinces of this kingdome , to accomplishe the plots and machinations aforesaid : and whereas the said rebells in england have provided a great navy , a considerable part whereof doth surround the the seacoast in this kingdome , and are resol●…ed the next summer , if it rest in their power , which god defend , to land great forces in the province of munster and le●…nster : and the said rebels of scotland have the like designe of landing of forces in the parts of ulster next unto the province of conaght : and whereas the auxiliarie forces of the three provinces , d●…signed and raised for the necessary defence of our religion , king , and nation , are now marched to the province of ulster under the command of our very good lord the earle of c●…stle haven , generall , appointed by the last generall assembly for the expedition of ulster , to repell the said fury and insolencie of the said rebels . wherefore we hold it of absolute necessity , for the safety of the kingdome , and his majesties interest therein , that all the said other three provinces be forthwith in armes , as well to preserve themselves at home from the said intended invasions , as also to be ready to assist the said army abroad , marcht into ulster , if need require . we doe therefore by this publike act and proclamation order , command , and require all the lords , knights and gentlemen , freeholders , and all other persons , from the age of 18. yeares , to the age of 60. forthwith to put themselves in armes and posture of defence , and such as want armes and ammunition , and are able , are hereby required to provide the same forthwith , for themselves , their servants and retinue . and for the better effecting this high and important service , we do hereby require , order , & command all and every the governours , deputy governours , majors , sheriffes , and all other head-officers of the respective counties , cities , and incorporate townes of this kingdome , within our quarters , viz. the governours , deputie-governours , in the counties where they are governours , to call to assistance the high sheriffe , and two or more of th●… commissioners of the array and in the countie swhere there is no governour , the high sheriffe , calling to his assistance three , or more of the comissioners , of the array : and in the cities , and cor●…orate townes , the major and other head-officers , taking to assistance the recommended sheriffes and bailiffe thereof , or any one or more of them , fo●…th with to summon-all the lords , knights , gentlemen , and free holders , and others , able and fit to beare armes , betwe●…ne the ages asoresaid , to appeare well armed upon a certain day , and in a certain place , within the said respective counties and townes respectively , and upon such appearance , to inlist the names , sirnames , age , armes , and ammunition of every person , who will so appeare , in a book fairely written , and the said governour , deputy-governours , majors , high sheirieffs , and other head-officers , taking to their assistance , as aforesaid , are hereby required and authorized to impose fines , to the double value of the armes and ammunition , upon any person or persons so summoned , that will make default , who ought to have according to the meaning of this our proclamation , and of other our former proclamations , to this effect : and to impose the single value of the armes he should have , upon such as will appear , and not bee armed as becommeth : and wee require the said governours , and other officers aforesaid , at their perills to make due returne unto the generall assemblie now neer at hand , or unto us , in a faire booke fairely written , of the number , names , ●…r-names , armes , amunition , defaults , and fines aforesaid , at the furthest , by the sixth day of the moneth of august . given at kilkeney the 6. of july 1644. mount-garret . fz. tho. dublin . autrim . nettevill . arthur iveagh . john cloynfect . tho. preston . edmond fitz. morris . rich bealing . tirlogh o neile . patrick darcy . george comins . printed at waterford by tho. bovrke , printer to the confedrate catholikes of ireland . i caused this declaration and proclamation to bee printed here in england , and will justifie it to be their act upon oath . lazarus haward . my lodging at master sretchers in the tower bulwarke . but to come to the particulars of the tryall of the lord maguire ; which was thus : the coppy of the indictment . ●… conner maguire alias cornelius maguire . 〈◊〉 . rex cont. by the indictment , the defendent cornelius maguire esquire , that is n●…w prisoner at the barre ; is charged 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , together with sir phil. o neale , philip o relly , roger moore , a●…m . roger maguire esquire , toole o conley clarke ( being a romane priest ) hugh mackmahune , and divers other persons , false trayt●…rs unknowne , as a falsetraytor against the kings majestie , his supreame leige lord ; not having the feare of god in his heart , nor considering his duty or allegiance , but being seduced by the instigation of the devill , intending altogether to with draw , blot out and extinguish the cordiall love and due obedience which faithfull subjects owe to their soveraigne . 20. oct. 17. car. at dublin in ireland in the parts beyond the seas , and at divers other times both before and after , as well at dublin as elsewhere , falsely , maliciously & traiterously did conspire imagine & compasse utterly to deprive and disinherit the kings majesty of his royall estate & kingdome of ireland . to bring his majesties person to death and destruction , to raise sedition & breed and cause miserable slaughter and destruction amongst the kings subjects , throughout all the whole kingdom , to make an insurrection and rebellion against the king his soveraigne , to levy publique open bloody and fierce war against the king in that kingdome , to change and alter according to their own wills , the government of the kingdome , and the religion there established , and totally to subvert the well ordered state of that common wealth , to procure and bring in dive●…s strangers and forreiners ( not being the kings sub●…ects ) in a warlike manner to invade that kingdom of ireland , and to le●…y warre there . and in execution of these their wicked treasons , and tr●●terous conspiracies . 20. octob. 17. car. the defendan●…conner maguire at dublin , and divers other times and places , by one toole o conley and divers other messengers by him sent to owen o neale , being then in flanders , did move and incite phil. o neale to levy and raise an army in flanders , and thence to bring that army over into ireland , in an hostile mann●…r to invade that kingdome . and further , to put in execution their traiterous purposes , the defendant , together which hugh mac mahun , philim o neale , philip o rely , roger more , roger maguire , and toole o conley the priest . 20. oct. 17. car. at dublin and divers other times and places in ireland , before and after , did traiterously conspire to enter into , seise get into their owne power , and to surprize the kings castle at dublin , and all other the kings castles and forts in that kingdom , & the magazine therein , and at the same time unlawfully and traiterously did indeavour and actually attempt to gaine into their possession and power , and to surprize the said castle of dublin , and the munition therein . that the defendant with the other persons named , philip o neale and others , further to bring to passe their most horrid wicked treasons and conspir cies . 22. octo. 17. car. at charlemont and other places before and after , being armed and arayed , with a great multitude , in a warlike manner , with bann●…rs di●…played , drummes , swordes , staves , gunnes , and other invasive and defensive weapons , did falsly and traterously p●…epare and levy open fierce and bloody war against the kings majesty , and the same 22. octo. seised and surprised the kings fort at charlemont . and then and there 〈◊〉 and trayterously did kill and murder toby lord caufeild , francis davies , and others of the kings subjects that were protestants . that the defendents , 4. junij . 18. car. at the castles of keilagh and cragan , and other times and places before and after , levyed war seised and surprized those castles , and did kill and murder , owen powell , and william cosens , and many other of the kings protestant subjects in t●…at kingdome . which severall offences are laid against his duty and allegiance , against the peace of the king his crowne and dignity , in manifest breach and contempt of the lawes and statutes of this kingdome . the defendant pleaded not guilty ? and being demanded how he would be tryed ? the copy of the plea . he pleaded the statute of magna charta , 10. febr : 9. hen : 3. that none should be condemned but by tryall of his p●…ers , and pleaded the statute of 10. hen : 7. that all the statutes made in england should from thenceforth be in force in ireland . and pleaded that before the time of the severall treasons charged in the indictme●…t , bryan mag●…ire his father by letters pattents was created baron of enis kellyn in ireland , to him and the heires males of his body ; by force whereof his father was seised of the barony in fee tayle , and 1. febr. 12 car. dyed so seised ; after whose death , the barony discended to the defendants : by vertue whereof he was a baron of ireland , and that at a parliament held at dublyn 16. march . 16. car. which was there continued till 7. aug. after , and then adjourned to the 9. of nov. following , and then prorogued to 24. of febr. thence n●…xt following , and from thence continued till 24 iun. 18. car. that he was as one of the noble men and peres of that parliament , and that 23. oct. 17. car. he was arrested and impris●…ned upon pretence of the severall treasons in the indictment mentioned , and th●…re continued till 12. iun. 18. car. when he was brought against his will to westminster , and thence committed to the tower of london in strict custody , and averred hir plea and prayed that he might be tryed and judged by his peeres in ireland . whereunto the kings councell demurred in law , and the defendants joyned in the demurrer . vpon this plea of the l. maguire the beginning of hillary terme . judge bacon delivered his judge●…ent , that a barron of ireland was tryable by a jury in this kingdome : after which the house of commons declared their assent unto his opinion , in this following vote . die sabbathi 8. febr. 1644. resolved upon the question , that the house doth approve of the iudgement given by master iustice bacon , in over-ruling the plea of the lord m●…guire and of the manner of the tryall upon the indictment o●… high treason in the kings bench , and the iudge is he ●…by required to proceed speedily thereupon according to law and iustice . the lords concurrence to be desired herein , master recorder is appointed to carry it up . vnto this vote of the honourable house of commons the house of peeres afterwards declared their co●…currence ; and thereupon this ensuing order was passed by both houses of parliament . di●… lunae . 10. feb. 1644. ordered by the lords and commons in parliament assembled , that the said houses d●…e approve of the iudgement given by master iustice bacon , in over ruling the plea of the lord maguire , and of the ma●…er of the tryall upon the indictment of high treason in the kings-bench , and the lu●…ge is hereby required to proceed speedily thereupon aco●…rdingly , to law and iustice . iohn browne , cler. parl. hen. elsing cler. parl. d. c. the triall of connor macguire , baron of e●…kellin in ireland ( a grand irish rebell●… at the kings bench barre , on m●…nday febr. 10. and tu●…ay febr. 11. 1644 on munday , february 10 , the lord 〈◊〉 ( one of the chiefe actors in that unparallel'd and unheard of rebellion in ireland ) was brought from the tower of london , by the guard belonging thereunto , unto the kings-bench barre , where he was arraigned by the name of connor macguire , aliàs , cornelius macguire esquire , ( for his plea of peerage was found invalid , and so declared by the court , and that opinion of the judge was since assented unto , and confirmed by both houses of parliament : ) at his coming to the ba●…re the prisoner spake as followeth . macguire . i do humbly move , that i may have time allowed me by this court to send for my witnesses . iudge . you have had a long time ; you were indicted about the beginning of the last terme , you might have prepared witnesses the last terme . mac. i did not expect a triall . iudge . you should expect it at your pe●…ill . mac. i was told , when i came into the kingdome , that i might have witnesses . iudge . the proofe lies upon the kings part . mac. though the proofe be of the kings part , yet i must have time to cleere my selfe . iudge . but if every man should ask so much time as you require , he should never come to his triall . sergeant wh●…field . mr. justice bacon , we know that my l. ma●…guire was indicted here the last terme , he was arraigned at this barre , he pleaded , not guilty , he could not but expect that he had then been tried , if it had not been for the plea of peerage , that he then put in , upon which he knows there was a deliberate dispute , and he could not tell but that there would be an end before this time ; and if he had had any witnesses , he might have sent for them the last terme : but it is a very unusuall course , especially in that he could not but expect that he should be tried before this time , but then the court did conceive this was a legall information . no place is mentioned by the prisoner where the witnesses should be , nor are they named who they are , nor any particular thing that they should testifie : but the proof lies cleere on our part ; there 's no justification in treason , if we prove that this lord hath committed treason , there 's no justification of that , by any witnesses he can produce . iudge . the lord grey , that was l. deputy of ireland , committed his treasons in ireland , for which hee was brought over hither , and tried here , yet the court did not stay for his sending over into ireland for witnesses . mac. i desire witnesses . iudge . what can your witnesses say for you ? can they say thus much , that you did not conspire , as this indictment charges you ? that there was no taking of these castles ? can they sweare in the negative ? the proofe 〈◊〉 , in the affirmative on the kings part ? mac. they may be m●…-informed . judge . who may be ●…s-informed ? mac. the court . i have been kept close prisoner a long time , and could not provide my witnesses . ser. whitfield . if we were not tied to that , to nothing but his own confession , ther●…'s enough to condemne him , for that he saies he was kept close prisoner , he might have desired that the last terme . sergeant roll. if we go upon your own examination , th●… witn●…sses conc●…rring with that , what can you have ? judge . if you had witnesses here , we would hear them , but to stay upon a meere verball supposall , for those witnesses in ireland , they may be in that rebellion too , and they will never come hither , and so the matter must never come to a tri●…ll . mac. i desire that it may be the next terme . judge . we cannot protract time , they are the kings witnesses , there are ( i suppose ) divers here , many witnesses of the kings come out of ireland , if you will aske them any questions for your defence , you shall : there are many witnesses of the kings that know how things were in ireland , the court shall put them to speake . mac. i humbly desire to have a formall triall . judge . in what respect do you meane ? i think it is 〈◊〉 now : now you are come to be arraigned , and the evidenc●… is to come in against you , i conceive it is a formall one . then the prisoner was required to hold up his hand at the barre ; and it was demanded , if he would challenge any of the jur●… that were to passe upon him in matter of life an●… death . then the jury being called , he lookt upon them , and challenged those which did appeare , being 23. there being onely one absent , being demanded whether his challenge was peremptory or no ? he answered , it was , for causes best knowne to himselfe . jury challenged . sir w●…m brownclow knight and bar●… et . sir he●…ry ro●… . sir matthew howl●… . ●…homas mar●… , esquire . t●…omas wilcox , esquire . w●…am lane , esquire . edward rogers , esquire . edward claxton , es●…uire . ric●…ard ●…achary , esquire . hump●…ey westwood , esquire . iohn iackson , esquire . io●… p●…wlet , gentleman . thomas po●…ock , gent. henry smith , gent. francis child , gent. edward wilford , gent. william vincent , gent. iohn barnes . iohn arnold . iohn hucksley , esquire . sir iames harrington , knight thomas moore , esquire . henry arund●…ll , gent. ser. whit. the prisoner hath challenged all the jury that does appeare , 23. appeares , and he hath challenged them , and his challenge is for causes best known to himself , which is a peremptory challenge . truely , it is that which the law doth allow , and we do not oppose it , but we doe desire that wee may have another writ returnable to morrow . judge . you must have a venire facias . ser. whit. this cause is a cause of very great weight , there are many witnesses that have long attended in court , we are informed , that some of them are gone away into i●…eland ; that there is the sheriffe of dublin and some others that are now present in court , that cannot be here , if wee should deferre this triall , as the prisoner doth desire , and we do desire that it may be referred till to morrow , we shall be ready to give in evidence against him . iudge . he hath spent t●…ree daies this terme already , this is the fourth , we would have proceeded n●…w , but for his peremptory challenge , but if we stay t●…ll ●…morrow h●… must be content to be tried by a ●…aner jury . m. prynne . this being a pu●…lique case , we desi●…e a speedy progresse in it , our witnesses have been long det●…ned h●…e , and cannot attend till the next terme , some of th●… being to depart within two daies . iudge . a publike case must have publike just●… on both sides : for your witnesses , you shall stay your wit●… here . we must do that which the law doth allow . ser. whit. the law does allow of his peremptory challenge , we desire to have a new writ , and t●…t it may be returnable to morrow . for the doing or it , we sh●…ll lea●… it to those that are to prosecu●…e it , and to the sh●…risse . we see that this cause cannot be tried this day , we d●…sire we may have a speedy end of it , there have been many day●… spent in it , & we that are of counsel for the king do des●…e , that we may conferre together , departing the cou●…●…or some time , and when we have conferred together , we will ret●…n to the court again , and then we wil propound to you what course we do desire for the speedy triall of this cause . to this motion the judge assented , and ser. ●…itfield and the rest of the counsell went to consult together about it , and after a short stay , upon the●…●…turne , s●…r . ●…hitfield spake thus : ser. whit. we that are of counsell for the king , have consulted together with the clarke of the crow●… , and 〈◊〉 secretary , we have ●…drawne our selves , and 〈◊〉 severall presidents , and we doe finde by sever●…ll pres●…dents , that whereas a pe●…emptory challenge shall be , it is in the power of the court to order the course of t●…l , and the course is this : t●●●● g●…es a writ to the sher●…ffe , that he shall distrame ●…ll ●…hem that make default , and that he shall amove those that are challenged by the prisoner ; and further , that he ●●●ll ret●…rn so many more for the triall : this we conceive to be the con●●ant course of this court ; and in this case my lord magu●…re having challenged 23. of the 24. we are to ●●●t●…aine the other that made default , and to amove the 2●… . that 〈◊〉 hath challe●…ged of them , and have a ia●…es returnable tomorrow for a new jury . ●…r . roll. that was in standishes case , and friars case ! iudge i know the court may grant a tales , but the matter is , whether it can be done so soon as to morrow , or no , if the sheriffe can do it to morrow . ser. vvhit . we doe find this in the president of friar , that in 3. hen. 7. the jury did appeare on friday , and all those that did appeare were challenged , and there was a distringas returned the next day , which was saturday . it may be immediate . iudge . then make your distringas against to morrow morning , make out a quadraginta tales against to morrow . mac. i desire i may not be so severely dealt with . judge . it hath been so oftentimes , and the court doth proceed in these cases de die in diem , from day to day , and there is no difficulty in the granting of it , but whether the sheriffe can returne it so soone . is the kings councell will have it to morrow , the other businesses of the court must be put off . hereupon the prisoner was discharged , and a rule granted to the lievtenant of the tower to bring him again the next day . on tuesday febr. 11. the l. macguire was againe brought to the kings-bench barre , where he made a motion that his plea of peerage might be referred to another court . to which it was answered . ser. vvhit . we know not for what end this motion is , and we know this , that this is no time for my lord to make this request ; for you know how farre we have proceeded , he hath been arraigned , and indicted of high treason , and one jury he challenged , the other is returned , so as now he is in the way of his triall ; we are now to proceed with such evidence as we have , to prosecute instantly : we do not desire this to be produced againe , and if it bee , we know not how it could be materiall one way or other . after this the lord macguire further urged the court to the former purpose , to which it was answered , that he was then brought to his triall as a prisoner upon the indictment , and that both the lords and commons had approved of the opinion of the court therein . mac. please you sir , one word more : i desire to appeale to the lords . ser. vvhit . when one is come here , to appeale to the lords , that was never knowne : now you have put your selfe upon the country . mac. under favour , i conceive i may , to an higher court . iudge . it cannot be granted , the lords approved it , if you would have gone to an higher court before , you might have taken your course , now the jury is returned , and you are appointed to be tried here . after this the lord macguire desired further to appeale , to which the answer was : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . here lies n●… s●…ch app●…le here , you are out of the eccl●…all co●…t , there is no such plea here ; you ar●… n●…w up●…n ●…he middle ●…f yo●…r t●… , we desire you may go on , you h●…ve challenged 23. of the ju●…y al●…eady . iudge . we have no such course in the common law , ●…f a man will appeale f●…m me , i cannot let him appeale to any man . upon this , these of the jury following were named , which he challenged : viz. george ha●…ger esquire , sir m●…chael vvhart●…n , iames hawley esquire , george s●…th esquire , edm●…nd be●…y esquire , ●…illiam ewrsby esquire , stephen ●…an gent. george ●…eaver-●…asset , 1. nicolls the younger , hea●…y ●…alker gent. randolph nicoll , andrew b●…eat . upon his challenging of these , which being added to the ●…est , make 35. in all , the other jury being about to be call●…d , the l. m●…guire moved : mac. under favour , i conceive , that my lands being sequestred , those men that have bought my lands , should not passe upon my triall ; and therefore i desire they may make answer to it upon oath , whether any of them have adventure●… or no . ser. vvhit . to desire , that an whole jury may be demanded such a question upon their oath , is that that hath not been known : if my lord macguire have cause now against any , he hath run out the liberty which the law gave him , t●… challenge 35. peremptorily : now if he should challenge any more , he must make a particular challenge to every particular man that comes to be sworne , and he must have such a challenge notwithstanding as is warrantable by law ; but this general challenge is not warrantable by law ; and if it were particular , it were not warrantable neither . ser. roll. if you will challenge any more , the law does not d●…barre you to shew cause . mac. i conceive , that any that have given money for ireland for my distruction , ought not to passe against me . ser. whit. this is for the king , this is for no particular person whatsoever . mac. i beseech you ●…are me in it . judge . you know t●…is that the king cannot grant it without the consent of both houses , and in this case it may be put to the jury to try upon their oath : thus farre i shall agree , that if any of this jury be to have any particular benefit in ireland , of land or goods by his attainder , it is good , but if his lands come to the king , and that the king is no way bound to give it any of them ; it is no challenge : looke the statute . mr. prynne . under favour m. i b. it doth not appeare to the court , that the prisoner hath any lands or goods in ireland , and therefore no such question is to be demanded of the jury . judge . you may make needlesse disputes upon it . then the jury being accordingly required to answer upon oath ; whether they had adventured , or had any share in ireland for the rebels land : macguire desired the question might be , whether they themselves , their children , or b●…others ? but that would not be agreed unto , as being unreasonable : then the jury following was sworne : i. carpenter , john cooper , a. cordall , rich. atkinson , josias hendall , william greenwood , william barnes , robert stiles , george norfolk , edw. hudson , john vvait , esah risby , the oath which they tooke was this ; you shall well and truly try , and true deliverance make between our soveraigne lord the king , and connor macguire esquire , now priso●…er at the barre , and a true verdict give accorging to your evidence . the jury being sworne , macguire moved that he might have a jury of 24. to which it was answered . judge . there have been 40. named . mac. under favour , i conceive , i ought to be tried by 24. there were so many returned at first . iudge . they returned 24. that is , because if any of them did faile , and some may be challenged , then there might be 12. left . mac. under favour , i conceive , there should be 24. now left for my triall . iudge . you are deceived in that . you challenged 23. and so there were 40. more added , now you have challenged 12. of this 40. and out of them there ●…emaines so many as will make up a jury of 12. then the court proceeded to his t●…iall , and the indictment against him was read . after which , the court proceeded , saying : gentlemen of the lury , upon this indictment he hath beene arraigned , and to his arra●…gnment he hath pleaded , not guilty , and thereupon put himselfe upon his countrey , and your charge is to inquire whether he be guilty of the indictments , or any of them , if you finde him not guilty , you are to declare it , if guilty , then you are to give in evidence against him . m. n. m. iudge bacon . you observe by the record that hath been read to you , that the prisoner at the barre stands indicted of severall treasons , wherein it is found , that connor macguire , &c. as before in the indictment . now gentlemen , you of the jury , if it shall be proved to you , that the prisoner at the barre is guilty of all , or any of these treasons , then you are to give your evidence . then these witnesses following were sworne to give in evidence against the prisoner . the lord blancy , lady calfield . sir arthur loftus . sir iohn temple . sir vvilliam stewart . sir francis hamilton . sir edward borla●…y . sir vvilliam cole . sir charles coot . mrs. vvordrofe . iohn carmicks . vvalter gubson . m. bunbury . captain michael balfoure . captain berissord . sir vvilliam coles testimonie . s. vv. you know ( sir vvilliam cole ) a great many of their names which you have heard that were conspirators with this lord , what religion were they of ? sir vv. cole . they were all papists . s. vv. who were they ? sir vv. cole . the l. macguire , sir philom oneale , roger moore , &c. s. vv. sir francis hamilton , upon what occasion was it , that the conspirators got an order to view the magazine ? sir f. hamilton . i was a member of the house of commons there , and i remember very well , there came a message from the house of lords to the house of commons , to let them know , that there was some plot for the blowing up of the parliament house in ireland , and they sent a message , to desire that they might search under the parl●…ament house , and there was a search made , and ( as i remember ) the lord macguire was one of the commi●…tee from the house of lords made search there , but what they found , i do not know . afterwards they desired ●…hat they might search the castle of dublin , and other magazines . c. what was the cause ? sir f. hamilton . there was a coac●…man of m●… lord of straffords that had uttered so●…e big words , ( as was given out ) that the parliament house ●…uld be blowne ●…p , but what was the ground , i am persw●…ded in my conscience , it was to know where the store and ammunition lay , that they might know where to surprize it . sir william stewards testimony . i was one of the committee that was sent by the pa●…liament , and by order from the house of lords , to search the p●…rliament house , and the lord m●…guire was one of the l●…ds , they made a very strict search , and then they inquired for the kings magazine , and i believe my lord mac●…uire now here was one of the committee that went to search for the house of lords , and he did search very nar●…wly , and they were desirous to know where the store was . the lord blaneys testimony . c. whether this search were moved by the lord ●…ghall and what was the end of it ? l. blaney . so neer as i can , i will give you the businesse , it is so long agoe : this i remember , that there was one of the lords house , whethe●… it were my lord finghall , or my l. macary , moved it , i cannot certainly despose , but i am sure it was one of them : the occasion was , one of the earl of straffords coachmen said , he hoped to see some of the lords blowne up for it , it was about a fortnight after the earle of strafford was behead●…d here . thereupon they got an order for it , and so they went downe , and they did not finde the powder , but they made as narrow a search as ever any was ; i asked what the meaning was of this , for we had strange censures of it our selves , saies of them , the l. clamorris , they are affraid of a powder-plot of the protestants : i answered , that i had heard a powder-plot of the papists , but never of the protestants in my life ; but if you aske the reason of it , it was to assure themselves of the strength , for we found by wofull experience afterwards , it was their end . my lord borlace said , let them not be affraid , for upon my honour there is no powder below . it 's a great house , the house of commons sit on one side , and the lords on the other , and the blockhouse in the middle . c. what religion is my lord fingshall , and my lord clamorris , of ? l. b. the l. fingshall is a papist , and clamorris a pestiferous papist ! s. vv. all papists we shall now read the examination of the manner of his taking , and then his own examination . the first we shall read is this , of m. vvoodcock , that was sheriffe of dublin he was in town , but he could not stay , but he was examined before this court . the information of john woodcock the 27. of october , 1644. taken upon oath before j. bacon . the said examinat●… deposeth and ●…aith , that he being one of the sheriffs of the said citie of dublin , in the year 1641. having notice given him in the night , upon the 22. of october in the same year , of some great designe intended , did by vertue of his off●…ce walke up and down the city that night , and coming to the house of one nevill , a chyrugion in castle-street , he understood by the ●…id nevill , that the lord macguire with some 10. or 12. others were there , this examinate told him , it was fit for his guests to be in bed at that time of night , but the said nevill did bring this examinate word , that the lord macguire and his companie , we●…e then going to bed , the said examinate departed , setting a watch near his house , by which watch he was informed , that the said lord macguire and the rest were gone from the house , and w●…re at the house of one kerne a taylor , whereupon he searched the said house , and there found some hatchets with the helves newly cut of ●…ose to the hatchets , five p●…tronells , five or six swords , three or foure small pistolls , five or six s●●ines , with other armes of the l. macguires in an house of office in the said house , in another place divers pol●…axes , and also behinde a henroost some great weapons with sharpe pikes of iron in one end of them , the said kerne affirming that he knew nothing of any of the particulars before mentioned , nor how they came in his house . the said examinate ●…dall the said instruments unto the said lords justices , and 〈◊〉 of ireland , and thereupo●… the said lords justice●… , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 search to be made for the said lord macguire , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 examin●…te searching narrowly for him , at l●…st 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in a 〈◊〉 with a cloake wrapt ob●…ut him , stand●…g by a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon him , there being no key to be found , us al●… the 〈◊〉 of the house flying away , and making an escape to 〈◊〉 enem●… . after this the lord macguires owne examination was read , taken the 26. of march , 1642. ( for as sir john temple declared to the court , that the lord macguire was then brought to the counsell-board and they could get nothing out of him ) whereupon he was sent back to prison for that time . the examination of connor lord macguire baron of eniskillin , taken before us , charles lord lambert , and sir robert meredith knight , chancellour of his majesties court of exchequer the 26. day of march , 1642. by direction of the right honour able the lords iustices and counsell . who being examined saith , that about the time when m. john bellew came out of england with the commission for the continuance of the present parliament , roger moore in the said moors chamber in the house of one peter de costres of this citie acquainted him this examinate , that if the irish would rise they might make their own condition for the regaining of their own lands , and freedom of their religion , at which time the said moore also acquainted him this examinate , that he had spoken with sundry of leinster , who would be ready for that purpose , and withall told him this exa●…inate , that he was assured a good part of conaght would doe the like , and thereupon moved this examinate to joyne likewise with them , with all he could make ; unto which motion he this examinate yeelded : and the next day following there was a meeting in his the said moores chamber aforesaid , where were col. mac-bryan , macm●… , tirel●…gh oneale , philip mac-hugh o rely , this examinate , and roger moore , where discourse was had on that bu●…nesse , yet nothing concluded on , save that roger moore and the rest should go and prepare their parties . and this exa●…inate further saith , that about may last , he this examinate , roger moore , philip o rely , and roger macguire , this examinates brother , dispatched a priest , one t●…le o conl●…y , who lived in leinster , unto owen oneale , into flanders , to acquaint him with the businesse concerning the generall rebellion then in preparation , which said priest returned about a moneth before the time appointed for execution thereof . and the answer which the said priest brought from the said owen oneal was , that he would ( within 15 dayes after the people were up ) be with them with his best assistance and armes ; and it being demanded why the said owen should bring armes , considering that the castle of dublin was to be taken , with the armes therein , this eximinate answered , that they so provided for armes , that they might not want any , in case they could not take the said castle , whereof they doubt●…d . and this examinate acknowledgeth , that the castle of dublin was to have been surprized by himselfe , capt. brian oneale , capt. con oneale , capt. macmahone , one owen o r●…ly , roger moore , hugh macmahone , col. plunket , and capt. ●…ox , and likewise further acknowledgeth , that hugh mac-phelim , captaine con oneale , and b●…an oneale , brought from owen oneale , out of flanders , the very same message which the said priest brought . and this examinate further saith , that he was told by roger moore , that a great man was in the plot , but he might not name him for the present : and at another time , and during the sitting of the parliament the last summer , he this examinate was informed by one iohn barnwell a franciscan frier , then re●…dent in this city , that those of the pale were also privy unto the plot , ( meaning the present rebellion . ) and lastly saith , that of those persons who came to attend him this examinate so●… the surprize of the said castle of dublin , onely cohonogh macguira was privy unto the businesse in hand , and that the last meeting ( when the day appointed for execution thereof was resolved on ) was at logh rosse , where were present onely , ever macmahone , vicar generall of the diocesse of clogher , th●…mas mac-kearnan , a frier of dundalke , sir philom oneale , r●…ger moore , and bryan oneale . charles lambert . robert meredith . concordat cum originali . ex. per p●…l . h●… . this being read , and opened unto the jury , being the l. macguires free and voluntary confession , which he afterwards acknowledged since his coming to the tower , viz. memorandum , that this within written being shewed and read unto the within named lord macguire , and himselfe having perused the same , his lordship did acknowledge the same to be true in all things , saving that he doth not now acknowledge that barnard told him , that those of the pale were privy to the plot , neither doth acknowledge that cohonagh macquire was privy to the plot before his coming to dublin . this examination and acknowledgement was made and taken the 22. day of june , 164●… . anno regni caroli regis decimo octavo , before us . john bramstone . thomas malet . in the presence of john conyers . vvilliam ayloffe . nathanael finch . 24. june 1642. the examination of connor lord macguire , baron of eniskillin , taken before sir john bramstone , knight , lord chiefe justice of the kings-bench . who saith , that he is of the age of ●…6 . yeares and upwards , and that he was borne in the county of fermanagh in ireland , and saith , that his examination taken at dublin the 26. day of march , 1642 before charles lord lambert , and sir robert meredith , with his acknowledgment thereof , the 22. of june before judge bramstone , and justice mallet , is true , in such manner as in the said examination and acknowledgement is expressed . connor macguire . the examination of cornelius macguire , lord baron of eniskillin in ireland , taken before isaac pennington , esquire , lievtenant of the tower of london , and laurence whitaker esquire , 2. of his majesties justices of the peace , for the county of middlesex , the first day of october , 1644. he denieth , the receiving of any letters or messages out of england before the rebellion , nor did he ever heare of any . he saith , he was but a meane instrument in the designe in ireland , he confesseth , he intended to seize upon the castle of dublin , and the magazine there , and keep it till they had redr●…sse of some grievances , which they purposed to propound to the pa●…liament there , one whereof was , to have a tol●…ration of the roman●… catholike religion . hee confesseth that he c●…me accidentally to philip o relyes house , as he came up to dublin , and as he remembreth , m●…mahon was then there , and that his intention of coming up to d●…lin , was to put the aforesaid designe in execution , and that then and there t●…ey had speech about that designe ; but he remembreth not the particulars , which designe was to be put in execution the 23. day of october in that year , and that he was taken there that very day , being saturday upon search made for him , carried before the lords justices , examined , committed , and sent over into england . he saith further , that he made his escape out of the tower of london upon sunday the 18. of august l●…st , about foure of the clock in the morning . laurence whitaker . isaac penningter . iohn carmicks testimony . that upon the 21. of october , 1641. fergus o howen , one of the followers of brian macguire esquire , came to his chamber in the castle of eniskil●…in , and after he indeavoured to bind him to keep secret a matter of great concernment , which fergus said he had to disclose , and particularly to conc●…ale it from sir william cole , and all other englishmen . this examinate told him , he would be secret so farre as it went with his allegiance and conscience . he discovered unto the said examinate , that the l. macguire and hugh oge macmahon accompanied with severall irish-men of the counties of fermanagh and monaghan , did take their journeyes out of the said counties upon the 19. and 20. dayes of october 1641. to the city of dublin , with resolution and intent to murther and kill his highnesse lords justices , and coun●…ll of the kingdome of ireland , and the rest of the protestants there , and also to poss●… t●…emselves of the city of dublin , and to p●…t all the protestants there likewise to the sw●…rd , and that to that effect there wer●…●…ther great m●…n , ●…nd others of the papists of that kingdome to repaire unto , and meet them in du●…lin on saturday 23. octob. 1641. or thereabouts ; and that all the castles , fo●…ts , sea-ports and holds that were in the possession of the protestants in the severall counties and provinces in the kingdome of ireland , were then also designed and resolved to be surprized and taken by the irish papists , and the protestan●…s in every of those castles , forts , sea-ports and holds , to be then also put ●…l to the sword by the irish papists in ireland in their owne severall parts and limits , by men thereunto chiefly and particularly appointed by the contrivers thereof : and that especially the town and castle of eniskillin , with the rest , would be taken , and all the protestants in it put to the sword , and therefore advised the examinate to get himselfe and goods out of towne ; whereat the examinate smiling , fergus bid him not to sleight it , for he could assure those things would come to passe in seven dayes , or els he would be bound to lose his head . whereupon the said fergus o howen departed , and the examinate acquainting sir william cole with it , there came one flartagh mac hugh , a gentleman and freeholder of that county , and affirmes to the same effect to sir william cole , that the plot for the surprizing of the city and castle of dublin , the castle of eniskillin , and all the castles and strengths in ireland , was to be put in full execution by the papists october 22. and 23. 1641. throughout the said kingdome , and that brian mac conaght macguire esquire did send him the said flartagh mac-hugh to give notice and warning thereof to the said sir william cole , whom he earnestly desired to be upon his guard upon friday the 22. and saturday the 23. of october , for the l. macguire was gone with macmahon and others that week with purpose to possesse themselves of the castle and city of dublin , and the l. macguire had written his letters to con obourke , owen o roreicke , martagh oge o fantagen , and others , to go on with that plot in those parts , and had appointed his brother rori macguire ( in his absence ) to command the irish papists of the county of fermanagh , for the surprizing of the castles and houses of the protestants : of all which sir william advertised the lords justices and councell of ireland the same day . and this examinate ●…aith , that captain mac-hugh seven or eight dayes before the rebellion ●…rke forth , declared . that the l. macguire posted letters , and r●…de ●…p and downe to divers gentlemen , and others of that county to be very active in the businesse . that it was averred upon the oaths of flart●… mac hugh , john oge mac hugh , a●…d terlagh oge mac hugh , before the said sir william cole , that 150 men were appointed to surp . z the castle of enis●…n , under t●… leading of d●… m●…cguire , 〈◊〉 r●… m●…uire , who were to murther the said sir william cole , and his wi●… , children , and servants , and throw them over the wall into the river , and then to do the like unto the protestants in the towne and corporation of eniskillin , for which service they were not on●…ly to have the spoile and riches of the said castle and town , but to have also the barony of clanawley gr●…ted and confirmed in fee to th●…m and their h●…ires , from the said lord macguire and his heires . the examinate th●…n also produced a letter written in irish from the l. macguire , to his cosin brian macguire , wherein taking notice that he was abundantly inclined to the english , which did very much trouble him , and therefore desired him to banish such thoughts out of his minde , and not to pursue those resolutions which in the end might be his own destruction , as he thought it would be to all those that did not appeare . presently after , upon the 29. of october , one captain rori ma●…guire took upon him the mannaging of all businesses in his absence , he fortifies first the castle-hasen , the house wherein he dwelt himselfe , he took in the castle of one edward aldrith esquire , he put out all the english there , he went to the town , burnt that , but kild none of the men ; went thence to another place , and hanged one ●…leazar m. one that was clarke of the peace of the county , and from thence he went to newton , foure miles off from it , tooke in the towne , stript and disarmed all the protestants that were in the church , the next day after marcht away , and kil'd and destroyed most of the english in those parts , murdered arthur champion esquire , and many more : 22. castles were seized upon , and the church of monah , with 18. protestants burnt in it : 764. protestants were destroyed in that county ; and i did heare there was about 152000. that they had destroyed in that province of vlster , in the first foure moneths of the rebellion . john carmi●… . then sir william cole ( being present in court ) g●…ve in his evidence , much to the same eff●…ct as in carmi●… testimony . s w. we desire to shorten , we have a great many witnesses ; we shall goe upon these particulars . 1. captaine oneales landing in ireland , and what he brought with him . 2. guilo and croc●… . lastly , how long besieged , and how many murthered ? then sir william steward gave in testimony to this effect : that con owen oncale landed in july the same yeare the rebellion began , brought many commanders , much armes and ammunition ; many of his commanders , nine of the chiefe of them , were taken prisoners at one battell . s. w. it is his own conf●…ssion , that he sent a priest over to s●…ch armes to come into ireland . then the lady cal●…ld was desired to declare her knowledge c●…ncerning the taking of 〈◊〉 castle . lady calfield . the 23. of octob. 1641. sir philom oneale and others came into the castle , they seized upon all , murthered his servants ; and those that were alive , they bound them , and put them in prison : and at that time sir pbilom oneale himselfe , and other of his companions told her , that dublin castle and city , and most other forts of ireland , were surprized by their confederates the papists : 〈◊〉 that he was sorrie for his cosin the lord macguire , and that he was afraid he was taken . s. w. what was done with my lord calfield ? la. calfield . he was murthered : he beg'd for his life , and they durst not but doe it . s. w. when sir philom oneale had taken my lord calfield , then they got this lady to write to the lords justices , that my l. macguire might be exchanged for her sonne , but that would not be : and thereupon they murdered my lord calfield , francis davis , and others . mrs. mary wordrofes testimony . that he came on friday night about 10. or 11. a clock , to breake into the castle ; i hearing the noise , asked what was the matter : i went to call up some of our gentlemen : when i came in againe , they had taken some of our gentlemen , and bound them . she also testified the murdering of the lord calfield , francis davis , and others ; and the former words concerning the lord macguire . s. w. these two witnesses prove ●…at of 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the rebells owned the l. macguire , as to endeavour his 〈◊〉 . we shall now come to the other castles , how long they 〈◊〉 them , and who was murther●… ? walter gu●… testimony they besieged it a qua●… of a year b●…ore th●… 〈◊〉 the chief conspirat●…rs , and powell , and 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 force in an hostile manner . sir francis hamiltons testimonie . philip o r●…ly came to the castle to guilo and crogan c●…s , and they lay before it a q●…arter of a y●…er , with 2000. or 3000 〈◊〉 , somtimes 1500. but rever●… . sir charles cootes testimony concerning the gen●…rality of 〈◊〉 rebellion . sir philom o neale and r●…ger moore were the actors in the ma●…sacres , and by publike directions of some in place , and of the titulary bishops , for the sending of an exict account of what 〈◊〉 were murthered throughout all vlster , a fou●…th part of the kin●…dom of ireland , to the parish priests in every parish , and they sent in a particular account of it , and the account was , an hundred four●… thousand seven hundred , in one province , in the first three moneths of the rebellion . s. w. what say you concerning the generall counseil , and the popes bull ? s. c. coote . the supreame counsell they tooke up a new form●… of government upon them of their owne , and by this authority i●… was granted to the lady 〈◊〉 , that she should have the rent , of such lands in recompence of the losse that he was at in their causes they have made severall judges of their own courts : they print , they coyn , they do all in their own names . the copie of the popes bull . ad futuram rei memoriam . urbanus octavus , &c. having taken in●…o our serious consideration the great zeale of the 〈◊〉 , towards the propagating of the catholike faith , and the pieti●… of the catholike warriors in the severall armies of that kingdome ( which was for that singular fervency in the true worship of god , and notable care had formerly in the like case by the inhabit●●ts thereof , for the maintenance and pr●…servation of the same orthodox ●●ath , called of old the land of saints ) and having got certain notice , how in imitation of their godly and worthy ancestors , they endeavour by force of armes to deliver their thralled nation from the oppressions , and grievous injuries of the heretickes , wherewith this long time it hath been afflicted , and heavily burthened , and gallantly do in them what lyeth to extirpate and totally root out those workers of iniquity , who in the kingdome of ireland had infected , and alwaies striving to infect the masse of catholike puritie with the pesteriferous leaven of their hereticall contagion ; we therefore , being willing to cherish them with the gifts of those spiri●…uall graces , whereof by god we are ordained the only dispos●…rs on earth , by the mercy of the same almighty god , trusting in the authority of the blessed apostles peter and paul , and by vertue of that power of binding , and loosing of souls , which god was pleased ( without our deserving ) to conferre upon us . to all and every one of the faithfull christians in the foresaid kingdom of ireland now , and for the time militating against the hereticks , and other enemies of the cat●…olike faith , they being truly and sincerely penitent , after confession , and the spirituall refreshing of themselves with the sacred communion of the body and blood of christ , doe grant a full and plen●…ry indulgence , and absolute remission for all their sinnes , and such as in the holy time of j●…bilee , is usuall to be granted to those that devoutly visit a certain number of priviledged churches , within and without the walls of our city of rome , by the tenor of which present letters for once only and no more , we freely bestow the favour of this absolution , upon all and every one of them , and withall desiring heartily all the faithfull in christ now in armes as aforesaid , to be partakers of this most precious treasure . to all and every one of these foresaid faithfull christians , we grant licence , and give power to choose into , themselves for this effect any fit confessor , whether a secular priest , or a regular of ●…me order , as likewise any other selected person approved of b●… the ordinary of the place , who after a diligent hearing of their co●…sions shall have power to liberate and absolve them from exc●…mmunication , suspension , and all other ecclesiasticall sentences 〈◊〉 censures by whomsoever or for what cause soever pronounced , 〈◊〉 inflicted upon them : as also from all sinnes , trespasses , transgressions , crimes , and delinquencies how haynous and atrocious soever they be , not omitting those very enormities in the most peculiar cases which by any whatsoever former constitutions of ours , or of our predecessor popes ( then which we will have these to be no lesse valued in every point ) were designed to be reserved to the ordinary , or to the apostolick sea , from all which the confessor shall hereby have power granted him to absolve the foresaid catholikes at the barre of conscience , and in that sence only . and furthermore wee give them power to exchange what vow or vows soever they were formerly astricted to ( those of religion and chastity excepted ) into any other pious and good work or works : imposed or to be imposed on them and every one of them to performe in all the foresaid cases by a wholesome penance according to the minde and will of the confessor . therefore by the tenour of these present letters , and by the vertue of that holy strict obedience , wherein all christians are bound unto vs , we charge and command all and every one of the reverend brethren , archbishops , bishops , and other ecclesiasticall prelates , and whatsoever ordinari●…s of places now residing in ireland , together with all vicars , substitues and officialls under them , or these failing , we command all such to whom in these places the care of souls is incumbent , that as soon as they shall have received the copi●…s of these our letters , they shall forth with without any stop or d●…lay publish them , and cause them to be published thoroughout all their churches , di●…cesses , provinces , countries , cities , townes , lands , villages , and places whatsoever . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by these pr●…ent letters , where any publike or secret irregularity is made knowne , or any defection , apostasie , incapacity or inhability in any manner of way contracted , to dispence therewith , or grant to any other any power or faculty of dispensation , rehabilitation or restoring the dal nquent to his former condition , though but at the barre of consc●…nce : neither can nor should these our present letters availe or be stedable to those , who by us and the apostolick sea , or by any prelate or ecclesiastick judge have been excommunicated , suspended , interdicted , or declared , and publikely denounced to have justly incurred the sentences and censures of the church , till first they have satisfied and agreed with the parties therein concerned , not withstanding all other constitutions and apostolicall ordinations , whereby neverthelesse the faculty of absolution in these as well as other expressed cases is so reserved to his holiness●… the pope for the time being , that no kind of jubilee nor power of granting such indulgences can in any sort 〈◊〉 , unlesse expresse mention be made of the fault or faults in particular , and the whole tenour of them fully deduced by an individuall relation from word to word , and not by generall clauses importing the same thing : this or some other exquisite form of the like nature being : carefully observed , we in that case especially , expressely , and namely by the effect of these presents do totally abolish and remit them all and every one of them their offences , not withstanding any thing to the contrary . now that these principall letters of ours , which cannot be conveniently brought to every place , may the sooner come to the notice of all , our will and pleasure is , that any whatsoever copies or transumpts whether written or printed , that are subscribed with the hand of a publike notary , and which have the seale of some eminent person in ecclesiasticall dignity affixed thereunto , be of the same force , power , and authority , and have the like credit in every respect given unto them , as would be to these our principall letters ●…f they were shewen and exhibited . dated at rome in the vatican or s. peters palace the 25. of may 643 . and in the twentieth year of our pontificat . m. a. maraldus . s. w. we have troubled you with a long relation of the actions of the confederates with the l. macguire , though not done in his own person , and his own perticular act ; but for this that was done by the generality , i heard my lord say at the bar , what 's that to me ? yes my lord : this is to you , you were one of the conspirators in the first plot , and you contrived the businesse . and that had been treason alone , to send the priest to fetch owen oneal into ireland , with armes and souldiers , but you contrived this , and conspired it , and you are as guilty in law in all these cruell murthers , and burnings in every place : for the law of england is , in treason you are all principles , no accessaries ; your son was there , your lady is rtewarded : for the supream councell they have taken care of you : why ! because you were one of the first complotters of it , and this will light upon you and fall very heavie : and for your exchange it was propounded for the l. calfield , but when they could not have that greed upon , then what becomes of the poor lord calfield ? murthered too : and you see what incouragement you have from the complotters , and from the divell too , for they were both together in it . and now you have seen the indictment fully made good . then the lord macguire proceeded to make his defence , wherein he first of all denied his examination ( although testified as before by so many credible witnesses ) and said that he knew no such examination . that at the time of his apprehension at dublin , he came about his own particular occasions , as his estate was in danger if he did no●… follow it : that because he was found about the city , he was therefore apprehended ; that his lodging was not within the city , but he lodged without the city ; that he did lodge at mr. nevils house formerly , but not at this time : that for some of the places mentioned , where he should be about the conspiracy , he had not been there a year before , he was certain of it . for the number of protestants that were mentioned to be slain , he said he did not think there were so many protestants in the whole kingdome . that he was continually either at his owne house , or at dublin , and knew nothing of the plot but by hear-say . iudg. you confesse in your examination , when the day was for th●… rising , that you were in the conspiracy , and appointed for the taking of dublin castle ; and that you were taken when you came about it . also you rode about it , and provided armes . macg. i was in the house in the cock-loft where i was taken , i did not know where any army was ! 〈◊〉 . w. my lord macguire does forget himself what he acknowledges under his own hand . then the examination being shewed him he said ; there 's my n●…me but not my hand . iudg. i am sorry to hear it , i did rather expect , that you should have acknowledged it ; here are two able witnesses that can testifie it against you , your denying your own hand , which is so manifestly proved , will be a great discredit to what you say ; you acknowledged it at two severall times . macg. what did i acknowledge ? iudg. you say that you came to dublin to settle your estate : by your own examination you acknowledge , that the castle of dublin was to be surprised by your self . jud. it is now time we should draw to the jury : you hear my lord bramston and my brother finc●… here justifie it to you . then the l. macguires examination was shewed to my l. bla●… , b●…g present in court , demanding whether he thought it to be macguires hand or no ? l. blaney . it is my lords own hand , he hath written to me many letters . macg. i don't think i have written many letters to your lordship . judg. gentlemen of the jury you may go to the businesse ; if there were nothing but that you see in this case but what is in the examination if you do beleeve to be his : his confession does acknowledge it : you hear this by the testimony of my lord bramston , and my brother 〈◊〉 , expresly that were present when he did acknowledge it and set his hand to it , and yet you see though it is here proved by my lord 〈◊〉 he denies it , if you finde this to be true here is treason enough , and too much too . for he does here confesse ; that roger moore did acquaint him ; that if the irish did rise , they might make their own conditions for regaining their lands ; and he acquainted him , that he had spoken with sundry in leinster , that would be ready for that purpose and that a great part of conaught would do the like ; and then moved hi●… ( his lord ) the prisoner at the barre , to joyn likewise with him , which he did , so then was the plot . the next day they met , he 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 chamber again , where col. mac brian , 〈◊〉 , and others , h●…d discourse again about it , then he sayes ; that they did s●…nd over ●…o owe●… o nea●… , to acquaint him concerning the generall rebellion in ireland , then in preparation . he confeffes expresly ; that being demanded why the said owen should bring over armes , seeing the castle of dublin was to be surprised , answered ; that they so provided armes , that they might not want any thing , if they should not take it , whereof they doubted . and then you have him acknowledgeing , that the castle of dublin was to be surprised by himself , and captain brian o neal , and others ; these words shew here expresly , that the day whereon the execution was appointed , by the lord maguire own confession , he was come to dublin for the surprise of the castle . so that it is apparent , that he was about this plot expresly . if this be true ; that you did conspire to make warre or rebellion within that kingdome , though you were taken your self before it was executed , yet it was your own conspiracie : and besides , endeavouring after 〈◊〉 to bring it to perfection , by ●…ending over for armes . all these does discover your own intention to execute it . macg. i confesse it not , i referre my self to the jury . iudg. gentlemen you are to know , that to conspire to raise a warre , if any of that conspiracy do act it , as you see here sir philome o n●…le did , if you observe the testimonie of my la. c●…field , he came and surprised the castle of charlemont , and then it was given out , that my lord maguire had taken dublin , so that though it did not take effect , that which is done by any is testimonie enough . goe together and consider of it . upon this the jury went together , and staying a short space , returnea their verdict , which was ; that they found him guilty of all the treas●…ns according to the indictment . c. conner maguire , alias cornelius maguire ; thou hast been indicted of severall high treasons , and thou hast been arraigned ; upon the arraignment , thou hast pleaded not guilty , and for thy traill hast put thy self upon thy countrey , which countrey have found thee guilty , according to the indictment , therefore prepare thy sel●… to receive the sentence . magu . i desire to know by what law ? iudge . the law is well enough knowne ; that is , a treason is within the satute without doubt . magu . i was not tried by my peeres . iudge . this is a generall exception , formerly annexed in your plea , if you can shew some particular cause also , you shall be heard . magu . i desire counsell to advise me . iudge . when you did put in a plea therein , you had councel to advise you in your plea and to argue it ; now your time is past for counsell , you must have none assigned to picke holes in the inditement . magu . i desire the court would consider of it before they proceed to sentence . iudge . you offer nothing to the court that is of any difficultie , you had counsell whether you should be tried by your peers or the jury here , which jury are to try any man under a nobleman in this kingdome . magu . i desire to know under what seal you thus proceed against me , for i thinke you sit here by the new seal . iudge . what seal do you mean , i sit here by vertue of the olde by order of parliament . mag. vnder favour i conceive , that the ordinance of parliament for the new seal , makes all done by the old seal to be voide . iudge . here is nothing done but by good authority , and the parliaments approbation . mag. i conceive the ordinance for the new seal cuts off all proceeedings of the olde . iudge . my authority is not cut off , i was made by the olde seale before there was any new seale , and so i am continued by the parliament , and the parliament did take notice that i have been allowed to sit . besides this , there is nothing done in this court by the new seale , the sheriffs are here by a charter , and that comes in from yeer to yeer and there is no seale in order of execution . iudge . well if you have nothing to say for your selfe , i am to pronounce sentence as i am a minister of iustice : you have been indited here for severall treasons contained in your inditement as was here of late read unto you , and you have had a fair proceeding & very deliberately : for your inditement came in about alhallowmas last , three weekes or a moneth before the end of the last terme , three weeks at least ; you then made a question whether you ought to be tried by your peers in ireland , or a jury here , the court did so far deliberate in it as to allow you counsell to plead with the best advantage you could . and afterwards this terme , there hath been two arguments at the barre on each side , where hath been said as much for you as can be . the court ouer ruled that , and so you are tried by a jury , and you had the liberty to challenge them , and had all the advantages that the law will afford and take all the excep●…s you could . truely for my part , i see , that there is not any one of them for me to sway the judgement : t●…e treason and the offences that you are charged withall are very hai●…ous , your crimes very impio●… , great destruction hath followed upon your plot which the jury have found you guilty of ? what a mighty cruel war and great devastation in that kingdome , most horrid to speak or rehearse : it is sitter for you now to be thinke your selfe , what your offences are , and prepare your selfe for death rather then seek to mask or put colours upon those things which are so manifestly proved to all the world : and now you are found guilty , and therefore there is no contradiction or gainsaying will avail you , you ought to repent and pray to god to forgive that offence wheof you are guilty . the judgement that i am by the law to pronounce against you is this : connor maguire esquire , you being found guilty of the treasons whereof you are indicted , your judgement is ; that you shall bee carried from hence to the place from whence you came , that is the tower , and from thence to tiburne the place of execution , and there you shall be hanged by the neck , and cut downe alive , your bowels taken out and burnt before your face , your head to be cut off , your body to be divided into four quarters , and the head of your body to be set up and disposed of as the state shal appoint . and the lord have mercy upon your soule . after judgment pronounced , the kings councell demanded of him , whether he would have any ministers come to him , to prepare him for his end , and to advise him for the good of his soul ? macg. i desire none of them ; but i desire i may be sent prisoner to newgate . counc . his reason is , because there are some popish priests there . iudg. that cannot be ; your judgement is to return to the tower , where you may have ministers ( if you please ) to return to advise you for your soul . macg. i desire you that some gentlemen of my own religion may have accesse to me to conferre with me , and some who are my fellow prisoners in the tower , to speak with me in my keepers presence . iudg. you must name some body in perticular . macg. i desire to conferre with mr. walter mountague : ( belike he knew him to be a popish priest or jesuite . ) iudg. you must prepare your selfe to die against saturday next . macg. i desire a fortnights time to prepare my self . j●…g . that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 macg. i desire you , tha●… i may h●… three dayes notice at least , to prepar●… my self . judg. you shall have three dayes warning , but however delay no time to prepare your s●…f . macg. i desire my execution may be altered , and not according to the judgement ; and that i may ●…ot be hanged and quartered . judg. this li●…s not in my power to grant ; but here are some members of the house of commons in court , and you were best addresse your self to them , that they may acquaint the house with your desires . macg. i shall desire the gentlemen of the house of commons , so many as are here , to move the house in my behalf , that i may have a ●…ortnights time to prepare my self , and that the manner of my execution ●…y be changed . s●…r 〈◊〉 clot●… . my lord , i have been your schoole-fellow 〈◊〉 , and have sound some ingenuity in you , and i have se●…n some l●…tters of yours imp●…rting some remorse of conscience in you for this ●…ct , and i should be glad to discern the like ingenuity in you ●…till ; and shall move the hous●… , that you may have some ministers appointed to come to you : and likewise acquaint them with your other desir●…s . then the prisoner d●…rting from the barre , mr. prynne advising him to conferre with some godly ministers , for the good and comfort of his soul ; he answered , that he would have none at all , unlesse he might ●…ave some romish pri●…sts of his own religion . to which mr. pr●… 〈◊〉 ; my lord , these romish priests are the chief instruments , who have advised you to plot and perpetrate those 〈◊〉 tr●…asons for which you are now condemned , and have brought upon you that shamefull judgement of a traitor ; the execution whereof you even now so earnestly deprecat●…d . since then they have proved such evill destructive counsellors , to you in your life , you have great reason to disclaim them with their bloody religion , and to s●…k out better advisers for you at your death , lest you eternally lose your soul , as well as your life ; for the bloud of those many thousand ●…nnocents which have been shed by your meanes . to which he pawsing a little , answered : that he was resolved in his way . whereupon another lawyer said ; my lord , you were best to hear both sides . to which he answered , in an obstinate manner ; i am setled on one side ●…ready , and therefore i desire not to con●…rre with any of the other : and so departed through the hall towards the tower , the people cro●…ding and running about to behold his person . after the sentence pronounced against the lord macguire as before said , he petition●…d the parliament ; as followeth . to the right honourable the commons now assembled in parliament . the humble petition , of the lord macguire . humbly sheweth ; that your petitioner stands cond●…d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 life , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 drawn , hanged , and quartere●… : the performa●…ce 〈◊〉 ( he 〈◊〉 conceives , in some 〈◊〉 favourable 〈◊〉 ) will be 〈◊〉 to iustice . and for as much as your pet●…r h●…th hitherto en●…oyed the degree and dignity of a lord , which h●… humbly conceives your lordships are well ●…quainted with ; in tender consideration whereof , he desireth that your honours would graciously be pleased , in mercy to mitigate the rigo●…r of his sentence , and turne it to that degree which most befits the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath : and as he hath been looked on by the eye o●…●…ustice in ●…is condem●…tion , so t●… in this p●…cular he may be 〈◊〉 , an●… have mercy . and he shall ever pray , &c. cornelius maguire . this petition was rejected by the parliament , and the lord macguire hanged , d●…awn , and quartered , at tyburn , on thursday feb. 20. according to the sentence of the court . sir philim roe o neille his pattent to bryan maguire es : to b●… governour of the county of ferman●…gh , dated 10th . may 1642. forasmuch as for the great trust , confidence , fidelity , & circumspective , conscionable , righteous care and diligence we repose in our trustie and welbeloved friend and cozen bryan mae cochonaght maguier , of clanawly in the county of fermannagh es. have by these presents constituted , nominated , ordained , and appointed , like as by these our letters pattents do constitute , nominate , ordaine , and appoint him the said bryan , mac cochonagh maguyre , to be our governour , in and throughout the whole county of fermannagh aforesaid , hereby granting and giving him full power and authoritie to execute fulfill perform and do , all such act and acts , thing and things whatsoever to the place , and office of governour any wayes appertaining , aswell for the common good , as for the upholding and maintaining of his majesties●… rerogative , his crown and dignitie , and the upholding and maintaining of the ancient holy catholike romane religion , hereby also ratifying , allowing and confirming all such act , and acts , thing , and things , whatsoever by our said governour done and performed , according to the true purport meaning and intent of these our letters pattents during our pleasure , in as ample and large manner as if we had doe the same in our own proper person ; given under our hand and seal this eleventh day of may anno. dom. 1642. for bryan mac cochonaght maguire , governour of fermannagh these . phe. o neill . cop : vera . william cole . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a56231e-310 〈◊〉 a letter from dublin; of april the second giving an account of the posture of affairs there; as also of the nnmbers [sic] of the french that are landed in that kingdom, and of the irish that are sent over to france, with several other important matters. liverpoole, april 12. 1690. licensed, april 16. 1690. johnson, robert, 17th cent. 1690 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46938 wing j815a estc r30939 99834873 99834873 39485 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46938) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 39485) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1486:21; 2050:12) a letter from dublin; of april the second giving an account of the posture of affairs there; as also of the nnmbers [sic] of the french that are landed in that kingdom, and of the irish that are sent over to france, with several other important matters. liverpoole, april 12. 1690. licensed, april 16. 1690. johnson, robert, 17th cent. [2] p. printed for richard newcome, [[london] : 1690] signed at end: robert johnson. imprint from colophon. place of publication from wing. reproduction of the original in the cambridge university library, cambridge. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -war of 1689-1691 -early works to 1800. 2004-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from dublin ; of april the second . giving an account of the posture of affairs there ; as also of the numbers of the french that are landed in that kingdom , and of the irish that are sent over to france ; with several other important matters . liverpoole , april 12. 1690. licensed , april 16. 1690. sir , willing to accommodate you with what news we have , i thought fit to give you an account of the following letter that came from dublin by an unknown hand to one mr. trimbel , in the vessel which lately made her escape from dublin . dublin , april 2. 1690. our account of the french supplies are different , it is certain there are but four regiments , one red , one blew , and two white , and the most they pretend is 1400 men in a regiment . the supplies of stores are 1000 barrels of powder , ten field pieces , four mortars , with bombs , corcases , ball , and other necessaries for war , as pistols , swords , &c. the quantity not known . they are eight battalions , whereof four are switzers and walloons , and other strangers , as several german prisoners , and about 300 english , irish and scotch . that the lord hunsdon had been with k. j. at cork near two months , in order to take the english , irish and scotch that came from france into his regiment , but lieutenant general layson would not suffer him to have a man. that one of the french regiments is as far as waterford , on their march , and stay there till they hear how we move . there is already shipt aboard the french fleet five regiments of irish design'd for france , viz mack-carty's , coll. brown's , coll. charles o bryan's , coll. butler's , and coll ▪ fielding's , all foot. they say they forc'd some protestants aboard the irish , they running away so fast . their eight regiments of dragoons are in a very bad condition , as also four regiments of horse are worse . for a barrel of oates being sold in dublin for twenty shillings , and but few to be had , they feed their horses with grain and pease-straw , and their work-horses are so weak , that carriages are not to be had . their spring comes on apace about dublin , and if grass can be had their numbers will make them more formidable ; at present they are in a very ill condition , and three weeks hence will be worse . a price is set on bread in dublin , but with this difference , that a loaf they would formerly sell for three pence is now sold for a shilling , and also instead of being all wheat , it is compos'd of wheat , pease and barley ; and it is a melancholly sight to see the bakers houses so throng'd and beset with people , and oftentimes can't get bread in three or four days . the lord dunganon's house called young's castle is quite demolish'd , and the timber thereof carried to the castle to make fuel , and all the trees and hedges in and about the phoenix in the deer park are cut down , and the deer , which were above 2000 brace were destroyed ; they say it is to save the grass for a campaign . march 20. died marshal de coe governour of drogheda ; also coll. motles , and their forces at dundalk , ardee , cavan castle , blany and drogheda are in a bad condition , dying in great numbers for want of provision , and other conveniencies ; there were at ardee 300 sick at once the last week . coll. sarsfield is come from the borders of cavan , and brigadeer hamilton , and the lord galmoy is going to govern there ; sarsfield is faln sick since he came to dublin . the death of coll. nugient is much lamented by the irish , being a fit instrument for any barbarity ; he was killed at cava● with many brave stout fellows ; the english being not half their numbers , always routed and killed abundance , though the irish were all pickt men. the duke of berwick was there ▪ and had two horses shot under him ; he said he feared the irish would never stand , seeing they so often run away at cavan upon such considerable advantages . sir cloudesly shovel is gone from highlake with money to pay the army ; and it is written from lisnegarvy , that schomberg will attaque charlemont as soon as the money comes , all things being already carried down there for that expedition : not to enlarge , but my wife joins with me in giving you and sister our best respects , which is all from your most affectionate robert johnson . advertisement . there is publisht a new play , entituled , the late revolution ▪ or the happy change : a tragi-comedy . as it was acted throughout the english dominions in the year 1688. written by a person of quality . sold by richard baldwin in the old bailey . printed for richard newcome . 1690. vicessimo nono julij, 1645. by the committee of grocers-hall for irish affaires. committee of adventurers in london for lands in ireland. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78078 of text r200180 in the english short title catalog (thomason e294_7). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78078 wing b6361 thomason e294_7 estc r200180 99860985 99860985 113112 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78078) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 113112) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 48:e294[7]) vicessimo nono julij, 1645. by the committee of grocers-hall for irish affaires. committee of adventurers in london for lands in ireland. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [london : 1645] place and date of publication from wing. calls for a meeting to be held "thursday next". annotation on thomason copy: "an order". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng committee of adventurers in london for lands in ireland. -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a78078 r200180 (thomason e294_7). civilwar no vicessimo nono julij, 1645. by the committee of grocers-hall for irish affaires.: committee of adventurers in london for lands in ireland. 1645 249 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion vicessimo nono julij , 1645. by the committee of grocers-hall for irish affaires . the ministers of every parish church and chappell within the cities of london and westminster , and within the lines of communication , are earnestly desired , that upon wednesday next , being the publike fast and day of humiliation , &c. that they would give notice in their severall congregations , that it is earnestly desired that all the adventurers in london for lands in ireland , would meete with their committee at grocers-hall upon thursday next , by eight of the clock in the fore-noon , then and there to resolve upon some matters and things desired to be considered of by the committee of lords and commons for propositions for ireland , which by their order of the 26th of iuly , 1645. they having recommended unto their said committee and body of adventurers to be advised upon , which much concernes the saving of the province of munster , and consequently of that kingdome being now in great danger ; and at which meeting it is very probable that some good conclusion is likely to follow , for the relieving of those forces , and for securing of their said adventures : and the said adventurers are earnestly desired , that they would not fail to give their said committee a meeting at this time , for that very much depends thereupon for the safety of that kingdome . to the honourable knights, cittizens and burgesses, in the house of commons in parliament the humble petition of sundry the knights, gentlemen, freeholders, and others of the inhabitants of the county of suffolke, to the number of above 13000. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a62730 of text r220690 in the english short title catalog (wing t1421). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a62730 wing t1421 estc r220690 99832086 99832086 36555 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a62730) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 36555) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2100:05) to the honourable knights, cittizens and burgesses, in the house of commons in parliament the humble petition of sundry the knights, gentlemen, freeholders, and others of the inhabitants of the county of suffolke, to the number of above 13000. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by e. g. for henry overton, [london] : 1641 [i.e. 1642] dated at end: presented the 31. of january. 1641. [i.e. 1642]. a petition addressed to the house of commons requesting the dismissal of "popish lords and bishops" from the house of lords, and asking for aid for the protestants in ireland. reproduction of the original in the guildhall library, london, england. eng catholics -controversial literature -england -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. a62730 r220690 (wing t1421). civilwar no to the honourable knights, cittizens and burgesses, in the house of commons in parliament. the humble petition of sundry the knights, gentle [no entry] 1642 501 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the honovrable knights , cittizens and burgesses , in the house of commons in parliament . the humble petition of sundry the knights , gentlemen , freeholders , and others of the inhabitants of the county of suffolke , to the number of above 13000. humbly sheweth , that whereas by the blessing of god , his majesties grace and favour towards us , and the long continued labours of this honourable assembly , many grievances and burthens both in church and common wealth ( under which we had a long time groaned ) are removed , which with all humility and thankfulnesse we humbly acknowledge ; yet understanding that many bills tending to the honour of his majesty , the safety and welfare of this kingdome have by this honourable assembly beene voted , and now lye in the lords house unpassed , by reason of the popish lords and bishop , fitting thers , ( as we conceave ) by reason whereof together with the not execution of lawes against the papilts ( who notwithstanding through the providence of god have beene discovered and disappointed in many of their treacherous , plots against the king and state ) hey and their adherents are still incouraged , and imboldened in their mischeivous plots and conspiracies , a lamentable experience of whose treasons and bloudy cruelties , weheare is daily presented to this honourable assembly , from ireland , whosedolefull condition , your petitioners doe much pitty and bewaile , we therefore your petitioners being greatly distracted and full of feare of some sudden and cruell designe to breake out against the peace of the kingdome , which puts us into an unsetled condition and occasioneth a generall decay in trading , tending to the impoverishing of the nation , unlesse timely prevented ; and having most of us solemnely protected to maintaine the protestant religion against all popery , and to defend his majesties royall person , honour , & estate , and the high court of parliament , and to endeavour the vnion and peace of the three united kingdomes , doe humbly and earnestly pray , that this honourable assembly will be pleased to improve all good meanes , that the popish lords and bishops , may be removed out of the house of peeres , that this kingdome may be secured , and our poore distressed brethren in ireland may be speedily releived , that the lawes against papists may be put in execution , that delinquents may be punished , and our former petitions against bishop wren , and our scandalous ministers , may bee speeded , and that all burthens in church and common wealth , may be removed , with the causes thereof . and your petitioners according to their bounden duty , shall daily pray for a prosperous successe of this parliament . presented the 31. of january , 1641. printed by e. g. for henry overton : 1641. whereas we are informed that to the disadvantage of his majesties service, divers officers of his majesties army in this kingdom do absent themselves from their several quarters without our license, and whereas upon the accompt of the last harvest ... by the lord deputy generall of ireland, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. 1669 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46202 wing i969 estc r36958 16163949 ocm 16163949 104949 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46202) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104949) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:67) whereas we are informed that to the disadvantage of his majesties service, divers officers of his majesties army in this kingdom do absent themselves from their several quarters without our license, and whereas upon the accompt of the last harvest ... by the lord deputy generall of ireland, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. ossory, thomas butler, earl of, 1634-1680. 1 broadside. j. crook, [dublin : 1669] title from first 5 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint suggested by wing. "given at his majesties castle of dublin the 29th day of january, 1668" [1669] reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -army. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord deputy generall of ireland . ossory , whereas we are informed that to the disadvantage of his majesties service , divers officers of his majesties army in this kingdom do absent themselves from their several quarters without our licence , and whereas upon the accompt of the last harvest , which did require the personal oversight of several of the said officers having estates and tillage remote from their quarters , as also considering that divers of them may have necessary occasions to attend in dublin this term , we have been pleased to dispence with their attendance upon their duty in those times , whilest other competent officers were with their troops and companies ; now we think fit and do hereby require and command , that all and every the said officers which at the present are absent from their quarters shall return thereunto respectively , before the four and twentieth day of february next , notwithstanding any licences of absence formerly granted , and not depart from their several quarters without licence to be obtained from us , to such purpose ; and we do declare that if any of the said officers shall in any sort contemn or transgress what we have hereby commanded , such officer or officers shall be dismissed from imployments in his majesties army , whereof we require all persons whom it may any way concern to take due notice . given at his majesties castle of dublin the 29th day of january , 1668. the last trve intelligence from ireland being a letter sent from chester : dated the second of aprill 1642 / from mr. william owen to a friend of his in london; in which is related the taking of carreggmayne-castle, seven miles south-east from dublin from the rebels where sir simon harcott was slaine being shott from the castle in the side, with a shanker bullet out of a long peeice; also sergent major berry is mortally vvounded in the flank. owen, william, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a53754 of text r7866 in the english short title catalog (wing o833). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a53754 wing o833 estc r7866 12589185 ocm 12589185 63826 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a53754) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63826) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 251:e141, no 27) the last trve intelligence from ireland being a letter sent from chester : dated the second of aprill 1642 / from mr. william owen to a friend of his in london; in which is related the taking of carreggmayne-castle, seven miles south-east from dublin from the rebels where sir simon harcott was slaine being shott from the castle in the side, with a shanker bullet out of a long peeice; also sergent major berry is mortally vvounded in the flank. owen, william, 17th cent. 8 p. printed by tho. paine for john sweeting, [london] : 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng owen, william, 17th cent. harcourt, simon, -sir, 1603?-1642. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a53754 r7866 (wing o833). civilwar no the last true intelligence from ireland. being a letter sent from chester: dated the second of aprill, 1642. from mr. william owen, to a fri owen, william 1644 808 1 0 0 0 0 0 12 c the rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-10 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the last trve intelligence from ireland . being a letter sent from chester : dated the second of aprill , 1642. from mr. william owen , to a friend of his in london . in which is related , the taking of carreggmayne-castle , seven miles south-east from dubline , from the rebels , where sir simon harcott was slaine , being shott from the castle in the side , with a shanker bullet , out of a long peeice . also , sergent major berry , is mortally wounded in the flank . a letter sent from chester , dated the second of aprill , 1642. sir , i saw nothing from you the last weeke , not so much as my printed papers , which i atribute to your absence , or much bussinesse , and doe desire you to make good by the next : i have not much newes to send you , but that wch is not pleasing , ; by the letters of ireland , which i understand came well unto your office , by master ware , the last monday , i doubt not , but that you have heard of the good successe , which then happened , which i passe over : since which time , the state having notice of some rebels , to have mett at careggmayne-castle , 7. miles south-east from dublin , sent out sir simon harcott , with a strong party of horse , to scout and cleere the country , where at his arivall at the said castle , he found it to bee of that strength , more then the power which hee had with him , could master : and thereupon sent for more men from dublin ; where imediately , 800. foote , and as many horse , as made up his party to 250. with which number ▪ hee begirt the castle , placing a musketteer between each horse , and in that posture , stood all night : the rebels having that night , made a fire upon the battlements of the castle , which was answered by another fire from the mountaine , which our men tooke to bee the allarum to the rebels , and then 400. more was sent for from dublin , who with two peices of battery , came thether at 12. at noone on sunday last , but in the meane time , neither party was idle , for the rebels by breake of day , attempted to isue out toward the mountaine , which major berry with his fire-lockes , forced backe to their fort ; in which skirmish , he was shot into the flancke , and his wound feared to be mortall : the rest of the day was spent in exchange of shott with the rogues , till the arivall of the battery , where sir simon harcott being over carefull about his men , exhorting them to fall on , so soone as they saw any breach made ; was unfortunately shott in the right side , with a shanker-bullet out of a long peeice , which fell him to the ground : this shott was made at him out of the castle , by a notable marks-man , who by his habit , was knowne to have made many shott , who seldome fayl'd : the noble collonell was presently taken up , and walked of between two , but could not goe farre : vvhereat his souldiers grew so enraged , to see him so sore wounded , as that impatient of the battery , which did little good ; fell to undermine a corner of the wall , where they made a breach , that two might enter ; who going in , were both cut off : yet the rest no wayes daunted , fell in , and in fine , slew both man , vvoman , and child , left not one to say , who they were , and after blew up the castle , sir simon harcott was brought three mile farther towards dublin , where being not able to travell , stay'd , and upon munday dyed , whose body is now at dublin . sir major berry is also at dubline , whose lieutenant was kil'd upon the same ground , as the other was shott : the number of the common-souldiers of our side , which was lost in this service , is uncertaine , under 40. of the rebels 200. and odd of all condition ; and this is all i can acquaint you of this bussinesse : in hast i am : your assured friend , william owen . chester , the 2. of aprill , 1642. finis . whereas his majestie by his gracious letters, bearing date the two and twentieth day of september last to us the lord lieutenant directed, taking notice, that the late commissioners for executing the acts of settlement & explanation, did not by virtue of their commission proceed to the adjudication of any the claims of the transplanted persons to the province of connaught ... by the lord lieutenant and council of ireland, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1676 approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46144 wing i802 estc r36889 16149224 ocm 16149224 104874 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46144) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104874) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:27) whereas his majestie by his gracious letters, bearing date the two and twentieth day of september last to us the lord lieutenant directed, taking notice, that the late commissioners for executing the acts of settlement & explanation, did not by virtue of their commission proceed to the adjudication of any the claims of the transplanted persons to the province of connaught ... by the lord lieutenant and council of ireland, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. [2] leaves. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1676. title from first 8 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 26th day of june, one thousand six hundred seventy six"--leaf [2] broadside in [2] leaves. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng land titles -registration and transfer -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-01 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms diev et mon droit by the lord lieutenant and council of ireland . essex . whereas his majestie by his gracious letters , bearing date the two and twentieth day of september last to us the lord lieutenant directed , taking notice , that the late commissioners for executing the acts of settlement & explanation , did not by virtue of their commission proceed to the adjudication of any the claims of the transplanted persons in the province of connaught , or county of clare , or to the settlement of anytheir estates or interests , except only the interests of such protestants , who before the first day of september 1663 , purchased lands in connaught or clare from the said transplanted persons , so that the estates of the said transplanted persons which continued in their own hands , and were not within that time purchased by protestants , remain subject to much doubt & uncertainty , whereby the improvements of the said lands are very much hindred , and such of the said transplanted persons , as have been dispossessed of the lands set out unto them , have not yet been reprized for the same , according to his majesties declaration of the thirtieth of november in the year ( 1660 ) for the settlement of this kingdom of ireland , which hath been since confirmed by act of parliament in this kingdome ; for remedy whereof his majestie hath been graciously pleased by his said letters , to authorize us the lord lieutenant of this kingdom , to cause a commission to be issued under the great seal of this kingdome , directed to such commissioners , as we the lord lieutenant with the advice of the privie council in this kingdom , should think fit to nominiate and appoint , authorizing them or any three of them , to be his majesties commissioners , to hear and determine the claimes of all transplanted persons in the said province of connaught and county of clare , touching the decrees they had , or the lands set out to them in lieu of their former estates , except onely such lands as have been already disposed of , by his majesties late commissioners for executing the acts of settlement and explanation , and to state the quit-rents due to his majestie out of the said lands , and to exammine what irregularities have been in the setting out and disposal of the said lands , and to confirm the just part thereof , and to enquire of all lands forfeited to his majestie by the said acts in the said province and county , and to dispose of all or any such forfeited lands , as are or shall be found to be in his majesties disposall , towards the satisfaction and reprizall of such transplanted interests , as remaine yet unsatisfied or deficient , and to grant certificates thereof , in order to the passing letters patents therupon , in such manner , as certificats were granted by the late commissioners for executing the said acts of settlement & explanation , to any persons whose claims were adjudged before them , and to obserue such instractions , as we the lord lieutenant and council , shall think fit to give unto them , from time to time , for the better execution of the said commission , & his majestie by his said letters hath also authorized us the lord lieutenant , without any further warrant , to pass letters patents under the great seal of this kingdom , upon the said certificates , to the persons therein concerned , according to such estates , as shall be thereby adjudged to belong to them , in such manner and as fully to all intents and purposes , as letters patents have been usually passed upon certificates of his majesties late commissioners for executing the said acts of setlement & explanation , and his majesties hath also thereby further declared , that the said commissioners , and all officers and ministers to be employed by them , shall and may receive such fees and allowances to be payd by the parties whose claims shall be heard before them , as we the lord lieutenant and councill shall think fit to appoint , so as the same do not exceed one moyety of the several fees allowed to his majesties late commissioners , for putting in execution the said acts of settlement , and explanation , and their officers and ministers . and we the lord lieutenant and council in pursuance of his majesties said letters , having nominated and appointed sir robert booth knight , lord chief iustice of his majesties court of common pleas , sir charles meredith knight , chancellor of his majesties court of exchequer , thomas ratcliff esq henry henn esq one of the barons of his majesties court of exchequer , and sir richard reynell knight , one of the iustices of his majesties court of chiefplace , to be his majesties commissioners , for hearing and determining the claims of all transplanted persons in the said province of connaught and county of clare , and to execute all other the matters contained in his majesties said letters , and a commission being since past unto them under the great seal of this kingdome to that purpose . we have thought fit to give this publique notice thereof to all persons concerned in any of the said transplanted lands , and that the said commissioners will begin to sit pupliquely upon the execution of the said commission , on the one and twentieth day of august next , at the place where the late court of claimes sate in the kings inns , dublin . and we do hereby require all persons concerned in any of the said lands , that by themselves or their agents , they do put in their claims before the said commissioners at the office of their register in the kings-inns , dublin , before the said one and twentieth day of august next . and that they do with all convenient speed apply themselves to the said commissioners for the hearing and determining of their said claims , and prosecute the same with effect in such manner and at such time , as by his majesties said commissioners shall be directed , whereof publique notice will be given by the said commissioners , assoon as they shall have agreed upon the order and method of their proceedings . given at the council chamber in dublin the 26th day of iune , one thousand six hundred seventy six . ja : armachanus . art : granard . hen : midensis . r : coote . heugh : glenaully . rob : fitz-gerald . j : povey . jo : bysse . j : temple . wm : gore . ol : st. george . hans : hamilton . wm : flower . ran : clayton . god save the king dublin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the kings most excellent majestie ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde bookeseller in castlestreet . 1676. a letter from major-general kirk in ireland to his friend in london. from his majesties camp near dublin, july the 4th. 1690. kirke, percy, 1646?-1691. 1690 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47495 wing k625b estc r220035 99831473 99831473 35936 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47495) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 35936) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2050:20) a letter from major-general kirk in ireland to his friend in london. from his majesties camp near dublin, july the 4th. 1690. kirke, percy, 1646?-1691. 1 sheet (1 p.) printed for j. m. in little-brittain, [london] : 1690. place of publication from wing. imperfect; cropped with some loss of text. reproduction of the original in the cambridge university library, cambridge. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -war of 1689-1691 -early works to 1800. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from major-general kirk in ireland , to his friend here in london . from his majesties camp near dublin , july the 4th . 1690. when a man dates his letter so near dublin , you ought to expect a long relation how we came thither , which i 'll tell you as short as i can , and that we must have success when so brave a man leads us as our master , who was the first man hurt in his army , with a cannon bullet , which frighted every body but himself ; who after he was dress'd , rid round the army , viewed all the passes , in order to our attacquing them the next day : i 'll also tell you how we came to be so far advanced as drogheda ; his majesty landing at carrickfergus , went to belfast , from whence he sent his orders for all the troops to advance to our frontiers , the enemy being possessed of all the passes , and so strongly encamped near dundalk , which they had very well fortified , that if they had not been the least of men , would have put us to a great deal of trouble to have pass'd the mountains ; but they retir'd to drogheda , where they stayed encamp'd , with the river boyne before them , that is but fordable in three places , and two of them but at low water : we put our selves in battle , which sight frighted them , tho' they had the impudence to come to the water-side and call us all the rogues , rebels , &c. that the french tongue affords . that evening was spent in cannonading , and the next morning his majesty was resolved to attacque them , and force their camp , which certainly was as bold a thing as ever was done ; in order to which , he sent the right wing of horse , and three brigades of foot , with some small field-pieces , to a pass some 4 miles from our camp , which pass they were masters of : they seeing us march , went with the best part of the army towards the pass , and left in the camp lieutenant-general hamilton , and several battalians , and a good number of horse , before their camp , to keep that pass . as soon as his majesty had notice that our horse had taken the pass upon the right , the enemy making but a slender resistance , for king james had already made his way towards dublin , commanded the rest of the army to attacque the camp ; his dutch guards , with count solmes , march'd first , who were to pass the ford by a retrenchment and old houses , that were lin'd with 400 of the enemy , notwithstanding they passed over the three battalians of guards , who were saluted with a great deal of fire from the 400 men intrenched , so left the intrenchment ; and then the enemy marched down with 7 great and good battalians ; the guards received all their fire , and immediately the enemys horse charged them both front and rear ; collonel collimot's and ducambones regiments in the rear of the guard , having no pikes , were a little ill used by the enemys horse ; collonel collimot shot through the thigh and arm , but i hope he will live ; the poor old duke was killed by an unfortunate shot through the neck from one of the french regiments , being mingled with the enemy , and had received two cuts by their horse in the head. i march over with sir john hanmores regiment , tiffin st. johns , and two dutch , who were no sooner over , but the horse guards of king james charged , and so well , that several of our officers were cut with their swords , and theirs kill'd with our officers pikes . by this time the prince of wertenburg pass'd the other ford up to the neck in water , with the danes ; the 7 battalians retir'd in very good order , being sustained by their horse , who did not fail to charge our foot as they drew up . our horse past next , and you may believe the enemy run , when i tell you our brave king ( for so must all the world call him ) charged at the head of the inis-killing horse , his lame hand holding the bridle , and his sword in the left hand ; no armour but his blue ribbon above his coat : in the pursuit we took lieutenant-general hamilton , and several officers ; a great many of their best officers were killed , and above 1000 men ; and , to give then their due , they made so good a retreat , and so fast , that we could do them no hurt , but frightning them , which is to that degree , that they have lef● dublin , most of their baggage , all their amunition and stores of provision , a country full of furrage , of all sorts ; and i believe there is not 1000 men left together with monsieur de louson . king james we hear has left the army , and is gone wit● some 3 people with him , towards waterford , i wis● him a good journey , our fleet good success . drogheda is surrender'd upon discretion ; th● duke of ormond is gone last night into dublin , t● take possession ; we march to morrow . finis . printed for j. m. in little-brittain . 1690. by the lord lieutenant general, and general governour of ireland ormonde. whereas we are informed, that divers officers of his majesties army in this kingdom do absent themselves from their respective commands without our licence, ... proclamations. 1664-05-27. ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) 1664 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46200 wing i967 estc r216040 99827793 99827793 32216 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46200) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 32216) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1852:09) by the lord lieutenant general, and general governour of ireland ormonde. whereas we are informed, that divers officers of his majesties army in this kingdom do absent themselves from their respective commands without our licence, ... proclamations. 1664-05-27. ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by john crooke, printer to the kings most excellent majesty, and are to be sold by sam. dancer, bookseller in castle-street, dublin : 1664. title from caption and opening words of text. "given at his majesties castle of dublin, the 27. day of may, 1664.". "officers to repair to their quarters"--steele. steele notation: offiguarrisons [sic] army,. reproduction of the original in the national library of ireland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -army -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1660-1688 -early works to 1800. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2 r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant general , and general governor of ireland . ormonde . whereas we are informed , that divers officers of his majesties army in this kingdom do absent themselves from their respective commands without our licence , which may tend very much to the disadvantage of his majesties service : we do therefore hereby command and require all officers of his majesties army , that are absent from their charges without licence from us , as aforesaid , forthwith to repair to their respective guarrisons and quarters , and all others who are absent by licence from us , and now in this kingdom , to return to their several commands within ten days next after publication hereof , notwithstanding such licences ; and that no officer do hereafter depart from his command without leave first obtained from us or other the chief governor or governors of this kingdom in our absence : and we do hereby declare that if any officer shall neglect to repair to his duty as abovesaid , or shall afterwards depart from the same but by license , as aforesaid , that such officer shall be dismissed from his imployment in his majesties army , whereof we require all persons concerned to take notice . given at his majesties castle of dublin , the 27. day of may , 1664. g. lane . god save the king . dublin , printed by john crooke , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , and are to be sold by sam. dancer , bookseller in castle-street , 1664. whereas it appears by the examination of john totty, one of the officers at mace in the city of dublin, taken upon oath before the lord mayor of the said city, that on the first day of this instant april, the examinant being commanded, went with the magistrates and other officers, pursuant to an order of this board, to a mass house on the merchants-key in this city, where they found a priest & many people assembled together ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) 1679 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46156 wing i836 estc r36898 16150781 ocm 16150781 104884 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46156) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104884) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:36) whereas it appears by the examination of john totty, one of the officers at mace in the city of dublin, taken upon oath before the lord mayor of the said city, that on the first day of this instant april, the examinant being commanded, went with the magistrates and other officers, pursuant to an order of this board, to a mass house on the merchants-key in this city, where they found a priest & many people assembled together ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke and john crook ... and are to be sold by mary crook ..., dublin : 1679. title from first 11 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council-chamber in dublin the 14th day of april 1679." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng anti-catholicism -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . ormonde vvhereas it appears by the examination of john totty , one of officers at mace in the city of dublin , taken upon oath before the lord mayor of the said city , that on the first day of this instant april , the examinant being commanded , went with the magistrates and other officers , pursuant to an order of this board to a mass house on the merchants-key in this city , where they found a priest & many people assembled together , and that the lord mayor of this city ordered them to forbear their meetings , or having any publick mass , for that we the lord lieutenant & council had given divers to the contrary , and that the examinant taking the said priest by the shoulder , and pulling him away , the said priest cryed out , that he would be revenged for it . and that the same night betwixt nine and ten of the clock , the examinant was met near the thollsel in this city by two men whose names the examinant knowes not , who forcibly seized on him , and took him by the throat , and there almost strangled him , and that immediately after , three or four men more came with clubs , and there with knocked him on the head with several blowes , whereby he fell flat to the ground , and left the examinant on the ground for dead , one of them stamping on the examinants face with his foot , after he had received many bruises , and that one of them with his rapier run the examinant into his left side , & said , you son of a whore , you rogue , will you pull down the holy altar . and whereas we conceive it necessary , that diligent and strict enquiry should be made after the persons who committed the said outrage , whose insolence therein , we cannot but look upon , not only as a high breach of the peace , but also as a hainous contempt of his majesties authority . we the lord lieutenant and council have therefore thought fit hereby to publish & declare , that in case any person shall at any time within the space of three months after the date hereof , discover to us the lord leiutenant , or to any the members of this board , or to the lord mayor , or any of the justices of peace , of this city , any of the said offendors who so beat or abused the said john-totty , so as they may be apprehended and brought to justice , such person making such discovery , shall upon conviction of the said persons so discovered by him for the said offences , receive for his reward the summe of twenty pounds ; and if any of the persons who were guilty of the said offence , shall make the like discovery of any other of the said offendors , he shall likewise receive the said reward of twenty pounds for such his discovery , together also with his majesties pardon for the said offence by him therein committed . given at the council-chamber in dublin the 14th day of april 1679 . mich : armarch : c. jo : dublin . arran , blesinton . lanesborough . hen : midensis . ro : fitz-gerald . ca : dillon . char : meredith . jo : davys . ol : st. george . john cole . god save the king . dublin , printed by benjamin tooke , and john crook , printers to the king 's most excellent majesties ; and are to be sold by mary crook , at his majesties printing house in skinner-row 1679. by the supreame councell of the confederate catholicks of ireland forasmuch as after a long and serious debate, a cessation of armes and all acts of hostilities, to beginne at twelve of the clocke the fifteenth day of september ... confederate catholics. supreme council. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46013 of text r43282 in the english short title catalog (wing i354). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46013 wing i354 estc r43282 27130096 ocm 27130096 109986 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46013) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109986) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:22) by the supreame councell of the confederate catholicks of ireland forasmuch as after a long and serious debate, a cessation of armes and all acts of hostilities, to beginne at twelve of the clocke the fifteenth day of september ... confederate catholics. supreme council. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by thomas bourke ..., printed in vvaterford : anno domini, 1643. other title information from first lines of text. imperfect: creased and torn, with loss of text. reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng catholic church -ireland -history -17th century. ireland -history -1625-1649. a46013 r43282 (wing i354). civilwar no by the supreame councell of the confederate catholicks of ireland confederate catholics. supreme council 1643 320 6 0 0 0 0 0 188 f the rate of 188 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the svpreame covncell of the confederate catholicks of ireland . forasmuch as after a long and serious debate , a cessation 〈◊〉 arm●● and all acts of hostilitie to begginne at twelve of the clocke the fifteenth day of september , thence forth to continue for one whole yeare , hath beene concluded and agreed upon with the lord marques of ormond , by the lord viscount muskry , and the rest of our commissioners : and 〈◊〉 wee have approved , ratified , and confirmed , our said commissioners proceedings 〈◊〉 . these are therefore to will and require , all those of our party , of what quali 〈…〉 ranke or condition soever now remayning , or which hereafter shall come into this ●●●gdome during the time of this cessation , presently upon , and after the publication 〈◊〉 these presents from time to time during the said cessation , to forbeare to use , exercise , or commit any acts of hostilitie , eyther by robbing , preying , or spoyling any one comprised in the said cessation , eyther in person , good's lands , castle , townes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cities whatsoever in this kingdome : and also that during the said cessation , they ●●●beare to give or utter any disgracefull or reproachfull words too , or of any comprised ●●●hin the said cessation , upon paine and perill which shall fall upon such delinquents 〈…〉 offenders . given at cashell the 21. of september , 1643. mount-garett muskry , n. plunket , geo. commyn . hugo armach , emer dun-coner , r. belling , patr. darcy . thom. cashell , daniell o bryen , thom. fleming , castle-haven audly , lucas dillon , gerald fenell . god save the king . printed in vvaterford by thomas bourke , printer to the confederate catholicks of ireland . anno domini , 1643. several letters from ireland read in parliament the sixth of july, 1652. concerning the affairs there. tuesday the sixth of july, 1652. / ordered by the parliament, that these letters by forthwith printed and published. hen: scobell, cleric. parliamenti. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a59381 of text r207026 in the english short title catalog (wing s2773). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 19 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a59381 wing s2773 estc r207026 99866101 99866101 118363 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59381) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 118363) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 103:e669[8]) several letters from ireland read in parliament the sixth of july, 1652. concerning the affairs there. tuesday the sixth of july, 1652. / ordered by the parliament, that these letters by forthwith printed and published. hen: scobell, cleric. parliamenti. england and wales. parliament. venables, robert, 1612?-1687. ludlow, edmund, fl. 1691-1692. corbet, miles, d. 1662. 14, [2] p. printed by john field, printer to the parliament of england, london : 1652. with letters signed by: miles corbet and jo: jones, edmund ludlow, r. venables, j. richards, and bry. smith. the final leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -army -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a59381 r207026 (wing s2773). civilwar no several letters from ireland read in parliament the sixth of july, 1652. concerning the affairs there. tuesday the sixth of july, 1652. orde england and wales. parliament. 1652 3211 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-00 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-00 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion several letters from ireland read in parliament the sixth of iuly 1652. concerning the affairs there . tuesday the sixth of iuly , 1652. ordered by the parliament , that , these letters be forthwith printed and published . hen : scobell , cleric . parliamenti . london , printed by iohn field , printer to the parliament of england . 1652. a letter from the commissioners of the parliament in ireland , of the four and twentieth of iune , 1652. mr. speaker , since the late agreement at kilkenny , the lord of muskerry in the south , and the lord clanriccard in the north , have not onely declared themselves not to accept of that capitulation , but have gathered together considerable bodies of the irish in both places ; as to clanriccard , since the reducing of balleshannon , sir charls coot with his own and part of commissary general reynolds party , have reduced sleigo , and since that the commissary general is come to him , and as we hear from the commissary general of the eighteenth instant , from the camp before ballemote , are now before that castle , being the castle of the lord taaff in the county of catrim : colonel venables with his party are at belturbet in cavan , a place very considerable to be made a garrison in order to the reducing of the county of cavan , and those fastnesses thereabouts ; and we do believe , part of the leimster forces are with venables , or near to him ; and clanriccard doth lie in fastnesses between ballimote and belturbet , with four thousand horse and foot , but hath refused to engage with either party of ours , but hath sent for a treaty , and hath sent to the lieutenant general and to us to appoint commissioners , and hath sent articles to the commissary general ; our answer thereto we send inclosed , and have advised the commissary general to that purpose : and grace , another of the irish rebels , hath gathered a body of the irish that formerly were of the leimster rebels ; and being beaten from his fastnesses in leimster by colonel axtel and colonel sankey , got over the shannon and have burnt the town of portumney , and threatned the castle of portumney ; but colonel ingoldsby from limerick going to assist our friends there , heard that grace had joyned with burk , and were about lough-reagh , and were about three thousand horse and foot , and so colonel ingoldsby fell on the enemy ; and as we heard from major smith from limerick the twenty second instant , that certain intelligence was come to him , that ingoldsby had totally routed the enemies horse & foot , being got into a bog , he had encompassed the same with his horse and dragoons ; and was in that posture when the messenger came from him to limerick . as to the enemy with the lord muskerry in kerry , the lieu : general and the major general with what party could be spared from other parts , are marched to ross , the chief hold of the enemy there , and having left two troops of horse , one of dragoons , and four hundred foot in a fort before ross : the lieutenant general with the body of his brigade did the thirteenth instant meet with a party of the enemy and routed them , and took some fifty horse and some prey , and abby called killara , where they found some four barrels of powder : and in those parts they have been till the boats and other necessaries sent them from kingsale came to them ; and on the nineteenth instant we received letters from them , that that day they marched up with their party to the fort near ross castle , and thither they have sent the boats and provisions ; but on the eighteenth instant muskerry sent for a new treaty , but the lieutenant general hath limitted it to conclude on the one and twentieth instant at six in the night , and in the mean time are preparing their boats for service ; but this last sabbath being twentieth instant , a party of muskerry's forces having ioyned with other the rebels party that lie in the bogs and mountains of cork , did come into this county to drive the cattle about macroom , to carry them into their quarters ; but the lord broghil , who is left behinde to secure the quarters , after a march of twenty miles , fell on the enemy who were more then double in number to the lord broghil's party , but the enemy would not engage , so as the lord broghil's party on the rere of the enemies body , took about eighty horse , killed about fifty , took lieutenant colonel supple that commanded the rere-guard of the enemy , and got two colours and some good quantity of arms , and regained two hundred cattel the enemy were carrying away , and the rest of the enemy by the favor of a mist ; and our party being much spent with a long march before the skirmish , and the impassableness of those parts , could not follow them above a mile or two . colonel clark's regiment is safely arrived at waterford , which doth come very seasonable to strengthen our forces in these parts . these wonder-workings of our god we hope will appear glorious in your eyes , and we hope will clearly evidence unto you the diligence and fidelity of your poor servants here , who in order to your service are dispersed into all parts of the land , and yet their small scattered parties ( through the goodness and help of the lord ) have put to flight the armies and great bodies of the enemy . we shall onely adde that we are , your most humble servants , miles corbet . jo : jones . cork 24 iune . 1652. since the writing hereof we have received letters from the lieutenant general of the 23d instant , from the camp before ross , concerning the rendring of ross , and submission of that enemy : a copy of that letter we send also inclosed . an answer to the lord of clanrickard's letter , directed to the commissioners of parliament . my lord , yours of the third of iune was delivered to us at cork the seventeenth instant , and as to the considerable forces therein mentioned , gathered together for your reception and your powerful union with other forces , for the recovery of the nation , and by arms to obtain conditions for themselves , and those different duties in your lordship to discharge the high trusts and authorities reposed in you , that are not to be so freely exposed to hazards and affronts , as by your lordship is therein expressed : we have little to say thereunto ; but notwithstanding all súch gatherings together , authorities and combinations , shall go in the discharge of that duty committed to us , to take all opportunities god shall please to put into our hands , to revenge the innocent blood that hath been spilt in this nation upon the actors thereof ; and on all such that after so many warnings to them given , do still abett and justifie those murthers and massacres , and withhold the authors and actors therein from the hand of justice . and as for provision to be made for such as are still in arms with you by a new treaty , we do not hold it safe and consistant with the present posture of affairs , to entertain further treaties then what was lately agreed on at kilkenny , whereof we doubt not but your lordship hath had notice , and your lordship and those now with you might have taken advantage thereof ; and for such as have not in time submitted thereunto , there is still power left in all commanders in chief in the several precincts , to accept of and receive into protection all that shall lay down arms and submit to that power god hath placed over them in this nation before the first of iuly next ensuing ; and such as are not guilty of the said blood and massacres , whose hearts god shall incline thereunto and shall timely submit , shall enjoy such terms of favor as the parliament shall hold out to others of the like qualification : the acceptance or refusal whereof we leave to the consideration of your lordship and such others of your party that are now with you ; and do rest , my lord , your humble servants , miles corbet . jo : jones . cork 13 june . 1652. to the lord of clanrickard . a true copy of the lieutenant general's letter to the commissioners of parliament , dated 23 iune , 1652. truly honorable , i have received your plentiful supply , as to use and comfort , both officers and soldiers are very sensible of your kindness to them and care of them . the lord hath at length enclined the enemy to a submission upon terms , not much differing with those with leimster , onely we have left out the clause for mediation with the parliament touching their real estates . ross is to be delivered on saturday next at noon : i signed the articles even now . the lord of muskerry's son and his uncle sir daniel o brien , i expect to be sent immediately to me as hostages ; his forces abroad are to lay down arms on the fifth of iuly . those in kerry at killarney , those towards cork at macroom , those towards limerick at kilmallock . as soon as i can see things setled here , that so i may know what force can be spared hence for the northern service , i shall march with them up to you , which i hope to do some time next week . the lord direct and protect you , and give us thankful hearts under these his gracious dispensations . dear friends , your most affectionate and humble servant , edmund ludlow . from the camp before ross , this 23d of iune , 1652. a letter from the commissioners of ireland from cork of the 25th of iune , 1652. mr. speaker , since the closing up of our pacquet , the inclosed letters came to hand , which gives you an account of the further success the lord hath given your forces with colonel ingoldsby in conaught , and your forces with colonel venables in cavan . we have not else at present to adde , but humbly take leave and remain , your most humble servants , miles corbet . jo : jones . colonel venables letter to the scout-master general , of 17 iune , 1652. sir , having carried on our fortification at this place unto some good forwardness , we thought it fitting to be attempting upon the enemy as our intelligence should guide us , and accordingly yester-evening sir theophilus iones was designed with six troops of horse and one of dragoons , and about three hundred commanded foot , which were judged sufficient to bring in some cows ( our men being in some want of provisions ) and if any advantage offered it self to do service upon the enemy ; he marched all night , and the next morning the enemy had notice of him ( they being forth upon the same occasion with twelve hundred horse and foot ) and striving to gain a pass betwixt them and home , got betwixt a party of ours ( that had some cows ) and him , both sides finding themselves engaged prepared to fight ; the enemy had the advantage of higher ground and numbers , ours of wind and sun ; the charge was very gallantly performed by the enemy , who disputed it with the swords point and push of pike : but the lord who ever standeth by us in all our difficulties shewed himself a man of war , and by a third part of their number ( many of ours being abroad in parties ) quite brake them , there being about three hundred of them slain , some prisoners , and letters found with the dead assure us , that there was one colonel , one lieutenant colonel , three majors , and ten captains slain , besides inferior officers ; we hope this will much discourage them and cause them to disperse , however we desire unfeignedly to bless god for the same , looking upon it as the earnest of a greater mercy , if the enemy do engage , as they absolutely affirm they will : we lost not one officer , and only one lieutenant wounded , and major meredith hath a slight scar on the chin ; i cannot yet hear of one man of ours that was slain , but above sixty wounded with sword and pike ; both sides being so eager to fight , that they had almost forgot to fire . i have here inclosed sent you a copy of a letter from philip mac hughe to clanrickard , being found in colonel garret moores pocket , i doubt not but the commissioners of parliament , will make good use of it , i have no more to adde , save that i am , sir , your affectionate humble servant , r. venables . belterbert , june 17. 1652. i forbear to name the gallantry of our officers , knowing the desire , that god , not themselves , might have the honor ; besides , all have deserved so well , that i cannot name any but i must omit others ( except i name all ) that have in their respective places behaved themselves with honor and gallantry ; sir theophilus jones and major meredith were both engaged in the midst of the enemy , but both are come off safe . a letter from colonel richards , to the commissioners of parliament , the twenty third of iune , 1652. right honorable , iust now came to my hands the certain intelligence of a fresh mercy cast in by our gracious father : a party commanded by colonel abbot sent from colonel sankey , joyned with a party from limerick , commanded , as i am informed , by colonel ingoldsby , fell upon grace and others joyned with him , and killed and took full one thousand , some intelligence saith one thousand was slain ; but if it be so many slain and taken , it is an exceeding mercy , and so much you may believe to be true ; so soon as the particulars come , i shall present them to you : i dispatched a large packet this day by a party of horse , some of them came from england , others were brought from dublin by a footman , who would not deliver them but against his will , he is gone with them to get answer . i am your honors most faithful and very humble servant , j : richards . clonmel , iune 23. 1652. major smiths letter to the commissioners of parliament , the twenty third of iune , 1652. dear and therefore much honored , yours of the one and twentieth instant i have received ; the good news therein i heartily bless god with you for ; i shall , god willing , faithfully observe what hath been hinted in your honors letter : just now i have received a letter from colonel ingoldsby , who is on his march from loughreagh , and he is bearing his sheaves , blessed be god , who doth still appear for us in all places : he lighted on graces party in a great hastiness after he was beaten off from loughreagh , which he attempted to storm , but missed , and left there about eighty men , but colonel ingoldsby's party disputed the pass into the fastness as abovesaid near half an hour , which was justified with twelve hundred foot and one hundred and fifty horse of the enemies ; but at length forced them , and killed upwards of two hundred , about sixty horse taken , grace himself escaped over the shannon , colonel redman hurk and colonel mac gawly are killed and some other field officers , besides six or seven captains , some few prisoners were taken , which are with colonel abbot to exchange ; we lost but three more that we can yet here of , and nine dragoons wounded with some few troopers . i trust these renued mercies will be renewed ingagements on all our hearts , to be more through , and close , and upright hearted with our god , who is dayly seen in the mount ; may it please you to take notice that we are exceedingly straightned , in doing many things of high importance to your affaires in this place for want of incident money , as for lading and unlading ships , for fitting some little friggots and boats that we have constant use for on the shannon . i hope within these two dayes fifteen hundred irish will be shipped for spain , which we have had much ado to furnish with a moneths pay given there by their articles , and have wholly undone the county of clare for that end ; so that it is not possible for your forces to get the one third of the eight hundred pounds per mensem laid on that county ; the people dye under every hedge there , and is the saddest place ( reported by all that are there ) as ever was seen , the good lord help your honors to be sensible thereof , and carry you on in the undergoing the great burthen laid on you ; give me leave to tell you that my heart is much drawn out ( without any vanity i speak it ) to bless god for you , that he hath endued you with zeal and unweariedness , faith , tenderness , and conscieous of doing the work of the lord , which i am confident all godly ones shall in due time have their mouthes filled with praise to the name of their god ; sir , pardon i beseech you my prolixity , my heart is full , i am your honors most humble servant indeed , bry. smith . limerick , iune 23. 1652. finis . his maiesties most gratiovs answer to the proposition of both houses of parliament, for ireland, sent the twenty fourth of february, 1642 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32006 of text r41769 in the english short title catalog (wing c2502). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32006 wing c2502 estc r41769 31360611 ocm 31360611 110748 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32006) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110748) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1736:16) his maiesties most gratiovs answer to the proposition of both houses of parliament, for ireland, sent the twenty fourth of february, 1642 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed for iohn franke, london : mdcxlii [1642] printed within ornamental border. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. a32006 r41769 (wing c2502). civilwar no his maiesties most gratiovs answer to the proposition of both houses of parliament, for ireland, sent the twenty fourth of february, 1642 england and wales. sovereign 1642 247 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maiesties most gratiovs ansvver to the proposition of both houses of parliament for ireland sent the twenty fourth of february 1642. his maiesty being glad to receive any proposition that may repaire the calamity of his ; distressed kingdome of ireland , especially when it may be without burthen or imposition , and for the ease of his good subjects of this kingdome hath graciously considered the overture made by both houses of parliament to that purpose , and returnes this answere . that as he hath offered and is still ready to venture his owne royall person for the recovery of that kingdome , if his parliament shall advise him thereunto , so he will not deny to contribute any other assistance he can to that service , by parting with any profit or advantage of his owne there . and therefore ( relying upon the wisedome of this parliament ) doth consent to every proposition now made to him , without taking time to examine whether this course may not retard the reducing of that kingdome , by exasperating the rebells , and rendring them desperate of being received into grace , if they shall returne to their obedience . and his majesty will be ready to give his royall assent to all such bills as shall be tendred unto him by his parliament for the confirmation of every particular of this proposition . london , printed for iohn franke . mdcxlii . the visitation of the rebellious nation of ireland. and a warning from the lord proclaimed, to all the inhabitants thereof, to make their peace with him before hislong [sic] suffering come to an end. with a lamentation over its unfruitfulnes and rebellion after so many visitations. and an exhortation to all the honest hearted, to meet the lord by repentance, while the patience of the lord continues. or the sealing of the lords testimony unto all sorts of people in that land, by his servants, after their several months sore labours, and travells, and sufferings therein, who loved not their lives for the seeds sake. also some particular papers, written in that nation, to severall sorts of people. i. a warning, to the heads, and rulers, and people of dublin. ... vii. an invitation to all the poor desolate souldiers, to repent, and make their peace with the lord, and their duty shewed them, what the lord requires of them. by them who are sufferers, for the seeds sake; waiting for the building of distressed sion: f.h. e.b. howgill, francis, 1618-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a86654 of text r202550 in the english short title catalog (thomason e880_6). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 86 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a86654 wing h3188 thomason e880_6 estc r202550 99862791 99862791 114967 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a86654) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 114967) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 132:e880[6]) the visitation of the rebellious nation of ireland. and a warning from the lord proclaimed, to all the inhabitants thereof, to make their peace with him before hislong [sic] suffering come to an end. with a lamentation over its unfruitfulnes and rebellion after so many visitations. and an exhortation to all the honest hearted, to meet the lord by repentance, while the patience of the lord continues. or the sealing of the lords testimony unto all sorts of people in that land, by his servants, after their several months sore labours, and travells, and sufferings therein, who loved not their lives for the seeds sake. also some particular papers, written in that nation, to severall sorts of people. i. a warning, to the heads, and rulers, and people of dublin. ... vii. an invitation to all the poor desolate souldiers, to repent, and make their peace with the lord, and their duty shewed them, what the lord requires of them. by them who are sufferers, for the seeds sake; waiting for the building of distressed sion: f.h. e.b. howgill, francis, 1618-1669. burrough, edward, 1634-1662. [2], 38 p. printed for giles calvert at the west end of pauls., london : 1656. consists of several items signed by francis howgill and edward burrough. annotation on thomason copy: "may 23". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng society of friends -doctrines -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a86654 r202550 (thomason e880_6). civilwar no the visitation of the rebellious nation of ireland.: and a warning from the lord proclaimed, to all the inhabitants thereof, to make their howgill, francis 1656 16932 23 0 0 0 0 0 14 c the rate of 14 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-04 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the visitation of the rebellious nation of ireland . and a warning from the lord proclaimed , to all the inhabitants thereof , to make their peace with him before his long suffering come to an end . with a lamentation over its unfruitfulnes and rebellion after so many visitations . and an exhortation to all the honest hearted , to meet the lord by repentance , while the patience of the lord continues . or the sealing of the lords testimony unto all sorts of people in that land , by his servants , after their several months sore labours , and travells , and sufferings therein , who loved not their lives for the seeds sake . also some particular papers , written in that nation , to severall sorts of people . i. a warning , to the heads , and rulers , and people of dublin . ii. an information to the heads , and the ground of the law laid down to the judges , and justices , and to all that handle the law through that nation . iii. an exhortation sent to the chiefe commander and his councell , and the just cause of the innocent laid before them . iv. the unjust suffering of the just declared , and their appeal to the just witnesse of god in all mens consciences . v. a challenge to the priests of dublin , to try their god , and their ministry , and their worships . vi . a discovery of the idoll dumb shepheards in that nation , and a lamentation over their starved , and strayed flocks . vii . an invitation to all the poor desolate souldiers , to repent , and make their peace with the lord , and their duty shewed them , what the lord requires of them . by them who are sufferers , for the seeds sake ; waiting for the building of distressed sion : f. h. e. b. london : printed for giles calvert at the west end of pauls . 1656. the visitation of the rebellious nation of ireland . alas , alas , woe is me for thee thou desolate nation of ireland , thou art to be pittied , and lamented , because of thy backslidings , and rebellion against the lord , thou abounds in iniquity , and thy transgressions cannot be numbred . o thou art a fruitlesse habitation , and barren of righteousnesse , and mercy , and true judgement ; even from the head to the taile , thou art corrupted , and thy wickednesse is marked before the lord : thy rulers , and teachers , and people , are all gone out of the way , and are disobedient children , having backslided from the pure wayes of the lord god , a deceitfull heart is found among them , and a lie is in their hand ; even the best of men are as a bryar , and the most upright among men sharper then a thorn hedge ; a cursed seed hath taken root in thee , and fruit of a cursed tast is abundantly sprung forth ; thou art turned into the degenerate plant of a strange vine unto god , and are become abominable in his eye ; thy vines brings forth a soure grape , and the lords soule hath no delight therein ; thou art altogether untilled , and thy flowers gives an ill smell ; thy inhabitants have set themselves to doe wickednesse , they imagine mischiefe upon their beds and brings it forth in the morning , cruelty is their weapon against the innocent , and hard heartednesse is their defence against the upright . woe is me for thee thou desolate nation , who hath rejected the counsell of the lord , and neglected the day of thy visitation , wherein the lord would have gathered thee , but thou wouldst not ; how often hath the lord spoken unto thee , and thou wilt not hear his call ? by judgement hath he spoken , and by mercy hath he drawn , but thou refusest to returne , and wilt not be reclaimed , but continues in thy rebellion against the lord , and forgets the work of his hand , in ages and generations past ; even since the beginning hast thou been a land of wickednesse , and a people of a cursed seed , drinking up iniquity as an oxe that drinks up water , and fild up the measure of transgression , till the lord was forced in grievous judgements to deale with thee , even his wrath in a day broke forth upon thee , and the fire of indignation was kindled in thee , and thy princes were cut off in fury , and thy inhabitants fell by the plague and sword in great numbers , and thou was given up to be a prey to thy enemies in thy treasures , and the cruell hearted took the spoyle , thou wast laid levell in the dust of deep misery and confusion , and thy lamentation and sorrow was heard among the nations , and the stroke of the lords hand was heavy upon thee , and his judgements was just upon thy head , and he gave no rest unto thee for many years , but thou wast as a trembling leafe and as a forsaken bough , and thou wast made desolate and comfortlesse , and misery girded thee about , and then thy stout heart was brought down into sorrow when the lord contended with thee ; but now thou hast ease from thy bitternesse , and a day of rest from thy sore trouble , yet hast thou forgotten the day of thy distresse , and art againe more abundantly exalted , and thy sins are much more encreased , the pride of thy heart is become equall with sodome , and thy transgressions are encreased to her number and thy rebellion against the lord is grown more high , and through mercies and deliverance art thou waxen fat , and now thou kicks against the lord , and in thy heart sayes , who is he ? o when wilt thou consider , what the lord hath wrought ? when wilt thou call to minde his just and righteous dealing ? who hast forgotten the day of thy former visitation , and is becoming more vile in the sight of the lord , by thy secret hypocrisie of deceitfull profession , then thou wast in thy open prophanesse , when thou layest naked in thy open sins . o desolate nation , the lord once and againe hath stretched forth his hands unto thee , in pitty for thee , and he sent his servants and witnesses to warn thee of these thy transgressions , and to call upon thee to awake thee out of thy carelesnesse , and he gave thee a glorious day of visitation , and free tenders of salvation , wherein thou mightst have made thy peace with him , and repent thee of thy sin ; and his servants were faithfull in thee , and lamented over thee , and gave themselves to be spent for thee , and gladly suffered the reproach of the heathen , and the cruelty of the wicked , that thereby thou mightst be reclaimed out of thy rebellion and wickednesse , and they gave their back to the smiter , and loved not their life unto death , nor prized not their liberty unto bonds , but diligently in sufferings , and labours , and perplexities , called unto thee , and through thy townes and cities proclaimed the visitation and message of the lord concerning thee , and was accounted as sheep for the slaughter , that they might finish their testimony to the gathering of thee , but thou wouldst not , but hast to this very day stopped thy eare from counsell , and hardned thy heart against reproofe , and contemned the day of thy visitation , and hereby added to thy measure of wickednesse in dealing cruelly with the lords servants , who rewarded them evill for good , and entreated them shamefully , and laid thy hand of oppression upon them , and rejected their message of glad tidings , and would not be instructed in the way of the lord unto salvation , but gave heed unto the false visions of thy lying prophets , and took counsel against the lord of thy inchanters , & persecuted the faithfull by unjust imprisonments , and dealt wickedly with the lords chosen , and made unrighteous decrees in thy wrath , and sealed them in thy cruelty , and made a purpose in thy heart to root out the seed of jacob , and to lay wast the lords heritage . o ireland , hereby in the name of the lord ( thus far ) i seal my testimony in faithfulnesse unto thee , and binds up my many burdens , and travells , and reproaches , and tryalls , and sufferings in thee , in a few words , which is the word of the lord concerning thee . yee heads , and rulers , that sits upon the throne , repent , and turne to the lord , from whom you are grievously revolted by wofull backslidings , a grievous sin have you committed , a grosse sum of hainous abomination is recorded against you , the righteous god will meet you in his judgements , and once more will appear in the fire of indignation against you , and your mountains of pride , and vaine-glory , and selfe-exaltation , shall be layed wast , as your enemies were before you , and as you have thought to doe ( to root out the seed of jacob , and to spoyle the tender grapes of the lords vintage ) even so shall it be done unto you , and your destruction cometh as an armed man , and you cannot escape , nor fly to hide your selves , from the wrath that cometh , which is kindled already to devoure the pleasant palaces of your wicked hearts delight . woe is me for you ; you that are exalted upon your mountaine of ease and liberty , having forgotten the rock from whence you are hewn , who were raised out of weaknesse to reprove the mighty , and gives not glory to the lord , neither considers what he hath done for you , but are become ingratefull , and disobedient children , and of a double heart and tongue , professing liberty of the pure conscience , but living in corrupt fleshly bondage , oppressing the just , and slaying the holy one , and neglecting the cry of the innocent , having made your fingers as heavy as your fathers loynes ; the hand of the lord is against you , and his wrath will break out upon you , who strengthens the hand of evill doers , and gives liberty in your dominions , unto the scum of the nations , to possesse your land in peace , and will not give place unto the seed of jacob , but fortifies your selves against him , and will not suffer him to inherit ; how full is your land of murderers , of drunkards , of lyars , and swearers , and of prophane persons , of sugitives , and vagabonds , and runnagades , who is protected by your law , to possesse in peace ? but in wrath have you turned your sword against the upright , and have made lawes to limit the spirit of the lord , and to uphold deceit . therefore repent of this your sin , who hath endeavoured to prevent the lord ; and humble your selves ye lofty , for the purpose of your hearts are broken , and a scattered seed remains in your dominions , which the lord will blesse , and which you cannot be able to suppresse , and as pricks in your eyes will it stand a witnesse against you in your hypocrisie , and cruelty , and the more ye lay yokes upon it , the more it will spring forth . therefore be wise ye rulers , and judges , and leave to imagine mischiefe , and lay your hands upon your mouths , and open them not any more , and turne in your minds to the light of christ jesus , wherewith you are enlightned , and it will let you see what you have done , and will set your sins in order before your eyes , and will justly reprove you , who have not done , as you would be done unto , but have cast the law of god behind your backs , and not regarded the call of equity , and if you love the light of christ it will change your mindes , and will bring you to repentance from sin unto god , and from the dominion of ●a●an unto the kingdome of christ jesus ; the light is your teacher if you love it , and will guide you in the wayes of god , but if you goe on in your wickednesse , it is your condemnation eternally , and shall seale to the justnesse of the judgements of god when they come upon you ; now you have time and a faire warning , prize the day of your visitation before the decree of vengeance be sealed against you , and repentance be hid from your eyes , lay it to heart , you are but men and not god , and your strength flesh and not spirit ; if you own the light it will manifest the will and counsell of the lord unto you , and give you power to act righteousnesse unto god , wherein you will be accepted ; consider , least you goe down to destruction , and there be none to deliver you . and unto all you that doe professe the name of the lord , and have got the forme of the saints worship in your imaginations , and have separated your selves into an outward conformity , without the power of righteousnesse brought forth in you , and would be called members of the church of all sects and sorts ; repent ye , of your hypocrisie , and stop your mouthes in the dust , for you are weighed in an equall balance , and are found wanting ; and are tryed by the searcher of hearts , the light of the world , and are found corrupted ; deceitfull are you in the root , and cursed in your branch , of deep and secret hypocrisie , pride and coveteousnesse , and the love and glory of the world , and fleshly exaltation abounds among you , as branches of the root wherein you grow ; and how can you bring forth good fruit out of your cursed ground ? your knowledge is bruitish and vaine , and your outward conformity is a wearinesse to the lord ; for you are found fighters against him , and opposers of christ jesus , and denyers and contemners of his light , by which he hath lightned every man that comes into the world ; you stumble at the foundation and builds upon the sand , one of you building a wall , and another daubing it with untempred morter ; your hearts are not upright with the lord , but flatters your own soules ; which of you hath denyed the world for christ , or what have you laid down for him ? in your vaine imaginations you worship god ignorantly , making his commandements voyd through your transgressions . you stand in the cursed nature , alive to the world , following the vaine delights thereof , resisting the way of the lord , through your wisdome , which is foolishinesse with god , you have the profession of the scriptures in your naturall knowledge , but you are without the life thereof ; out of the unity of the one spirit of life in severall meanings , and opinions , which is death ; and in vaine conceits are you scattered upon the barren mountaines , where your soules are starved , and strayed , in the cloudy and dark day ; and you are devoured under your dumb idoll shepheards , who are in cains way of wickednesse , and in the steps of all the false prophets , and of the scribes and pharisees , fulfilling their measure of wickednes and persecution , against them is the wrath of god kindled to consume them as stubble ; they preach for hire , and they divine for money , and they seek for their gaine from their quarter , and they run , and was never sent , and you are not profited by them , but are ever learning , and never able to come to the knowledge of the truth . awake ye professors , god calls unto you , give eare unto his voyce , come out of babylon and turne unto sion , that her desolate places may be builded , you wander abroad in the darknesse , groping as blind men , your profession will wither , and all your knowledge will consume away , and your righteousnesse is abomnation to the lord , your praying god hates , and your oblations is a wearinesse to him , for you are in the enmity against god , and the serpents head is not bruised . come down ye cedars , who are exalted above the crosse of christ , and make not a cloak of the saints words to cover your unrighteousnesse ; grievous is your idolatry , who have painted your selves with the likenesse of the saints life , and bows to the image set up in your imaginations , drawing near god with your mouths , but with your hearts going after your coveteousnesse : repent , the day of the lord is coming upon all flesh , and meet the lord , and prepare his way ; and bow your heads you lofty oakes , who saith in your hearts you are the onely people , but your lying hearts deceives you , and you are found naked and without a covering . all ye that desire after the way of the lord , of all sorts of people who are simple and honest hearted , whether prophane or professor , you have a day of visitation from the lord , yet stretched forth unto you , come ye unto the lord , and forsake all your lovers , lay aside your evill hearts which hath led you aside from the way of salvation , and now learne the fear of the lord , which is the beginning of wisdome , and mind the one thing needfull , which is of great prize , even the salvation of your soules , presse after , and come out of the broad way of perdition , wherein the world goes on to destruction , and enter into the straight way , where the unclean walks not ; cease from all the deceitfull wayes and worships of the world , and love truth , and walk in simplicity . cease from all your idoll temples , for god dwells not in them , but his saints are his temples , wherein he dwells and walks : cease from all your idoll worships , and feigned prayers , and praises , for god is not worshipped in vaine traditions , as in observing dayes , and times , and outward things , but in spirit and truth is he worshipped , and such he seeks to worship him , and a broken spirit and an upright heart is accepted with him . cease from all your idoll shepheards , and priests of baal , that preaches for hire , and divines for money , and seeks for their gaine from their quarter , for they profit not the people at all , who are ever learning while they live upon earth , and none able to come to the knowledge of the truth : therefore cease from man , and wait upon the lord , who is now risen to teach his people by his spirit in his way of truth and righteousnesse , in his peace and purity , where his blessing is received from his presence , which is with all that fear him . therefore awake , awake , out of darknesse , and love not to slumber in the dark night , which long hath ruled over you ; this is the day of your returne , and of your visitation , wherein the lord would gather you ; therefore resist not the love of the lord , wherein he calls you to repentance from dead works to serve him in righteousnesse ; but every one turne your minds inward to the light of christ jesus , wherewith every one of you is lightned , which light is it which convinceth you of sin , and lets you see your evill deeds , and whom you have served , and how you have spent your time ; the light shines in darknesse , and reveals unto you the secret intents of your dark hearts , and doth secretly reprove the wicked purposes of your minds : with this light in your consciences , your sins are written , and all that ever you have done is recorded ; and this light shall be the swift witnesse , of the condemnation of the wicked , in the day of the lord ; and by it all your works will be brought to remembrance , and your sins will be set in order before you , to receive judgement by christ jesus : and here is the free love and gift of god unto you , who hath given you a light to guide you in his way ; if you own it , and wait in it , it will manifest the judgements of god against sin in you , and will condemn sin in your flesh , and will reveal the righteousnesse of god to be your covering ; if you dwell in the light , it is your teacher , and way unto life eternall , and if you bring all your deeds to it , it will reprove every evill word and work , and give you discerning of things that differ it will manifest the secretest deceit of your hearts , and the windings of the serpent , and will be judge thereof , till unrighteousnesse be taken away , and a birth brought forth from above , and born of another nature and seed , which if you be not born againe , you cannot enter into the kingdome of god . therefore in the fear of the lord all consider , and search your selves , in tender love to all your soules i write : you must be judged in the flesh , that you may be justified in the spirit , and you must be made poor , and emptied of all your knowledge , and wisdome , that you may be filled and made truly wise . so if you believe in christ jesus the light , and life , of the world , your hearts will be cleansed by the word of god , which endures for ever ; and the covenant of peace will be established with you , where sin is no more remembred , being condemned , so now you have all time , this is to you all a warning , as i was moved of the lord . repent , the dreadfull day is at hand , and meet the lord , by confessing and forsaking your sins , and prepare the way of the lord , his coming draweth near , least his judgements come upon you unawares , and his wrath sweep you away in fury , and your nation become more cursed then the rest : all your applying of christs righteousnesse , while your selves are sinners , is to no purpose , for no hypocrite can enter into life , nor none that works wickednesse , hath eternall life abiding in them , but are in the death , which hath passed over all men , and the curse remaineth upon the disobedient , and all in the first nature are children of wrath . therefore every one wait in the light , that you may be changed , and take up the daily crosse of christ , that your own wills , affections , lusts , and desires , may be crucified , and you may become dead to the world , and may live unto god , in his nature and likenesse , that your souls may be satisfied therewith ; and all that hunger and thirst after righteousnesse , shall be filled with the true food . therefore wait , all you that fear the lord , and meet together in his counsell , and wait for his law that you may walk therein , and lay aside the works of darknesse , which are made manifest by the light , and also condemned , in all that come to sion . spend not your time in the vaine deceits of the world , nor follow not the delights thereof , for according to your works must you be judged in the day of the lord . depart from iniquity , and all the works of the flesh , pride , and coveteousnesse , lying , swearing , and double-dealing , and all the fruits of unrighteousnesse , let them be judged , and let the time past be sufficient that you have wrought evill , and now returne , and work righteousnesse in god , by the light , which all that lovees , works in god . and deceive not your selves , with a deceitfull covering , of selfe making , and selfe righteousnesse , professing the scriptures in your carnall minds , which was given forth by the spirit , and is not understood , but by the same spirit ; while the first nature stands alive in you , you cannot please god , but is in the enmity against him : humble your selves , and come down to the light ▪ and search your hearts thereby . woe unto the lofty , and high minded , who will not be instructed , but hates reproofe . woe is unto all lyars , and swearers , and whoremongers , and vagabonds , and prophane persons ▪ such cannot inherit the kingdome of god , nor enter to within the gates of the city , but are to be troden in the wine-presse of the wrath of god for ever and ever . therefore awake , awake , ye carelesse and unbelieving , and fear and tremble ye children of disobedience , who hates the light , and loves your evill deeds , and upholds your false prophets , whom god never sent , and will not own the lord to be your teacher , the light in your conscience is your condemnation , for this is the condemnation of the world , that light is come , and men hates it . so be you warned all people , the day of the lord is at hand , and now he calls , therefore hear his voyce , and hearken to his light , which is of christ , which onely is needfull to salvation ; and there is no other name given for salvation . and if you will not hear and receive this day of visitation , which in love appears unto you , you shall hear in the day of visitation of vengeance ; and behold the lord comes quickly , make straight his pathes ; the light is your teacher if you love it ; and your condemnation if you have it . written from london , to go abroad in the nation of ireland , as a visitation to all sorts of people , and is the sealing of the lords testimony unto that land , as moved of the lord , in love , and pitty , to lost soules , by edw : burrough . a warning to the heads , and rulers , and people of dublin . hear the word of the lord oh ye inhabitants of the city of dublin , ye rulers , and magistrates , governours , collonels , captains , and souldiers , and all ye people of the city , and ye inhabitants of the land of ireland , my word is to you all , saith the lord . oh thou city of dublin , in the day of thy calamity , when sorrow , fear , paine and tribulation was upon thee , when thou was compassed about with adversaries , who cryed ah , ha ! we will make thee as a plaine , and as a wildernesse , as we have done the rest of the nation : and they said in their hearts none should be able to deliver you out of their hands , but said , we will cut off and destroy at once , that our selves may be exalted ; i the lord who changes not , was as a fortresse , and as a bulwark about thee , and made thy heart couragious against them , and delivered thee out of their hands , even from a people whose hands was full of blood , and whose mercies were cruelty , and whose hearts were hardned against me , and had sould themselves to work evill in my sight , and counted it their glory to despise my name , and to abhor all righteousnesse in their hearts : and in that day when they opened their mouths wide , as a leviathan , to swallow thee up , and make thee a heap of stones , and a desolation ; then i made thy walls as iron , and thy gates as brasse , and thy batteries strong , and guarded thee , and compassed thee about with my strength , and i made thy face as an adamant against them , and delivered thee by my out-stretched arme , and by my power , out of their hands , and brake the teeth of thy enemies , and put a hook in their jawes , and brake them before thee as a potters vessell , and powred out my indignation against them as a flood , and my wrath as a stream swept them all away , and i gave their carkases to fall by the sword , and for the fowles of the aire to feed upon , and hath made them perish in my wrath , and cut them off in my sore displeasure , and made their names stink in the nations , and their princes are cast out as a withered branch , and are perished with the uncircumcised , and their glory and renown is turned into reproach and everlasting infamy , and are rotten and become as dung and as mire to tread upon in the streets . therefore thus saith the lord unto thee oh dublin , and to thy inhabitants o nation of ireland , take heed and beware least thou be lifted up in thy heart , and say , my hand hath done all this , but give glory and honour to me , saith the lord , who am the god of the living , who dwells in the light ; and now beware that the same root of bitternesse spring not up in thee , as did in them whom i cast out before you . and oh you rulers and heads of the people , i have sent to try you , and this i require of you , doe justice , love righteousnesse , and ease the oppressed , and take heed of seeking your selves , and your own honour , and glory , and renown in the earth , nor lord it not over your brethren , who have born a part of your suffering , and the nations , in the heat of the day : lift not up your selves as the gentile lords whom i cast out , who exercised dominion one over another , and did grind the face of their brethren , and made them as slaves , and intreated them shamefully ; and because of this i cast them out , and hath given their dominion to others , and their houses and lands you possesse , which you builded nor planted not . now therefore take heed unto your selves , and be of a perfect heart before me ; for my righteousnosse is to be revealed in the earth , and now i am about to declare my name , and my power and my glory will i reveal in the earth , and will poure out my spirit upon my sons and my daughters , whom i have , and will send abroad to publish my name , and declare my cousell to the ends of the earth , that the nation may know me , whom for many generations they have worshipped ignorantly . therefore be ye all warned , stint not me , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not me the holy one of israel , saith the lord , by your power , nor make no law against me so as to think in your hearts to make me subject to any creatures will , for i am the lord who works , and who shall hinder ? and will bring my purpose to passe and none shall let ; therefore i say unto you , limit not me , how , where , by whom , and when i must speak , for i have chosen the weak things to confound the wife , the mighty , and the honourable : and now i will be no longer flattered with words , but he that is of an upright heart will i honour , and he that seeks himselfe will i abase ; therefore now while you have time prize it , and neglect not the day of your visitation . and oh you rulers , uphold not these by a law whom i have made the people of my curse , who have devoured gods heritage , and have flattered the nations , and their princes , and their rulers , and have sought themselves , every one seeking for his gaine from his quarter , for with them , above all , my controversie is against , and my wrath shall be accomplished upon them , for they have caused my people to erre , and they that said they have spoken in my name know me not , therefore my people is lost because there hath been no vision among them : but now saith the lord , a stem is sprung up , and the star of jacob shall arise , and the earth shall be filled with light , and my righteousnesse shall flow as a stream ; and my glory have i , and will i to my servants reveal , who have denyed and doe denie themselves and follow me , unto them is my will revealed . therefore hearken oh ye people , and give eare thou nation of ireland , and all your people from highest to the lowest , thus saith the lord , though thou be parched , and thy skin peeled off thee , and become as a wildernesse , and as a reproach , and as a lamentation for all that passe by ; thy walls i will build , and thy breaches which is as the sea will i make up , and thou shalt be no more a proverb , nor a reproach , nor a hissing to the nations , and to all that passe by ; for because of unrighteousnesse the land said i wast , and gave it to the spoiler ; so now if thou wilt hearken unto me , i will repsenish thee againe , and the remnant that i have spared shall be blessed ▪ therefore all ye people give eare , and take need of lying swearing , cursing , drunkennesse , coveteousnesse whoredom , drunkenness , hypocrisie , dissimulation , and worshipping strange gods , for those and many more abominations that was committed among the people , i cast them out , and made them a reproach , and executed my wrath upon them . therefore fear me , who am near , who inhabites eternity , and dwells in the light ; i am near , saith the lord , and my light is revealed in your consciences , and there mind my light which convinceth and shews you every one your sins , and love it , and bring all your deeds to be tryed by it , and there you will see me revealed in righteousnesse , to all you that waite upon me , and keep your selves from the pollution of the heathen , and so the way of righteousnesse you will know as you hearken unto me , saith the lord , who dwells in the light , which is the life of men , and searcheth the hearts of the sons of men by the light . therefore unto the light take heed , this is present with you , in which god manifests himselfe , here is all your teacher loving it , here is your condemnation , hating it , as christ saith who is the light . so all people of the nation , i have cleared my conscience unto you , as i was moved of the everlasting god ; and so be you all warned , least the same thing come upon you as did upon them whom i cast out and trod under foot , saith the lord . dub. 16 of the 6 month , 1655. a lover of your soules , and one that hath borne with you in suffering , and shall rejoyce with you as you own the lord , who hath visited you , called after the flesh , francis howgill . an information to the heads , and the ground of the law layed down to the judges and justices , and to all that handle the law in that nation . all ye heads , and rulers , and judges , and counsellours , and all you that sit in counsell together in the seat of justice and judgement , from whom the law doth goe forth into the nation , and all you that handle the law take heed to your selves , for the living god of power is judge of you and over you all , to you all i speak the word of the lord , without respect to any of your persons ( but is a lover and respecter of righteousnesse , and true judgement , and justice ) that i may stand clear of your blood , for god hath laid it upon me to give you warning , which if i doe not your blood will be upon me , and if this you refuse to hear and obey , your blood be upon your selves for ever . christ jesus is the light of the world , the true light , which lightneth every man that comes into the world , and by which every one of you is lightned , which light , if it you love and be guided by , it will lead you out of the worlds way and nature and unrighteousnesse , and will give you an entrance into eternall life and peace , and an assurance in christ when this world ceases to be , and in this world it will teach you how to serve god in righteousnesse in your generation , and to give righteous judgements and counsell among your brethren without respect of persons , for the law of god respects no mans person , nor justice regards not the person of the mighty ; the light of christ jesus in all your consciences , and in all mens consciences , is just , and one with christ , and one with the law of god , in its measure , and condemneth the unjust and all works of wickednesse , who against it doth act ; by which light every one of you being guided , your own consciences in particular will be exercised towards god and towards men , and by him you being ruled and judged will know how to rule and to judge for him in the world among men , who are required for god to rule and judge in righteousnesse and equity , and none can rule for god but who are ruled by him , with his light which shines in the conscience , by which you being governed , will by it governe in the earth righteously . you are not to judge for gifts and rewards , for if you doe you judge not for god but for your selves , and you and your judgement is to be judged and condemned with the righteous law of god which is free but such who fear god and hates coveteousnesse and gifts and rewards , are to bear rule , and such will handle the law righteously , and will be a terror to evill doers who doth not fear god but acts contrary to the light of christ in their own consciences , and so transgresses the just law , and brings themselves under the guilt and so under condemnation , and such a government will stand for the praise of them that doe well and encouraging of the upright , but if such bear rule and handle the law which know not god nor is not ruled by him , these will abuse the law , and will be a terrour to righteousnesse and good works , and will strengthen the hands of evill doers and will let vice and wickednes escape unpunished . this i speak in love to all your soules , to the informing of all your minds , that you may know your place and how to exalt justice and judgement ; the light of the son of god , by which every man is lighted , is but one in all , just , righteous , and equall , the same in him that hates it and transgresses the righteous law , as it is in him that loves it , and judges all transgressions . and this light of christ , by which all men is lightned , is the seate of justice and of true judgement , and the ground of all good wholsome laws , and every law that is contrary to it is for condemnation by it : therefore i say , waite in the light , by which you are lightned , to receive the pure law of god to judge all causes by , and make no law in your own wills , nor act not in such laws made by the will of man , for such laws is oppression , and tyranny lodges in them , and false judgement , and such god hath and will cast out , who acted from that ground . so be ye warned by their fall , and judge not after your own thoughts , nor sensuall carnall wisdome , nor follow not your own wills , nor the counsell of your own hearts , but stand in gods counsell , and fear his name , and tremble at his presence , and waite to be guided by him in his holy law , which all unrighteous counsells , and vaine affections , and false judgements will condemn in your own hearts , & then you will truly know how to judge your brethren in equity & righteousnes , how to reward well doers , & how to punish evil doers according to the measure of their transgressions , and according to the light in their own consciences , by which they being convinced from your law of the evill of their transgression , will confesse your law and judgement to be just and equall , and you to be righteous judges ; here you judge for god , and bears not the sword in vaine , but is a terror to transgressours , and to the disobedient , and lawlesse , against which the law was onely added to slay unrighteousnesse , but it was not made for the righteous whose consciences are exercised towards god and towards man , by the pure law of god written in the heart , and upon such and over such your law hath no power , for they are one , and in union with that law which is righteous and doth witnesse the justnesse , and goodnesse , and holinesse of it , but if you make a law in your own wills , and judge by such a law , then you will make the innocent suffer , and oppresses them who walks in the law of god and in the exercise of a pure conscience , christ was put to death by such a law , and the saints in all generations was persecuted by such laws which was made in the will of man contrary to the will and law of god ; therefore take heed to your selves least god hew down you and your law together , and condemn you by his righteous law eternally , which law of god needs not to be made but is made already , and to be witnessed by the light in every mans conscience to justification or condemnation , and is revealed in all that love righteousnesse . so take heed what you doe , and know your place and the length and breadth of your law which is committed to you , which is to keep the outward man in good order , and the nations in peace and truth , and from theft , and murder , and adultery , and fighting and quarrelling , and drunkenesse , and wronging one another , and such like ; such who acts these things walks contrary to the light , and so brings themselves under the penalty of the law ; but over the inward man your law which is outward hath no power to bind , to limit , or to tie too or from any way of worship in religion , but let religion defend it selfe , and lay not your law upon the conscience to exercise dominion over it , for it is christs seat in whom he will rule , least you be found tyrants and numbred for destruction , nor limit not the spirit of the lord how , when , where , and by whom it must speak , for the holy men of god in all ages ever cryed against such laws as was contrary to the law of god , and did limit the spirit of the lord , and against such rulers as did judge false judgement , and for gifts and rewards , and against such priests and prophets as preached for hire , and divined for money , and sought for their gaine from their quarter , and made a prey upon the people , and through coveteousnesse made merchandize of soules ; therefore be ye warned , if such you uphold by a law which acts those things which the scripture declares against , which the holy men of god gave forth by his spirit , the scripture which you professe shall stand a witnesse against you , and the law of god will condemn you , and god will lay your honour in the dust , and cast you out of the seat of judgement , as he hath done the power of the king & bishops before you , but judge the cause of the poor & needy , of the widow & fatherles , & joyn mercy with judgment , and lay your swords upon oppression and all tyranny and wrong dealing , that the land may be cleansed of evill doers , and equity and righteousnesse may flow down , and the nation in good order may be kept in peace and righteousnesse , and so god will establish you among his children , who are taught of him alone , and are far from oppression , to the light of god in all your consciences i doe speak which if you make laws contrary to it , and judge contrary to it , it is the eternall condemnation of you , and of your lawes and judgement . and remember you are warned in your life time , and my conscience is cleared to you , and in the day of the lord you shall witnesse me to be true , and this to be the word of the lord to you , whether you will hear or forbear . written to you by a friend of righteousnesse and true judgement from the spirit of the lord , as moved of him in love to all your soules , to go abroad among the heads and rulers and judges in dublin and else where through the nation of ireland , from one who is called a quaker by scorners whose name in the flesh is , edw : burrough . written at dublin the 23 of the 8 month , 1655. and now o ye heads and rulers , happy had you been if you had taken the counsel of the lord , and submitted to have obeyed his word , which came to you as moved of him , but in that you have neglectted , & have made laws in your will , & exercised lordship over the conscience , and have limited the lord , and have purposed to be a terror to good , and strengthned the wicked ▪ and have not regarded the will of god , but have persecuted and imprisoned the innocent , and judged after your own hearts ; therefore according to the word of the lord , your blood will be upon your own heads , for you have not taken warning , and i am clear thereof for ever . an exhortation sent to the chiefe commander and his counsell , and the just cause of the innocent laid at their door . we who are servants of the lord of hosts , who is the protector of heaven and earth ; we who stand in his fear , and knows his counsell , are moved of him who lives for ever , who is , i am , and there is none besides him ; to clear our consciences , and our lords truth , from the lies and slanders which are cast upon us , and the good way of the lord , which envious spirits who are proud and knows nothing , that cannot abide sound doctrine , doth reproach and slander us , and by false accusations lay things to our charge which we never knew ; therefore we being innocent and clear cannot but deny and bear witnesse against all those proceedings , which is not according to the law of righteousnesse and equity , and lay them at your door , whom it nearly concernes . unto thee henry cromwell , who is commander in chiefe for the affaires of ireland , and to thy counsell we write . we have seen two severall warrants under your hands , dated at dublin , and in them both you say you have received information at your board , of great disorders , and disturbances of late in the county of corke , and places adjacent , by francis howgill and edward burrough . this we say unto you , your informer hath declared an untruth at your board , and we desire that you may make it appear wherein we have made any disturbance , or disorder , all these things in your warrents we denie , and doe charge you in the name of the god of justice to send for them that so informed you , that have so abused you , and are so bold and impudent , as to declare unto you any such thing , and so hath caused you to bring guilt upon your selves , in sending out your warrants to bring the innocent before your judgement seat , and caused us to be dragged a hundred miles from place to place , as malefactors , and as though we had done some criminall act , and when we have come before you , you had nothing to lay to our charge , but hath endeavoured to give sentence of banishment of us out of your nation , who are free born english men , and have alwayes been faithfull and true to the common-wealths interest from first to last , even untill now , neither have been burthen some to your nation , nor transgressed any known law of the nation , and you have judged us before our accusers come , and herein you doe us great injustice , and you act contrary to the law of equity , and that which you your selves in your own case would not allow ; to that in all your consciences i speak . oh that ever you should thus requite the lord for his love and mercy , in breaking the yoak of the oppressor from off your necks , and now power is given into your hands to relieve the innocent , and to set the oppressed free , to execute judgement and righteousnesse upon the transgressors , whom the law is against : and this doth god require of you , that his will may be done , and your wills denyed , that so the nation may be established in righteousnesse , and that your latter end may be better then your beginning ; but if you goe on in the way you are beginning , and turne justice backward , and let equity fall in the streets , and not suffer judgement to enter , then misery will be your end . woe is me , for you have all forgotten the rock from whence you were hewn , and the deliverances of the lord to you in the time of distresse , yea you have forgotten , and your hearts are lifted up , and by your policy think to establish your own wills , and to limit the holy one a way , and set up your standard by his , and trust in the arme of flesh ; what is become of the liberty of tender consciences you have spoken of ▪ and we have engaged with you to purchase ? and is it ended in this ? oh horrible hypocrisie ! that they who bear witnesse against all sin , and iniquity , and against all deceit , that they should now be made a prey of . and we charge all in the name of the living god , in ireland to convince us of evill , or the transgression of any law ; and if it cannot be done , let none lay hold on us , to abridge us of our liberty , least you bring guilt upon your selves . and doe not take counsell at them ▪ ●or hold them up , who are hirelings , and in the steps of the false prophets walks , and in the error of balaam , who speaks for gifts and rewards , who in all generations resisted every appearance of god in his saints ; and now would make all bow to their image , and they bend their tongues , and reports lies , and makes lies their refuge , the hand of the dreadfull god of heaven and earth is against them , yea the lord will thunder from heaven against them , they shall be blown away in the whirle wind of gods wrath , who have perverted the way of the lord , because they stand not in the counsell of the lord , but flatter you , as they have done the princes in all generations , till all was laid wast together . woe is me for you , have you consulted , have you taken counsell together against the lord , and his servants , whom he hath sent unto you , and doe ye thus requite the lord already ? have you sent out your decree , to shut out and root out the seed of jacob in a day , whom the lord hath made choice of above all the families of the earth , surely your decree will be broken , and your cords will be but as a bulrush ; for them whom you now set at nought is precious in the eyes of the lord , and unto our god shall you bow and worship at his feet . consider if there be any honesty left among you , what is become of all the persecutors of old ? what became of the bishops , and what became of that power that held them up , are they not all sunk as a stone into the sea , and become a reproach ? and will you tell of reformation , and yet act in the same footsteps ? if you go on you are at the bank of destruction , and at the sides of the pit , and you will be made as a ruinous heap , and as desolate as mount esau ▪ which is a place for dragons ; was not persecution ever blind ? would they ever own themselves to be such ? for verily if you knew us , you would not have done so unto us . when herod stretched out his hand to vex certaine of the church , the next you hear of him he is eaten up of worms ; the dread of the lord of hosts is upon all the proud , and lofty , and high oaks , and the wind of the almighty shall blow them all down root and branch , and all your strength , in which you trust , if you take counsell at aegypt , will become as a bowed wall , and as a rotten hedge ; and god will make them that exalts themselves against him , as a dunghill , and as the princes of gog , of mesek , and tuball , which are all perished among the rest of the uncircumcised . oh ye potsheards doe you think you can limit the lord , will he be instructed by you ? he that reproves him let him answer it ▪ can you command the wind that it blow not upon the earth ? can you stop the waves of the sea , and say unto them be still ? can you stop the bottles of heaven that it raine not ? if you cannot , all be silent , and strive not to resist the lord in his own work which he is bringing to passe in this his own day , he will confound the wisdome of the wise , and bring to nought the honourable of the earth , and make all as a plaine before him , who can withstand him ? oh ye potsheards feare and tremble before him , who is a consuming fire to all the ungodly , who is visiting the transgressours with vengeance dread and fury , and putting into their hands a cup of trembling , and making jerusalem a burthen some stone , all that meddle with it shall be wearied , they shall faint and bow themselves , and sink under it , and be crushed as with a cart wheel to pieces , and their names shall rot from under heaven , and all shall know our god is the living god , yea the god of gods , yea there is none like him ; and know this , no power you had of us except it had been from above , we were with you in the city of dublin ▪ near three months , some of us , and none laid hands on us , but the time was not come , and till the testimony of the lord was near finished , which he sent us to doe , none could lay hands on us : and know this , though this be a time of temptation and tryall , yet it shall be for the furtherance of the gospell of christ ; and though you think in your hearts by sending us out of your nation that so all will cease , and deceit will stand without molestation ; i tell you , nay , even the children who are yet in the womb shall be brought forth and bear witnesse against the deceit of this generation . and know this , there is a stump which is but little , which is bound about as with iron and brasse , and out of it shall spring fire that shall be kindled and flame to the torment of all them who worship the beast and have received his mark , and to the tormenting of all the fals prophets in the nation , and it shall burne and none shall be able to quench it ▪ many shall bear witnesse unto us , that we came not in our own names , but in the name of the living eternall god ▪ who by his power hath accomplished his own work , for his own glory , and many shall blesse us in the name of the lord ; and all our opposers shall gnash their teeth , and gnaw their tongues for paine , for the torment that is coming upon them ; all that have resisted the counsell of the most high god ▪ and have gaine-sayed the lord , they shall perish in their gaine-saying , and we are clear and free from the blood of all men in this nation thus far , yea of every city town and village unto which we were moved to goe , and the blood of all the rest be upon those that have resisted us , and a good savour we are unto god in them that have believed in his name , of whom we have borne true witnesse unto , and in them that perish we are clear in the sight of god . and oh thou city of dublin , thou art as moab at ease , and art lifted up in thy heart , and rejoycing in thy spoyle , and art making thy selfe merry in the abundance of thy delicacies ; oh how full of prophanesse art thou ? oh how full of pride and vaine glory , of deceit and unrighteousnesse , of lust and filth , lying and swearing , and full of bryars and thorns ? a carelesse untoward people : oh your abominations is loathsome to all the children of light , professing god in words , but in your lives and works denies him ; oh that thou hadst known in this thy day the things that belongs to thy peace , a crooked generation you are , the yoke must be laid upon your necks , will neither plague , famin , nor sword bring thee into subjection unto the lord , will neither mercy nor judgement take place in your hearts ; oh how long shall the lord bear with you ? how long shall he spare you ? his long suffering is near at an end , his patience is near out concerning you , and then woe woe to him that shall see the day which will come , the lord will arise as a lyon , and will rend and tear you , and his sword shall be bathed in the blood of his enemies , and he shall be wrath as in the valley of acor , and as in the dayes of gibea , and will bring ye down the mountaines , and levell you ye hills , and will make his name known in your overthrow , except ye repent , and they that are round about you , when they shall see calamity coming upon you , this shall be their proverbe , this is the city and people that despised the counsell of the lord , and contemned the instruction of the most high god , and provoked the lord to wrath , till his patience was worne out , and his long-suffering came to an end , and therefore is this evill come upon them . therefore gird your selves in sackcloath , and pour ashes upon your heads , houle and weep ye carelesse people , misery is coming upon you , the dreadfull god will visite with a scourge , and will make you know he is the lord ; blessed is he that hears , and considers , and repents , and turnes from his iniquity , before the decree be sealed against you , which will never be altered . this is the day of your visitation , and if you contemn it woe unto you for ever , and so we are clear in gods sight of you all from the highest to the lowest , and your blood if you perish will the lord require at your own hands , from this time forth and for evermore . dublin 24 of the 12 month , 1655. we are friends to all just power and are subject to the highest power for conscience sake , but witnes against all deceit , and unrighteousnes , and against all that holds the truth in unrighteousnes ; who are prisoners of the lord for the testimony of christ , our consciences bearing us witnesse in the holy ghost , francis howgill . edw : burrough . the unjust suffering of the just declared , and their appeal to the just witnesse of god in all mens consciences . to all ye collonels , and commanders , and officers , and to all the honest hearted in the city of dublin , and else where , to whom this may come . hereby we the prisoners of the lord for the testimony of jesus , and for the exercise of a pure conscience , doe lay down our cause before you , and to the light of jesus christ in all your consciences we appeal in this our cause of righteousness and innocency to be judged thereby ; we are men fearing god , and working righteousnesse , and are friends to the common-wealth of israel , and are exalters of justice and true judgement in the earth , and are subject to all just power , and to every just ordinance of man for conscience sake , and have suffered the losse of all , and have borne part of the burden with you , that we might obtaine the freedome of the righteous seed , and the liberty of tender consciences , to serve the lord in his own way , and we are well known to the lord , though strangers to you , and are free men in the record of heaven , though now sufferers unjustly under your present authority , who hath taken the place of exercising lordship over our pure consciences , and hath imprisoned us , and endeavoured to give judgement of banishing us , onely upon false accusations and informations , and slanders , without the proofe or testimony of any accusation of evill justly laid to our charge . and to you hereby be it known , that not for evill doing doe we thus suffer , for to this present no man hath convinced us of any evill , nor justly proved the transgression of any law ( martiall or civill ) against us , though we stand accused of many grievous things , of which we are clearly innocent in the sight of him that lives for ever , and doth nothing more desire herein but to be tryed by the law of equity ▪ and righteousnesse , and judged according thereunto . by vertue of command given unto us , by the eternall spirit of the lord came we into this land of ireland , contrary to the will of man , not to seek our selves , nor our own glory , nor to prejudice your nation nor government , nor to be hurtfull to your common-wealth , but with the message of the gospel of christ jesus we came to turn from darknes to light and from the power of satan to the power of god , and to minister the word of reconciliation and salvation freely without a gift or a reward unto lost soules , and hereof god is our witnesse , and also we have the seals of our ministry , which unto us herein can give testimony by the same spirit , and this are we ready to seal with our blood : and these six months , and upward have we laboured in travells , and sufferings , and reproaches , and have passed through your cities and towns in sobernesse , and meeknesse , have we preached the kingdome of god , and have holden forth the word of truth , and the testimony of jesus , and our lives have we not loved till this day , though sometimes dangers on every side hath beset us , that we might hold forth the faith of jesus , the author of our profession , in the exercise of a pure conscience , both by doctrine and conversation , and herein we are justified in the sight of god , and who is he that condemns us ? and doth call heaven and earth to record , and the light in all mens consciences who have heard our doctrine , or seen our conversation , to witnesse for us herein , and we challenge all you nation of ireland , our very enemies , to prove the contrary , though otherwise we stand falsly accused , and falsly reputed , to be disturbers , and makers of disorders , to the breach of publique peace , and such like grievous things upon the false information ; whereof a warrant was issued out from the chief ruler and counsell of ireland , and we thereby was apprehended in the city of corke , and haled by guards , as malefactors to , before the counsell in this city , where none of all these false accusations was or could be proved against us , nor the transgression of any known law could we be convicted of , and though occasions was sought against us , yet none could be found , and though snares was laid for our feet , yet were we not entrapped , but was cleared in the sight of god , witnessed by the light in all their consciences , and was found innocent and without reproofe in the eye of the lord , and by our innocency was their orders of false accusations made of none effect , and we thus far proved to be guiltles before the throne of true judgment ; yet notwithstanding contrary to the light in their own consciences , and contrary to the just laws of the nations ( which afordeth freedome to the freeborn and righteous ) were we committed to prison , without conviction or any guilt charged upon us , or the least appearance of evill towards any mans person , though falsly accused , yet nothing given true testimony of against us , whereby our boldnesse in the way of the lord could be discouraged , as having the testimony of the spirit of god bearing us witnesse in the holy ghost , that in all good conscience towards god and towards man we have lived unto this day , and so are without reproofe in the sight of god and all just men ; and though upon search and examination we were found guiltles thus far , yet further hath the enemy the devil prevailed in cruelty against the innocent , that it is endeavoured that we be banished , under the account of vagabonds , which last accusation is the most false and urighteous , for we challenge this , of whom have we begged ? or to whom have we been burdensome ? or whose bread have we eaten for nothing ? or what evil have we done ? where is the testimony of your slande●s ? but innocently doe we suffer these things , bearing reproaches , and binding the cruelty done unto us as chaines about our our necks , and as crowns upon our heads , having the assurance that for well doing we suffer these things from the hands of the rulers , through the lies and slanders of the teachers , who are in cains way of persecution , till they have fulfilled their measure of wickednesse , and be laid wast as the wildernesse . and this is our cause , and hereby it comes before you , by the light of christ in your consciences to be judged , if your hearts be not altogether hardned and your minds wholly blinded , and we lay it at the doore to receive sentence from you , and without respect of your persons , holds forth our guiltlesse cause before you , not begging any thing from you , but herein to clear our consciences , that you may save your selves from this untoward generation , whose root is corrupt , and fruit bitternesse , for while we have breath from the lord and injoynment of his presence , our duty is to serve the lord in bearing witnesse against injustice and all cruelty and oppression , and shall appeal to receive justice from the present power which now rules ; for in the name of the lord we challenge our priviledge of freedome as being freeborn ▪ till we be accused guilty by the just law of equity , unto which we are subject for conscience sake , and not to any mans will , but by word and writing is bound by the law of god to bear witnesse against the unjust proceedings herein of the heads and rulers of dublin , and shall seale our witnesse against them , and against their unrighteous decrees sealed in their cruelty against the innocent with our blood , if thereunto we be called . dub. 26 of the 12 month , 1655. francis howgill . edw : burrough . a challenge to the priests of dublin , to try their god , and their ministry , and their worships . we the servants and faithfull witnesses of the most high god , called and chosen of him , and redeemed out of nations , kindreds , tongues , and people , who are ministers of the word of life , and reconciliation , and messengers of glad tidings , and salvation , unto captive and weary souls , our glorying is onely in the lord , and not in our selves , who are by the world in scorne called quakers , who are at this present in outward bonds for the testimony of jesus christ in dublin , and who have been in the labour and travell of the gospell of god , this six months and upwards , in this nation of ireland , according to the will of god ordained hereunto , and moved , and commanded by his eternall spirit into this his work , for the seeds sake which is not of this world , to the gathering of it into the fold of everlasting peace , and to the clearing of the lord from the bloud of his enemies , that they may be left without excuse , by his powerfull word given unto us , and uttered by us ( and herein we are a good savor to god , both in them that perish and in them that believe ) and for this cause have we denyed our dearest and nearest relations , and loves not our lives unto death , that our testimony we may finish which is committed to us of the lord ; and because of this are we labourers under many burdens , and travells in many afflictions , and sufferings , and are abundantly reproached , and our lords truth of which we bear witnesse , greatly infamed , by many slandering , and back-biting tongues , especially by the teachers , and professed ministers , in the eares of their people and hearers , slandering us with being jesuits , and deceivers , and seducers , and hereticks , and blasphemers , and witches , and such like ; and we of those false accusations being clear , and our lords truth , the testimony ▪ which we hold wholly innocent , and are willing to be tryed , and proved , and made manifest to the inhabitants of this city and nation , in the sight of god . this therefore am i moved to give forth ; and hereby in the name of our living eternall god of heaven and earth , whom we serve , and worship , in that way which is called heresie , doe send it abroad as a challenge to all you teachers , and pretended ministers of what sort and forme soever , and to all you people whom it may really concerne , and especially to all you in the city of dublin , and places elsewhere in ireland , to whom this may come , that you meet us in the city of dublin , at some publique place , at a conveniant time appointed by you , at which place and time if the lord permit ( by the permition of the counsell of ireland , whose prisoners we are ) we shall you meet then there , to have a faire and sober dispute in the presence of all people , who may desire to be informed , or satisfied , concerning us and you , in these things whereof you can accuse us ; and also of those things , by way of sober questions , which we have to propound to you , not for any end to our selves , not to set up a kingdome of our own ( god is our witnesse ) but that the way of our god may be made manifest , and all deceit , and errour discovered , and all people may be informed the way to salvation , and as you are true to your god , and will answer for him , and are willing to be made manifest in your way of worship , and doctrine , and ministry , you are not to neglect , but hearing to answer our desires , and the desires of many hundreds , that you and we may be made manifest in the sight of god , to all mens consciences , who are in truth , and who are in errour , that shame and condemnation may come upon the guilty , and truth may be exalted over all deceit . given under our hands , who are prisoners for the testimony of jesus , whose names in the flesh are francis howgill and edw : burrough . you are desired to send your answer of these propositions to us , and if you consent to meet us , let sufficient notice be given abroad , that the inhabitants of the city and country may know five or six dayes time before . sent forth the 23 of the 12 month , from the sergeant at armes his house in dublin . this was sent to the priests of dublin , but no answer to this day have we received from them ; whereby it is manifest that they are not true to their god , nor willing to be tryed and made manifest , but loves darkenesse and hates the light , and back-bites in secret , and cannot give a witnesse openly but falls before the tryall , and truth reigns over them , and is exalted over their deceit . a discovery of the idoll dumb shepheards in that nation , and a lamentation over their starved and strayed flocks . the day of the lord is approaching , and the day of account draws near upon you the inhabitants of the earth , the time of your covenant is expired made with death , and hell , and the lord god will plead with you , and reckon with you , and give unto you a just reward , every one according to your deeds , even the condition of your bond . ye shepheards , and pastors of the flock , and teachers of the people , what account will ye render to the lord in the day of his appearing ? should you not have gathered the flock , and fed them , and taught them in the way of righteousnes , & preserved them from straying abroad , but instead thereof you have scattered them upon the barren mountaines , and have starved them , and have strayed them , and led them into by paths of idolatry , and made a prey upon them , and have fed your selves of them , and the heritage of the lord hath been wasted by you , and the pastures of the fold eaten up by wolves , and devourers , and lyons whelps , which made the flock afraid , driven them into secret corners of darknesse , leannesse , and poverty , where they are dead for want of food . o ye shepheards your account will be wofull , and miserable , in the dreadfull day which is hastning upon you ; not one lamb have you brought forth to perfection , to lie down in peace in the fold , but have nourisht it into the nature of a dog ; and a wolfe , and you have fed them with swines flesh , and with the husk , and milk they have not received from you , thereby to grow up unto god in his image ; and not one fleece hath the lord gathered from all your flock , you teachers , shepheards , and pastors , your debt of wickednesse is a grosse sum of great abomination in the record of account , you have taught innocent children into subtle hypocrisie , out of uprightnesse into guile , you have taught lies instead of truth , and thereby hath the people been instructed into error , sects , and false opinions , and not one child have you taught perfect in the way of the lord , neither one of your hearers have you presented perfect in christ jesus unto the father , but for gifts and rewards have you taken the charge of the learners , and not one hath come to the knowledge of the truth by you under your teaching , for you have been a cursed example , in pride , in coveteousnesse , in oppression , and in hypocrisie , and how could you teach children in the way of purity when your selves have walked in the way of idolatry , the language of babylon have you instructed the people , and not one verse have they learned in sions record , you have nurtured them in the nature of whoredome , and their virginity have they lost . what will ye doe ye shepheards , and teachers , the arrest of judgement from the court of equity is come forth against you , and sealed never to be changed ; whether will you fly to hide you ? gods judgements will pursue you , and your reward will be indignation and vengeance , and your charge will be the devouring and murder of soules , and the flock will be required of you , and every lamb , which carelesly you have starved , the blood thereof will be put upon your account , and every child you have taught in the way of iniquity , the iniquity thereof will be laid to your charge . o dolefull reckoning ! when the lord appears , a grievous sum are you guilty which you are never able to pay , and just he is that calleth you to account , and the truth of his bill will be sealed with the light in your own consciences , which is the lords witnesse , which hath been privy to all your abominations , one year after another have you been spared , and interest upon interest will be put upon your score , not one day of faithfull service and true watching over the flock can you give testimony of , but idle shepheards have you been , and slumbring watchmen have you proved , and the whole flock hath been devoured , and scattered , and not one lamb is found in the fold , nor one strayed sheep brought home from wandring , but the fences of the fold is laid wast , and the door is shut up , and bolted against him that would enter ▪ and you have removed the pastures out of the pleasant valleys , into the desolate , and wild , and untilled mountaines ▪ where every wilde beast playeth , and every desolate bird inhabiteth . what will you plead for your selves ? oh ye deceitfull hirelings , who have run and was not sent , by whom the people is not profited at all : but you leaders of the people have caused them to erre in unknown paths , and you have taken the charge of that you were not able to performe , you have wasted the masters goods , and his children have not been taught the way of holinesse ; you have spent his portion among harlots , and have given your lords mony to abominable uses , nothing is gathered of your vines , but wilde grapes , and sowre grapes , which the lords soule loatheth , no figs of your thorns hath been reaped , but your best fruit hath been of a loathsome tast , the most innocent among you hath been found guilty of innocent blood of soules . woe is me for you ye flocks of these shepheards folds , alas , alas , your soules are starved , and your feet are strayed , and into by paths of whoredomes have you been instructed , and the door of the true shepheards fold hath been shut against you , and the key of true knowledge hath been hid out of your sight , and obscurity and darknesse hath been cast before you , and the way of the lord hath been undiscovered to your understanding , and into secret and subtle idolatry and witchcraft have you been nurtured , and your wound hath been healed falsly , and it will break out into more incurable dangers . o how have you been driven away into strange pastures , and into barren heaths , and desarts , scattered loe here , and loe there , by the voyces of strangers , now when the lord is come to search you , instead of lambs you are found in the nature of wolves , and dogs , and lyons , biting and devouring , and scorning and reproaching the children of the true seed , and instead of children of light and truth , are you found strong men of darknesse and errour ; how is your nature changed since the first creation in the innocent image of god , strayed have you been , and not one brought home by your shepheards into the fold of truth , you have been a prey to devourers , and meat for the wild beasts of the desolate forrests , and a strong language have you learned of the egyptians character , and your delight hath been therein , even you have loved to have these things so , and like shepheards like sheepe strayers and strayed , devourers and being devoured ; what account will you give in the day of the lord ? for your sin is written with a pen of iron , sealed in your foreheads , children of the womb of wickednesse , a grosse sum of abomination is put upon your account , even lovers of darknesse , and haters of the light , how many times have you been called by the true shepheards voyce , and you neglect and will not be gathered ? how many good instructions have you heard ? and what profit have you received ? much teaching and many sermons have you heard , and yet to this day the way of truth have you not learned , but are groping in the dark in blindnesse and ignorance , and you blind have been led by the blind , and the mouth of the ditch is opened to swallow you uptogether , and you have refused knowledge and cannot endure to be reproved , you love to stray rather then to be gathered , and you delight in leannesse and poverty upon the barren mountaines rather then to be fed in the fat pastures of true food . shall not the lords soule be avenged upon you ? ye shepheads and flocks , ye teachers and people , your debt is summed into a large sum of grievous abomination , the indictment of vengeance is read , and sealing against you , proved to be just in the register of heaven , everlasting prison in the pit of darknesse , and everlasting banishment from the presence of the lord is signing against you , in the eternall law and righteous decree ; the light of the lord jesus christ which shines in all your consciences will arise to be the evidence of this just proceeding . god is grieved with you , you spirituall idolaters . repent , repent ye idoll shepheards , and deceitfull teachers , and ye scattered flock , and deceived people ; this is the day of your visitation , and a warning in your eares , the sword of the lord is drawn against you , and the whirle-wind of his wrath is gone forth , your builded wall shall fall , and the pillars of your habitation shall be shaken . god will gather his flock out of your mouths , and feed them in his own fold , and your nakednes shall appear , and your deceits shall be laid open , and your secret whoredoms shall be discovered , your beginning was in darknes , and your time is out of the light , and your end will be in destruction , now you have all time prize it . writ in corke city in i●eland as moved of the lord concerning the shepheards and flock , the teachers and people in that nation . from him who is a lover of all your soules , but a witnesse against all your deceits ▪ e. e. an invitation to all the poor desolate souldiers to repent and make their peace with the lord , and their duty shewed them what the lord requires of them . to all you poor desolate souldiers of the lowest rank , who are scattered up & down in this desolate land of ireland , & lives a carelesse and a desolate life , without the fear of the lord , in lying , in swearing , in drunkennesse , in whoredome , in oppression , and in the wickednesse of the world , and are past feeling and senslesse of the operation and power of god , carelesse of your eternall happinesse : the dreadfull day of the lord god is coming , in power the lord is risen , and the wrath of the lord is gone forth , with the strength of indignation and fury will you be besieged , and fearfulnesse shall surprize you . repent of your transgressions , and fear and tremble before the presence of the living god , who is commander in chiefe over heaven and earth ; prize your soules , this is the day of your visitation , and make your peace with the lord ; the righteous judge the lord seeth you in your darknesse , and searcheth you in your desolate obscurity , and the soule is pressed under your iniquities , and he hath not disrespected any of your persons or desolate places , but god is light and hath lightned every one of you with the true light of life eternall , if you love it and be guided by it or of death everlasting if you hate it and disobey it , and walk contrary to it ; that is the light which convinceth you of sin , of lying , and swearing , and cursed speakings , and drunkennesse , which are the fruits of the cursed tree , which cumbers the ground of the lord , which the axe is now laid to the root of , to cut it down and cast it into everlasting burning ; and while you act against this light in your consciences , you crucifie the life of christ jesus , and are enemies unto him , and servants of the devill , and loves your evill deeds , and upholders of the devills conquest , which is the dominion of sin ; this light reproves you in secret of violence , and false accusing , and all unjust words and actions which are contrary to god , so turne your minds to the light , which will lead you to repentance , from dead works , out of the broad way of destruction , which many are in ( as christ jesus saith ) and it will teach you in your places to serve the living god and to doe violence to no man , but to be terrour , and reprovers , and correctors of all violence , and of such who lives in it ; and it will teach you not to strengthen the hands of evill doers , but to lay your sword in justice upon every one that doth evill , and it will teach you not to make war but to preserve peace in the earth ; and this is your place and duty required of you from the lord god commander in chiefe , unto whom you must all give an account , and receive a just reward according to your deeds , everlasting punishment to him that doth evill ; but if you stand in the fear of the lord , your sword will be a terrour and dread to them that fear him not but lives contrary to the light in their own consciences , which light if you love it is your command to march by , and your rule to judge by , and weapon to fight withall , and your chiefe commission for duty . and now you have all time take heed to your selves , goe not on in your course of evill , nor take not your pleasure in unrighteousnesse , but to the light in your conscience take heed , it is your teacher to god if you love it , or your condemnation from god if you hate it ; and this is your termes with the lord , prize the acceptance of his love to your soules , and the day of your visitation , least you perish in your rebellion eternally . written in love to your soules , written in ireland at caterlough . e. b. a warning from the lord to the natives of that nation of ireland , who are made a curse , and a prey to be destroyed of your enemies . repent , repent , ye that remaine from being devoured , whose dayes are yet stretched forth , that you may return to the lord , from whom you are grievously degenerated into filthinesse , and uncleanesse , being a cursed brood , and are become unhuman in your impudent shamelesse , practices of ungodlines , and are brazened in your filthinesse , and cannot blush when you have done evill , the plagues of god , and his wrath waites to consume you from off the face of the earth , you are shut up in blindnes and covered with darknesse which may be felt , and you are as deafe adders , voyd of understanding , and past feeling , and given up to work all unrighteousnes with delight , counting it your glory to work wickednes , having sold your selves to commit sin , you have wholly slaine gods witnes , and are become wild and bruitish as the beasts of the field , and untamed as savage colts , the indignation of god is against you , who are as dead trees and withered branches , and scorched heaths , not sensible of good nor evill , but as wild asses , who neither fears god nor regards man ; to the light in your consciences , wherewith christ hath lightned you , doe i now speak ; gods murdered witnes shall answer me , by which you are inexcusable , for with the light you know lying , swearing , stealing , murder , drunkennes , and whoredom , are sins and transgressions ; the light will let you see these abounds among you , by which you are reproved , and eternally to be condemned if you do not repent of these your grievous abominations : and if you love the light and turne to it , it will lead you out of sin , and out of your vaine foolish traditions , and imitations , and sorceries , and witchcrafts , which deceives your soules ; and this light in your consciences will change you into sobernes , and humanity , and will lead you into the way of life and salvation , out of the way of death and hell ▪ wherein you walk , to eternal misery . therefore prize your soules , and the dreadfull god fear , and tremble before him ye prophane wretches , and cease from your filthy , nasty , poluted ways of idolatry , lying , swearing , stealing , drunkennesse , and such like , god forbids with the light in your consciences , and he that doth these things shall eternally perish in condemnation for ever . and this to you is a warning , in pitty to your lost souls , whose hearts are desperately wicked , and set to doe mischiefe ; the vengeance of god is against you , the light in your consciences shall witnes me , and justifie the lord , in the day of recompence , when every man receives according to his deeds , the righteous unto life , the wicked unto eternall wrath . now you have time , prize it ; the light is your teacher loving it , and your condemnation for ever hating it . edw : burrough . finis . whereas we have received information, that connor ô dee, late of arglin, in the county of tipperary, yeoman, and richard power, late of ballintotry in the said county yeoman, have of late committed several burglaries, robberies, and stealths ... by the lord deputy and council, arran. ireland. lord deputy. 1683 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46218 wing i994 estc r36982 16170831 ocm 16170831 104974 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46218) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104974) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:79) whereas we have received information, that connor ô dee, late of arglin, in the county of tipperary, yeoman, and richard power, late of ballintotry in the said county yeoman, have of late committed several burglaries, robberies, and stealths ... by the lord deputy and council, arran. ireland. lord deputy. arran, richard butler, earl of, d. 1686. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin took and john crook ..., dublin : [1683] title from first lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. date of publication suggested by wing. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 12th. day of october 1683." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng brigands and robbers -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord deputy and council ▪ arran . whereas we have received information , that connor ô dee , late of arglin , in the county of tipperary yeoman , and richard power , late of barlintorty in the said county yeoman , have of late committed several burglaries , robberies , and stealths ( in several counties in this kingdom ) to the terror and annoyance of his majesties loyal and good subjects , and to the disturbance of the peace of the kingdom , and having been lately apprehended , and committed to the goal of clonmel in the county of tipperary , and the said connor ô dee being indicted , arraigned , and convicted , and the said richard power , being arraigned , convicted and attaint●d , have br●k●n goal and made their escape , and fled to the woods and mountaines , where they stand upon their keeping , and that since their escape out of the said gaol , have committed divers robberies , to the great damage of his majesties good subjects . vpon consideration whereof , we think fit hereby to publish and declare that the said connor ô dee , and richard power , be henceforth called , reputed , and taken for notorious rebells and traytors , against his majesty , and accordingly to be prosecuted by all his majesties loving and good subjects , in all hostile manner . and that whatsoever person or persons , shall comfort beleive or abett them , or either of them , they are , and shall be reputed , deemed , and adjudged traytors in like degree with the aforenamed traytors , and rebells themselves , and be proceeded against according to law. and we do in his majesties name , straightly charge , and command , all his majesties loyal subjects , upon their duty , and allegiance , to his majesty , not only to forbear to receive , or releive , the persons aforesaid , or either of them , but also to make diligent search , and inquiry in what place , or places the said persons shall from time to time lurk , or be releived , and by all means possible to prosecute apprehend , and take the bodies of them , and them to bring , or cause to be brought under safe custody , unto the high sheriff of the respective counties where either of them shall be apprehended , to be by such sheriffs kept in strict and safe custody , and conveyed to the goal of clonmell , from whence they escaped to the end they may be proceeded against according to law. and we do hereby declare that whosoever shall bring unto any sheriff , the bodies of the said connor ô dee , and richard power , or either of them alive , or kill either of them , and bring his head to the sheriff of the county , where he shall be killed , to be by such sheriff set up , in some publick place , in that county , shall have for his reward , for each person so brought in , or his head , twenty pounds , for payment whereof we will give warrant as occasion shall require ; and towards the speedy effecting of this service , all commanders of horse and foot , & all other his majesties officers , and loving subjects , are to be aiding , and assisting , as they and every of them will answer the contrary at their perils . given at the council chamber in dublin the 12 th . day of october 1683. francis dublin , massereene . will. kildare , ca. dillon , cha. feilding , ed : brabazon , john keating , he. hene . john davys , john cole , god save the king dvblin printed by benjamin took and john crook printers to the kings most excellent majesty and are to be sold at his majesties printing-house on ormond-key . the case of ireland's being bound by acts of parliament in england stated by william molyneux. molyneux, william, 1656-1698. 1698 approx. 212 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 97 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a51131 wing m2402 estc r30063 11239979 ocm 11239979 47044 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a51131) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 47044) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1446:24) the case of ireland's being bound by acts of parliament in england stated by william molyneux. molyneux, william, 1656-1698. [14], 174, p. printed by joseph ray ..., dublin : mdcxcviii [1698] reproduction of the original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -politics and government. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-03 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-03 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the case of ireland's being bound by acts of parliament in england , stated . by william molyneux , of dublin , esq dublin , printed by ioseph ray , and are to be sold at his shop in skinner-row . m dc xc viii . to the king . sir , the expedition your majesty undertook into england , to rescue these nations from arbitrary power , and those unjust invasions that were made on our religion , laws , rights and liberties , was an action in it self so great , and of such immense benefit to our distressed countries , that 't is impossible to give it a representation so glorious as it deserves . of all your majesty's kingdoms , none was more sensible of the happy effects thereof , than your kingdom of ireland , which from the depth of misery and despair , is raised by your majesty to a prosperous and flourishing condition . and we presume most humbly to implore the continuance of your majesty's graces to us , by protecting and defending those rights and liberties which we have enjoy'd under the crown of england for above five hundred years , and which some of late do endeavour to violate . your most excellent majesty is the common indulgent father of all your countries ; and have an equal regard to the birth-rights of all your children ; and will not permit the eldest , because the strongest , to encroach on the possessions of the younger : especially considering with what duty , loyalty , and filial obedience , we have ever behav'd our selves to your majesty : insomuch that i take leave to assert , that your majesty has not in all your dominions a people more united and steady to your interests , than the protestants of ireland : which has manifestly appear'd in all our actions and parliamentary proceedings , since your majesty's happy accession to the throne . to relieve the distress'd , has ever been the peculiar character of your majesty's glorious family . the united provinces have found this in your famous ancestors : and all europe has been sensible of this in your royal person . to this end more particularly you came into these kingdoms , as your majesty has been pleas'd to declare : and as you have establish'd the rights and liberties of england on a foundation that , we hope , can never be shaken ; so we doubt not but your sacred majesty will have a tender care of your poor subjects of ireland , who are equally your subjects , as the rest of your people . pardon , i most humbly beseech your majesty , my presumption , in appealing to you on this occasion : nothing but the dignity and weight of the subject , can excuse my boldness herein : but if that be consider'd , it deserves the regard of the greatest prince ; 't is no less than the rights and liberties of one of his kingdoms , on which their religion , their property , their all depends ; and which they have enjoyed for five hundred years past . this , i think , i have clearly shewn in the following leaves : i am sure , if my management thereof , were suitable to the iustice of our cause , our friends of england can no longer doubt it . at your majesty's feet therefore , i throw it ; and with it the unworthy author thereof , ( may it please your majesty ) your majesty's most dutiful , loyal , and obedient subject and servant , william molyneux . preface to the reader . i have nothing to offer in this preface , more than to let the reader know , how unconcern'd i am in any of those particular inducements , which might seem at this iuncture to have occasion'd the following discourse . i have not any concern in wooll , or the wooll-trade . i am no wise interested in the forfeitures , or grants . i am not at all solicitous , whether the bishop , or society of derry recover the land they contest about . so that , i think , i am as free from any personal prejudice in this cause , as 't is possible to expect any man should be , that has an estate and property in this kingdom , and who is a member of parliament there in . i hope therefore 't is a publick principle that has mov'd me to this undertaking : i am sure , i am not conscious to my self of any other intention . i have heard it has been said , that perhaps i might run some hazard in attempting this argument ; but i am not at all apprehensive of any such danger : we are in a miserable condition indeed , if we may not be allow'd to complain , when we think we are hurt ; and to give our reasons with all modesty and submission . but were it otherwise , it would not in the least affect , or discourage me in an attempt , where i think my cause good , and my country concern'd , and where i am fully perswaded , the true interest of england is as deeply engaged , as the protestant interest of ireland . the great and just council of england freely allow●… all addresses of this sort t●… receive and hear grievances is a great part of their business ; and to redress them , is their chief glory . but this is no to be done , till they are laid before them , and fairly stated for their consideration . this i have endeavour'd 〈◊〉 the following paper . what s●…cess it may have , i am not ve●… solicitous about . i have done what i thought was my duty , and commit the event to god almighty , and the wise council of england . dublin , febr. 8. 7 1698. w. molyneux . the case of ireland's being bound by acts of parliament in england , stated . i have ever been se fully perswaded of the strict justice of the parliament of england , that i could never think that any of their proceedings , which might seem to have the least tendency to hardship on their neighbours , could arise from any thing but want of due information , and a right state of the business under their consideration . the want of which , in matters wherein another people are chiefly concern'd , is no defect in the parliament of england , but is highly blameable in the persons whose affair is transacting , and who permit that illustrious body of senators to be mis-inform'd , without giving them that light that might rectifie them . i could never imagine that those great assertors of their own liberties and rights , could ever think of making the least breach in the rights and liberties of their neighbours , unless they thought that they had right so to do ; and this they might well surmise , if their neighbours quietly see their inclosures invaded , without expostulating the matter at least , and shewing reasons , why they may think that hardships are put upon them therein . the consideration hereof has excited me to undertake this disquisition , which i do with all imaginable diffidence of my own performance , and with the most profound respect and deference to that august senate . the present juncture of affairs , when the business of ireland is under the consideration of both houses of the english parliament , * seems to require this from some person ; and seeing all others silent , i venture to expose my own weakness , rather than be wanting at this time to my country . i might say indeed to mankind ; for 't is the cause of the whole race of adam , that i argue : liberty seems the inherent right of all mankind ; and on whatsoever ground any one nation can challenge it to themselves , on the same reason may the rest of adam's children expect it . if what i offer herein seems to carry any weight , in relation to my own poor country , i shall be abundantly happy in the attempt : but if after all , the great council of england resolve the contrary , 〈◊〉 shall then believe my self to be ●…n an error , and with the lowest submission ask pardon for my assurance . however , i humbly presume i shall not be hardly censur'd by them , for offering to lay before them a fair state of our case , by such information as i can procure ; especially when at the same time i declare my intention of a submissive acquiescence in whatever they resolve for or against what i offer . the subject therefore of our present disquisition shall be , how far the parliament of england may think it reasonable to intermeddle with the affairs of ireland , and bind us up by laws made in their house . and seeing the right which england may pretend to , for binding us by their acts of parliament , can be founded only on the imaginary title of conquest or purchase , or on precedents and matters of record ; we shall enquire into the following particulars . ( 1. ) first , how ireland became a kingdom annex'd to the crown of england . and here we shall at large give a faithful narrative of the first expedition of the britains into this country , and king henry the second's arrival here , such as our best historians give us . ( 2. ) secondly , we shall enquire , whether this expedition , and the english settlement that afterwards follow'd thereon , can properly be call'd a conquest ? or whether any victories obtain'd by the english , in any succeeding ages in this kingdom , upon any rebellion , may be call'd a conquest thereof ? ( 3. ) thirdly , granting that it were a conquest , we shall enquire what title a conquest gives . ( 4. ) fourthly , we shall enquire what concessions have been from time to time made to ireland , to take off what even the most rigorous assertors of a conquerour's title do pretend to . and herein we shall shew by what degrees the english form of government , and the english statute-laws , came to be received among us : and this shall appear , to be wholly by the consent of the people and parliament of ireland . ( 5. ) fifthly , we shall enquire into the precedents and opinions of the learned in the laws , relating to this matter , with observations thereon . ( 6. ) sixthly , we shall consider the reasons and arguments that may be farther offered on one side and t'other ; and shall draw some general conclusions from the whole . as to the first , we shall find the history of the first expedition of the english into ireland , to be briefly thus : in the reign of king henry the second , dermot fitzmurchard , commonly called mac-morrogh , prince of leinster , who was a man cruel and oppressive , after many battels with other princes of ireland , and being beaten and put to flight by them , apply'd for relief to king henry the second , who was then busied in aquitain ; the king was not then in such circumstances as to afford him much help : however thus much he did for him , by letters patents he granted license to all his subjects throughout his dominions , to assist the said prince to recover his dominions . these letters patents are to be seen in * giraldus cambrensis , who was historiographer and secretary to king hen. ii. and accompanied him in his expedition into ireland , and from him it is that we have this relation . the irish prince brought these letters into england , and caused them to be read in the audience of many people ; beating up , as it were , for voluntiers and free adventurers into ireland . at length , richard earl of strigul ( now chepstow in monmouthshire ) son of earl gilbert , call'd strongbow , agreed with him , to assist him in the recovery of his country , on condition that dermot should give him his eldest daughter in marriage , and his kingdom of leinster after his death . about the same time robert fitz-stephen , governour of aberlefie in wales , agreed likewise with dermot to help him , on condition that he would grant to him and maurice fitzgerald in fee the city of wexford , with two cantreds or hundreds of land near adjoyning . these adventurers afterwards went over , and were successful in treating with the irish , and taking wexford , waterford , dublin , and other places . whereupon earl richard strongbow married dermot's daughter , and according to compact , succeeded him in his kingdom . a little after the descent of these adventurers , king henry ii. himself went into ireland with an army , in november 1172. and finding that his subjects of england had made a very good hand of their expedition , he obtain'd from earl richard strongbow a surrender of dublin , with the cantreds adjoyning , and all the maritine towns and castles . but strongbow and his heirs were to enjoy the residue of dermot's principality . king hen. ii. landed at waterford from milford in pembrookshire , and staying there some few days , ( says giraldus cambrensis ) rex corcagiensis dormitius advenit ei , & tam subjectionis vinculo quam fidelitatis sacramento regi anglorum se sponte submisit . he freely swore fealty and subjection to the king of england . from thence he went to lismore , and thence to cashel , where dunaldus king of lymerick , se quoque fidelem regi exhibuit . the like did all the nobility and princes in the south of ireland . afterwards he marched to dublin , and there the princes of the adjacent countries came to him , & sub fidelitatis & subjectionis obtentu a rege pacem impetrabant . thus cambrensis in his hibernia expugnata ; and there he mentions the several princes that came in , vizt . macshaghlin king of ophaly , o carrol king of uriel ( now lowth ) o rourk king of meath , rotherick o connor king of connaught , and monarch as it were of the whole island , with divers others , qui firmissimis fidelitatis & subjectionis vinculis domino regi innodarunt & in singulari rotherico conactiae principe tanquam insulae monarchâ subditi redduntur universi , nec alicujus fere in insula vel nominis vel ominis erat qui regiae majestati & debitam domino reverentiam , non exhiberet . the same relation we have from roger hoveden ( annal. parsposter . fol. 301. ) about the kalends of november 1172. ( saith he ) king henry ii. of england , took shipping for ireland at milford , and landed at waterford , & ibi venerunt ad eum rex corcagiensis , rex de lymerick , rex de oxenie , rex midiae , & fere omnes hiberniae potentes . and a little afterwards in the same place speaking of king henry the second's being at waterford , ibidem venerunt ad regem angliae omnes archiepiscopi , episcopi , & abbates totius hiberniae , & receperunt eum in regem & dominum hiberniae jurantes ei & heredibus suis fidelitatem & regnandi super eos potestatem in perpetuum & inde dederunt ei chartas suas . exemplo autem clericorum predicti reges & principes hiberniae receperunt simili modo henricum regem angliae in dominum & regem hiberniae , & sui devenerunt , & ei & heredibus suis fidelitatem contra omnes iuraverunt . matthew paris likewise in his history speaking of king hen. ii. being in ireland , saith , archiepiscopi & episcopi ipsum in regem & dominum receperunt , & ei fidelitatem & homagium iuraverunt . iohn brampton abbot of iorna●… in his historia iornalensi , pag. 1070. speaking of hen. ii. hath these words , recepit ab unoquoque archiepiscopo & episcopo hiberniae literas cum sigillis suis in modum chartae pendentibus , regnum hiberniae sibi & haeredibus suis confirmantes , & testimonium perhibentes ipsos in hibernia eum & heredes suos sibi in reges & dominos in perpetuum constituisse . all the archbishops , bishops , and abbots of ireland came to the king of england , and received him for king and lord of ireland , swearing fealty to him and his heirs for ever . the kings also and princes of ireland , did in like manner receive henry king of england , for lord of ireland , and became his men , and did him homage , and swore fealty to him and his heirs against all men. and he received letters from them with their seals pendent in manner of charters , confirming the kingdom of ireland to him and his heirs ; and testifying , that they in ireland had ordain'd him and his heirs to be their king and lord of ireland for ever . after which , he return'd into england in april following , vizt . april 1173. i come now to enquire into our second particular proposed , viz. whether ireland might be properly said to be conquer'd by king henry the second , or by any other prince in any succeeding rebellion . and here we are to understand by conquest , an acquisition of a kingdom by force of arms , to which , force likewise has been opposed , if we are to understand conquest in any other sense , i see not of what use it can be made against irelands being a free country . i know conquestus signifies a peaceable acquisition , as well as an hostile subjugating of an enemy . vid. spelman's glos. and in this sense william the first is call'd the conquerour , and many of our kings have used the epocha post conquestum . and so likewise henry the second stiled himself conquestor & dominus hiberniae ; but that his conquest was no violent subjugation of this kingdom , is manifest from what foregoes : for here we have an intire and voluntary submission of all the ecclesiastical and civil states of ireland , to king henry ii. without the least hostile stroke on any side ; we hear not in any of the chronicles of any violence on either part , all was transacted with the greatest quiet , tranquility , and freedom , imaginable . i doubt not but the barbarous people of the island at that time were struck with fear and terror of king hen. il's powerful force which he brought with him : but still their easie and voluntary submissions exempts them from the consequents of an hostile conquest , whatever they are ; where there is no opposition , such a conquest can take no place . i have before taken notice of henry the il's using the stile of conquestor hiberniae ; * i presume no argument can be drawn from hence , for ireland's being a conquer'd country ; for we find that many of the kings of england have used the aera of post conquestum ; edward the third was the first that used it in england , and we frequently meet with henricus post conquestum quartus , &c. as taking the norman invasion of william the first , for a conquest . but i believe the people of england would take it very ill to be thought a conquer'd nation , in the sense that some impose it on ireland : and yet we find the same reason in one case , as in t'other , if the argument from the king's stile of conquestor prevail . nay , england may be said much more properly to be conquer'd by william the first , than ireland by henry the second : for we all know with what violence and opposition from harrold , k. william obtain'd the kingdom , after a bloody battel nigh hastings . whereas henry the second receiv'd not the least opposition in ireland , all came in peaceably , and had large concessions made them of the like laws and liberties with the people of england , which they gladly accepted , as we shall see hereafter . but i am fully satisfy'd , that neither king william the first , in his acquisition of england , or henry ii. in his acquest of ireland , obtain'd the least title to what some would give to conquerours . tho' for my own part , were they conquerours in a sense never so strict , i should enlarge their prerogative very little or nothing thereby , as shall appear more fully in the sequel of this discourse . another argument for henry the second's hostile conquest of ireland is taken from the opposition which the natives of ireland gave to the first adventurers , fitz-stephens , fitzgerald , and earl strongbow , and the battles they sought in assisting mac-morogb prince of leinster , in the recovery of his principality . 't is certain there were some conflicts between them and the irish , in which the latter were constantly beaten ; but certainly the conquests obtain'd by those adventurers , who came over only by the king's license and permission , and not at all by his particular command ( as is manifest from the words of the letters patents of license recited by giraldus cambrensis , hib. expug . pag. 760. edit . francof . 1603. angl. norm . hiber . camd. ) can never be call'd the conquest of henry the second especially considering that henry the second himself does not appear to have any design of coming into ireland , or obtaining the dominion thereof , when he gave to his subjects of england this license of assisting mac-morrogh . but i conceive rather the contrary appears , by the stipulations between mac-morrogh and the adventurers , and especially between him and strongbow , who was to succeed him in his principality . from what foregoes , i presume it appears that ireland cannot properly be said so to be conquer'd by henry the second , as to give the parliament of england any jurisdiction over us ; it will much more easily appear , that the english victories in any succeeding rebellions in that kingdom , give no pretence to a conquest : if every suppression of a rebellion may be call'd a conquest , i know not what country will be excepted . the rebellions in england have been frequent ; in the contests between the houses of york and lancaster , one side or other must needs be rebellious . i am sure the commotions in king charles the first 's time , are stiled so by most historians . this pretence therefore of conquest from rebellions , has so little colour in it , that i shall not insist longer on it : i know conquest is an hateful word to english ears , and we have lately seen a book * undergo a seuere censure , for offering to broach the doctrine of conquest in the free kingdom of england . but , to take off all pretence from this title by conquest , i come in the third place to enquire , what title conquest gives by the law of nature and reason . and in this particular i conceive , that if the aggressor or insulter invades a nation unjustly , he can never thereby have a right over the conquered : this i suppose will be readily granted by all men : if a villain with a pistol at my brest , makes me convey my estate to him , no one will say that this gives him any right : and yet just such a title as this has an unjust conquerour , who with a sword at my throat forces me into submission ; that is , forces me to part with my natural estate , and birth-right , of being govern'd only by laws to which i give my consent , and not by his will , or the will of any other . let us then suppose a just invader , one that has right on his side to attack a nation in an hostile manner ; and that those who oppose him are in the wrong : let us then see what power he gets , and over whom . first , 't is plain he gets by his conquest no power over those who conquered with him ; they that fought on his side , whether as private soldiers or commanders , cannot suffer by the conquest , but must at least be as much freemen , as they were before : if any lost their freedom by the norman conquest , ( supposing king william the first had right to invade england ) it was only the saxons and britains , and not the normans that conquered with him . in like manner supposing hen. ii. had right to invade this island , and that he had been opposed therein by the inhabitants , it was only the antient race of the irish , that could suffer by this subjugation ; the english and britains , that came over and conquered with him , retain'd all the freedoms and immunities of free-born subjects ; they nor their descendants could not in reason lose these , for being successful and victorious ; for so , the state of conquerours and conquered shall be equally slavish . now 't is manifest that the great body of the present people of ireland , are the progeny of the english and britains , that from time to time have come over into this kingdom ; and there remains but a meer handful of the antient irish at this day ; i may say , not one in a thousand : so that if i , or any body else , claim the like freedoms with the natural born subjects of england , as being descended from them , it will be impossible to prove the contrary . i conclude therefore , that a just conquerour gets no power , but only over those who have actually assisted in that unjust force that is used against him . and as those that joyned with the conquerour in a just invasion , have lost no right by the conquest ; so neither have those of the country who oppos'd him not : this seems so reasonable at first proposal , that it wants little proof . all that gives title in a just conquest , is the opposers using brutal force , and quitting the law of reason , and using the law of violence ; whereby the conquerour is entitled to use him as a beast ; that is , kill him , or enslave him . secondly , let us consider what power that is , which a rightful conquerour has over the subdued opposers : and this we shall find extends little farther than over the lives of the conquer'd ; i say , little farther than over their lives ; for how far it extends to their estates , and that it extends not at all to deprive their posterity of the freedoms and immunities to which all mankind have a right , i shall shew presently . that the just conquerour has an absolute power over the lives and liberties of the conquer'd , appears from hence , because the conquer'd , by putting themselves in a state of war by using an unjust force , have thereby forfeited their lives . for quitting reason , ( which is the rule between man and man ) and using force ( which is the way of beasts ) they become liable to be destroy'd by him against whom they use force , as any savage wild beast that is dangerous to his being . and this is the case of rebels in a settled commonwealth , who forfeit their lives on this account . but as for forfeiting their estates , it depends on the municipal laws of the kingdom . but we are now enquiring what the consequents will be between two contesting nations . which brings me to consider how far a just conquerour has power over the posterity and estates of the conquer'd . as to the posterity , they not having joyn'd or assisted in the forcible opposition of the conquerours iust arms , can lose no benefit thereby . 't is unreasonable any man should be punish'd but for his own fault . man being a free agent , is only answerable for his own demerits ; and as it would be highly unjust to hang up the father for the sons offence , so the converse is equally unjust , that the son shou'd suffer any inconvenience for the fathers crime . a father hath not in himself a power over the life or liberty of his child , so that no act of his can possibly forfeit it . and tho we find in the municipal laws of particular kingdoms , that the son loses the fathers estate for the rebellion or other demerit of the father , yet this is consented and agreed to , for the publick safety , and for deterring the subjects from certain enormous crimes that would be highly prejudicial to the commonwealth . and to such constitutions the subjects are bound to submit , having consented to them , tho' it may be unreasonable to put the like in execution between nation and nation in the state of nature : for in settled governments , property in estates is regulated , bounded and determined by the laws of the common-wealth , consented to by the people , so that in these , 't is no injustice for the son to lose his patrimony for his fathers rebellion or other demerit . if therefore the posterity of the conquer'd are not to suffer for the unjust opposition given to the victor by their ancestors , we shall find little place for any power of the conquerours over the estates of the subdued . the father by his miscarriages and violence can forfeit but his own life , he involves not his children in his guilt or destruction . his goods , which nature ( that willeth the preservation of all mankind as far as possible ) hath made to belong to his children to sustain them , do still continue to belong to his children . 't is true indeed , it usually happens that damage attends unjust force ; and as far as the repair of this damage requires it , so far the rightful conquerour may invade the goods and estate of the conquer'd ; but when this damage is made up , his title to the goods ceases , and the residue belongs to the wife and children of the subdued . it may seem a strange doctrine , that any one should have a power over the life of another man , and not over his estate ; but this we find every day , for tho' i may kill a thief that sets on me in the high-way , yet i may not take away his money ; for 't is the brutal force the aggressor has used , that gives his adversary a right to take away his life , as a noxious creature . but 't is only damage sustain'd , that gives title to another mans goods . it must be confess'd that the practice of the world is otherwise , and we commonly see the conqueror ( whether iust or unjust ) by the force he has over the conquer'd , compels them with a sword at their brest to stoop to his conditions , and submit to such a government as he pleases to afford them . but we enquire not now , what is the practice , but what right there is to do so . if it be said the conquer'd submit by their own consent : then this allows consent necessary to give the conquerour a title to rule over them . but then we may enquire whether promises extorted by force without right , can be thought consent , and how far they are obligatory ; and i humbly conceive they bind not at all . he that forces my horse from me , ought presently to restore him , and i have still a right to retake him : so he that has forced a promise from me , ought presently to restore it , that is , quit me of the obligation of it , or i may chuse whether i will perform it or not : for the law of nature obliges us only by the rules she prescribes , and therefore cannot oblige me by the violation of her rules ; such is the extorting any thing from me by force . from what has been said , i presume it pretty clearly appears that an unjust conquest gives no title at all ; that a iust conquest gives power only over the lives and liberties of the actual opposers , but not over their posterity or estates , otherwise than as before is mentioned ; and not at all over those that did not concur in the opposition . they that desire a more full disquisition of this matter , may find it at large in an incomparable treatise concerning the true original , extent and end of civil government , chap. 16. this discourse is said to be written by my excellent friend , iohn locke , esq whether it be so or not , i know not ; this i am sure , whoever is the author , the greatest genius in christendom need not disown it . but granting that all we have said in this matter is wrong , and granting that a conquerour , whether iust or unjust , obtains an absolute arbitrary dominion over the persons , estates , lives , liberties and fortunes of all those whom he finds in the nation , their wives , posterity , &c. so as to make perpetual slaves of them and their generations to come ; let us next enquire whether concessions granted by such a victorious hero , do not bound the exorbitancy of his power , and whether he be not obliged strictly to observe these grants . and here i believe no man of common sense or justice , will deny it ; none that has ever consider'd the law of nature and nations , can possibly hesitate on this matter ; the very proposing it , strikes the sense and common notions of all men so forcibly , that it needs no farther proof . i shall therefore insist no longer on it , but hasten to consider how far this is the case of ireland : and that brings me naturally to the fourth particular propos'd , vizt . to shew by precedents , records , and history , what concessions and grants have been made from time to time to the people of ireland , and by what steps the laws of england came to be introduced into this kingdom . we are told by matth. paris , historiographer to hen. iii. that henry the second , a little before he left ireland , in a publick assembly and council of the irish at lismore , did cause the irish to receive , and swear to be govern'd by the laws of england : rex henricus ( saith he ) antequam ex hibernia rediret apud lismore concilium congregavit ubi leges angliae sunt ab omnibus gratanter receptae , & iuratoriâ cautione prestitâ confirmatae , vid. matth. paris , ad an. 1172. vit. h. 2. and not only thus , but if we may give credit to sir edward cook , in the 4th instit. cap. 1. and 76. and to the inscription to the irish modus tenendi parliamentum , it will clearly appear , that henry the second did not only settle the the laws of england in ireland , and the jurisdiction eclesiastical there , by the voluntary acceptance and allowance of the nobility and clergy , but did likewise allow them the freedom of holding of parliaments in ireland , as a separate and distinct kingdom from england ; and did then send them a modus to direct them how to hold their parliaments there . the title of which modus runs thus : henricus rex angliae conquestor & dominus hiberniae , &c. mittit hanc formam archiepiscopis , episcopis , abbatibus , prioribus , comitibus , baronibus , iusticiariis , vicecomitibus , majoribus , praepositis , ministris & omnibus . fidelibus suis terrae hiberniae tenendi parliamentum . in primis summonitio parliamenti praecedere debet per quadraginta dies . and so forth . this modus is said to have been sent into ireland by hen. ii. for a direction to hold their parliaments there . and the sense of it agrees for the most part with the modus tenendi parl. in england , said to have been allowed by william the conquerour ; when he obtain'd that kingdom ; where 't is alter'd , 't is only to fit it the better for the kingdom of ireland . i know very well the antiquity of this modus , so said to be transmitted for ireland by hen. ii. is question'd by some learned antiquaries , particularly by mr. selden a and b mr. pryn , who deny also the english modus as well as this . but on the other hand , my lord chief justice cook , in the 4th instit. pag. 12. and 349. does strenuously assert them both . and the late reverend and learned dr. dopping bishop of meath , has published the irish modus , with a vindication of its antiquity and authority in the preface . there seems to me but two objections of any moment raised by mr. pryn against these modi . the one relates both to the english and irish modus ; the other chiefly strikes at the irish. he says the name parliament , so often found in these modi , was not a name for the great council of england known so early as these modi pretend to . i confess i am not prepared to disprove this antiquary in this particular : but to me it seems reasonable enough to imagine that the name parliament , came in with william the conqueror : 't is a word perfectly french , and i see no reason to doubt it's coming in with the normans . the other objection affects our irish modus , for he tells us , that sheriffs were not establish'd in ireland in henry ii's . time , when this modus was pretended to be sent hither , yet we find the word vicecomes therein . to this i can only answer , that hen. ii. intending to establish in ireland the english form of government , as the first , and chief step thereto , he sent them directions for holding of parliaments , designing afterwards by degrees and in due time to settle the other constitutions agreable to the model of england . if therefore england had then sheriffs , we need not wonder to find them named in the irish modus , tho they were not as yet establish'd amongst us , for they were designed to be appointed soon after , and before the modus could be put regularly in execution ; and accordingly we find them establish'd in some counties of ireland in king iohns time. this irish modus is said to have been in the custody of sir christopher preston of clane in ireland , an. 6. hen. 4. and by sir iohn talboi lord lieutenant of ireland , under king hen. 4. it was exemplified by inspeximus under the great seal of ireland , and the exemplification was sometimes in the hands of mr. hackwel of lincolns inn , and by him was communicated to mr. selden . the tenor of which exemplification runs thus . henricus dei gratia rex angliae & franciae , & dominus hiberniae , omnibus ad quos presentes ▪ literae pervenerint salutem inspeximus tenorem diversorum articulorum in quodam rotulo pergameneo scriptorum cum christophero preston , milite tempore arrestationis suae apud villam de clare , per deputatum dilecti & fidelis nostri iohannes talbot de halomshire chivaler locum nostrum tenentis terrae nostrae hiberniae , nuper factae inventorum ac coram nobis & concilio nostro in eadem terrae nostra apud villam de trim. nono die ianuarii ultimo praeteriti in haec verba , modus tenendi parliament●… henricus rex angliae , conquestor & dominus hibernia , mittit have formam archiepiscopis , &c. and so as before , et omnibus fidelibus suis terrae hiberniae tenendi parliamentum imprimis summonitio , &c. and then follows the modus , agreeable in most things with that of england , only fitted to ireland . then the exemplification concludes : nos autem tenores articulorum praedictorum de assensu praefati locum tenentis & concilii praedicti tenore praesentium duximus exemplificandum & has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes . teste praefato locum nostrum tenente apud trim. 12 diae ianuarii anno regni nostri sexto . per ipsum locum tenentem & concilium . now we can hardly think it credible , ( says the bishop of meath ) that an exemplification could have been made so solemnly of it by king henry the fourth , and that it should refer to a modus transmitted into ireland by king henry ii. and affirm that it was produced before the lord lieutenant and council at trym , if no such thing had been done : this were to call in question the truth of all former records and transactions , and make the exemplification contain an egregious falshood in the body of it . the reverend bishop of meath , in his fore-cited preface does believe that he had obtain'd the very original record , said by my lord cook to have been in the hands of sir christopher preston : it came to that learned prelates hands amongst other papers and manuscripts of sir william domviles , late attorney general in this kingdom , who in his life-time , upon an occasional discourse with the bishop concerning it , told him that this record was bestow'd on him ( sir w. domvile ) by sir iames cuffe , late deputy vice-treasurer of ireland , that sir iames found it among the papers of sir francis aungier , master of the rolls in this kingdom ; and the present earl of longford ( grandson to the said sir francis aungier ) told the bishop , that his said grandfather had it out of the treasury of waterford . whilst i write this , i have this very record now before me , from the hands of the said bishop of meath's son , my nephew , samuel dopping ; and i must confess it has a venerable antient appearance , but whether it be the true original record , i leave on the arguments produced for its credit by the said bishop . this i am sure of , that whether this be the very record transmitted hither by king henry the second , or not ; yet 't is most certain from the unanimous concessions of all the fore-mentioned antiquaries , cook , selden , pryn , &c. that we have had parliaments in ireland very soon after the invasion of henry ii. for pryn confesses that a king hen. ii. after his conquest of ireland , and the general voluntary submission , homages , and fealties of most of the irish kings , prelates , nobles , cities and people , to him , as to their soveraign lord and king , anno 1170 , ( it should be 1172. ) held therein a general council of the clergy at cashal , wherein he rectify'd many abuses in the church , and establish'd sundry eclesiastical laws , agreeable to those in the church of england ; ecclesiae illius statum ad anglicanae ecclesiae formam redigere modis omnibus elaborando ; to which the irish clergy promis'd conformity , and to observe them for time to come , as a giraldus cambrensis , who was then in ireland , and other b histoans , relate : et ut in singulis observatio similis regnum colligaret utrumque ( that is england and ireland ) passim omnes unanimi voluntate communi assensu , pari desiderio regis imperio se subjiciunt , omnibus igitur hoc modo consummatis , in concilio habito apud lismore leges angliae ab omnibus sunt gratantur receptae , & juratoriâ cautione praestitâ confirmatae , says math. paris . can any concession in the world be more plain and free than this ? we have heard of late much talk in england of an original compact between the king and people of england ; i am sure 't is not possible to shew a more fair original compact between a king and people , than this between henry the second , and the people of ireland , that they should enjoy the like liberties and immunities , and be govern'd by the same mild laws , both civil and ecclesiastical , as the people of england . from all which , it is manifest that there were no laws imposed on the people of ireland , by any authority of the parliament of england ; nor any laws introduced into that kingdom by henry the second , but by the consent and allowance of the people of ireland : for both the civil and ecclesiastical state were settled there regiae sublimitatis authoritate , solely by the kings authority , and their own good wills , as the irist statute , 11 eliz. c. 1. expresses it . and not only the laws of england , but the manner of holding parliaments in ireland to make laws o●… their own ( which is the foundatio●… and bulwark of the peoples liberties and properties ) was directe●… and established there by henry the second , as if he were resolve●… that no other person or persons should be the founders of the government of ireland , but himself and the consent of the people , who submitted themselves to him against all persons whatsoever . let us now see by what farther degrees the government of ireland grew up conformable to that of england . about the twenty-third year of henry the second , ( which was within five years after his return from ireland ) he created his younger son iohn , king of ireland , at a parliament held at oxford . soon after king iohn being then about twelve years of age , came into ireland , from milford to waterford , as his father had formerly done . the irish nobility and gentry immediately repaired to him ; but being received by him and his retinue with some scorn and derision , by reason of their long rude beards , quas more patrio grandes habebant & prolixas , ( says giraldus cambrensis , hib. expug . cap. 35. ) they took such offence thereat , that they departed in much discontent ; which was the occasion of the young kings staying so short a time in ireland , as he did this his first time of being here . and here , before we proceed any farther , we shall observe , that by this donation of the kingdom of ireland to king iohn , ireland was most eminently set apart again , as a separate and distinct kingdom by it self from the kingdom of england ; and did so continue , until the kingdom of england descended and came unto king iohn , after the death of his brother richard the first , king of england , which was about twenty two years after his being made king of ireland ; during which space of twenty two years , both whilst his father henry the second , and his brother richard the first , were living and reigning , king iohn made divers grants and charters to his subjects of ireland , which are yet in being in this kingdom ; wherein he stiles himself dominus hiberniae , ( the constant stile till henry the eighth's time ) and in others , dominus hiberniae & comes meritoniae . by which charters both the city of dublin , and divers other corporations enjoy many priviledges and franchises to this day . but after the said grant of the kingdom of ireland to king iohn , neither his father henry ii. nor his brother king richard i. kings of england , ever stiled themselves , during their lives , king or lord of ireland ; for the dominion and regality of ireland was wholly and separately vested in k. iohn , being absolutely granted unto him without any reservation . and he being created king in the parliament at oxford , under the stile and title of lord of ireland , enjoy'd all manner of kingly iurisdiction , preheminence , and authority royal , belonging unto the imperial state and majesty of a king , as are the express words of the irish statute , 33 hen. viii . c. 1. by which statute the stile of dominus was changed to that of rex hiberniae . let us then suppose that richard the first , king iohn's elder brother , had not died without issue , but that his progeny had sat on the throne of england , in a continued succession to this day : let us suppose likewise the same of king iohn's progeny , in relation to the throne of ireland ; where then had been the subordination of ireland to the parliament , or even to the king of england ? certainly no such thing could have been then pretended : therefore if any such subordination there be , it must arise from something that followed after the descent of england , to king iohn ; for by that descent england might as properly be subordinate to ireland , as the converse ; ireland being vested in the royal person of king iohn , two and twenty years before his accession to the crown of england , and being a more ancient kingdom than the kingdom of england . as the english orators in the council of constance , an. 1417 a confess'd and alledged , as an argument in the contest between henry the fifth's legates , and those of charles the sixth king of france , for precedence : satis constat ( say they ) b secundum albertum magnum & bartholomeum de proprietatibus rerum , quod toto mundo in tres partes diviso , scilicet in europam , asiam & africam ( for america was not then discovered ) europa in quatuor dividitur regna scilicet , primum romanum , secundum constantinopolitanum , tertium regnum hiberniae ( quod jam translatum est in anglos ) & quartum regnum hispaniae . ex quo patet , quod rex angliae & regnum suum sunt de eminentioribus antiquioribus regibus & regnis totius europae . the antiquity and precedence of the king of england , was allo'wd him wholly on the account of his kingdom of ireland . perhaps it will be said , that this subordination of the kingdom of ireland , to the kingdom of england , proceeds from ireland's being annex'd to , and as it were united with the imperial crown of england , by several acts of parliament both in england and ireland , since king iohns time . but how farr this operates , i shall enquire more fully hereafter ; i shall only at present observe , that i conceive little more is effected by these statutes than that ireland shall not be alien'd or separated from the king of england , who cannot hereby dispose of it otherwise than in legal succession along with england ; and that whoever is king of england , is ipso facto king of ireland , and the subjects of ireland are oblig'd to obey him as their liege lord. to proceed therefore . after both crowns were united , on the death of richard the first without issue , in the royal person of king iohn : he , about the twelfth year of his reign of england , went again into ireland , viz. the twenty eight day of iune , 1210. and math. paris tells us , pag. 220. cum venisset ad dublinensem civitatem occurrerunt ei ibidem plus quam 20 reguli illius regionis qui omnes timore maximo preterriti homagium ei & fidelitatem fecerunt . fecit quoque rex ibidem , construere leges & consuetudines anglicanas , ponens vicecomites aliosque ministros , qui populum regni illius juxta leges anglicanas judicarent . his son king henry the third came to the crown the nineteenth of october 1216. and in november following he granted to ireland a magna charta , dated at bristol 12 november , the first year of his reign . 't is prefaced , that for the honour of god , and advancement of holy church , by the advice of his council of england , ( whose names are particularly recited ) he makes the following grant to ireland ; and then goes on exactly agreeable to the magna charta which he granted to england ; only in ours we have civitas dublin , & avenliffee , instead of civitas london , and thamesis with other alterations of the like kind where needful . but ours is eight years older than that which he granted to england , it not being till the ninth year of his reign , and ours is the first year . this magna charta of ireland concludes thus , quia vero sigillum nondum habuimus presentem cartam sigillis venerabilis patris nostri domini gualt . apost . sedis legati & willelmi mar eschalli comitis pembrooke rectoris nostri & regni nostri secimus sigillari . testibus omnibus praenominatis & alijs multis d●…t per manus praedictorum domini legati & willelmi marescalli . apud bristol duodecimo die novembr . regni nostri anno primo . an antient coppy of this magna charta of ireland is to be found in the red book of the exchequer dublin . in february following in the first year like wise of his reign , by advice of all his faithful counsellors in england , to gratify the irish ( says a pryn ) for their eminent loyalty to his father and him , he granted them out of his special grace , that they and their heirs for ever should enjoy the liberties granted by his father and himself to the realm of england ; which he reduced into writing , and sent seal'd thither under the seal of the popes legat , and w. earl marshal his governour , because he had then no seal of his own . this as i conceive refers to the foremention'd magna charta hiberniae . the record as recited by mr. pryn , here follows . rex archiepiscopis , episcopis , abbatibus , comitibus , baronibus , militibus & libere tenentibus , & omnibus fidelibus suis per hiberniam constitutis , salutem : fidelitatem vestram in domino commendantes quam domino patri nostro semper exhibuistis & nobis estis diebus nostris exhibituri : volumus quod in signum fidelitatis vestrae , tam praeclarae , tam insignis libertatibus regno nostro angliae a patre nostro & nobis concessis , de gratia nostra & dono in regno nostro hiberniae guadeatis vos & vestri haeredes in perpetuum . quas distincte in scriptum reductas de communi consilio omnium fidelium nostrorum vobis mittimus signatas sigillis domini nostri g. apostolicae sedis legati & fidelis nostri com. w. maresc . rectoris nostri & regni nostri quia sigillum nondum habuimus , easdem processu temporis de majori consilio proprio sigillo signaturi . teste apud glouc. 6 februar . here we have a free grant of all the liberties of england to the people of ireland . but we know the liberties of englishmen are founded on that universal law of nature , that ought to prevail throughout the whole world , of being govern'd only by such laws to which they give their own consent by their representatives in parliament . and here , before i proceed farther , i shall take notice , that in the late raised controversie , whether the house of commons were an essential part of parliament , before the 49th year of henry the third ; the learned mr. petyt , keeper of the records in the tower , in his book on that subject , pag. 71. deduces his 9th argument from the comparison of the antient generale concilium , or parliament of ireland , instanced an. 38 hen. iii. with the parliament in england , wherein the citizens and burgesses were ; which was eleven years before the pretended beginning of the commons in england . for thus we find it in that author . as great a right and privilege surely was and ought to be allow'd to the english subjects , as to the irish , before the 49th of hen. iii. and if that be admitted , and that their ( the irish ) commune concilium , or parliament , had its platform from ours ( the english ) as i think will not be deny'd by any that have consider'd the history and records touching that land ( ireland ) we shall find the ensuing records , ann. 38 hen. iii. clearly evince that the citizens and burgesses were then a part of their ( the irish ) great council or parliament . that king being in partibus transmarinis , and the queen being left regent , she sends writs ( or a letter ) in the kings name , directed archiepiscopis , episcopis , abbatibus , prioribus , comitibus , baronibus , militibus , liberis hominibus , civibus & burgensibus , terrae suae hiberniae ; telling them that , mittimus fratrem nicholaum de sancto neoto , fratrem hospitii sancti iohannis ierusalem in anglia ad partes hiberniae ad exponendum vobis ( together with i. fitz-geoffery the kings justice ) the state of his land of vascony , endanger'd by the hostile invasion of the king of castile , qui nullo iure sed potentia sua confisus terram nostram vasconiae per ipsius fortitudinem , a manibus nostris auferre & a dominio regni angliae segregare proponit . and therefore universitatem vestram quanta possumus affectione rogantes quatenus no●… & jura nostra totaliter indefens●… non deserentes nobis in tanto periculo quantumcunque poteritis d●… gente & pecunia subveniatis ; which would turn to their everlasting honour ; concluding . his nostris augustiis taliter comp●…tientes , quod nos & heraedes nostri vobis & haeredibus vestris sumus non immerito obligati . teste regina , & r. comite cornubiae , apud windesor , 17 die februar . per reginam . thus far mr. petyt . here we have a letter from the queen regent to the parliament in ireland , in an humble manner beseeching them for an aid of men and money against the king of castiles hostile invasion of gascony ; from whence we may perceive that in those days , no more than at present , men and money could not be rais'd but by consent of parliament . i have been the more particular in transcribing this passage out of mr. petyt , to shew that we have as antient and express an authority for our present constitution of parliaments in ireland , as can be shewn in england . and i believe it will not be thought adviseable in these latter days , to break in upon old settled constitutions : no one knows how fatal the consequents of that may be . to return therefore where we digress'd . henry the third , about the twelfth year of his reign , did specially impower richard de burgh , then iustice of ireland , at a certain day and place , to summon all the archbishops , bishops , abbots , priors , earls , barons , knights , freeholders and sheriffs of each county , and before them to cause to be read the charter of his father king iohn , whereunto his seal was appendant , whereby he had granted unto them the laws and customs of england , and unto which they swore obedience : and that he should cause the same laws to be observed and proclaimed in the several counties of ireland , that so none presume to do contrary to the kings command . the record i have taken out of mr. ( a ) pryn , in these words : rex dilecto & fideli suo richardo de burgo justie ' suo hibern . salutem . mandamus vobis firmiter praecipientes quatenus certo die & loco faciatis venire coram vobis archiepiscopos episcopos abbates priores comites & barones milites & libere tenentes & ballivos singulorum comitatum & coram eis publice legi faciatis chartam domini j. regis patris nostri cui sigillum suum appensum est quam fieri fecit & jurari a magnatibus hibern . de legibus & consuetudinis angliae observandis in hibernia . et praecipiatis eis ex parte nostra quod leges illas & consuctudines in charta praedicta contentas de caetero firmiter teneant & observent & hoc idem per singulos commitatus hiberniae clamari faciatis & teneri prohibentes firmiter ex parte nostra & super foris facturam nostram nequis contra hoc mandatum nostrum venire praesumat , &c. teste me ipso apud westm ' 8 die maii an. reg. nostri 12. by what foregoes , i presume it plainly appears , that by three several establishments under the three first kings of ireland of the norman race , the laws and liberties of the people of england , were granted to the people of ireland . and that neither of these three kings established those laws in ireland by any power of the parliament of england , but by the free consent , allowance and acceptance of the people of ireland . hen. ii. first introduced the laws of england into ireland , in a publick assembly of the irish at lismore , and allowed them the freedom of parliaments to be held in ireland , as they were held in england . king john at the request , and by the consent of the irish , did appoint the laws of england to be of force in ireland ; and tho' he did not this till the twelfth year of his reign of england , yet he did it not as king of england , but as lord of ireland : for the crown of england came to him by descent from his brother richard , who had no regal power in ireland ; and what his brother had not , could not descend to him . henry the third in the first year of his reign gave ireland a magna charta ; and in the twelfth year of his reign did provide , that all the laws of england should be observ'd in ireland ; and that the charter granted to the irish by his father king iohn under his seal , when he was in that kingdom , should be kept inviolably . and from the days of these three kings , have england and ireland been both govern'd by the like forms of government under one and the same supreme head , the king of england ; yet so , as both kingdoms remain'd separate and distinct in their several jurisdictions under that one head , as are the kingdoms of england and scotland at this day , without any subordination of the one to the other . it were endless to mention all records and precedents that might be quoted for the establishment of the laws of england in ireland ; i shall therefore enter no farther into that matter , but therein refer to lord chief justice cook , a pryn , b reyly , c &c. if now we enquire , what were those laws of england that became thus established in ireland ? surely we must first reckon the great law of parliaments , which england so justly challenges , and all mankind have a right to . by the law of parliament , i mean that law where by all laws receive their sanction , the free debates and consent of the people , by themselves , or their chosen representatives . that this was a main branch of the english law established in this kingdom , and the very foundation of our future legislature , appears manifest from parliaments being so early convok'd in ireland , as the fore-mention'd precedents express . mr. pryn acknowledges one in hen. ii's time , ( pag. 259. against the 4th instit. ) but makes a very false conclusion , that there appears no footsteps of a parliament afterwards , till the third year of edward the second , because the acts of that parliament are the first that are printed in our irish statute-book : for so we may argue the parliaments of england to be of later date than pretended , when we find the first printed acts in keeble to be no older than the 9th of hen. iii. whereas 't is most certain , that parliaments have been held in england some ages before that . after this great law of parliaments , we may reckon the common law of england , whether it relates to regulating and setling of property , and estates in goods or land , or to the iudiciary and executive parts of the law , and the ministers and process thereof , or to criminal cases . these surely were all establish'd in this country , by the three first kings of ireland of the norman race . let us now consider the state of the statute laws of england under these three kings , and their predecessors : for by the irish voluntary submission to , and acceptance of the laws and government of england , we must repute them to have submitted themselves to these likewise ; till a regular legislature was establish'd amongst them , in pursuance of that submismission and voluntary acceptance . and here we shall find , that in those times , viz. from the norman conquest to henry the third's time inclusive , the statute-laws of england were very few and slender . 't is true , that before the 12th of hen. iii. we find amongst the english historians frequent mention of the laws of edward the confessor , william the conquerour , hen. i. hen. ii. king iohn , and hen. iii. all which are only charters , or several grants of liberties from the king ; which nevertheless had the force of acts of parliament , and laid as great obligations both upon prince and people , as acts of parliament do at this day : whereof we may read several proofs in the princes case , cook 's 8th report . but these were only so many confirmations of each other , and all of them sanctions of the common laws and liberties of the people of england , ab antiquo usitatae & comprohatae per totam terram & in quibus ipsi & eorum patres nati & nutriti sunt , as the words of the manuscript chronicle of litchfield express it . the laws of edward the confessor , held in so great veneration in antient times , & per universum regnum corroboratae & confirmatae , prius inventae & constitutae fuerunt tempore regis edgari avi sui . verum tamen post mortem ipsius regis edgari , usque ad coronationem sancti regis edwardi ( which was 67 years ) praedictae leges sopitae sunt & penitus intermissae . sed postquam rex edwardus in regno sublimatus fuit consilio baronum angliae legem illam sopitam excitavit , excitam reparavit , reparatam decoravit , decoratam confirmavit ; & confirmatae vocantur lex sancti regis edwardi , non quod ipse primus eam ad invenisset ; sed quod reparavit , restituitque , a as the said litchfield chronicle has it . these laws of edward the confessor were transcribed by ingulphus abbot of croy land under william the conqueror and are annexed to his history . the laws of william the conqueror are but a confirmation of the laws of edward the confessor , with some small alterations , as the very letter of those laws themselves express it . b hoc quoque praecipimus ut omnes habeant & teneant leges edwardi regis in omnibus rebus adauctis his quas constituimus ad utilitatem anglorum . the laws of henry i. which are in the red book of the exchequer , in the custody of the kings remembrancer in england , are but a summary confirmation both of the laws of edward the confessor and william the first , as the charter it self expresses it , c lagam regis edwardi vobis reddo cum illis emendationibus quibus pater meus emendavit consilio baronum suorum . the laws of henry ii. called constitutiones clarendoniae , and the assize of clarendon in the 2d part of cooks inst. p. 6. are all but confirmations and vindications of the king 's just prerogative against the usurpations of the pope and clergy : as we find at large in chron. gervasii . doroborn p. 1387. edit . lond. an . 1652. the laws of king john , called the great charter of king john , granted in the 17th year of his reign , upon the agreement made between him and his barons at running-mead between staines and windsor , was but a confirmation of the laws of edward the confessor and henry the first , as d mat. paris relates it . anno regis johannis 17. venientes ad regem magnates petierunt quasdam libertates & leges regis edwardi cum aliis libertatibus sibi & regno angliae & ecclesiae anglicanae concessis confirmari prout in charta regis hen i. ascriptae continentur . the same historian gives us also at large both charta libertatum , and charta de foresta , which are not extant in the rolls of those times , nor to be found in any till the 28th of edward i. and that but by inspeximus . the laws of henry iii. contain'd in magna charta and charta de forresta , both which are called magnae chartae libertatis angliae , and were establish'd about the 9th year of henry iii. are for the most part but declaratory of the common municipal laws of england , and that too no new declaration thereof ; for king iohn in the 17th year of his reign had granted the like before , which was also call'd magna charta . a and by the english statute 25 ed. 1. c. 1. it is enacted , that the great charter , and the charter of the forrest be taken as the common law of england . by what foregoes , i conceive , it is very clear , that all the charters and grants of liberties from edward the confessor's time down to the 9th of henry the third were but confirmations one of another , and all of them declarations , and confirmations of the common law of england . and by the several establishments , which we have formerly mention'd , of the laws of england to be of force in ireland : first , in the 13th of henry ii. secondly in the 12th of king iohn . thirdly , in the 12th of henry iii. all those laws and customs of england , which by those several charters were declared and confirmed to be the laws of england , were establish'd to be of force in ireland . and thus ireland came to be govern'd by one and the same common law with england ; and those laws continue as part of the municipal and fundamental laws of both kingdoms to this day . it now remains that we enquire , how the statute laws and acts of parliament made in england since the 9th of henry the third came to be of force in ireland ; and whether all or any of them , and which , are in force here , and when and how they came to be so . and the first precedent that occurs in our books , of acts of parliament in ireland particularly mentioning and confirming special acts of parliament in england , is found in a marginal note of sir richard bolton's formerly lord chief baron of the exchequer in ireland , affixed in his edition of the irish statutes to stat. 10 hen. 7. cap. 22. to this purport , that in 13 edw. ii. by parliament in this realm of ireland the statutes of merton , made the 20th of hen. ii. and the statutes of marlbridge , made the 52 of henry the third ; the statute of westminster the first , made the 3d of edward the first ; the statute of gloucester , made the 6th of edward the first ▪ and the statute of westminster the second , made the 13th of edward the first , were all confirm'd in this kingdom , and all other statutes which were of force in england , were referr'd to be examin'd in the next parliament ; and so many as were then allow'd and publish'd , to stand likewise for laws in this kingdom . and in the 10th of henry the fourth , it was enacted in this kingdom of ireland , that the statutes made in england should not be of force in this kingdom , unless they were allow'd and publish'd in this kingdom by parliament . and the like statute was made again in the 29th of henry the sixth . these statutes are not to be found in the rolls , nor any parliament roll of that time ; but he ( sir richard bolton ) had seen the same exemplisy'd under the great seal , and the exemplification remaineth in the treasury of the city of waterford . thus far the note . if we consider the frequent troubles and distractions in ireland , we shall not wonder that these , and many other rolls and records , have been lost in this kingdom : for from the third year of edward the second , which was anno 1310. through the whole reigns of edward iii. richard ii. henry iv. and henry v. and so to the seventh year of henry the sixth , anno 1428. which is about 118 years , there are not any parliament rolls to be found , a yet certain it is , that divers parliaments were held in ireland in those times . b the same may be said from henry the second's coming into ireland , anno 1172. to the third year of edward the second , anno 1310. about 138 years . perhaps it may be said , that if here were such statutes of ireland as the said acts of the 10th of henry the fourth , and the 29th of henry the sixth ; as they shew , that the parliaments of ireland did think that english acts of parliament could not bind ireland ; yet they shew likewise , that even in those days the parliaments of england did claim this superiority ; or else , to what purpose were the said acts made , unless in denial of that claim ? all which i hope may be readily granted without any prejudice to the right of the irish parliaments : there is nothing so common , as to have one man claim another mans right : and if bare pretence will give a title , no man is secure : and it will be yet worse , if when another so pretends , and i insist on my right , my just claim shall be turn'd to my prejudice , and to the disparagement of my title . we know very well that many of the judges of our four courts have been from time to time sent us out of england ; and some of them may easily be supposed to come over hither prepossess'd with an opinion of our parliaments being subordinate to that of england . or at least , some of them may be scrupulous , and desirous of full security in this point ; and on their account , and for their satisfaction , such acts as aforesaid , may be devised , and enacted in ireland . but then , god forbid , that these acts should afterwards be laid hold of to a clear other intent than what they were framed for ; and instead of declaring and securing our rights , should give an handle of contest , by shewing that our rights have been question'd of antient time. in conclusion of all , if this superiority of the parliament of england have been doubted a great while ago , so it has been as great a while ago strenuously opposed , and absolutely denied by the parliaments of ireland . and by the way , i shall take notice , that from whencesoever this antient pretence of ireland's subordination proceeded in those days , it did not arise from the parliament of england it self : for we have not one single instance of an english act of parliament expresly claiming this right of binding us : but we have several instances of irish acts of parliament , expresly denying this subordination , as appears by what foregoes . afterwards by a statute made in ireland the 18th of hen. vi. cap. 1. all the statutes made in england against the extortions and oppressions of purveyors , are enacted to be holden and kept in all points , and put in execution in this land of ireland . and in the 32d year of henry the sixth , cap. 1. by a parliament in ireland , 't is enacted , that all the statutes made against provisors to the court of rome , as well in england as in ireland , be had and kept in force . after this , in a parliament at drogheda the 8th of edward iv. cap. 1. it was ratify'd , that the english statute against rape , made the 6th of richard the second , should be of force in ireland from the 6th day of march last past : and that from henceforth the said act , and all other statutes and acts made by authority of parliament within the realm of england , be ratify'd and confirm'd , and adjudged by the authority of this parliament in their force and strength , from the said sixth day of march. we shall hereafter have occasion of taking farther notice of this statute upon another account . lastly , in a parliament held at drogheda the 10th of henry the seventh , cap. 22. it is enacted , that all statutes late ( that is , as the a learned in the laws expound it , before that time ) made in england , concerning the common and publique weal of the same , from henceforth be deem'd effectual in law , and be accepted , used and executed within this land of ireland in all points , &c. b and in the 14th year of the same kings reign , in a parliament held at tristle-dermot , it was enacted , that all acts of parliament made in england for punishing customers , controulers , and searchers , for their misdemeanors ; or for punishment of merchants or factors , be of force here in ireland , provided they be first proclaim'd at dublin , drogheda , and other market-towns . thus we see by what steps and degrees all the statutes which were made in england from the time of magna charta , to the 10th of henry the seventh , which did concern the common publick weal , were receiv'd , confirm'd , allow'd , and authoriz'd to be of force in ireland ; all which was done by assent of the lords spiritual and temporal , and the commons in the parliament of ireland assembled , and no otherwise . we shall next enquire , whether there are not other acts of the english parliament , both before and since the 10th of henry the seventh , which were and are of force in ireland , tho' not allow'd of by parliament in this kingdom . and we shall find , that by the opinion on of our best lawyers , there are divers such ; but then they are only such as are declaratory of the antient common law of england , and not introductive of any new law : for these become of force by the first general establishment of the common laws of england in this kingdom , under henry the second , king iohn , and henry the third ; and need no particular act of ireland for their sanction . as to those english statutes since the 10th of henry the seventh , that are introductive of a new law , it was never made a question whether they should bind ireland , without being allow'd in parliament here ; till of very late years this doubt began to be moved ; and how it has been carried on and promoted , shall appear more fully hereafter . i say , till of very late years ; for the antient precedents which we have to the contrary , are very numerous . amongst many , we shall mention the following particulars . in the 21th of henry the 8th an act was made in england making it felony in a servant that runneth away with his masters or mistresses goods . this act was not receiv'd in ireland till it was enacted by a parliament held here in the 33d of henry the 8th . c. 5. ses. 1. in the 21th of henry viii . c. 19. there was a law made in england , that all lords might distrain on the lands of them holden , and make their avowry not naming the tenant , but the land. but this was not of force in ireland till enacted here in the 33d of henry viii . c. 1. ses. 1. an act was made in england , anno 31. henry viii . that joint-tenents and tenents in common should be compelled to make partition , as coparceners were compellable at common law. but this act was not receiv'd in ireland till enacted here an. 33. henry viii . c. 10. anno 27. henry viii . c. 10. the statute for transferring uses into possession was made in england ; but not admitted in ireland till 10. car. 1. ses. 2. in like manner , the english statute 33. henry viii . c. 1. directing how lands and tenements may be dispos'd by will , &c. was not of force in ireland till 10. car. 2. ses. 2. the act of uniformity of common prayer and administration of the sacraments was made in england the 1st . of eliz. c. 2. but was not establish'd in ireland till the 2d . of eliz. c. 2. and so that of england 14. car. 2. c. 14. was not receiv'd in ireland till 17. & 18. car. 2 c. 6. the statute against wilful perjury made in england 5. eliz. c. 9. was not enacted in ireland till 28 eliz. c. 1. so the english act against witchcraft and sorcery made 5 eliz. c. 16. and another act against forgery 5 eliz. c. 14. were neither of them in force in ireland till the 28th of her reign , cap. 3 and 4. the english statutes against pirates was made the 28th of hen. 8. c. 15. but not in ireland till the 12th of king iames , c. 2. in england an act was made the 27th of eliz. c. 4 against fraudulent conveyances ; but it was not in force in ireland till enacted here the 10th of charles , c. 3. ses. 2. in the 15th year of king charles the 1st . in a parliament held at dublin there were six english statutes made laws of this kingdom , with such alterations as best fitted them to the state thereof , viz. 21 iac. c. 14. for pleading the general issue in intrusions brought by the king , by chap. 1. of the irish statutes . 31 eliz. c. 2. for abridging of proclamations on fines , by chap. 2. 2 and 3 edw. 6. c. 8. concerning offices before the escheator , by chap. 4. 31 eliz. c. 1. discontinuance of writs of error in the exchequer chamber , by chap. 5. 8 eliz. c. 4. and 18 eliz. c. 7. concerning clergy , by chap. 7. 24 hen. 8. c. 5. concerning killing a robber , by chap. 9. there are six english statutes likewise passed in the time of king charles the 2d . upon and soon after the restoration , some of which were not passed into laws in ireland till a year , two or three , afterwards : as will appear by consulting the statute books . a and in the first year of william and mary , ses. 2. c. 9. an act passed in england declaring all attainders and other acts made in the late pretended parliament under king james at dublin void : but was not enacted here in ireland till the 7th year of k. william c. 3. and this was thought requisite to be done upon mature consideration thereon before the king and council of england , * notwithstanding that the english act does particularly name ireland , and was wholly design'd for , and relates thereto . the like may we find in several other statutes of england passed since his present majesties accession to the throne , which have afterwards been passed here in ireland , with such alterations as make them practicable and agreeable to this kingdom . such as are amongst others , the act for disarming papists . the act of recognition . the act for taking away clergie from some offenders . the act for taking special bail in the country , &c. the act against clandestine mortgages . the act against cursing and swearing . these , with many more , are to to be found in our statute books in the several reigns of henry the 8th . edward the 6th . queen elizabeth , king iames , king charles the 1st and 2d . and king william . but it is not to be found in any records in ireland , that ever any act of parliament introductive of a new law made in england since the time of king iohn , was by the judgment of any court received for law , or put in execution in the realm of ireland before the same was confirmed and assented to by parliament in ireland . and thus i presume we have pretty clearly made out our fourth enquiry forementioned : and shewn plainly the several steps by which the english form of government , and the english statute laws were received in this kingdom ; and that this was wholly by the peoples consent in parliament , to which we have had a very antient right , and as full a right as our next neighbours can pretend to or challenge . i shall now consider the objections and difficulties that are moved on this head drawn from precedents , and passages in our law-books that may seem to prove the contrary . first 't is urg'd , that in the irish act concerning rape passed anno 8 edward 4 , c. 1. 't is expressed , that a doubt was conceiv'd whether the english statute of the 6th of richard the 2d . c. 6. ought to be of force in ireland without a confirmation thereof in the parliament of ireland . which shews ( as some alledg ) that even in those days it was held by some , that an act of of parliament in england might bind ireland before it be consented to in parliament here . but i concieve this gloss is rais'd meerly for want of expressing the reason of the said doubt in the irish statute of the 8th of edward the 4th . c. 1. which we may reasonably judge was this . by the statute of westminster the 2d . c. 34. a woman that eloped from her husband and lived with the adulterer , or a wife that being first ravish'd did afterwards consent , and lived with the ravisher , she should loose her dower . this statute of westminster the 2d , was made of force in ireland by an act passed here the 13th of edward the 2d , as we have seen before , pag. 68 , 69. afterwards by the english statute of the 6th of rich. the 2d . c. 6. there was a farther addition made to the said statute of westminster the 2d . to this effect , that a maiden or wife being ravished , and afterwards consenting to the ravishers , as well the ravisher as she that was ravished shall be disabled to claim all inheritance or dower after the death of her husband or ancestor . on this account the doubt was here raised in ireland in the 8th of edward the 4th . c. 1. whether this latter english statute of the 6th of richard the 2d . c. 6. were not in force in ireland by virtue of the irish statute of the 13th of edward the 2d . which confirmed the statute of westminster the 2d . c. 34. and for setling this doubt the said statute of the 8th of edward the 4th c. 1. was passed in ireland , and we find very good reason for the said doubt . for the english statute of the 6th of richard the 2d . c. 6. contained but a small addition to the statute of westminster the 2d c. 34. and we see that even this ad dition it self was judged not to be of force in ireland till enacted here . for the said irish statute of the 8th of edward the 4th . c. 1. makes the said statute of the 6th of rich. 2d . c. 6. of force in ireland only from the 6th of march , then last past . 't is urg'd secondly , that tho' perhaps such acts of parliament in england which do not name ireland , shall not be construed to bind ireland , yet all such english statutes as mention ireland , either by the general words of all his majesty's dominions , or by particularly naming of ireland , are and shall be of force in this kingdom . this being a doctrine first broach'd directly ( as i conceive ) by will. hussey , lord chief justice of the kings bench in england , in the first year of henry the seventh and of late revived by the lord chief justice cook , and strongly urged , and much rely'd upon i●… these latter days ; i shall take th●… liberty of enlarging thereon , tho i venture thereby to swell this pamphlet to a size greater than i desire or design'd . first therefore , as to such english statutes as seem to comprehend ireland , and to bind it , under the general words of all his majesty's dominions or subjects , whatever has been the opinion of private and particular lawyers in this point , i am sure the opinions of the kings of england , and their privy council , have been otherwise : 't is well known since poyning's act in ireland , the 10th of henry the seventh , no act can pass in our parliament here , till it be first assented to by the king and privy council of england , and transmitted hither under the broad seal of england : now the king and his privy council there , have been so far from surmising that an act of parliament of england , mentioning only in general all the kings dominions , or subjects , should bind ireland , that they have clearly shewn the contrary , by frequently transmitting to ireland , to be pass'd into laws here , english statutes , wherein the general words of all the kings dominions or subjects were contain'd ; which would have been to no purpose , but meerly actum agere , had ireland been bound before by those english statutes . of this i shall give the following examples , amongst many others . the act of parliament in england against appeals to rome , 24 hen. 8. c. 12. by express words extends to all his majesties dominions , yet the same was not in force , nor receiv'd in ireland , till it was enacted by parliament there , the 28th of hen. 8. c. 6. in like manner the statutes made in england concerning first fruits , 26 hen. 8. c. 3. and the act of faculties , a 25 hen. 8. c. 21. though each of them by express words comprize all his majesties subjects and dominions , were not receiv'd as laws in ireland , till the former was enacted there , 28 h. 8. c. 4. and the latter the 28 hen. 8. c. 19. and so the stature restoring to the crown all jurisdiction ecclesiastical made in england , anno 1 eliz. c. 1. and therein giving power to erect an ecclesiastical high-commission-court in england and ireland , yet was not of force in ireland till enacted there , anno 2 eliz. c. 1. and tho the said english act , in relation to erecting such an high-commission court , was repeal'd 17 car. 1. c. 11 and the repeal confirm'd the 13 car. 2. c. 12 and the late bill of rights , 1 w. and m. ses. 2. c. 2. in england , has damn'd all such courts . yet the act in ireland 2 eliz. c. 1. remains still in force here ; and so it was lately declar'd here by the lord high-chancellour porter , lord chief justice reynel , lord chief baron hely , mr. justice cox , mr. justice ieffreyson , in the case of dr. thomas hacket , late bishop of down , who was depriv'd of the said bishoprick by such a commission , for great enormities ; the commissioners being dr. dopping late bishop of meath , dr. king , the present bishop of london-derry , and dr. wiseman , late bishop of dromore . and truly i see no more reason for binding ireland by the english laws under the general words of all his majesties dominions or subjects , than there is for binding scotland by the same ; for scotland is as much his dominion , and scots-men as much his subjects as ireland and irish-men : if it be said , that scotland is an antient separate and distinct kingdom from england ; i say , so is ireland : the difference is , scotland continued separate from the kings of england till of late years , and ireland continued separate from england but a very little while in the person of king iohn , before the death of his father , and of his brother richard the first , without issue . but then 't is to be considered , that there was a possibility , or even a probability , that ireland might have continued separate from the crown of england , even to this very day , if richard the first had left behind him a numerous progeny . secondly , as to such english statutes as particularly name ireland , and are therefore said to be of force in this kingdom , tho' never enacted here ; i shall consider only the more antient precedents that are offered in confirmation of this doctrine : for as to those of later date , 't is these we complain of , as bearing hard on the liberties of this country , and the rights of our parliaments , and therefore these ought not to be produced as arguments against us . i presume , if i can shew , that the antient precedents that are produced , do not conclude against us ; it will follow that the modern instances given , ought not to conclude against us ; that is to say plainly , these ought not to have been made as they are , as wanting foundation both from authority and reason . the antient precedents of english statutes , particularly naming ireland , and said to be made in england with a design of binding ireland , are chiefly these three : 1. statutum hiberniae , 14 h. 3. 2. ordinatio pro statu hiberniae , 17 edw. 1. 3. and the act that all staple commodities passing out of england or ireland , shall be carried to callis , as long as the staple is at callis , 2 hen. 6. c. 4. on which hussey delivered his opinion , as we shall see more fully hereafter . these statutes , especially the two first , being made for ireland , as their titles import , have given occasion to think , that the parliament of england have a right to make laws for ireland , without the consent of their chosen representatives . but if we enquire farther into this matter , we shall find this conclusion not fairly deduced . first , the statutum hiberniae , 14 hen. 3. as 't is to be found in the collection of english statutes , is plainly thus : the judges in ireland conceiving a doubt concerning inheritances devolved to sisters or coheirs , viz. whether the younger sisters ought to hold of the eldest sister , and do homage unto her for their portions , or of the chief lord , and do homage unto him ; therefore girald fitz maurice , the then lord justice of ireland , dispatcht four knights to the king in england , to bring a certificate from thence of the practice there used , and what was the common-law of england in that case . whereupon hen. 3. in this his certificate or rescript , which is called statutum hiberniae , meerly informs the justice what the law and custom was in england , viz. that the sisters ought to hold of the chief lord , and not of the eldest sister . and the close of it commands , that the foresaid customs that be used within our realm of england in this case , be proclaimed throughout our dominion of ireland , and be there observ'd . teste meipso apud westminst . 9. feb. an. reg. 14. from whence 't is manifest , that this statutum hiberniae was no more than a certificate of what the common law of england was in that case , which ireland by the original compact was to be governed by . and shews no more , that therefore the parliament of england may bind ireland , than it would have proved , that the common wealth of rome was subject to greece , if , after rome had received the law of the twelve tables , they had sent to greece to know what the law was , in some special case . the statute call'd ordinatio pro statu hiberniae , made at notingham the 17th of edward the first , and to be found in pultons collection pag. 76. edit . lond. 1670. was certainly never received , or of force , in ireland . this is manifest from the very first article of that ordnance , which prohibits the iustice of ireland or others the kings officers , there to purchase land in that kingdom , or within their respective balliwicks without the kings licence , on pain of forfeitures . but that this has ever been otherwise , and that the lords justices , and other officers here have purchas'd lands in ireland , at their own will and pleasure , needs no proof to those who have the least knowledge of this country . nor does it appear by any inquisition , office , or other record , that any one ever forfeited on that account . moreover this ordinatio pro statu hiberniae , is really in it self no act of parliament , but meerly an ordinance of the king and his privy council in england ; which appears as well from the preamble to the said ordinance , as from this observation likewise , that king edward the first held no parliament in the 17th year of his reign : or if this were a parliament , this ordinatio pro statu hiberniae , is the only act thereof that is extant : but 't is very improbable , that only this single ordinance should appear , if any such parliament were call'd together . thirdly , as to the staple-act , 2 hen. 6. c. 4. which expresly names ireland , and hussey's opinion thereon . the case , as we find it in the year-books of mich. 2 rich. 3. fol. 11. and mich. 1 hen. 7. fol. 3. is in short thus : the merchants of waterford having ship'd off some wooll , and consign'd it to sluice in flanders , the ship by stress of weather was put in at callis , where sir thomas thwaits , treasurer of callis , seized the said wooll as forfeited , half to himself , and half to the king , by the said statute ; hereupon a suit was commenced between the said merchants and the said treasurer , which was brought before all the judges of england into the exchequer chamber : the merchants pleaded the king's license to the citizens of waterford and their successors , for carrying wooll where they pleased ; and the questions before the judges were two , viz. whether this staple-act binds ireland ; and secondly , whether the king could grant his license contrary to the statute , and especially where the statute gives half the forfeiture to the discoverer . the first point only relates to our present purpose ; and herein we find the foresaid year-book of 2 rich. 3. fol. 12. to report it thus : et ibi ( in the exchequer chamber ) quoad primam questionem dicebant quod terr . hibern . inter se habent parliament . & omnimodo curprout in angl. & per idem parliamentum faciunt leges & mutant leges & non obligantur per statuta in anglia , quia non hic habent milites parliamenti ( and is not that an unanswerable reason ? ) sed hoc intelligitur de terris & rebus in terris illis tantum efficiendo ; sed personae eorum sunt subject . regis & tanquam subjecti erunt obligati ad aliquam rem extra terram illam faciend . contra statut. sicut habitantes in calesia , gascoignie , guien , &c. dum fuere subjecti ; & obedientes erunt sub admiral . angl. de re fact . super altum mare ; & similit . brev. de errore de iudicio reddit . in hibern . in banco reg. hic in angl. i have verbatim transcribed this passage out of the foresaid year-book , that i might be sure to omit nothing that may give the objection its full weight . and all that i can answer to it , is this : 1. that when the foresaid case came a second time under the consideration of the judges in the exchequer chamber in mich. 1 hen. 7. fol. 3. we find it reported thus : hussey the chief iustice said , that the statutes made in england shall bind those of ireland , which was not much gain-said by the other iudges , notwithstanding that some of them were of a contrary opinion the last term in his absence . how the presence and opinion of the chief justice came to influence them now , i leave the reader to judge . 2. that brook in abridging this case of the first of hen. 7. fol. 3. title parliament , sec. 90. adds , tamen nota , that ireland is a kingdom by it self , and hath parliaments of its own ; intimating thereby , that therefore hussey's opinion herein was unreasonable . 3. that 't is manifest , if hussey mean by his words , that all acts of parliament in england shall bind ireland , it is directly contrary to the judges opinion in the second of richard the third , before recited ; for within the land of ireland , they are all positive , that the authority of the parliament of england will not affect us . they seem at the utmost reach to extend the jurisdiction of the english parliament over the subjects of ireland , only in relation to their actions beyond seas , out of the realm of ireland , as they are the king of england's subjects ; but even this will appear unreasonable , when we consider , that by the same argumentation , scotland it self may be bound by english laws , in relation to their foreign trade , as they are the king of englands subjects . the question is , whether england and ireland be two distinct kingdoms , and whether they have each their respective parliaments ; neither of which will be deny'd by any man : and if so , there can be no subordination on either side , each is compleat in its own jurisdiction , and ought not to interfere with t'other in any thing . if being the king of england's subjects , be a reason why we ought to submit to laws , ( in relation to our trade abroad , in places where the parliament of england has no jurisdiction ) which have not receiv'd our assent ; the people of england will consider whether they also are not the king's subjects , and may therefore ( by this way of reasoning ) be bound by laws which the king may assign them without their assent , in relation to their actions abroad or foreign trade : or whether they had not been subjects to the king of france , had our kings continu'd their possession of that country , and there kept the seat of the monarchy ; and then , had france been stronger than england , it might seem that the subjects of these kingdoms might have been bound by laws made at paris , without their own consent . but let this doctrine never be mention'd amongst the free-born subjects of these nations . thus i have done with the three principal instances that are usually brought against us , on the stress that is laid on english acts of parliament , particularly naming ireland . there have been other statutes or ordinances made in england for ireland , which may reasonably be of force here , because they were made and assented to by our own representatives . thus we find in the white book of the exchequer in dublin , in the 9th year of edward the first , a writ sent to his chancellour of ireland , wherein he mentions quaedam statuta per nos de assensu prelatorum comitum baronum & communitates regni nostri hiberniae , nuper apud lincoln & quaedam alia statuta postmodum apud eborum facta . these we may suppose were either statutes made at the request of the states of ireland , to explain to them the common law of england ; or if they were introductive of new laws , yet they might well be of force in ireland , being enacted by the assent of our own representatives , the lords spiritual and temporal , and commons of ireland ; as the words afore-mention'd do shew : and indeed , these are instances so far from making against our claim , that i think nothing can be more plainly for us ; for it manifestly shews , that the king and parliament of england would not enact laws to bind ireland , without the concurrence of the representatives of this kingdom . formerly , when ireland was but thinly peopled , and the english laws not fully currant in all parts of the kingdom , 't is probable that then they could not frequently assemble with conveniency or safety to make laws in their own parliaments at home ; and therefore during the heats of rebellions , o●… confusion of the times , they were forced to enact laws in england . but then this was always by their proper representatives . for we find that in the reign of edward the third , ( and by what foregoes , 't is plain 't was so in edward the first 's time ) knights of the shire , citizens , and burgesses , were elected in the shires , cities and burroughs of ireland , to serve in parliament in england , and have so served accordingly . for amongst the records of the tower of london , rot. claus. 50. edw. 3. parl. 2. membr . 23. we find a writ from the king at westminster , directed to iames butler , lord justice of ireland , and to r. archbishop of dublin , his chancellour , requiring them to issue writs under the great seal of ireland , to the several counties , cities and burroughs , for satisfying the expences of the men of that land , who last came over to serve in parliament in england . and in another roll the 50th of edw. iii. membr . 19. on complaint to the king by iohn draper , who was chosen burgess of cork by writ , and served in the parliament of england , and yet was deny'd his expences by some of the citizens , care was taken to re-imburse him . if from these last mention'd records , it be concluded that the parliament of england may bind ireland ; it must also be allow'd that the people of ireland ought to have their representatives in the parliament of england . and this , i believe we should be willing enough to embrace ; but this is an happiness we can hardly hope for . this sending of representatives out of ireland to the parliament in england , on some occasions , was found in process of time to be very troublesome and inconvenient ; and this , we may presume , was the reason , that afterwards , when times were more settled , we fell again into our old track , and regular course of parliaments in our own country : and hereupon the laws afore-noted , pag. 64. were enacted , establishing that no law made in the parliament of england , should be of force in ireland , till it was allow'd and publish'd in parliament here . i have said before , pag. 85. that i would only consider the more antient precedents that are offered to prove , that acts of england particularly naming ireland , should bind us in this kingdom ; and indeed it were sufficient to stop here , for the reason above alledged . however , i shall venture to come down lower , and to enquire into the modern precedents of english acts of parliament alledged against us : but still with this observation , that 't is these we complain against as innovations , and therefore they ought not to be brought in argument against us . i do therefore again assert , that before the year 1641. there was no statute made in england introductory of a new law that interfered with the right which the people of ireland have to make laws for themselves , except only those which we have before mentioned , and which we have discuss'd at large , and submit to the readers ●…udgment . but in the year 1641. and afterwards in cromwel's time , and since that , in king charles ii. and again very lately in king william's reign , some laws have been made in england to be of force in ireland . but how this came to pass , we shall now enquire . in the 17th year of k. charles i. which was in the year 1642. there were three or four acts of parliament made in england for incouraging adventurers to raise money for the speedy suppression of the horrid rebellion which broke out in ireland the 23d of october 1641 ▪ the titles of these acts we have in pulton's collection of statutes : but with this remark , that they are made of no force by the acts of setlement and explanation passed in king charles il's . time in the kingdom of ireland . so that in these we are so far from finding precedents for england's parliament binding ireland , that they plainly shew , that the parliament of ireland may re●… an act passed in england , in relation to the affairs of ireland . for 't is very well known , that persons who were to have interests and titles in ireland by virtue of those acts passed in england , are cut off by the acts of settlement and explanation . and indeed there is all the reason in the world that it should be so , and that acts made in a kingdom by the legal representatives of the people , should take place of those made in another kingdom . but however , it will be said , that by those acts 't is manifest that england did presume they had such a right to pass acts binding ireland , or else they had ne'er done it . to which i answer , that considering the condition ireland was in at that time , viz. under an horrid intestine rebellion , flaming in every corner of the kingdom ; 't was impossible to have a parliament of our own ; yet it was absolutely necessary that something should be done towards suppressing the violences then raging amongst us : and the only means could then be practised , was for the parliament of england to interpose , and do something for our relief and safety ; these were the best assurances could be had at that juncture : but when the storm was over , and the kingdom quieted , we see new measures were taken in a legal parliament of our own . as to what was done for ireland in the parliament of england in cromwel's time , besides the confusion and irregularity of all proceeding in those days , which hinders any of them to be brought into precedent in these times ; we shall find also that then there were representatives sent out of this kingdom , who sate in the parliament of england , which then was only the house of commons . we cannot therefore argue from hence , that england may bind us ; for we see they allow'd us representatives , without which , they rightly concluded , they could not make laws obligatory to us . i come now to king charles the 2ds time : and in it we shall find the following english statutes made , in which the kingdom of ireland is concerned . the first is an act against importing cattle from ireland or other parts beyond seas . it was only temporary by 18 ch. 2. c. 2. but made perpetual 20 ch. 2. c. 7. and 32 ch. 2. c. 2. this act , however prejudicial to the trade that was then carried on between ireland and england , does not properly bind us , more than it does any other country of the world. when any thing is imported , and landed in england , it becomes immediately subject to the laws thereof , so that herein we cannot be said properly to be bound . secondly , the acts against planting tobacco in england and ireland , 12 ch. 2. c. 34. and 15 ch. 2. c. 7. and 22 and 23 ch. 2. c. 26 , &c. do positively bind ireland . but there has never been an occasion of executing it here ; for i have not heard that a rood of tobacco was ever planted in this kingdom . but however that takes not off the obligation of the law : 't is only want of our consent , that i urge against that . i see no more reason for sending a force to trample down an acre of tobacco in ireland by these statutes , than there would be for cutting down the woods of shelela , were there an act made in england against our planting or having timber . thirdly , the act for encouraging shipping and navigation , by express name mentions and binds ireland ; and by the last clause in the act , obliges all ships belonging thereto importing any goods from our foreign plantations , to touch first at england . fourthly , the acts prohibiting the exportation of wooll from ireland , to any country except to england , do likewise strongly bind us , and by the 12 car. 2. c. 32. it was made highly penal on us , and by the 14th of car. 2. c. 18. 't is made felony . to these three last acts , i must confess , i have nothing to urge , to take off their efficacy ; name us they do most certainly , and bind us so , as we do not transgress them . but how rightfully they do this , is the matter in question . this i am sure of , that before these acts in king charles the second's time , ( the eldest of which is not over thirty-seven years ) there is not one positive full precedent to be met with in all the statute-book , of an english act binding the kingdom of ireland . and on this account we may venture to assert , that these are at least innovations on us , as not being warranted by any former precedents . and shall proceedings only of thirty-seven years standing , be urg'd against a nation , to deprive them of the rights and liberties which they enjoy'd for five hundred years before , and which were invaded without and against their consent , and from that day to this have been constantly complain'd of ? let any english heart that stands so iustly in vindication of his own rights and liberties , answer this question , and i have done . i am now arriv'd at our present days , under the happy government of his majesty king william the third ; and i am sorry to reflect , that since the late revolution in these kingdoms , when the subjects of england have more strenuously than ever asserted their own rights , and the liberty of parliaments , it has pleased them to bear harder on their poor neighbours , than has ever yet been done in many ages foregoing . i am sure what was then done by that wise and just body of senators , was perfectly out of good will and kindness to us , under those miseries which our afflicted country of ireland then suffered but i fear some men have since that , made use of what was then done , to other purposes than at first intended . let us now see what that was , and consider the circumstances under which it was done . in the year 1689. when most o●… the protestant nobility , gentry , and clergy of ireland , were driven out of that kingdom by the insolencies and barbarities of the irish papists , who were then it arms throughout the kingdom and in all places of authority under king iames , newly return'd to them out of france ; the only refuge we had to fly to was in england , where multitudes continued for many months , destitute of all manner of relief , but such as the charity of england afforded , which indeed was very munificent , and never to be forgotten . the protestant clergy of ireland being thus banish'd from their benefices , many of them accepted such small ecclesiastical promotions in england , as the benevolence of well dispos'd persons presented them with . but this being directly contrary to a statute in this kingdom , in the 17 and 18 of charles the second , cap. 10. intituled , an act for disabling of spiritual persons from holding benefices or other ecclesiastical dignities in england or wales , and in ireland at the same time . the protestant irish clergy thought they could not be too secure in avoiding the penalty of the last mention'd act , and therefore apply'd themselves to the parliament of england , and obtain'd an act in the first year of king william and queen mary , c. 29. intituled , an act for the relief of the protestant irish clergy . and this was the first attempt that was made for binding ireland by an act in england , since his majesty's happy accession to the throne of these kingdoms . afterwards in the same year , and same session , chap. 34. there pass'd an act in england , prohibiting all trade and commerce with france , both from england and ireland . this also binds ireland , but was during the heat of the war in that kingdom , when 't was impossible to have a regular parliament therein , all being in the hands of the irish papists . neither do we complain , of it , as hindring us from corresponding with the king's enemies , for 't is the duty of all good subjects to abstain from that . but as scotland , tho' the king's subjects , claims an exemption from all laws but what they assent to in parliament ; so we think this our right also . when the banish'd laity of ireland observ'd the clergy thus careful to secure their properties , and provide for the worst as well as they could in that juncture , when no other means could be taken by a regular parliament in ireland ; they thought it likewise adviseable for them to do something in relation to their concerns . and accordingly they obtain'd the act for the better security and relief , of their majesties protestant subjects of ireland , 1 w. and m. ses. 2. c. 9. wherein king iames's irish parliament at dublin , and all acts and attainders done by them , are declared void . 't is likewise thereby enacted , that no protestant shall suffer any prejudice in his estate or office , by reason of his absence out of ireland , since december 25. 1685. and that there should be a remittal of the kings quit-rent , from 25 december 1688. to the end of the war. thus the laity thought themselves secure . and we cannot wonder that during the heat of a bloody war in this kingdom , when it was impossible to secure our estates and properties by a regular parliament of our own ; we should have recourse to this means , as the only which then could be had . we concluded with our selves , that when we had obtained these acts from the parliament in england , we had gon a great way in securing the like acts to be passed in a regular parliament in ireland , whenever it should please god to re-establish us in our own country : for we well knew our own constitution under poynings law , that no act could pass in the parliament of ireland till approved of by the king and privy council of england . and we knew likewise , that all the lords and others of his majesties privy council in england are members of the lords or commons house of parliament there . and that by obtaining their assent to acts of parliament in favour of the irish protestants , they had in a manner pre-engaged their assent to the like bills when they should hereafter come before them as privy councellors , in order to be regularly transmitted to the parliament of ireland , there to be passed into laws of that kingdom . but instead of all this , to meet with another construction of what was done herein , and to have it pleaded against us as a precedent of our submission , and absolute acquiescence in the jurisdiction of the parliaments of england over this kingdom , is what we complain of as an invasion ( we humbly conceive ) of that legislative right which our parliament of ireland , claims within this kingdom . the next act pass'd in the parliament of england , binding ireland , is that for abrogating the oath of supremacy in ireland , and appointing other oaths , 3 and 4 william and mary , c. 2. to this the parliament convened at dublin , anno 1692. under lord sydney , and that likewise anno 1695. under lord capel , paid an intire obedience . and by this ( 't is alledged ) we have given up our right , if any we had , and have for ever acknowledged our subordination to the parliament of england . but let us a little consider the force of this argument . i readily grant , that this and the other fore-mentioned acts in england since the revolution , when they were made , were look'd upon highly in our favour , and for our benefit ; and to them as such , we have conform'd our selves . but then , in all justice and equity , our submission herein is to be deem'd purely voluntary , and not at all proceeding from the right we conclude thereby in the legislators . if a man , who has no iurisdiction over me , command me to do a thing that is pleasing to me , and i do it ; it will not thence follow , that thereby he obtains an authority over me and that ever hereafter i must obey him of duty . if i voluntarily give my money to a man when i please , and think it convenient for me ; this does not authorize him at any time to command my money from me when he pleases . if it be said , this allows subjects to obey only whilest 't is convenient for them . i pray it may be considered , whether any men obey longer , unless they be forced to it ; and whether they will not free themselves from this force as soon as they can . 't is impossible to hinder men from desiring to free themselves from uneasiness , 't is a principle of nature , and cannot be eradicated . if submitting to an inconvenience be a less evil than endeavouring to throw it off , men will submit . but if the inconvenience grow upon them , and b●… greater than the hazard of getting rid of it , men will offer at puting it by , let the statesman or divine say what they can . but i shall yet go a little further , and venture to assert , that the right of being subject only to such laws to which men give their own consent , is so inherent to all mankind , and founded on such immutable laws of nature and reason , that 't is not to be alien'd , or given up , by any body of men whatsoever : for the end of all government and laws being the publick good of the commonwealth , in the peace , tranquility and ease of every member therein ; whatsoever act is contrary to this end , is in it self void , and of no effect : and therefore for a company of men to say , let us unite our selves into a society , and let us be absolutely govern'd by such laws , as such a legis●…ator , without ever consulting us , shall devise for us ; 't is always to be understood , provided we find them for our benefit : for to say , we will be govern'd by those laws , whether they be good or hurtful to us , is absurd in it self : for to what end do men joyn in society , but to avoid hurt , and the inconveniencies of the state of nature ? moreover , i desire it may be considered , whether the general application of the chief part of the irish protestants , that were at that time in london , to the parliament at westminster , for obtaining these laws , may not be taken for their consent , and on that account , and no other , these acts may acquire their binding force . i know very well , this cannot be look'd upon as a regular and formal consent , such as might be requisite at another more favourable juncture : but yet it may be taken talis qualis , as far as their circumstances at that time would allow , till a more convenient opportunity might present it self . i am sure , if some such considerations as these , may not plead for us , we are of all his majesties subjects the most unfortunate : the rights and liberties of the parliament of england have received the greatest corroborations since his majesties accession to the throne ; and so have the rights of scotland ; but the rights of the people of ireland , on the other hand , have received the greatest weakening under his reign , by our submission ( as 't is alledg'd ) to these laws that have been made for us . this certainly was not the design of his majesty's glorious expedition into these kingdoms ; that , we are told by himself , ( whom we cannot possibly mistrust ) was to assert the rights and liberties of these nations ; and we do humbly presume that his majesty will be graciously pleased to permit us to enjoy the benefits thereof . and thus i have done with the fourth article proposed . as to the fifth , viz. the opinions of the learned in the laws relating to this matter ; 't is in a great measure dispatch'd by what i have offered on the fourth head ; i shall therefore be the more brief thereon . and i think indeed the only person of note that remains to be considered by us , is the lord chief justice cook , a name of great veneration with the gentlemen of the long robe , and therefore to be treated with all respect and deference . in his seventh report in calvin's case , he is proving that ireland is a dominion separate and divided from england ; for this he quotes many authorities a out of the year-books and reports ; and amongst others , he has that which i have before mention'd , pag. 91. 2 r. 3. f. 12. which he transcribes in this manner , hibernia habet parliamentum , & faciunt leges , & nostra statuta non ligant eos , quia non mittunt milites ad parliamentum ; and then adds , in a parenthesis , ( which is to be understood , unless they be specially named ) sed personae eorum sunt subjecti regis sicut inhabitantes in calesia , gasconia , & guyan . the first thing i shall observe hereon , is the very unfaithful and broken citation of this passage , as will manifestly appear by comparing it with the true transcript i have given thereof before , pag. 91. were this all , 't were in some measure pardonable . but what cannot be excused , is the unwarrantable position in his parenthesis , without the least colour or ground for it in his text. herein he concludes down right magisterially , so it must be , this is my definitive sentence ; as if his plain assertion , without any other reason , ought to prevail ; nay , even point blank against the irrefragable reason of the book he quotes . i confess in another place of calvin's case , viz. fol. 17. b. he gives this assertion a colour of reason , by saying , that tho' ireland be a distinct dominion from england , yet the title thereof being by conquest , the same by iudgment of law might by express words be bound by the parliaments of england how far conquest gives a title , we have enquired before : but i would fain know what lord cook means by iudgment of law : whether he means the law of nature and reason , or of nations ; or the civil laws of our commonwealths ; in none of which senses , i conceive , will he , or any man , be ever able to make out his position . is the reason of england's parliament not binding ireland , because we do not send thither representatives ? and is the efficacy of this reason taken off , by our being named in an english act ? why should sending representatives to parliament , bind those that send them ? meerly because thereby the consent of those that are bound , is obtain'd , as far as those sort of meetings can possibly permit ; which is the very foundation of the obligation of all laws . and is ireland's being named in an english act of parliament , the least step towards obtaining the consent of the people of ireland ? if it be not , then certainly my lord cook 's parenthesis is to no purpose . and 't is a wonder to me , that so many men have run upon this vain imagination , meerly from the assertion of this judge : for i challenge any man to shew me , that any one before him , or any one since , but from him , has vended this doctrine : and if the bare assertion of a judge , shall bind a whole nation , and dissolve the rights and liberties thereof , we shall make their tongues very powerful , and constitute them greater lawgivers than the greatest senates . i do not see why my denying it , should not be as authentick as his affirming it . 't is true , he was a great lawyer and a powerful judge ; but had no more authority to make a law , than i or any man else . but some will say , he was a learned judge , and may be supposed to have reason for his position . why then does he not give it us ? and then what he asserts would prevail , not from the authority of the person , but from the force of the reason . the most learned in the laws have no more power to make or alter a constitution , than any other man ; and their decisions shall no farther prevail , than supported by reason and equity . i conceive my ld. ch. justice cooke apply'd himself so wholly to the study of the common laws of england , that he did not enquire far into the laws of nature and nations ; if he had , certainly he could never have been guilty of such an erroneous slip ; he would have seen demonstrably , that consent only gives humane laws their force , and that therefore the reason in the case he quotes is unanswerable , quia non mittunt milites ad parliamentum . moreover , the assertion of cooke in this point is directly contrary to the whole tenour of the case which he cites : for the very act of parliament on which the debate of the judges did arise , and which they deemed not to be of force in ireland , particularly names ireland . so that here again ld. cooke's error appears most plainly . for this i refer to the report , as i have exactly delivered it before pag. 90 , 91. by which it appears clearly to be the unanimous opinion of all the judges then in the exchequer chamber : that within the land of ireland , the parliaments of england have no jurisdiction , whatever they may have over the subjects of ireland on the open seas : and the reason is given , quia hibernia non mittit milites ad parliamentum in angliâ . this assertion likewise is inconsistent with himself in other parts of his works . he tells us in his 4th . inst. pag. 349. that 't is plain that not only king john ( as all men allow ) but henry the second also , the father of king john , did ordain and command , at the instance of the irish , that such laws as had been in england should be observ'd and of force in ireland . hereby ireland being of it self a distinct dominion , and no part of the kingdom of england , was to have parliaments holden there as in england . and in pag. 12. he tells us , that henry the second sent a modus into ireland , directing them how to hold their parliaments . but to what end was all this , if ireland nevertheless were subject to the parliament of england ? the king and parliaments of these kingdoms are the supream legislators ; if ireland be subject to two ( its own , and that of england ) it has two supreams ; 't is not impossible , but they may enact different or contrary sanctions ; which of these shall the people obey ? he tells us in calvin's case fol. 17. b. that if a king hath a christian kingdom by conquest , as henry the second had ireland , after king john had given to them , being under his obedience , and subjection , the laws of england for the government of that country , no succeeding king could alter the same without parliament . which , by the way , seems directly contradictory to what he says concerning ireland six lines below this last cited passage . so that we may observe my lord cook enormously stumbling at every turn in this point . thus i have done with this reverend judge ; and , in him , with the only positive opinion against us i shall now consider what our law-books offer in our favour on this point . to this purpose we meet a case fully apposite , reported in the year-book of the 20th of henry the 6th , fol. 8. between one iohn pilkington and one a. pilkington brought a scire facias against a. to shew cause , why letters patents whereby the king had granted an office in ireland to the said a. should not be repeal'd , since the said pilkington had the same office granted to him by former letters patents of the same king to be occupied by himself or his deputy . whereupon a. pleaded , that the land of ireland , time out of memory , hath been a land separated and distinct from the land of england , and ruled and governed by the customs of the same land of ireland . that the lords of the same land , which are of the king's council , have used from time to time , in the absence of the king , to elect a iustice , who hath power to pardon and punish all felons , &c. and to call a parliament , and by the advice of the lords and commonalty to make statutes . he alledged further , that a parliament was assembled , and that it was ordain'd by the said parliament , a that every man who had an office within the said land , before a certain day , shall occupy the said office by himself , otherwise , he should forfeit . he shew'd that pilkington occupied by a deputy ; and that therefore his office was void , and that the king had granted the said office to him the said a. hereupon pilkington demurr'd in law ; and it was debated by the judges , yelverton , fortescue , portington , markham , and ascough , whether the said prescription in relation to the state and government of ireland , be good o●… void in law. yelverton and portington held the prescription void but fortescue , markham , and ascough held the prescription good ; and that the letters patents made to a were good , and ought not to be repeal'd . and in this it was agreed by fortescue and portington , that if a tenth or fifteenth be granted by parliament in england , that shall not bind ireland , although the king should send the same statute into ireland under his great seal : except they in ireland will in their parliament approve it ; because they have not any commandment by writ to come to the parliament of england : and this was not denied by markham , yelverton , or ascough . the merchants of waterford's case which i have observed before , pag. 90. as reported in the year book of the 2d . of richard the 3d. fol. 11 , 12 , is notorious on our behalf , but needs not be here repeated . the case of the prior of lanthony in wales , mentioned by mr. pryn against the 4th inst. ch . 76. p. 313. is usually cited against us . but i conceive 't is so far from proving this , that 't is very much in our behalf . the case was briefly thus . the prior of lanthony brought an action in the com. pleas of ireland against the of prior mollingar , for an arrear of an annuity , and judgment went against the prior of mollingar ; hereon the prior of mollingar brought a writ of error in the king's bench of ireland , and the judgment was affirmed . then the prior of mollingar appeal'd to the parliament in ireland held 5 hen. 6. before iames butler earl of ormond , and the parliament revers'd both judgments . the prior of lanthony removed all into the king's bench in england ; but the king's bench refused to intermeddle , as having no power over what had pass'd in the parliament of ireland . hereupon the prior of lanthony appeal'd to the parliament of england . and it does not appear by the parliament roll a that any thing was done on this appeal ; all that is entred being only the petition it self at the end of the roll. vid. pryn against the 4th instit. chap. 76. p. 313. now whether this be a precedent proving the subordination of our irish parliament to that of england , i leave the reader to judge . to me it seems the clear contrary . for first we may observe , the king's bench in england absolutely disclaiming any cognisance of what had passed in the parliament of ireland . and next we may observe , that nothing at all was done therein upon the appeal to the parliament of england : certainly if the parliament of england had thought themselves to have a right to enquire into this matter , they had so done , one way or t'other , and not left the matter undetermin'd it has ever been acknowledged that the kingdom of ireland is inseparably annex'd to the imperial crown of england . the obligation that our legislature lies under by poyning's act , 10 h. 7. c. 4. makes this tye between the two kingdoms indissoluble . and we must ever own it our happiness to be thus annex'd to england : and that the kings and queens of england are by undoubted right , ipso facto kings and queens of ireland . and from hence we may reasonably conclude , that if any acts of parliament made in england , should be of force in ireland , before they are received there in parliament , they should be more especially such acts as relate to the succession and settlement of the crown , and recognition of the kings title thereto , and the power and iurisdiction of the king. and yet we find in the irish statutes , 28 hen. viii . c. 2. an act for the succession of the king and queen ann ; and another , chap. 5. declaring the king to be supream head of the church of ireland ; both which acts had formerly pass'd in the parliament of england so likewise we find amongst the irish statutes acts of recognition of the kings title to ireland , in the reigns of henry the eighth , queen elizabeth , king iames , king charles the second , king william and queen mary . by which it appears that ireland , tho' annex'd to the crown of england , has always been look'd upon to be a kingdom compleat within it self , and to have all jurisdiction to an absolute kingdom belonging , and subordinate to no legislative authority on earth . tho' , 't is to be noted these english acts relating to the succession , and recognition of the kings title , do particularly name ireland . as the civil state of ireland is thus absolute within it self , so likewise is our state ecclesiastical : this is manifest by the canons and constitutions , and even by the articles of the church of ireland which differ in some things from those of the church of england and in all the charters and grant of liberties and immunities to ireland , we still find this , that holy church shall be free , &c. i would fain know what is meant here by the word free : certainly if our church be free and absolute within it self , our state must be so likewise ; for how our civil and ecclesiastical government is now interwoven , every body knows . but i will not enlarge on this head , it suffices only to hint it ; i shall detain my self to our civil government . another argument against the parliament of england's jurisdiction over ireland , i take from a record in reyley's placita parliamentaria , pag. 569. to this effect : a in the 14th of edward the second , the king sent his letters patents to the lord justice of ireland , leting him know , that he had been moved by his parliament at westminster , that he would give order that the irish natives of ireland , might enjoy the laws of england concerning life and member , in as large and ample manner as the english of ireland enjoy'd the same . this therefore the king gives in commandment , and orders accordingly , by these his letters patents . from hence , i say , we may gather , that the parliament of england did not then take upon them to have any iurisdiction in ireland , ( for then they would have made a law for ireland to this effect ) but instead thereof , they apply to the king , that he would interpose his commands , and give directions that this great branch of the common law of england should be put in execution in ireland indifferently to all the kings subjects there , pursuant to the original compact made with them on their first submission to the crown of england . let us now consider the great objection drawn from a writ of error 's lying from the kings bench of england , on a judgment given in the kings bench in ireland ; which proves ( as 't is insisted on ) that there is a subordination of ireland to england ; and that if an inferiour court of judicature in england , can thus take cognizance of , and over-rule the proceedings in the like court of ireland ; it will follow , that the supream court of parliament in england may do the same , in relation to the proceedings of the court of parliament in ireland . it must be confess'd that this has been the constant practice ; and it seems to be the great thing that induced my lord cook to believe that an act of parliament in england , and mentioning or including ireland , should bind here . the subordination of ireland to england , he seems to infer from the subordination of the kings bench of ireland , to the kings bench of england . but to this i answer : 1. that 't is the opinion of several learned in the laws of ireland , that this removal of a judgment from the kings bench of ireland , by writ of error , into the kings bench of england , is founded on an act of parliament in ireland , which is lost amongst a great number of other acts , which we want for the space of 130 years at one time , and of 120 at another time , as we have noted before , pag. 65. but it being only a general tradition , that there was such an act of our parliament , we only offer it as a surmise , the statute it self does not appear . 2. where a judgment in ireland is removed , to be revers'd in england , the judges in england ought , and always do judge , according to the laws and customs of ireland , and not according to the laws and customs of england , any otherwise than as these may be of force in ireland ; but if in any thing the two laws differ , the law of ireland must prevail , and guide their judgment . and therefore in the case of one kelly , removed to the kings bench in england , in the beginning of king charles the first , one error was assigned that the praecipe was of woods and underwoods , which is a manifest error , if brought in england ; but the judges finding the use to be otherwise in ireland , judged it no error . so in crook , charles , fol. 511. mulcarry vers . eyres . error was assigned for that the declaration was of one hundred acres of bogg , which is a word not known in england ; but 't was said , it was well enough understood in ireland , and so adjudged no error . from whence , i conceive , 't is manifest , that the jurisdiction of the kings bench in england , over a judgment in the kings bench of ireland , does not proceed from any subordination of one kingdom to the other ; but from some other reason , which we shall endeavour to make out . 3. we have before observed , that in the reign of k. henry the third , gerald fitz-maurice , lord justice of ireland , sent four knights to know what was held for law in england in the case of coparceners . the occasion of which message ( as before we have noted out of the kings rescript ) was , because the kings justice of ireland was ignorant what the law was . we may reasonably imagine that there were many messages of this kind ; for in the infancy of the english government , it may well be supposed , that the judges in ireland were not so deeply versed in the laws of england : this occasioned messages to england , before judgment given in ireland , to be inform'd of the law. and after decrees made , persons who thought themselves aggrieved by erroneous judgments , apply'd themselves to the king in england for redress . thus it must be , that writs of error ( unless they had their sanction in parliament ) became in use . complaints to the king by those that thought themselves injur'd , increased ; and at last grew into custom , and obtain'd the force of law. perhaps it may be objected , that if the judges of the kings bench in england ought to regulate their judgment by the customs of ireland , and not of england , it will follow , that this original which we assign of writs of error to england , is not right . i answer , that this may be the primary original , and yet consist well enough with what we have before laid down : for tho' the common law of england was to be the common law of ireland , and ireland at the beginning of its english government might frequently send into england to be inform'd about it ; yet this does not hinder , but ireland , in a long process of time , may have some smaller customs and laws of its own , gradually but insensibly crept into practice , that may in some measure differ from the customs and practice of england ; and where there is any such , the judges of england must regulate their sentence accordingly , tho' the first rise of writs of error to england , may be as we have here suggested . in like manner , where the statute-law of ireland differs from that of england , the judges of england will regulate their judgments by the statute-law of ireland : this is the constant practice , and notoriously known in westminster-hall : from which it appears , that removing a judgment from the kings bench of ireland , to the kings bench of england , is but an appeal to the king in his bench of england , for his sense , judgement , or exposition of the laws of ireland . but of this more hereafter . 4. when a writ of error is returned into the kings bench of england , suit is made to the king only ; the matter lies altogether before him ; and the party complaining applies to no part of the political government of england for redress , but to the king of ireland only , who is in england : that the king only is sued to , our law-books make plain . this court is call'd curia domini regis , and aula regia , because the king used to sit there in person , as lambard tells us ; and every cause brought there , is said to be coram domino rege , even at this very day , cooke 4 inst. p. 72. therefore if a writ be returnable coram nobis ubicunque fuerimus , 't is to be return'd to the kings bench. but if it be returnable coram iusticiariis nostris apud westm. 't is to be return'd into the common pleas. this court ( as glavnil and other antients tells us ) used to travel with the king , where-ever he went. and fleta , in describing this court , says , habet rex curiam suam & iusticiarios suos , coram quibus , & non alibi nisi coram semet ipso , &c. falsa iudicia & errores revertuntur & corriguntur . the king then ( as britton says ) having supream jurisdiction in his realm , to judge in all causes whatsoever ; therefore it is , that erroneous iudgments were brought to him out of ireland . but this does not argue that ireland is therefore subordinate to england ; for the people of ireland are the subjects of the king to whom they appeal . and 't is not from the country where the court is held , but from the presence and authority of the king ( to whom the people of ireland have as good a title as the people of england ) that the praeeminence of the iurisdiction does flow , and i question not , but in former times , when these courts were first erected , and when the king exerted a greater power in judicature than he does now , and he used to sit in his own court , that if he had travell'd into ireland , and the court had follow'd him thither ; erroncous judgments might have been removed from england before him into his court in ireland ; for so certainly it must be , since the court travell'd with the king. from hence it appears , that all the jurisdiction , that the kings bench in england , has over the kings bench in ireland , arises only from the kings presence in the former . and the same may be said of the chancery in england , if it will assume any power to controul the chancery in ireland ; because ( as lambard says , p. 69 , 70. ) the chancery did follow the king , as the kings bench did ; and that , as he tells us out of the lord chief justice scroope , the chancery and the kings bench were once but one place . but if this be the ground of the jurisdiction of the kings bench in england over the kings bench in ireland , ( as i am fully perswaded it is ) the parliament in england cannot from hence claim any right of jurisdiction in ireland , because they claim a iurisdiction of their own ; and their court is not the kings court , in that proper and strict sence that the kings bench is . but granting that the subordination of the kings bench in ireland , to the kings ●…ch in england , be rightly concluded from a writ of error out of the latter , ●…ying on a judgment in the former . i see no reason from thence to conclude , that therefore the parliament of ireland is subordinate to the parliament in england , unless we make any one sort of subordination , or in any one part of jurisdiction , to be a subordination in all points , and all parts of jurisdiction . the subjects of ireland may appeal to the king in his bench in england , for the expounding of the old common and statute-law of ireland ; will it therefore follow that the parliament of england shall make new laws to bind the subjects in ireland ? i see no manner of consequence in it ; unless we take expounding old laws , ( or laws already made ) in the-kings bench , and making new laws in parliament , to be one and the same thing . i believe the best logician in europe will hardly make a chain of syllogisms , that from such premises , will regularly induce such a conclusion . to close this point , we find that a judgment of the kings bench in ireland , may be removed by a writ of error to the parliament in ireland : but the judgment of the parliament of ireland was never question'd in the parliament of england . this appears from the prior of lanthony's case aforegoing . i shall conclude this our fifth article with a memorable passage out of our irish statutes , which seems to strengthen what we have delivered on the business of a writ of error , as well as the chief doctrine i drive at ; and that is 28 h. viii . chap. 19. the act of faculties . this statute is a recital at large of the english act of the 25 hen. viii . c. 21. in the preamble of which english act 't is declared , that this your graces realm recognizing no superiour but your grace , hath been and yet is free from any subjection to any mans laws , but only such as have been devised within this realm ; for the wealth of the same , or to such others , as by sufferance of your grace and your progenitors , the people of the realm have taken at their free liberties by their own consent ; and have bound themselves by long use and custom to the observance of , &c. this declaration , with the other clauses of the said english act , is verbatim recited in the irish act of faculties ; and in the said irish act it is enacted , that the said english act , and every thing and things therein contained , shall be established , affirmed , taken , obey'd and accepted within this land of ireland as a good and perfect law , and shall be within the said land of the same force , effect , quality , condition , strength and vertue , to all purposes and intents , as it is within the realm of england ; ( if so , then the said clause declares our right of being bound only by laws to which we consent , as it does the right of the people of england ) and that all subjects within the said land of ireland , shall enjoy the profit and commodity thereof , in like manner as the kings subjects of the realm of england . i am now arrived at our sixth and last article proposed , viz. the reasons and arguments that may be be farther offered on one side and t'other in this debate . i have before taken notice of the title england pretends over us from conquest : i have likewise enquired into the precedents on one side and t'other , from acts of parliament , from records , and from reports of the learned in the laws . there remains another pretence or two for this subordination , to be considered ; and one is founded on purchase . 't is said , that vast quantity of treasure , that from time to time has been spent by england in reducing the rebellions and carrying on the wars of ireland , has given them a just title at least to the lands and inheritances of the rebels , and to the absolute disposal thereof in their parliament ; and as particular examples of this , we are told of the great sums advanced by england for suppressing the rebellion of the irish papists in 41. and opposing the late rebellion since king william's accession to the throne . to this i answer , that in a war there is all reason imaginable that the estates of the unjust opposers should go to repair the the damage that is done . this i have briefly hinted before . but if we consider the wars of ireland , we shall perceive they do not resemble the common case of wars between two foreign enemies ; ours are rather rebellions , or intestine commotions ; that is , the irish papists rising against the king and protestants of ireland ; and then 't is plain , that if these latter , by the assistance of their brethren of england , and their purse , do prove victorious , the people of england ought to be fully repaid ▪ but then the manner of their payment , and in what way it shall be levied , ought to be left to the people of ireland in parliament assembled : and so it was after the rebellion of 41. the adventurers then were at vast charges , and there were several acts of parliament in england made for their re-imbursing , by disposing to them the rebels lands . but after all , it was thought reasonable that the parliament of ireland should do this in their own way ; and therefore the acts of settlement and explanation , made all the former english acts of no force ; or at least did very much alter them in many particulars , as we have noted before . in like manner we allow that england ought to be repaid all their expences in supressing this late rebellion : all we defire is , that , in preservation of our own rights and liberties , we may do it in our own methods regularly in our own parliament : and if the re-imbursement be all that england stands upon , what availeth it whether it be done this way or that way , so it be done ? we have an example of this in point between england and holland in the glorious revolution under his present majesty : holland in assisting england expended 600000 pounds , and the english parliament fairly repay'd them : it would have look'd oddly for holland to have insisted on disposing of lord powis's and other estates , by their own laws , to re-imburse themselves . 't is an ungenerous thing to villifie good offices , i am far from doing it , but with all possible gratitude acknowledge the mighty benefits ireland has often receiv'd from england , in helping to suppress the rebellions of this coun●…ry ; to england's charitable assistance our lives and fortunes are owing : but with all humble submission , i desire it may be considered , whether england did not at ●…he same time propose the prevention of their own danger , that would necessarily have attended our ruine ; if so , 't was in some measure their own battels they fought , when they fought for ireland ; and a great part of their expence must be reckon'd in their own defence . another thing alledged against ireland is this : if a foreign nation , as france or spain for instance , prove prejudicial to england , in its trade , or any other way ; england , if it be stronger , redresses it self by force of arms , or denouncing war ; and why may not england , if ireland lies cross their interests , restrain ireland , and bind it by laws , and maintain these laws by force ? to this i answer : first , that it will hardly be instanced , that any nation ever declared war with another , meerly for over-topping them in some signal advantage , which otherwise , or but for their endeavours , they might have reaped . war only is justifiable for injustice done , or violence offer'd , or rights detain'd . i cannot by the law of nations , quarrel with a man , because he , going before me in the road , finds a piece of gold , which possibly , if he had not taken it up , i might have light upon and gotten . 't is true , we often see wars commenced on this account under-hand , and on emulation in trade and riches ; but then this is never made the open pretence , some other colour it must receive , or else it would not look fair ; which shews plainly , that this pretence of being prejudicial , or of reaping advantages which otherwise you might partake of , is not iustifiable in it self . but granting that it were a good justification of a war with a foreign nation , it will make nothing in the case between england and ireland ; for if it did , why does it not operate in the same manner between england and scotland , and consequently in like manner draw after it england's binding scotland by their laws at westminster : we are all the same kings subjects , the children of one common parent ; and tho' we may have our distinct rights and inheritances absolutely within our selves ; yet we ought not , when these do chance a little to interfere to the prejudice of one or t'other side , immediately to treat one another as enemies ; fair amicable propositions should be proposed , and when these are not hearkened to , then 't is time enough to be at enmity , and use force . the last thing i shall take notice of , that some raise against us , is , that ireland is to be look'd upon only as a colony from england : and therefore as the roman colonies were subject to , and bound by , the laws made by the senate at rome ; so ought ireland by those made by the great council at westminster . of all the objections raised against us , i take this to be the most extravagant ; it seems not to have the least foundation or colour from reason or record : does it not manifestly appear by the constitution of ireland , that 't is a compleat kingdom within it self ? do not the kings of england bear the stile of ireland amongst the rest of their kingdoms ? is this agreeable to the nature of a colony ? do they use the title of kings of virginia , new-england , or mary-land ? was not ireland given by henry the second in a parliament at oxford to his son iohn , and made thereby an absolute kingdom , separate and wholly independent on england , till they both came united again in him , after the death of his brother richard without issue ? have not multitudes of acts of parliament both in england and ireland , declared ireland a compleat kingdom ? is not ireland stiled in them all , the kingdom , or realm of ireland ? do these names agree to a colony ? have we not a parliament , and courts of judicature ? do these things agree with a colony ? this on all hands involves so many absurdities , that i think it deserves nothing more of our consideration . these being the only remaining arguments that are sometimes mention'd against us , i now proceed to offer what i humbly conceive demonstrates the justice of our cause . and herein i must beg the reader 's patience , if now and then i am forced lightly to touch upon some particulars foregoing . i shall endeavour all i can to avoid prolix repetitions ; but my subject requires that sometimes i just mention , or refer to , several notes before delivered . first therefore , i say , that ireland should be bound by acts of parliament made in england , is against reason , and the common rights of all mankind . all men are by nature in a state of equality , in respect of jurisdiction or dominion : this i take to be a principle in it self so evident , that it stands in need of little proof . 't is not to be conceiv'd , that creatures of the same species and rank , promiscuously born to all the same advantages of nature , and the use of the same faculties , should be subordinate and subject one to another ; these to this or that of the same kind . on this equality in nature is founded that right which all men claim , of being free from all subjection to positive laws , till by their own consent they give up their freedom , by entring into civil societies for the common benefit of all the members thereof . and on this consent depends the obligation of all humane laws ; insomuch that without it , by the unanimous opinion of all iurists , no sanctions are of any force . for this let us appeal , amongst many , only to the iudicious mr. hooker's eccles. polity , book 1. sec. 10. lond. ed it . 1676. thus he. howbeit , laws do not take their constraining force from the quality of such as devise them , but from that power which doth give them the strength of laws . that which we spake before , concerning the power of government , must here be applied to the power of making laws whereby to govern , which power god hath over all ; and by the natural law , whereunto he hath made all subject , the lawful power of making laws , to command whole politick societies of men , belongeth so properly unto the same entire societies , that for any prince or potentate , of what kind soever upon earth , to exercise the same of himself , and not either by express commission immediately and personally receiv'd from god , or else by authority derived at the first from their consent , upon whose persons they impose laws , it is no better than meer tyranny . laws they are not therefore , which publick approbation hath not made so : but approbation not only they give , who personally declare their assent by voice , sign , or act ; but also when others do it in their names , by right originally , at the least , derived from them : as in parliaments , councils , &c. again , sith men naturally have no full and perfect power to command whole politick multitudes of men ; therefore utterly without our consent , we could in such sort be at no mans commandment living . and to be commanded we do consent , when that society whereof we are part , hath at any time before consented , without revoking the same after by the like universal agreement . wherefore as any mans deed past is good , as long as himself continueth , so the act of a publick society of men , done five hundred years sithence , standeth as theirs who presently are of the same societies , because corporations are immortal ; we were then alive in our predecessors , and they in their successors do still live . laws therefore humane of what kind soever , are available by consent , &c. and again , but what matter the law of nations doth contain , i omit to search ; the strength and vertue of that law is such , that no particular nation can lawfully prejudice the same by any their several laws and ordinances , more then a man by his private resolutions the law of the whole commonwealth or state wherein he liveth ; for as civil law being the act of a whole body politick , doth therefore over-rule each civil part of the same body ; so there is no reason that any one commonwealth of it self , should to the prejudice of another , annihilate that whereupon the whole world hath agreed . to the same purpose may we find the universal agreement of all civilians , grotius , puffendorf , lock 's treat . government , &c. no one or more men , can by nature challenge any right , liberty or freedom , or any ease in his property , estate or conscience , which all other men have not an equally iust claim to . is england a free people ? so ought france to be . is poland so ? turky likewise , and all the eastern dominions , ought to be so : and the same runs throughout the whole race of mankind . secondly , 't is against the common laws of england , which are of force both in england and ireland , by the original compact before hinted . it is declared by both houses of the parliament of england , 1 iac. cap. 1. that in the high court of parliament , all the whole body of the realm , and every particular member thereof , either in person , or by representation ( upon their own free elections ) are by the laws of this realm deem'd to be personally present . is this then the common law of england , and the birth-right of every free-born english subject ? and shall we of this kingdom be deny'd it , by having laws imposed on us , where we are neither personally , nor representatively present ? my lord cooke in his 4th inst. cap. 1. saith , that all the lords spiritual and temporal , and all the commons of the whole realm , ought ex debito justiciae to be summon'd to parliament , and none of them ought to be omitted . hence it is call'd generale concilium in the stat. of westminst . 1. and commune concilium , because it is to comprehend all persons and estates in the whole kingdom . and this is the very reason given in the case of the merchants of waterford foregoing , why statutes made in england , should not bind them in ireland , quia non habent milites hic in parliamento ; because they have no representatives in the parliament of england . my lord hobbard in the case of savage and day , pronounced it for law , that whatever is against natural equity and reason , is against law ; nay , if an act of parliament were made against natural equity and reason , that act was void . whether it be not against equity and reason , that a kingdom regulated within it self , and having its own parliament , should be bound without their consent , by the parliament of another kingdom , i leave the reader to consider . my lord cooke likewise in the first part of his institutes , fol. 97. b. saith , nihil quod est contra rationem est licitum . and in the old modus tenendi parliamenta of england , said to be writ about edward the confessor's time , and to have been confirmed and approved by william the conqueror : it is expresly declared , that all the lords spiritual and temporal , and the knights , citizens , and burgesses ought to be summoned to parliament . the very same is in the modus sent into ireland by henry the 2d . and in king iohn's great charter dated 17. iohannis , 't is granted in these words , et ad habend . commune concilium regni de auxiliis & scutagiis assidendis , submoneri faciemus ar●…hiepiscopos , episcopos , abbates , comites , & majores barones , regni sigillatim per literas nostras , & faciemus submoneri in generali per vicecomites omnes alios , &c. math. paris ad an. 17. iohann . all are to be summoned to parliament , the nobility by special writts ; the commons by general writts to the sheriffs . and is this the common law of england ? is this part of those liberae consuetudines , that were contained in the great charter of the liberties of the people of england ; and were so solemnly granted by henry ii. king iohn , and henry the 3d , to the people of ireland , that they shou'd enjoy and be governd by ; and unto which they were sworn to be obedient ; and shall they be of force only in england , and not in ireland ? shall ireland receive these charters of liberties , and be no partakers of the freedoms therein contained ? or do these words signifie in england one thing , and in ireland no such thing ? this is so repugnant to all natural reason and equity , that i hope no rational man will contest it : i am sure if it be so , there 's an end of all speech amongst men ; all compacts , agreements , and societies , are to no purpose . 3. it is against the statute laws both of england , and ireland : this has been pretty fully disuss'd before ; however i shall here again take notice , that a in the 10. of henry the 4th it was enacted in ireland , that statutes made in england should not be of force in ireland , unless they were allowed and published by the parliament of ireland . and the like statute was made the 29th of henry the 6th . and in the 10th year of henry the 7th . chap. 23 irish statutes , the parliame●… which was held at drogheda , befor●… sir christopher preston , deputy to iaspar duke of bedford , lieut●… nant of ireland , was declared void for this reason amongst others that there was no general summons of the said parliament to all the shires , but only to four. and if acts of parliament made in irelan●… shall not bind that people , because some counties were omitted : how much less shall either their persons or estates be bound by those acts made in england , whereat no one county , or person of that kingdom is present ? in the b 25t●… of edward the 1st . cap. 6. it was enacted by the parliament of england in these words , moreover from henceforth we shall take no manner of aid , taxes , or prizes , but by the common assent of the realm . c and again in the statute of liber ties , by the same king , cap. 1. d●… tallag . non concedend . it is enacted in these words . no tallage or aid shall be taken or levy'd by us , or our heirs , in our realm , without the good will and assent of archbishops , bishops , earls , barons , knights , burgesses , and other freemen of the land. the like liberties are specially confirm'd to the clergy , d the 14th of edward the 3d. and were these statutes , and all other statutes and acts of the parliament of england ratified , confirmed , and adjudged by several parliaments of ireland to be of force within this realm : and shall the people of ireland receive no benefit by those acts ? are those statutes of force in england only ; and can they add no immunity or priviledge to the kingdom of ireland , when they are received there ? can the king and parliament make acts in england to bind his subjects of ireland without their consent ; and can he make no acts in ireland with their consent , whereby they may receive any priviledge or immunity ? this were to make the parliaments of ireland wholly illusory , and of no effect . if this be reasonable doctrine , to what end was poyning's law in ireland , e that makes all the statutes of england before that , in force in this kingdom ? this might as well have been done , and again undone , when they please , by a single act of the english ▪ parliament . but let us not make thus light of constitutions of kingdoms , 't is dangerous to those who do it , 't is grievous to those that suffer it . moreover , had the king or his council of england , in the 10th year of hen. vii . in the least dreamt of this doctrine , to what end was all that strict provision made by poyning's act , irish stat. cap. 4. that no act of parliament should pass in ireland , before it was first certified by the chief governour and privy council here , under the broad seal of this kingdom , to the king and his privy council in england , and received their approbation , and by them be remitted hither under the broad seal of england , here to be pass'd into a law ? the design of this act , seems to be the prevention of any thing passing in the parliament of ireland surreptitiously , to the prejudice of the king , or the english interest of ireland . but this was a needless caution , if the king , and parliament of england , had power at any time to revoke or annul any such proceedings . upon this act of poynings , many and various acts have pass'd in ireland , relating to the explanation , suspension , or farther corroboration thereof , in divers parliaments , both in henry the eighth's , phil. & mary's , and q. eliz. reigns ; for which see the irish statutes . a all which shew that this doctrine was hardly so much as surmised in those days , however we come to have it raised in these latter times . fourthly , 't is against several charters of liberties granted unto the kingdom of ireland : this likewise is clearly made out by what foregoes . i shall only add in this place , that in the patent-roll of the 17 rich. 2. m. 34. de confirmatione , there is a confirmation of several liberties and immunities granted unto the kingdom and people of ireland by edw. iii. the patent is somewhat long , but so much as concerns this particular , i shall render verbatim , as i have it transcribed from the roll by sir william do●…vile , attorny general in ireland during the whole reign of king charles ii. rex omnibus , &c. salutem : inspeximus literas patentes domini edwardi nuper regis angliae , avi nostri fact . in haec verba : edwardus dei gra. rex angliae & franciae , & dominus hiberniae , archiepiscopis , episcopis , abbatibus , prioribus , ministris nostris tam majoribus quam minoribus , & quibuscunque aliis de terra nostra hiberniae fidelibus nostris ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint , salutem : quia , &c. nos haec quae sequuntur ordinanda duximus & firmiter observanda , &c. imprimis , vizt . volumus & praecipimus quod sancta hibernicana ecclesia suas libertates & liberas consuetudines illesas habeat , & eis libere gaudeat & utatur . item volumus & praecipimus quod nostra & ipsius terrae negotia presertim majora & ardua in consiliis per peritos consiliaros nostros ac praelatos & magnates & quosdam de discretioribus & probioribus hominibus de partibus vicinis ubi ipsa concilia teneri contigerit propter hoc evocandos , in parliamentis vero per ipsos conciliaros nostros ac praelatos & proceres aliosque de terra predicta prout mos exegit secundum iusticiam legem consuetudinem & rationem tractentur deducantur & fideliter timore favore odio aut praetio post positis discutiantur ac etiam terminentur , &c. in cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes teste meipso apud westminst . 25 die octob. anno regni nostris angliae 31 , regni vero franciae 18. nos autem ordinationes voluntates & praecepta praedicta ac omnia alia & singula in litteris praedictis contenta rata habentes & grata ea pro nobis & haeredibus nostris quantum in nobis est acceptamus , approbamus , ratificamus , & confirmamus prout literae praedictae rationabiliter testanter . in cujus , &c. test. reg. apud westminst . 26 die iunii . fifthly , it is inconsistent with the royalties and praeeminence of a separate and distinct kingdom . that we are thus a distinct kingdom , has been clearly made out before . 't is plain , the nobility of ireland are an order of peers clearly distinct from the peerage of england , the priviledges of the one , extend not into the other kingdom ; a lord of ireland may be arrested by his body in england ; and so may a lord of england in ireland , whilst their persons remain sacred in their respective kingdoms : a voyage royal may be made into ireland , as the year-book , 11 hen. 4. 17. fol. 7. and lord cook tells us ; and king iohn in the 12th year of his reign of england , made a voyage royal into ireland ; and all his tenants in chief , which did not attend him in that voyage , did pay him escuage , at the rate of two marks for every knights fee ; which was imposed super praelatis & baronibus pro passagio regis in hibernia , as appears by the pipe-roll , scutag ▪ 12 iohannis regis in scaccario angl. which shews that we are a compleat kingdom within our selves , and not little better than a province , as some are so extravagant as to assert ; none of the properties of a roman province agreeing in the least with our constitution . 't is resolved in sir richard pembrough's cafe in the 44th of edw. iii. that sir richard might lawfully refuse the king , to serve him as his deputy in ireland , and that the king could not compel him thereto , for that were to banish him into another kingdom , which is against magna charta , chap. 29. nay , even tho sir richard had great tenures from the king , pro servitio impenso & impendendo , for that was said must be understood within the realm of england , cooks 2d inst. pag. 47. and in pilkington's case aforemention'd , fortescue declared , that the land of ireland is and at all times hath been a dominion separate and divided from england . how then can the realms of england and ireland , being distinct kingdoms and separate dominions , be imagin'd to have any superiority or iurisdiction the one over the other . 't is absurd to fancy that kingdoms are separate and distinct meerly from the geographical distinction of territories . kingdoms become distinct by distinct iurisdictions , and authorities legislative and executive ; and as rex est qui regem non habet , so regnum est quod alio non subjicitur regno : a kingdom can have no supream ; 't is in it self supream within it self , and must have all jurisdictions , authorities and praeeminencies to the royal state of a kingdom belonging , or else 't is none : and that ireland has all these , is declared in the irish stat. 33 hen. viii . c. 1. the chief of these most certainly is , the power of making and abrogating its own laws , and being bound only by such to which the community have given their consent . sixthly , it is against the kings prerogative , that the parliament of england should have any co-ordinate power with him , to introduce new laws , or repeal old laws established in ireland . by the constitution of ireland under poyning's act , the king's prerogative in the legislature is advanced to a much higher pitch than ever was challenged by the kings in england , and the parliament of ireland stands almost on the same bottom as the king does in england ; i say almost on the same bottom , for the irish parliament have not only a negative vote ( as the king has in england ) to whatever laws the king and his privy councils of both or either kingdom , shall lay before them ; but have also a liberty of proposing to the king and his privy council here , such laws as the parliament of ireland think expedient to be pass'd . which laws being thus proposed to the king , and put into form , and transmitted to the parliament here , according to poyning's act , must be pass'd or rejected in the very words , even to a tittle , as they are said before our parliament , we cannot alter the least iota . if therefore the legislature of ireland stand on this foot , in relation to the king , and to the parliament of ireland ; and the parliament of england do remove it from this bottom , and assume it to themselves , where the kings prerogative is much narrower , and as it were reversed , ( for there the king has only a negative vote ) i humbly conceive 't is an incroachment on the kings prerogative : but this i am sure , the parliament of england will be always very tender of , and his majesty will be very loth to have such a precious jewel of his crown handled rufly . the happiness of our constitutions depending on a right temperament between the kings and the peoples rights . seventhly , it is against the practice of all former ages . wherein can it appear , that any statute made in england , was at any time since the reign of henry the third , allowed and put in practice in the realm of ireland , without the authority of the parliament of ireland . is it not manifest by what foregoes , that from the twentieth of king henry the third , to the thirteenth of edward the second , and from thence to the eighteenth of henry the sixth , and from thence , to the thirty-second of henry the sixth , and from thence , to the eighth of edward the fourth , and from thence , to the tenth of henry the seventh , there was special care taken to introduce the statutes of england , ( such of them as were necessary or convenient for this kingdom ) by degrees , and always with allowance , and consent of the parliament and people of ireland . and since the general allowance , of all the english acts and statutes in the tenth of henry the seventh , there have several acts of parliament , which were made in england in the reigns of all the kings from that time , successively to this very day , been particularly receiv'd by parliament in ireland ; and so they become of force here , and not by reason of any general comprehensive words , as some men have lately fancied . for if by general comprehensive words , the kingdom of ireland could be bound by the acts of parliament of england , what needed all the former receptions in the parliament of ireland , or what use will there be of the parliament of ireland at any time ? if the religion , lives , liberties , fortunes , and estates of the clergy , nobility , and gentry of ireland , may be dispos'd of , without their privity and consent , what benefit have they of any laws , liberties , or priviledges granted unto them by the crown of england ? i am loth to give their condition an hard name ; but i have no other notion of slavery ; but being bound by a law to which i do not consent . eighthly , 't is against several resolutions of the learned iudges , of former times in the very point in question . this is manifest from what foregoes in the case of the merchants of waterford , pilkington's case , prior of lanthony's case , &c. but i shall not here inlarge farther thereon . ninthly , the obligation of all laws having the same foundation , if one law may be imposed without consent , any other law whatever , may be imposed on us without our consent . this will naturally introduce taxing us without our consent ; and this as necessarily destroys our property . i have no other notion of property , but a power of disposing my good as i please , and not as anothe●… shall command : whatever another may rightfully take from me without my consent , i have certainly no property in . to tax me without consent , is little better , if at all , than down-right robbing me ▪ i am sure the great patriots of liberty and property , the free peo ple of england , cannot think of such a thing , but with abhorrence . lastly , the people of ireland are left by this doctrine in the greatest confusion and uncertainty imaginable . we are certainly bound to obey the supream authority over us ; and yet hereby we are not permitted to know who or what the same is ; whether the parliament of england , or that of ireland , or both ; and in what cases the one , and in what the other : which uncertainty is or may be made a pretence at any time for disobedience . it is not impossible but the different legislatures we are subject to , may enact different , or contrary sanctions : which of these must we obey ? to conclude all , i think it highly inconvenient for england to assume this authority over the kingdom of ireland : i believe there will need no great arguments to convince the wise assembly of english senators , how inconvenient it may be to england , to do that which may make the lords and people of ireland think that they are not well used , and may drive them into discontent . the laws and liberties of england were granted above five hundred years ago to the people of ireland , upon their submissions to the crown of england , with a design to make them easie to england , and to keep them in the allegiance of the king of england . how consistent it may be with true policy , to do that which the people of ireland may think is an invasion of their rights and liberties , i do most humbly submit to the parliament of england to consider . they are men of great wisdom , honour , and iustice : and know how to prevent all future inconveniencies . we have heard great out-cries , and deservedly , on breaking the edict of nantes , and other stipulations ; how far the breaking our constitution , which has been of five hundred years standing , exceeds that , i leave the world to judge . it may perhaps be urg'd , that 't is convenient for the state of england , that the supream council thereof should make their jurisdiction as large as they can . but with submission , i conceive that if this assumed power be not iust , it cannot be convenient for the state. what cicero says in his offices , nihil est utile , nisi idem sit honestum , is most certainly true . nor do i think , that 't is any wise necessary to the good of england to assert this high jurisdiction over ireland . for since the statutes of this kingdom are made with such caution , and in such form , as is prescribed by poyning's act 10 h. 7. and by the 3d and 4th of phil. and mar. and whilest ireland is in english hands , i do not see how 't is possible for the parliament of ireland to do any thing that can be in the least prejudicial to england . but on the other hand , if england assume a iurisdiction over ireland , whereby they think their rights and liberties are taken away ; that their parliaments are rendred meerly nugatory , and that their lives and fortunes depend on the will of a legislature wherein they are not parties ; there may be ill consequences of this . advancing the power of the parliament of england , by breaking the rights of another , may in time have ill effects . the rights of parliament should be preserved sacred and inviolable , wherever they are found . this kind of government , once so universal all over europe , is now almost vanished ▪ from amongst the nations thereof . our kings dominions are the only supporters of this noble gothick constitution , save only what little remains may be found thereof in poland . we should not therefore make so light of that sort of legislature , and as it were abolish it in one kingdom of the three , wherein it appears ; but rather cherish and encourage it wherever we meet it . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a51131-e1060 introduction , and occasion of this disquisition . * bishop of derry in the house of lords , and prohibiting exportation of our woollen manufacture in the house of commons . subject of this enquiry . britain's first expedition into ireland . * giraldus cambr. hib. expug . lib. i. c. 1 , hen. ii. comes into ireland . irish submit to him . ireland whether ever conquer'd . * mr. selden will not allow that ever h. 2. used this stile . tit. hon. par. 2. g. 5. sect. 26. suppressing rebellions , whether a conquest . * bishop of salisbury's pastoral letter . what title is obtain'd by conquest . no title gain'd by an unjust conquest . what title by a just conquest . none over the assisters in the conquest . none over the non-opposers just conquerour intitled to the lives of the opposers . just conquerour how far impower'd over the posterity of the opposers . how far over their estates . practise of conquerors otherwise . concessions granted by a conquerour , whether obligatory . what concessions have been made from the crown of england to the kingdom of ireland . by henry ii. irish modus tenendi parliamentum . a tit. hon. par. 2. c. 5. sect. 26. edit . lond. an. 1672 b against cook 's 4th instit . c. 76. parliaments very early in ireland . a against the 4th inst. c. 76. p. 249. a togograph hibern . l 3. c. 18 hib. expug . l. 11. c. 33 , 34. b hoveden annal parspost . p. 302. brampton chr. col. 1071. knighton de even . angl. l. c. c. 10 col . 2394 , 2395. pol. virg. hist. angl. l. 13. radul . de diceto . walsingbam , &c. original compact for ireland . king iohn made king of ireland . by this ireland made an absolute separate kingdom . a seldens tit. hon. par. 1. c. 8 sect. 5. usher archbibishop of armagh , of the religion of the antient irish , cap. 11. b act. concil . constant. ses. 28. ms. in bib. reg. not in the printed acts. ireland in what sense annex'd to england . king iohn comes a second time into ireland . the people submit to him concess●… ▪ from hen. iii. a pryn against the 4th inst. c. 76. p. 250. pa. 1 h. iii. m. 13. intus . record out of mr. petyt of the antiquity of parliaments in ireland . rot. 38 h. iii , in 4. hibernta farther concessions from hen. iii ( b ) against cook 's 4th instit . p. 252. claus. 12 h. iii in 8 de legibus & consuetudinibus observandis in hibern . recapitula tion . a fourth instit . b against the 4th instit. c placita parliamentaria . english laws established in ireland . law of parliament . common law. statute law. statute-law of england from the norman conquest to hen. iii. law of edward the confessor . a selden 〈◊〉 & speci●… ▪ ad eadmerum , pag 17●… of wil. conq. b leges w. 1. cap. 63. apud selden in not●…●…d eadmerum p. 192. of hen. i. c vid. selden ut supra . of hen ii. of k. john. d mat. paris ad an . 1215. pag. 253. &c. of hen. iii. a cook 's pref. to the 2d inst. engl. statutes since the 9th . hen. iii. introduced in ireland . statutes of merton . marlebr . westm. gloucest . vid. lib. rubr. scaccar . dubl . a annals of ireland , at the end of camden's britan. edit . 1637. page 196 , 197 , &c. b ibid. p. 160. pryn against the 4th instit. chap , 76. all english statutes before the 10th of hen. vii . in force in ireland . a cook 's 4th instit. cap. 76. p. 351. b vid. irish stat. english statutes declaratory of the common law in force in ireland . english acts introductive of a new law , not of force in ireland . a irish stat. 13 c. 2. c. 2. 13 c. 2. c. 3. 14 & 15 c. 2. c. 1. 14 & 15 c. 2. c. 19. 17 & 18 c. 2. c. 3. 17. & 18 c. 2. c. 11. english stat. 12 c. 2. c. 12. 12 c. 2. c. 3. 12 c. 2. c. 14 , 12 c. 2. c. 24. 12 c. 2. c. 33. 16 & 17 c. 2. c. 5. * for we had two several acts transmitted to us at different times , to this very purpose . one we rejected in the lord syd●…eys government , t'other we pass'd under the lord capell . objections answer'd . objection from the stat. of rape . object . english statutes comprehending ireland by general words . act against appeals to rome . acts of first fruits and faculties . a title in the english statutes is , no imposition shall be paid to the bishop of rome . high-commission-court ▪ by the same reason scotland may be bound . english statutes naming ireland . or dinatio pre statu hiberniae . staple-act , merchants of waterford's case . members from ireland in the parliament of england . modern acts of the parliament of england , naming ireland . acts in favour of adventurers in 1641. acts in cromwels time . cattle act. tobacco act. navigation act. note , exporting wooll from ireland , is made penal by the irish. stat. 13 hen. 8. c. 2. 28 hen. 8. c. 17. but both these statutes are obsolete : the like may we observe of the 11 eliz. c. 10. & 13 el. c. 4. english acts binding ireland since king william's reign . act for the protestant irish clergy . act against commerce with france . act for security of the protestants of ireland . act appointing new oaths the opinions of the lawyers thereon . lord chief justice cook 's opinion discuss'd . a 20 h. 6. 8. pilkington ' s case . 32 h. 6. 25. 20 eliz. dyer . 360. flowd . com. 360. opinions of other judges , in favour of ireland . pilki●…s case . a this statute we may reckon . amongst the number of those that are lost during the long intervals of our irish acts , noted before page 65. to be aboue 118 years . merchants of waterfords case . prior of lanthonys case . a rot. parl. an. 8. h. 6. in ult . argument from acts of succession and recognition pass'd in ireland . ireland's state ecclesiastical independent . argument from a record in reyley . a 14 ed. 2. par. 2. memb ▪ 21 int. objection drawn from a writ of error . declaration in the irish act of faculties . farther reasons offered in behalf of ireland . england's title to ireland by purchase . object . ireland prejudicial to england's trade , therefore to be bound . object . ireland a colony . against the rights of mankind . consent only gives law force . against the common law of england . against the statute law both of england and ireland . a see before pag. 65. b pultons col. eng. stats . edit . 1670. pag. 63. c ibid. page . 75. d ibid. page . 113. e 10 h. 7. c. 22 a 28 h 8. c. 4. 28 h. 8. c. 20. 3 & 4 ph. & m. c. 4. 11 eliz. ses. 2. c. 1. 11 eliz. ses. 3. c. 8. against several concessions made to ireland . inconsistent with the royalties of a kingdom . against the kings prerogative . against the practice of former ages . against the resolution of judges . destroys property . greates confusion . inconvenient to england to assume this power . a declaration sent to the king of france and spayne from the catholiques or rebells in ireland vvith a manifesto of the covenant or oath they have made and taken for the defence of the catholique league against the protestants in that kingdome : vvherein is discovered their treacherous practizes under the pretence of religion and their bloody actions full of cruelty and barbarisme / ...translated out of french by r. c. gent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a37405 of text r18658 in the english short title catalog (wing d791). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a37405 wing d791 estc r18658 12603010 ocm 12603010 64212 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37405) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64212) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 251:e145, no 7) a declaration sent to the king of france and spayne from the catholiques or rebells in ireland vvith a manifesto of the covenant or oath they have made and taken for the defence of the catholique league against the protestants in that kingdome : vvherein is discovered their treacherous practizes under the pretence of religion and their bloody actions full of cruelty and barbarisme / ...translated out of french by r. c. gent. codrington, robert, 1601-1665. 8 p. printed for i. t., london : 1642. published in paris, april the 24, 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng oaths -ireland. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a37405 r18658 (wing d791). civilwar no a declaration sent to the king of france and spayne, from the catholiques or rebells in ireland: vvith a manifesto of the covenant or oath t [no entry] 1642 2509 20 0 0 0 0 0 80 d the rate of 80 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a declaration sent to the king of france and spayne , from the catholiques or rebells in ireland : vvith a manifesto of the covenant or oath they have made and taken for the defence of the catholique league against the protestants in that kingdome . vvherein is discovered their treacherous practizes under the pretence of religion , and their bloody actions full of cruelty and barbarisme . published in paris , april the 24 1642. and translated out of french by r. c. gent. london , printed for i. t. 1642. newes from france . the lawes newly established , by the ▪ catholicks of ireland now in armes with the forme of their new oath taken for the maintayning of their league . irreland being to this day the sole right and a contrey subiect to the governement of the king of great britaine where the warre now is , which is the principall subiect of this historie ; and the parliament of england imputing to that war one of the causes of the division with his maiesty of britaine , as if some manifesto had interressed him in it , it will bee important not onely for the illustration of the historic but also for the discussing of the truth of that objection , & because they condemne the irish to live without rule and discipline , and to exercise many cruelties against the protestants , to understand what lawes they are under which they live , and the articles of their new confederacy . to the better understanding whereof , wee are to presuppose that ireland having bin sometimes governed by five severall kings ( every one of which reigned in one of those five provinces ▪ in the ye●re ●●●●●here arose a division betwixt two of those kings namely hee of lageny whose royall 〈…〉 e was at dubling , and was called di●rm●th omorochon , & he of connaught who was called ochonnoch . donn , the first whereof having called the english to his succour , richard de strongbow repaired to him who behaved himselfe so valiently that ioyning with the king of lageny , he made himselfe master of one part of that island , and became an introduction to henry the second , then king of england , who came thither with a great army , which the other provinces perceiving , they willingly did submit unto him to be delivered by him from the calamities that did attend their civill warre ; but as new plantions doe seldome agree with the antient inhabitants whose lands they came to usurpe and to possesse , these two nations had alwaies some difference , which traversed daily the successe of the irish , and hindered them that they could not retire themselves from their obedience to the english , especially at that time when oneale earle of tyrone tooke armes for the maintayning of the liberty of the catholicks against the protestants in that great and universall subiect of division which the diversity of religion had caused to arise throughout all christendome , who did incourage and conduct them as discreetly and as valiantly as all other people , and added to the first and greate difference which arrose in that countrey betweene the naturall irish and those who were called english-irish , that is to say descended from the english and the inhabitants of ireland , another difference to it of catholickes and protestants , which now is growne so strong as to make them forget their antient quarrell , and to recombine all those into the same body which are found of the same beliefe , two lords onely excepted , to wit the earle of clenricard , and of antrim , catholicks both in their profession , and are not yet openly ioyned to the catholiks now in armes , but remaine as newtralls , although they impute the cavse to the estates they have in england , the first being earle of s. albans , & invested with the honours of three other baronys , the other with the rich dowry of the dutchesse of buckingham his consort . now there being no society which can subsist without lawes , behold those which they have lately published to entertaine their mutuall correspondence and military discipline with the oath taken by them to the same intent . 1. it shall not bee lawfull for any under paine of death to take away the catholicks goods , or to doe any dammage to them , whither they be irish , english , or scotts , or of any other nation whatsoever inhabiting within this realme , those onely excepted who shall be declared enemies to the common cause , or shall refuse to take armes for their defence , in which last case it shall not bee lawfull under the former payne to indammage the said catholickes without expresse order from the lords , directors , or intendants of iustice established in every county , or in the greatest part of them . 2 if any either of the one or othe sexe which to this present hath made profession of the protestant religion , shall reconcile himselfe to the holy church of rome , provided that he persevereth in it he shall suffer no dammage either in his body or his goods , howsoever to prevent deceits the castles and strong places which shall be found to appertaine unto them shall remaine sixe months in pleage in the hands of the directors or of those who shall bee committed to that charge who shall give them an account of the revenues of the said places . 3. if the husband be a catholick and his wife a protestant they shall suffer no dammage in their goods , moveable or immoveable , but if the husband bee a protestant , and his wife a catholick , the thirds of the goods shall bee taken from the disposing of the husband , for the lively hood and maintenance of his wife , and from them both a third remaining shall be taken according to the arbitration of the abovesaid directors for the education of their children . 4. the tributes , revenewes , rites , and temporall prerogatives of this king of great britaine shall exactly bee preserved and maintained , and all subiects and tenants precisely constrayned to pay them into the hands of the farmers and ordinary receivers for his maiestie for the use and service of him . 5. there shall be no distinction betweene the naturall irish and the antient english irish or any other true catholicks whatsoever , but they shall indifferently bee considered and advanced to offices according to their deser●s , being faithfull to the king and preserving and promoting with all their power the common cause of the foresaid religion . 6. it sh●ll not bee permitted to any to depart beyond the confines of his owne county to go to forraigne without order from the directors . 7. they who shall appropriate to themselves the goods of their kinred of the contrary party shall bee constrained to leave them to the administration of the directors , or to give them an account of them or to bring in unto them the greater part ; in which first case the directors shall dispence unto them a fitting & considerable recompence , and the usurpers who shall bee convinced to have dealt falsely with them shall bee condemned to pay unto the common cause the double of the value of the said goods . 8. it is forbidden to all on the forfeit of their lives , either under the pretext of warre or under any other pretence to invade any house whatsoever it bee , no not of those who make open profession of the protestant religion , or are not yet declared open enemies to the cause if they have not a sp●ciall warrant from the directors , and for the time past , if any one hath so offended , hee shall bee bound on the first demand to restore the goods of him or them from whom he hath usupt them . 9. all indifferently and of whatsoever condition they are shall proportionably contribute of the goods which they poss●sse within every county to the necessities of the affaires of the said counties those summes which the directors or the greatest part of them shall appoint under the penalty of paying amends by them the said directors so appointed . 10. none onthe paine of death sh●ll ravish or offer violence to any married woman , widdow , or catholicke maide or protestant , or shall goe about to take away any habit from the body of any man , maide or woman of whatsoever religion they are . 11. as often as any castle or strong place shall be taken by composition , it shall bee a capitall crime to breake the articles and condition of the treaty ▪ or to enter into it with a greater number then was accorded too , to hide or take away any of their goods , and to imploy them to his particular use , but all shall be left to the free disposition of the directors to bee imployed for the subsistance of the souldiers , and that with as much iustice as possible can be . 12. no souldier or any other shall be so bold , as to steale , pillage , burne the fruits or the houses of the enemies themselves , or to commit any preiudicialle offence without the expresse commandment of the directors . 13. but above al things it is forbidden under the same penalty es to steale from , or make any trespasse on the bodies or goods of tradesmen or marchants , in this country exercizing their art and commerce , and the directors doe take them into their protecton and speciall safeguard so long as they shall not bee found guilty of any treason against the common cause , but shall follow their honest exercise . 14. it is forbidden on the same penaltie to all labourers , sheepheards or other persons not intolled and being not under the charge of any , and who are no members of any of the catholicks armies to renounce their condition to cary armes , but they shall be inioyned to stay at home to continue the exercise of their arts and manufactures , if they beare not with them a certificate from some person of quality containing the place from whence they came , & whether they would goe . 15. they shall proceede against the catholicks refusing to assist the common cause , as if they were but protestants , which neverthelesse shall not bee done but by the order from the directors . 16. all the tenants of the catholicks of whatsoever religion they are shall be grievously chastized according to the arbitration of the said directors , in case they shall deferre or refuse to pay their rents and anuall duties . 17. every twelfth day , provided it falles not upon a sunday or upon a festivall day , which if it doth the assignation shall be then remitted to the day following , the directors shall bee bound to assemble themselves in a conv●nient place chosen by them to determine all differences , to appease all commotions and to avoid all confusions which are too ordinary in all new designes . 18. lastly , it is fo●bidden under paine of death to carry or cause to bee carried any provision or ammunition into places where the enemy doth quarter , or to have any intelligence or commerce either by word or pen with any captaine or souldiers of theirs to the preiudice of the cause . the forme of the oath of the irish catholicks now in armes . in the name of the father , and of the sonne , and of the holy ghost , i promise ; vow & sweare , to advance and defend with all my power the holy catholick rom●n faith & never under hope of recompence or for re●enge to carry or wilfully suffer to bee carried any thing that may prejudice a roman catholick , an irish or scottish catholick or of any nation whatsoever who freely hath exposed his goods , his liberty and life to preserve that union ; and withall i shal repute all wrongs done to any whatsoever , who shall oblige himselfe by this present oath as done unto my selfe and i will procure with all my power that satisfaction shall be given which shall bee due to a person so offended . i acknowledge also and with my conscience i doe attest that charles our most excellent king and master is the lawfull and soveraigne lord of this realme ▪ and that i will maintaine him , his lawf●ll heires and successors , the true faith , subjection and obedience , that i will defend and conserve him with all my force , as likewise his lawfull successors within the due prerogatives and right of the crowne against all forces , princes , and forraigne states , as also against all treachero●s ▪ sacralegious , and domestick plots . i promise also to observe all the lawes and statutes made for the good of this kingdome , and for the liberty of the subjects , intimating withall that they shall not be contrary to the catholike roman religion and i will give no occasion as much as in me lies to change any thing without the authority of our parliament . as also to imploy my selfe withall my indeavors to deliver my cuntrie from the oppression of evill governours , and to make no distinction betwixt the ancient english , and the true i rish , or whatsoever nation that shall be comprised with in this union , in which maugre the devill & all the gates of hell i will stand unshaken till the last drop of my blood . i promise also to bring no dammage to the said catholicks , neyther to attache or impaire their patrimonie , nor to make any extent upon their lands during he time that the warres shall last , and in case i had a processe against them to prorogue and voide the same untill those troubles be past over . i promise in the end the better to imbrace the common cause to acquite during the said troubles all particular quarrells , jealousies and other differences which already are or shall arise . so god shall helpe me , and the holy evangelists , on whom i willingly doe take this oath . finis . a true relation of the late occurrences in ireland in two letters; one brought over by a noble gentleman, sir hards waller, of a sharpe skirmish there happened the 29. of iune last, betwixt the right honourable the lord inchguin, captain william jephton, and sir william courtney, of the english party, and the rebels on the other side in the province of munster, dated from ireland the 8. of this instant iuly. the other dated the fourth of iulie from i.h. to his uncle w.e. wherein relation is made of three severall defeats given to the rebels by the lord of kelonmikie, the lord of broughall, and others. with the taking of 6. ensignes, 8. drums, and armes for 500. men, with great store of bootie. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a95230 of text r12666 in the english short title catalog (thomason e107_9). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a95230 wing t2987 thomason e107_9 estc r12666 99859320 99859320 111394 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a95230) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 111394) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 19:e107[9]) a true relation of the late occurrences in ireland in two letters; one brought over by a noble gentleman, sir hards waller, of a sharpe skirmish there happened the 29. of iune last, betwixt the right honourable the lord inchguin, captain william jephton, and sir william courtney, of the english party, and the rebels on the other side in the province of munster, dated from ireland the 8. of this instant iuly. the other dated the fourth of iulie from i.h. to his uncle w.e. wherein relation is made of three severall defeats given to the rebels by the lord of kelonmikie, the lord of broughall, and others. with the taking of 6. ensignes, 8. drums, and armes for 500. men, with great store of bootie. waller, hardress, sir, 1604?-1666? i. h. [2], 4 [i.e. 5], [1] p. printed by a.n. for edw. blackmore, london : iuly 18, 1642. page 5 is misnumbered 4. reproductions of the originals in the cambridge university library (early english books) and the british library (early english books and thomason tracts). eng inchiquin, murrough o'brien, -earl of, 1614-1674. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a95230 r12666 (thomason e107_9). civilwar no a true relation of the late occurrences in ireland: in two letters; one brought over by a noble gentleman, sir hards waller, of a sharpe sk waller, hardress, sir 1642 1369 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 megan marion sampled and proofread 2008-11 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a trve relation of the late occurrences in jreland in two letters ; one brought over by a noble gentleman , sir hards waller , of a sharpe skirmish there happened the 29. of iune last , betwixt the right honourable the lord inchguin , captaine william jephton , and sir william courtney , of the english party , and the rebels on the other side in the province of munster , dated from ireland the 8. of this instant iuly . the other dated the fourth of iulie from i.h. to his uncle w.e. wherein relation is made of three severall defeats given to the rebels by the lord of kelonmikie , the lord of broughall and others . with the taking of 6. ensignes , 8. drums , and armes for 500. men , with great store of bootie . london , printed by a.n. for edw. blackmore . iuly 18 , 1642. a true relation brought over by a noble gentleman sir hards waller by name , of a sharpe skirmish which there happened on the 29. day of june 1642. betwixt the right honourable the lord inchguin , captaine william iephton , and sir william courtney , on the english party , and the rebels on the other side , in the province of munster . it happened that the enemy lying within seven or eight miles of our english quarter at downarayle aforesaid ; and consisting of about twenty five hundred foot , and a troope of horse , had a designe ( as wee knew by good intelligence ) to confront our forces there , if not to fall foule with us . the said lord inchguin with the advise of the other commanders , resolved by way of prevention , to march away towards them all night from downarayle , which enterprise they so dexterously pursued , that with five hundred musquetiers , and two hundred horse ; they were ready to give them a breakfast the next morning very early : and albeit those rebels had gotten some private advertisement of our comming , and had therefore stood all that night to their armes . yet did our said commanders find the meanes to approach them ; and to trye their mettle , began to salute them with a volley of shot , which seconded by our forward troopes did so daunt them at the very first encounter , that they presently were rowted , and betooke them with all possible diligence to their heeles , towards a wood and bogge , about halfe a mile off from that place . and our valiant troopes then pursuing them , did through gods especiall favour lessen their number by about sixe hundred men , and tooke some of their commanders prisoners , with five of their colours ; they have hereby also augmented their store of armes with many musquets , and many more pykes in this conflict which i may say , was a very sharpe one on their side , but miraculously favourable on ours . as having lost but one man , nor any hurt but one sergeant , ( thankes to the lord of hoasts . ) this and the like strange victories wee now and then obtain against the rebels , doe give us no small heart and courage amidst the great wants we often undergoe in this now almost desolate countrey ; and makes our men goe on with such incredible resolution , as we reade of the old romans amongst the barbarous nations , without being any more daunted with the present distractions betwixt the king and parliament , then were those romans abroad , when their emperours and consuls brought the scene of warre within the walls of rome . it hath pleased god neverthelesse to temper our late triumph with some sorrow . for upon the fourth of iuly last , our most noble and never-enough lamented sir william leger , president of this province is departed this life , dying in his bed , of an infirmity which his phisitian sayes was occasioned by this restlesse care and study in his charge . wee daily are put in hope of fresh supplyes out of england but they are so long a comming , that wee begin to doubt there is some power doth maligne the maine designe , god send us some good newes of an accommodation of the great differences in england ; and then wee shall have a redoubled courage against all dangers and difficulties here . to my loving vncle master vv. e. most deare and loving vncle : having the conveniency of sending by this bearer , i am bold to write of our last occurrences in these parts . the 29 of june , wee marched with our english forces being four hundred foot , and four troops of horse towards the enemy , and having discovered them , wee found them to be three thousand foot and horse , and yet we gave them battail , and such was the goodnesse of god unto us that wee forced them to retreat into a town , where continuing our pursuit beat them out again , and forced them utterly to flight , in this service our horse and foot killed six hundred of them , took their ammunition and waggons , & having pillaged their town , we burnt it to the ground , and brought away six ensignes , eight drums , and took arms for five hundred men , had we been furnished with sufficient forces , wee might have saved the town and left a garrison in it , which ( through gods assistance might have much advanced the service . the 30 of june , my lord keloumikie , ( son to the earle of gork ) his horse being in number but 38 , marcht out of bandonbridge , and in the compasse of six miles brought in a thousand sheep and foure hundred head of cattle , but in their return , the rebels ( being one thousand strong ) were got between our men and the towne , yet they kept their pray , brought it into the town , and kild threescore and ten of the rogues with the losse of two men . the third day of july , my lord of broughall marched out to relieve sir philip percivals castle , with his owne troop onely , and two hundred and fifty foot , and was encountred by a thousand of the rebels horse and foot , who after a fierce assault kill'd one hundred of the rebels , and relieved the castle , and in their returne skirmished againe with the rogues , and kill'd one hundred and fifty more of them , with the losse of two men onely , blessed be god who putteth courage into the hearts of our men , teaching their hands to warre , and their fingers to fight , and giveth them victory , wee have taken of late many brave castles with much provision . surely according to these experiments of gods wonderfull assistance to our poore forces , it may well be hoped that if we had money to pay our souldiers , five thousand foot with a proportionable number of horse would enable us to bid our friends welcome , and to repell enemies , and therefore i earnestly beg of god to compose the unhappy distractions of england , that the wished , and long expected assistance may come . this morning wee have intelligence that my lord president of munster is dead , and now my lord of corke sends a ship to certifie the state of england , by which this is conveyed , i have not time , and therefore crave pardon for not expressing the passages more at large . thus with my duty and best respects to you , and the rest of my friends i remayn ; your dutifull nephew i. h. youghall , the fourth of iuly , 1642. finis . a true and exact relation of the chiefe passages in ireland, since the first rising of the rebels sent by an alderman of dublin to his sonne, now resident in london, dated 14 of january, 1641, as also a letter of the rebels, subscribed with divers of their hands, written to the lady offalia, mother to the lord digby, to deliver up her castle of geshel, she with the lord digby's children and others being therein, with her resolute and modest answer thereunto. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a28312 of text r15503 in the english short title catalog (wing b3107). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a28312 wing b3107 estc r15503 11723341 ocm 11723341 48351 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28312) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48351) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 483:12) a true and exact relation of the chiefe passages in ireland, since the first rising of the rebels sent by an alderman of dublin to his sonne, now resident in london, dated 14 of january, 1641, as also a letter of the rebels, subscribed with divers of their hands, written to the lady offalia, mother to the lord digby, to deliver up her castle of geshel, she with the lord digby's children and others being therein, with her resolute and modest answer thereunto. digby, lettice, lady, 1588?-1658. bladen, w. (william) [8] p. printed by t.h. for rich. royston, london : 1642. reproduction of original in huntington library. first letter signed: w. bladen. eng digby, lettice, -lady, 1588?-1658. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a28312 r15503 (wing b3107). civilwar no a true and exact relation of the chiefe passages in ireland, since the first rising of the rebels. sent by an alderman of dublin to his sonn bladen, w 1642 2443 5 0 0 0 0 0 20 c the rate of 20 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-09 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true and exact relation of the chiefe passages in ireland , since the first rising of the rebels . sent by an alderman of dublin to his sonne now resident in london , dated 14. of ianuary , 1641. as also a letter of the rebels , subscribed with divers of their hands , written to the lady offalia , mother to the lord digby , to deliver up her castle of geshel , she with the lord digby's children and others being therein . with her resolute and modest answer thereunto . london , printed by t. h. for rich. royston , 1642. a true & exact relation of the chiefe passages in ireland , since the first rising of the rebels , sent by an alderman of dublin , to his son now resident in london . sonne : i have received your letter by mr. portington , whereby i see you doe not as yet understand how the case stands with us in this poor kingdome of ireland , which that you may the better doe , i will relate in briefe , beginning from the discovery of the plot to take the castle and city of dublin , which should have beene the 23. of october , 1641. upon which day the rebels came to master arthur champions house , some 60. miles from dublin , where one of his own tenants came ●o him very early in the morning , desiring to speake with him about some serious businesse as he pretended , onely to betray him ; when hee had drawne him without the walls of his house , ( for he had a very strong house , and well fitted for defence , had he knowne of their divellish treachery ) presently there came a company with two rogues which were pinioned as theeves , for stealing of his cattell ; master champion bid them that brought them , to carry them before the next iustice , for he would not meddle with them ; whereupon these rebels set them loose , and fell upon the good man , stabbed him with their skeanes to death presently , before hee could give the least warning to those in his house . his brother seeing many people there , went to see what the matter was , he was served in the same manner , and a third likewise : and then the rebels went into his house , and killed two more : his wife , and her sister , and her brother in law , with two others that were in the house , they tooke and keepe prisoners to this day , taking possession of all they had , both within the house and without . she was downe upon her knees to beg a sheet to put her husband in for his buriall , and another gentleman which came but over night , with some other friends , in love to visit him , and the next morning lost their lives . and this they have done to many in those parts , robbing all the english protestants , stripping them starke naked , and so turning them out to the fields and mountaines , in the frost and snow , whereof many hundreds are perished to death . they spare none , ministers nor people , of what sort soever , they are so maliciously bent against us and our profession , that they will not spare our ministers bookes , but burne and teare them in pieces . they destroy our english breed of cattell and sheepe in detestation of us , although one of ours is better then foure of theirs ; and they have vowed to root out the name of the english out of this kingdome , and thus they goe on from the beginning almost all this kingdome over . and if the lord in mercy prevent them not , it is like to bee so , for wee heare daily new rising of them in other places , which at first were quiet ; as the county of wicklow , all the pale are out , not withstanding their protestation in the parliament there last meeting , which was since this rebellion begunn● kings county and queenes county rob and spoyle all . the good lady the lady offalia , and the lord digby's children and your brother , are besieged in the castle of 〈◊〉 , having robbed them and all thereabouts without the castle . these rebels have turned all the protestants out of kilkeny , onely with the clothes on their backes by the lord mongarat , and keepe the countesse of ormond prisoner . this lord promised them a convoy to waterford , which went with them some 8. miles out of towne , and then left them , and a company of rogues met them , and stripped them . when these poore people came to waterford , hoping for succour , the towne would not suffer them to come in , but keepe them starving without the towne ; all the favour they shewed them , they threw them some bread over the wall , so that you may see how waterford stands affected . these rebels have great advantage of us , for they have their spyes daily with us , that nothing is said or done but they have notice presently sent to them ; but we can have none to informe us of any particulars , for they meet with our spies , and hang them up with the rest of any english they meet with ; and for that purpose have set up gallows 5. miles distant one from another . at the first they spared the scots , telling them their commission was onely to root out the english , but now they rob and kill the scots , not sparing any . one hundred and twenty they stript starke naked , and drave them upon a bridge , and forced them into the water , drowned those which could not swimme , and those which could swimme they knocked in the head when they came to land . their cruell murdering of men before their wives to increase their griefe . your brother writ unto me , that a rebell in those parts tooke an infant out of the mothers armes , and cast it into the fire before her face ; but the just iudgement of god fell upon him , before hee went from the same place hee brake his necke . the last weeke a minister which came to this city , left some goods with a supposed friend , sent for them , the goods could not be delivered , unlesse he or his wife came for them ; he would not go ; she went , and when she came where the goods were , they hanged her for her paines . they rob close to this city ; beggatrath , cullen wood , ramynes , phenix , ashtowne , newtowne , finglese , sauntry , drumconran , clantarffe , hoth , all which border upon our city . sir charles coote , our noble and brave governour in this city , sallied out one night , and drave them from clantarffe , and set it on fire . another night to sauntree and another village , and set them on fire : and the earle of ormond and colonel crafford , with sir charles coote , drive them from finglese and set it on fire . sir charles coote , and sir simon harcotte sallied out to swords , six miles from dublin , where the enemy had their campe and ●here had intrenched themselves . by break of day our men set upon them , drave them out of their trenches , and put them to rout , they ran away , about 120. were slaine 〈◊〉 taken prisoners , foure of their colours , drummes , and armes our men brought away , who are safely come againe , blessed be god , onely we lost 4. men ; whereof the chiefe was sir lorenzo cary , brother to the lord faulkland , shot in the head , as it is thought , by one of his souldiers ; he was brought to dublin on horseback , his footeman behinde him holding him up in the saddle , which an irishwoman on the key seeing , said it was pitty that no more were served so , which the souldiers hearing , in a rage threw the woman into the river where she was drowned . the rebels have burned all the plantation towns in the county of london derry , but derry and coltaine stand out stoutly . the last night they went out towards the mountaines beyond tallow , and burnt two or three villages , whereby those rebels should not have any shelter so neare us , 〈◊〉 when our men came , they ranne away , and would not abide above two 〈◊〉 , so that till we have supply from england and scotland no good is to be done with them , whereby we may follow them to the full ; notwithstanding many papists 〈◊〉 the iesuits , priests and fryers , and say in plaine tearmes they have beene the cause of all this , and no question to the contrary , the lord in mercy convert or confound them . we are all much bound to god for our gracious king , the honourable parliament of england , the mercifull and pious city of london , and the whole kingdomes of england and scotland for their care and pitty upon us , although as yet we have but little help to this great worke , but of that which we have received we are much comforted , and we doe not doubt of the rest , which doth not a little strike to the hearts of our enemies as we heare , by this you may see in part our calamities ; but blessed bee god , our lords iustices and councell have provided for this city , that under god we hope to bee as safe as you in london , and so wee hope of drohedah where a worthy governour sir henry tichborne holds out valiantly , although the rebells have made many asssaults upon the towne . provision is sent by sea to drohedah , and we trust in god it will be safely delivered to them , but if not , they will be hard besteed , but if it please god to send us more strength , we make no question by gods assistance but to cleer the passage by land to succour them . these miseries are great the lord be mercifull unto us ; but this is not all , the most of our rich men and great men are fled from us into england , and have carried their estates with them , they have not left one penny to succour the poore distressed stript people who are come hither for reliefe , whereof we have at this present neer three thousand , besides many hundreds are starved to death since they came onely with want , for we are not able to doe more then we doe , we do relieve them far beyond our abilities ; for my own part , i pay much weekly for billiting money , besides what i give to the poore ; the rich being gone , lest their houses without any helpe at all unto us , not so much as common charges for the safety of this city , but all lyeth upon the poorer sort : the lord in mercy forgive them this sinne , this great sinne , that the bloud of so many hundreds which have perished by want be not required at their hands : thus with my praiers to god to blesse you i rest , your loving father , w. bladen . if you think fit you may have this relation printed , for i have written nothing but 〈…〉 so many false pamphlets 〈…〉 printed at london . the rebells letter to the lady offalia , in her castle at geshel . to the honourable and thrice vertuous lady , the lady digby these give . honourable , wee his majesties loyall subjects being at the present employed in his highnesse service for the taking of this your castle , you are therefore to deliver unto us free possession of your said castle , promising faithfully , that your ladyship , together with the rest in the said castle restant shall have a reasonable composition ; otherwise upon the not yeelding of the castle , we doe assure you that we will burne the whole towne , kill all the protestants , and spare neither man , woman nor child upon taking the castle : consider ( madam ) of this our offer , and impute not the blame of your owne folly unto us , think not that here we brag , your ladysship upon submission shall have a safe convoy to secure you from the hands of your enemies , and to lead you where you please , a speedy reply is desired with all expedition , and thus we surcease : henry dempsy . charles dempsy . andrew fitz patrick . conn dempsy . phelim dempsy . iohn vicars . iames m' donel . the lady offalia her answer to the rebells . for my cosin henry dempsy and the rest . i received your letter , wherein you threaten to sack this my castle by his majesties authority ; i am and ever have beene a loyall subject , and a good neighbour amongst you , and therefore cannot but wonder at such an assault ; i thank you for your offer of a convoy , wherein i hold little safety , and therefore my resolution is , that being free from offending his majesty , or doing wrong to any of you , i will live and dye innocently , and will doe my best to defend my owne , leaving the issue to god ; and though i have been and still am desirous to avoid the shedding of christian bloud , yet being provoked your threats shall no whit dismay me . lettice offalia . whereas we are highly sensible of the many and great inconveniences, which his majesties good subjects in this kingdome are too frequently brought under by the multitude of causeless presentments and indictments, which are usually prosecuted at the assizes and sessions, rather out of malice or revenge than for the furtherance of justice ... by the lord lieutenant and council, jo. berkeley. ireland. lord lieutenant (1670-1672 : berkeley) 1670 approx. 25 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46198 wing i957 estc r213860 16163380 ocm 16163380 104946 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46198) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104946) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:64) whereas we are highly sensible of the many and great inconveniences, which his majesties good subjects in this kingdome are too frequently brought under by the multitude of causeless presentments and indictments, which are usually prosecuted at the assizes and sessions, rather out of malice or revenge than for the furtherance of justice ... by the lord lieutenant and council, jo. berkeley. ireland. lord lieutenant (1670-1672 : berkeley) berkeley, john, sir, d. 1678. [4] leaves. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by mary crooke ..., dublin : 1670. title from first 7 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council chamber in dublin, the 22th day of june 1670"--leaf [2] tables. broadside in [4] leaves. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng courts -ireland -officials and employees -salaries, etc. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2004-11 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the lord lieutenant and council jo. berkeley , whereas we are highly sensible of the many and great inconveniences , which his majesties good subjects in this kingdome are too frequently brought under by the multitude of causeless presentments and indictments , which are usually prosecuted at the assizes and sessions , rather out of malice or revenge than for the furtherance of justice ; as also by the immoderate exaction of fees in clerks of the crown , clerks of the peace , sheriffs and gaolers , which do not onely disturb the peace and quiet of this kingdome by the continual creating of animosities , and vexations , but do also very much impoverish and disable the subjects by exposing them to unnecessary and excessive charges . for the preventing and remedying of which mischiefs , we have thought fit , and accordingly do by this our proclamation direct and require his majesties judges in their respective circuits , and also his majesties justices of peace in their respective counties , that they do take care at the respective assizes and sessions hereafter to be held , that no grand jury shall offer , nor any clerk of the crown , or clerk of the peace shall receive any indictment , except for felony , or treason , or any presentment hereafter to be made , without the name of the prosecutor , with the addition of his quality and place of abode thereunto annexed , to the end that if upon tryal it shall appeare to the court , that the said indictment or presentment was malicious , the said prosecutor may be punished according to law for such prosecution . and whereas the ascertaining and publishing of the fees of the above named officers may tend much to the ease and quiet of his majesties subjects , and to the preventing of all undue exactions upon them ; we have thought fit herewith to publish the establishment made of fees due to the said officers in the time of the lord uice-count grandisons government in this kingdome and hereunder mentioned , which establishment we do strictly require to be observed , and that the same be affixed in some publick place at every assizes and quarter sessions , and that no clerke of the crown , clerke of the peace , sheriff or gaoler under the pain and penalty of extortion do take other , or greater fees than are therein established , except onely in such cases , where by any statute other fees are allowed to the said officers ; and whereas there hath been a fee of ten shillings usually taken by his majesties justices of assize , upon the tender of any travers to such indictments or presentments as have been found before them , which doth occasion an increase of charge to his majesties subjects , who are often found innocent upon their tryals , and doth hinder many persons from traversing such indictments and presentments as are causelesly prosecuted against them , the charge of being acquitted upon such traverses being commonly so great , that it is usually more easy to submit to a small fine for such offences , whereof they are really not guilty , than to traverse such indictments ; and we having conferred with his majesties judges herein , they have freely and unanimously offered for the further ease of his majesties subjects to remit the said fee of ten shillings , which hath been formerly taken by them upon the tendering of such traverses , whereof we have thought fit to give this publick notice to all persons , who shall be hereafter concerned therein . and whereas we are informed that the offices of clerke of the crown , and clerke of the peace are often let to farme in several counties of this kingdome , which is not onely illegal , but also very inconvenient , and by reason thereof the execution of the said offices is often committed to insufficient persons , indictments and presentments are multiplyed , and undue fees are exacted , we have thought fit hereby to require his majesties judges of assize , and justices of the peace of the respective counties of this kingdome to take care , that none of the said offices be let to farme , or executed by any persons , who do farme the same , but that the same be executed either by the respective patentees of the said offices , or by such able and sufficient sworne deputies , as shall be approved and allowed of by the said judges and justices . and in all cases where it shall appear to the said judges or justices , that any indictments or presentments are malitiously prosecuted before them , they are hereby required to proceed with all the severity that the law will admit against such prosecutors , and also to certifie unto us the names of such persons , who shall so malitiously prosecute any such presentments or indictments , to the end they may be proceeded against and punished , as disturbers of the publick peace of this kingdome ; and the said judges and justices are also from time to time to certifie unto us the names of such clerks of the crown , and clerks of the peace , as shall continue contrary to this our proclamation to let to farme their said offices , or shall neglect or refuse to execute their said offices themselves , or by such able and sufficient deputies , as by the said judges and justices shall be approved and allowed of : and his majesties judges of assize in the several counties of their respective circuits , are to cause this proclamation and the said establishment of fees , to be openly read in the hearing of the countrey at the publick assizes in every county , and the justices of the peace in every county are to do the like at the quarter-sessions . given at the council chamber in dublin , the 22th day of june 1670. the table of fees. sheriffs fees. for all capias at the suite of the king , for trespass or contempt , as also for all capias of debt , trespass or demand at the suite of the subject , that the sheriff shall have for every such capias in causes as aforesaid . viz. twelve pence sterling . for his warrant four pence for a bond of bailement four pence to the bayliff that maketh the arest 4 d. for every summons , or scire facias at the suite of the party as well upon the original process as upon judicial record . six pence for the return and copy of any pannel . four pence for returning a venire facias duodecem juratores . eight pence for returning a habeas corp . nine pence for a distringas jurator : with a tales sixteen pence for writs of proclamations containing five persons , or under for every proclamation . three pence and if it contain more for every proclamation . four pence f●r writs of execution , for debts or damages for every pound sterling under fifty * twelve pence and if it exceed in every pound six pence for an inquisition to inquire for dammage or value of lands or goods three shillings four pence for writs of seisin or possession , for all the lands contained in the writ . ten shillings and further consideration to be had of him by the judges of the court out of which the writ doth issue , if they shall find his pains to deserve it .   for writs of restitution of goods under the value of twenty pounds . five shillings and if it be above twenty pounds . ten shillings for proceeding and executing ●f and upon a writ of justicies . three shillings nine pence for entering a supersedeas and the return thereof before judgement . eighteen pence for a supersedeas after judgement twelve pence for extents upon statute staples statut . merchants or recognizance if it exceed not one hundred pounds for every pound twelve pence if above one hundred pounds , six pence in the pound , until you come to two hundred six pence and for every pound above two hundred three pence in the pound , after that he receive the twelve pence in the first , and six pence in the second . three pence and these fees to be paid by the party upon the liberate and not before .   for every acquittal of treason by verdict eight shillings for every acquittal of felony by verdict five shillings for every one pleading a pardon to an indictment of felony and for entring the plea , and making up the record five shillings for enrolling the pardon thereon five shillings for every one discharged ( by pleading a pardon ) of treason eight shillings for enrolling the pardon of treason and making up the record ten shillings if any be indicted of treason and is to be discharged by warrant , for entring the warrant , judgement , and record ten shillings if of felony five shillings if of trespass eighteen pence for every one allowed the benefit of cleargie , for making up the record five shillings for a writ of restitution of goods upon felony or forcible entry and for the seal four shillings fees in the sheriffs courts . for a replevin eighteen pence for a withernam eighteen pence for a writ or precept de proprietat . proband . eighteen pence for the inquisition and verdict thereupon . two shillings for the return of a recordare and plaint eighteen pence for entring a plaint two pence for every summons , attachment , or distress before appearance three pence for every default after summons , attachment or distress before appearance by way of issue , to the king for the first default three pence for the second default six pence for the third default nine pence and so beginning at three pence , six pence , nine pence as aforesaid , and so to renew and continue ad infinitum untill appearance   for entring the defend . appearance . three pence for entring the declaration three pence for the copy thereof three pence for entring every plea or general issue three pence for entring the verdict and judgment three pence for every process to summon a jury to try the issue three pence for a precept of execution twelve pence for an atturneys fee during the suit twelve pence for blood-shed five shillings for battery two shillings six pence fees for the clerk of the crown and assizes in the circuits . for every one that appears upon any capias upon an indictment or presentment twelve pence for every one appearing upon an alias capias two shillings six pence for every one appearing upon the exigent four shillings for every one appearing upon a plur . cap. three shillings four pence for every one appearing upon a capias utlagat five shillings for every name in a supersedeas to such a writ eighteen pence for takeing any recognizance of the peace , or for appearance at the next assizes or quarter-sessions , or within ten dayes or such like two shillings for entering appearance upon such a recognizance twelve pence for takeing a recognizance of the good behaviour for ever three shillings four pence for cancelling such a recognizance twelve pence for every de die in diem four pence for every person that appears to find sureties on his pardon five shillings for every one that is bound to the king for appearance , and dieth before the day of appearance and his suerties plead his death , for entring the plea and allowance thereof three shillings four pence for every person returned into the kings-bench . wherein the partie is to have advantage , if the certiorari be for one person five shillings if the certiorari be for more than one then for every one two shillings for a dismissal upon an indictment of trespass , if it be insufficient in law two shillings for every one committed by the court for a contempt , or otherwise , and being not fined , is discharged , then for his discharge twelve pence . but if he be discharged presently , then to pay but six pence for searching for a record at the suite of the party , who suggesteth that he hath been formerly discharged , if it be within a year four pence for every one discharged by proclamation in treason , if it be upon an indictment three shillings four pence if without indictment two shillings if of felony , and bill be preferred , and ignoramus found by the grand jury two shillings if without bill indictment preferred twelve pence for every venire facias nine pence for every one submitting himself to the grace of the court upon an indictment of trespass , for entring the submission , protestation , and discharge two shillings six pence if no more then four be conteined in the indictment eighteen pence if more than four for every one fifteen pence if for recusancie two shillings for entring the traverse to every such indictment of trespass , and for the bonds to traverse , if four and no more be conteined in the indictment three shillings four pence if above four , every one of them two shillings if for recusancie two shillings six pènce if the traverse do go for them , they are to pay for the judgement and discharge being four and no more three shillings four pence if above four , for every one of them two shillings for making an indictment of treason six pence for making an indictment of felony six pence for making an indictment of trespass six pence for every one that hath a copy of an indictment of trespass twelve pence for a discharge of an indictment of trespass , if it be not sufficient in law twelve pence if the traverse be found for the partie , he is to pay for entring the judgement and discharge , if there be not above three two shillings if above three , for every one twelve pence for every person that submitteth himself to the grace of the court , for entring his appearance and submission , and giving a discharge two shillings for every person returned into the kings-bench upon a certiorari , wherein the partie is to have advantage , if the number exceed three , for every one eighteen pence if it be for one alone three shillings for every mans acquittal of trespass , and giving discharge three shillings four pence for every year back-ward , that such search is made four pence for the copy of an indictment upon a statute two shillings for the copy of an attainder of felony , if the clerk have goo● warrant to give it five shillings for the copy of an attainder , of treason if the clerk have good warrant to give ten shillings for the copy of a recognizance with a condition nine pence for entring the plea and enrolling of a charter being pleaded , and whereof allowance is required thirteen shillings four pence for every one that pleadeth auterfoites acquit to an indictment of felony five shillings for the like plea to an indictment of treason ten shillings if any one be fined and afterwards be remitted , for discharging the fine eighteen pence for release of the peace twelve pence fees for the clerk of the peace . for a copy of an indictment of trespass twelve pence for entring the plea to every indictment of felony or trespass two shillings for a copy of an indictment , if it be upon a statute three shillings four pence gaolers fees. for a committal twelve pence for the enlargement of a prisoner for treason and acquitted six shillings eight pence for the enlargement of a prisoner for felony and acquitted three shillings four pence for strikeing off the irons of any prisoner blanck for a prisoners lodging , every night , he having a good bed clean sheets &c. four pence for a prisoners diet per diem six pence for a prisoner acquitted by proclamation nine pence for the enlargement of a servant for misdeameanor towards his master or mistress four pence item it shall not be lawfull for any gaoler to take from any prisoner any part of his cloathes , or mony that the prisoner shall have about him at the time of his commitment , nor of any cloathes , meat or mony , that shall be sent unto him by charitable people .   ja. armachanus . mich. dublin . canc. donegall . r. ranelagh . shannon . massereene . henry midensis . kingston . r. booth . jo. bysse . j. temple . rob. byron . paul davys . tho. pigott . god save the king. dublin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , and are to be sold by mary crooke , in castlestreet , 1670. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a46198-e140 * memorand . th●s 50l . by s●atute decimo caroli primi is made 100l . fees for the clerk of the crown &c. continued . fees for the clerke of the peace continued . whereas by some letters scattered about the streets of this city of dublin, and by other informations, we have lately received notice of a conspiracy against the life of us the lord lieutenant ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) 1678 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46124 wing i752 estc r36849 16143472 ocm 16143472 104833 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46124) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104833) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:17) whereas by some letters scattered about the streets of this city of dublin, and by other informations, we have lately received notice of a conspiracy against the life of us the lord lieutenant ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin took ... and are to be sold by mary crook ..., dublin : 1678. title from first 5 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin, the 13th. day of december, 1678." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ormonde, james butler, -duke of, 1610-1688 -assassination attempts. conspiracies -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . ormonde vvhereas by some letters scattered about the streets of this city of dublin , and by other informations , we have lately received notice of a conspiracy against the life of us the lord lieutenant , by means whereof , we have made some discoverie of the said designe , but the person who writ the said letters is yet unknown , we have therefore thought fit hereby to publish and declare , that in case the person who wrote the said letters , or caused the said letters to be so writt and dispersed , or any other person shall within twenty dayes after the date hereof , come before us the lord lieutenant , or his majesties principall secretary of state in this kingdome : or any other of his majesties privie council in dublin , and shall first make full and perfect discovery of the said designe , such person shall not onely receive his pardon in case be were party or privie to the said designe , but shall also foorthwith upon making out such further discoverie , receive the summe of two hundred pounds , for his reward , and shall also be secured in his person from all such trouble and danger , as he shall apprehend may befall him by reason of such discoverie . given at the council chamber in dublin , the 13th . day of december , 1678 . mich : dublin c , arran . granard . lanesborough . hen : midensis . r. coote . r. fitz-gerald . char. meredith . ro. booth . jo : davys . john cole . h , ingoldesby . hans hamilton . ric : gethin . theo : jones . walter plunkett . tho : newcomen . tho : radcliffe . god save the king. dublin , printed by benjamin took , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by mary crook at his majesties printing-house in skimmer-row , 1678. whereas we are authorized and required by his majesties letters, bearing date the 13th day of february, 1676, to give such further rules and directions for the better disposing and settling the remaining part of the security of the commissioned officers which served his majestie in the wars of ireland, before the fifth of june, 1649 ... by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1677 approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46197 wing i954 estc r36955 16163084 ocm 16163084 104945 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46197) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104945) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:63) whereas we are authorized and required by his majesties letters, bearing date the 13th day of february, 1676, to give such further rules and directions for the better disposing and settling the remaining part of the security of the commissioned officers which served his majestie in the wars of ireland, before the fifth of june, 1649 ... by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. [2] leaves. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1677. title from first 8 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at his majesties castle of dublin, the 16th. day of august, in the 29th. year of his majesties reign, 1677 [countersigned] w. ellis." broadside in [2] leaves. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng land titles -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland . essex , whereas we are authorized and required by his majesties letters , bearing date the 13th . day of february , 1676 , to give such further rules and directions for the better disposing and settling the remaining part of the security of the commissioned officers which served his majestie in the wars of ireland , before the fifth of june , 1649. as we shall see necessary and conductng to the better satisfaction of that interest . we have thought fit to give the following rules to his majesties commissioners appointed for setling the undisposed part of the said security . first , that in case the possessor desires to compound for the fee of any lands , tenements or hereditaments , and it doth not appeare ( otherwise than by his own discovery ) that the kings is intituled to the same , that the possessor be admitted to have his majesties title , and be discharged of the mean profits , paying one third part of the value of the said lands , tenements , or hereditaments , the same to be valued , viz. the inheritance of lands at ten years purchase of clear yearly value , over and above the quite , rent , and of houses , and other hereditaments , at eight years purchase at the like clear yearly value . secondly , that where there is an incombrance , and the possessor desires the preemption , and being his own discovery , there the inheritance of lands , tenements and hereditaments to be valued as aforesaid , and the incumbrance being deducted , the possessor to pay , viz. if an incumbrance of money by mortgage or otherwise upon lands or houses , one third of the remain of the value , and if an incumbrance by lease for term of years , the lease to be indifferently valued , and to pay one third of that value after deduction of the ineumbrance as aforesaid ; and if the incumbrance be from a nocent , to an innocent , in which case the money is onely forfeited , a third part of the money . thirdly , that where the possessor desires to compound for the fee of any lands , tenements , or hereditaments , and by the help of a discoverer the litle already appears , in such case the discoverer vsing first satisfied by the possessor , according to former rules , the possessor to pay one moyety of the remain according to the values aforesaid , yet no possessor to have any benefit of this rule , who shall not within twenty days next after notice or warning given him by the said commissioners , appear before them and accept thereof , without further suit or trouble . fourthly , where the possessor hath built from the ground since november , 1660. and himself making discovery , to pay ten years purchase according to the value of the ground as the same shall appear to be worth before the said improvements , and where there was any former building , upon the ground which has been since pulled down , and new built or repaired , the said possessor to pay eight years purchase , according to the value of the said former building , and we do hereby lastly order and declare , that in all certificates hereafter to be passed by the aforesaid commissioners of any mortgaged or incumbred houses or lands within the security of the said commissioned officers , to any person who now is or hereafter shall be intituled to the preemption of the same , or that shall by canting or giving most , come to have the inheritance , and fee thereof absolutely adjudged or decreed to him , the said commissioners to thereupon ascertain and reserve the quitrents payable thereout to his majestie , according to such proportion as the whole value of the said respective houses or lands at the rate of ten years purchase , shall appear to them to exceed the unforfeiced incumbrances thereupon , so that if such houses or lands shall be of more value and near , but not a full fourth part more than such unforfeited incumbrances thereupon , in such case onely one fourth part of the quitrent payable by the acts of settlement and explanation shall be reserved to his majestie out of such houses or lands , and so in like manner and proportion where the value of such houses or lands shall appear in a greater or less proportion to exceed such unforfeited incumbrances thereupon , yet so as the rents that shall be so reserved , be not in any case less than one fifth part of the nex●t quitrents payable to his majestie out of such lands by the said arts , and that the said rents so to be reserved , be also in all cases something more than the rent payable to his majestie out of such lands in the year 1641. and that upon passing such certificate , the rents therein to be reserved be made payable to his majestie from the date of such certificate , and whereas the present farmers of his majesties revenue , have declared their willingness and readiness to consent and agree to the moderation & abatement of quitrents according to the proportion aforesaid , in all cases where the present proprietor or possessor of and mortgaged or incumbred lands or houses , within the security of the forty nine officers , shall be willing to compound and agree for the preemption or redemption of the mortgages & incumbrances thereon , & pass letters patents thereof with all convenient speed , we do hereby further order , that in all such cases the said commissioners do acquaint the said farmers of his majesties revenue of such persons as they shall thereunto nominate or appoint , with the proceedings as for what relates to the quitrent which from time to time shall be made by them with any such proprietor or possessor , & more especially with the value the said commissioners shall put upon such lands , in order to the ascertaining the rent to be reserved thereout , to the end the said farmers , or the persons thereunto appointed by them being satisfied therein , may agree and consent thereunto , or otherwise declare rnd offer their reasons to the contrary , or causes why they do not consent . and in case any difference shall happen between the said farmers & the said commissioners concerning the valuation of such houses or lands , or the due proportioning of the said quitrents , the same is as well by the said farmers , or those appointed by them , as by the said commissioners to be certified or represented to the lord lieutenant , or other chief governour or governours of this kingdom for the time being , to be finally settled and determined , as upon due consideration and examination of the matter in difference shall be by him found reasonable and just . given at his majesties castle of dublin , the 16th . day of august , in the 29th . year of his majesties reign , 1677. w. ellis . god save the king. dublin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the kings most excellent majestie ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde book-seller in caste-street . 1677. whereas dualtagh alias dudy costelo, edmund nagle commonly called cornet nangle, christopher hill, thomas plunket, cahel alias charles maccawell and neil o neil and their complices have in the counties of meath, tyrone, monagham, fermangah, longford, leitrim, cavan and other places appeared in armes against his majesties authority ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1641-1649 : ormonde) 1666 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46137 wing i775 estc r399 13650916 ocm 13650916 100983 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46137) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100983) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 791:48) whereas dualtagh alias dudy costelo, edmund nagle commonly called cornet nangle, christopher hill, thomas plunket, cahel alias charles maccawell and neil o neil and their complices have in the counties of meath, tyrone, monagham, fermangah, longford, leitrim, cavan and other places appeared in armes against his majesties authority ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1641-1649 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 sheet (2 p.) printed by john crook ..., dublin : 1666. "given at the council chamber in dublin, the eighth day of june, 1666." reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1660-1688 -sources. broadsdes -ireland -dublin (dublin) -17th century 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . ormonde . whereas dualtagh alias dudly costelo , edmund nangle commonly called cornet nangle , christopher hill , thomas plunket , cahel alias charles mac cawell and neil ô neil and their complices have in the counties of meath , tyrone , monaghan , fermanagh , longford , leitrim , cavan and other places appeared in armes against his majesties authority and several of them have committed sundry murthers , burglaries , robberies and stealthes , besides divers other outrages to the terror and annoyance of his majesties loyal and good subjects , and to the disturbance of the peace of the kingdom , upon which misdemeanors and crimes being pursued by some of his majesties good subjects , assisted by some of his majesties army , they the said dualtagh alias dudly costelo , edmund nangle , christopher hill , thomas plunket , cahel alias charles mac cawel and neil ô neil , and their complices are fled to the woods and mountains where they stand upon their keeping so as they are not ansuerable to law , but wilfull contemners of the same ; and forasmuch as the actors of those disorders and offenses cannot as yet be apprehended , whereby they may be punished by the ordinarie course of law , whence we might justly be moved , according to the former usage and custome in this kingdome in cases of like nature , to cause them to be forthwith proclaimed rebells and traytors , yet in mercy to them we think fit hereby to charge and command them upon their dutie of alleigeance to his majestie that they lay down armes , and before the seaventeenth day of july next render their persons to any of his majesties iustices of peace , and submit themselves to his majesties iustice to be tryed for their offenses according to the lawes of the land ▪ wherein if they or any of them shall faile , we do hereby publish and declare that he or they so failing , and such as shall accompany or adhere to them after the publication of this proclamation , and every of them are from and immediately after the said seaventeenth day of july next to be called , reputed , and taken for notorious rebells and tray●●●s against his majestie , and accordingly to be prose●●ted by all his majesties loving and good ●bjects in all hostile manner . declaring further that whatsoever person or persons shall comfort , releive or abett them , or any of them , or any of their confederats or adherents , they are and shall be reputed , deemed and adiudged traytors in like degree with the forenamed traytors and rebells themselves ; and we do in his majesties name straighly charge and command all his majesties loyal subjects upon their duty of allegiance to his majestie not onely to forbeare to receive or releive them the said dualtagh alias dud●y costelo , edmund nangle , christopher hill , thomas plunket , cahel alias charles mac cawell and neil ô neil or any of them , or any of their confederates or adherents , but also to make diligent search and enquirie in what place or places the said dualtagh a●ias dudly costelo , edmund nang●e , christopher hill , thomas plunket , cahell alias charles mac cawell and neil ô neil , or their said confederates shall from time to time lurk or be releived , and by all means possible to prosecute apprehend and take the bodies of them the said dualtagh alias d●dly costelo , edmund nangle , christopher hill , thomas plunket , cahel alias charles mac cawell and neil ô neil and their adherents , and them to bring or cause to be brought under safe custodie unto the high sheriffs of the respective counties , where any of them shall be apprehended , to be by such sheriff kept in strict and safe custodie , till we upon notice thereof shall give further direction concerning them , or resisting and refusing to be taken , to kill them or any of them ; and we do hereby declare that whosoever shall after the said seaventeenth day of july next bring unto any sheriff the bodie of the said dualtagh alias dudly costelo , edmund nangle , christ●pher hill , thomas plunket , cahell alias charles mac cawell , or neil ô neil or any of than alive , or kill any of them , and bring his head to the sheriff of the county where he shall be killed ( to be by such sheriff set up in some publicque place in that countie ) shall have for his reward for each person so brought in , or his head twenty pounds to be paid him by such sheriff , and to be allowed by such sheriff upon his accompt to be rendered in his majesties court of exchequer , and whosoever of the complices of the said proclaimed persons shall after the said seaventeenth day of july next apprehend or kill as aforesaid , any of the said reb●lls and traytors particularly named , he shall together with the said reward receive his pardon ; and towards the speedy effecting of this service all commanders and officers of horse and foot , and all other his majesties officers and loving subjects are to be aiding and assisting , as they and every of them will answer the contrary at their perills . given at the council chamber in dublin , the eighth day of june , 1666. meath . roscomon . arran . anglesey . dungannon . henry tichborne . j. temple . paul davys . robert forth . ja. ware. rob. meredith . theo. jones . god save the king . dublin , printed by john crook , printer to the kings most excellent majestie , and are to be sold by samuel dancer in castlestreet . 1666. whereas we are informed, that in many cities and towns corporate within this kingdom, greater customers, tolls and duties than are really due, have been of late exacted in right of the said corporations, upon goods imported or exportd into or out of the said cities and towns corporate, to the great prejudice of his majestie his customers, the decay of trade, and the discouragement of merchants ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1672 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46204 wing i970 estc r36959 16164171 ocm 16164171 104950 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46204) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104950) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:68) whereas we are informed, that in many cities and towns corporate within this kingdom, greater customers, tolls and duties than are really due, have been of late exacted in right of the said corporations, upon goods imported or exportd into or out of the said cities and towns corporate, to the great prejudice of his majestie his customers, the decay of trade, and the discouragement of merchants ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. [2] leaves. printed by benjamin took ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1672. title from first 10 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council-chamber in dublin the 25th day of october. 1672"--leaf [2] reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng customs administration -ireland -officials and employees. fraud -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . essex , whereas we are informed , that in many cities and towns corporate within this kingdom , greater customes , tolls and duties than are really due , have been of late exacted in right of the said corporations , upon goods imported or exported into , or out of the said cities and towns corporate , to the great prejudice of his majesty in his customes , the decay of trade , and the discouragement of merchants , and others from setling themselves and their ● families in this realm . for remedy whereof , we the lord lieutenant and council have thought fit hereby , to require all magistrates , and other officers intrusted with the collection , or receipt of any customes , tolls or other duties , claimed or pretended unto by any the corporations of this kingdom , or by any companies , societies or guilds within such corporations , that they do at their perills hereafter forbear exacting or demanding any other duties , upon any goods or commodities imported or exported into or out of the said respective cities or towns corporate , but such onely as are really and justly due unto them , and were constantly received and paid in such cities and towns corporate in the year of our lord , one thousand six hundred forty one , or have been since the said year one thousand six hundred forty one by any new charter granted unto them . and we do also hereby require all mayors , soveraigns , portrives , bayliffs and other chief officers of cities and towns corporate , and all masters , wardens , and heads of inferior guilds , fraternities and corporations within any cities or towns corporate , at or before the twenty forth day of december next , to send unto vs under such cheif officers hands , and the usuall seal of the corporation , a perfect schedule or certificate of all the customes , tolls and other duties of what kind soever usually received in their corporations ; and that they do therein particularly insert which and how many of the said duties are granted unto them by their respective charters , and upon what grounds they claim or pretend unto any other duties than what are expressed in their said charters : to the end that we may thereby be enabled to judge of the lawfulness and reasonableness of such their demands , and to give such order thereupon as shall be just , and that they do from henceforth forbear to take or receive any custome , toll or duty which they shall not certifie as aforesaid , and in case any merchants , or other persons shall complain unto vs , of any duties which are or have been illegally exacted from them in any cities or towns corporate within this kingdom , we shall be ready to hear such complaints , and to give such releif thereupon as can be reasonably expected from vs. given at the council-chamber in dublin the 25th day of october . 1672. ja : armachanus . mich. dublin canc. fran : aungier . ro : booth . j : temple . will : steuart . mau eustace . j : stephens . will. flower . hen : ford. god save the king. dvblin , printed by benjamin took , printer to the kings most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde book-seller in castle-street . 1672. the reduction of ireland to the crown of england with the governours since the conquest by king henry ii, anno mclxxii, with some passages in their government : a brief account of the rebellion, anno dom. mdcxli ... borlase, edmund, d. 1682? 1675 approx. 326 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 171 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28831 wing b3771 estc r2056 12014272 ocm 12014272 52497 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28831) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52497) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 84:5) the reduction of ireland to the crown of england with the governours since the conquest by king henry ii, anno mclxxii, with some passages in their government : a brief account of the rebellion, anno dom. mdcxli ... borlase, edmund, d. 1682? [50], 284 p. printed by andr. clarke for robert clavel ..., london : 1675. dedication signed: ed borlase. errata: p. [37]. reproduction of original in british library. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1172-1603. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. ireland -history -17th century. 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-07 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-07 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion sans changier the reduction of ireland to the crown of england . with the governours since the conquest by king henry ii. anno mclxxii . with some passages in their government . a brief account of the rebellion anno dom. mdcxli . also , the original of the universitie of dublin , and the colledge of physicians . salust . bell. jugurth . imagines majorum ad virtutem accendunt . london , printed by andr. clarke , for robert clavel at the peacock in st. pauls church-yard . 1675. to the right honourable charles earl of derby , lord lieutenant of the counties palatines of cheshire and lancashire , chamberlain of chester ' and lord of man and the isles . my lord , since i had the honor to know your lordship i have not been in pain to whom i should dedicate this treatise , no person being more eminent to whom i might with less solicitation , or more humanity approach than to your lordship , who hath that felicity in your nature as not to make retiredness one of the essentials of your greatness , but being clothed with virtue dare own her natives as allies and acquaintance . hence i have presumed to entrust ( under your auspicious name ) these eminent persons to posterity , that they ( being warmed by your aspect ) may survive the assaults and injuries of time and oblivion . nor will it be otherwise than justice in you to own them ; for besides their heroickness and vertue , ( qualities inherent to the birth ) the catalogue affords some from whose loins you are immediately descended , so as in your own person to fulfil what they were but types and shadows of . besides the interest of england much appears in the series of this discourse ; and i know none to whom it is dearer , or more entire than your self , having made religion and allegiance the pillars of your family , though your repose keeps you from the fume as the envy of the court. but that i may not wander from the great motive , i must yet say my obligations to your lordship , enjoins this address , that amongst those testimonies which the grateful pay , this may remain an acknowledgment of his devoir , who is my lord your lordships most obliged devoted humble servant . ed. borlase . to the right honourable dorothea-hellena de ruppaw countess dowager of derby . madam , some years since casting my eye on a catalogue of the ministers of state , i thought it a defect in history , that such persons as had immediately born the supream office under their soveraign , as the governours of ireland ( than whom none comes in state and dignitie , nearer the confines of majesty ) should want their just register , imperfect ones ( adulterated with other circumstances ) i have seen many . and there upon ( though conscious of much tenuity ) i applied my leisure to reduce their succession to the present age. but not being satisfied with my endeavours ( no more than with the late crude efforts of others in this kind ) i suspended the work till mdclxxii . that the excellent charles earl of derby ( your illustrious lord ) vouchsafed his mecoenacie , on which i resumed strength . but he being ( that year ) unseasonably hewed down by many complicate distempers ( better born than evicted ) i languished in the combate , yet ( after some pause ) having nothing to offer at his shrine ( to whom so much is due ) but what ( before his death ) was the oblation , i thought it ingratitude to withdraw it , whilest i might presume on your countenance , ever ready to secure his indulgence and extend yours , though after all ● fear i have , with most painters drawn an excellent face to its disadvantage , the work being much maimed of what i intended , some things in this age being not safe to think of , much less to publish . however ( having traced the succession of the empire to the present ) i know not ( on the score of having designed it for my lord ) whom to entitle it more proper to , than to your self ( his relique ) descended from a noble progenie , clear in its original , more by its sufferings in a cause the state and supream council of this kingdom once owned with all imaginable zeal , it being thought infidelity and cruelty , yea improvidence and folly not to succour it : and therefore you are the likelier , by a sympathy , to countenance those , who , by a series of troubles , have waded through the affronts of an unsetled and subtle nation , at whose helm many of my lords ancestors have long sate . as also those , and their ancestors too , with whom your illustrious son hath contracted the nearest and most honourable alliance : so as this leads you to their merits , whose effigies you have often reverenced in your gallery , than which i had nothing more solemn to offer , though this intrusion summons all your vertues to absolve madam , your ladyships most obliged humble servant ed. borlase . to the reader . reader i have in this treatise ( of the governours of ireland ) endeavoured to bring down their succession to this present year , that you may see through how many channels the ticklish government of that kingdom hath passed since the first conquest of it by henry ii. more then five hundred years : in a less circuit than which , the greatest monarchs have felt a change ; so that if a circumstance about a name , the title of a person , the day of his admittance , or the year ( in such variety of alterations as that poor kingdom hath suffered ) be mistook , the errour may easily be excused . and yet my diligence ( to avoid these exceptions ) hath been such , that i have not omitted the best counsel i could consult with , ransacking the known and most approved authors , though i have not always quoted them , conceiving that the distinguishing of their sense by the change of characters , the naming them a little before , or the mentioning at first on what subject this or that man writ tacitely implies where the proof may be had , accounting nothing more disingenious than not to own whence the treasure hath been digged . wherein my task ( indeed ) might have been much facilitated , would such ( as long since promised an account of the progress of the whole warr of ireland ) have contributed a record to the building . but they ( having passed over their time ) bury their talent . and had i ( hereupon ) desisted , i might happily have consulted more my own quietness , nothing ( of this nature ) being ever exposed without censure or misapprehension sufficient to deterr me : but so hippolitus his scattered pieces may be collected , i shall hope some more fortunate genius may hereafter infuse a life worthy their merits and vertue . where the chronicles and private records failed me , the irish statutes ( in part ) supplied the defect ; yet so as they onely named such as have been governours under which parliaments were holden , never reciting those to whom ( at other times ) the imperial ensigns were committed ; nor do they record the date of their inauguration or removal of those they mention . yet the irish statutes ( as to many circumstances ) afford much light , and i have not omitted their testimony , records of parliament being the best history ; and though some of them are exoluted in respect of the time for which they were calculated , yet the judicious may ( as the lord bolton truly observes ) historically discern both the state of the church and common-wealth therein : in as much as few presidents of a well modelled and excellent government can be found more rational and advantagious to the natives , or less partial ( allowing the soverainty of england heretofore somewhat jealous of a conquered people ) than those laws are in their constitution and sanctity , whereby the english as well as the irish , the lord as the kern is amesnable to the law , and may be punished for any offence whatsoever by the ordinary course of common justice . all that i aim at herein , is to make good the title which ( in respect of the governours , who bear the image of their master , and every true english mans interest in the conquest ) deserves not less registring than the chancellors , bishops , judges , sheriffs , and other officers of england , of which there are particular catalogues generally well accepted . some i confess ( as geraldus cambrensis , hoved. mat. par. walsingham , holinshead , hanmer , campion , and others ) have , as their matter lay made an essay at this work. so , reverend camden crediting the lord william howard of nayworths ms. too easily , hath attempted the same in his annals of ireland ; yet so scatteringly and confused , as if it were no great concern whether it were reduced ad vmbilicum . however i must own these in many things , though a direct series of the governours was never in a body traced to the present till now . nor did those ( who aimed at this work ) ere touch on the families from whence they came , or ( excepting a few ) take notice of their decease . in which circumstances i have been a little curious , though the length of time since the conquest , the unacquaintedness with some families lost in their original , or confused in their branches ; and the backwardness of others ( as if there were an obligation in it to inform one ) hath made me less certain than otherwise i would have been : though generally most of these pass not without some remark , which i rather offer than impose . and here i cannot well pass by this epithite chief , which some accustomarily annex to the governours of ireland , if justices or justice , as if it were an honourable or necessary distinguishment of them from others usually so called ; whereas chief is properly applied to the chief justice of the kings bench , the common pleas , or to the chief baron of the exchequer , ( others of the same ranke being in competition with their power ) but not to these , they being justices or justice not onely in the concreet but abstract . so philip basset was said to be justitia angliae . in whom the soveraign power ( for the time ) is lodged , without need of additional epithites to amplifie or discriminate their title . in pursuance of which all letters or writs are directed to them from the king , justiciariis nostris , vel justiciario suo hiberniae . and in that act the 33 of hen. viii . which authorizes the state of ireland ( at the avoidance or death of the kings governour there ) to chuse an other in his room , it is enacted that they shall elect a justice , but speaks nothing that he should be stiled chief justice , the superlativeness of his power being in the title justice . the vicissitude of governours hath been observed ( by some ) to be exceeding prejudicial to the publick ; private respects often introducing notable change in the state , according to their interests ( who governed ) not the publicks , diversi imperatoribus mores , diversa fuêre studia . sometimes to the degenerating of the old english into the irish customs through their negligence and indulgence . othertimes to the alienating of the irish by their severity , from the benefit of a well tempered and orderly government ; both equally destructive to the princes service : and yet too long a residence ( in so eminent a place ) may over-heat a great spirit , if not bounded with excellent principles . whence the romans ( those great masters of government ) rarely admitted their vicegerents to brood on a province , that their continuance there might not create self-interest . the longest time any continued in this government ( how honourable soever ) was never made up with happiness suitable to the anxiety of their mind and body . sir henry sidney ( who left as clear a fame as any man that enjoyed the place ) parted with it with the words of the psalmist , when israel came out of egypt , and the house of jacob from a people of a strange language , judah was his sanctuary and israel his dominion ; intimating how little satisfaction could be took in so slippery a place amongst such a people whose language he knew not , and such variety of interests , though the most ( who have miscarried there ) have fallen through other mens interests rather than their own failing . what touches on the person or government of any , is not writ as a history of their times ( this work was no such attempt ) onely as a brief and honourable mention of such as deserve the fairest character . what is more , being rather to difference this from a meer catalogue , than to engage any in a history . as to the late insurrection in ireland ( touching which in the first sessions of parliament after it brake forth there was hot disputes whether it should be termed a rebellion , or qualified more mildly , such catilines were within the house ) i have revived nothing in reproach , no , i wish the inhumanity of that age may be forgot , as well as pardoned , though such as have had a deliverance thence , and have the least sense ( of what the protestants and british suffered in that sad and miserable time ) cannot stifle their silence without passion , since some bold pens have avowed that there were not above xvij . killed in the beginning of that horrid massacre : whereas such as will read sir john temples history of the beginnings and first progress of the general rebellion in ireland , printed mdcxlvi . ( a book writ without passion , on unquestionable proofs , by an honourable person no ways interessed further than truth and conscience engaged him ) may there discover the motion , cruelties , and surprizals of that unhappy insurrection dislodging ( in few weeks ) one hundred and forty thousand souls , which i glance at onely historically , that the serenity of the present times might be illustrated by the ruggedness of those . to which i should add something of the cessation scarce by any ( save his excellency ) inviolably observed , but i am obliged to contract . at first i intended not to have exceeded a catalogue , but matter flowing in , my omer hath filled an ephah . yet i have been abridged too , of what i thought the age might have born ; however i do not much regret these parings , it being safer , vt veritas quamquam perutilis & desiderabilis , aliquamdiu suppressa lateat quam in lucem cum majorum offensâ praeproperè pariter & periculosè prorumpat , all ( as this ) writ without periods or cadences , that truth , not rhetorick , might be most prevalent . in pursuit of which ( that time might pass over with some cheerfulness ) i have ( with other things ) interwoven the original of the vniversity of dublin , that that might not altogether sit neglected as a sister that had no breasts . whatever this is , it was collected at spare hours , and so it may not be thought writ in the dark , the reader will do justice to allow it gathered under the shadow of the candle . farewel . clarissimo amplissimoque viro d. d. e. b. m. d. hibernicarùm antiquitatum indagatori acerrimo , rerumque memorabilium delibatori eximio . victrices aquilas sprevit glacialis ierne oceano vallata suo , tybrisque superbi nobilis elatas despexit lifnius undas . at tandem imperio concessit laeta britanno , vicinique libens subiit moderamina sceptri ▪ illius auspiciis animi sedere feroces , barbaries pudefacta fugit , silvisque relictis aspera civili mite scunt pectora cultu . o fortunatos nimium bona si sua nôrint hybernos ! vanae nec libertatis imago falleret incautos , animosque averteret anglis : aspice quam vigili generosa britannia curd te fovet , affectuque pio solatur , ierne quippe tot heroas nostri clarissima coeli lumina , praestantesque viros vestro inserit orbi ▪ hos inter proceres digno splendore cor●scat borlacaea domus , summumque implevit honorem illustri virtute , suos excelsa natales exaequat proles , & quae dignissima cedro eximii gesser● duces , ●●grantibus umbris vindicat , & seris transmissa nepotibus ornat quas tibi pro'tantis dignas hibernia grates persolvat curis ? citharam laetissima pulset altaque saltanti resonet praeconi●●ilo . r. h. to his worthy and much honoured friend upon his history , entituled , the reduction of ireland to the crown of england . a pindarique ode . i. ireland hath long in darkness layn , with time and ignorance o'rcast : time , like a swelling flood , had past o'r all the land , and laid it waste : the deluge every day new ground did gain : scarce any track or footstep there , scarce could the mountains tops appear . from hence the monster ignorance arose , of such a dreadful shape , and birth , as those , which nilus leaves when it o'rflows . times sacred reliques its blind malice rent ; and its devouring rage o'r all the kingdom went ▪ but you , sir , like the god of your own art , have slain this monster with an happy dart : and now with undisturbed peace you go through all the realm , and unto others show , what former ages ne'r did know . ireland no longer barbarous seems , and rude ; your fluent pen ber glory hath renew'd . what strong disease can now your art withstand ; since you have given new life to an expiring land ? ii. her growing flame from the first rise you trace , when she did english manners first embrace ; and her old barbarous customs leave . when with her chains she did good laws receive . and thus by being conquered gained more , then all her victories did before . thus where the roman conquer'd , 't was his ●●re to plant good laws and manners there ; that even his vanquisht foes might lawrels wear ▪ from hence with wondrous art and diligence you guide us through unknown paths , and there display what ere 's remarkable in the way . and in your book we at one prospect may what was performed in many ages view . as saints above ( if schoolmen tell us true ) in the glass of the trinity may see the affairs of the whole vvorld to all eternity . iii. vvhat a brave throng of heroes you revive ? to whom a lasting fame you give , vvhich will the rage of time out live . they all the irish glory did increase , some by the arts of vvar , and some of peace , lo ! how they all in triumph stand , vpholding with their arms the sinking land ? they now , like ghosts , in greater forms appear , then ere they had in all their grandeur here . now in more glorious ornaments they shine ; and from you higher honours have , then ere their princes gave . the narrow bounds which did confine their former glories , you out-go ; and to posterity their buried trophi●s show . though princes claim a faint divinity ; yet all they give must mortal be . but to your heroes you a pyramid raise , by which they get immortal praise : the base so broad , the top so high , that all the land o'rspreads , this reaches to the skie . iv. vvhat a large share of fame is won by sidney , chichester , and grandison ? lo ! how brave mountjoy marches through the field , and makes the astonish'd rebels yield ; covering the kingdom with his shield ? vvith chained foes his chariot's compass'd round , and his exalted head with lawrel crown'd . but who can mention calmly strafford's name , the nations glory , and her shame ? lo ! how he falls a sacrifice to asswage the peoples insolent rage ? his death his princes tragoedy doth presage . and for his funeral fire the kingdom 's on a flame . so when great caesar fell , the people thought , they could no more to slavery be brought . but soon the empire feels an heavier weight , crush'd by the proud trium-virate : till a young caesar sav'd the expiring state. how enviously the incensed rout still pick the fairest victims out ? like thunder the low cottage they pass by , but strike down towers and trees , which touch the skie : and even the lawrel can't escape , if that be rais'd too high . v. long did these noble persons bless the stubborn realm with peace and happiness : vvhen lo ! new storms compass the kingdom round , and after a long calm an earthquake rose ; vvhich towns and castles soon o'rthrows , and with vast ruines covers all the ground . ireland now lost ▪ her old renown , and poisonous creatures rag'd in every town : vipers in dreadful crouds did stand : vvhich their own mothers bowels tore , and wallowed in her gore . our heroes soon rescu'd the perishing land : their conduct , valour , and success their enemies proud fury did repress . methinks amongst the rest i see your noble father crown'd with victory . lo ! how he stops the rising flood , and with his mighty arms throws back the waves ? his counsel and wise care the kingdom saves , vvhich else had been o'rwhelm'd with blood . vvhere e'r the loyal troops were led , vvith speed the trembling rebel 's fled : thus were their ancestors the old giants chac't , vvhen jove did on their heads his thunder cast ; they threm their mountains down , and ran away with haste . vi. vvhat dismal clouds , what dreadful vengeance hover'd o'r this unhappy realm , and cover'd her body o'r with blood and tears ? vvhen her sons arm'd with swords and spears , devoutly made religion the pretence to shake off all obedience , and even natural innocence . the devil assumes the prophets shape again , and in a pious garb deludes weak men . his lying spirits through the country went ; and with this new divinity are sent . rebellion's but a name fools to affright ; an heretick to a kingdom hath no right : they now for god against their king must fight . thus are the people arm'd with zeal , vvhose edge is keener than the sharpest steel . and first plots and conspiracies they contrive ; and then with open force for their diana strive . their zeal like hell , was dark and hot ; and did as much torment the prey they got . vvith thunder and with lightning they proclaim their gospel , as the jews receiv'd their laws : vvith mahomet's zeal they advance their cause , and to convert the land , they set it on a flame . your father soon to stop their fury came : lest all the land should be to ashes turn'd : but whilst he quench'd the fire , himself almost was burn'd . vii . now the blest smiles of peace and love , all frowns and animosities remove . nothing is left behind of vvar , but here and there an ugly skar . great ormond was the augustus , whose command to perfect loyalty and peace reduced the land. ormond , our great apollo whose renown did best deserve the muses crown . vvho rules in vvar and peace with equal fame : and all his faithful services justly claim a loyal subject's and true patriot's name . brave essex in his power succeeds , fam'd for his own and his great fathers deeds . vvhose gallant death and actions do inspire his soul with such heroick fire , as flam'd in the young graecian's breast when he did a fam'd generals statue see . so well this hero fills his princes throne , that he deserves to rule a kingdom of his own . viii . here , sir , you stop , and now we may look back on all the various scenes you track : here we the historians art may justly praise ; and there the history may our wonder raise . vvith truth , and eloquence you write : of truth the strong materials are made , and the foundation firmly laid : on which a solid structure you erect , vvhich is with language aptly deckt . you neither are with fear nor flattery led ; but in the paths of truth severely tread . truth , which we often hate , and will not find , because with interest and envy we are blind . as the damn'd spirits of eternal night dread the least glimpse of light. and often truth so hides her face , that errours we for truth embrace , and truth in the dark seat of errour place . so when a glorious comet here doth after various turns of heaven appear ; the wise know 't is an harmless star , but all the long mistaken vulgar call this star a meteor , and its influence fear . but when a flaming meteor from a far falls down , the people then call it a falling-star . z. isham . errata . page 2. verse 2. sed for & . p. 7. l. 2. beckly for beckti● , p. 17. in the close of that page add , mariscus ( being ●●nt for into england ) quits the government . p. 20. custo●iae for custodia . p. 10. dele the quotations of camd. and ●anmer . p. 32. in the margent read pryn in his hist . p. ●8 . l. 14. dele he . p. 40. l. 6. robert for roger. p. 72. l. 4. decemb. ● . for 21. p. 84. l. 17. england for ireland . p. 97. l. 19. 23 ●or 33. p. 98. l. 20. read in kild . p. 102. l. 4. 1538 for 1528. p. 104. l. 9. garny for grany . p. 109. after april 1. add , st. leger the 4 of august returns vice roy. p. 119. l. 4. add , with that power . p. 145. l. 10. add loftusios . p. 149. l. 1. minister for master . p. 159. l. 17. laxtoviae for laxtoniae . p. 168. l. 4. coequal for coeval . p. 172. l. 2. read a dysent . p. 174. l. 4. extitial for exitial . p. 180. l. 13. dele being . p. 183. l. 6. carey for carew . p. 197. l. 12. hiberniae for hibernia . p. 198. redeat for reddat . p. 204. l. 10. consilii for concilii . in the plate read in utroque fidelis . p. 213. l. 12. majestatis for maje●●ati , so in p. 217. p. 251. l. 18. add , who had it from . p. 258. l. 13. dele in . p. 274. l. 21. add , and some seculars . p. 230. l. ●3 . for some read both . other omissions or errata's ( if any ) are obvious to an easie correction , if the common favour may be indulged . a discourse introductive to the catalogue of the governours of ireland . the rise and growth of kingdoms have been no less the subject then the industry of the ablest pens , yet their original ( after the strictest inquiries ) have in most things been found so obscure , as if the dark side of the cloud were still towards us ; no nation being so meanly descended , but that they something in their temper which vaunts to be more ancient and noble then others , thereby ( as sir walter rawleigh observes ) thinking to glorifie their own nations ; hence their innate affections to their country leaves truths too often dark and sullied to posterity . of which spirit the irish chronicles participate too much , yielding few tracts of their original ( before the conquest by henry the second ) but what seems fabulous and vain : most of the history of the ancients , as well as their philosophy , which ( indeed ) was their theology , being delivered to posterity by no better then bards sic honor & nomen divinis vatibus atque carminibus venit . hor. de art. poet. in as much as when i read their chronicles , so many absurdities appear , as i am in doubt whether i should take them for a legend or an history ; to avoid which , i shall impose nothing but the plain story on the reader . it seems strange ( scarce credible ) that after so many years possession of ireland , any should dare question the right of england to that part of its just empire . and yet such have been the insinuations of some , whose spirits ( like the foaming sea ) are unwilling to be confined , that i have of late seen many queries started to enfeeble ( if possible ) this right . and walsh in his vindication of the loyal formulary , will tell you of one mahony , a jesuite , his apologetical disputation , de jure regni hiberniae pro catholicis hybernis adversos haereticos anglos , maintains , that no king of england , nor crown , nor people , nor state of that kingdom , had at any time any kind of right to the kingdom of ireland , or any part thereof : with many other damnable positions , condemned to be burnt by order of the national congregation at kilkenny : which if he had not mentioned , might ( happily ) have been unknown to the natives at this day , who ( forsooth ) conceive themselves descended from a progeny much injured by being imposed on by the laws and customs of england ; whereas nothing is more evident then that ireland was at first inhabited by the britains , the scythians , goths , spaniards , danes , and other easterlings falling in afterwards , as the vicissitude of time administred opportunity ; though if there had not been this title to the dominion of ireland , yet conquest had been a sufficient one ; especially since it was at first undertook against a nation meerly pyrates , barbarous , and inhumane against the laws of nature and nations , which the lord verulam ( in his considerations touching a war with spain ) as grotius ( in his excellent piece , de jure belli & pacis ) notably well argues . but jephtes plea to the ammonites●ustifies ●ustifies england ( at this day , ) the bishop of romes own proctors having not more to produce then prescription , for their masters right to rome it self ; of which i should saymore , but though some cherish other thoughts , ●ew ( as the scene now lies ) have the temerity to enforce them . no sooner was ireland subjugated to the imperial crown of england ( by a colony of welch under the conduct of fitz-stephen with maurice fitz-gerard , maurice de prendergast , principally commanded by strongbow earl of pembroke , permitted by king henry the second , then in aquitain , to adventure their fortunes but , they succeeding , king henry the second ( the third year after the invasion , viz. anno 1172. ) armed with pope adrians and alexanders bulls , lands on st. luke● eve at croch near waterford , marching by easie steps to dublin ( oppidu● super crates ) so obtains a kingdom ; though it hath since appeared , that the popes donation , and the irish submissions were but weak and fickle assurances to establish his dominions ▪ where having took the fealty o● the subject kings , of the country and clergy ( who bear no little sway in most mutations ) he there evidenced the greatness of his mind in several entertainments , and gratious condescentions ; and having setled the peace of the kingdom and the order of the church according to england in a synod at cassel , he on easter-day following , leaves ireland under a constituted government , which to this day continues in such an esteem , as no vice-roy in christendom ( naples not excepted ) ever arrived at so signal a grandeur , little of the power ( committed to the governours ) being abated of their sovereigns , unless in the conferring of some offices , which ( if they be not at their bestowing ) are frequently consented to on their commending ; nay , some of the governours ( as the earl of essex and others ) had it in their commissions to pardon even treason it self . that at this day we may look on the governours of ireland , as armed with as ample power as any subject is capable of . parliaments being held under their precedency with statutes , ordinances and acts passed , coram justitiario deputato , or locum tenente , such or such an one , as they were entituled by the king , whom camden in his annals 1565. towards the end , says ( until the time of ed. 3. ) they were called justices of ireland , and their lieutenant deputies , though ( by his good leave ) i find they were sometimes called custodes , othertimes generales hiberniae procuratores , though when the king would seem to honour any with the greatest titles , he stiles them lieutenants ; who have generally power to depute their deputy ( venia a rege prius impetrata ) and yet then he that is so deputed , is stiled the kings deputy , as in the irish statutes the 28 of h. 8. coram dilecto & fideli suo domino leonardo gray milite domino gray deputato ipsius domini regis ac praecharissimi & dilectissimi consanguinei sui henrici ducis richmond & somerset , de prosapia sua orti , locum tenentis suae terrae & dominii sui hiberniae . and in elder ages we do find that the same condescension was also indulged , justiciario regis , as prynn in his history of edw. 1. where ( writing to the bishop of waterford ) he directs his letters to him , vel ejus locum tenenti ; as also fol. 382. and many other places ; but whether the one or the other , their power was for the most part of like authority : and say others , synonima . magna certe nominum varietas sed quae olim aliquando cum nonnullis aliis , ex authorum praevaricatione , in eundem competebant . magistratum , ut in his spars●n vocibus depre●enderis . before whom all ensigns of honour ( as the sword , mace , &c. ) are carried , the service at the table being sometimes on the knee , they have power also of knighthood , and the very liturgy is not without a particular collect ( answerable to their titles ) for their government and safety ; their council is the privy council made up of some bishops , more lords , the principal judges , the presidents of connaught and munster , the master of the rolls , the vice-treasurer , master of the ordnance , the secretary of state , and others as the king is pleased to summon them to the board . in emergencies , or cases of more difficult nature , dr. heylyn in his cosmography writes , they proceeded sometimes in an arbitrary way without formalities of law ; which hath been much decried by the parliament begun at dublin , 1639. and complained of as a grievance ; in as much as an honourable person ( an eminent instrument of state ) writing an history of the beginnings of the late rebellion in ireland ( worthy to be had in every mans eye ) there takes occasion to tell , with what lenity the present governours addressed themselves to the abrogating of exorbitances of paper petitions , or bills in civil causes exhibited at the council board , or before any other by their authority sufficient to evidence its dislike . and by the 13. article of the peace agreed on at the castle of kilkenny , the 17 of january 1648. it was concluded that the council table should contain it self within its proper bounds , &c. and not intermeddle with common business that is within the cognizance of the ordinary courts ; so sensible have all times been of what might intrench on the known laws and priviledges . but leaving this , the authority of the governours ( without assuming irregularities ) is great ; and that they may be known , we shall here intrust their memory to posterity . the chief governours of ireland , under the soveraignty of the kings of england , since the conquest thereof by henry the second , a. d. mclxxii . to the year mdclxxiv . king henry the second having in his own person setled affairs in ireland , constituted at his departure thence for england 1172. hugh lacy lord justice , who , dignitate omnes regni proceres , potestate omnes superabat magistratus : a person endued with great vertue and prudence . he continued in the government till that 1173. richard de clare , earl of pembroke and strigil , sirnamed strongbow , was sent over lord justice . he died 1176. and lies buried in christ church dublin , where he hath a monument for his son cut off by the middle , and himself , with this epitaph , nate ingrate mihi pugnanti terga dedisti non mihised genti , sed regno quoque terga dedisti . he founded the priory of kilmainam about the year 1174. whose endowing king henry the second confirmed ; upon whose death 1177. reymund le grose , governour of the earls family , having married basil the earls sister , was chosen lord justice by the consent of the surviving council ; who , on notice of the kings pleasure , surrenders 1177. to audelm●r ●r aldelm , tanquam senescallo a re●e in regnum transmisso , the kings ●ewer , taster , or dapifer procuratori , ●oyning with him john curcy , ro●ert fitz stephen , & miles de cogan , ●s counsellors not commissioners , ●s is evident by audelms charter , ●edeemed from the rubbish . henricus dei gratia rex angliae , dominus hiberniae , dux normanniae , aquitaniae , & comes andegaviae , archiepiscopis , episcopis , regibus , comitibus , baronibus , & omnibus fidelibus suis hiberniae , salutem . sciatis me dei gratia sanum esse & incolumem & negotia mea bene & honorifice procedere , ego vero , quam cito potero , vacabo magnis meis negotiis hiberniae , nunc autem ad vos mitto willielmum filium audelm dapiferum meum , cui commisi negotia mea tractanda & agenda , mei loco & vice . quare vobis mando & firmiter praecipio , quod ei sicut mihime intendatis de agendis meis , & faciatis quicquid , ipse vobis dixerit e● parte mea , sicut amorem meum desideratis & per fidem quae mihi debetur . ego quoque ratum habeo & firmum quicquid ipse fecerit , tanquam egomet fecissem , & quicquid vos feceritis erga eum stabile habeo . test . galfrido archidiacano cantuariensi , & richard● archidiacono pictaviae , & richardo constabulario apud valon . audelm the next year builds , vice & mandato regis , st. thomas court near dublin , in expiation ( as it was thought ) of the murther of thomas becket . afterwards our governour growing somewhat unquiet with his equals , his temper was disliked , having done neither honour to his king , or good to his country . and he was recalled into england when 1179. hugh lacy was again made governour , sub titulo generalis hiberniae procuratoris . robert le poer the kings marshal , then governour of waterford and weshford , ( from whom immediately proceeded the barons of curraghmore , who flourished near dungavon a long time after the conquest ) being joined as an assistant to him . 1181. john constable of cheshire , baron of halton castle , and richard de peche bishop of chester ( or rather bishop of coventry and lichfield , chester not being made a bishops see till 1539. in the 30 year of h. 8. who converted the monastery of monks there into a cathedral ) about the calends of may , were sent over governours of ireland in lacies room , he having raised jealousies in the king by marrying the daughter of roderick king of connaght without his licence ; john constable of cheshire died 1190. at tyre in jerusalem , in the voyage to the holy land. richard peche was son of robert peche bishop of coventry , who succeeded his father in the bishoprick 1162. he was buried in st. thomas church , near stafford , ( of which he was founder ) anno 1183. 1181. hugh lacy ( having given security to the king for his allegiance ) was with robert of shrewsbury ( of salisbury saith hanmer ) a clergy-man , made governour . lacy was a singular good governour , and established many laws for the good of the weal-publick . he was murthered at an unawares with a pickax , anno 1189. whose death the king was not sorry for , being always jealous of his greatness . his body was buried in the monastery of beckly , and his head in s. thomas abbey at dublin . 1184. philip of worcester ( called by hoved. philip de breos , alias brause ) vir dapsilis & militaris , about the calends of september , procurator in hiberniam fuit missus , with horse and foot , the better to prepare the way for the kings son. 1185. the king gave ireland to his younger son john ( afterwards king of england , by the name of king john ) and made him king of ireland ( writes hoved. ) which as it is well observed by sr. peter leceister in his description of ireland , i take to be no more then constituit ●um dominum hiberniae ; which is king in effect , the supream power being thereby imployed , and from thence we see he assumed the title of dominus hiberniae afterwards , which was declared to be as much as in the future was comprehended in the title of king , 33 h. 8. whence my lord coke in the third part of his institutes , writes , that albeit the kings of ireland ( until the statute before cited ) were stiled by the name of lords of ireland , yet were they supream and absolute domini , and had a royal dominion and authority , else their consorts could not have had aurum reginae . and albeit there was such a grant to the kings son , yet by the law the king by his letters patents could not grant so royal a member of his imperial stile , which happily the king being sensible of , takes with him into normandy octavianus , a subdeacon , cardinal of the roman church , and hugo de nunant , to whom pope vrban commisit legatiam in hiberniam ad coronandum ibi johannem filium regis ; by which the king disappointed the coronation ; and it is observable that the seals fixed to many charters at dublin , have only this inscription , sigillum johannis filii regis angliae domini hiberniae . this year earl john went into ireland , but soon returned ( having built tibrach , lismore , and archsinan , alias ardsivin castles . ) constituting in his place 1185. john de curcy , ( whom we find every where spoken of with so much respect ) principle governour , and for ought i could yet discover ( in which circumstance i have been vigilant ) he did so continue till that sir hugh de lacy the younger ( the year is omitted in the history ) was sent over lord justice into ireland , with absolute command of the realm ; and he continued his government to the second year of richard the first , if not so long afterwards as hanmer would have him . curcy , after having endeavoured fifteen times to go for ireland , was still beaten back ( as a judgment say the historians , for his impiety to ardmagh church ) and then went into france and there died . he claimed a priviledge , after his first obeisance to be forthwith covered in the kings presence . the like i find in fullers church history , granted by h. 8. and confirmed by act of parliament to francis brown of tollethorp in rutlandshire esq , ancestor of robert brown head of the brownists , giving him leave to put on his cap in the presence of the king or his heirs . and the present state of england , p. 281. mentions the same priviledge to henry earl of turrey . sub richardo i. 1189. sir hugh de lacy the younger , lord justice . 1191. william petit justicer . william marshall lord justice , a relation of the earl marshals of england , seneschal of leinster , supposed by some to decease at london , and buried by his father in the new temple ; others think at kilkenny 1231. in the monastery there , militiae flos temporum modernorum : though i have some doubt whether this elogie be intended for this person , or others of his name . 1197. hamo de valois , aut de valoniis , vel valoineis ; of an ancient family in suffolk , lord justice , acknowledged by prynn in his history of king john ; as also by ware , de praesul . hib. sub johanne . 1199. in the beginning of whose reign , i find that hugo de lacy was governour ; but the certainty of his continuance is not specified : and all agree that in this year miler fitz henry , son of the base son of h. 1. was lord justice . he died anno 1220. on whom glynn hath this epitaph in the abbey of conal in the county of kildare , which abbey he founded , 1202. conduntur tumulo meyleri nobilis ossa indomitus domitor totius gentis hibernae . 1210. king john comes into ireland , octavo idus junii , and landed at waterford with a potent army ; the country fearing his puissance , flocked submissively to him , except some from the remotest places of the greatest fastnesses : the reguli sware fealty , occurrerunt ei plusquam viginti reguli illius regionis , qui omnes maximo timore perterriti homagium & fidelitatem ei fecerunt , pauci tamen ex regulis supersederunt qui ad regem venire contempserunt , eo quod in locis inexpugnabilibus habitabant , &c. but hugh de lacy ( whom hanmer calls lord justice ) fearing his presence fled into france , yet afterwards the king was reconciled to him , and in process of time he became ( after the decease of curcy ) earl of vlster , where at knock fergus he founded a monastery of minors , about the year 1232. in the church of which he was buried 1242. king john having the submissions of the chief of ireland , appoints in leinster and munster twelve english shires , viz. dublin , kildare , meath ▪ vriel , catherlogh , kilkenny , wexford ▪ waterford , cork , limerick , kerry ▪ tipperary , with sheriffs and other officers , after the custom of england ; and having coined money ( denarium terrae illius ad pondus numismatis angliae fecerat fabricari , & tam obolum quam quadrantem rotundam fieri praecepit , ) currant in england , as there , he the 30 of august lands in england with much satisfaction ; having deputed 1210. in august john gray bishop of norwich , lord justice ; a man well seen in the laws of the realm , and of great integrity . he died near poictiers in his return from rome , nov. 1214. and was buried in his own cathedral . after that he had discharged his duty in ireland singularly well , he being summoned into england , leaves 1213. the 23 of july henry loundres alias londers , archbishop of dublin , lord justice ; and he quits it 1215. to geoffery de mariscis , or de marisco , ( probably a relation of richard de marisco archdeacon of northumberland , and chancellour of england , in the 4 year of king john , also in the 15. to the 17. ) as some write , under the title of keeper of ireland , july the 6. and sub henrico iii. he continues governour . to whom the king sent henry de london archbishop of dublin , to reform the church by his assistance ; commanding all his faithful subjects and barons to give obedience . quod ei in omnibus quae ad nos spectant ordinandis & disponendis sitis intendentes , una cum dilecto & fideli nostro galfrido de marisco justiciario nostro hiberniae , volumus etiam & praecipimus quod omnia ad nos spectantia per ipsius domini archiepiscopi dispositionem , una cum justitiarii nostri & vestro juvamine & consilio ordinentur , & in hujus rei testimonium has literas nostras patentes , &c. vobis mittimus . test . comite . apud wintoniam 16. die aprilis , anno regni nostri primo . and in a following writ very memorable , he gives an account of king johns death , and of himself being crowned at glocester ; certifying the fidelity sworn to him by the barons and prelates , advising his justice to take the same of the nobles of ireland . rex galfrido de mariscallo justiciario suo hiberniae , salutem , multiplices vobis referrimus gratiarum actiones de bono & fideli servitio vestro foelicis memoriae , johan . quondam regis angliae patri nostro exhibito , &c. rogamus igitur dilectionem vestram quatenus etsi bonae memoriae joh. patri nostro fideles extiteritis & devoti tanto nobis fideliores existere curetis , quanto scitis nos auxilio & consilio vestro in hac teneritate nostra plurimum indigere , capientes fidelitatem de singulis hiberniae magnatibus & aliis qui nobis ipsam facere tenentur ; retinuimus adhuc radulphum de norwicho , ut de his & aliis per ipsum voluntatem nostram plenius vobis significemus , volentes ut eisdem vos et caeteri fideles nostri hiberniae gaudeatis libertatibus quas fidelibus nostris de regno angliae concessimus , & illas vobis concedemus & confirmabimus . teste , &c. 1219. to archbishop loundres , qui munus ei commissum par quinquennium fideliter obivit , during whose time i find a writ directed to him from the king ; who having seized on the temporalities of the archbishoprick of ardmagh , for that the archbishop was elected without his licence , the king orders ( on an offer of 300 marks of silver , and 3 marks of gold , that he had from the monks , ) quod faciatis inde secundum statutum terrae nostrae , & secundum quod tempus se habet , sicut nobis videritis expedire . et sciatis quod mandavimus hugoni de lacy , quod faciat de terris praedictis id quod ei ex parte nostra dicetis . teste domino p. wint. episcopo apud cliton , aug. 30. anno regni 8. our governour bishop loundres about the beginning of july 1228. died , and was buried in trinity church dublin . some doubt there seems in chronologie who succeeded loundres , ●hether geoffery de marisco , ( qui ●●ices justiciarii sub rege in illis par●bus gerebat ) or others ; indeed one but matthew paris mentions ●im in this place . and i do find ●at about this time a certain king of connaght knowing the king of england , and ▪ william marescallus he great marshal the earl of pemrokes son , to be busily imployed in marshal affairs abroad , gathered a ●opious army , sperans ( saith my author ) se posse omne genus anglorum ab hiberniae finibus exturbare , ●ut the design was so well attended ●y walter de lacy and richard de burgo , that the english prius●visu ●visu ) fuger at in hibernienses a fronte ●evertens stragem iis miserabilem intu●erunt , interfecti namque referuntur ex hiberniensibus ad viginti milli virorum bellatorum & rex eorum captus & carcerali custodiae deputatus then which they never had a greater proof of the english valour , or their own courage . certain it is that 1227. richard de burgo was made lord justice , march 10. at this time , or near , i also find that hubert de burgo constitutus est justiciarius hiberniae ad terminum vitae , yet no● record mentions his being there : so as i conjecture this richard d● burgo might be of huberts family , and his substitute . during whose time the king directs a writ to commissioners to examine the archbishop of dublins account concerning moneys raised out of the vacant bishopricks in ireland , for the paying of debts due to him . as also another writ , to examine what debts were due to the bishop by services for king john in the court of rome ; which writs are both memorable : we shall give you onely the later out of prynn . rex richardo de burgo . sciatis , quod in solutione debiti quod debemus venerabili patri h. dublin archiepiscopo , pro mutuo quod fecit pro domino johan . rege patre nostro per praeceptum suum , & pro expensis suis factis per ipsum archiepiscopum in curia romana pro negotio ipsius patris nostri expediendis , & pro expensis quas idem archiepiscopus fecit in servitio nostro in . hibern . dum ultimo fuit justiciar . noster hibern . assignavimus eidem archiepiscopo centum libras de firma civitatis nostrae de limerick , recipiendas ad duos terminos , viz. ad festum sancti michaelis quinquaginta libras , & ad paschae quinquaginta libras . assignavimus etiam eidem archiepiscopo in solutione ejusdem debiti , quinquaginta marcas per annum percipiendum de firma civitatis nostrae dublin . sicut plenius continetur in nostris patentibus quas inde fieri fecimus & ideo vobis mandamus , quod praedictas centum libras de firma praedictae civitatis limerick , & praedictas quinquaginta marcas de firma civitatis nostrae dublin eidem archiepiscopo recipere permittatis , quousque praedictum debitum ei persolvatur . teste rege apud westm . maii 10. anno regni nostri 12. 1232. maurice fitz gerald was made lord justice september 2. he continued so till 1245. at which time mauritium hiberniae justiciarium eo quod ficte & tarde auxilium ab hibernia ( the king having use of his forces against david ap llewellin prince of wales ) domino regi duxerat periclitanti a justiciaria deposuit . whilest he was justice he excellently well behaved himself against earl marescal , who 1234. had hostilely invaded ireland , animated by geoffery de marisco , whom mat. paris calls , homo ejus ligius senex infidelis ; and subduing him the first of april after that the earl marescal had with an unexpressable courage ( most of his party betraying him ) manfully defended himself . he died may 8. 1257. miles strenuus & facetus , nulli secundus , and was buried at youghall amongst the frier minors ; which covent he founded , 1231. and upon his remove 1245. sir john fitz geoffery was made lord justice , novemb. 4. vir quidem praeclarus genere , divitiis & potentia . to whom the king directs his writ , that turvil bishop of ossory might dispose of his goods by his last will. mandatum est johanni filio galfrido justiciar . hiberniae , quod permittat priorem de conale , & alios executores testamenti galfridi de turvil , episcopi ossoriensis , habere liberam administrationem omnium bonorum quae fuerunt ejusdem episcopi . ita quod de primis bonis leventur debita regis , quae regi debebat , & quae sunt clara. teste rege apud westm . april 12. on his remove 1247. theobald butler lord of carrick , and john cogan were chosen lords justices . butler died in the castle of arkelo , 1285. 1255. alan de la zouch succeed-lord justice , descended from alan viscount of roan in little brittain ; in times past lord ashbey de la zouch in leicester-shire . he was in the 34 of h. 3. chief justice of the kings bench. he was slain by john 7. earl warren and of surrey half brother to king h. 3. ) in westminster hall. 1259. stephen de long espee , second son of william the first earl of salisbury , justiciarius in hibernia & dominus capitalis erat o●dinatus . he died 1260. in ireland , being slain by his own people ; his body was buried in england . the 16 year of k. john , he was made earl of vlster . 1260. william dean , lord justice . he died 1261. 1261. sir richard de rupella , or rochel ; glynn calls him , la rochel de capel , lord justice ; who being recalled into england , 1267. sir david de barry was instituted in his place ; who did excellent service in composing some differences between the geraldines and bourks , which were too heady for the former governour ; it is conceived that the viscount barries in ireland descended from this man , and all from barry in glanmorganshire . 1268. sir robert de vfford , ancestor ( not unlike ) of robert de vfford earl of suffolk , lord justice ; upon whose remove into england 1269. richardus de exonia was made lord justice . he died the same year , and 1270. sir james audley , alias aldelegh , from whence ( as is supposed ) the noble lord audley , was made lord justice . he was killed with a fall from his horse in tocmond , 1272. june 23. after whose death till the entrance of edward the first , histories supply not who was instituted in his room . this was he ( as probably may be conjectured ) to whom hugh lacy earl of vlster gave lands , with the constableship of vlster . sub edwardo i. 1272. maurice fitz maurice , lord justice , to whom the king directs this writ , de conservatione pacis in hibernia . rex dilecto & fideli suo mauritio filio mauritii , justic . suo hibern . salutem . cum defuncto jam celebris memoriae domino h. rege patre nostro ad nos regni angliae gubernaculum & terrae hibern . dominium successione haereditaria pertineant , per quod nos qui in exhibitione & pacis conservatione omnibus & singulis de praedictis regno & sumus ex nunc debitores , jam pacem nostram in eodem regno nomine regis fecimus proclamari , vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes , quod per totam terram nostram hib. pacem nostram publice clamari & firmiter teneri faciatis ; inhibendo omnibus et singulis de eadem terra sub periculo exhaeredationis , vitae et membrorum , ne quis pacem nostram infringere praesumat . nos enim omnibus et singulis de praedicta terra nostra hiberniae in omnibus juribus et rebus ipsos contingentibus , contra quoscunque tam majores quam minores parati sumus & erimus plenam , auctore domino , justitiam exhibere . dat per manum w. de merton cancellarii nostri apud westminst . decemb. 7. 1173. geoffery lord genevil , of the house of lorrain ( newly returned in pilgrimage from the holy sepulchre ) lord justice , succeeded in october ; to whom i find many writs directed ; the following may be sufficient to testifie the truth . rex dilecto & fideli suo galfrido de genevil justiciario suo hiberniae salutem . mandamus vobis quod omnimodas exactiones , demandas & districtiones , quas fieri facitis venerabili cassalen archiepiscopo ponatis in respectum usque ad ventum nostrum in angliam , ut tunc inde provideatur quod rationabiliter fuerit inde faciendum , nullam molestiam sibi vel ecclesiae suae interim inferendo . dat , &c. junii 13. anno regno 2. he died the 12. before the calends of november , 1314. and was buried amongst the preaching friers in trim , the foundation he himself had established . 1276. sir robert de vfford , lord justice the second time , who going into england , 1279. stephen de fulborn , bishop of waterford ( afterwards archbishop of tuam ) treasurer of ireland , lord justice . the year following he surrenders , and vfford resigning it , he again accepts it , 1282. he died at dublin , 1288. 5. nonas julii ; to whom the king ( for the better support of his justiceship ) granted a pension out of the exchequer in ireland , of 500 l. per annum . rex omnibus ad quos , &c. salutem . sciatis quod concessimus venerabili patri s. waterfordensi episcopo , justiciario nostro hibern . 500 l. singulis annis a die dominica proxima ante festum apostolorum philippi & jacobi , anno regni nostri 13. quamdiu fuerit justiciarius noster , ibidem ad scaccarium nostrum dublin percipiendas , unam videlicet medietatem ad scaccarium nostrum s. michaelis , & aliam medietatem ad scaccarium nostrum paschae , pro expensis suis in officio praedicto , ita tamen quod si turbatio , quod absit , in praedicta terra emerserit , per quod castra nostra munire , & circa defensionem terrae nostrae propriae ibidem sumptus opponere necessario oportebit , tunc volumus quod aliquis baro vel clericus de quo fiducia habeatur , per thesaurarium & barones nostros de eodem scaccario deputetur , ad pecuniam nostram in eodem scaccario recipiendam , & in munitione & defensione hujusmodi ponendam & expendendam , per visum & testimonium praedicti justiciarii prode consilio praedictorum thesaurarii & baronum ad opus nostrum melius & securius fuerit faciendum , in cujus , &c. teste rege apud wolvemere , august . 6. 1288. john de saunford archbishop of dublin , lord justice a● tempus . vir fuit ( writes ware ) cum doctus tum insigni prudentia . he died in england octob. 2. 1294. on his return from an embassie to the emperour , and was buried in s. patricks church dublin , february 20. following . but prynn affirms that obiit in redeundo a rege arregoniae cui pro negotiis regis angliae missus fuerat 1290. william vescy , grandson of eustach , brother of sir war in de vescy , lord of knapton in yorkshire , lord justice . in his time the king directs his letters to the bishops and clergy of ireland to grant him a dism of their spiritualities to defray his debts in redeeming his nephew charles ; but they unanimously returned this answer , quod concessioni petitionis praefatae minime supercederunt . i find besides particular writs directed to our lord ●ustice vescy , but because they are ●ut businesses of form , i shall pass ●hem over . he returned into england a great difference being betwixt him and the earl of kildare . 1294. william de la hay was constituted governour ( who was the ●ustos officii capitalis justiciarii hi●erniae & consiliarius regius ) as ve●cies lieutenant ; during whose government or vescies , the king directs ●he ensuing writ , for thomas de s. leodegario illustri natus familia , ●ed moribus illustrior bishop of meath , ●o be admitted of his privy council . rex omnibus & singulis de consilio suo hibernia existentibus , salutem . de prudentia et circumspectione venerabilis patris tho. midensis episc . quem charum habemus & commendatum , specialem gerentes fiduciam , quod praesentia ipsius in consiliis dandis & in tractatu , habendo de negotiis n●stris in hibernia expediendis plurimum nobis et vobis posset esse profutura , et quod fideliter commodum nostrum pro viribus suis procurabi● et honorem . volumus , quod idem episcopus de caetero nostris consiliis intersit una vobiscum , quoties de agendis nostris ibidem tractatus habetur , et ideo vobis mandamus quod praedictum episcopum ad nostrum consilium admittatis , et ipsum tanquam unum de nostris consiliariis de caetero habeatis . teste rege apud berwick super tweed , octob. 22. &c. 1294. william dodingzele , or dodinsel , alias oddingeseles , lord justice ; to whom the king directs a writ for the restitution of temporalities , &c. rex dilecto et fideli suo willielmo de oddingeseles , vel ejus locum tenenti , salutem . teste rege apud aberconewey mart. 30. obiit april . 3. 1295. 1295. sir thomas fitz maurice , ●ord justice . he died 1298. having resigned 1295. to john wogan , who was made lord justice , october 18 ▪ to whom the king sends his royal ●ssent to elect and receive fealty of an abbot de weyna , so as not to prejudice his prerogative for the future . rex justiciario suo hiberniae , vel ejus locum tenenti , salutem , &c. volumus etiam et vobis damus potestatem , quod si contingat electionem hujusmodi perloci diocesanum canoni●● confirmari , et vobis , per literas ejusdem diocesani inde constiterit , tum accepta ab eodem electo fidelitate i● casu isto nobis debita temporalia ejusdem abbatiae eidem electo , prout moris est , liberetis , vice nostra , &c. teste rege apud plympton , april . 25. many other writs there were directed to him which ( not being to our intention ) we pass over , though such as are pleased to read them may turn over prynns history of edw 1. he quitting the place the same year ( probably ) william de ross prior of kilmainam , was instituted his lieutenant . 1302. john wogan ( the second time ) was made lord justice ; during whose government the king issued out letters to the prelates and clergy of ireland for a subsidy pro salvatione coronae nostrae regiae communique utilitate cleri et populi regni ●t terrarum nostro dominio subjecta●um , &c. assigning richard de burg earl of vlster , john wogan justice , and thomas cantock chancellor , &c ▪ ●o enquire and ask the same . teste rege apud blidam , januar. 17. the success of which we find covered in great silence . sub edwardo ii. the said john wogan continued justice til in august . 1308. the lord william bourk was made lord justice , or custos , or warden of ireland ; from whom proceeded the baron of castle conel and letrim , besides others of that family , since eminently serviceable in the wars of ireland . eodem anno pierce de gaveston ( being banished out of england ) was made lord lieutenant , that his exile might be the more sufferable , to whom the king assigned the commodities royal of that realm . he returned into england in june 1309. and afterwards was beheaded by the nobles at scarborough . the same year sir john wogan was made lord justice again . 1312. sir edmund le butler ( who was made deputy to sir john wogan : ) he died 1321. so also did sir john wogan . 1314. sir theobald lord de verdon was made lord justice , who in die sancti sylvestri venit in hiberniam : of whose name camd. in his history of ireland , writes that john lord verdon was constable of ireland . prynn in his history of edw. 1. mentions one theobald de verdon constable of ireland , who constituted the bishop of bath and wells , then chancellour , to present to all his churches in england , during his absence in ireland . an office ( of late years ) i do not find bestowed on any , formerly of ample jurisdiction in all concerns of arms , both as to what had been done abroad and at home , with whom often the marshal ( as being of affinity in power ) was joined . of which you may see more in stanlies case in the year 1557. 1314. sir edmund le butler lord justice , created by edw. 2. in the 9. year of his reign earl of carrick . he received his commission on friday after st. matthews day ; whilest he was governour ( ann scil . 1316. ) edward bruce , brother of robert king of scots , so prevailed , as that he was crowned king of ireland , reigning a year , england at that time ( saith davies ) not being able to send either men or money to save the kingdom , only sir roger de mortimer made justice , arrived at youghal in easter week cum 38. milit . and 1317. the said robert mortimer lord justice fencing with what prudence he could , at last the lord john burmingham was sent over general , who with vernon , stapleton , and the commons of meath , &c. encountring him near dundalk , overthrew his army , and flew him , et sic per manus communis populi et dextram dei liberatur populus dei a servitute machinata et praecogitata . mortimer going for england made 1318. william fitz john , archbishop of cassel , custodem hiberniae ; so that at one time he was justice , chanceller , and archbishop . he died septemb. 15. 1326. potens , dives , ac venerabilis in populo et in clero . the same year , ( to wit ) octob. 7. alexander bicknor archbishop of dublin , lord justice . 1319. sir roger mortimer returns out of england lord justice , who 1320. going into england , thomas fitz john earl of kildare , is substituted in his room . this year dublin is made an university , papae johannis xxii . authoritate alexander bicknor archbishop of dublin , much furthering so excellent a design , the publick place for whose exercise was st. patricks church , allowed of to this day in their more solemn commencements , caeterum deficientibus facultatibus quibus alumni alerentur academia ipsa paulatim defecit ; as others at armagh , and ross-carbery , or ross-alithry had done before , as since at tradagh , anno 5 edw. 4. graced with the same priviledges as oxford , so sir james ware. though in the reign of h. 7. there remained some tracts of this excellent work , an annual salary to several lecturers in divinity , being duly paid by virtue of what had been ordered in a provincial council held at dublin in trinity church , before walter fitz simons archbishop of dublin . since the university of dublin ( of which in its own place we shall speak more ) hath been favourably restored by queen elizabeth , march 3. anno mdxci . from whence there hath shot forth many useful lights in the common firmament ; besides dr. james vsher archbishop of ardmagh , one of the greatest magnitude ( for general learning and piety ) the last ages can truly boast of ; who was the first of the scholars admitted into the queens foundation , gradually proceeding according to his years . yet though ireland ( for the succession of some ages ) was esteemed the school of literature , and the mart of excellent manners . it is observable that very few , if any , of the natives ever flourished in england , either in the ecclesiastick or civil state , though many english increased in much honour and wealth there ; which fuller ( in his worthies , p. 67. ) attributes to this , that we love to live there where we may command , and they care not to live where they must obey . certainly the defect rests much in themselves , having been at all times indulged on their addresses , and are men of parts and capacities deep as others . 't is true , there were some acts made in henry the 6. reign against irish men inhabiting here in england in the universities , or being heads or governours of any hall or house , or to live in england without some previous considerations . as it was decreed at a council held at cleonard in ireland , 1163. gelacius archbishop of ardmagh being president , vt nullus deinceps ad theologiam publice praelegendum admitteretur , nisi qui academiae armachanae fuerit alumnus . yet i believe this was not the cause of those statutes , but some more pressing occasion since , which time and a friendlier education hath long worn out ; so as by an act in ireland the 13 of king james , there is a repeal of divers statutes concerning the natives , for as much as they and the inhabitants , without difference and distinction , were taken into his majesties gracious protection , and do now live under one law , as dutiful subjects of our sovereign lord and monarch , that nothing now incapacitates them to be as growing and acceptable here as we are there , but a deficiency in their application . 1321. john birmingham earl of louth , ( so created for his excellent service against bruce near dundalk ) lord of authenry was made lord justice . he was treacherously murthered by macgohegan and other irish men , 1329. with several of his family at balybragan . 1322. ralph de gorges , lord justice ; an ancient family in glocestershire . 1323. sir john darcy , lord justice , arrived at dublin , febr. 2. sub edwardo iii. 1327. thomas fitz john earl of kildare , lord justice . obiit 1328. on tuesday in easter week at maynoth . 1328. roger outlaw , prior of kilmainam , succeeded lord justice . he was prior of the hospital of st. john of jerusalem , and chancellour of ireland . 1329. sir john darcy , second time lord justice , who going for england deputes 1330. prior roger outlaw hi● lieutenant justice . 1331. sir anthony lucy , not unlikely of charle-cot in warwick shire ▪ a person of great authority in england , was sent over lord justice june 3. who endeavoured by a severe course ( the times requiring it ) to reduce the degenerate nation to a more ready obedience . but staying not long ( which some impute as a principal cause of the unhappiness of that kingdom ) effected little , as too frequent change o● governours often subjects forme● councils and proceedings to a disadvantage . 1332. sir john darcy , the third time lord justice , arrived at dubli● february 13. he went into scotland out of ireland with an army . 1333. and left in his stead as lord justice , thomas de burgh , a clergy man , then treasurer of ireland . 1337. sir john charleton miles ●● baro , came lord justice in festo ●alixti papae ; but not behaving himself as it was expected , he was complained of by his brother tho●as charleton chancellour of ireland , and bishop of hereford , who 1338. was made justice , custos , or guardian of the realm . he had been for a time treasurer of england , anno ( sci . ) 1329. he died jan. 11. 1343. and hath a reasonable fair tomb in the north wall of the north cross isle over against the clock in hereford cathedral . 1340. roger outlaw prior of kilmainam , succeeded charleton in the government . he died february 13. at any in comitatu leinster ; a●● then the king by his letters pate●● in the 14 year of his reign , ma●● john darcy justice for life . 1341. sir john morris ( dav●●● calls him sir william , oth●●● sir john ) came into ireland in m●● lord justice . 1344. sir ralph vfford , prob●bly of vfford in suffolk , a relation of sir robert , mentioned before , a man of courage and severit● came into ireland with his conso●● the countess of vlster july 13. lo●● justice ; obiit on palmsunday april 19. 1346. at kilmainam . the nobility ( who were wont to suffer ●● controllment ) speak ill of him , ●● of a rigorous and cruel man. h● was a singular good justicer , an● one ( that if he had not died ●● soon ) was the likeliest person ●● that age to have reduced the d●generate english colonies to the natural obedience to the crown of england . 1346. sir roger darcy ( whether ●● nocton in lincolnshire , or of ●●ick in essex ) was made lord justice ad tempus de assensu & ordina●●e regalium & aliorum in hiber●● , and was sworn , april 10. the ●●y following vffords death . 1346. sir john morris came lord justice may 25. he summoned a parliament at dublin , to which the ●arl of desmond refused to come , ●●senting some priviledges newly ●●ken away , formerly granted to ●●m and his ancestors , raising there●●on such a dissention between the english of blood and the english of ●●rth , as he and the earl of kildare , ●ith the citizens and burgesses of ●●e principal towns , summoned a ●ouncil at kilkenny , in opposition ●o the parliament ; but effected nothing more then some articles against maurice the justice , which vanished . he was put out by the king and sir walter birmingham was insttuted lord justice , and came into ireland in june , and was sworn lord justice the 19. of the same moneth who going for england 1348. made john archer pri●● of kilmainam , his deputy justice . 1348. sir walter birmingham returns justice as before , to who● the king gave the barony of ken●● in ossory , which belonged to eusta●● le poer , lately attainted and hanged obiit birmingham quondam optim●● justiciarius hiberniae in vigilia margaritae virginis 1350. in angli●● camden writes that he of the nob●● and martial family of the birminghams alias bremichams , took h●● original from the town so named i● warwickshire . 1349. dominus de carew , mil●● & baro , lord justice , probably of anthony in devonshire , though others think of clopton , whence the ●●rews barons of clopton in warwick shire . 1349. sir thomas rokeby , lord justice , of an ancient family in ●ork shire , sworn decemb. 20. who quitting it 1351. he appointed ( for a time ) maurice de rupeforti alias rochfort , bishop of limerick , his lieutenant justice ; who died june 9. ( some write april 15. ) 1353. doctus fuit ●ir bonae vitae & conversationis honestae . afterwards rokesby returned lord justice , and resigned july 20. 1355. to maurice fitz thomas earl of desmond . he died in dublin castle die conversionis st. pauli following . 1356. sir thomas rokesby was again lord justice . he died the same year in the castle of kilka . h● was an excellent governour : h● held a parliament at kilkenny , acting therein many laws for reducing the english colonies to their obedience . it is recorded of him , that he would eat in wooden dishes , but pay for his meat silver and gold . 1357. sir almarick de sancta amando ( of which name and ( for ought i can yet read ) of whose family the barons de sancto amand● of widehay in berkshire are probably descended ) lord justice ; he returned into england , anno 1358 or 1359. when 1359. james butler earl of ormond , son of edmund earl of carrick was made lord justice . he was created earl of ormond anno 2 ed ▪ 3. and by some stiled earl of tiperary . quem edw. 3. eo honoris evixit ▪ cujus majores olim honorarii erant hiberniae pincernae , unde illis hoc nomen butler impositum . he married the daughter of humphrey bohun earl of hereford , whom he had by a daughter of king edw. 1. whereupon his son james was ever stiled , the noble earl. 1360. the earl of ormond going into england , maurice fitz thomas earl of kildare was made lord justice , ut sequitur : omnibus ad quos hae literae provenerint salutem . sciatis quod commissimus dilecto & fideli nostro mauritio comiti kildare , officium justiciarii nostri terrae nostrae hiberniae , & terram nostram hiberniam , cum castris et omnibus pertinentiis suis custodiendam , quamdiu nobis placuerit : recipiendo ad scaccarium nostrum dubliniae per annum , quamdiu in officio illo sic steterit quingentas libras , pro quibus officium illud et terram custodiet , et erit vicessimus de hominibus ad arma cum to● equis coopertis continue durante commissione nostra supradicta , in cujus rei testimonium , &c. dat. per manus dilecti nostr● in christo fratris thomae de burgey , prioris hospitalis sti. johannis hierusalem in hibernia , cancellari● nostri hiberniae , apud dubliniam , martii 30. 35 ed. 3● the earl of kildare upon the return of the earl of ormond lord justice , surrenders to him ; and 1361. lionel duke of clarence ( sirnamed antwerp , the place of his birth ) third son of edw. 3. earl of vlster , and lord of connaght in right of his wife elizabeth , daughter and heir of william de burgo , came lord lieutenant into ireland , in octav . nativitatis mariae , with about 1500 men by the pole , accompanied with persons of great quality ; whose pay for himself and them ( davies in his discourse of ireland particularly expresses ) too circumstantial for us to insist on . his principal service was manifested in the well governing of his army , and in holding that famous parliament at kilkenny ; wherein the extortion of the souldier , and the degenerate manner of the english , were by strict laws reformed . he died october 17. 1368. not at venice , but at langavil in italy , soon after he had married violenta the duke of millains daughter ; where they feasted him so , as shortly after he died , and was buried at clare in suffolk . 1364. lionel duke of clarence went into england april 22. and left james earl of ormond his deputy justice of ireland , and decemb. 8. returned lord lieutenant . 1365. the duke of clarence going into england , sir thomas dal● was left governour and justice o● ireland . 1367. gerald fitz maurice ear● of desmond was made lord justice . 1369. sir william de winsor came into ireland july 12. lord lieutenant , who taking ship for england , march 21. 1371. the 22 of march maurice fitz thomas earl of kildare was sworn custos hiberniae . 1372. sir robert de ashton o● ashton under line in the county o● lancaster , was made lord justice ; a person of great account in this kings reign , as being constable o● dover castle , lord warden of the cinque ports , admiral of the fleet from thames mouth westward , lord treasurer of england annis 50 & 51 edw. 3. and as a record testifies , constituitur justiciarius hi●erniae quamdiu , &c. teste reg. apud westm ' , april 28. part 1. pat . anno 43 edw. 3. m. 15. he is buried in the church in dover castle , with this inscription ; hic jacet robertus ashton , miles , quondam constabularius castri dovoriae , & custos 5 portuum ; qui obiit nono die jan. anno domini 1384. cujus animae propitietur deus . amen . in the 44. of this kings reign ( saith my lord coke ) in the 46. ( writes rushw . ) 1371 / 2. sir richard pembridge alias pembrugh , a baron , was appointed deputy of ireland , but he refused to go ; whereupon his offices , fees , and lands , which he held of the king for life , being his servant ( as warden of the cinque ports , &c. ) were all seized on pro servitio impendendo ; yet he was no● upon that resolution committed t● prison ; for that he being unwilling to go , the imployment was adjudged an exile , and no man by the common law is perdere patriam , but by authority of parliament , or in case of abjuration fo● felony . 1374. sir william de windsor arrived at waterford lord lieutenant april 18. and took his oath for th● execution of his place at kilkenny may 4. following ; undertaking th● custody of ireland for 11213l . 6s . 8a ▪ but did no wonders . he descende● of sir james de windsor , lord o● stanwel in middlesex , as i understand from the present lord windsor . 1376. james butler earl of ormond , succeeded in the government . sub richardo ii. james butler earl of ormond continued lord governour till that 1379. john de bromwich was made lord justice , to whom succeeded edmund mortimer , lord lieutenant . he died at cork 1381. on st stephens day , in the abbey of dominicans , and was buried at wigmore . 1381. john colton , dean of s. patricks by dublin , lord chancellor of ireland , afterwards archbishop of ardmagh , was made lord justice : he took his oath at cork in the covent of the preaching friers , decemb. 27. he died the 5. of the calends of may 1404. and was buried in droghedagh in saint peters church , where sometime before his death , he renounced his prelacy . 1383. philip de courtney , lord lieutenant , and then 1385. robert vere , the ninth earl of oxford , a great favourite of the kings , was made lord lieutenant , having been created marquess of dublin and duke of ireland the 10 of richard 2. in which year the king furnished him with a great sum of money , that he might go into ireland to get dominium quod sibi rex donaverat . so walsingham . sed novus iste insolitus & umbratilis honor cito evanuit . brook in his catalogue of nobility , saith more , to whom i refer you . he died in lovania , 1392. in great anguish of mind and penury ; leaving ( saith camd. ) nothing but to his tomb titles , and to the world matter of talk. he was buried at colne in essex , in great funeral state , the king a mourner . after all his preparations and full charter even to pass all things with his own teste . he ( as some others ) bore only the title of lieutenant , never going into ireland , but deputed 1385. sir john stanley , his lieutenant . 1387. alexander de balscot , alias petit , bishop of meath , ( who had been treasurer and chancellor of ireland , ) lord justice . he died at ardbracan ( a village in meath ) the 10 of november 1400. and was buried at trim in st. maries monastery . 1389. sir john stanley ( returning into ireland ) took his oath of lord justice , octob. 25. the earl of oxford ( nomine ) being lord lieutenant . 1392. james earl of ormond , lord justice ; during whose government the earl of oxford ( under whom he was justice ) died ( as we have said ) in lovania ; yet he continued his government , his patent being from the king , not determining with the earl of oxfords death . 1394. thomas of woodstock , duke of glocester , ( who afterwards was treacherously strangled ) going with an army for ireland ( cujus insulae judum rex creaverat eum ducem ) was suddenly recalled ; and the same year , king richard 2. ( having been slighted by the princes of germany , to whom by his ambassadors he addressed himself to have been made emperour ) arrived at waterford october 2. with an army of 4000 men at arms , and 30000 archers , the better to convince them of his manhood . but returned at shrovetide , being cheated by a feigned submission of the irish . and at his return he left roger mortimer , earl of march and vlster , lord of wigmore , trim , clare , and connaght , lord lieutenant . he was afterwards slain by o. brien , &c. at kenlis in ossory july 20. 1398. on whose death 1398. roger gray was chosen lord justice in his stead . the same year thomas holland , duke of surrey , earl of kent , and lord wake , half brother to king r. 2. came to dublin lord lieutenant october 7. he was in 1400. beheaded for conspiring to set up king richard 2. after king henry 4. had been established . 1399. king richard the second time came into ireland to revenge mortimers death , and arrived at waterford june 1. upon whose arrival all things succeeded prosperously ; for the irish being divided into many factions , and they not being united , the whole was sooner overcome . but in the height of these proceedings , tidings came of henry duke of lancasters preparations and proceedings in england . upon which the king quieted all things ( at a great uncertainty ) in ireland , and having there imprisoned ( in trim castle ) the sons of the duke of glocester and lancaster , he arrived ( in three nights ) at milford-haven in wales , and thence marched forwards to his ruine , yielding himself up at flint . at his disserting of ireland we find not who was left governour . but the time not being long betwixt duke henries being setled in the throne , and king richard 2. coming out of ireland , we may probably conjecture , who commanded the army , had also the government of the realm . sub henrico iv. 1399. sir john stanley was made lord lieutenant of ireland decemb. 10. whilest he thus possessed the government , i find in ware , de praes . hib. a writ from h. 4. anno 1400. directed to sir thomas de burgo knight , justiciario suo in partibus conaciae , ordering him to restore the temporalities to thomas bishop alladensis . and here that it might not be supposed that this sir thomas , entituled justice , had thereby any other power then a justiceship of peace , or at most ( as we now call it ) the presidentship of connaght i could not but take notice hereof , not having met with the like president ; the usual writs ( for the restoring of temporalities ) being to the chief governour only , as justiciario regis , of which in prynns history of king john , h. 3. ed. 1. are many presidents . 1401. in may sir john stanley goes for england , and leaves sir william stanley of holton in werral in cheshire , in his place . 1401. august 23. stephen scroop , of which family there was the lord scroop of bolton castle in richmondshire , arrived in ireland , deputy to thomas of lancaster ( the kings son. ) he came into ireland november 13. the same year ; who going for england about novemb. 11. 1403. left stephen scroop his deputy ; and he going for england the first day of lent , the noblemen of ireland chose james earl of ormond lord justice , who died at gauran ( or raligauran ) 1405. september 6. to whom succeeded 1405. gerald earl of kildare . 1406. after michaelmass stephen scroop returned into ireland deputy to thomas of lancaster , lord lieutenant . he died at tristle-dermot , jan. 16. 1408. 1407. scroop going this year into england , james butler earl of ormond , son of the former earl , was elected by the country , lord justice . 1408. thomas of lancaster the kings son , lands at carlingford in ireland august 2. lord lieutenant . the third of the ides of march following he returned for england . afterwards ( viz. ) march 22. 1421. he was slain at the battle of bangy by the duke of alanson . on his remove he left thomas butler prior of kilmainam his deputy . during his government ( viz. in the tenth year of the king ) hen. 4. gave the sword to the city of dublin , formerly governed by a provost , as appears by their ancient seal , called signum praepositurae , which in the 14 of hen. 3. was governed by a major with two bailiffs , which bailiffs were changed into sheriffs by charter of ed. 6. 1547. since in the 17 year of king charles 1. by a patent dated july 29. at westminster , the government was changed into a lord major , though they took not up the title till michaelmass 1665. that sir daniel bellingham knight , goldsmith , for the year beginning at michaelmass , was made lord major , 1665. john desmynieres , merchant , 1666. mark quinne , apothecary , 1667. john forrest , merchant , and sometimes chandler , 1668. lewis desmynieres , merchant , 1669. enoch reader , merchant , 1670. john tottie , merchant , and sometimes glover , 1671. robert dery , shoemaker , 1672. joshua allen , merchant , 1673. sub henrico v. 1413. the said prior of kilmainam continued lord justice , till that 1413. october 7. sir john stanley landed at clantarfe near dublin , lord lieutenant . he died jan. 6. following at ardee . he was the son of john the ancestor of the illustrious family of the stanleys , first created earl of derby , anno 1 h. 7. the transactions of whose affairs in ireland , were preserved ( with other evidences ) in the eagle tower at lathum in lancashire , till the ruines of that magnificent seat fell a sacrifice to the insolencies of the late times , which the last lord charles ( a person of exemplary worth and humanity , who died decemb. 1. 1672. ) hath since raised up ( with advantage ) from its loyal rubbish , 1671. upon sir john stanleys death the 11. of february following , thomas cranley archbishop of dublin , twice chancellour of ireland , was elected lord justice . of whom ware writes that vir fuit qui non modo ingenio verum etiam calamo ( utpote bonis instructus artibus ) plurimum valuit ; with which elogie i may very well take up , but being that he was buried in new colledge chappel in oxford , of which he had been the first warden , i may injure their antiquities not to insert his epitaph , which so long they have admitted in their sanctuary , though truly it neither bespeaks his worth , or the least ingenuity of those times . he was sometimes chancellor of oxford . he died may 25. 1417. at faringdon , and on a fair stone in new colledge chappel inlaid with brass , there is a portraicture of a bishop clothed in his sacred vestments , over whom there is placed the arms of the see of dublin and his own , and under all this inscription , incedens siste , locus aspice quod tenet iste , annis bis denis pater almus alumnus egenis , pontificis gratum develyn corpus tumulatum , sedet sacratus fungens vice pontificatus . transfuga quem cernis dum vita vices variavit spiritus eripitur , non arte valens revocari . mors carnis , vivit , sub humo lectum sibi stravit , quaeso piis praecibus sibi viribus auxiliari . this inscription incompasses the sides of the stone . flori pontificum thomae cranley , deus istum annuit optatum funer is esse locum talem nutrivit locus is , quem postea rexit quo sibi quaesivit requiem cum lumina flexit m c junge quater , i duples , v numerater invenies annum quo ruit iste pater aldelmi festo cursu migravit honesto qui circumstatis praecibus sibi subveniatis . 1414. sir john talbot , lord furnival and verdon , lands at dalkie in ireland , september 10. lord lieutenant . whilest he was lieutenant of ireland , anno ( sci . ) 1418. the earl of kilmain with 1600 men armed after their fashion ( which you may read in the year 1578. pelham being justice ) came from harflue , where they landed and did excellent service as they were commanded to attend in the forrest of lions ; these were the first most considerable forces drawn out of ireland . when he left ireland he substituted his brother 1419. richard talbot , archbishop of dublin , lord justice , july 22. 1420. james butler , earl of ormond , landed at waterford april 4. lord lieutenant . sub henrico vi. 1422. the said earl of ormond continued lord lieutenant till that 1423. edmund mortimer , earl of march and vlster , was sent over lord lieutenant . he died of the plague in the castle of trim in ireland , 1424. the third year of king h. 6. and was buried at stoke near clare . 1425. john lord talbot was made lord justice . 1426. james butler earl of ormond , lord justice . he died as it is conjectured , at ormond-place near garlick-hithe london , a noble seat of that families , and was certainly buried at st. thomas of acres , called mercers chappel , and dame joan his countess , 1428. 1427. sir john de gray , lord lieutenant , arrived at houth the last of july , and august 1. took his oath . who afterwards going for england left 1428. edward dantsey , bishop of meath , for a time treasurer of ireland , his deputy . he died jan. 4. 1428. 1428. the right noble and right gracious lord , sir john sutton , ( whether of stourton castle in staffordshire , or of the family of notingham , is uncertain ) was made lord lieutenant ; before whom a parliament was held at dublin the friday after the feast of all-saints , in the 7 of this kings reign . 1429. sir thomas strange was made deputy to sir john sutton ; probably this strange came from hunstanton in norfolk . 1432. sir thomas stanley was made lord lieutenant . he going for england constitutes 1432. sir christopher plunket his deputy a valiant and wise man , who in right of his wife , heir of the family of the cusacks , was afterwards made baron of killin , and his second son baron of dunsany . 1435. sir thomas stanley returns again lord lieutenant . 1436. richard talbot , brother of john earl of shrewsbury , archbishop of dublin , was made deputy to sir thomas stanley , lord lieutenant . 1438. lion lord wells , lord lieutenant , of alford in lincolnshire , an ancient and worthy family . 1440. richard talbot , archbishop of dublin , lord justice , before whom a parliament was held at dublin in the 18 year of the kings reign . the same year james earl of ormond , lord lieutenant , and before the end of the year lion lord wells again lord lieutenant . this i conceive was that worthy person , who not prevailing with his son sir robert wells to quit h. 6. interests , was beheaded by edw. 4. 1470. 1441. james earl of ormond , deputy to the said lion lord wells , to whom as it seems by sir james ware , de praes . hib. fol. 170. the temporalities of the bishoprick of cassels ( on the death of richard o-hedian ) was ad firmam given for 10 years , that see being so long vacant . 1442. william wells esq ; deputy to the said lion lord wells . 1443 james earl of ormond was made lord lieutenant of ireland , continuing till that 1446. john earl of shrewsbury came over lord lieutenant , before whom a parliament was held at trim in 25 of h. 6. he was slain at castilion upon dordon near burdeaux july 20. saith vincent , the monument saith july 7. through the shot of a harquebush in his thigh after that he had given testimonie of his valour 24. years . some would have him to be buried at rhoan i● normandy , but certainly he was interred at whitchurch in shropshire with this epitaph ; orate pro anima praenobilis domini domini johannis talbot quondam comitis salopiae , domini furnival , domini verdon , domini strange de black-mere , & mare scalli franciae . qui obiit in bello apud burdews , julii 7● m. cccc . liii . at his return to england he accused the earl of ormond of high treason before the earl of bedford constable of england , in his marshals court , the king did abolish the accusation . 1447. richard talbot archbishop of dublin , was appointed his deputy under the title of justice . he writ many things , but ( saith sir j. ware de scriptoribus hiberniae ) nothing is extant but what he writ , de ●busu regiminis jacobi comitis ormo●iae dum hiberniae esset locum tenens . who by thomas fitz thomas , prior of kilmainam , was appeached of treason , and appointed the combat , but took off ( as is before mentioned ) by the king. he died aug. 15. 1449. and lies buried in st. patricks church , with this epitaph . talbot richardus latet hic sub marmore pressus , archi fuit praesul hujus sedis reverendae parvos canonicos , qui fundavitque choristas . anno milleno , c quater , quater x quoque nono quindeno augusti mensis mundo va● ledixit omnipotens dominus cui propicietu● in aevum . 1449. richard plantagenet duke of york , chief of the faction of the white rose ( son and heir of richard of conesbury , earl of cambridge , second son of edmund langley duke of york ) was made lord lieutenant of ireland . he arrived at houth july 5. the rebels being very insolent against whom he so behaved himself that he not only suppressed them but ever after purchased the affection of the irish nation firm and entire to him ; and having established statutes and ordinances in a great council held at dublin in the 28 year of this kings reign ; as also afterwards in a parliament at drohedagh in the said 28 year o● hen. 6. he going for england 1450. made james earl of ormond his deputy ; who 1453. being besides earl of ormond , earl of wiltshire , and lord treasurer of england ( in the 33 of ● . 6. and also again about the 37. ●nd so continued till the 38 year ) ●as made lord lieutenant . he was ●● the first year of edward the 4. be●eaded at newcastle 1461. which at●indor was taken off in a parliament at westminster , begun in nov. in the first year of h. 7. and sir th. butler was invested in his honours and estate . at his leaving ireland the same year , john mey archbishop of armagh , ●as constituted his deputy . he died ●456 . 1454. thomas fitz maurice , earl of kildare , lord deputy . 1454. sir eustace●night ●night , was made deputy to richard duke of york , lord lieutenant of ireland . before whom a parliament was held in the 32 of h. 6. 1456. thomas fitz maurice , earl of kildare , deputy to the duke o● york , lord lieutenant ; before whom the 33 of h. 6. there was holden a parliament at dublin , by several prorogations at naas and dublin , &c. 1459. richard duke of york lord lieutenant , came into ireland having the earldom of vlster , and the lordship of connaght and meath by descent from lionel duke of clarence . he held a parliament at drogedagh the 38 of h. 6. the conditions on which he took the government were ; 1. that he should be the king lieutenant of ireland for te● years . 2. that to support the charge o● that country , he should receiv● all the kings revenues there , both certain and casual , without accompt . 3. that he should be supplied also with treasure out of england in this manner : he should have 4000 marks for the first year , whereof he should be imprested 2000 l. before hand , and for the other nine years he should receive 2000 per annum . 4. that he might let or farm any of the kings lands , and place or displace all officers at his pleasure . 5. that he might levie or wage what numbers of men he thought fit . 6. that he might make a deputy , and return at his pleasure . all which he managed with so much advantage , as he greatly gained upon the nation , erecting only in louth , meath , and kildare , some castles to stop the incursions of the irishry . at his remove from thence ( in pursuit of a crown ) the greatest part of the nobility and gentry o● meath passed over with him into england , and were slain with him at wakefield 1460. he was first buried at pontfract , and afterwards removed to fotheringhay . sub edwardo iv. 1460. thomas fitz maurice , ear● of kildare , lord justice . 1462. sir rowland fitz eustace knight , lord of port leicester , treasurer of england , deputy to george duke of clarence , third son of richard duke of york , and brother to king edw. 4. born in the castle o● dublin , lord lieutenant ; before whom was held a parliament at dublin the 2 of edw. 4. he died december 19. 1496. and was buried in the covent of minor friers at kilcullen ( new-abbey ) whereof he had been founder , but erected for himself and his lady , a specious monument in st. audoenus church in st. maries chappel in dublin . he had given him the mannor of port leicester , and the honour of a parliament baron , by edw. 4. as also the title of viscount baltinglass , by h. 8. 1463. george duke of clarence was made lord lieutenant for life , but as others held the lieutenancy by substitutes ; as 1463. thomas earl of desmond , deputy to the said duke of clarence , held a parliament at weys in the 3 year of edw. 4. as also at other places by prorogations . he lost his head at drogedagh for the exactions of coin and livery . 1467. john lord tiptoft and powes , earl of worcester , treasurer of england in the 31 and 32 years of h. 6. also in the 2 and 3 of edw. 4. in whose reign he was made constable of england for life , lord deputy of ireland to the duke of clarence . one of the most learned and eloquent men in christendom . of whom i may say what pliny writes of aristonis , vt mihi non unus homo , sed literae ipsae omnesque bonae artes in uno homine summum periculum adire videantur . so that in him more learning was struck off at one blow , than was left in the heads of the surviving nobility . he was born at everton in cambridg shire , brought up in baliol colledge in oxford . he held a parliament at dublin in the 7. of this king. he was attainted by parliament in england for taking part with edw. 4. against king h. 6. who had then again resumed his title with a grateful admittance into london , and was beheaded on tower-hill 1470. and his body was buried in the preaching friers london . 1467. thomas fitz maurice , earl of kildare , made lord justice , and 1471. lord deputy to george duke of clarence ; before whom a parliament was held at naas the 12 of edw. 4. 1475. william sherwood , bishop of meath , deputy to the duke of clarence , lord lieutenant . in july he held a parliament at dublin the 15 of edw. 4. he died at dublin december 3. 1482. and lies buried in the church of st. peter and paul near trim. 1478. henry gray , lord gray of ruthin , a descendant of the earls of kent , deputy to the said duke of clarence , and the same year sir robert preston knight , descended from the line of the prestons in lancashire , was deputy to the said henry lord gray , and before the end of the year gerald earl of kildare , was made lord justice ; vir licet spectatae fortitudinis rigidus tamen & praeferox . he held a parliament at dublin the 18 of the king , and 1479. the said gerald earl of kildare , was made deputy to richard of shrewsbury duke of york , second son of edw. 4. nominated lord lieutenant of ireland . he held a parliament at dublin the 20 of edw. 4. sub edwardo v. 1483. the said earl of kildare was continued deputy . sub richardo iii. 1483. the said earl of kildare was first made deputy to edward the kings son ; before whom sub exitum anni ( writes sir james ware ) in parliamento dublinii incepto lata est lex de nummis adveteratis fi angendis . edward the kings son died 1484. the 2 of richard 3. and after the death of edward the kings son , the said earl of kildare was made lord deputy to john de la pole earl of lincoln , lord lieutenant ; who was slain at stokefield , taking part with martin swarth , june 20. the 2 of h. 7. 1487. sub henrico vii . 1485. gerald earl of kildare was continued deputy to the said earl of lincoln , lord lieutenant . whilest the government was thus committed to kildare , lambert simnel ( a youth that carried a kind of fascination in his countenance ) was sent thither out of the burgundian forge with a considerable force under martin swarth , a german , accompanied with the earl of lincoln , the lord lovel , and other persons of quality ; who so smoothly carried their design , as the deputy , the chancellour , treasurer of ireland , and some of the bishops ( all friends to the white rose ) conceived this pretender to be the true earl of warwick , son of george duke of clarence , rightful heir to the crown of england ; and thereupon had him solemnly crowned in christ church dublin , with a crown taken off the head of the statue of the blessed virgin mary , who ( on such occasions it seems ) takes it not ill to be divested of her attire . afterwards that idol , with its complices , were defeated at stokefield , and ( which some account a notable subtilty in h. 7. ) our deputy the earl of kildare , with all the council were not only pardoned , but continued in the same government with instructions suitable to the time. and then 1491. he was made deputy to jasper earl of pembroke and duke of bedford , uncle to h. 7. lord lieutenant . after whom 1492. walter fitz simons , archbishop of dublin , was made deputy to the said duke of bedford and earl of pembroke , lord lieutenant ; who held a parliament at dublin the 8 of h. 7. and was afterwards chancellour ; who in synodo ab e● dublinii celebrata theologiae praelectori salarium assignavit à se & suffragiis suis annuatim pendendum ; an argument the university formerly established by archbishop bicknor 1320. was not wholy neglected . he died at finglass may 14. 1511. and was most honourably buried in st. patricks church dublin . 1493. robert preston , viscount gormanston , succeeded deputy to the duke of bedford . he was the first viscount gormanston . he died the 5. of the ides of april , 1541. he held a parliament at drogedagh , which was repealed the 10 of h. 7. because he had no power by his commission to keep a parliament ; other causes are alledged also . the duke of bedford died decemb. 21. 1495. the 11 of h. 7. gormanston quitted his government the same year to his son , as his vicar or deputy ; who surrendred it 1494. to sir edward poynings , knight of the garter , and one of the privy council in england , designed deputy , decemb. 13. and was sworn at dublin not long after . he held a parliament at drogedagh in the 10 of the king ; wherein ( besides many acts of notable importance ) he passed an act , that no parliament should be holden in ireland until the acts were first certified into england , and thence returned with the royal assent under the great seal ; which hath been the grand security of what the english hath since enjoyed . then also it was enacted , that all the statutes made in england to that time , should also be in force in ireland . so making ( saith my lord bacon ) some compensation for the meagreness of his service in the war. also there past an act that the lords of ireland should appear in the like parliament robes in the parliament of ireland , as the english lords are wont to wear in the parliament of england . which some of them put on not with less regret than ours would their trowses ; as tirlagh lynnagh who was suffered to bea● the title of o-neal , after it was dam'd by an act of parliament . he died an old man , anno 1522. he going for england in jan. 1495. leaves henry dean , then bishop of bangor ( writes ware ) but not till the year following ( saith godwin , ) only prior of lanthony abbey , and chancellor of ireland , lord justice . a person of great prudence , soon detecting the imposture of perkin warbeck . dean died archbishop of canterbury at lambeth , febr. 15. 1502. and lies buried in the martyrdom at canterbury under a fair marble stone inlaid with brass . 1496. august 6. gerald earl of kildare , was made lord lieutenant ; before whom , august 26. at tristledermort was held a parliament in the ●4 h. 7. 1503. in april , walter fitz simons , vir gravis & eruditus , archbishop of dublin , succeeded deputy to the said earl of kildare : and in august the same year quitted the sword to gerald earl of kildare , ( magno tum honore & novis instructionibus ) returning out of england lord deputy , maugre all the malice of his adversaries . sub henrico viii . 1509. the said gerald earl o● kildare continued his government with a new patent , under the title of justice , though the year following he was made deputy ; holding a parliament by several prorogations at dublin in the 7 of h. 8 ▪ and 1513. in august at athy he fe● sick , from whence he was carried t● kildare , where sept. 3. he died . q●licet magnis difficultatibus diu conflictatus fuerit , posteriora tamen tempora magna animi tranquillitate reb●semper ferè ad vota fluentibus transegit he was buried in trinity church dublin , in a chappel erected by himself . this gerald earl of kildare had been at several times 3● years lord deputy of ireland which ( had he not been a person o● sigular parts ) he could never have ●een entrusted with . 1513. his son gerald earl of ●ildare , was senatus regis assensu , ●eing then treasurer , made lord ●ustice . a custom , mos per vicissi●dines ab antiquo mansit in hibernia , ●● deinceps jam mansurus est in poste●m , anno enim 33 h. 8. cap. 2. li●irici sancitur : ut vel moriente re●i praefecto seu deputato , vel ex oc●sione ▪ succedente : regis illic consi●●rii , anglum elegant in justiciarium ●● gubernatorem regni , regio beneplacito duraturum , that had been ●●ng used on the death of the principle officer , as is evident by an act , ●ntituled , an act for the electing ●●e lord justice , the 23 of h. 8. therein it is enacted that none should be elected but who is an english man , born within the realm of england , being no spiritual person . afterwards by a patent from england , he was made lord deputy . who in the 7 year of h. 8. hel● a parliament at dublin , begun february 25. 1515. june 13. willam preston viscount gormanston was declare● lord justice , but forthwith put ou● and the said earl of kildare wa● continued lord deputy ; who going for england 1519. leaves , regia licentia pri● impetrata , sir thomas fitz maurice ●● lackagh , a knight of his own family , lord justice . 1520. a little before whitsontide thomas howard earl of surrey , elder son of thomas duke of norfolk , admiral of england , wales , and ireland knight of the garter , was made lord lieutenant of ireland , magis ex od● kildarium ( whom wolsey hated quam ex amore erga surreium , sait● polid. virg. mentioned by sir james ware ( as in the later ages and for mer too ) others have been advanced thither on the like principles . ●e held a parliament at dublin , june 4. 1521. in the 13 of h. 8. by several prorogations . about christmass following he went into england , where having discharged the weightiest employment of his king with much integrity and honour , as he had done here and in france , scotland , and elsewhere , being a great master of wisdom through long experience : he fell at last into this kings displeasure , his son ( ingenio florenti & eruditione magna traeditus ) being accused , and afterwards beheaded for quartering king idward the confessors arms with his , though ex sententia faecialium ; for which our lieutenant ( now duke of norfolk ) was also committed prisoner to the tower , though he had ( saith the lord cherbury ) eis much merit of ancient service to plead for him , as any subject of his time could pretend to . he laya long time prisoner there , at last was sent against wiat with an inconsiderable handful ( made up for the greatest part ) of the kings guards ; but not succeeding ( having been ever before prosperous ) laid it much to heart , and being tossed to and fro betwixt the reciprocal ebbs and fluxes of fortune , died in sept. 1554. in the 1 and 2 year of philip and mary , at keninghal in norfolk . when he went for england he left 1521. his intimate friend pierce butler , earl of ormond , ( after earl of ossory ) a near allie of thomas , who died in london , and was buried in mercers chappel 1515. quo subditum ditiorem , si vera sint quae de eo traduntur , anglia , eo tempore , non vidit ; about christmass was left lord deputy . 1524. gerald earl of kildare was made lord deputy about midsummer ; who caused maurice cava●agh , arch-deacon of leghlyn , to be hung on a gibbet , and his bowels burnt , for most wickedly killing his dioecesan , maurice doran at glen-reynold , a man much praised for his excellent manners and elegance in preaching . kildare being sent for into england , was by cardinal wolseys subtle means , ordered to be beheaded in the tower , and the execution had certainly been done , had not the lieutenant of the tower favouring kildare , acquainted the king therewith ; who not only respited his death , but returned him with honour into ireland , checking the cardinals presumption . upon his being sent for into england , he 1526. left ( in his stead ) thomas fitz gerard of leixlip , lord deputy . the same year he going off , richard nugent , baron of delvin , was ( in his stead ) left lord deputy . he was taken prisoner by o-connor , 1538. treacherously , during a pa●ley between them . he descended of gilbert nugent , to whom ( behaving himself valiantly ) hugh lacy gave lands in meath . 1528. pierce butler then earl of ossory ( the title of the earl of ormond , which to that time he had born , being descended of the earls race , was conferred on thomas ●ullin viscount rochford , ) who à senatu regio , was chosen lord deputy in delvins stead . 1530. sir william skeffington , lord deputy to henry fitz roy duke of richmond and sommerset , base son of h. 8. l. lieut. of ireland 1532. gerald earl of kildare , lord deputy to the said duke of richmond , &c. l. lieutenant ; and being sent for into england , left in his stead his eldest son ( as one for whose doing he would answer ) ut pro cujus fidelitate ipse vellet fide jubere . 1534. thomas , then scarce 21 years old , his deputy . a youth of a hot and active brain , who having intelligence ( though false ) that his father was beheaded in england , ( indeed he was imprisoned in the tower ) immediately flung up the insignia regalia to cromer chancellor of ireland , bidding defiance to the king and his ministers , slaying in his fury dr. john allin archbishop of dublin , near clantarfe , febr. 28. in the 58 year of his age , committing besides many outrages ( the father gerald e. of kildare dies in the tower oppressed with the news of his sons inconsiderateness ) upon which 1534. sir w. skeffington l. deputy arrived at dublin octob. 21. and died at kilmainam about the end of decem. and was honourably buried ( according to his dignity ) in st. patricks church , though afterwards a monument was erected for him at skeffington in leicestershire from whence he descended ; since demolished by the impiety of the last age. 1535. leonard lord gray , son of thomas gray , marquess dor●t , created viscount of garny in ireland , jan. 1. was made lord deputy to henry duke of richmond and sommerset . the duke died at st. james's house beyond charing cross , in the 16 year of his age , july 22. anno 1535. and was buried at thetford in norfolk . our deputy held a parliament in the 28 of h. 8. by several prorogations . wherein amongst other acts , thomas late earl of kildare was with some others attainted for the insolencies he had done during his deputyship . which act was repealed in the 11 year of queen eliz. the earl of kildare's brothers and sisters being thereby restored to their blood , as in king edw. 6. his reign ; gerald ( earl thomas's brother ) was restored to his ancient inheritance , and by q. mary may 14. 1554. to his honour and baron of offaly ; who returning the same year into ireland , was received with great applause by the people , though his brother had been beheaded and 5 uncles hanged at tiburn , febr. 3. 1537. and it was further also enacted in this parliament , that the king his heirs and successors should be supream head of the church of ireland , prohibiting also appeals to rome . this lord gray was in the year 1541. beheaded on tower-hill about june 25. for having , ( as it was conjectured ) joined with cardinal pool and others of the kings enemies ; notwithstanding his good service against o-donnel and o-neal ; as also in france and other places : the council of ireland ( with whom he often wrangled ) having much prejudiced him in the kings thoughts . at his going for england 1540. sir william brereton afterwards marshal of ireland , ancestor of the breretons of brereton in cheshire , since baron of laghlin in ireland was left justice , who died the same year at kilkenny , in his journey towards limerick , and was buried in st. canicus's church in kilkenny . 1540. sir anthony st. leger , a kentish man , vnus nobilium secretioris camerae regis , july 25. lord deputy , sworn in trinity church in dublin , in this form , viz. you shall swear that you shall faithfully and truly to your power , serve our sovereign lord the kings majesty in the room and authority of lord deputy and chief governour of this his realm of ireland , you shall maintain and defend the laws of god and the christian faith : you shall to your power not only keep his majesties peace amongst his people , but also maintain his officers and ministers in the execution and administration of justice : you shall defend his majesties castles , garrisons , dominions , people and subjects of this realm , and repress his rebels and enemies : you shall not consent to the damage and disherizen of his majesty , his heirs , or successors ; neither shall you suffer the right of the crown to be destroyed by any way , but shall let it to your power ; and if you cannot let the same , you shall certifie his majesty clearly and expresly thereof : you shall give your true and faithful counsel for the kings majesties profit ; and his highness council you shall conceal and keep : all other things for the preservation of his majesties realm of ireland , the peace amongst his people , the execution of his justice according to his majesties laws , vsages , and customs of this his highness realm , you shall perform and do to your power . so god you help and the contents of this book . before whom a parliament was held at dublin , june 13. the 33 of h. 8. in which it was enacted that the king and his successors should be kings of ireland , not but that before by the name of lord of ireland , they had all sovereign jurisdiction and preheminence , but as a title more repleat with majesty , ut dum colit terras ipso nomine & titulo regis consecraretur ; which title the 7 of the ides of june 1555. paul the 4. bishop of rome confirmed , not being able to take away that which h. 8. had before decreed . to him the irishry and degenerate english make their several submissions by indenture ; as formerly to h. 2. to king john , to edw. 1. to richard 2. and now to sir anthony st. leger in 33 of h. 8. 1543. sir anthony going into england , leaves febr. 10. sir william brabazon , lord justice . 1544. sir anthony st. leger kt. of the garter , august 11. the second time arrives at dublin , lord deputy : who going for england 1546. leaves sir william brabazon , the second time lord justice , who took his oath in christ church dublin , april 1. sub edwardo vi. 1547. the said sir anthony st. leger continued governour first under the title of lord justice , the deputy . he overcame the o-birns , &c. to him was sent from england sir edward billingham unus è nobilibus secretioris camer● regis , titulo capitanei , generalis vi● fortitudine & militari scientia clarus with 600 horse and 400 foot , wh● so powerfully pursued the o-more and o-connars , as they submitted t● the deputy : for which service he was knighted and made marshal o● ireland . 1548. sir edward billingham landed at dalkie in the vigils o● whitsontide , and the second day after received the sword in trinity church dublin . brian o-connar and patrick o-more great lords of ●●ix and offaly , whom he had formerly subdued , st. leger takes with him into england , to whom the king gives a yearly pension of 100l . ● piece . o-more dies at london within the year , the ensuing year billingham being maligned by some ●f the council , is called into england , at whose departure the council of ireland offered him commendatory letters ; to which he replied , that credo resurrectionem ●●rtuorum , if my innocency cannot protect me , subterfugies shall not do it ; my enemies may kill me , but not conquer me . he died in england the year following , more of grief than a disease , after that he had cleared himself of the accusation , and it was resolved to have sent him again deputy into ireland . he was a fervent protestant and an excellent governour , spending his whole allowance in hospitality , calling th● same his dear masters meat , none ●● his own cost . he took ship a● houth , decemb. 16. and 1549. the chancellor and other having the kings leave , elect sir f● brian marshal of the army , the king favourite , lord justice during th● kings pleasure , who in christ church dublin was sworn decemb. 29. an● febr. 2. he died at clonmel , advancing against o-carol , and was buried in the cathedral church i● waterford in great state. 1549. february 2. sir william brabazon vice treasurer , was made lord justice the third time ; who effectually pursued charles ( macart ) cavenach who of late had flown again into rebellion . brabazon died the 7. of the ides of july , in the tents in vlster , and was buried in trinity church dublin , and his heart carried into england . 1550. sir anthony st. leger , about september 10. arrived at dub●●n the fourth time lord deputy ; ●● whom charles ( mac-art ) cave●●ch submitted himself , solemnly renouncing before him , the council , ●●d many lords , the name mac●urrogh . on the surrender of bul●in to the french , they paid a considerable sum , 8000 l. of which ●ame for ireland , with 400 men , with a charge that the laws of england should be there administred , and the mutinous severely suppressed ; and ( saith my author ) it may seem strange that among all the horrible hurries in england , ireland was then almost quiet ; which must be imputed either to the kings withdrawing much people thence , which otherwise would have disquieted affairs at home ; or else to his choice of governours , whom neither the nobility disdained , nor the inferiours were pressed to supply by violent courses . 1551. sir james crofts of cro●● castle in herefordshire , whose he ( herbert crofts ) is the present bishop of hereford , 1673. unus nob●lium secretioris camerae regis , apr● 29. was designed deputy , but coming to dublin whilest st. leger wa● in munster , he received not th● sword till may 23. at cork , whe● st. leger then was . during his tim● even this year , a king of arms , herald named vlster , was first instituted for ireland , his provinc● was all ireland ; and the first tha● had it was nicholas narbon . th● liturgy in english was also this yea● printed in dublin and injoined b● authority . many memorable act● he did in ireland . he repaired th● castle of belfast , and placed there ● garrison . coming for england h● was certified by sir henry knowls , that mary dowager of scotland had ●ent o-connors son into ireland to give encouragement to a new insurrection , which , by his prudence , deferring his journey , he prevented without noise , and took ship for england at houth , decemb. 4. 1552. he was in the second year of queen mary , accused of wiats conspiracy , ●ut by the favour of the king and queen set at liberty from the tower , and in queen eliz. reign made a privy counsellor , governor of berwick , and controller of the queens court , and a delegate at the treaty of bourbourg . he died at whitehall , camd. writes about the year 1590. his heir that now is , says in the year 1595. or the year following , and was buried in westminster abbey . 1552. sir thomas cusack of cofington in meath , lord chancellor , and sir gerald ailmere , chief justice , of the kings bench , decemb. 4● were in trinity church dublin , ●● proceribus & senatu regio , constituted lords justices . sub maria regina . 1553. the said justices ( as the present governours ) were writ to by the council of england , who july 29. certified the lords justices and council of ireland of the death o● king edw. and the right of q. mary whose right in dublin and other places , they took care immediately to proclaim ; the judges places and the rest being speedily confirmed by new patents . 1553. novemb. 11. sir anthony st. leger , landing at dalkie , came to dublin , where the 19 of the same month , he was the fifth time swor● in trinity church dublin , a praede ▪ cessoribus suis cusaco & ailmero , lord deputy . he died in kent ( where he was born ) as i take it at vlcomb , the ancient mansion of the family de sancto leodegario , corruptly sent leger , & sellenger , march 12. 1559. vtriusque fortunae tam prosperae quam adversae particeps verissima rerum humanarum in hoc mundo imago . 1556. april 27. thomas radcliff viscount fitz walter , at westm . was nominated l. deputy . he arrived at dublin on whitsunday , and two days after took the oath of deputy in christ church dublin . he held a parliament , annis 3 & 4 phil. & mariae at which time patre jam mortuo , he was stiled earl of sussex , passing many acts to the benefit of the nation , and returned into england decemb. 4. when 1557. hugh curwin of westmoreland , doctor of the civil law , archbishop of dublin , lord chancellor , and sir henry sidney treasurer , decemb. 5. à stanleio marescallo received the sword as justices . on which occasion it may not be unseasonable to take notice of the eminent and honourable office of marshal , as well as of this noble person to whom ( of all others ) this trust ( of delivering the sword unto the supream officers ) was committed , properly it is a military office restraining as well the insolencies of souldiers as of rebels , yet it hath power to try or determine all appeals made of things done out of the realm , as piracy , the justice of generals to souldiers , &c. also it hath conuzance of contracts of deeds of arms , which cannot be determined by the common law but the civil only , secundum legem armorum , of which after sentence , there lies no forfeiture of lands , or corruption of bloud . by inheritance it was seated in the barons of morley , anno 9. reg. joh. but how alienated i am not certain , nor am i convinced that it is invested ( though it be great ) in ireland , as the earls marshals are honoured with in england ; a title never given to that officer till the 20 of r. 2. that thomas maubrey duke of norfolk had earl affixed to his title of marshal . though we find the use of it of great consequence in ireland , never committed but to persons of honour , under whom ( according to the occasions ) there is one or two provost marshals limited by instructions under the great seal of ireland . archbishop curwin was afterwards translated to oxford , where after one year he died at swinbroch near burford , and there in the parochial church was buried , novemb. 1. 1568. 1557. febr. 6. sir henry sidney was sworn lord deputy in christ church dublin , and so continued till that 1558. thomas radcliff earl of sussex , viscount fitz walter , april 27. returned out of england with 500 men , and was sworn lord deputy on sunday may 1. in christ church dublin ; doing that year excellent service against the scots in vlster , and donald o-brien in thoomond in september . he took ship at dalkie with the forces he brought out of england , and others raised at dublin , and went against island rachlin and the islanders , and left 1558. sir henry sidney his deputy , who took the oath of lord justice in christ church dublin on sunday september 18. the same year 1558. thomas radcliff earl of sussex returning from his scottish expedition , was again sworn lord deputy in trinity church dublin , novemb. 10. where he gave to the chancellor curwin a new great seal of ireland , as also particular new seals to the principal judges of other courts . sub elizabetha regina . 1558. the said thomas earl of sussex ( who on the decease of queen mary was found deputy ) was by a new commission so continued ; who with a garrison of 320 horse , and 1360 foot , had kept ireland in a peaceable and quiet condition . to whom succeeded 1559. sir henry sidney knight , president of wales , deputy . during whose absence in ireland , dr. john whitgift bishop of worcester , afterwards archbishop of canterbury , was for two years and an half , quamdiu nimirum sidnaeus prorex hiberniae praefuit vice president of wales . vir optimus & eruditissimus , writes camden , qui & justitia in walliae propraefectura & doctrina in ecclesiastica angliae politeia propugnanda , singularem laudem consequutus , quam fortitudine prudentia & patientia indies adauxit . godw. de praes . angliae . here by the way we may take notice ( of an honour incident to the clergy ) that besides this reverend prelate , several others of his function have been in this office ; and the first president of wales was william smith bishop of lincoln , who continued in the government from the 17 of h. 7. to the 4 of h. 8. at which time he died . 1559. thomas earl of sussex , kt. of the garter , arrived at bullock , august 27. lord lieutenant , and was sworn in christ church dublin , august 30. having in charge strictly to look to the irish , who being a superstitious nation , may easily be seduced to rebellion through the practices of the french ( then at difference with england ) under praetext of religion ; before whom a parliament was held at dublin , jan. 12. 2. eliz. wherein acts of great consequences were past ; as the restoring to the crown the ancient jurisdiction of the state ecclesiastical and spiritual , and abolishing all foreign power , repugnant to the same ; also for the uniformity of the common prayer , for consecrating of bishops , and the queens title to the imperial crown of ireland , with many others . after which he went for england , and 1559. sir william fitz williams , febr. 15. was sworn in christ church dublin lord justice ; during whose government ( viz. anno 1560. ) q. elizabeth ( amongst the most commendable actions of her government ) reduced coin to its full value , much debased through her fathers excessive expence , and stamped for ireland coin called sterling , of which the shilling in ireland passed for 12 d. and in england 9 d. yet ( though affairs were carried thus honourably to her advantage ) in the year 1601. the lord buckhurst ( very skilful in money matters ) got her to mingle brass with the money that she sent into ireland , by reason that the war in ireland stood her majesty yearly in 160000l sterl . which the souldiers suffered without mutiny , having a true reverence for that lady , though not without loss , and in effect not much to her service , the reputation of a prince being in nothing preserved more entire than in the just value of their coin. hence it was that when the earl of leicester , anno 1585. was sent into holland , one of this excellent princesses charges to him was , to know by what art they enhanced or put down the value of their money , ( in which art they excelled all others ) lest the souldier should receive that at a higher rate than they could put it off for . and to this effect sir george carew in his letter to the council of england , mentioned in pacata hibernia , writes that it was impossible to prevent a confusion in the state , if the people might not be put in some certain hope that upon the end of the war the now standard should be abolished or eased . 1561. thomas earl of sussex , lord lieutenant , arrived at dublin , and was sworn in christ church dublin , june 25. 1561. sir william fitz williams , lord justice , was sworn in christ church , jan. 22. 1562. thomas earl of sussex , july 24. lord lieutenant ; who amongst other things did excellent service in reducing the irish countries into shires , and placing therein sheriffs and other ministers of the law , as annaly in leinster he made a shire , calling it the county of longford , and the province of connaght he divided into 6 counties , viz. clare ( which contains all thoomond ) gallaway , sligo , mayo , roscommon , and leitrim . he died at his house at bermondsey in southwark , june 9. 1583 ▪ and was honourably buried at new-hall in essex july 9. following . at his departure from ireland , having setled things in excellent order , 1565. sir nicholas arnold of the county of gloucester knight , may 25. was made lord justice ; to whom was assigned only a garrison of 1596 souldiers , with which he kept peace , but gained nothing . being recalled into england , surrenders his government 1565. to sir henry sidney ; who in the time of queen mary had been judge and treasurer of ireland , now president of wales , jan. 20. lord deputy ; before whom a parliament was held at dublin , jan. 17. in the 11 of eliz. many things being acted therein greatly to the advantage of the state ; and a subsidy granted considering the infinite masses of treasure able to purchase a kingdom , that her most noble progenitors , the famous princes of england had exhausted for the governments defence , and preservation of them and her majesties realm of ireland , largely expressed in the act. in which parliament also ( which had several prorogations ) shane o-neal was attainted , and the name extinguished . in which act also the kings ancient titles to ireland are recited . thus having setled affairs , he took ship towards england at houth , octob. 9. having with good success discomfited shane o-neal , who after his return from england , where the queen 1563. had graciously received him into favour , he most treacherously went into rebellion , and affected the title of king of vlster . in the year of this governours admittance , he institutes wareham st. leger first president of mounster , with an assessor , two lawyers and a clerk ; the same government he also constituted in connaght . 1567. dr. weston , lord chancellor , and sir will. fitz-williams treasurer at war , octob. 14. lord justices . weston was thought a prudent and upright man , for whom i find this epitaph in st. patricks church dublin on a monument very stately erected , principally in memory of the relations of richard earl of cork ; upon the uppermost seat of which , ●s dr. westons effigies with this inscription : here lieth interred the body of that reverend and honourable gentleman , robert weston esq doctor of the civil and canon laws , grandfather to the lady katherine countess of cork , ●●ing sometimes one ●f the lord justices ●● ireland , and for ●●x years lord chancellour of the realm . a small coat of arms betwixt who was so learned , judicious , and vpright in the court of judicature all the time of that imployment . he never made order or decree that was questioned or reversed . he changed this mortal life for an eternal life , may 20. 1573. whos 's honourable memory no time shall extinguish . 1568. sir henry sidney , octob. 20 lord deputy . he took ship for england from the key at dublin march 25. 1571. when sir william fitz williams the april ensuing was swor● lord justice in st. patricks church dublin , and jan. 13. eodem anno , the said sir william fitz williams was made lord deputy . 1575. sir henry sidney , septemb ▪ 18. returned into ireland lord deputy ; where having pacified several rebellions , and that not with so much rigor as excellent conduct having ( at several times ) been 1● years justice and deputy of ireland so as that kingdom is much indebted to him for his wisdom and valour ▪ he septemb. 12. 1578. took boat a● the wood key in dublin for england ; he died at worcester may 5. 1586. and was buried amongst his ancestors at penshurst : of whom dr. powel in his epistle to the reader in his history of wales , writes that his disposition was rather to seek after the antiquities and the weal publick of those countries . he governed then to obtain lands and revenues within the same , for i know not one foot of land that he had either in wales or ireland , cujus potentiam nemo sentit , nisi aut levatione periculi aut accessione dignitatis , justly applicable to him , vel. pater . f. 109. he caused the irish statutes to his time to be printed , & sic ex umbra in solem eduxit . and besides many other monuments yet surviving his equal and just government , we must not let pass the great expence and care which he bestowed upon the castle of dublin , at first built , anno 1213. by john comin archbishop of dublin , a learned facetious and solid person , afterwards beautified and enlarged by sir henry sidney , in memory of whom , stanihurst ( that venerable historian ) hath left these to posterity : gesta libri referunt multorum clara virorum , laudis & in chartis stigmata fixa manent : verum sidnaei laudes haec saxa loquuntur , nec jacet in solis gloria tanta libris . si libri pereant , homines remanere valebunt , si pereant homines ligna manere queant ; ligna si pereant , non ergo saxa peribunt , saxa si pereant tempore , tempus erit , si pereat tempus , minimè consumitur aevum , quod cum principio , sed sine fine manet . dum libri florent , homines dum vivere possunt dum quoque cum lignis saxa manere valent , dum remanet tempus ; dum denique remanet aevum , laus tua sidnaei , digna perire nequit . 1578. sir william drury born at bausted in suffolk , of a worshipful family , late governour of berwick , a man of great experience and integrity , who septemb. 14. was sworn lord justice in christ church dublin . he advanced afterwards against desmond , but at waterford 1579. he died . a man of approved worth , having been trained up from his youth in the exercise of war in france , scotland , and ireland . after whose decease 1579. sir will. pelham of laughton in sussex was made lord justice the 11 of october ; during whose short government he constrained the baron of lixnaw to yield , and besieged carrigfoil in kerry , kept by jules an italian , and some spaniards , entering at length by force the castle , atchieving besides many other things to his honour . he was afterwards general of the english horse in the low-countries , under whom , besides his own country-men , there were scots and irish ; and that the manner of their fighting may be clear , i shall not think to impose much on the reader , what incomparable strada hath registred in this point . anno 1586. erant h● angli plerique & scoti quibus se addiderant ductore hiberniae prorege ( pelham ) hiberni 1400 è sylvestri omnes genere atque ferino medio tantum corpore subter umbilicum velati caetera nudi grallis seu pertiris , quarum usus intrajiciendis amnibus alte impositi , longe aliis superstabant arcubus & sagittis minaces . 1580. arthur lord gray baron of wilton , knight of the garter , arrived august 12. at houth , and took the oath of lord deputy in st. patricks church , september 14. till then william pelham lord justice , being not come up out of munster to dublin to surrender the sword to his successor . through the whole course of his actions he manifested himself a famous warriour . in the winter this year about 700 italians and spaniards landed ( through the favour of the season ) at smerwick in kerry in ireland unresisted , commanded by san-joseph an italian , authorized by the pope and the king of spain to propagate the roman religion ; where they erected a fort at smerwick , naming it the fort del-or , but were soon ( even in four days ) forced to cry for mercy , through the vigilance and conduct of the deputy , who put the strangers to the sword , the irish he hanged , commanders of each side excepted , for that there were no● in the english army , enough to keep every man a prisoner , and that the deputy expected instantly to be assailed by the rebels , and that there were no barques ready to ship them immediately for sea. in this doing as henry 5. was forced to , after he would have saved the bourbon battalion at agincourt , for fear les● the king of scicils appearing with new strength ( even more then the conquerors had to guard their prisoners ) he should have been surprized without remedy . which extremity the deputy was sorry to use , nor did his excuse easily please the queen , the enemy having yielded on mercy . he died 1593 in much honour and repute . 1582. adam loftus lord archbishop of dublin , lord chancellor , ●nd sir henry wallop alias well-hop , treasurer of the army september 1. lords justices ; during whose government gerald fitz gerald , the ●● of that family , earl of desmond , ●ho had raised frequent rebellions , ●fter two years sculking in obscure ●laces , was by a common souldier ●●rprized , and his head sent into england , where it was hung on a ●ole on london bridge . sir henry ●allop died in dublin , and was buried in st. patricks church in an ●bscure place under the galleries ; upon the late removing of which , on a plate of brass , was this inscription found . near unto this place lieth that worthy knight , sir henry wallop of farly wallop in the county of southampton in the realm of england , who faithfully served queen elizabeth in this kingdom as vice treasurer and treasurer ●● war , by the space of 18 years and moneths , and was lord justice with in this realm jointly with th● lord chancellor of this realm almost by the space of two years , in th● years of our lord god 1582 , 1583 ▪ 1584. in which time the wars ●● desmond were ended , and his hea●● sent into england ; besides many other weighty causes committed to hi● charge during his said service . h● departed this life the 14 day of april 1599. he was son and heir ●● sir oliv. wallop , brother and hei● of sir john wallop knight of th● most honourable order of garter and lieutenant of the castle and county gujienes in france , nephew and heir of sir robert wallop knight . 1584. sir john perrot lord deputy , arrived at dalkie , june 9. and ●ook his oath in st. patricks church june 21. he held a parliament at dublin april 26. in the 27. of eliz. he advanced the reformation in establishing the great compositi●●n of connaght , in reducing vlster●nto ●nto 7 shires , viz. ardmagh , mona●an , tyrone , colerain , devegal , fer●annagh , and cavan . and by vesting in the crown the lands of desmond and his adherents in mun●●er , which he that hath writ of his life thus comprehends , pacificavit connaciam , relaxavit mediam , subjugavit vltoniam , fregit lageniam , ligavit mononiam , extirpavit scotos , refraenavit anglos . et his omnibus peraeque vectigal acquisivit reginae . and after his service in ireland he was made a privie counsellor in england ; yet being ( it seems of somewhat too resentive a nature , was said to speak something dishonourable of the queen , and thereupon was tried , and by a jury of 12 men pronounced guilty of treason ; yet being sick died in the tower of london , septemb. 1592. when the queens anger being qualified , there was great hopes of his pardon ; though his adversaries were of the subtilest as well as the most honourable . he left the character of a good governour , yet it is somewhat sharply imputed to him and his successor sir william fitz williams , that they suffered the irish to be trained up in the knowledge of arms , few ( before their attaining that science ) being much more able to subdue thousands of the irish than afterwards thrice the number of so many english were able to encounter . 1588. sir willam fitz williams , june 30. lord deputy , was sworn in christ church dublin . many excellent things he did , as raising a composition in munster , and then in setling the possessions both of the lords and tenants in monahan . yet that venus might not be without her mole , he is accused of too much rigour in enquiring after the spoils and wrecks at sea , which happened on some of the invincible navy being split in ireland , and the ensuing war is laid to his charge . nor do i find that the histories of those times much acquit him , the irish though they have not cloaks , will have mantles for their coverings . he carried it somewhat austerely , not accepting of his commission till a particular clause was inserted , that walter devoreux earl of essex should be subject to his command ; which ( considering the illustrious quality of that person ) some thought might have been left indifferent . in his time the queen founded a colledge at dublin , anno 1591. a concern which in sir henry sidneys and sir john perrots time was given in instructions , but never perfected till now . she dedicated it to the holy and individual trinity , under this title , collegium sanctae ac individuae trinitatis ex fundatione reginae elizabethae juxta dublin , in the place where was before the monastery of all-saints , enriching the same with all priviledges of an university , of which sir will. cecil knight , baron burghley , lord high treasurer of england , knight of the garter , and one of the honourable privy council to queen elizabeth , was the first chancellor . ii. robert devoreux earl of essex , earl marshal of england , &c. afterwards lord lieutenant of ireland , chancellor of the universities of cambridge and dublin . since sub carolo i. dr. willam laud , archbishop of canterbury , chancellor of the universities of oxford and dublin . then his excellency james marquess of ormond , lord lieutenant of ireland , since duke of ormond , and chancellor of the university of dublin , as now of oxford . which in the year 1320. was granted to the city by pope john 22. at the request of alexander bicknor alias bignor , archbishop of dublin , mentioned in the year 1320. failing for want of support till this b. queen enlivened the ashes . to which i must profess i owe a filial reverence ( not as one of the foundation , but of the society ) and in memory of her prosperity reaching to this age. i must crave liberty to annex the provosts though amongst princes and great men . by these they live . non incisa notis marmora publicis per quae spiritus & vita redit bonis clarius indicant laudes , quàm calabrae pierides . not inscribed marbles planted forth to publick view , which gives new breath to great and good men after death bespeaks their praise so loud as the pierian laies . the colledge ( before these gave countenance to the structure ) was empty and unarmed ; the furniture was from the men not the materials . postquam lacertos movere et caput immortale extollere caepisset quum ingentia virtutis nomina , danielos alias odonnellos , bedleios , templos , capellos , par●os , eustacios , hoylios , martinios , dodwillios , lingardos , richardsonos , boswellos , golburnios , worthios , wareos , boylios , seelios , jonios , margetsonos , sternios , armachanvm , ante omnes in lucem peperisset . touching whom the literate world hath spread many elogies of his excellencies and merit , though one ( for his languages not the least in the quire ) hath , since this prince of learning's decease , left out part of what he first published in acknowledgment of his assistance : whilest the unanimous vote of the incomparable and famous university of oxford , ( sufficient to rival eterniry ) hath left this on record : jacobus usserius , archiepiscopus armachanus , totius hiberniae primas , antiquitatis primaevae peritissimus , orthodoxae religionis vindex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , errorum malleus , in concionando frequens , facundus , praepotens , vitae inculpatae exemplar● spectabile . some years before his death , he was unwillingly put on an old controversie touching the precedency of his see of armagh and dublin . a controversie entailed ( as it seems ) on the successors of that see of dublin , prosecuted in archbishop leches time , almoner to edw. 2. 1310. with some animosity , but now argued only as to right , not emulation , which ( after the effusion of much learning ) was desided on the archbishop of armagh's side . and by an especial letter from the king in the year 1634. he had ( afterwards also given him the precedency of the lord chancellor of ireland , with all which he was nothing elated . the provosts , presidents , of the colledge of dublin . the first provost of which colledge was adam lord archbishop of dublin , formerly mentioned ; whose dimensions ●e cannot better take than from ●ir ▪ james ware , and the monuments ●e le●t of his mind and grandeur , sufficiently expressed in the stately edifice he built at rafarnham , leaving behind an ample estate and a numerous progenie well provided for , of whom i shall say no more ( having occasion to speak of him amongst the governours ) than tha● though he was a prelate in height and spirit agreeable enough to the dignity of his place , yet he esteemed i● no descention to be ushered by a beadles staff , that had a crosier a● his service . ii. the second provost upon the archbishops resigning up of the provostship june 5. 1594. was by him and the fellows , in whom the election was seated by the first charter bearing date mar. 11. 1591. placed on mr. walter travers ; who too● not his oath till decemb. 6. 1595 he was bred up in trinity colledge i● cambridge , a person of great abilities , betwixt whom and mr. hooke● minister of the temple , and he their lecturer , there arose such animosities as ingaged the court and others into strong parties ; so as ( one writes ) travers was struck dumb in the temple , not for infidelity but indiscretion , both very learned . mr. travers ( on what account is uncertain , unless suspecting a rebellion ) returned ( after some years stay ) unexpectedly into england ; where he lived many years obscurely , though in himself a shining light . he bequeathed ●at his death his books of the oriental tongues ( in which he was singularly knowing ) and 50 l. worth of plate to sion colledge in london . after his departure iii. mr. henry alvey of st. johns colledge in cambridge , was chosen the third provost octob. 8. to whom succeeded iv. mr. william temple the fourth provost , afterwards knighted , and made one of the masters of the chancery in ireland . a person of great piety and learning , bred up in kings colledge in cambridge , from whence he was made choice of by sir philip sidney , ( the glory of the english nobility ) to attend him in the low-countries during his government there . de quo quid & quantum sibi augurabatur britannia non facile dixerem , saith camd. after whose unfortunate decease , a noble person engaged him in his service in england and ireland ; which proving a rough and unhappy scene , he retired to his private lair , till by the importunate solicitations of doctor vsher late lord primate , one who well knew how to judge of the merits of others , by the immensity of worth in himself , prevailed with him to accept of the provostship ; which he did 1609. as an easie retreat out of the noise and troubles of the world. he lived 17 years in the provostship , and finished his days there , in the 72 year of his age , and lies buried under a fair stone in the chappel belonging to the colledge immediately before the provosts seat , leaving behind him many children , one at present an eminent person in the state of ireland , who hath divers sons , some that have happily discharged ( lately ) the most active and honourable imployment in the greatest and weighty affairs of state with the neighbouring allies , though he writes of himself , that at present he is wholly useless to the publique , which may be his repose not his shame ; and others that attend his majesties service at home , with singular reputation and advantage . after his death v. the fifth provost was mr. william bedel , bred in emanuel colledge in cambridge ; so designed may 29. 1627. on a letter writ by sir henry wotton to king charles i. informing his majesty that he hardly thought a fitter man for that charge could have been propounded in his whole kingdom , for singular erudition , piety , and conformity to the rites of the church of england , and zeal to advance the cause of god , wherein all his travels abroad were not obscure in the time of the venetians excommunication : no more then by his letter of controversie afterwards ( in the highest points betwixt us and rome ) with wadsworth the jesuite , which shews him profoundly versed in the fathers and schoolmen . yet he was not sworn nor admitted till aug. 16. following . he was afterwards bishop of kilmore . a person of very great worth and learning in the latine , greek and hebrew ; witness his intimacy with padre paulo , whom he took into his very soul , as well for his courage and constancy ( both signal ) in defence of the english and that interest during the late rebellion ; when after he was fallen into the hands of the irish , and imprisoned at claughouter castle in the county of caven near kilmore , where he died about the midst of march , 1641. ob funesta ea tempora & miserias quas pertulerat , and ( according to his opinion against burial in churches , being an admirer of sir henry spelman , de non temerandis ecclesiis ) he was interred in the churchyard at kilmore . there succeeded him ( on his promotion to the bishoprick of kilmore ) vi. the sixth provost , dr. robert vsher , who was chosen in october 16. 29. and admitted provost january 4. following ; on whom ( dying at pantabirsley in shropshire ) in dudelstons church chancel , there is this epitaph , here lieth the body of that constant and faithful preacher of gods word , the right reverend father in god robert lord bishop of kildare , son of henry lord primate of all ireland , who died at pantabirsley , september 7. anno dom. 1642. on whose promotion to the bishoprick of kildare , the provostship was void may 11. 1634. so as in the register book of the colledge there was a wide hiatus through the variety of subservient governours , till vii . master william chappel , b. d. bred up in christ colledge in cambridge , afterwards dean of cassels , had the care of the colledge committed to him by his majesty , but he was not actually sworn nor admitted till june 5. 1637. at which time new statutes were introduced by the then archbishop of canterbury their chancellor ; not so favourable ( as some thought ) to the natives as the piety of the first founders intended them ; or so indulgent to the fellows and former visitors , as at first was allowed , the provostship being made more sovereign , which some thought he made a sinister use of ; in as much as upon the consequences thereon , mr. robert bysse , an ingenious and solid lawyer june 11. 1641. made an excellent speech in the upper house of parliament at the delivery of divers articles exhibited against him then bishop of cork and ross , by the commons of the house of parliament in ireland ; to which our provost made a reply , which some thought not satisfactory , as the scene then stood , yet certainly the exercises of the university were never stricter looked to , or discipline ( if it were not too ceremonious ) better observed than in his time . only the lecture which was set up for teaching irish ( whether through indulgence meerly , or enjoyned by statute , i am uncertain ) was after his admission wholy waved ; to which ( whilest it was kept up ) some diligently resorted , the better to improve themselves for their future imployment in the country , that the irish ( finding men speak in their own tongue , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) might be the sooner won over to the truth , no nation being more tenacious or better affected to their language than themselves . and this design had a good issue , in as much as some of the english ( preaching constantly in irish ) gained first an acceptance of their persons , then of their doctrine . truly a pious fraud ! for though by an act in the 28 of h. 8. it was ordered , that all who would knowledge themselves his highness true and faithful subjects , should speak the english tongue . a policy commendable enough ; yet considering how stifly the natives were espoused to their own speech , it could not seem otherwise than mercy to find an expedient which might inform them of the truth . nor indeed was it below the majesty of an university ( licet rumpantur momi ) to cherish such a condescention , since the communicating of knowledge is the intent of science . our provost was a close ramist , a notable disputant , and one ( who in his middle age ) favoured mr. perkins and that side . he was once ( riding to cork ) overtook by sir william st. leger president of munster , who had in his company the pseudo-dean of cork , with whom the president would needs have had chappel to have disputed , but as he was not forward , so he would not deny the entertainment ; which the pseudo-dean ( understanding who chappel was ) refused , for that the said chappel had been accustomed to kill his respondent ; which he spake on an accident long before , happening at a commencement in cambridge solemnized in the presence of king james , where doctor roberts of trinity colledge , being respondent in st. maries , this mr. chappel opposed him so close and subtilely that the doctor ( not being able to unloose the arguments ) fell into a swounding in the pulpit , so as the king ( to hold up the commencement ) undertook to maintain the thesis : which mr. chappel ( by his syllogisms ) prest so home , ut rex palam gratias ageret deo , quod opponens e i fuisset ●●bditus , non alteri , alias potuisset in ●●spicionem adduci ne perinde throno ●●● , atque cathedra submoveri debuis●● . in the beginning of the late rebellion in ireland , he came for england , confining himself to a most retired life , which he finished at derby on whitsunday 1649. not 1648. as sir james ware registers it . and at his death meritted this epitaph engraven on his marble in bilthorp in nottinghamshire . gvilielmvs chappel natus laxtouiae in nottingham , a. d. mdlxxxii . mansfieldiae bonis literis initiatus collegii christi cantabrig . per 27. annos socius , collegii s s. trinitatis dublin . praepositus ; ecclesiae metropolit . cassel . decanus , corcagiensis & rossensis episcopus , &c. charismata , quae ( siquis alius ) plurima atquae eximia à domino acceperat , singulari tum fide tum felicitate ad ejus gloriam publicumque ecclesiae commodum administravit , sapientiae , justitiae , gratiae divinae strennuus assertor , charitate in deum ac homines , amicos atque inimicos ad christi legem & exemplum factus nobis exemplum & lex , bona temporalia partim pro christo , partim christo reliquit , mundum latere ut maximè semper voluit , ita minime unquam potuit aut poterit . annum agens 67. placide spiritum suum servatori reddidit die pentecostes mdcxlix . atque hic juxta venerandam parentem suam positus , dominum jesvm , quo fruitur , expectat . fratrem habuerat natu minorem ( dum in terris agebat ) johannem chappel theologum pariter insignissimum , ac pulpitis natum sed in coelos praemigraverat ; et conduntur illius exuviae in ecclesia de mansfield woodhouse . he voluntarily resigned his provost●●ip july 20. 1640. and on the first of august following , viii . mr. richard washington b. d. of vniversity colledge in oxford , was sworn and admitted the eighth provost ; who soon after the rebellion broke forth retired into england , of whom i can give no farther account . ix . afterwards dr. teate , a native , educated in the colledge , one that had been barbarously used by the rebels , was licensed to live in the provosts lodgings , and oversee the scholers that were left ; who so continued till , that his majesties providence ( in the darkness of those times ) committed the care of the colledge on x. dr. anthony martin bishop o● meath , educated in emanuel colledge in cambridge , of whom eyr in an epistle to dr. vsher 1607. p ▪ 27. gives a just account , both as to his philosophy , and more polished learning , being then to be admitted into a fellowship in the colledge , ut intra fines hiberniae generos● juventus contineatur , neque extr● athenas vestras romae , aut alibi instituantur , &c. is est qualis alii pl●rique videri tantum volunt & in humaniori literatura & vitae integritat germanissimus certe nathaneel sin● fraude . he died provost in jun● 1650. the plague then raging , and was buried in the chappel belonging to the colledge . after his death affairs being carried on by another current , xi . mr. samuel winter , afterwards doctor ( by a fair diploma testified by doctor henry jones vicechancellor , now bishop of meath and others ) was thrust into the government by virtue of a thing they called an act of parliament , anno 1649. giving the lord lieutenant of ireland power thereby to place governours , masters , &c. in the colledge of dublin . how satisfactory , i will not say being there are many rumors yet unreconciled . but in that stream he swame till the king was most happily restored , and then ( which we may account the ix . legitimate provost ) xii . dr. thomas seel bred in the colledge , and born in dublin , was chosen and admitted provost . a person in morals and true literature signally eminent , dean of st. patricks , yet living , and may he long live to the benefit and honour of that colledge ! for many years the university was confined to this colledge ; since it hath been enlarged by some adjacent tenements , whereof ( of late ) one is converted to a colledge of physitians graced by his majesty with many priviledges , and the mass-house in back-lane , a fair collegiate building , was disposed of to the university of dublin , a rector and scholers being placed in it in the time of chancellor loftus and the earl of corkes being justices ; but whether it so continues i am not certain , i hear it is alienated ; certain i am that the buildings of the colledge it self are of late much enlarged and beautified . on this colledge king james ( besides a yearly pension of 388 l. 15 s. english money out of the exchequer ) bestowed large possessions in vlster , and by an act for the settlement of the kingdom of ireland , anno 1662. ●●is provided , fol. 71. that the provost of trinity colledge near dublin shall have out of the forfeited lands in the archbishoprick of dublin , and his successors for ever , the sum of 300 l. per annum . nor doth the design for the propagating of the extent of this university determine here , but in the same act , fol. 122. it is further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that the lord lieutenant , or other chief governour or governours of this kingdom , for the time being , by , and with the consent of the privy council , shall have full power and authority to erect another colledge to be of the university of dublin , to be called by the name of the king's colledge , and out of all and every the lands , tenements , and hereditam ts , vested by this act in his majesty , & which shall be setled or restored by vertue thereof , to raise a yearly allowance for ever , not exceeding 2000l . per annum , by an equal charge upon every thousand acres , or lesser quantities proportionably , and therewith to endow the said colledge . which said colledge so as aforesaid to be erected , shall be setled , regulated , and governed by such laws and statutes , ordinances and constitutions as his majesty , his heirs , or successors shall under his or their great seal of england or ireland declare or appoint . after the inhumane and most execrable rebellion had stopped all relief and supply from the colledge , through the seizing on their rents in vlster , where the chiefest of their revenues lay , and that the treasure of the colledge ( all but the sacred utensils secured by a most reverend hand ) had been expended for the societies support , his excellency the marquess of ormond then lord lieutenant , truly commiserating the exigencies of the colledge , and having no way else left possibly to succour them , ordered the remnant yet surviving , being few and miserable , some relief out of the common stores , that whilest moses fought aarons hands might be lifted up . and here i must not omit that at the same time sir thomas bodley anno 1598. bought books for his library at oxford , one of the greatest treasures in the world , a stupendious work ; dr. challoner and mr. vsher his son-in-law , afterwards lord primate , were then in england , bestowing 1800 l. given by the officers of the army for their library to the colledge of dublin ; so that though they had not the like patrons , they were coequal . since , there hath been a fair addition by the access of bishop vshers library bestowed on the university , as the other was by the late army . quos deputatus docuit ( saith caesar williamson ) primum armorum usum , deinde librorum ; and much more very elegantly he speaks in that oration , concluding with philadelphus's library in alexandria , to which , numero lib●orum cedimus , virtute superamus . since , sir jerome alexander , second justice in the common-pleas in ireland , by his last testament hath bestowed his library of law books and others , upon the colledge , with 100 l. for fitting a place for his library . also he bequeathed 500 l. in money to be laid out in an additional building to the same colledge , to be called alexanders buildings . he also gave 24 l. real estate per annum , thus to be disposed of viz. 7 l. per annum to the library keeper , 20 s. yearly for a sermon on christmass day , to be preached in the colledge in memory of gods mercy in sending his son then to save sinners , and the remainder to be disposed of monethly , to such poor persons as the provost and seniour fellows shall think fit . the residue of his estate he gave unto his daughter elizabeth alexander , provided she married no irish man , or any related to that interest ; if she did , or died without issue , the whole estate he setled on the colledge of dublin : that at this day many things conspire to advance that foundation . semper pax tua moenia colat ! semper in aedibus tuis copia dextra larga munera fundat ! dulcis collegii domus te pax incola sospitet ! leges numinis omnia pervadant loca jernes ! vt ros tenella gemmulis argentei● pingit syonis gramina sic gratiarum gemmulis coelestibus pingas jernes pectora ! but to return to sir william fitz williams deputy , in whose time this happy work was effected ; in memory of whom , his arms on the gate are left to posterity . he descended from the fitz williams of sprotsburg knights , an ancient family in yorkshire , who in his own person had been long experienc'd in the wars , he was of an high and elated spirit , in as much as walter earl of essex , 1573. desiring to go into vlster against the rebels , was by this governour much opposed , lest the splendor of so great a man should eclipse his honour . but the queen ( constant to her own election ) would by no means gratifie fitz-williams in diverting the earls voyage , yet ordered he should take the commission of his government from the deputy ; which ( to testifie the eminency of his power ) he granted ; by which he was governour of vlster , but after such attendance , as the reflection of it hath made some remarks very observable in our deputies government . at length the earl ( discontented with those perfidious passages which he found encouraged against him in ireland ) retired into england ; where leicester ( the better to overthrow him with honour ) got him sent back with the vain title of earl marshal of ireland , where pining away with grief and dysentery , ( some write poison ) he died at dublin , and was buried at caermarden in wales , where he was born . a most excellent man ( saith camd. ) in whom sweetness of manners contended with his nobleness of birth . this dysentery or flux ( so fatal to this worthy person ) is commonly termed the country disease ; and well it may , for it reigns no where so epidemically as in ireland ; tainting strangers as well as natives . but whether it proceeds from the peculiar disposition of the air , errour in diet , the laxity , and waterishness of the meat , or some occult cause , no venomous creature living there to suck that which may be thought ( in other countries ) well distributed amongst reptitious animals , i shall not determine , though each of these circumstances may well conduce to its strength and vigour . certain it is that regular diet preserves most from the violence ▪ and many from the infection of this disease ; yet as that which is thought very soveraign ( besides those particular applications due to several symptomes arising thence , viz. gripings , tenesmus's , &c. which have their particular cures , obvious to every knowing physician ) i must say that the stronger cordial liquors , ( viz. brandy , vsquebah , treacle , and mithridate waters ) are very proper ; or the electuaries themselves , and the like ; quorum particulae summe ▪ activae , dum vasorum splanchnicorum oscula facilè subierint , humores exundaturos repellerent . judicially observed by dr. willis in his pharmaceutice rationalis ; for that besides their energie to make the bloud more lively , they may also strengthen it to a diaphoretick motion , whereby what is offensive to the bloud ( as ichorous and acid humours often irritating such extitial expulsions ) may thence be thrown off into the habit of the body , so by a diaphoresis happily evert the humour . of late in extremity great use hath been made of swines dung drank in a convenient vehicle . nor is it a medicine merely emperical , it having ( from the nature of the creature to eject it always moist ) an anodine quality , highly conducing to dulcorate the humour apt to ferment with so much virulency , not to enlarge on other qualities wherewith it may be thought to be indued . at his departure 1594. sir william russel , youngest son of francis earl of bedford , august 11. was made lord deputy ; to whom tir-oen submitted himself , but as all submissions of the irish generally proved prejudicial to the ●●●te ; it being observed by caesar williamson , in the epistle to his oration on the kings coronation day , that ex omnibus gentibus vix ullam ●●perias cui peccare & flere magis na●●rale est . he soon fell into rebel●ion , and the deputy to strengthen his ability in the management of the war , besought the queen to assist him with some able souldiers . upon which sir john norris excellently skilled in martial discipline , ( contrary to the deputies expectation ) was sent over 1595. who much wished for baskervile . tir-oen upon norris's arrival , fell to his old artifice of complying , but was detected , and proclaimed traitor , under the name of hugh o-neal son of matthew fathereugh , that is an iron-smith , the base born son of con-o-neal ; at which time the rebels forces amounted to 1000 horse , and 6280 foot in vlster and 2300 in connaght , all at tir-oens beck ; whereas before 80● foot and 300 horse were esteemed on our side an invincible army such mischief arose by teaching them the use of arms. norris with what he brought over , and those he took out of dublin and other places , had fully as potent an army yet did little against tir-oen more then reduced him to a submission one article of norris's commission being to have the whole charge of the war , and treat with tir-oen as he pleased ; which kindled ill fires with the deputy , that another should be superinducted to so great a charge ; who leaving norris to vlster , took care of the affairs of the other provinces , and happily managed them , whilest no good effect came of the truce with tir-oen . which in the end so much redounded to norris's discontent , that tir-oen by his dissembling had nocked him , that shortly after he died . a man certainly of great courage , nobly born , and had born ●reat offices , as colonel general of the english under the states of the low-countries , marshal of the army under the earl of hohenlo , president of munster , general of the auxilia●y english in britain in france . affairs through all ireland , especially in the north , and connaght growing turbulent , russel was recalled . ●nd 1597. the lord burroughs , a man of a sharp wit and great courage , but scarce initiated into the very elements of war , was made lord deputy . he soon yet marched into vlster , and without any great resistance took blakewater , but in his full pathway to victory he died in that province , leaving the great desires of him to the good and to the bad longer security . up on his death 1597. sir thomas norris pres●dent of munster , son of hen. lor● norris of ricot , and brother to si● john norris , was october 30. chose● lord justice ; and upon further instructions from the queen , confirmed therein . he died through th● neglect of a small wound . 1597. adam loftus archbisho● of dublin , lord chancellor , an● sir robert gardiner chief justice were appointed justices of ireland and the army was committed to th● earl of ormond , under the title o● lieutenant general , in whose tim● the fort of blakewater was yielded up to the rebels . after that marshal bagnal and others were slai● in the thickest of the crowd . a victory , the like the irish never gained since the english first set foot i● ireland . 1598. robert earl of essex , april 15. was made l. lieutenant , son of walter devoreux earl of essex , that excellent and worthy person , who ( for the honour of his country ) had freely spent much of his estate in ireland , formerly mentioned , but never to be reflected on too often , whose vertues streaming in his son , the queen setled in this place . his commission ( with a plausible policy ) was dispatched to prosecute or conclude the war , to pardon any offence of treason , or any thing against the queen , even tir-oen himself ; so that being furnished with 16000 foot , and 1300 horse , accompanied with many of the prime gentlemen of england , he came into ireland , but effected little ; meeting much strange and contrary advice in council , so returned on the queens resentment , and in the year 1601. february 25. was beheaded within the tower of london . amongst others that came to observe the tragoedy , one ( more eminent than the rest ) got as near to him as he could , well enough ( as it was thought ) satisfied in the spectacle , which escaped not a general censure , he himself being being beheaded in the 16 of king james 1618. though a person of great parts and abilities . the earl was a person singularly obliging , especially to scholers and souldiers ; and if we may believe sir henry wotton , in his solemn purposes of a firm and unshaken allegiance , religion , and fidelity , being inherent to his nature , whose actions ( saith the lord bacon , were faults which the law might term contempts , yet they might have deserved a dispensation ; his last inconsiderate action deserving ●ather ( in charity ) the title of a riot than of a treason , he having ever aimed at the honour and security of his country . but what can be sufficient against envy managed by the subtilty of such as had charmed the ears of a jealous princess ? at his quitting the government 1599. adam loftus archbishop of dublin , lord chancellor , and sir george carey treasurer at war , september 24. were left lords justices , archbishop loftus of swinshead in yorkshire , died in his palace of st. sepulchres dublin , april 5. 1605. and was buried in st. patricks , after that he had sate 37 years , and almost 8 moneths in the bishoprick . he was ( as is formerly expressed ) a profitable agent in procuring the foundation of the colledge of dublin , and though a bishop the first honorary master thereof . 1599. sir charles blount lord mountjoy , knight of the garter ( afterwards by king james made earl of devonshire , as descended from an heir of humphrey staffords earl of devonshire ) was october 28. made lord lieutenant , but arrived not in ireland till feb. 24. following , lodging that night at the lord of houths , the next day he received the sword at the council board ; who so effectually prosecuted the war against tir-oen , after the notable defeat given to the spanish forces under don juan de aquila , at kinsale , dec. 14. 1601. where ( saith the lord bacon in his treatise of a war with spain ) there appeared no other difference between the valour of the irish rebels and the spaniards , but that the one ran away before they were charged , and the other straight after ; that he brought tir-oen to a submission at mellifont , and in him ended that war which had cost the crown of england so vast a sum 1198717 l. in which service sir george carey ( president of munster , afterwards earl of totness ) was very active ; betwixt whom and the lord lieutenant ( generally ) there was a good agreement , though once the contest grew so high , as that the lord lieutenant writ to the president that he would rather serve the queen in prison than in ireland , where any souldiers should not march at his command . a difference afterwards well composed , though such as read pacata hibernia may soon find , at whose honour it most aims . sub jacobo rege . 1603. the said lord mountjoy continued for some time lord lieutenant ; who going for england , carried tir-oen with him ; who was graciously received by the king , and returned with honours . not long after he complotted however fresh rebellions ; which being detected , and he proclaimed traitor , he fled privately into normandy , 1607. thence to flanders , then to rome , where he lived on the popes allowance , became blind and died , 1616. his son was some years after found strangled in his bed at brussels , and so ended this race . the earl of devonshire ( to whom so much is owing for his excellent service in ireland ) died octob. 6. 1606. at the savoy in the strand , and was buried ( in great pomp ) in westminster abbey . of whom 't is better nothing now to say then say too little : for there rests behind , a trophy to be erected , that will stay to all posterities , and keep in mind that glorious art , which did a kingdom save ; kept the crown whole , and made the peace we have . 1603. sir george carey treasurer at war , june 1. was made lord deputy ; he in the first year of his majesties reign , made the first sheriffs that ever served in tirone and tirconnel , and shortly after sent sir edmund relham chief baron , and sir john davies attorney general of ireland , the first justices of assize in those countries , which were welcom to the commons , though distasteful to the irish lords . 1604. sir arthur chichester , ( a gentleman who had done excellent service in the wars of ireland , giving therein frequent proofs of his valour and conduct ) was febr. 3. made lord deputy . he established two new circuits for justices of assize , the one in connaght ; and the other in munster ; not but that formerly there had been some established , but not for 200 years executed . 1613. dr. thomas jones archbishop of dublin , lord chancellor , and sir richard wingfield marshal of ireland , march 4. were constituted lords justices . 1614. sir arthur chichester , now lord of belfast , july 27. was made lord deputy . who in the 11 , 12 , and 13. year of this king held a parliament at dublin by several prorogations , passing therein a recognition of his majesties title to ireland . an act against pyrats , another for the attaindor of tir-oen , and an act of repeal of divers statutes concerning the natives of ireland ; as another of oblivion , which more really subdued the irish than all the forces formerly sent , for the irish finding themselves thereby subjects not enemies , as formerly they were distinguished , the whole nation grew more in love with their subjection to the crown of england and the english laws , than ever any force had reduced them to before ; they being a nation ( saith sir john davies ) that love equal and indifferent justice , much contented with the benefit and protection of the law. which ( in that it was the master-piece and most excellent part of the work of reformation , securing the crown of england , by allowing the british and irish to grow up together into one nation ) i conceive it not impertinent to give you a touch of ; that it may be evident with what singular affection ( as well as prudence ) the state of england aimed at the interest of the natives , as well as the british . by which act ireland was indeed reduced , and not before , to the imperial crown of england ; vnion of laws being the best cement of affections ; as farther may appear by the act it self , anno xi jacobi , cap. v. fol. 428. declaring , that the natives of irish bloud ( for their hostility against the english ) were in several statutes and records , called irish enemies ; and accordingly abridged of the benefit of the laws . bot being now taken into his majesties gracious protection under one law , as dutiful subjects , to match and freely commerce together , those laws of difference and distinction , were wholely abrogated , and from that session of parliament utterly repealed . at which time the harp was first marshalled by king james with the royal arms of great britain . soon after ( even in the 9 year of his reign ) he instituted the order of baronets , upon which sir henry spelman in his glossary , hath these verses ; ecce baronettos florentis nomen honoris indicat in clypei fronte cruenta manus , non quod s●vi aliquid , aut strict● fortiter ense hostibus occisis gesserit ista cohors ▪ ne● genus , aut virtus , meritum ve● gratia claros efficit , at nummi o male sana fames ! quinque notent digiti centenas quinque ferenda● mercandi pertium nominis esse libras . vilius at multi , dum cauponare * morantu● ex vera geniti nobilitate vir● interea è caulis hic prorepit : ille tabernis , et modo ●it dominus , qni modo servus erat . and to keep the order from swarming , the king confined it to the number of 200 , and as their issue should fail ; their order to cease ; engaging for himself and his heirs , not to superinduct a new order under another name . but he that will look how well the end of the institution , and the laws of it have been observed , shall ( to use sir richard bakers words ) perhaps find it to be here , as it was in the order of st. michael in france ; into which , at first , there were none admitted but princes , and eminent persons , but afterwards , all sorts of men without any difference ; that it came almost to be doubted , whether the dignity of the order did more grace the persons , or the meanness of the persons disgrace the order . in so much , as with camd. ( in his eliz. an. 1594. ) i shall conclude with what a noble french man said , the chain of st. michael was once a badge of noble men , but now a collar for all creatures . after his quitting ireland he was sent ambassadour to the emperour of germany , which he discharged with singular integrity and honour . he died near the time that king james died , and was buried at belfast in ireland . for whom some friend ( in a table hung over his tomb ) hath exprest his passion , but not our deputies merit ; for which we shall omit the poem , only give you what is inscribed on the table . sacred to god and eternal memory . sir arthur chichester knight , baron of belfast , lord high treasurer of ireland , governour of carrigfergus , and of the countries adjoining ; descended of the ancient and noble house of the chichesters in the county of devon , son of sir john chichester of raleigh knight , and of his wife gertrude courtney ▪ grandchild of edward chichester and of his wife elizabeth , daughter of bourchier earl of bath , after the flight of the earls of tirone and ter-connel , and other arch traitors their complices , having suppressed odoughertie , and other northern rebels , and setled the plantation of this province of ulster , and well and happily governed this kingdom in flourishing estate under james our king the space of xj years and more , whilest he was lord deputy and governour general thereof , retired himself into his private government , and being mindful of his mortality , represented unto him by the untimely death of arthur his son , the onely hope of his house ; who lived not full two moneths after his birth ; as also of his noble and valiant brother sir john chichester knight , late serjeant major of the army in this kingdom of ireland , and the precedent governour of this town , hath caused this chappel to be repaired , and this vaul● and monument to be made and erected , as well in remembrance of them whose statues are expressed , and their bodies interred , as also a resting place for the body of himself and his most dear and best beloved wif● the noble and vertuous lady lettice , eldest daughter of sir john perrot knight , sometime the worthy deputy of this kingdom ; which they hope shall rest here in peace until the second coming of their crucified redeemer , whom they mos● constantly believed then to behold with their bodily eyes , to their endless blessedness and everlasting comfort . under the crest , en me triumphantem . under the arms , honor sequitur fugientem . over the quire dore in christ church dublin there is this erected to his memory , at the repairing of the place ; the right honourable arthur chichester baron of belfast , and lord high treasurer of ireland , who took the sword of state and government of this kingdom the third of february 1604. and when he had been lord deputy and governed with justice 11 years and odd days , surrendred the sword the 11 of february 1616. to the then lords justices to his now great honour and his majesties approbation of his worth and merit . 1615. doctor thomas jones archbishop of dublin , lord chancellor , and sir john denham knight , lord chief justice of his majesties chief place , febr. 11. were constituted lords justices . jones died at his palace of s. sepulchres dublin , april 10. 1619. when he had been bishop 13 years , 5 moneths , and 2 days ▪ and was buried in st. patricks ; over whom i find this inscription ; christus mihi vires . on the right hand the tomb on the left hand the tomb d. o. m. s. d. o. m. s. thomas jones , archiepiscopus dublin , primus & metropolitanus hiberniae , ejusdem cancellarius , necnon bis e justiciariis unus , obiit decimo aprilis anno reparatae salutis humanae , 1619. margareta , ejusdem thomae vxor charissima , obiit decimo quinto decembris , anno a partu virginis , 1618. rogerus jones , eques auratus , vicecomes ranelough , baro de navan , necnon conatiae praeses , potentissimis principibus jacobo & carolo , magrae britanniae , franciae , & hiberniae regibus à secretioribus in hiberniae consiliis parentibus optimis , vxoribus charissimis , sibi & posteris posuit . prior vxor fuit francisca filia geraldi viceeomitis moore de drogheda quae obiit 23 novembris , anno à christo nato 1620. altera vero katherina filia henrici longevil de woolverton in comitatu buckinghamiae equitis aurati , quae obiit 4. decembris , anno domini 1628. filius & conjux moesti monumenta doloris hic patri , matri , conjugibusque loco . denham died , january ▪ 6. 1638. anno aetatis 80. and lies buried in a noble monument in egham in surrey . where is his effigies rising out of his coffin with his winding sheet falling off , holding up his left hand , and his right hand streight down . over his left hand in the tomb are these words , futura spero ut à peccatis in vita , sic à morte post vitam ut secund● redeat primam & ultimam in christo resurrectionem ex omni parte perfectam . under his right hand upon the side of the coffin pointing to his robes , only two words , praeterita sperno , contemning the world and the glory of it . further under his coffin he lies at length in his judges robes , and upon the edge of which compartment ( under which the dead are rising , with his own effigies among the rest ) there is writ ex ossibus armati . the tomb is supported by two pillars upon which stand two angels , one on the right hand with a sithe and trumpet ; and the other on the left , with a book and trumpet , under either of which pedestals there is surge à somnis . and then round about the edge of the tomb over his head is writ in golden letters ( as all the rest ) via , vita & resurrectio mea est per jesum christum ad aeternam beatitudinem cum sanctis . over his tomb are his arms. over the quire dore in christ church dublin , likewise is this for sir john denham . the honourable sir john denham knight , lord chief justice of his majesties chief place , and one of the lords justices in this kingdom in the year 1616. and in one of the chappel windows in lincolns inn , illustrated by the indefatigable antiquary mr. dugdale , i find this registred ; johannes denham miles , unus baronum curiae scaccarii in anglia , & quondam capitalis baro scaccarii in hibernia , & unus dominorum justiciariorum in hibernia . sir john denham was the first that ever set up customs in ireland , ( not but that there were laws for the same before ) of which the first year was made 500 l. but before his death which was about 22 years after , they were let for 54000 l. per annum . 1616. sir oliver st. john , afterwards viscount grandeson , who had done very memorable service at kinsale , and other places , august 30. lord deputy . in memory of whom , over the quire dore in christ church dublin , it is thus written ; the right honourable sir oliver st. john knight , descended of the noble house of the lord st. johns of bletso , deputy general of ireland , who took the sword of state and government of this kingdom into his hands august 30. 1616. during his government , affairs were not carried on so happily in ireland , but several discontents arose daily in the parliament assembled at westminster , especially in the house of commons , who brake up with a protestation much resented by king james , 1621. in as much as several members of parliament were committed , and sir dudley diggs , sir tho. crew , sir nath. rich , and sir james perrot , all active commoners ( for punishment ) were sent into ireland , joined in commission with others under the great seal of england , for the enquiry of sundry matters concerning his majesties service , as well in the government ecclesiastical as civil , as in point of his revenue , and otherwise within that kingdom , of whose account the times were silent ; nor do i find but by the acts that passed in this governours time , and the character that he left behind little , was justly to be inspected into . he lived afterwards in great repute in england , and died at battersey , anno aetatis 70. december 29. 1630. for whom on the north side of the quire in battersey church , is this inscription on a fair marble ; deo trino & uni sacrum . olivero nicolai st. john de lydiard , filio secundo , equiti aurato , antiquissimis & illustribus de bello campo de bletsoe , grandisonis & tregoziae familiis oriundo . terra marique , domi forisque , belli pacisque , artibus egregio : diu elizabethae e nobilissima pensionariorum cohorte suis inde meritis & singulari divi jacobi gratia in hybernia instrumentis bellicis praefecto : conaciae propreside questori summo & regis vicario , procomiti de grandisonis & tregoziae de hyworth in anglia baroni . eidem divo jacobo & filio ejus piissimo a secretioribus & sanctioribus consiliis , postquam is annos honoribus aequaverat , & tranquilissime senuerat . somnienti similiter extincto johannes de st. john eques & baronettus ex fratre nepos & heres avunculo me●entissimo moestissimus posuit in ecclesia de battersea . vixit annos 70. mor. 29. decembris , 1630. 1622. sir adam loftus lord viscount ely , lord chancellor , and sir rich. wingfield viscount powerscourt , may 4. lords justices . henricus dominus cary , vicecomes faulklandiae contrarotulator hospitii serenissimi domini regis jacobi deputatus suae majestatis in regno hiberniae , & unus dominorum privati consilii dicti domini regis in regno angliae , anno dom. mdcxxii . 1622. henry cary lord viscount of falkland in scotland , born at aldernam in hartfordshire , september 8. lord deputy . sub carolo i. 1625. the said henry viscount falkland lord deputy ; in whose time that memorable protestation made by the bishops , published by doctor downham bishop of londonderry in christ church dublin , against popery ( every where extant ) was grateful ; he carried himself very circumspect , and was in his own person mighty obliging ; but as a late author observes , that an unruly colt will fume and chafe ( though never switched nor spurred ) meerly because backed . in vindication of whose equal and just government , the council of ireland , apr. 28. 1629. assured his majesty , that for the insolence and excrescence of the popish clergy , and the outragious presumption of the unsetled irish it was less curbed by reason the deputy and council were somewhat limited concerning them , by late instructions , letters , and directions out of england ; and that they did dare affirm that the rest of the great body ( as to the civil part thereof ) was in better order at that time then ever it was in the memory of man , as to the execution of justice and the freedom of mens persons and estates ( the present charge of the army excepted ) and the advancement of the revenues of the crown , the competent number of bishops and other able and learned ministers of the church of england , and that for 200 years last past , england had never been so free of the charge of ireland , as under this government . after his quitting of ireland , he lived very honourable in england , until by a casualty he brake his leg on a stand in theobalds park , and soon after died thereof , anno 163. 1629. sir adam loftus lord viscount ely , lord chancellor , and sir richard boyle earl of cork , lord treasurer , october 26. were sworn lords justices . in their time the fiction of st. patricks purgatory in lough-dirg was discovered to be a meer illusion , a little cell hewed out of a rock , no confines of purgatory or hell , though priests made use of it to ensnare pilgrims . in whose time also ( though none were less favourers of the papists then they ) the roman catholicks ( viz. 1633. ) writes hamond l' estrange , began to rant it in ireland , and to exercise their fansies ( called religion ) so publickly as if they had gained a toleration ; in as much as they said mass frequently , till they were supprest by the lords justices , and 15 houses ( by direction of the lords of the council from england ) were seized on to the kings use , and the friers and priests so persecuted , as two hanged themselves in their own defence . their principle house in backlane was disposed of to the university of dublin , ( formerly took notice of ) who placed a rector and scholers in it , maintaining a weekly lecture there , which the justices countenanced with their presence , though afterwards the house was otherwise disposed of . yet affairs of this nature , as well as others , growing still irregular , the romish clergy too increasing to near double the number of reformed believers , in as much as their insolency aspired to that height , as openly to erect an university in dublin , in emulation , or rather in defiance of the kings colledge there . of which the house of commons in england ( ever tender of the affairs of ireland ) took especial notice in their first remonstrance to the king 1628. that without control the popish religion in ireland , was openly professed and practised in every part thereof , popish jurisdiction being there generally exercised and avowed , monasteries , nunneries , and other superstitious houses newly erected , reedified and replenished with men and women of several orders , and in a plentiful manner maintained in dublin , and most of the great towns , &c. upon which thomas lord viscount wentworth president of the north , was thought of as the fittest person to ballance those differences . sir richard boyle earl of cork died at youghal , and was there buried , anno 1643. near the date , ( if not on the day ) of the cessation concluded at siggins-town , september 15. unwilling to survive what he suspected might not be auspicious to the english , or conducible to the end for which it was designed ; wherein he prophesied not ill . he was a person for his abilities and knowledge in the affairs of the world eminently observable ; in as much as ( though he was no peer of england , yet ) he was admitted to sit in the lords house upon the woolsacks ut consiliarius . and for all the estate he arrived at ( which was the greatest in the memory of the last age ) none ever taxed him with exorbitancies , but such as thought princes had too little , and religious men not enough . in st. patricks church dublin , there is a fair monument for him and his relations . what concerns him is this , gods providence is our inheritance . this monument was erected for the right honourable sir richard boyle knight , lord boyle , baron of youghal , viscount of dungarvan , earl of cork , * lord high treasurer of ireland , of the kings privy council of this realm , and one of the two lords justices for the government of this kingdom , in memory of his most dear , vertuous and religious wife , the lady katherine , countess of cork , and their posterity ; as also of her grandfather dr. robert weston sometime lord chancellor of ireland , and one of the lords justices for the government thereof : whose daughter alice weston was married to sir geoffery fenton kt. principal secretary of state in this realm ; and they had issue the said lady katherine countess of cork , who lieth here interred with her said father and grandfather , whose vertues she inherited on the earth , and lieth here entombed with them . all expecting a joyful resurrection . obiit 10. die februarii , anno 1629. the issue of the right honourable richard lord boyle , earl of cork , and the lady katherine his wife , with the arms of such of their daughters husbands as are married . anno dom. 1631 honoratissimus , praenobilis ac illustrissimus dominus thomas vicecomes wentworth , baro wentworth de wentworth woodhouse , dominus de newmarche & oversley , serenissimi domini caroli magnae britanniae , franciae , & hiberniae , regis , deputatus generalis in regno suo hiberniae . dominus praesidens concilii in partibus borealibus regni angliae & à secretioribus suae majestatis conciliis , anno dom. mdcxxxiii . 1633. thomas lord viscount wentworth , president of the north , was sworn lord deputy july 25. one whose vast abilities the king had had due experience of , therefore constitutes him in this place . the year following he summoned a parliament at dublin , who granted three subsidies ; by virtue of which , and his prudent management thereof , he paid an arrear of 80000 l. due before his arrival , than which nothing ( of his masters justice ) could be more honourable and obliging . no kind of expence being more worthy a prince , or like to eternize him surer than what is paid to posterity in right of their ancestors . and besides this , all salaries , civil and military , were ( through his prudent management of those subsidies and his majesties revenue ) paid without charge to england , beyond what else he advanced to his majesties purse . who going for england , 1636. sir adam loftus viscount ely , lord chancellor , and christopher wansford master of the rolls , july 3. were sworn lords justices . viscount ely died about the beginning of the late troubles in england , in yorkshire , as i take it , where he was born , and there was buried . he was a person of a grave presence , and one that had long managed the chancellorship in ireland without offence , till some private interest made an inspection into his carriage ; yet ( when a very remarkable business came on the stage ) he waved making publick clamour the subject of his revenge . 1636. thomas lord viscount wentworth , &c. nov. 23. lord deputy . during whose time the notable case of tenures upon the commission of defective titles came to be argued by the judges of ireland ; five of which were of opinion , that the letters patents granted by king james in the iv year of his reign , march 2. were void in the whole , the subject having contrary to the authority given by the commission , obtained letters patents in fraud and deceit of the crown , to defeat the king of his tenures in capite , a principle flower of his crown , as is fullyargued by sir james barry ( baron barry ) in the case drawn up by him . contrary to which , two judges ( viz. justice mayart and justice cressey ) held that the letters patents were only void as to the tenure , which opinion ( amongst the generality ) begat a reverence of the later judges almost incredible ; especially after it was decreed at the council board july 13. 1637. that all tenures ( other than by knights service in capite ) were void in the whole , and therefore disannulled whatever estates had otherwise past in the counties of roscomman , slygo , mayo , galloway , or the county of the town of gallway ; yet after all ( when it had cost his majesty much in fining offices ) none of these lands were ever alienated from the pretenders to them . afterward the lord deputy going for england , the north of ireland being sufficiently secured against the scots , at that time somewhat suspected . 1639. robert lord dillon of kilkenney west , and christopher wansford master of the rolls , september 12. were sworn lords justices ; in whose time a parliament was summoned at dublin , but more than meet did little , in expectation of illustrissimus & excellentissimus dom. thomas comes de straffordia , vicecom . wentworth , baro wentworth de wentworth woodhouse , de novo mercato , oversley , & raby , serenissimi dom. caroli , magn. britanniae , franciae , & hiberniae , regis , locum-tenens generalis : necnon gubernator generalis regni sui hiberniae , dominus praesidens consilii in partibus borealibus regni angliae : & à secretioribus suae majestatis consiliis , anno dom. mdcxxxix . 1639. thomas l d viscount wentworth , some moneths before made earl of strafford , then constituted lord lieutenant , for that as his patent runs , obsequium suum & industriam nobis aegregiè probaverit dum officium deputatus nostri in regno nostro hiberniae , & praefecturam generalem exercitus nostri ibidem conscripti fide summa administravit , resque nostras illius regni ea prudentia ordinaverit ut nostro honori , saluti , ecclesiae populoque universo , optime consulerit . he arrived at dublin march 18. and the next day received the sword at the council table . after which he appeared in parliament , who granted four intire subsidies for that ( as it is in the preamble of the statute ) being moved thereunto by sundry great causes of joy and comfort ; particularly in providing and placing over us so just , wise , vigilant , and profitable a governour as the right honourable sir thomas wentworth , earl of strafford , lord lieutenant of this your said kingdom of ireland , president of your majesties council , established in the north parts of your said kingdom of england , one of your majesties most honourable privy council of the said kingdom . who by his great care and travel of body and mind , sincere and upright administration of justice without partiality , increase of your majesties revenues without the least hurt or grievance to any of your wel-disposed and loving subjects : and our great comforts and security by the large and ample benefits which we have received , and hope to receive from your majesties commission of grace for remedy of defective titles , procured hither by his lordship from your sacred majesty . his lordships great care and pains in restauration of the church , the reinforcement of your army within this kingdom , and ordering the same with such singular and good discipline , as that it is now become a great comfort , stay and security to this your whole kingdom , which before had an army rather in name than substance : his support of your majesties wholsome laws here established ; his encouragement to your judges , and other good officers , ministers , and dispensers of your laws in the due and sincere administration of justice : his necessary and just strictness for the execution thereof , his due punishment of the contemners of the same , and his care to relieve and redress the poor and oppressed . for this your tender care over us , shewed by the deputing and supporting of so good a governour , &c. we in free recognition of your great goodness towards us , do for the alleviation of some part of your majesties said inestimable charges , most humbly and freely offer to your majesty , &c. four intire subsidies , &c. upon the reputation of which , the earl of strafford raised 8000 foot , and 1000 horse , additional to the veterane forces . and so having expedited his majesties affairs there , he hasted into england ; where after a trial before his peers in westminster hall , ( a scene more magnificent than history can parallel ) he was on the pretended hate of the whole empire , condemned by bill of attaindor . et si accusatus non minus acriter quam fideliter defensus , varias sententias habuit plures tamen quasi mitiores . since which , that act , with all the circumstances of it , was repealed , anno 14 caroli secundi , worthy often perusal , having in it the state of the whole business ; and the same act that condemned him also secured , that his death should not be a president for the like . he was beheaded on tower-hill , may 12. 1641. quem ille ( as it was said of momoransis ) supremum casum fortiter juxta & religiose tulit . for whom there are several epitaphs , but that of his majesty in his incomparable meditations will survive brass or marble : i look ( saith his majesty ) upon my lord of strafford , as a gentleman whose abilities might make a prince rather afraid than ashamed in the greatest affairs of state. some few days after the earl of strafford was beheaded , robert earl of leicester ( grandson of sir henry sidney that excellent governour ) was nominated lord lieutenant of ireland . a person acceptable on all accounts , having never been engaged in the publick currant of the times , a virtue very remarkable , but often imployed on the noblest embassies abroad and at home , whereby he was a fit instrument to serve his prince in so eminent an imployment on the loss of such a minister of state as the earl of strafford , who by his knowledge in martial affairs , and other his great abilities , would have been no doubt ( as sir benjamin rudyard observed ) abundantly capable to have reduced the irish to a due obedience . but though he had sent over servants and much furniture into ireland , and lay a long time at chester for a dispatch , he yet never came into ireland , much to the regret of many that wished well to that service ; though part of the arrears of his entertainment there , are of late secured by the act of settlement in ireland . 1640. christopher wansford , master of the rolls , took the oath of lord deputy april 3. and died suddenly decemb. 3. following , passionately ( as it was thought ) affected with the imprisonment of the earl of strafford , whose intimacy had been of ancient date . nor were his apprehensions the less , for that not long before ( the parliament sitting at dublin ) some instructions were agreed on by the house of commons , ( for a committee to be sent into england ) which reflecting on the earl of strafford , he caused ( as it was generally reported ) to be razed out of the journal book . an example of which he had observed in the 19 year of king james , anno 1621. when the protestation of the house of commons was defaced by the kings own hand , and enjoined the agents ( then appointed ) not to repair to the court without the kings license ; which ( notwithstanding ) they did , some from one port some from another . he was buried in christ church dublin . a gentleman certainly of excellent parts , a clear orator , and one regained from the popular partie of the house of commons in england , to serve his prince in the secrets of state. on his death 1640. robert lord dillon of kilkenny-west , and sir william parsons knight and baronnet , master of the court of wards , decemb. 30. were sworn lords justices . but the lord dillon , a person of great abilities and a shrewd reach , well esteemed of by the earl of strafford , being excepted against by some of the irish committee of parliament then in england , he was displaced . yet that no business for the advantage of ireland might be delayed through the misdirections of orders from his majesty ; he was pleased by his letters january 4. in the 16 year of his reign , directed to his privy council in ireland , and to sir william parsons and sir john borlase knights , then designed to be his justices of that his kingdom , to grant ( amongst other things ) that his subsidies there should be reduced to a lesser rate than formerly ; and that all letters directed to the lieutenant , deputy , justices , chief governour or governours , or to any other officers or ministers of that realm , either concerning the publick affairs or private interests of any subject there , might be entered into his signet office in england , to the end that they may be ( upon occasion ) found to take copies of for the subjects better information in such publick things as may concern them ; as also that all dispatches from ireland should safely be kept apart , that like recourse may be had to them for the better satisfaction of the subject who shall be concerned therein . and whereas in the former governours time there were endeavours to hinder some agents of parliament to have recourse into england , his majesty takes notice that for as much as the committee of the parliament of ireland , john bellew esquire , and oliver cassel , with others imployed thence , have repaired into his kingdom of england to represent their grievances , he hath manifested his gracious condescentions to them , admitting them into his royal presence , forbidding his counsellors in ireland , or any other officers or ministers of that state to proceed any wise against them or any of them for the same ; and that any of his subjects shall have copies of records , certificates , orders of council , publick letters , or other entries for the declaration of their ▪ grievances made , so open was his breast to the complaints presented to him from the parliament in ireland , that if there had not been a general defection long anvilled in the minds of that people , the event of so horrid a rebellion ( as few moneths after happened ) could not have been the issue of such remarkable condescentions . at the lord dillons going off , 1640. sir william parsons master of the court of wards , long experienced in the affairs of ireland , and sir john borlase knight , master of the ordnance , well known to his majesty by several imployments at home and abroad , as collonel in the low-countries , and lieutenant general under the lord vere , one of the most expert and fortunate captains in the world , were the 10 ( not the 9 as some write ) of february , sworn at the council board lords justices : who jointly endeavoured to smooth the rugged passages of those times , obtaining from his majesty more graces than was thought would have been indulged the irish , in as much as a most honourable person a noble peer in the house of lords , avouched that the lords justices had always chearfully received their requests and messages , and were ready to comply with them , desiring that it might be entered in their journal , to the end that the memory of so even a government might remain to posterity . yet such then were the contrivance of the irish to rebellion , that though as one says , the design was many times discontinued , yet it bore an ancient date , and was subtlely pursued in parliament the session before it brake forth ; when they pretended ( by a committee of both houses ) to search his majesties stores , as if some plot had been framed there to destroy the parliament ( the house of parliament being then over part of the store ) and on that pretence they would fain have seen all his majesties store of ammunition and arms. but the lord borlase ( master of the ordnance , under whose charge those were ) boldly denied their requests as his majesties choicest jewels , not to be discovered without his especial orders , which they took ill , and octob. 23. 1641. the rebellion sadly broke out in its vigour and extremity , raised for the restauration of the publick profession of the romish religion , the restitution of all the plantation lands unto the natives , and settlement of the present government into their hands . on which pretensions it went on currantly , though the night before owen o-canally ( a meer irish man , but trained up in the protestant religion , who out of a sense of his duty and loyalty to his majesty , and for the preservation of his good people , and as an effect of that religion he was trained up in ) had discovered it first to the lord parsons , and then ( not accounting himself to be sufficiently credited ) to the lord borlase , at whose house the council ( such as could be raised from their beds ) met ; and securing the castle and city with such strength as they had , the lord mac-guire , collonel hugh oge-mac-ma●one , ( some of them afterwards hanged at tiburn ) and others , were convened before them ; who yet made so slight a business of their plot ( being discovered and their persons apprehended ) as the relator saw mac-mahon and others draw gibbets ( in chalk ) with men hanging on them in several places in the lord borlases hall , as the best death the english could expect from them . in the interim dublin ( by a strange providence ) was secured , though afterwards infested with so many inconveniences , such streights , as these justices government was under a perpetual trouble and anxiety , being at the best but uncertainly supplyed out of england ; though such was the resentment that the parliament ( then sitting ) had of ireland , and the outrages committed against the english , as they forthwith ordered 20000 l. for the present supply ; as also 6000 foot and 2000 horse to be raised with all convenient speed , voting other things necessary thereunto , passing an act afterwards for subscriptions , which were very free and liberal , besides a general collection through all his majesties dominion of england and wales towards the necessities of the poor distressed christians and protestants barbarously suffering in ireland . which later act arose to a very considerable sum , so much were the people generally affected with the afflictions of their brethren , and for the most part the contribution was circumspectly and well disposed of , though i am not ignorant that some laid it out in vanity , when afterwards their necessities wished a supply for food . that hence such was the success ( that waited on the war prosecuted by the english ) that till the exigencies of the time brought on a cessation , they never received ( the defeat near julians town excepted , hapning not without much ignorance ) any scorn or defeats ; and what was very remarkable , without any assistance either from the meer irish or english-irish , such a vnity was in the conspirators , ( the irish catholicks ) that the insurrection diffusing it self over the whole kingdom , setled into , and became a formed and almost a national rebellion of the irish papists against his late royal majesty of blessed memory ; as more at large appears in an act entituled , an act for the better execution of his majesties gracious declaration for the settlement of his kingdom of ireland , fol. 1. as also in an act for the anniversary thanksgiving for the deliverance , october 23. shewing the conspiracy so generally inhumane , barbarous , and cruel , as the like was never before heard of in any age or kingdom , &c. nihil illâ caede per paludes , per plateas , per viam regiam perque sylvas cruentius , nihil insultatione barbarorum intolerantius praecipuè tamen in causarum patronos , to use floras's expression in his chapter , de bello adversus gentes exteras : to which i need add no more , those acts being of authority to continue and out-face such as would lay a finer varnish on so horrid a design . so as these governours were encompassed with a thousand difficulties , ( maugre the imputation of very unjust designs some would charge them with ) and money coming in very slow ; all people were encouraged by orders from the council board , dated at the castle of dublin , ( one on the 5 , the later on the 14 of january , 1642. ) to bring in their plate to be coined , which many did ; some who in respect of their imployment had least reason to do it , whilest others secured theirs . at first the stamp was in this form , meerly with the value of the silver upon it . afterwards by the kings approbation , all kinds of pieces from 1 d. to 5 s. were in this manner stamped . and now some exceptions being taken against sir william parsons , ( which in the scene of affairs was no difficult thing to do ) he was removed , yet without any other disrespect or reflections , that now being free , he retired ( with much ease ) to his own privacies , with which he was much satisfied , till dublin being on all sides ( but the sea ) obstructed , he went for england ; where ( not finding his expectations answered ) he grew less composed , and died at westminster , mdcxlix , and was buried the ii of march in st. margerets church near the abbey . a gentleman of long and happy experience , one of a considerable allie in ireland , having many children fortunately bestowed on thriving families , in which himself was an excellent example , a knowing judge , and a civil magistrate . 1643. sir john borlase knight , master of the ordnance , and sir henry tichborn governour of tredath , ( who deserves a noble memory for his service there ) were may 1. sworn lords justices at the council board : who upon the consummation of the cessation wholely concluded by the marquess of ormond , and the settlement of the army , resigned . nor indeed did they it without much repose , great difficulties arising upon the cessation , not possible for them to satisfie , the exchequer being quite exhausted , and the money agreed to be brought in by the cessation being very negligently paid ; besides the cessation was not by all the british and protestant forces received with equal compliance , through which complaints daily multiplied . monro in the north grew so much incensed at the cessation that in his letters to the lords justices , dated september 29. 1643. after that he had acknowledged the states command to obey it , he writ to the lords justices and council , that that kind of usage and contempt of making a cessation without security for their pay , &c. would constrain good servants ( though his majesties loyal subjects ) to think upon some course which might be satisfactory to them , being driven almost to despair , and threatned to be persecuted by the roman catholick subjects , as they were termed . upon which the confederate council at kilkenny , octob. 15. following , writ to the lords justices and council at dublin to join with them the power of all his majesties good subjects within this kingdom , to secure the cessation inviolable , and that ( whilest their succours were in preparation ) their proceedings might no ways be thought to violate the cessation . the consequence of which may hereafter be enlarged on . sir john borlase ( truly sensible of the times ) died in great st. bartholomews london , march 15. 1647. anno aetatis suae , 72. and lies there buried in the east end of the north side of the chancel , near the communion table ; for whom i find edward bisse esquire , now sir edward clarentieux , in his notes on sir henry spelmans aspilogia , hath left this character , writing ( after that he had taken notice of his descent from borlase in cornwal ) that cum ab imperatoriis muneribus , quibus , cum in hollandia , tum in germania & dania defunctus est , requievisset , postmodum cum provinciae socio guilielmo parsono equite aurato , vices proregis in hibernia amoto straffordiae comite obivit , sub titulo hiberniae justiciarii , majori virtutis famâ , quàm sibi & suis consulturus de re familiari amplianda , ut qui tam divitiarum contemptor , quam fortitudinis & verae pietatis cultor . isque pari famae integritate ad obitum usque summum praefecturam aeneorum tormentorum in hibernia sustinuit ; per maternam ishamiorum in northamptonia originem sanguine annexus erat vetustissimae & nobilissimae familiae comitum oxoniensium quos heroicarum virtutum & sanguinis juxta cognatione contingebat . sir henry tichburn died at beauly his house near drogheda , anno 1667. and was buried in st. maries church in drogheda , that owed a rite to his ashes , who ( with so much vigilance and excellent conduct ) had preserved it and the town ; the defence of which was the security of dublin , for had the irish took drogheda , or deserted it ( so as to have laid the like siege to dublin ) so many poor souls as escaped thither , could never have been relieved ; nor could the state have been in any capacity to have subsisted till forces arrived from england , the first of which was on the last of december 1641. under the conduct of sir simon harcourt , collonel of a regiment of foot designed governour of the city of dublin , that long experienced and excellent officer , worthy the memory of the best prince , and most grateful people ; who afterwards was by an especial order admitted into the privy council . but providence ( whose eyes are in the wheels ) so ordered the business , that the whole force of the irish ( united in fury and vilany ) were most miraculously there defeated , and that meerly through gods mercy , by the courage and valour of the besieged , bearing out against the uttermost of extremity and treachery , faithfully set down by dean bernard in his treatise entituled , the siege of drogheda , the compleat freeing of which was upon the taking of dundalk , march 26. 1642. sir henry tichbourn entred drogheda , novemb. 4. 1641. so early had the vigilance of the state ( through the experience of one , who well knew the hazards of delay in war ) provided for its defence , sending thither with sir henry tichbourn governour , sir john borlase jun. afterwards collonel , and lieutenant of the ordnance , lieutenant collonel robert byron , since knight , and late master of the ordnance , and lieutenant collonel philip wainmond , all formerly field-officers , to join with the most excellent and truly noble henry lord viscount moore , afterwards lieutenant general of the horse , deservedly registred amongst the first of the nobility and officers ; who was unfortunately slain at the beginning of the treaty of the first ceslation , through the grazing of a cannon bullet , which he foresaw , yet took not warning enough to evade . these all served chearfully under his command , though the change of fortune ( to whom none is indebted for her constancy ) hath sufficiently evidenced in some , how little is to be trusted to ones merits , if favour be not also put into the ballance . sir henry tichbourn , descended from an ancient family in hampshire , from whom , though he received much , his vertue added more , he was early educated in the wars ; some years before his death he was made marshal of ireland . 1643. james marquess of ormond , jan. 21. in christ church dublin , was with great solemnity and general acceptance , sworn l. lieutenant ; a person likeliest , by his interests and concerns , to manage the troublesom affairs then in agitation . not long after his access to the government , the lord inchequin ( instigated by the parliament of england ) violated the cessation in munster , as the scots had done before in vlster , whilest the irish under the command of the popes nuncio , and owen row ( a most inveterate enemy to the english ) equally impatient of the name as of the government , withdrew their souldiers from their fidelity and colours ; though in the interim preston and taff endeavoured to make up a peace with the king. in opposition to which the lord inchequin and the prime officers in munster , had before interposed their sense , that no peace could be concluded with the irish which would not bring unto his majesty and the kingdom ( in general ) a far greater prejudice than shew of a peace there will bring them an advantage &c. adding in the close , that the true sense of the aspersion the irish had cast upon his majesty ( with all those other reasons which they had set down in their declaration ) made them resolve to die a thousand deaths rather than to condescend to any peace with the perfidious rebels , vowing never to desert the cause that was so visibly god almighties . notwithstanding which and many more difficulties , his excellency bore up with an equal heat , till that through the impetuousness of the times , the english monarchy was discemented , that the king being retired to new castle , writes from thence to the marquess of ormond , june 11. 1646. that for many reasons , too long for a letter , we think it fit to require you to proceed no further in treaty with the rebels , nor to engage vs upon any conditions with them after sight hereof , &c. our service and the good of our protestant subjects being herein much concerned . after which the rebels laying siege to dublin , and the lord lieutenant not being able to sustain a longer encounter , the scots too infesting at a distance , surrendred dublin , june 18. 1647. and what the king held in ireland to the parliaments commissioners , arthur ansloe esq ; , sir robert king , sir robert meredith , collonel john more , collonel michael jones ( to whom cheshire gives a character that he never charged the enemy till he came to the head of their troops ) rather then to suffer the interest of the english and protestants to fall into the power of the irish . and so retires for england soon after . but before that he left the kingdom , philip lord lisle was by the parliament of england , 1646. jan. 28. ordered to go into ireland as their lieutenant personally well furnished , though otherwise with no considerable force ; being made to believe that that part of the army in england ( which had then nothing to do , the king being brought to holmby ) should be sent after him , upon which febr. 19. he set sail from minhead and arrived at cork the 22. yet the army ( from whence he expected great matters ) then growing mutinous , would not be commanded by the parliament ; amongst which there were , besides a party in the house , that did not further his design , with whom some in ireland shewed ( at his landing ) to have an intimacy or correspondence ; so that though ( for the little time he was there ) it could not be said but that affairs were prudently carried , yet finding the scene so contrary to his expectation , he furnished the marquess of of ormond the 10 of march , with 20 barrels of powder , and the first of april 1647. he returned for england , being out of hopes of more than those small forces he carried with him . 1648. the said james marquess of ormond ( furnished with new instructions ) returns ( on the votes of non-addresses ) anew into ireland lord lieutenant ; but so writes elenchus , as to act nothing in the execution of that power as long as the treaty with the king , or any hopes of peace lasted . which injunction he very solemnly observed , retiring himself to the castle of kilkenny , his proper inheritance ; but finding ( at length ) how the king was abused in that treaty , he then vigorously endeavoured to improve his interests for his majesties service , though with that caution , so vigilant an eye , such a wary foot , as if the concerns of posterity , more than his own , was deposited in the weightiest scale : and thereupon , being forced in the midst of great streights , to conclude a peace with the confederate irish , he proclaimed it , jan. 17. 1648. which yet so little endeared him to them ( though such terms could never have been gained but at such an extremity ) as august 12. 1650. the titulary archbishops of ireland and others of the clergy , convened at james town , left no stone unturned to have hit him if it had been possible ; excommunicating all that adhered to him , though at his departure they testified ( by an act made at their general assembly at loghreough , decemb. 7. 1650. ) that they were fully satisfied that his excellency had faithful intentions and hearty affections to advance his majesties interests and service in that kingdom . soon after which he quitted ireland , having born ( with incredible patience ) the affronts and insolencies of the most considerable part of the irish against his majesties authority lodged in him ; and so , at length , that he might gratifie their expectations , he left the government in the marquess of clanrickard ; a person , say they , faithful to his majesty , and acceptable to the nation . and now being loose from an ungrateful people , whom all his condescentions , travels and sufferings made more insolent , he at length reached france ; where he had not been long , but he was summoned to an imployment answerable to his fidelity . the duke of glocester being sent out of england , the jesuites ( who were ready to improve the sufferings of that poor prince to the advantage of their own interests ) got him into their clutches , which the king hearing of , immediately imploys the marquess of ormond to recover him from their insinuations and allurements ; the which he did with singular prudence and sincerity , though the duke of glocester had before given such evidence of his satisfaction and proof of his religion , that the jesuites subtilties could work nothing on him , but a closer adherence to the true faith ; which ( that this history may be more evident ) i shall here insert what monsieur de l' angle ( in his letter , p. 30. touching the religion of the king ) hath evidenced to the world , from monsieur durel the princes governour . voicy donc ce que j'ensçay . c'est que les jesuittes entreprirent de porter cejeune prince à la revolte , pour cela ils trouverent le moyen d'oster son gouverneur d' auprés de luy . en suitte dequoy ils livrerent divers assauts à sa religion . on luy faisoit reluire mille belles esperances , on luy promettoit de luy faire pluvoir dans le sein les plus importantes dignitez ecclesiastiques du royaume , on l' asseuroit de l' abaye de sainct denys , & de l' archevesché de rheims , & d'un chappeau de cardinal . bref ces messieurs luy donnoient parole que l' on le rendroit si riche qu'il seroit assez puissant pour restablir le roy son frere dans son thrône . mais dieu assista extraordinairement ce prince , & pour l' opprobre de christ , qu'il prist pour sa part , il méprisa genereusement ces richesses d' aegypte . surquoy les jesuittes le transporterent de lieu en lieu , comme l' esprit fit autrefois nostre seigneur pour le tenter . ils le menerent premierement à pontoise , au seminaire des jesuittes , ou dieu luy fit la grace de soustenir de grands combats , mais par la force de son esprit dont il accompagna cét excellent prince , qui en ce temps là n' avoit pas plus de dix ou douze ans , il resta victorieux de tous ses puissans ennemis , qui resolurent encor de changer de place & de revenir à paris , faisan , comme balaam qui miroit de tous costez le peuple de dieu pour donner quelque prise à ses charmes . mais tout cela ne leur reussit point , par tout dieu benit cet illustre enfant , & dieu luy donna cette sapience d'enhaut à laquelle le monde ne sçauroit resister . et dieu qui ne souffre point que les siens soient tentez par dessus leur force , le delivra de tentation . car le roy d' angleterre qui apprist par son gouverneur exilé l'estat de son frere ; envoya promptement à son secours le marquis d' ormont qui le tira de ce mauvais pas par l' ordre de la reyne , qui eut la bonté de deferer à la volonté du roy d' angleterre son fils , & de faire remittre le duc de glocester entre les mains de ce marquis , qui le ramena auprés de ce roy , qui depuis ce temps là a veillé sur son éducation & l'affirmi en la cognoissance de la verité . 1650. vlike burgh marquess of clanrickard , earl of st. albons , in december , ( upon the departure of the marquess of ormond ) was left lord deputy . he lived sometimes at loghreough , sometimes at port tumney , and at tirrillen , continuing ( by virtue of his commission ) the assembly at loghreough , begun by the marquess of ormond , which ( in respect of the three states , lords , bishops , and commons , assembled in that body ) the irish entituled a parliament . he entered the 7. of march into galloway with all the nobility and gentry in great splendour , much to the content of that ●●●●y ; yet behaved himself with so even a temper , as the kings business was carried on , and the english every where countenanced : till the torrent proving too strong by the parliaments forces daily succeeding , he ( on the best terms he could make ) quitted all to their mercy about the year 1652. and returned for england , where not long after he died at london , and was buried at summerhil by tunbridge in kent . the english interest being now wholy under the government of the parliaments forces ( managed sometimes by cromwel , sometimes by ireton , then by fleetwood , at last by henry cromwel ) victoriously succeeding through the whole nation , victory ( as the lord chancellor observes in his speech in parliament , septemb. 13. 1660. ) being entailed on the army , which humanely speaking , could hardly fail of conquest , &c. whose order and discipline , whose sobriety and manners , whose courage and success hath made it famous and terrible over the whole world : in as much as some of the rebels themselves ( in their queries to the bishop of limerick ) say , that such a winter success in war , by so inconsiderable a party , against so considerable a kingdom , was never read or heard of ; considering especially , that to the support of the irish interests from ▪ january 1649. to january 1650. there was raised 533564 l. 10 s. 11 d. besides meal , beefs , wheat , winter quarter , kings customs , excise , and enemies estates , if we may credit the relation of mercurius politicus . so as the confederacie of the irish being thereupon broken , september 26. 1653. notwithstanding the popes cement , there insued thereupon a distribution of the rebels estates , which since ( by a supream power ) is more orderly invested in the possessors ; and those ( whose loyalty valued not the nuncio's excommunication ) have their lands secured by the act of settlement . and what is more , their names , their honours , and themselves perpetuated to posterity , having eminently suffered for their adhering to the authority of his majesty , or his late father of blessed memory , against the nuncio and his party . the year before his majesties happy return into england , interesses of all sorts bandying one against another , ireland ( amongst the rest ) thought how best to secure its stake . upon which sir charles coote barronet , and other officers of the army in ireland ( much in vouge with the people ) set forth a declaration at dublin , february 16. 1659. taking notice how the authority o● the parliament in england was openly violated , and that it was but reason to secure the grand interest , having been poured forth from vessel to vessel , &c. with much more to the same effect , worthy of a record , in as much as not long after in a general convention ( not without the subtlety of some contrived to effect the kings restauration ) was summoned at dublin , in which there was orders taken for the satisfying the souldiers , who had been long behind in their pay , and the effecting of other things conducible to the grand design . and now having notice of the kings letter from breda , they ( accounting themselves not less concerned than others ) laid hold on his clemency in this declaration . a declaration of the general convention of ireland . although the deluge of bloud spilt in these his majesties kingdoms of england , ireland , and scotland , might by the cry thereof awaken us ; and the observation how god hath from time to time blasted all the attempts of rasing our ancient foundations , speaks plainly unto all , that we must return to , and repose in the proper center of that government under which these kingdoms for many hundreds of years flourished : yet we cannot but acknowledge , and we do hereby declare , that we receive additional incouragement to hope and endeavour for his majesties return and resettlement , ( the onely basis to support our liberties and freedom ) from perusal of his majesties late gracious declaration dated at his court at breda the 4 / 14 day of april in the twelfth year of his reign , directed to all his loving subjects , under which title we are comprehended , which we justly esteem our glory and happiness . and we cannot pass by our acknowledgment of the undeserved mercies of our god , who by inclining his majesties heart to the entertaining of the thoughts of clemency , justice , and peace ; and by bowing the hearts of all his majesties faithful subjects in these three kingdoms , to embrace resolutions of duty and loyalty due to his sacred person ; hath in a great part removed those obstructions which to humane appearance seemed insuperable by treasure and bloud , without the expence of the one , or effusion of the other . and we do hereby declare our humble , hearty and joyful sense of those gracious offers held forth by his majesty in his said declaration , and confirmed by the word of a king , which are like apples of gold in pictures of silver , and the lively expressions of an indulgent king , that prevents the desires of his people by free concessions . and we further declare , that with all submissive thankfulness we receive , and do lay hold of those condescensions of favour and grace , as the fittest expedients to cement the divided interests in these three kingdoms ; for which we shall always pay a constant tribute of duty and loyalty to his majesty , as the undoubted ▪ heir of these three kingdoms , and our just and lawful soveraign , so that as we may with full satisfaction say we live under the best of kings : ●● his majesty may be pleased to repute us amongst the best of subjects . god save the king . dated the 14 of may , 1660. may 14. 1660. ordered by the general convention of ireland , that this declaration be forthwith printed and published . ma. barry clerk of the general convention of ireland . dublin , printed by william bladen , by special order , anno dom. 1660. the convention ( which in all things had manifested its loyalty , and the first fruits of obedience ) continued after the kings return with his permission ; having exprest their loyalty to him , his royal highness , and the duke of glocester , in a sum considerable for that poor nation . and , on the promise of a parliament , dissolved . sub carolo ii. his majesty was no sooner setled in his throne , but he reflected on the miserable and languishing state of ireland , whose harp had long hung on the willows solitary and unstrung ; and thereupon named some to whom the affairs of ireland were particularly addressed , yet till that he had pitched on such as he thought fittest for the continuance in that government , i find by a proclamation dated at dublin sept. 24. 1660. sir charles coote knight barronet , and major ▪ william bury , stiled commissioners of government and management of affairs in ireland ; which i could not pass over , though these had not the regalia signa puniendi , sword and mace committed to their trust ; the first of that nature were 1660. sir maurice eustace , lord chancellor , roger boyle earl of orrerey , baron braughil president of munster , and sir charles coote earl of montrath , lords justices ; the chancellor and montrath were sworn decemb. 31. orrerey the 17 of january ; before whom a parliament was summoned the 8 of may 1661. of which dr. bramhal lord primate of ardmagh was by the kings appointment made speaker of the house of lords , the chancellor being then one of the lords justices substituted ( with his colleagues ) to present the kings person in that senate . of whom dr. dud. loftus in his funeral oration of this bishop , p. 30. writes very worthily * and sir audley mervin his majesties prime serjeant at law , was made speaker of the house of commons ; which he discharged with equal faith and integrity . the house of commons gave the duke of ormond 30000 l. as a present from their house , without relation to any satisfaction which should be provided for him by his majesty , or otherwise in recompence of his great losses and sufferings ; such a value was placed on his merits , such an estimate on his sufferings . and as soon as the king had declared at court ( viz. the 4 of november 1661. ) that he had made the duke of ormond lord lieutenant of ireland , the irish committee of parliament then attending the king , returned him solemn thanks for so excellent a choice , and the lords justices and council of ireland , upon the notice thereof , published this order . by the lords justices and council . m●ur . eustace canc. orrerey , montrath whereas his majesty hath in his highness wisedom adjudged it fit to declare our very good lord his grace the duke of ormond lord lieutenant of this kingdom , who had the honour to be so eminently instrumental in laying such firm foundations for the future strengthening of this kingdom , the propagation of the protestant religion , and securing the english interest therein : we therefore think fit , and so do order , that the major of the city of dublin do take order that there be this evening such publick demonstrations of joy , upon so happy an occasion , in and throughout the ▪ city and suburbs , as well by the militia of the city as otherwise , as may testifie the joined and unanimous gladness of all men for that happy choice made by his majesty , tending , by the blessing of god , in an high degree , to the honour and service of his majesty , and to the happiness of this his kingdom and people . given at the council chamber in dublin , novemb. 20. 1661. jam. dublin h. midensis w. caulfield jo. bysse jo. temple paul davies robert forth robert meredith the earl of montrath dying the 18 of december 1661. of the smal pox in dublin , was privately buried in christ church the next night , but his obsequies were there solemnly performed the 6 of february following in great state. after whose death 1661. sir maurice eustace lord chancellor , and roger earl of orrerey , &c. january 14. were sworn lords justices at the council board . sir maurice eustace died in dublin the 22 of june , in the 71 year of his age of a palsie , 1665. and was buried at castle martin early the next morning ; his funeral was solemnized in st. patricks church in dublin that day three weeks after he died . the most noble prince james , duke , marquess , and earl of ormond , earl of ossory and brecknock , viscount ●hurles , lord baron of arclo and lanthony , lord of the regalities and liberties of the county of tiperary , chancellor of the university of dublin , lord lieutenant general and general governour of his majesties kingdom of ireland , one of the lords of his majesties most honourable privy council of his majesties kingdoms of england , scotland , and ireland , lord steward of his majesties houshold , lord lieutenant of the county of somerset , gentleman of his majesties bedchamber , and knight of the most noble order of the garter . mdclxii . 1662. james duke of ormond , &c. who had ( as the act for the settlement of the kingdom of ireland saith , fol. 99. ) upon the most abstracted considerations of honour and conscience , faithfully adhered to his majesty , and to the crown of england , without any regard to his own estate or fortune , was the 28 of july sworn in cork-house lord lieutenant , and the 27 of september following , he gave the royal assent to several acts of parliament . at that time delivering himself in so significant a speech as ( besides those elegances which beautified the oration ) he discovered , with singular humanity , how far men ( further than their ▪ first intention ) may proceed to villanies , policy and power ( in conclusion ) could not restrain . all delivered with that vigour , that nothing could have made equal impression , or indeed have been spoken , but from one that had lain in his masters breast , known his thoughts , uttered his sense ; which being registred amongst the records of parliament , is there to be sought for with reverence . then ( as i have said ) he past many acts of parliament , amongst the rest , one for the settlement of the kingdom of ireland was the chief ; which afterwards ( through the proceedings of the commissioners authorized by virtue of that act to judge betwixt party and party ) came again to be considered : in as much as sir audley mervin ( speaker of the house of commons ) in his excellent speech to his grace the duke of ormond , february 13. 1662. stiles it the magna charta hiberniae ; and in maintenance of the true sense thereof , presents an instrument to his grace , with rules and directions for the commissioners proceedings thereupon , that discerning a cloud ( through the interposition of some malevolent planet ) it might remain ( whether pursued or no ) as a record of their endeavours , that the hard fate and ruine of an english interest in ireland , might not bear date under the best of kings , under so vigilant a lord lieutenant , under the first , if not prevented , like to be the last protestant parliament there ; which with fuller circumstances , were so lively presented by him , that with one voice it was ordered to be printed , and so it was by william bladen at dublin , and re-printed at london by j. streater soon after ; which for its length i omit , though ( as to the english interest , the adventurers security , and the souldiers arrears ) nothing deserves more solemnly to be commended to posterity . all afterwards duly considered of by his grace the duke of ormond , who in the timely composure of this business , struggled under no mean or short incumbrances , and so having laid the storm ( the better to reduce all interests into a settlement ) he repaired into england , the 31 of may , 1663. and his son 1663. thomas earl of ossory the same day was sworn lord deputy in the council chamber , the sword ( till then deposited in the dukes closet ) being with usual ceremonies committed to his trust . and well it might , for never any ( unless his father ) received it with more general applause , or bore it with a more equal and obliging temper . since he hath ( in several capacities at sea ) gallantly acted beyond the fiction of a romance . 1665. in the beginning of september his grace the duke of ormond landed at waterford and came to kilkenney , having the sword delivered to him again upon his landing , the earl of ossory's commission then being determined . and now his excellency being returned ( on whose indulgence father walsh with his party much relied ) the glossing design of some papists ( to demonstrate their allegiance to the king against all pretences of the roman court ) daily gathered fire , in as much as the irish clergy ( archbishops , bishops , &c. with two divines of each regular order , to the number of 70 ) obtained the freedom to meet at dublin in the residence of the parish priest of st. owens church the 11 of june 1666. in a national synod , to sign the remonstrance and protestation subscribed and presented to his majesty in january and february , 1661. by divers of the nobility , gentry , and romish clergy ; the like whereof , nay nor any way near it , had ever been permitted ( saith my author , others thought so too ) since queen maries reign ; that rational men expected ( from so gracious a connivance ) some notable and grateful act would have proceeded ; but in stead of such , first they clash amongst themselves , then the primate coming in , bids the bishop of kilfinuragh their speaker to quit the chair ; who refusing , the primate with most of the assembly depart the house ; upon which the remnant cry hard for a dissolution . but father walshes arguments ( after some heats on all sides ) prevailed to continue the assembly , and the primate returns thither of himself , the house declaring that the chair was no seat of dignity , but of ministry and office. and so the assembly proceeded , but with such animosities in their debates , as the result was wholy insignificant , granting little more ( if any thing ) then when their confederates , in the late rebellion , coined monies , slew his majesties innocent naked subjects , surprized his castles , vilified his governour , yet verbally professed allegiance to the king : so as the 25 of june ( the 15 day of their meeting ) the national synod was dissolved , his grace signifying to them that he found no satisfaction in any of their addresses . in all which father walsh is very particular in his history and vindication of the loyal formulary . a piece ( bating his exuberances ) worthy perusal ; for which , and his integrity , he bears the papal frown ; having manifested only that the vicar of the church hath no soveraignty over soveraign princes in their own dominions in civil and temporal affairs . a tenent so necessary , that the contrary in history is marked with a black coal . nor can it be otherwise , no pope willingly allowing subjects any other obedience to their prince , than what is in subordination to their see , upon which the greatest dissentions in the world have ensued ; so that indeed to talk of obedience in civil and temporal affairs only , is in truth nothing ; the ecclesiastick authority wiping off at pleasure the other cobweb pretended subjection . the 26 of october following his graces arrival at kilkenny , the parliament ( which had been long put off by many necessary prorogations ) fell into consideration of the explanatory bill of setlement , which took up much time , as it had long before exercised his graces solicitations , interest and studies in england : at length it passed ( though not without some doubts ) by the commons in parliament ; which his grace , with the advice of the council the 15 of december , 1665. ) having satisfied , he past into an act ; which i am the willinger to mention , that what niceties soever one may raise thence , the faith of this illustrious person , given in its defence , may bear up its honour and validity ; though some thought ( notwithstanding the utmost extent of the investing clause ) the whole was short of what might be expected for money so long subscribed ; the charge the souldiers and adventurers had been at for surveying , maintaining , and defending their lots , the passing of patents , and the great rents payable thence ; which considering the state of affairs , could hardly be avoided : as it may well be concluded by this , that after five years pains taken by the king , by his councils , and by his two houses of parliament , the state was got no farther than into the prospect of a settlement . all which and more you will find in his graces speech to both houses of parliament , at his giving the royal assent to the grand act of settlement , 1665. to which i must refer you , as being the support of his graces confidence in the settlement ; and may well be others , whoever is most concerned in the adventure . at his return for england ( near three years after ) he was chosen chancellor of oxford , on dr. sheldon lord archbishop of canterburie's rie's resignation , august 4. 1669. as one best able to protect that place , and the theatrum sheldonianum , a piece ( if not exceeding ) emulating the stateliest monuments of antiquity ; yet he was not sworn till august the 26. at worcester-house london , in a convocation there held by dr. fell vice chancellor ; a most obliging and vigilant governour , and others of the university in their formalities * 1668. april the 25. the earl of ossory was again sworn lord deputy in the absence of the duke his father , who embarqued the day before for england , he ( having passed over his government with general satisfaction ) resigned . the right honourable john lord roberts of tr●ro , lord privy seal , lord lieutenant general and general governour of his majesties kingdom of ireland , one of the lords of his majesties most honourable privy council , anno domini , mdclxix . 1669. to john lord roberts , baron of thruro , lord privy seal , the 18 of september , who landed at houth , and was that day honourably conducted to dublin , and sworn at the council board lord lieutenant : who ( on the access of the lord barkley to the government ) gave up his power with this short speech , my lord , i will not detain you long from the great charge now placed upon you , action is the life of all government . i have no more to say . but i received this sword in peace , and will deliver it so to your excellency . for whom i have seen this inscription , written by one who knows as well what men are , as the language ( wherein he is excellent ) to express them in : hic jacet aut habitat recti pertinax . honoratissimus dominus dominus johannes barkley , baro de stratton , locum tenens & gubernator generalis hiberniae , necnon serenissimo principi carolo secundo , angliae , scotiae , franciae , & hiberniae regi , fidei defensori , &c. tam anglia quam hibernia e consiliis secretioribus . 1670. may the 21. john lord barkley , baron of stratton , landed privately at rings end by dublin ( scarce then expected ) and was that day sworn lord lieutenant at the council board . who going for england 1671. june the 12. dr. richard boyle archbishop of dublin , and lord chancellor , and sir arthur forbes barronet , a member of the privy council , and captain of a troop of horse , were sworn lords justices : archbishop boyle was one of the * twelve bishops consecrated in st. patricks church in dublin , the 27. of january 1660. in that solemn order as ( since the reformation ) the like hath not been observed with so much formality and state , a procession yet not so solemn as amazing . to the euge of which was that ingenious and celebrated anthem designed , entituled , quam de●●o exaltavit dominus coronam , composed by the then dean of s. patricks dr. william fuller , since bishop of limerick , now of lincoln ; and ( that no question might be raised as to the legitimacy of this ordination ) some ( who in the late wars moved excentrical to their functions ) were not admitted to lay on their hands , though the eminency of their parts , and the strictness of their lives are exemplary . the justices 1671. the 23 of september , delivered up their power to john lord barkly lord lieutenant , then returned out of england ; who with much tranquility continued his government , till that his excellency arthur earl of essex , viscount maldon , baron capel of hadham , lord lieutenant of the counties of hertford and wilts , one of his majesties most honourable privy council , lord lieutenant general and general governour to his most excellent majesty king charles the second of his kingdom of ireland , in the 24 year o● his reign , mdclxxii . 1672. august the 5. arthur lord capel earl of essex ( son of arthur lord capel the victim ) arrived at dunlary near dublin , and that afternoon was sworn ( at the council board ) lord lieutetenant . a person so acceptable to the nation , as obedience is their sacrifice , and honour his rule . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28831-e1530 in his dedicatory epistle before the statutes of ireland . c. vel. patere . p. 11. veter . epist . 50. hiber . sylloge p. 118. notes for div a28831-e6880 fol. 737. fol. 353 ▪ spel. gloss . fol. 336. fol. 346. notes for div a28831-e8150 spel. gloss . fol. 331. alias dominus de chepstow , earl of ogie in normandy , earl of leicester , earl marshal of england , vicegerent of normandy , lord lieutenant ( as is said ) of ireland , and prince of leinster in the right of eva his wife , sole heir of dermot mac-morogh king of leinster . hoveden . is est inter caesarem & populum constitutus judex ita ut quicquid ab eo negotiorum imperialium justum est , perinde habeatur ratum ac si ab ipso caesare fuerit peractum . l. funestella de magistratibus romanorum , cap. 26. p. 70. vide pomp. laetum de magist . rom. p. 92. ware de antiq. hib. p. 168. hanmer , p. 157. cambd. of irel. giral . hib. exp. lib. 2. cap. 18. hoved. p. 685. godw. of bish . p. 159. hoved. hollinshead . hoved. lib. ● . cap. 24. fol. 77. stat. irel. fol. 183. fol. 357. hoved. annals , anno 1187. hanmer chron. p. 168. hanmer out of the book of hoth . p. 169. fuller in his worthies , p. 25. p. 167. camp. fol. 73. hanmer fol. 169 notes for div a28831-e10180 hollinshead . hanm. fol. ●● ▪ mat. par. f●● 403. fol. ●● ▪ fol. ●●● ▪ notes for div a28831-e10460 hanm. fol. 183. ware de antiq. hib. p. 173. matt. paris . ware de antiq . hib. p. 213. mat. paris fol. ●30 . godw. of bishops , p. 421. notes for div a28831-e11160 pry●● hist . h. 3. fol. 38. ware de praes . hib. fol. 107. prynn . hist . k. john , fol. 10. mat. paris fol. 366. anno 1230. mat. par. ibid. spelm. gloss . fol. 340. prynn . hist . h. 3. fol. 80. mat. par. fol. 397. hanm. fol. 198. out of florileg . and hollinsh . matt. par. fol. 398. ware de antiq. hib. p. ●33 . mat. par. fol. 975. prynn h. 3. fol. 107. hollinsh . fol. 37. cambd. brit. fol. 519. dugd. chronica . camd. brit. f. 309. vincent on brook , fol. 522. vincent on brook , fol. 447. holmes his note thereon . hanm. fol. 201. camd. brit. fol. 583. notes for div a28831-e13410 prynn fol. 118. prynn hist . edw. 1. fol. 136. ware de praes . hib. fol. 247. prynn , fol. 353. ware de praes . hibern . f. 110. in his hist . of the king , f. 574 ▪ camd. brit. fol. 723. prynn , fol. 573. ware de hib. p. 346. camp. fol. 79. ware de praes . hib. f. 34. prynn hist . fol. 457. prynn 23 of edw. 1. fol. 639 from fol. 774. to fol. 888. notes for div a28831-e15150 davies of ireland , fol. 85. fol. 97. ▪ fol. 366. camd. irel. fol. 82. p. 85 ▪ spencer of irel. fol. 13. davies , p. 86. ware de praes . hib. f. 167. de antiq. hib. p. 82. ware de antiq. hiber . lib. 15. marleb . fol. 211 camd. brit. fol. 364. notes for div a28831-e16760 godw. de praes . p 541. anno 1268. davies , p. 205. ware de prae● . hib. f. 185. camd. brit. fol. 283. camd. irel. fol. 82. camd. title leinster . p. 32. dan. hist . fol. 25● vinc. on brook fol. 125. weavers fun. monum . fol. 268. fol. 523. coke instit . part 2. fol. 47. notes for div a28831-e19660 york title march , fol. 197. coke of ireland fol. 357. ware de praes . hib. fol. 36. walsing . hypod. neust . davies , p. 42. and forwards . vincent on brook , fol. 528 notes for div a28831-e21020 fol. 271. s●●w . camp. hist . fol. 96. notes for div a28831-e22160 de praes . hib. 12. fol. 115. truss . fol. 111. notes for div a28831-e23010 vincent on brook , fol. 329. stow survey of london in 4 to . p 487. ware de praes . fol. 36. stat. irel. fol. 3. camd. brit. fol. 48● . camd. irel. fol. 95. speed , fol. 876. vincent on brook from camd. fol. 598. coke jurisd . of courts , fol. 124. stows survey of london in 4 to . p. 720. trussel , fol. 151. stat. irel. fol. 13. vincent on brook , fol. 593. ware , h. 7. an. 1 ware de praes . hib. f. 23. stat. irel. f. 19. stat. irel. f. 21. stat. irel. f. 29. vincent on brook , fol. 621. notes for div a28831-e25670 stat. irel. f. 31. ware de antiq. hib. p. 174. camd. irel. f. 88. stat. irel. f. 32. davies , p. 61. pliny epist . p. 65. fullers worth. stat. irel. f. 40. vincent on● brook , f. 612. also trussel fol. 194. stat. irel f. 44. stat. irel. f. 4● . ware de praes . hib. fol. 37. ware de praes . hib. f. 171. notes for div a28831-e27050 de antiq. hib. p. 164. bakers hist . r. 3. p. 43. notes for div a28831-e27260 ware , h. 7. ann. 1487. ware de praes . hib. f. 117. stat. irel. fol. 67. vincent on brook , fol. 50. ware , h. 7. f. 38. davies , p. 254. ware , h. 8. f. 113 de praes . angl. godw. de praes . ang. p. 191. notes for div a28831-e28500 ware , h. 8. camd. irel. fol. 100. spelm. gloss . fol. 334. fol. 99. vincent on brook , fol. 357 stows survey of london , in 4 to . p. 487. ware de praes . hib. fol. 157. cherb . h. 8. fol. 208. stat. irel. f 7. davies , p. 238. vincent on brook , fol. 173. herb. of h. 8. f. 389. ware de pras . hib. fol. 118. stat. irel. f. 1●1 herb. fol. 469. brents counc . of trent . f. 392 ware fol. 173. notes for div a28831-e31180 ware , fol. 178. so camp. and the writers of the last ages . sir john hayw. in the life of edw. 6. p. 280. notes for div a28831-e32440 camd. brit. fol. 331. ware of this q. stat. irel. f. 246 notes for div a28831-e33410 camd. ann●● eliz. 1. pag. 223. godw. de praes . angl. p. 360. camd. eliz. p. 43. stat. irel. fol. 259. fol. 297. fol. 309. fol. 315. ware de script . hib. p. 136. 1580. camd. eliz. in this year 1586 lib. 8. p. 404. in 1583. camd. anno citato . stat. irel. fol. 373. davies . , p. 256. caesar williamson , panaeg . in hen. cromwel , p. 22. vir doctrinâ multifariâ , modestiâ , omnibúsque virtutibus conspicuus . ware de praes . hib. f. 111. de praes . hib. camd. brit. fol. 690. vir certè praecellens , in quo morum probitas cum natalium claritate certavit , quae tamen invidiae obsistere non poterant . camd. annal. eliz. fol. 264. p. 122. 1597. robert devoreux earl of essex , earl marshal of england , and lord lieutenant of ireland , viscount hereford , baron ferrars of chartley , lord bourchier and lovain , master of the horse and ordnance to queen elizabeth , knight of the garter , one of her majesties privy council , and chancellor of the universities of cambridge and dublin . xv. april , mdxcviii . camd. eliz. part 2. p. 210. camd. append . to eliz. notes for div a28831-e42240 fowlis in his hist . of romish treason . vincent on brook. so dan. in his fun. po●m on this noble e. p. 22. davies of irel. p. 264. davies , p. 265. brit. p. 76. ▪ * r●●usant . in his ch●●● . fol. 439. w●r● de praes . hib. fol. 121. rushw . hist . collect. fol. 55. notes for div a28831-e45650 scrinia sacra , p. 236. in his reign of k. charles i. fol. 116. ephemeris parliamentar . fol. 210. * a title rather of honour than profit , having but 30 l. fee from the exchequer , the vice treasurer or treasurer at war having the chief emoluments of the place , though the lord treasurer carries the staff and bears the dignity . printed at dublin , 1637. anno 16 car. reg. diurnal occurrences , p. 355. the anniversary act of thanksgiving , fol. 5. p : 115. the lord inchequin and the officers letter from cork july 17. p. 223. p. 347. anno 1650. the act of settlement , fol. 124. notes for div a28831-e51950 * praeter quotidiana munia sua praestita perquam laudabiliter hisce comitiis , habuit in eorundem auspiciis orationem gravibus verbis cultam , & sapientissimis sententiis politam , alias verò effudit orationes succulentas , &c. ut nemo fide prestantior , nemo certè in officio constantior atque perseverantior , &c. ejusdemque consilio , decretum est , unanimi consensu suffragante , omnia sua membra , coenae salutaris dominicae fieri participantia , sacra manu hujus praesulis administrante . which i the rather observe , it being ( for what i ever heard ) the first order of that nature , the composition of the lords house consisting most of papists . p. 3. p. 1. walsh loyal remonstrance fol. 674. the state of which business was printed at dublin , with his graces speech , and the house of commons considerations on the bill of settlement , by john crooke , 1665. see the state of the adventurers case , fol. 7. * at which solemnity there was also present his grace of canterbury , the bishops of london , worcester , oxford , and rochester , the earls of bedford , aylsbury , dumferlin , and carlingford , with innumerable other persons of quality , whom ( after the convocation was ended ) he there entertained at a most sumptuous banquet , with a mind more obliging . * quot haec aetas nec retrò omnia secula uno tempore & loco , vix unquam ▪ viderunt consecratos , quae quidem consecratio ita secundùm sacri officii●a ex parte formam & ritus ecclesiae ex canonibus requisitos , erat celebrata , ut nihil pro rei tam sacrae solemnitate , & venustate de●●deraretur . dud. loft . orat. fun. in episc . armac . p. 26. the clergies lamentation: deploring the sad condition of the kingdome of ireland, by reason of the unparallel'd cruelties and murders exercised by the inhumane popish rebells upon many thousand protestants in the province of ulster, and especially the ministers there, since the beginning of this bloudy rebellion. in which is also particularly expressed the names, and manner of the murthering, imprisoning and famishing of such ministers and others, by those barbarous and blood-thirsty rebells. published as an incouragement to all true-borne englishmen, to rise up as one man to resist those rebells, who are (by command from his majesty) shortly to be brought over into england. by daniel harcourt, one of the commissioners for the examination of the protestants grievances in that province. published by order. harcourt, daniel. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a87081 of text r2085 in the english short title catalog (thomason e49_8). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 80 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a87081 wing h690 thomason e49_8 estc r2085 99867446 99867446 119757 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a87081) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 119757) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 9:e49[8]) the clergies lamentation: deploring the sad condition of the kingdome of ireland, by reason of the unparallel'd cruelties and murders exercised by the inhumane popish rebells upon many thousand protestants in the province of ulster, and especially the ministers there, since the beginning of this bloudy rebellion. in which is also particularly expressed the names, and manner of the murthering, imprisoning and famishing of such ministers and others, by those barbarous and blood-thirsty rebells. published as an incouragement to all true-borne englishmen, to rise up as one man to resist those rebells, who are (by command from his majesty) shortly to be brought over into england. by daniel harcourt, one of the commissioners for the examination of the protestants grievances in that province. published by order. harcourt, daniel. [2], 6, 15 [i.e. 23], [1] p. : ill., port. printed for henry shepheard, and are to be sold at his shop over against the royall exchange, [london] : 1644. place of publication from wing. pages 22-23 are misnumbered 23, 15; text is continuous despite pagination. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a87081 r2085 (thomason e49_8). civilwar no the clergies lamentation: deploring the sad condition of the kingdome of ireland,: by reason of the unparallel'd cruelties and murders exer harcourt, daniel. 1644 14130 73 0 0 0 0 0 52 d the rate of 52 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-10 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion portrait of king charles charles , by the grace of god , king of great britain , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. the clergies lamentation : deploring the sad condition of the kingdome of jreland , by reason of the unparallel'd cruelties and murders exercised by the inhumane popish rebells upon many thousand protestants in the province of ulster , and especially the ministers , there , since the beginning of this bloudy rebellion . in which is also particularly expressed the names , and manner of the murthering , imprisoning and famishing of such ministers and others , by those barbarous and blood-thirsty rebells . published as an incouragement to all true-borne englishmen , to rise up as one man to , resist those rebells , who are ( by command from his majesty ) shortly to be brought over into england . by daniel harcourt , one of the commissioners for the examination of the protestants grievances in that province . published by order . printed for henry shepheard , and are be sold at his shop over against the royall exchange . 1644. to the clergie of england . the lord not only gave his people the land of promise , but cities of refuge , to which those fled pursued , not so fast by an ill conscience , as the avenger of bloud , though a corrupt conscience be the only vulturean a venger . the ministers of the gospell were not tipified ( as i conceive ) in the silver trumpets only , but in those burning tapers , whose lights ought to bee seen as well as their voices heard , therefore christ gives a charage they should not only preach , but shine . surely they were meant also in those sheltring cities , whether the soules of men should not barely repaired for spirituall succour , ( being chased by that roring lion ) but also for other kind of releife who ought not onely to be spirituall , but temporall granaries , in whome should be found both corporall , and mentall comforts . the first bread i find david eraveng , is at the hands of ahimlech 1 sam : the 21. and 3. our messias made it his first querie to his desipels : after his resurrection luk the 24.41 . have yee any moat . it was not without on occult reason that god appointed them little under the law : but what was edible which was not so fitt for any thing as imparting , for in those hot counteries a salt hoord was but a thirsty provision though i imagin their charitie had no policicall ground , but rather had a relation to the paschall solemnity in which remaines was prohibited indeed that which is holyest ought to be most communicable that miracle of feeding many with little was documentall instructing us that even out of our slender provision there should be aparticipation to you then of the holy calling doe i commend the brittish protestants of ireland , and cheifly the despencers with you of the same gospel , as to their cities of refuge , trumpets and lamps . they may like elisha travail farre to find a shunamite , a a sarepthan an o badioh . to you repair these feeble ones for repair in these their sufferings , and their approaching dayes of calamity , ( which god of his mercie prevent ) but i will content my self to lie at the foot of iacobs ladder , and behold your charity , and pray like those angells ascending , and descending , not daring to adventvre to climbe to instruct or informe contenting me with fight , till i obtain fruition . this bleeding pamphlet expresseth the miseries of some part of my brethren , though i am assured , i have omitted the fifth man , some of which will be constrained to desire your brotherly assistance , who come not without letters of commendation , your master sends them as paul his onesimus to philemon , not as delinquents ( but sufferers ) which epistle if you peruse , you find his affectionate mandate , and find there paul desiring to become his creditour , in the behal of him as christ for us , thus commending them to your compassion , as his bowells , and you to the bowells of his compassion . i am yours and the benjamin of your , tribe in whose sack will be found neither plate , nor corn . daniell harcourt . to the honorable the committee for contribution of monies to the distressed paotestants of ireland . right honorable , necessity hath as many tongues and pennes as briarius hands , argus eyes , or sin advocates , and those dictators of our miseries , never had a juster cause than now to supplicate for their own silence , and by a divine proportion , charity hath not only large bowels but many and open eares , so that the speakers and auditors have an equality in number . no nation hath had larger tastes of the first , than the english in ireland , nor any nation ever produced a larger crop of the last ( to furnish the first ) than england ) : the traine oyle of our calamities hath made the lamps of their charities to shine the world over , whilst the oyle from their cruses and meale from their barrels hath not failed to furnish , us & as they are to be honored for this crop , we are also to honor you for the carefull storing and distributing thereof . me thinks i find no yeare of jehoash so famous as that in the 2 of kings , 4 , 5. and 15. v. in which was the care to repair that holy fabrick dedicated to god , and in that work nothing more glorious than the performance of that trust by them that were to effect this repaire ; for it seems the generall contribution was not so rich or great , as the honesty of those entrusted . the calamitous protestants are the temples of the holy ghost , which like that ruined structure , want repair , that a supply of the former cares and zeale were requisite , & as thousands cannot but praise god for the indefatigable pains and labours in your pious distributions , yet divers that have staid longest and ventured , suffered , and effected most , have not had so much as a tast of this hony , with jonathan on the tip of their rod to cheere their feeble and fainting soules spent in the pursuit , and slaughter of those irish philistims , who thirst after some of the hony combe of charity , pine for it , and most famish without it . i repine at no mans successe , but it appeares to mee that those wyich brought their cloaths and meanes away before the rebellion , had warm'd a house , should find cloaths , meanes and warm'th here , when as such as staied to spend and venture their lives , and blou should find neither , so that i must conclude our desires to do service there , detain'd us so , that now our desires cannot be serv'd . i am not ignorant what just cause of suspence may be given your honours from those that usurped the name of ruined protestants , and of some which i could produce that have gone by their own virgin sirnames , their first husbands , and their husbands by two names , which cheating of the publick charity , might justly incense your honours to explode the truly deplorable petitioners which are as worthy of relief , as the others of punishment , were it the only laboure of some knowne man , to examine the petitions , and subscriptions , certificates , and persons , this abuse might be reformed , if not cured ; but i hope some particulars will nor ecclipse , thoug it a darken a while a publike good , and with charity , which warmed these impostures will heate , such as truly want her beames : the sun alters not his course , because the earth is ful of lay-stals . no act of the apostles wins more upon me , than their publike charity transferred into judea to the distressed brethren , by the hands of saul , and barnabas in those dayes of emptinesse , acts 11.29.30 . the same your honours are to us the sons of consolation , in which act of theirs , these was not only a good purpose , but a prosecution . the care of joseph in proviping is not to be preferred before that of his distributing , by which he not only sustained the subject , but enrich the king , you have the same power for what relief you offered to the members , crowns the head ( christ jesus ) who signes acquaintances to charitable works with his own hand ( insomuch as you have done it unto one of these little ones , you have done it unto me . ) i more like the peace and charity of constantine the first christian emperour procured to the poore christians , then his erecting or repairing their churches , and i more applaud that centurion , for loving the jewish nation , then for building them a sinagogue , because the templls made with hands ( which i honur as publick places appointed for gods worship , may become dennes of thieves , cages of uncleannesse , or as amongst the irish ( jewes in some traditions ) publik market places , or what is more terrible as i have known the two most famous cathedralls in dublin made a meeting place for uncleannesse , though all this while that holy pile is innocent , though abused , or which is yet worse , may become popish sanctuaries , refuges for the most impious or lastly be made the storehouses , or supporters to such profane , and idolatrous images , as the purer temples of the holy ghost ( which temples we are ) shall not onely abhorre , but demolish , as moses the calfe . the apostles were not stiled oratores , and vinatores , for their heavenly tilling , or pruning the church , but for sowing their bread upon the waters , and relieving the living vines , the distressed saints , o heavenly charity the last companion of the soul , thou immortall vertue , how many naked hast thou to cloath , hurt to heale , hungry to feed , imprisoned to visit , captived to ransome , fatherlesse to protect , harbourlesse to lodge , widowes to defend , many of which thy lengthened arm hath reached , even as farre as argier , germany , and that disconsolate neighbour of thine , the most disconsolate of all ilands groning grieving , pernning ireland , who according to her ancient custome , hath sent thee , knowing yet o englands charity , thy breasts full of milk , and bones of marrow , ) thousands of her children to softer , for there she feares like tekoahs widow , the bestiall family is risen upto destroy the heire , and quench his sparckle which is left , and shall not leave to her husband either name , or posterity upon the earth , your honours being the pious agents to the english charity , may comfort this just necessarie , and considerable complaint , saying with that heavenly hymnist , go to thine house , and i will give a charge for thee , amongst the rest of the unrelieved , i come like esau from the irish woods to your honours , to whom i speak , as hero isaac , in the same words and bitternesse , hast thou but one blessing my father , blesse me , even me also my father , and the god of compassion blesse your honours , that you as a cloud by day , and a pillar of fire by night , may help to lead us that lately came from that land , now the house of bondage , in our poore and wearie pilgrimage , to the land of promise , where god shall return your sheaves with a harvest these are the prayers of your devoted serv● . daniell harcourt . the levites lamentation . if ever persecution merited a remembrancer , protestant bloud a condoler , or cruell rebellion a reprover , this irish cruelty , and english calamity ( both which exceed the beliefe of any but the actors and sufferers ) might justly awake the pens of eusebius , fox , or the most famous martirologers to record , jeremy to be waile , or the sharpest satyrist to reprove . even now my heart bleeds for the bloud i saw , and my inke seems not blacke , but sanguine ; the horrid cries afresh awake , affright , astonish , whilst i see the purple robe and hat wreaking in the bloud of the lambe offered , but christ crucified ; to see the popes bull goring , and men borne blinde , cruelly massacre the sonnes of illumination ; the big-bond sinewy , and grifly tyrant trampling on the feeble woman , and unborne embrie . it drew tears from holy elisha , to see cruelty character'd in the face of hazael , 2 kings 8.12 . which makes him breake out , because i know the evil that thou shalt doe unto the children of israel , for their strong cities shalt thou set on fire , and their young men shalt thou say with the sword , and shalt dash their infants against the stones , and rent in pieces their women with childs . this day by the romish aramite was this prophesie fulfilled . now is the greatest murderer held the most valiant , as if valour consisted , in a belluine horidnesse , and fortitude were the eldest son of fury . me thinks nero ( the depraver of the cesarian monarchy ) at fight of this bloudy banquet should appeal to all historians no more to list him for the monster of men , nay the bloudiest of moristers ; for indeed the sight of other crimes , maketh us often to lessen , but not leave our owne . the common stature exults at the fight of a dwarfe , as a dwarfe would doe at pigmies . satan having infused this poysonous axiom into the soules of men that our ills are extenuated by the ills of others this i call pharisaicall frensie . you shall see the popes doctrine as dangerous as the divells . religion must now be the irish mantle for rebellion . a pretended plot of ours of their conversion or correction , is by this counterplot of theirs made both our subversion and destruction . this was the cursed pretence of those more accursed pretenders , to stick the ravens plumes in the wings of the dove . to make the mournings of that harmlesse olive-bringer , the croaking omens of the aike-deserting-raven . for such is the deformity of sin that none desires to be 〈◊〉 ill he seems . saul at the threshold of his accursednesse begins with a blessing , 〈…〉 15.13 . by a jesuiticall policy doe they wear piety like a perriwig trimly curld and combd on the deformed head of rebellion , and murder . t is true that once 〈◊〉 desired to seem esau , but ever since sin like rebecca hath taught the esaus to see●jacobs . judas learnt this not from so many , as he hath taught it . our saviour 〈◊〉 that under a pretence of long prayers we swallow widows houses . o god , 〈◊〉 i cannot be what i would , give me grace not to varnish my ills , or cheat my salvation with a seeming sanctity . how hardly is my pen drawne to this 〈◊〉 bloud ? i finde in my eyes the same stoppage that basil the great did , who 〈◊〉 had read his text could not proceed for weeping , my minde would gladly 〈◊〉 from my intentions , and they digresse from a more peaceable subject . 1641. 〈◊〉 climatericall yeare of the english nation in ireland , some well affected 〈◊〉 sent divers abroad with petitions for subscriptions to supplicate from the ●●●●rable houses of parliament ( which are the refiners of religion and laws ) a ●●●●rall reformation , which was an apostolicall act . this net was not cast out by 〈◊〉 , save those that were truly piscatores hominum . satan and antichrist his first-borne as malitiously suggest that this arrow was shot not only at their spirituall good , 〈◊〉 temporall goods . the man of sin imploying his sodomiticall seminaries , 〈◊〉 call prelates , and jesuiticall incendiaries to fow these tares , firebrands in the wombe of their hecuba , borne for the destruction or disquiet of their natural ●●●●rents , and native country . men borne in antipathy to prometheus , for as he 〈◊〉 fained to have stolne fire from heaven to restore life into dead bodies , they 〈◊〉 fire from hell to bring death to the living , not only by murdering the religious 〈◊〉 religion ; as if the death of the spirituall life , as well as the temporall were in 〈◊〉 ballance or line with them that observe neither weight nor measure . the 〈◊〉 mish salamander lives not but in fire , nor can lesse flames then a kingdome 〈◊〉 him surviving . now was it that god for our sinnes determined the english prosperity , should be like ja●shua's sunne be a day permanent , but retrograde like fle●chiahs , it being the miraculous expression of his justice in ruining either the forgetters , or contemners of his blessings . then began the despised blasts of 〈◊〉 rams-hornes to demolish the walls of brittish jericho's , when by a judgement a terrible as their cruelty ; armed forts were surprised by unarmed men ; then ranne the lion from the hare ; the shaking lease and trembling partridge now terrifio the oake , and hawke the thistle , and beards the cedar ; the base lackey not running by , but away with his mistris , whilst innocencie and chastity become the reprovers of that life they would lose but cannot . judge of that great contestation between honour and life , beauty and deformity , and resolve me in this blanke list _____ for thy opinion if god ever shew'd , or nation ever suffered a greater judgement . 〈◊〉 ruined , and ravined by his pack of pleasures , for indeed we had too much ●ied the diana of ephesus ( not the piety but the pomp of a church ) the silver shrines ●ad toe many advocates most men exclayming , but few besides profitable respects either desired a reformation , or knew what a one to desire . thus was the golden calfe preferred to moses , barrabas to christ , garlicke to manna . nature a prompt master having taught us to advance politick ends , before pious . as a period to out ●●rill distructions fell these publicke , and whilst many were distasting the present government , god tooke away all : the rejection of samuel that made his publicke vindication cannot prejudice the election of saul whom god deserted . thus god makes our curiosity our scourge . mid●● his wish shall be his famine . phaeton● desire his death , and jupiters diety the consumer of his concubine . them that would not quietly enjoy what they had , shall unquietly dispose of what they 〈◊〉 , or would enjoy . civill dissentions , and dislikes being terminated by a martiall ( or shall i say an impartiall sword . ) the church like dianah is ravisht by lustfull shechem as a punishment of her ro●●● , had she kept the tents of jacob , she had been free from his rage , had we not like her erred from our paternall protection , we had not endured their rapines . the just with god to expose them to all malediction , that out of wandring fancie 〈◊〉 the ●anges of the sanctuary . athaliah was there slaine for destroying the 〈◊〉 royall , which i spiritually conceive to be the integrity of a church , born and continued without the milke , or meat of canaanltish , and adulterous traditions , which being spurious slips cannot floursh , nor have a longer prosperity then the g●●●d of jonahs , or the infortunate , and earthy wombe that gave them conception . sin ripened like the pride of gath , desies the host of the lord of hosts , bathing , the monstrous spearhead of his rage , in the bloud of the chosen : how feeble hath the fall of adam made his haplesle posterity ? the glorious english long clad in the victorious spoyles of that barbarous people , become the rebaters of their ●keins , but not of their rage ; finding now how dearly the israelites paid for their cruell mercy in not exti●pating the idolatrous canaanites , those that policy left , for hewers of wood , and draw ●●s of water , hew the flesh , and draw the bloud of their masters : thus humane policy is punisht by in humane impiety , teaching us that all the purposes of flesh and bloud , having not godlinesse for their basis , have sandy foundations , and that policy without piety is a damnable discretion . the dove and the serpent should like those two kine of bethshemesh at once be yoked to draw the ark● of god , from the possession of the heathens , to the people of god ; or like clea●●s and biton to draw their mother to the temple : where observe the kins , and brethren were rewarded by death ; the kine sacrificed to the true god , the brethren to the false . o god , so blesse my pilgrimage that at my termination my last act may be best , that so i may like m●●●hs sacrifice ascend up unto thee by an angelicall convoy . those that sacrificed up the calves of their lips , are now like beasts sacrificed . the rude reed runnes through the hand that sustained it , whilst the hoofes of untamed and untaught monsters trample on those heads that shod them ; all 〈◊〉 turning rebell either to civill , or legall contracts . those nationall tyes held sacred , and gordian , of gossip , or fosterer are denied by the brutish , to the brittish . hazael and zimri murthering their masters , the act not disavowed , but countena●●●● pardoned , and applauded by depicted jezabel that romish harlot . 〈…〉 sacrifice at the temples dedication was here outvied in number , but not 〈…〉 beast was not offered , but preserved ; for here the minister was the chiefe sacrifice , the beast the sacrificer . the ram was not offered for isaac , but he for the ram , as if the gold had been more holy then the temple , or sacrifice then 〈◊〉 eliahs once flew the priests of baal , but now baals priests slaughter the somes of the prophets ; nor place , nor person is regarded , but the protestants are murdered in the very churches , as if protestant bloud were only the hallowed water to sanctifie those places for their idolatrous , prophane , damned , and accursed masses . certainly it may be feared that we did something that displeased god , which 〈◊〉 called for his exploding . now are the fountaines of living waters , the balme of gilead , the holy 〈◊〉 of the covenant , the sacred columnes of gods word made the derision of the ●●●●ly , whilst they are rent in pieces and dasht about the heads of the owners , till 〈◊〉 drew bloud on their heads and faces ; with these , and the like opprobrious and 〈◊〉 pious speeches , here you english dogs and hereticks , you shall have bibles 〈◊〉 surely had not those holy legacies of the blessed spirit , been first by our selve ●●●●der valued , it had not been in the power of those reprobates , thus to have prophaned the holy food , or the feeders thereon . their first expressions began in the ruine of our estates , having first publisht 〈◊〉 correspondence with the scottish our brethren , whether out of an intent 〈◊〉 awaken their dislikes of these new insolencies , or perchance conceiving they had not forgot our hostil preparations against them the foregoing years , and therefore might hope to make them newters : at all which conceits i admire had they but conceived the irreconciliable distance between their religions ; yet thei● 〈◊〉 pretence and disguised affection , too much wrought in those dismall dayes ( in which every head wa s perplext , if not darkened with distractions ) on that valiant nation ; insomuch , that one barhome by title , but by name john mac. culloh , captaine of a foot company , with others , advised me ( when i had kept my house seven weeks after the rebellion began ) to fly for my life , adding they were reasonably well secured by a proclamation publisht by the rebells by direction of thei● chiefe , for the scottish protection , in returne of a favour done him in his infancy by a scottish gentle woman , who either saved his life , or liberty in his swathing bands . and but that god determined they should mingle with us in that great confusion , and effusion of estates , and bloud : i admire so wise a people , and perspicuous in the darkest aenigm●s , should be so deluded : but where god intends an inf●mation all humane wisdome is emerged . the deepest reaches of earthly knowledge , have had as deep precipices ; none had a fearfuller fall then him the scripture stiles as an oracle of god , we the defeats of those great projects of pharaoh and herod , that neither of their designes , or wise intendments could suffocate the type or substance , the penner of the law , or publisher of the gospel , the scribe of the sacrifices , or him sacrificed by the scribes . but this romish machiavilian plot tooke effect , so the prevention of bloudy and helborne projects are seldome prevented , nay nor suspected by those of a holy & an upright conversation . t is for the sonnes of darknesse to bring those things to light . but our brethren paid dearly for the cruell mercy of the irish , for they staying after the english , of which some were slain , some stript , and sent away , were most of them , man , woman , and child cruelly massacred . the english are now left , as god left his , when they had first left him ; some ●●ying when none pursued , sin addes to the stature of our feares , for nothing makes men terrible even to themselves but their transgressions , whilst the greedy pursuers seem like mercury with winged feet to fly with a devouring sword to kill them already near death , with the expectation of death , whilst the enemies swords are as drunke with our bloud , as they with our drink , of both which they seem insatiable : the thirsty earth not more greedily receives the early , and latter raine then they of both liquors , insomuch that one _____ o mallon was heard , to boast inhumanely that he with his owne hands had murdered sixe and twenty english and scotch in two dayes , whereof there were twenty five scottish : o unheard of cruelty , it is a wonder to me that this man should be borne by the common course of generation , for certainly his sire or dam must needs be an irish wolfe , in whose bosome was harboured , so little humanity . now doe these like those philistims , inflamed with rage , and drink● , their soules intoxicated more then their bodies with the cuppe of the whores fornications revelat. 17.2 . drawe out the poore captives to death , as if the best banquet were the bloudiest . the sonne of hagar now abuses the heire of the promise , now is disoculated sampson that grindes his abused soule more then their meale brought forth to make pastime to the philistims . i knew one bel of muckamore near antrim , whose eyes they stubbed out to make him confesse his money , then abused him , and lastly murdered him , tha● death which is terrible to our selves , afford us delight if inflicted on others . with what delight and pleasure can wee reade those cruell persecutions of nero , domitian , trajan , adrian , marcus aurelius , severus , and the rest ; ●●may , the bloudiest of our murthering mary , who drew the bloud instead of milke from the paps of her nurse , having such a catholicke spanish 〈◊〉 in het veines , that the bloud of many english martyrs could not allay . the cruelties exercised at merindol , and cabriers , when the craggy 〈◊〉 exprest more mercy to the hunted martyrs , then the flinty soules of their per●●●ters . that damned massacre of charles the ninth anno 1572. whose bloud issuing from severall parts of his body ( at his death ) fully exprest his belluine disposition . not king themselves profusely wasting , or unmercifull exhausting the bloud of their subjects , shall finde exemption at that great and just audit kept by jehovah . the highest deputations have the heaviest cares . how soon is saul lost in his new monarchy ? these i say could we peruse with patience , and pleasure . the spanish cruelty more heathenish then those on whom it was exercised in the indies , which were till now the grand patterns of abused hostility , invasion and victory are so far unfit to parallell with the irish inhumanity , as they have lost our wonder . the horse-leeches of rome bloudily conceiving that protestant bloud 〈◊〉 marle of their religion , and that nothing produces so rathe a spring to the catholicke cause as the carcasses of purer professors : when as it is the generall 〈◊〉 that the bloud of martyrs is the seed of the church . sacks of wool are held the best foundations for bridges in the strongest currents , as on those were built upon the martyred carcasses of our predecessors ( the protestant religion so 〈◊〉 that all those great inundations from the apostolicall , or rather diabolical 〈◊〉 could never overwhelme , yet then was our profession but like to 〈◊〉 ) who though he was of the seed royall , had sauls possessions , and eat bread at 〈◊〉 kings table , yet was he lame in his feet , 2 sam. 9.3 . and i suppose his cure would have been more needfull , and acceptable to him ( could it have been effected ) then either his possessions or honour . god alwayes preserved his church , of which the arke was a type which shall float over the world-drowned-shores to preserve a holy remnant ; and the earth swallow up those streams of poysonous malice , vomited by the serpent against his love , his dove , his fair one ; all these persecutions could not so much as startle the english lethargy ; the evils that we expect are lessened , if not prevented , when as sudden alarms not only awake , but astonish . the great battells of canna , marathon , and those two daughter of epaminondus , mantinea , and leuctra , with those more famous where the starres fought in their order , and kishon like a besome swept them away : ( even so let thine enemies perish , o lord ) those great defeats given and recieved by the turke , and christian , the sword , fire , famine , pestilence , and desolation of the jews , with what other horrors have eradicated the roman and gretian empires , were by us perused with pleasure , and yet now that a destructive insurrecton , drawes his daggar at our throats death walking over our owne thresholds , famine having entred to cling up our bowels , fire to dissolve our beings , and unkinde exile to shoulder us from our abodes , poverty rushing like an armed man , meager and pin'd visages meeting us at every pace , wounded and mangled carcasses peeping out of bushes like ghosts from the grave , christians expos'd naked to unmercifull cold , and mountainous wayes , with not a fig leafe to hide their nakednesse , poore women with childe brought a bed , and dead in woods , and caves , in that unchristian manner that my pen dares not expresse : but leaves their miserable condition to the consideration and commiseration of those that expect a happy deliverance : heaps of slaughtered christians , to part of which the dogs had given sepulchre , many hanged upon trees and boughes , part of which we could perceive had been burnt before : at these sights , and many more horrid , how are our resolves amated ? our courages queld ? our resolutions daunted ? now doth poore germany , and our right neglect of their calamities deeply possese us , the afflictions of joseph are afresh bemoaned , and the martyrdomes of the apostles are now lamented , and what is more the poverty of our messias , his teares , pilgrimages , stripes , spittings , contempt , revilings , agony , and bloudy passion , which before was read over as an ordinary story of scripture , and if read , not remembred , if remembred , not lamented , if lamented , t was but a qualme of sorrow , now are we sufferers in his sufferings : on bitter miserie , how sweet are thy lectures ? teaching sorrows are cordiall griefes , and t is a blessed maim that heals the soule ; give me those wounds , o god , through which as a glorious mirror , i may behold the mirror of glory . now began the famine of some to conclude that the violentest death was the best , and the lengthned life the only miserable , that the shortest way to the grave was the sweetest , and that the last gaspe was most comfortable , many searching for the pangs of death as the only elixar to cure all diseases , the feared winding sheet , and insatiable grave proving now desired , which was before horrid . that heaven the seat of god under which we regardlessely walked is all the canopy is left the english , the humble earth the footstoole of god , and mother of us all , on which we proudly trampled , lets her wofull children lie on her bosome , that fain would lye within it ; the woods and bogs becomming either our shelter or sepulchre , the contemned food of the irish , sorrell , watergrasse , three leaved grasse , weeds , and water is now made our delicates . the tender and loving wife repines at the nourishment eaten by the husband of her bosome , whilst the infants complaints begets fresh throws in that breast which used , but could not nourish it , the mothers tears shewing a compassion , but not a redresse , happy were the infant could it have been cherished with tears , as before with milke , for the eye was wet to see the breast so drie ; fruitfulnesse is now held a greater curse to the forlorne english , then sterility was to the jews . jeremy thou mourning turtle of sions sorrows , i wish not a double portion of thy spirit , but thy sorrow , that i might be that silver trumpet that should publish to all posterity the calamities of those our brethren , that did , and do want those succours our luxury devours . she is no nube that cannot finde one teare to cast into our ocean of brine , and lend a sigh to those broken , hearts that sorrow hath rather made statues , then men , suffer not the afflicted of the lord to tread the winepresse alone , lest when thy aloes are given thee to drinke thou findest none of elishas salt to cure the brackishnesse . partnership in sorrow hath the power of mitigation , and thou shalt have the praise if not to have relieved , to have eased our pangs . but whither am i transported ? summons to griefe finde but deafe eares , and a dead welcome ; every man desiring rather to go to a theater , then a tribunall , 〈◊〉 having as many assistants too many , as tribulation too few . solomon is as little followed in these two proverbs , as in any , better is the house of mourning then the house of mirth , and the day of death then the day of ones birth ; but when he comes with an inviting exultation eccles. 11.9 . rejoyce o young man , in thy youth , and let thine heart cheare thee in the dayes of thy youth , and walke in the wayes of thine heart , and in the sight of thine e●es , he shall have more followers then darius or xerxes : th●● gripe or pleasure hath gotten rome so many proselites , when religion complies with nature , our corruptions are wooed , and wedded to a glowe wormy happinesse . the great belshazzers in their greatest elevations , finde their knees knocking , and discerne the handwriting of death on their walls , and those nebuchadnezzars that prided themselves in their spacious structures ( as many there were that built with marble which contemned the corner stone ) are now sent amongst the beasts of the field , not only for their abode , but sustenance . those holy duties before neglected are now with a compulsive trepidation observed . t is a miserable thing for a soule inur'd to sinne , to be hurried into his devotions , death at the heeles , and hell in the eyes , seldome produce any but distracted supplications : when as he that dies dayly hath wrested the iron scepters out of the power of death and hell ; having an infallible interest in him , that not only got the conquest , but sung the comfortable soule-cheering insultation over both these , till then indomitable tyrants . oh deah , where is thy sting ? oh grave where is thy victory ? therefore , quid retrihnam ! but thankes be unto god , which hath given us victory through our lord iesus christ , 1. cor. 15.55 , 57. now would those that had consumed a patrimony , rejoyce to finde those h●●ks that none shall give them . how gladly would the gripple hand receive that almes it hath de●ayned ? finding a sad returne of his uncharitable repulses . that dives that would not give a crumme demanded , shall find a drop denied . o god so inlarge my heart , that i may give what i can , and so enlarge thy mercies , i may receive what i would . it was no single arrow god shot in that nation , or us poore english : for as if the sword had beene too blunt a sithe , or sickle , to mow both the wheat and darnell , and a single punishment too favourable a scourge , god sent the fire , and lest that should be too sparing in consuming our sinnes that made us so combustible , and not fully refine the oare from the drosse : god sent the famine to devour those that had nothing to eat ; and left that should leave any gleanings in this irish aceldama , the lord sent a pestilent feaver , that swept away innumerable people : insomuch that in colerane there died in fowre moneths by computation six thousand , in carickfergus two thousand and five hundred , in belfast and melone above two thousand , in lisnygarvi eight hundred , and in antrym and other places a proportionable number . so that heer the chariot of gods justice was drawne by those fowre horses rev. 6. a white , a red , a blacke , and a pale horse ; this disease augmented our miseries , the feavers being so contagious , that the living durst not see them sicke , nor bury them dead ; that i have scene the husband carry his dead wife to the church-yard , and borrowing a spade , digge a grave for her that living was his life : and the same man have i seene the next day die in the same church-yard : the like affection have i seene the wife expresse toward her departed husband , the sonne to the father , father to the son , and the like . heere were the words of our saviour , not onely metaphorically , but verbally true : for the dead did not only bury the dead , but the dying buried the dead also . not any that escaped this feaver but lost all their hayre : i had it in the newry seven weekes , where not only without , but contrary to meanes , my god preserved mee , to whom on my bended knees i give all possible thankes . this sicknesse beyond the power of perswasive divinity , shewed me god thwarting nature , preserving in the grave , quenching the flames of my sicknesse , even with what physitians say it is inflamed ; my cordialls and julips , were running water , in stead of barly , and sometimes a little milke , salt beefe , or porke , oaten bread and cheese , the allayes to my heat and hunger . thus from the jawes of death and brims of the grave hath god delivered me , to lament and publish the death of those of my owne tribe . for on them fell the brunt of this martyrdome : they were those appointed to slaughter at the birth of this designe : they could expect no quarter ; others might ransome their lives with their hidden goods : but this profession was sure to cope with death in the horridst shape , as if iaacobs curse were renovated , for they met with a wrath more fierce , a rage more cruell then they used to shechem , and found a division in iaacob , and a scattering in israel gen. 49.7 . which i the rather undertake , because some ill affected to the condolements of the irish clergy heere distressed , and by some harsh tongues depraved have lightly run over the miseries of that despised , and dispersed ministry , to whom i owe that little i have left , as being of the same ●esse with those sonnes of the prophets , that find mors in olla . i shall but in two passages digresse from the martyrology of the ministry in the province of ulster , and the one is my engagement that i ought to mr. morgan aubry esquire , my honoured friend , and his man , to this i am drawne by my love , the other is the unmanly and unchristian usage shewed to mrs. smithson , a ministers wife , and her mayd , that lived within sowre miles of dublin , to this i am drawne by my won●●● , and these two i shall transfer to the last . the first on whom their unsanctified hands were fastned , was master m●●●● , of donnamoore , rector , who in a most cruell and bloudy m●●●● , they cut in pieces , and left unburied . secondly , mr. blith , minister of dungannon , whom they hanged , whole wife with 3 small children , after 8 months miserable captivity , i saw in the newry , great with child , stripped naked , and ready to perish for want of reliefe . then mr. fullerton of loughgall , rector , to whom sir phelomy ô neale , owed at least six hundred pounds , upon mortgages , who though he and mr. aubry abovesaid , had his pasle and convoy for their safe conduct , was payd that debt , by his paying his debt to nature : for he at a ●oggesside was stript , murthered , and left unburied . with this coyne hath that flaming firebrand payd his debts , such cancelling of bonds must they all expect that traffiqe with the progeny of the babilonish whore . mrs. fullerton with two children , and great with child , came to the newry after eight months imprisonment , with sevenscore women and children in her company , her selfe having not to hide her nakednesse , nor no thing to keepe her feet from the ground , ' but two pieces of a raw cow hide tied upon her feet with pieces ; of packthred , and what was more miserable , she was constrayned to leave two of her children upon the mountaines , to the mercy of their fathers murtherers : judge now , you that tie your lives upon the prosperity of your infants , of the agonies of this distressed gentlewoman , which made me call to mind that mination of god , deut. 28 , 56.57 . the tender and delicate woman amongst you , which never would venter to set the sole of her foot on the ground ( for the softnesse and tendernesse ) shall be grieved at her husband , that lieth in her bosome , and at her sonne , and at her daughter , and at her after birth ( that shall come out between her feet ) and at her children which she shall beare : for when all things lacke , she shall eat the them secretly , during the siege and straitnes where with thine enemies shall besiege thee in thy strong cities . mr. matchett minister of maharafelt , was after long imprisonment and extream hard usage , the lord having given him the bread of teares , and ashes to drinke , he being an aged and reverend gentleman , was most cruelly murthered at lievetenant thursbies in the county of london-derry , the lievetenant and his wife being both recusants , could not by any meanes or intreaties , eyther save or respite him from death , such favour found the english papifts amongst the irish , and such finde the english revolters with the spaniard , between whom is as great correspondence , as between the scotch and french nations . mr. hudson , minister or desert martin , after many troubles , and calamities , was taken from betweene two fetherbeds , out of mr. chappels house , where that vertuous gentlewoman had long fed , and concealed him , but at length the rebels gave a date to her charity to him , and to his life , for the rebels in a most cruell and most barbarous maner murthered him . mr. campion of kilowen , being at the battell of ballemony , which the english in regard of the fatability of the day , call blacke friday , having received a great overthrow , which in all possibility had beene the losse of colerane , and a dismall day to all the poore protestants within it , had not god infatuated eyther the wisedome , or daunted the courage of those rebels , under the command of colkittoes sonnes , there did this gentleman seale his love to the gospel with his bloud , like zuinglius in the head of his company , honourably expiring amongst his slaughtered brethren . in the same cause and maner was slaine a scottish minister , ( whose name i cannot remember , though i was then in the same county ) who tooke his leave , and shewed his love to the cause , ( in which to their honours , that nation is forwardly zealous ) under the command of colonel archibald steward , late agent to the earle of antrym . mr. tudge minister of the newry , after long imprisonment , and many perfidious promises from the lord magenis , sir con magenis , governour of the newry , and the rest , was with thirteene more , under a pretence to be exchanged for other prisoners at downe-patricke cruelly put to death , of which none but one greene , a tapster to mr. butterfield of the newry escaped , ransoming his life for forty shillings : this greene brought me this relation in may 1642. and as they were leading to their slaughter , the poore gentleman called upon sir con magenis for mercy , and performance of his promise ; but the perfidious tyrant stopped his eares , to his and their complaint ; upon which mr. tudge , in the bitternes of his soul desired god to require his bloud at their hands , with these words of the psalmist ; ( judge and revenge my cause , o lord ) then he with his fellow martyrs , taking the communion in a little running water , in stead of the bloud , and a piece of an oaten strowen , in stead of the body of their saviour , commending themselves , and their vile bodies into his hands that was able to translate them into glory , yeelded their lives to the stroke of the bloudy executioners , by whom he was hanged : but lievtenant trever and his wife with some of the rest , which were divers were cut to pieces . soone after , as all the english inhabitants of that place often affirmed , sir con magenis was by the strange judgement of god , strucken with a strong frenzy , running home to his owne house on foot , the lord taught him by the way , as gideon taught the men of succoth and penuel , his clothes and skin being justly torne by the bushes and briers , in those uncouth wayes his madnesse made choyce of , raving on his death bed , take away tudge , take away tudge , doe you not see how hee pursues me for his bloud ? in which desperate condition he died . thus god made this rebell and mercilesse beast , by the lash of his divine justice , acknowledge his transgression in taking away the lives of the innocent . the same sir con having besides innumerable other murthers , at one time betweene greene castle , and carlingford , drowned sixty and eight protestants , to which he had promised quarter , affirmed by mr. holland , who with some others , in a boat miraculously escaped to dublin at that time , by which meanes he and the rest escaped from tasting sir cons holy water . mr. hastings minister , endowed into a living of mr. fairfax being school master in ballis●gart a house belonging to my honoured friend the virtuous mrs. clotwo●thy , for which deliverance after a grievous thraldome , my heart ●●●●yceth . him they caused to swim in the lough till he was drowned . mr. dor●h , my lord canifield : chaplaine killed . mr. fleming ministero . clanseekle , murdered . mr. mercer inster of mulijr●●● , murdered . mr. burns curate of l●ughgilly , murdered . mr. bradleyes curate of artray , mr. new killed . mr. wilkingson of clovins , killed at the cavan , he cemming to the crosse-keyes lnne , desired a lodging , to whom an irish man tendred himstlfe , telling if he walked into the garden , he would provide him one , the innocent gentleman was no sooner in the garden , but the serpent betrayed him , asking him doe you want a lodging ? yes , replied he , i have faies judas provided you one , and with that drew his skeane , and stroke him so violently on the head that his braines fell out : this lodging was intended for the whole clergy , had not god miraculously defeated the purposes of these bloudy hel-hounds ; children whose mothers have sore breasts , doe sometimes draw bloud as well as milke , which makes me beleeve that the breasts of the church of rome , are sore , and full of corruption , that her children draw so much bloud amongst their milke ( if any ) that they generally during their whole time thirst after it . mr. thomas traford killed by the rebells after quarter was promised . mr. mongomm●ry hanged by the rebells , he was of du●amain parish . mr. paulmaster that once lived at carickfergus minister there , ( was as his wife informed me ) hanged at his church doore . mr. flack of fermannah , a minister of speciall note , was with two of his sons taken out of castle crevenish , and also offered up to god as a sacrisice . mr. michart berket of salters towne flying for safety with his wife , and seven small children to carickfergus , where his wife and all his poor children died most miserably for want of ordinary nourishment , himselse being famished to the point of death , finding the pangs strong upon him , got leave to goe into the church of carickfergus , where he had not long stayed , sitting himselfe for the reward promised to them that made their long robes white in the bloud of the lambe , to that land of goshen , where they shall hunger no more , neither thirst any more , neither shall the sun light on them , nor any heat , rev. 7.16 . did there depart this life . mr. griffin , all of ardnah , and murdered by those bloud suckers on the sixt of may . mr. bartly , all of ardnah , and murdered by those bloud suckers on the sixt of may . mr. starkey curat , all of ardnah , and murdered by those bloud suckers on the sixt of may . for about the fourth of may , as i take it , we put neare forty of them to death upon the bridge of the newry , amongst which , were two of the popes pedlers , two seminary priests , in returne of which , they slaughtered many prisoners in their custody , where of these three were part , mr. bev●●rage a of ki●laman , ministers of the same county , were sufferrs in this massacre . mr. robinson of kilmoore , ministers of the same county , were sufferes in this massacre . mr. lutfoot oof castle blany , tasted of the same mercy , being cruelly murdered . romulus the first founder of that city , is faind to be fosterd by a wolfe , and was the murderer of his brother rhemus , a presage of the cruelties should procecd from that foundation , certainly there was some bloud ( which is a great cementer ) mingled in the morter , for i am assured both the empire , and hierarchy , the temporall and anti-spirituall dignity , have been supported by cruell massacres , or bloudy machinations , no act of hostility , conspiracie , treachery , murder , symony , or what ever is accounted detestable amongst meer moralists , but hath beene columns to uphold that grand bawdy-house , wherein not only corporall whoredomes , but spirituall are tollerated , from thence was fined , and on the grindstone of rome was this sacrificing knife ground that cruelly cut off these martyrs . thus have i shewd the unhappinesse of the irish , who perchance are yet living , the happinesse of them that are slaine , but yet alive . well did the jewes call the grave domus viventia , from thence did arise that life that assures us of the resurrection to life , whereas the wicked man is accursed in his grave , esay 14.19 . these are but a remnant of them that could not escape the rebells tyranny or my intelligence : many more must needs suffer that never came my care , for the inland countries of whose passages i am not informed so credibly , i dare report it , must needs afford great slaughters being remote from those garison townes upon the coast , where many ( god be praised ) spared their lives . besides these that were thus massacred , there dyed of the pestilent feaver , who chiefly miscaried through poverty , famine , and succors in their sicknesse . the reverend , learned and famous martyr bedle bishop of kilmore , who supported many distrested english , and was kept in restraint at clowater , and died at mr. scrednies house after some five monthes imprisonment , where like paul ; he spent his time in converting his jailors , making his prison his pulpit ; wicked tyrants may barre gods people from the congregation of the righteous , but not god from the habitations of his people . m. peirce minister of the lurgan at carickfargus . mr. simon chichester minister of belfast . mr. ducket curate of lisnigarvy . mr. redshaw minister of colerane . mr. collins minister of kilrac and three ministers more , whose names i cannot learne , but was informed of their deaths by anne jackson , francis barnaby , and wentworth moulsworth that came from thence , and are now all in this city . all these dyed in colerane . mr. tailor of carlingford . mr. chesman of moninmoore minister . mr. winter of astra minister . mr. luke astrie minister of ballekelly . mr. farwood deane of drummoore . mr. edward stanhop archdeacon . mr. backster of kildallon dyed in castle crag . mr. edward livesly . mr. erskin of fermanah who tooke his sicknesse in derry , but dyed in scotland at antrim . captaine john kilner of jaughen-vale , having a commission from his majesties commissioners for a foot company , issued out in decem. 1641. as also a commission from the lords justices , to be provost marshall of the city and county of london-derry , in both which , his sonne being a minister , became his lieutenant and deputy , being a preaching souldier , and a military minister , who preacht to his souldiers when they were not in fight , and fought when he could not preach , shewing at once his love to christ , and hate to anti-christ , who having done exceeding good service , he being a forward and well qualified gentleman , but striving above nature to shew his zeale in that holy war , by many heats , colds , and other sufferings contracted that sicknesse wich ended his daies , having time to apply that swan-like song of paul , the second of timothy , the 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. verses , which a legacie to his brethren , and cordiall to himselfe , was his last antheme , but watch thou in all things ▪ suffer advers●●y : 〈◊〉 the worke of an evangelist : make thy ministery fully knowne . for now i am ready to be offered , and the time of my departing is at hand . i have fought a good sight , i have finished my course i have kept the faith . for henceforth is laid up for me the crown of righteousnesse , which the lord the righteous judge shall give me at that day , and not to me only , but to all them that love his appearing : i have seen a large certificate of his fathers unparalled services , in which he ought to be a partner , as being an assistant , all wich is subscribed under the hands of sir jahn vanghan , knight , governour of the city of london-derry , and one of the privy councell of that kingdome , robert thornton major of that city , henry vaughan , simon pits , henry finch , henry osborne aldermen . mr. newcomen minister of fawne , at fawne . mr. richard walker minister of lifford , at lifford . now you have seen steven ston'd , you shall see peter and john , paul and silas in interiorem carcerem , you shall see jeremiah in the stocks , jer. 20.2 . you shall behold pashur putting him downe into the dungeon with cords , where the poore prophet is not only fast in prison , but in mire , jer. 38.6 . for as they held the ministers the basest of men , so they provided for them the basest of prisons : should we returne their cruelties , we should put their priests and jesuits into our common shoares . dignum pattella operculum , those not marked with the letter ( t ) for destruction , or on the lintells of whose doors the angel had sprinkled the marks of deliverance , found the protraction of life a death ; the taskmasters of ireland , being more cruell then those of egypt , and enjoyning more cruell conditions ; for what can be more horrid then for an apostle , to be urged to be an apostate , to be constrained to leave the way , the truth , and the life , to walke in the labyrinths of falshood , and death ? i shall shew you some of the lords captives in that province . mr. archdeacon price of drumlane , mr. adam watson of kilshanar both of the county of cavan , besieged in castle crag eight months , getting off by quarter . mr. creighton of virginia kept in misery eleven months . mr. fitzgarret minister , in hard and cruell restraint till the fixt of may 1642. who though a native , and next to the primate of armagh , a man of the greatest splendor for urim and thummim of that nation . mr. boyle of carickmaharosse minister , in bondage five months . mr. gil minister of killally of the county of monahan imprisoned five months . mr. edward how curate of dartrie in bonds six weeks . mr. ferchar parson of cl●unish county fermanah two months . mr. francis sympson of kilmore , county monahan imprisoned eight months . mr. james fathie minister , kept in restraint eight months having been preserved from famine by m. fitzgarrets goodnesse , who for his county take found a little more cruell favour then other of his brethren . mr. bradly minister of artra , imprisoned eight months , being often brought out to be hanged , but next unto god preserved by the unmatchable goodnesse of mrs. chappel now in the city finding save from one friend raised up for her by almighty god , a small returne of that talent of charity , which she in those dayes of bloud and famine extended to many , especially the ministery , which sometimes brought her owne life in hazard . mr. archdeacon maxfield of glaslough , or if you will buchamon junior for his elegant , and smooth expressions in divine posies , kept in restraint by the ovendens , halfe bothers to nero junior . sir philomy ô neal nine months . a scotch minister , that after long imprisonment made a miraculous escape , with lievtenant smith , lievtenant to captaine george blunt of montjoy , and some others in a small boat and oares , hackled out with their knives , over lough neaugh to antrym , it being above twenty miles by water , in the winter season , a dangerous passage : whose name i have forgotten , yet i heard him preach in belfast , upon this portion of scripture , jer. 4.4 . thus we see as antichrist strives to drownd , kill , and famish the elect , even so christ by a divine providence , sowes up the mouths of these ravening elements , and preserves his owne paul in spite of the whistling euroclydon , and angry adriaticke , hee shall have his angell aboord , to bring him blest tidings of his life and his companions , act. 27.23 . that passage of esay 43.2 . feare not : for i have redeemed thee : i have called thee by thy name , thou art mine , when thou passest thorow the waters : i will be with thee , and thorow the flouds , that they doe not overflow thee , was fulfilled on these distressed escapers . mr. george cottingham rector of monahan was put into a close dungeon , where his frankiseense was the excrements of men in heaps , it being the dungeon belonging to the goale , where five dayes he was detained , obscured , living himselfe unrelieved with any kinde of nourishment having his wife and foure children in the same misery . mr. beale prisoner at clowater , and in restraint nine months . mr. dennis serreduie an irish man , but a minister , still in restraint . mr. henry steel minister of clautubeit was the space of nine weekes sometimes in the dungeon , and sometimes in the gaole , having a young childe to keep , not above a quarter old , which he cherisht sometimes with milke , and sometimes with water out of a sucking bottle , that now those that wanted tongues or language to call for gengeance on these homicides , make their bloud louder orators to implore justice , he was at last deprived of his childe , himselfe being stripped , escaped to dublin where , and here he hath indured by the flux and other sicknesse extream misery . mr. dennison minister of tedawnet , was stript naked , and beaten worse the a turkish gallyslave , lying naked in a ditch all night , and brought from thence to monahan castle , where he lay long halfe dead , and benumed . thus is poore joseph because he will not lye with potiphars wife unjustly condemned to a miserable bondage , because we were betrothed to the spouse of christ , and would not mingle our selves with the harlot of rome , therefore is the lapof our garment ( our profession ) made our destruction . but these resolved martyrs though tempted with the beauty of that romish thais , upon a holy consideration , ponder josephs consultation , and with that armed themselves against their temptations , and their owne persecutions , saying with him , gen. 39.89 . behold my master knoweth not what he hath in the house with me , but hath committed that he hath to mine hand , there is no man greater in this house then i : neither hath he kept any thing from me , but only thee , because thou art his wife , how then can i doe this great wickednesse , and so sin against god ? mistake me not , i intend not to have that application hold in all the particulars , for i dare not derogate from gods presence , so will i not arrogate to our ministery giving them any thing that may more honour them , then that which will be onerous to them ( the weightinesse of their charge ) so great , that he is like unto issacar , or so made . thus far of the slaughters , deaths by the feaver , and cruell thraldomes of the ministery . i come now to render an account of such as i left in carickfergus , belfast , newry , lisnygarvy , and the neighbouring parts , in so unf●thomed a misery as my plum and line is to light and short to expresse their indigencies . mr. cloggir of dean parish , co. cavan . mr. doctor tate of ballihaire , in cavan . mr. white of kilmore in cavan . mr. mosse of newtowene in fermanah . mr. commin of clankee in the co. of cavan . mr. jenton senior cou. down . mr. jenton junior coun. antrim . mr. slack of callee hill cou. cavan . mr. hudson of belturbutt co. cavan . mr. henry fethy , mr. james fethy , mr. lutefoot of strangford , mr. patrick gar , thee thre watsons , the father , son and nephew , mr. massy , mr. james , mr. jues , and mr. paul read of blackstaffe , both which were compelled to lead a horse and a carre with either hay or wood , for a groat or six pence a day to keep themselves from famishing , mr. wilson of enver , mr. john dunbar , mr. george lesly , mr. andrew law , mr. craford , mr. ogleby , mr. laurence tompson , mr. durry of ballimenah , mr. james tracy , mr. hardir , mr. walter lamont , mr. jorrest of dumagur , mr. robert mc. neal , mr. mc. neale , mr. dr. o neale , mr. veazy , mr. major , mr. backster , mr. charles vaughan ; mr. cade , mr. holland , mr. dean rhodes , mr. james stewart of garvahir , mr. david roven of redbay , mr. nicholas todd , mr. john michel of ana clowen , mr. hugh mc. lecinan late of l●akin-larke , mr. james creighton , mr. james melvin of down-patrick , mr. johnson mr. f●●●erton , for distinction sake called red fullerton , mr. monopeny , mr. james port●●s , mr. downes , mr. james downham , mr. lambert , mr. brooks , mr. patrick doncan , mr. dr. blare , mr. joster , mr. hamilton , mr. travis , mr. thomas stewart , mr. bel , mr. wa●et , mr. woodridge . these with some others that escaped like jobs messengers to bring sad tydings of their brethrens deaths , but not intermits , and are now on the dunghills of calamity with holy job , finding as ill comfort as comforters , and still hangs at the bloudy and dry paps of the church in ireland , whence they can draw nothing but winde , and that may be heard from their full soules ( though empty bellies ) in their sighes and groanes , the silent interpreters speaking sorrows , so that there needs no winde but that to overthrow their houses of clay . now if you please survey with a commiserating eye those whose wearied steps , fainting bodies , and wounded soules , have repaired to the bethesda of england for cure of their heart-rending sorrowes , where in all acknowledgements of gratefull humility , some of them have found the angel stirring the sovereigne balme water of your charities to their reliefe , which many of the feebler sort , either through weaknesse of friends , abilities of expressions , or a selfe-killing modesty lye at the brinke unremied to them , divine charity open the doores of thy physicke , and chy●urgery , and into their bleeding wounds poure thy oyle and thy wine , samaritan-like eye the robbed and bleeding levite , pay thy penny for his present harbour , and promise for a slender remainder these undertakings , angelicall vertue shall make thee be translated with enoch or ●liahs in a fiery chariot , thy owne immortality will guide thee to the preservation of us mortallmen . mr. mors of fermanah , and parish of rammullie after he had beene robbed , and stripped , was constrained being starke naked to carry his two children twelve miles upon his backe , by which time she grew so su●bated that his uxoriousnesse prevailed beyond his paternall love to his children , so in that a great agony of spirit , he was forced to leave the fruit to the mercy of the enemies , and to preserve the tree carried his wife above eight miles upon his back , they being both naked , en●as could not out patern this affection to aged anchises . from that province are here under thy wings , as chickings s●ar●ng famine that predatory kite , mr. richard buerowes , mr. baker , mr. george walker mr. bedle , mr. dr. bayly of the cou. cavan , the two sings of a haderick , the other of dundalke ; mr. john freeman , mr. hammond , mr , bunburie , and as i heare his brother , mr. boyle , mr. cottingham , mr. nathaniel draiton , mr. william green , mr. francis sympson , mr. gabreath , mr. coh●● , mr. henry steel , mr. edward carter , mr. clearke mr. sempil , mr. anthony , mr. harrocks , mr. philip tandy , mr. tinly , mr. richard head , mr. kean . mr. bradley , my unworthy selfe , mr. james reynolds , mr. steere , mr. leigh , mr. diggery holman , mr. water house . these stars shew in the lower or be , of the higher , is that famous , learned , and studious in grosser of learning , the late lord primate of ardmagh vsher , the fluent and elegant seneca of rapho , the solid and grave buchworth of deunmoore , quicke and eagle eyed singe of cloyne . the learned , prompt , politick , and engine headed bramhal of derry . lastly , one clergy man more i finde whose names sake promises a sudden termination of all our sorrowes ( without speedy succors ) and that is mr. death , minister of seapatrick . thus you finde amongst the distressed clergy , an vsher and a voyder , but no meat on their tables ; these with their charges are sit objects for dorcus to cloath , the sarepthan widow , or good obadiahs to feed , and the shunnamite to lodge , the prayers of which will revive thy dying or dead hopes , encrease thy decaying store , being raine to thine inberitance , and restore thy hurt , mained or dead issue . lastly , as thou hast opened thy bowells of compassion , they shall open to thee the gate called beautifull , that leads in to onrelder brothers fathers , where are many mansions , for the poore for christ , and of christs are janitores coeli . and now i come to the two digressions specified before . the first digression is form the subject . with mr. fullerion was murdered mr. morgan aubrey esquire , and his man ( who though no minister ) i have thought good to mention in regard of those many deare tyes of love and friendship between us , to whose disastrous death i dedicate this tragick remembrance as a monument of his sufferings , and my sorrow , a gentleman of an active , brave , and roman spirit , whose breast was not only filled with pleasing flames of learned poetry , but the more heroick fire of resolution , sweetly allayed with a modest and wel tempored disposition ; a man that had merited as much from that laethe drinker sir phelomy o neal , as a gentleman could , having effectually negotiated for him in many particulars of consequence with the late lord strafford , to whose countesse he had been gentleman usher , yet was he all ingagements waved , betraied by letters of safe conduct to a cruell and mercilesse butchery , first stripping him , then killing him at a bogs side . but on his servant henry lawrence ( whom i have heard to be of a mighty stature and valour ) a warwickshire man , who by surprising one of the rebels swords , having slaine foure or five before he was seised on , was shewed that cruelty which was forborne to ravilliac the parricide of henry the fourth , that coelor of the the flower du liz and was only exercised by cambises upon one of his unjust judges whose skinne he slaied off , and nailed it to the tribunall , as a terrour to his sonne that succeeded him , had but some of ours been made so exemplar , unjust votes had not laden our kingdome with these bloudy contestations . the judges of israel rid on their white asses , to shew i thinke as well their purity and innocency , as their patient undergoing the insupportable weight of their callings ; but it is feared some of them have not only cast off that integrity , but purity and constancy also , this laurence after many wonnds received , they slead some part of him , and so lest him cruelly murdered . the second digression is from the province , but something adhering to the subject . but above all barbarous , inhumane , hethenish , and unheard of murders , was that of mrs. smithson a ministers wife living at the kilne of the grange within foure miles of dublin , who being perswaded to returne to her house , in hope to have the communion cup , and a barrell of wheat given her , all which was promised by her satanicall seducer , her poverty having made her too credulous , she went along with her maid servant , no sooner had they gotten this unfortunate gentlewoman in their power , but they stript her of her apparrell , setting her naked a stride upon a leane jade , tying heavy weights at her heeles , then with stripes forced they the horse to runne through waters , and leap over ditches , and to travell in the most uneasie passages till they brought her into their army , that so they might not seeke for any other then papisticall evidence of this their bestiality ; this usage she had untill her body was torne in a unheard of manner , feeding her with bread and water , which was rather affoarded to protract the miseries they intended her then to preserve or reprive a life , and when that her body could not any more be made a spectacle of their shame , she was restrained , where first they cut off one care , boyld it , and rubbed it about her mouth , then the other , after that her nose , using them in the same manner , had zopieus beene here to have seene this picture in her face , he would have declined his notable resolution ; at last they put out her eyes , and when they saw nature willing to ease her torments by dissolution , and that mercifull death would set a period to their butcheries , they h●nged her and her maid upon one bough , her husband as before she went having used all possible perswasions to keep her from going , so used all manner of diligence to procure her returne , after he perceived shee had curstaied her intentions , bomplained to the state that she was gone to justice wolverstons , whose brother was then in dublin ( being both obstinate papists ) who being sent for to the state , and admonished of their jealousies of the womans miscarriage , prevailed to be sent thither for her delivery and restoration , but finding her past recover , dese●ted dublin , his estate which was great , and obedience which was little , and turned rebell , which was no marvell ; thus these cruell benjamites for doubtlesse they were so in that other act of unseemlinesse , did not abuse the concubine , but the virtuous wife of a levite , the story of whose mangled and macerated carkasse i transfer to the eleven tribes of our english israel , knowing they will conclude , having seen this sad and dismall spectacle , as they did , judges 19.30 . and all that saw it , said , there was no such thing done nor leen since the time that the children of israel came up from the land of egypt unto this day . consider the matter , and consult and give sentence , then shall we all domestick intestines laid apart , joyne with israel , to punish this damnable , and other facts of unpattern'd cruelty like them in the 20. of judges 48. then ye men of israel returned unto the children of benjamin , and smote them with the edge of the sword , from the men of the city unto the beasts and all that came to hand : also they set on fire all the cities that they could come by , moreover the men of israel sware in mi●peh , saying , none of us shall give his daughter to the benjamite , to wife : thus fa●re have i floated in the blood and brine , of the tribe of levie , a subject so terrible that i could not but mingle my incke with teares for whom i close up to the tragicall discourse with that lamentation of holy david for his friend ionathan , 2 sam. 1.25 , 26. how were the mightly slaine in the midst of the battell ? o ionathan thou wast slaine in thine high places . woe is me for thee my brother ionathan : very kinde hast thou been unto me ; thy love to in was wonderfull , passing the love of women : how are the mighty men overthrowne , and the weapons of war destroyed . this martireloger of part of that ministery , i was the rather induced to publish , inregard some calumnious tongues have charged the irish english clergy to adhere to the romish faction and fictions , which had they done they had saved their lives and estates , with the losse of their soules , but they with holy philpot have sealed their zeal to the gospel , by the effusion of their blouds , confusion of estates , taking a miserable exile with iohn to pathmos , where i hope god will reveale himselfe to them in their straightnesse to their comfort , and his glory , to whom be ascribed all honour , and glory , now and for evermore , amen . finis . a true and perfect journal of the affairs in ireland since his majesties arrival in that kingdom by a person of quality. person of quality. 1690 approx. 23 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2011-04 (eebo-tcp phase 2). a63429 wing t2528 estc r12153 13799120 ocm 13799120 101911 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. searching, reading, printing, or downloading eebo-tcp texts is reserved for the authorized users of these project partner institutions. permission must be granted for subsequent distribution, in print or electronically, of this eebo-tcp phase ii text, in whole or in part. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 2, no. a63429) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101911) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 853:29) a true and perfect journal of the affairs in ireland since his majesties arrival in that kingdom by a person of quality. person of quality. [2], 13, [1] p. printed and are to be sold by randal taylor ..., london : 1690. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -war of 1689-1691. 2010-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2010-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2010-03 lauren proux sampled and proofread 2010-03 lauren proux text and markup reviewed and edited 2010-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true and perfect journal of the affairs in ireland since his majesties arrival in that kingdom . by a person of quality . london : printed , and are to be sold by randal taylor , near stationers-hall . 1690. the irish journal . dublin , july 17. 1690. we received here the certain news of the king 's landing about friday the 13th . of june . before this a camp had been laid out by the irish about atherdee , and king james had ordered his army to rendezvouz there from several parts of the kingdom . on monday the 16th . king james marched out of this town to joyn them with about 6000 french foot , most old soldiers , excellently well arm'd and clad ; one regiment of these were dutch , and protestants , and were observed carefully for fear of deserting . the whole irish army encamped , made about 36000 , all well clad and in good heart , both horse and foot , besides 15000 more which remain'd in garisons . the same day king james left this town , there marched in 6000 of the country militia , and colonels luttrel and mac gillicuddy , as his assistant , were left governors . we expected the irish would have been much cast down upon king james's leaving this town , and the certain news of king william's arrival , but we found the contrary , they triumphed and rejoyced as if they had got king william in a pound , and the day were their own . they were assur'd either that the french fleet would cut off king william from england , or that an insurrection would be made there ; for we were told that 100000 men were ready to rise , under the notion of declaring for a commonwealth : the protestants here knew not what to think of these things ; for they were kept as prisoners of war , and suffered to know no more , nor enjoy any more than what the others pleased . but this the protestants feared most , ( because the irish spoke least of it ) that some desperate persons had undertaken to destroy king william , as soon as he came into this country : for we could not impute the great assurance of the irish to any other ground than this . some were so open , as to tell their protestant friends very lately , that they would be glad to go to mass within this twelve month , with several other expressions of like nature . the protestants have had always an exceeding slender opinion of the irish army , however numerous or well appointed : and the irish themselves , tho better perswaded of them , could not ( we thought ) raise their great assurance from their confidence in them only . some other thing we believed they knew which we knew not : however , we perswaded our selves , had schomberg manag'd this campagne , there would have been no other issue of it , than of the last . but when we heard the king was come , and that with a powerful army , we doubted not of the issue , if no other unexpected thing did prevent it ; tho it since appears by some letters of the duke tyrconnels to the queen in france , found at dundalk , that the irish had no full account of the strength of the english army . our great concern in this place was , how we should be preserved from being plundered and burnt , in case of the defeat of the irish army ; this we thought could be done only by the english pursuing the victory close , ( for by a particular providence , the irish had neglected all this time to fortifie this place ) or else by sending a party by sea , to land here at the time of the engagement ; neither of which , as it afterward happen'd , was done : but god alone preserv'd us by an extraordinary deliverance . on thursday the 19th . after king james was gone to encamp , about twelve at noon , the governor ordered all persons walking the streets without swords or bayonets , which was the badge of protestants , to be taken up and secured in several parades . at night he pickt out whom he thought fit , and sent them to several prisons , where they were considerably incommoded . after this follow'd a proclamation , that not above five protestants should meet in any place above the family , on pain of death ; by which we were from that time shut out from our churches , which by an extraordinary providence we had enjoyed all these times ( except christ-church . ) most of them were frequented twice every day at prayers . the church-men , who remain'd with us , tho they had lost all their subsistance by the irish parliament , except what people voluntarily contributed , acquitted themselves with a great deal of zeal and diligence , being particularly influenc'd by the bishop of meath , and dr. king , dean of s. patricks , who have been the bulwark of the protestants in these sad times . on tuesday the 24th . dr. king was clapt up in the castle , and many other of the principal protestants in the colledg ( which was now a garison ) and other publick places . the galway protestants being about 200 , ( these were they of sir thomas southwell's party lately brought up hither , in order to be exchanged ) were removed from white friars to the round church , and all the newgate prisoners were put to them , where they were near stifled . the prisoners of war were brought from kilmainham to s. john's church : our publick contributions , which hitherto had been very liberal every lord's day , to their relief , were now intercepted , and the poor began to suffer much ; few protestants daring to walk the streets . on saturday the 21st . we heard the irish army retreated , and the english were come towards droghedah ; we knew king james's design was to avoid a battel as much as he could , and to have walked the english army along the boyn river , and so cross the country to limerick ; but this day we were told from the camp , that the enemy seem'd to press towards dublin , and king james was resolved to defend it , and that therefore they thought he could not be able to keep off a battle above ten days . on sunday the irish came on this side the boyne ; and king james , as it should seem , distrusting the issue , sir pat. trant , first commissioner of the revenue , and another gentleman , were ordered to go from hence on monday morning to waterford to prepare ships . on monday the last of june , the english army having had very little rest or victuals , drew to the boyne ; lieutenant general dowglas's horse were ordered to post themselves at a ford near droghedah , upon a rising ground , over against a battery of the irish of six guns , guarded by a party of their horse . here the english stood the shot of the enemy , every man on foot by his horse several hours , while there pass'd 200 shot , the king in the mean time having rid between them and the ford , where he received his hurt on his shoulder by a canon shot , which disabled him the next day from holding his sword. at last , when the king had said , now i see my men will stand , some guns were sent to them , upon the first discharge of which among the irish horse , they retreated from their battery , and stood farther off . the next day early , being tuesday the 1st . of july , ever-memorable to this country , general douglas was sent with 12000 foot and 5000 horse to a ford further up the river by slane , where had been a battery of the irish , but they were drawn off , and only 800 dragoons guarded the ford. the english were to go down a steep hill to the ford , and an uneven way , yet the irish dragoons only once fired and retreated to the body of their army , which lay towards duleek ; mean time the king , with the rest of the english army came to the ford where douglas was posted the day before , near drogheda ( which at this time had a garison of 800 irish . ) duke schomberg headed the dutch foot-guards , and the king the eniskillen horse , telling them , they should be his guards that day . some of the irish horse oppos'd the dutch foot , who fought up to the middle in water , and were almost born down , before some horse ( which they long call'd for ) could come up to their relief : in passing this ford mr. walker of derry was killed . being past the ford , they met still a vigorous opposition ; and here duke schomberg advancing too far among the thickest of the enemy , was killed , and now lies in s. patricks church , in order to be carried to westminster . the king with the horse ( himself engaging in the thickest ) met the like opposition . the danish horse once gave way , but the king went himself , and brought them up again . of the irish , king james's horse and foot-guards principally maintain'd this opposition , and suffer'd much ; king james himself not engaging , but standing on a rising ground . when the english had fully gain'd the ford , the irish retreated to the rest of their army by duleek ; and the english drew up on tother side the ford. it must be noted , that on dublin side of the river , between the two fords , viz. douglas's ford , and the king's ford , there was a hill three miles long , reaching from the river towards dublin , at the end of which , next dublin stands duleek , where the body of the irish was posted ; so that the hill was between the two lines of the english army ; while the king was passing his ford , douglas march'd towards the irish army ; a line of the irish marching all the way even with them ; at last , he receiv'd orders to engage them at a place where he could come in only with his horse , which alone , put the whole irish army to flight , so that before the king's line could get up to them , they had little to do but pursue . however , the irish made a very orderly retreat , manag'd chiefly by the irish horse , and the french foot , the english pursuing them till they came to a pass , where their weariness , and the night made them willing to leave them , and retreat to their camp at duleek , where the king and they , lay that night without tents . now as to us in this place , we were waken'd very early this tuesday morning by an alarm , and the news that there wou'd be a battel : the gates were kept strictly guarded , and the protestants kept their houses : the issue we expected with the greatest apprehensions . several reports were spread abroad every hour ; one while that the french fleet was in our bay ; another , that a french express was come from waterford , with the news of taking the isle of wight by the french , and of their being gon to dover ; then , that the english right wing was quite routed ; then , that the prince of orange was taken prisoner ; but at five that afternoon , some that had made their escape on tired horses , told us , the irish were much worsted ; and others at six , that they were totally defeated ; from hence , till one that night , all the entries of the town were filled with dusty , wounded , and tired soldiers , and carriages perpetually coming in . we see several of king james's horse guards coming in stragling , without pistols , or swords , and could not tell what was become of himself . near 10 that night , he came in , with about 200 horse , all in disorder : we concluded now , that it was a total rout , and that the enemy were just ready to come into town ; but were greatly surprized , when an hour or two after , we heard the whole body of the irish horse coming in , in very good order , with kettle drums , haut-boys , and trumpets ; and early the next morning , the french , and a great party of irish foot. these being a little , rested , marched out again to meet the enemy , which were supposed to draw nigh . at five this morning , being wednesday the 2d . of july , king james having sent for the irish lord mayor , and some principal persons to the castle ; told them , that he found all things against him ; that in england he had an army which would have fought , but they proved false and deserted him ; that here he had an army which was loyal enough , but would not stand by him : he was now necessitated to provide for his safety , and that they should make the best terms for themselves that they could . he told his menial servants , that he should have now no further occasion to keep such a court as he had done , and that therefore they were at liberty to dispose of themselves : he desir'd them all to be kind to the protestants , and not to injure them or this city ; for tho he quitted it , he did not quit his interest in it ; and so with two or three in company , he went to bray , and along by the sea to waterford ; having appointed his carriages to meet him another way . we hear he did not sleep till he got on ship-board ; and having been once driven in again , is since clear gon off . all this day , being wednesday , we see nothing in this town , but officers and carriages ; and the principal persons of the town , their wives and families going away ; others coming in dusty and weary , and getting away as fast as they could ; the gates were still kept by the militia , and the castle by 250 of the governors foot soldiers , who still threatned that before they left the town , they would burn and plunder us . this of a long time had been their talk , tho king james said , it was a report rais'd by the protestants , to make him odious : yet some irish persons of note , advised their protestant friends a few days before this , to leave this town , because they wou'd not be safe here . we knew not what to think of our selves , but hop'd the english were so near as to prevent this mischief ; but about four in the afternoon , instead of them , we perceiv'd the irish horse , which were drawn out in the morning , and which we hoped had been quite gon , entring into town , followed by the french and irish foot in a full body ; presently a buz ran through the town , that it was going to be burnt ; and the roman catholicks , who had fled for retreat into protestants houses , began now to look briskly on those that had harbour'd them ; for all this time we knew nothing of what king james had said in the morning . but it pleas'd god to deliver us soon from these fears ; for all these forces marched through the town , without doing any injury , and were drawn up by lord tyrconnel on the other side of it , in order to march further ; the militia followed them ; only the governor remain'd : at last he resolved to march also , and to drive 2 or 300 of the principal prisoners before him ; but while they were preparing for this , a false alarm was spread , that a party of english being landed at the harbour , were just at the towns end ; it was too dusky to disprove this by view , and they had not leisure to send a messenger , but in hast shifted for themselves . the protestants now began to look out , not knowing well in what condition they were ; but venturing to the castle , they found captain farlow , who had been a prisoner there , keeping garrison alone . upon this , captain fitz-gerald , and several others who had been prisoners , went and stayed there all night . still we were very unsecure , and had no arms. early next morning being thursday , the protestants run about to roman catholicks houses , demanding their arms , who being quite dispirited , deliver'd them without dispute ; but the galway prisoners and some other rabble , committed outrages in taking arms. by six in the morning the bishop of meath , dr. king , and other principal protestants form'd a committee in the castle , and sent out proclamations by beat of drum , for regulating these disorders , and forming a protestant militia ; and sent away an express to the king , of this towns being at liberty . this express found him marching up to dublin in two lines , expecting to meet the irish at swords ; and at the same time the news came of the surrender of drogheda , which he had left a party to besiege , and in which they had pinnion'd all the protestants and prisoners , and placed them under that part of the wall which was to be battered ; but this was not known till after the surrender . till afternoon this thursday , we did not hear a word of the english army ; mean time we had reports , that the irish and french were coming back , and very near us , which gave a damp to our briskness ; but this blowing over , and the certain account of the english army being come , we now perceived our selves at liberty . the protestants ran about , saluting and embracing one another ; and blessing god for this wonderful deliverance , as if they had been alive from the dead ; the streets were fill'd with crowds and shouts , and the poor roman catholicks now lay in the same terrors as we had done some few days before . at eight that night one troop of dragoons came as a guard to an officer , that came to take charge of the stores . it was impossible , the king himself coming after this , cou'd be welcom'd with equal joy as this one troop ; the protestants hung about the horses , and were ready to pull the men off them , as they march'd up to the castle . next morning being friday , the duke of ormond came in with a party of horse ; and the king being encamped by finglas , came on sunday to st. patricks church , and heard a sermon preach'd by dr. king , concerning the power of god ; of which , that which seemed to us greatest upon earth , mighty armies was a faint shadow . the king went back to his camp to dinner , not suffering any soldiers to come into this town , except a few for guard. this last week the town has been fill'd with officers from the army , and inhabitants returning from england . i am told by one that viewed the dead , that there was not above 1000 kill'd on both sides , tho perhaps you may hear of greater numbers , which is a wonderful thing , that so small a loss should disperse the whole irish army , who seem'd to be blown away only by a wind from god ; the main body of them is suppos'd to be about limerick , but the opposition they will give , will depend very much on the success of the fleets . yesterday being the 10th , the king set out from cromlin to kilkenny ; general dowglas towards athlone , and a small party along the sea towards wexford . the irish have ravag'd the country all the way in their retreat ; and god knows what miserie 's the poor protestants , that are yet under their power do endure . some part of the army it 's said will be sent to be put aboard the english fleet ; and another part to flanders . great inquisition is made after roman catholicks goods , to reprize the loss the english have sustained : but the protestants who have suffer'd all this time among them , seem to be much better temper'd , and more kindly inclin'd to their enemies , then those that come from your side . i should have noted , that king james had coin'd in this country about two millions in brass mony ; the half crowns of which , are now cryed down to pence ; yet this did not grate so heavily upon the people , as his late taking away all the protestants staple goods , wool , hides and tallow , to send to france in exchange for wine and linnen for his army . as for tann'd leather , he took that away too , but it was for the use of his army here , there being but very little in the kingdom . the revenue he rais'd otherwise , was chiefly by subsidy granted by parliament ; and a contribution impos'd by council , and the rents of absentees estates . the customs were remitted , and the other branches of the revenue much neglected , the collectors being fully taken up in making of stores and provisions for the army . on friday the 11th . the king march'd from crumlin towards kilkenny , with a part of his army ; another part went towards athlone , and a third by way of bray towards wexford ; the kings horse by this time ( 17th ) are at kilkenny , which its suppos'd will make but small resistance ; most believe he will then take in waterford before he goes further . we hear from limerick , that the enemy are together in those parts about 25000 strong , and lord tyrconnel with them . brigadier trelawny is governor of this town ; captain fitz-gerald constable of the castle : bishop of meath , lord longford and seven others , are commissioners for securing of rebels goods and estates , and leasing them for one year . longford is quite burnt and lord longford's house , by the irish garrison when they quitted it : but lord granard having arms , defended his own house . people begin to come over from england apace , but the embargo and fear of the french will it 's suppos'd now somewhat stop them . our protestants that have suffer'd here all the time , are generally much better temper'd towards their enemies , than those that come over ; and especially the army is very furious . i doubt the poor protestants , which are in the enemies quarters will suffer severely . what the french may be yet able to do , or what issue god may put to the miseries of this country he only knows . provision was very scarce here while the army lay about us ; but now begins to be more plentiful ; but that stock is almost all destroyed ; great quantities having been now at last driv'n away by the irish . finis . a trve relation of the proceedings of the scottish armie now in ireland by three letters / the first sent from general major monroe to generall leslie his excellence ; the second writ by the major and aldermen of london-derry to generall major monroe ; the third sent by the earle of antrvm to generall major monroe ; which letters were sent by generall major monroe to generall leslie his excellence. monro, robert. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a63718 of text r4135 in the english short title catalog (wing t3026). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 24 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a63718 wing t3026 estc r4135 12631631 ocm 12631631 64788 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a63718) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64788) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 252:e149, no 12) a trve relation of the proceedings of the scottish armie now in ireland by three letters / the first sent from general major monroe to generall leslie his excellence ; the second writ by the major and aldermen of london-derry to generall major monroe ; the third sent by the earle of antrvm to generall major monroe ; which letters were sent by generall major monroe to generall leslie his excellence. monro, robert. leven, alexander leslie, earl of, 1580?-1661. antrim, randal macdonnell, earl of, 1609-1683. thornton, robert, 17th cent. [2], 9 p. printed for iohn bartlet, london : 1642. second letter signed: robert thornton. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng monro, robert. leven, alexander leslie, -earl of, 1580?-1661. thornton, robert, 17th cent. antrim, randal macdonnell, -earl of, 1609-1683. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a63718 r4135 (wing t3026). civilwar no a true relation of the proceedings of the scottish armie now in ireland, by three letters. the first sent from generall major monroe to gene monro, robert 1642 4345 36 0 0 0 0 0 83 d the rate of 83 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-04 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a trve relation of the proceedings of the scottish armie now in ireland , by three letters . the first sent from generall major monroe to generall leslie his excellence . the second writ by the major and aldermen of london-derry to generall major monroe . the third sent by the earle of antrum to generall major monroe . which letters were sent by generall major monroe to generall leslie his excellence . london printed for iohn bartlet , 1642. generall major monroe his letter to generall lesley . right honourable , having received your letter of the fourth of may from captaine fraser at my returne to carrickfergus , on thursday the twelfth at night ; please your excellence to be enformed truely of the passages of our first expedition towards the newrie ; having broken up from carrickfergus the twenty seventh of aprill at night , we marched to millone , being nine miles from carrickfergus , and a mile beyond belfast , where we remained the twenty eight , till after mid-day , that my lord connoway , colonell chitchester , with a thousand commanded foot , did joyne with us , and three troopes of horse , and two troopes dragooners , with our small pieces , and one big piece of five pound bullet taken off the castle of carrickfergus : and being forced to leave a part of our provision for ten dayes behinde us , for want of carridge horses . we broke up boden , as we might be served to quarter that night at drumbo , having directed from carrickfergus one of the kings ships towards carlingford with some provision of meal , chiese and ammunition , for which we had no transport by land , giving him order to secure the water mouth at carlingford , being the water passes to the newrie . the other ship i directed towards colraine and london-derry , with some reliefe to them both , and to bring intelligence from thence against our returne . the twenty ninth we marched towards lessnagarvie , where we joyned with eight hundred foot and two troopes of horse of my lord clannebowies , and my lord ards , commanded by lievtenant colonell montgomrie , and lievtenant colonell hamilton ; and being in all about three thousand foure hundred foot , in two divisions , viz. connoway chitchester , clannebowies and ardis making one division , sinklers commanded men , him and i being a thousand six hundred we made up the other division , and marched day about in the vauntguard and gave out the orders night about my lord connoway and i. we had also with us three troopes dragooners at fifty a piece , and five troops of horse at forty a piece ; and all being put in order , we marched towards the woods of kilwarline , where the enemy lay in one passe with 2500. men , and sixty horse , commanded by my lord ev●ck mack●rtane sir con macginnische and sir rorie macginnische , they having cast off one bridge on the passe , and retired from it to another passe in the woods ; i commanded our horsemen to goe about and to draw up on their flanke in the wood , having way to passe but one horse after another : in the meane time our commanded muskateers and foure of our fielding-peeces were brought over the passe , and made good one passe till our whole army was set over , and then our canons forced them to give ground , till we made open the second passe being strait , having mosse and bogs on every side ; at length our commanded muskateers charged the front , and the cavilree on the flankes , till they were forced with losse to retreat in disorder athwart the woods and bogs on severall hands , in which time our whole armie came over the passe , and then our commanded muskateers skirmished with them for three miles in the woods on both flankes while the body of the army was making passages free to carry through the canon and horsemen : at night we encamped all horse and foot in one body , the whole night in armes in the midest of the wood . in this skirmish sir rorie mackginnische and mackartans , two active men , brothers were killed with one hun●red and fifty more ; with the losse of two men on our side . and foure wounded . about sir rorie was found divers letters , which furnished us with intelligence of all their designes in opposing us in that field , and of their intentions elsewhere . saturdy the last of april , we marched in the former order through the woods , towards lochbricklane , where being come on the plaine , our horsemen on the wings killed divers of them retiring , and some taken prisoners were hanged thereafter . and being come late to quartar we could not ingage that night with the intaking of the iland , where there lay a wicked garison in a fast place environed within a loch , being a refuge in safety , and their boat d●awne . sunday the first of may , being eight miles from the newrie , i commanded the cavilrie and dragoneers to march , for blocking up the newrie , till our coming : and they being gone , i persued the iland from the land with canon and musket for a time , and finding the roagues despirate , i adventured upon promise of reward six hieland-m●n with their armes , pike and sword , to swin under me●cy of our owne canon , to bring away their boat , whereof three swimmers dyed , two retired , and the sixt alone brought away the boat , being shot through with a fielding-peece ; she was clamped up with salt hides , and being manned again , tooke in the i le , the whole sixty therein put to the sword , and our p●isoners which they had released . and leaving a serjeant and twelue muskateers there , we marched towards the newrie ; and having summoned the town and castle to come in to our mercy or no mercy , the towne gave over , the castle held out , alledging he was able to keepe it seven yeers . in the meane time we granted a time to the next morning to him to advise ; during which time i fully recognished the house and perceived that i could take it in by pittard or by fire . on munday the second of may , prepared our fagots , and made ready our batteries , before tuesday at mid-day , resolving to take it in rather by terrour of our canons then by fire or pittard , which would make the place unprofitable for us ; next if it were taken so sir edward traver a man of good account , being there prisoner , had died also by them or with them ; so having all things in readinesse quainted them againe there was no quarter for them but he and his garison to march forth without armes with white sticks in their hands , and he should have a free convoy , and their lives spared . these of the town should have no other quarter then to come forth in our reverence . and our prisoners to be safely delivered unto us , which they once accorded unto : but getting intelligence sir philome was neere hand for their reliefe , they resolved to delay till the next morning , which being refused , we forced up their outer gate and were ready to pittard the second were not for feare of the prisoners who cried for mercy ; and that the gate should be made up instantly as was done , and the castle that night guarded by us and the prisoners guarded in the town . on wednesday the fourth of may , the captaine was sent away with a convoy , and the towns-men detained till triall should be had of their behaviours ; as also the garison of carlingford fled away for feare and the captaine of the kings ship made booty there and man●ed the castle of carlingford . this day i did write to dundaak● to sir henry ●●gburne to come to the newrie to learn of him the estate of the country beyond him who came to us on thursday the fift of m●y of whom i could learn nothing , who being returned we entred in e●amination of the towns-men , if all were papists ; and the indifferent being severed from the bad whereof 60. with two priests were shot and hanged the indifferent are banished : which being done , finding the place comodious for our army , i resolved to place lievtenant colone●l sinkler with his men to maintain the place , having joyned with them ●00 . of my lord ards and my lord clannebowies men till the rest of their owne regiment might be sent to them by woter from carrickfergus . and in my simple judgement your exce●lence shall finde that place a convenient part to draw the third of the army there being neerest the strength of the enemy , in the counties of ardmach , tyran , monacan and cavan otherwise it will be impossible ●o transport your army from carrickfergus for lack of ca●iage and toylsome wayes ; for in this last march five of my cariages were broken , being but fielding peeces , which are the onely cannon for use in this service : and our horses also in the most parts of the country will not be usefull but rather a toyle to the foot to guard them ; for it will be a war in my judgement very strange , for in the whole march i had never any alarme given us being quartered in the fields untrenched . friday the sixt of may having setled the garison , i resolved to march towards the enemy to ardmach : and having sent forth one strong party of horse and dragoneers towards their army , they thinking the whole army was marching ; retired back on ardmach and burnt the town , puttingall the brittish to the sword and retired to the straits of tyron ; whereupon we being scarce of victuals and our body weakned , our souldiers burthened with unnecessary trash of baggage . i resolved to returne with the army home , marching through my lord evankes countrey , mackartan and slawtneils , being onely the considerable enemy in the countrey of doun . and in our march i resolved my selfe with 800. musketeers to put them from their strengths in the mountains of monrue , and to rob them of their cattell , which we did . i marching through the mountains , on the right hand , and the army , horse and foot and artillary marching through the valley on the left hand , where we joyned together . on sunday the eight at night , foure miles from the passe of durdrum , bordering betwixt my lord evanks lands & mackartans . munday the ninth , we divided our army in three , colonel home with 500. commanded musketeers two troops of dragoneers , and one troope of horse ; to connoway the artillary cattell and baggage safest way towards mackartanes owne house ; the rest of the horse● lievtenant colonell montgomrie and 200. commanded muskateers were sent about the mountaines to run through betwixt kilwarning woods and killernie woods to the randevous the next day at mackartanes house ; and hearing mackartane with his forces and cattell were lying in one strait in the woods of killernie , i marched , thither my selfe , with the body of the foot and colours : and having quartered on munday at night within three miles of the enemy , came upon them the next morning unawares without sound of drum , so they were scattered . and having commanded further three bodies of musketeers to severall parts , appointing one randevow for all , we brought together to our quarters at night above foure thousand cattel , and joyned all together at night at mack●r●anes house ; and divers were killed of the rebels , being scattered on all hands ; and one strong body of them on one passe in the woods fore-gathered with the horsmen , and lievtenant colonel montgomrie , where the foot behooved to guard the horse , they being unskilfull in their l●ding , having lost foure horses and five men . wednesday the 11. hearing the enemy was resolved to fight with us in the wood , we marched with our artillery and commanded men in the van-guard ; our two divisions marching after with commanded men in the flanks , we were forced to make severall stopt to cleere the passages they had stopped with wood to keepe us up ; our cattell marched next to the army , being guarded with pike-men and muskateers on all quarters ; our baggage next to them , our horsemen and dragonee●s in the rere of all . the rebels being drawne up on the hils perceiving our order of march , durst not ingage with us so cumming free off , we quartered at night in drumbo : and the next morning divided our cattell , such as remained unstolen by the horsemen and plunderers , being an infinite number of poor contemptible country-men , which could not be reduced to order . and on thursday the twelfth , we returned to our severall quarters , all our victuals being spent , except our cowes . at my returne i received one letter f●om my lord marquesse of argile , craving advice where he should land his men in the county of antrum ; likewise one other letter from the earle of antrum , rather to intrap me then to approve himselfe a loyall subject ; the third i received from the town of london-derry shewing their necessities , which letters i have answered severally as i could best for the time . and for answer to your excellence of this fourth of may ▪ i finde companies cumming over and no provision with them , which questionlesse , except it be prevented will breed disorders amongsts us : for there is not provision here for the forces already come to give them bread , and if i had not had meale that came from scotland , and some bisket borrowed from the kings ships , i had not intended the expedition for the newrie , and i did thinke in sixteen dayes time , the most part being out of the garison ; that the major should have had store of bread for a new expedition in readinesse to goe into the county of antrum , to assist the marques of argiles forces at their landing against the rebels , being dangerous for them , except we be able to divert the enemy toward the band-water , in regard my lord antrum is joyned strong with the rebels , making a pretext of laying downe of armes , in the meane time doth what he can to cut our throats ; and except the men come suddenly i cannot draw to the fields to assist argile ; neither can i get sinclers regiment well provided , who are at the newrie ; for in ten dayes time all the provision thereabouts will be eaten up , till more forces joyne with them to enlarge his freedome . and my lord linsies men i have quartered in broad iland and ylmagie , where they have houses but no victuals ; and if all should be trusted to the major of carrickf●rgus his furnishing one thousand must li●e on one hundred mens allowance of bread a day : so that meale must be the provision which will fit us best to goe to the fields . in all our journey we could not rammasse ten serviceable horse for cannon or baggage , but above eight hundred colts and fillies were rammassed together out of the mountaines and woods by the poore contemptible robbed people and plunderers , which i followed the army , which i could not in pity take from them . the most of our carriage that was weighty at this time was drawne by oxen , our baggage horse were scarce and weake . but i hope when grasse growes up wee may get some horses from them , if wee could be served meanly , for the present which no man can supply so wel as my lord clunnebowies and my lord arddis , master arthur hill , and james edmistoun of broad iland and ylemagies ; and this ▪ is all the helpe your excellence may expect for transporting of baggage or amunition , except it be brought from scotland for the time . i must intreat your excellence to cause send one copie of this information to our commissioners , and another to my lord chancellour , since i cannot have time to write to them ; please your excellence to receive the letter that came from london-derry the 27. of aprill ; as also the earle of antrums letter from dunluce the last of aprill , directed to my selfe . so having no further to acquaint your excellence with for the time ; wishing your excellence an happy arrivall here : i remaine your excellence humble and obedient servant , robert monroe . carrickfergus this 13. of may , 1642. the major and aldermens letter of london-derry to generall major monroe . right honourable and noble sir , wee of this citie of london-derry and other parts , have either bin forgotten , or given over for losse , as we conceive ; for al other parts of the kingdome are plentifully supplied , and yet thogh we have made our wants and miseries knowne divers times to dublin and to england and scotland , yet no reliefe ever came to us , but onely thirty barrels of powder brought by captaine bolline from dublin , long before christmas , which was partly upon the arrival thereof disposed to all needfull parts ; and want of powder and arms here hath bin our ruine . it is the great providence and goodnesse of god that we are hitherto preserved , having bin so ill armed and provided for ; all the arms within his majesties store here were shipt to dublin the last summer , and nothing left here but old decaid calivers , which we have hitherto made a shift with , and trimmed them up to our great charges . we have raised seven hundred men for the defence of this citie and keepe them hitherto at our owne charges , in expectation of mony and other supplies , but there is not one hundred good swords amongst them and their armes but meane . sir william steward , sir robert steward , and sir ralph gore had commissions from his majesty out of scotland in november for raising their regiments , and two horse troops , they lye in the county of tyrone and thereabout , and so have done all this winter , to oppose the enemy , but being unprovided for , and not one penny to pay them , they could never attempt any great service . it is much that they keepe the enemies from our wals to this houre , now our powder is gone , our victuals is beginning to faile , and these three regiments had bin starved long since , if we of this citie had not relieved them with biefe , butter , heri●s , and other necesaries , to a great value , but this will hold out no longer , for we have not now victuals enough for our owne men in the citie . and if a ship of bristow had not arived here with some peas , meale and wheat , we could not have shifted longer , and all that will not last the regiments fourteene dayes ; for the provision of the cou●trey is destro●ed by the enemy , or de●oured by our owne men ; and we a●e in●●●ed to feed multitudes of unserviceable people that are fled hither for reliefe ; so if the enemies sword spare us , famine will dispatch us , except god in mercy provide for us . but this is not all , for now at this very houre . sir phileme o. neal having gathered from al parts what forces he can make , is with a very great army of horse and fo●t at siraband and the foord of within ten or twelve miles of this citie , intending ( by all the intelligence we can get ) to set up his rest , and despirately to breake in upon us , where all the forces we can make are ready to bid him welcome . sir philome on the one side of the river , and ours on the other , in sight one of the other : so as we of this citie were enforced not onely to send a great part of our men out of the citie to joyne with the● , but also unfurnished and parted with that little powder was left us , which with a little we gat out of the bristow ship we have sent to encounter this irish rebell . and now to revive our fainting spirits god hath provided for our reliefe , and sent this bearer captaine strange into lochfoyle , who being in his majesties service and sent for the comfort of his majesties distressed subjects into these parts we have made a true relation to him of our despirate estate and the great danger , we are in , for want of powder and other provi●●on , that we have not onely prevailed with him to lend us for the present six barrers of powder , but also to set sail for us to carrik fergus , to present our wants and dangers we are in to your honorable consideration , most earnestly praying that for the love of god ; and honour of our king and the safety of this place and people , ye will dispatch him back againe to us with a good and large proportion of powder , match , and head muskets , swords pikes , some spades and shovels , whereof we have not any ; and of these or what else may be had as much as ye can possibly spare us ; for we want all things fit to defend a distressed countrey , and offend a despirate enemy . we also pray that you will restore the captaine the six barrels of powder we have borrowed of him ; and if there be any bisket , cheese or any other victuals to be spared to send us some good proportion thereof . so being at present in great haste , and perplexity , with our service presented to your honour , we remaine london derry the 27. of apill , 1642. your humble servants robert thornton , major henry asburne , ian. pha● . the earle of antrims letter to generall major monroe . noble colonell , i was glad when i heard you were to be employed in this kingdom , but now more pleased to heare that you and others of your name are safely arrived . i hope you beleeve i have not beene ignorant of the relation that has bin betweene your family and mine , and still continued by those of my name in scotland , especially by sir donald , i shall be very ready to keepe the same correspondency , if i had the opportunity . and now having the occasion by your journey into ireland , i shall be as willing to give you a beliefe of it as any other friend whatsoever . and i am very confident to receive a return from you accordingly . i cannot so easily expresse any particulars , as i should be centent to doe by word of mouth ; and if you please to doe me the favour to meet me at glenarme , and to signifie to me the time , i shall take it as a great argument of your respects and friendship to me ; and you may be there as much master of the place as my selfe . i shall not go attended in the posture of a souldier , but in my accustomed manner , that the lookers on may take notice of our familiar meeting and respect to each other . and i hope we shall agree in the maine point for his majesties service and the quieting of my countrey ; and i shall strive to relieve coleraine with victuals very shortly . i am sorry that in my absence my people were so unfortunate as to doe any hostile act , though in their owne defence , being compelled to it for safety of their lives , which they say they can make appeare in a convenient time : and the relation of the manner of the one and the other , i must refer to our meeting , and then i shall be better able to tell your honour how much i am your affectionate friend and humble servant , antrim . dunluce the last of apil , 1642. finis . vox hibernæ, or, rather the voyce of the lord from ireland a sermon preached in saint peters church at westminster before divers of the right honourable the lords of the upper house in the high court of parliament : on the last publike fast day, being wednesday the 22th of december 1641 : wherein the miserable estate of the kingdome of ireland at this present is laid open and the people and kingdome of england earnestlie exhorted to turne to almight god by true repentance least the same iudgements or worse fall upon us / by the laborious and reverend doctor iames vsher ... ussher, james, 1581-1656. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a64688 of text r233006 in the english short title catalog (wing u228). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 31 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a64688 wing u228 estc r233006 12442947 ocm 12442947 62136 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64688) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62136) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 249:e132, no 32) vox hibernæ, or, rather the voyce of the lord from ireland a sermon preached in saint peters church at westminster before divers of the right honourable the lords of the upper house in the high court of parliament : on the last publike fast day, being wednesday the 22th of december 1641 : wherein the miserable estate of the kingdome of ireland at this present is laid open and the people and kingdome of england earnestlie exhorted to turne to almight god by true repentance least the same iudgements or worse fall upon us / by the laborious and reverend doctor iames vsher ... ussher, james, 1581-1656. [16] p. for iohn nicolson ..., printed at london : 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng bible. -n.t. -luke xiii, 5 -sermons. fast-day sermons. ireland -history -1625-1649 -sermons. a64688 r233006 (wing u228). civilwar no vox hiberniæ or rather the voyce of the lord from ireland: a sermon preached in saint peters church at westminster, before divers of the rig ussher, james 1642 6289 10 0 0 0 0 0 16 c the rate of 16 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion vox hibernae or rather the voyce of the lord from ireland : a sermon preached in saint peters church at westminster , before divers of the right honorable , the lords of the upper house in the high court of parliament , on the last publike fast day , being wednesday the 22th . of december . 1641. wherein the miserable estate of the kingdome of ireland at this present is laid open , and the people and kingdome of england , earnestlie exhorted to turne to almighty god by true repentance least the same iudgements or worse fall upon us . by the laborious and reverend doctor iames vsher bishop of armagh and primate of ireland . luke 13. 4 , 5. thinke you that those 18. upon whom the tower in siloe fell , and slew them , were sinners above all men in ierusalem . 5. i tell you nay , but except you amend your lives you shall likewise perish . printed at london for iohn nicolson , under saint martins church within ludgate . 1642. vox hjberniae . luke . 13. 5. except ye repent you shall all likewise perish . a harsh text you will say , & yet notwithstanding uttered by him that was the merchant of men , he that was the good phisitian that came to cure us . who as hee testifies of himselfe in the 12. os saint iohn , that hee came not to judge the world , but to condemne the world . and yet he that was the saviour of the world meanes to save none without faith and repentance , and therefore he telles us ; that except we repent , we shall all likewise perish . the occasion of the words was from a matter that was told unto him , a storie that men told as a thing that no way appertained unto them . pilate he had mingled the blood of the galileans with their sacrifices : now ths pharisees they heard of it , and this they tell as newes to our saviour christ , as if it had no way touched them , and so our saviour seeing they tooke not the matter as to themselves for examples unto them tells them that whatsoever iudgements they did see executed upon others , the very selfe same thing would bee to them , if they did not repent . to apply it unto our selvee : it is the case of our neighbour nation , what are they greater sinners then we , i tell you nay , the very same iudgements that fall upon them shall fall upon you vnlesse you prevent it by timely repentance . these judgements are sent as examples and instructions unto us . those that fell with their carkasses in the wildernesse are examples unto us that wee might not run unto the same excesse of riot . the lord might have made you examples unto ireland , as well as he hath made ireland an example unto you . as the lord saith in the prophesie of hosea 4. 11. i have overthrowne some of you as god did overthrow sodom & gomorah , & ye are as a firebrand snatcht out of the burning , & yet you returned not . god hath overthrowne that land especially the best of the land , according as he did to germanie ; and now he is come neerer to us ; the miseries & calamities which they indure were too tedious to relate . et animus reminiscere horret luctusque refugit . and as if god did intend yet to shew us his judgements more neere to us : the fire breakes out in that corner of the nation that wee least feared , which should cause us to repent in sackcloath and ashes ; wee know it is the case of our soveraigne that we should take this to heart : we know that david when the judgements of god was upon him in his child , then he fasted and humbled his soule with fasting ; yea and is hee did when affections were upon others of his brethren , that were no great friends unto him . wee see it also in nehemiah , that he hearing such newes as we now heare from ireland , nehemiah 1. 3. nehemiah asked how his brethren the children of israell were , as he was told that they were in great afflicton . this was the newes , how doth he take it . and it came to passe when i heard these words i sate downe and wept and mourned , and fasted , and prayed before the god of heaven . this is the sence that all the members of the body should have one of another . they should call upon god one for another . god makes this an example unto us , that if we doe not repent , the same judgement or a greater shall fall upon us . the thing which we are to doe is to repent ; the physitian he tells us the danger that we are in , if we do not repent , & he gives us a proviso that if will take this course notwithstanding the evill that is against us , he will forgive us if we do repent . and here we will see first , the danger we are in . the danger is perishing , either repent or there is no possibility of salvation , noe prevention of gods judgements in this world , nor in the world to come without repentance ; thinke not that these words are in vaine , thinke not that these wordes are spoken in vaine , t' is not a bare and cold profession of religion that shall save you , if you do not repent you shall perish , and be destroyed . beloved , wee must consider with our selves , that god is mercyfull when he will pardon a sinner . but when he intends to leave them , he is not mercyfull if they do not repent : and thou deceivest thy selfe , and makest an idoll of thy god , if thou thinke that he is so made up of mercy , that he hath forgotten to be just . the lord will breake the hairie scalpe of them that commit iniquity . say not i shall be delivered , notwithstanding i goe on in these courses , the lord will not have mercy upon that man . a man that goes on in iniquity , the lord will not have mercy upon such an one , his mercy appeares to them that are weary of their sinnes , and come unto him , what is it that makes the sin of the holy ghost so terrible as it is there described . heb. 6. 6. it is impossible . if they shall fall away to renew them againe unto repentance ; that 's the deadly sinne , the sinne against the holy ghost . but what what is it i aske thee , that makes this sinne so deadlie ? why because he that commits this sinne is not renewed by repentance ; if he were renewed by repentance , this sinne against the holy ghost should be forgiven him , doe not thinke that the sinne of man is above the mercy of god , do not thinke that any sin that mortall man can commit , shall out-vie the blood of christ , the sin against the holy ghost should not be deadly , except the point lie in this , hee cannot be renewed by repentance , so that if thou be not renewed by repentance , thou art in the state of him that is guilty of the sinne against the holy ghost , of one miserable and irrecoverable , many thinges i have to speake , but i see that my time is but short , and therefore i must be briefe . you see the first thing , the danger is inevitable , no way to scape it but if we repent , the lord will repent of the iudgement against us , but if we repent not , there is no hope to escape either in this world , or in the world to come ; but i come to the duty of the day . for the worke of this day fasting is nothing but the outward way , yet it is the onely way to repentance , do not thinke that you come to heare an ordinary sermon god expects it at thy hands , that thou shouldst examine what thou hast heard , whatsoever thou hast heard this day , out of this place of thy duty , the lord lookes thou shouldest do it speedily , now is the axe laid to the root of the tree , and therefore every tree that bringeth not forth good fruit shall be hewen downe and cast into the fire . now , why not before ? now that is now the preaching of the gospell comes to you , now the lord exhorts you by the danger , now he shewes you the way how to repent , and to escape the wrath that is to come . now if you doe not repent , gods sword is drawn , the axe is laid to the root of the tree , and god wil cut you down . now the lord he threatneth you , these thinges only that you might repent . therefore as god saith in hosea ; i will do thus . how ? i will do to you , as i have done to them in ireland . i will do to you , as i have done to sodom and gomorrah . and because i will doe thus unto thee , prepare to meete thy god oh israell , i am ready to strike , and that i may not strike thee , prepare to meete thy god . those men that are our enemies they strike before they give us warning , but saith god , therefore i will doe thus unto thee , and because i will do thus , do thou meete me with repentance , psal. 103. ver. 12. except you returne the lord is preparing of his arrowes . psal. 103. ver. 12. why doth he not shoot , presently he must bend his bow , and draw out his arrowes , and tell you of it that you may remember . remember this now , now that god cals you all to repentance , now if you neglect the practise of it , the axe is laid to the root of the tree . but now to come to the point of the act of repentance , i will not stand much to shew you what repentance is , but to shew you what you are to do . as you must not come before the lord and say , lord we repent us of our sins , and mocke god , never intending it , never doe it upon the perill of his indignation , of his wrath that shall burne against you in the world to come . know that these are not vaine words , for repentance ; there are two parts of it , and the lord doth expect that both should bee performed by us . wee read in the scripture of repentance for sinne , and we read of repentance from sinne . so the apostle to the corinthians , saith thus ; least my god should humble me before you ; for there are many that repent not of their abhomination . and acts. 8. 22. repent therefore of this thy wickednesse . repentance hath two lookes like ianus with two faces it lookes backward , and it lookes forward , when it lookes backwards it lookes upon the thing that is done , and because that is done , cannot be undone , therefore it weeps , and wailes , and greives , that thing is done to gods dishonour , which cannot be undone , that is repentance when a man looks upon sin , rending himselfe , and is sorrowfull for what is past , that 's but the first part of repentance . the second is that , that lookes upon sinne with distast , it is abhominable unto him : it is not hereafter i will not sweare , i will not be light & wanton , i will not be evill , but there must be an hatred of all sinne , you that love the lord hate evill ; there must not be onely a ceasing from the act of sinne , but there must be a reformation of the will , and of the heart , to the utter obhorring to the utter hating of sinne . concerning the former of these , repentance when it looks upon sinne that is past , the sinnes that i have committed that many have not regarded for the fornications that you have committed , you must understand that here the worke of repenting is humiliation . but ( marke it ) not an humiliation wherein a man is meere passive , or is humbled by some great affliction that is fallen upon him . the judgement of god may come to a man , the stoutest man and humble him , but that is not an humiliation of repentance . the humiliation which repentance brings it is an ●ctive passion : the stoutest man that is , when gods hand that hath touched him , he will cry , and groane , and lament , and yet he is no penitent for all this , but repentance it is an act i doe my selfe , i act it my self . rend your hearts and not your garments they did rend them with their owne hands : so to have a rent heart , it must be an act of my selfe upon my selfe , i will not stay till gods crosse fall upon me & crush me , but i will labour to take up the crosse ; i will doe it by god grace also , for as you heard well in the morning , nothing but the holy ghost can worke this in your hearts , yet god doth not worke with us as we doe with a spade . the spirit of god maketh use of nature , not as agent but as a sujbect wherein grace is ; and if there were not this the spirit could worke without it . it is said of our saviour christ in the case of lazarus , when he groaned he was troubled , if you doe observe the reading in the margent , it is , and iesus troubled himselfe , luke 15. and so in in his other sufferings , phil. 3. 20. he offered himselfe ; so that this humiliation must bee in obedience . humble yourselves under the mighty hand of god , and he will raise you up so that the humilitation , it must bee a voluntary worke , having its originall from gods spirit , that seing there is no other remedy in the world , to shew thy hating of it ; thou wilt take an holy revenge , thou wilt breake that stony heart of thine , and thou wilt not suffer it to be obdurate against the lord , but howsoever god never doth this against a mans will . heeris the point , the humilitation which the sinner hath , it is an act of his will ; hee doth not onely suffer as those that are strucke by the hand of god , so iudas might have repented , but that comes out of a kind heart to almighty god , that it breaks the heart . but beloved , e●e i goe further , we will examine wherein this humilitation doth stand . humilitation stands in a generall processe , which we make against our selves . if we will judge our selves , we shall not be judged by him , so that this humiliation is a iudiciall processe against our selves , wee will make our hearts throb , wee will make our eyes flow forth into teares , when wee looke backe upon our sinnes committed . this is the humilitation of a penitent sinner ; so in this case a man comes to summe up all the powers and faculties of his soule , the will , the understandng , the conscience , the sence , it will require all thy power , and all thy strength to doe it . thy memory that must draw up the indenture , thou must consider that god will open all when hee comes to judge thee ; thou swearest , thou hast forgotten it presently , but god hath written it in a booke ; thy conscience shall remember every oath that thou hast sworne , every idle word that thou hast spoke , you see god . psal. 50. saith ; he will set all our sins in order before us , he will rub up this dull memory of ours , we must draw unto our remembrance the multitude of the sinnes that we have committed against god . it is the speech of the prophet esah , call to your remembrance the sins that you have committed ; and if you would rubbe up your remembrances , and doe as stewards that have a bad memory , make it their businesse to cast and account every night , what they lay out the day before : and so if wee would every day before wee go to bed call our selves to an account , how we have spent that day , our memories should not be so short , wee must know how to set sinne before the sight of almighty god , briefely thus . looke first in thy owne debt , a debt that thou didst commit before thou wast born , begin at the highest , what was that ? doe not you know that many men have beene arrested , and undone for debts , for which as we say they did never drinke ; a debt may be owing by the sonne for his father , after that his father is dead , thou art in the loynes of adam , if adam had stood , thou shouldest have stood , bring he is falne , thou fallest with him : we all hange upon adam as the stringe that the prophet speaks of ; that as a bunch of keyes hung upon a string , when that the string is broken , then all the keyes fall downe , with him we all hang , and with him we all fall ; the sinne acted by adams justice imputed unto thee as thou art in his loynes . againe in the second place , by reason of this imputation of adams sinne unto thee , thou art deprived of that image in which thou and hee were created ; assoone as ever adam acted the sinne , presently adam was spoiled ; his understanding was darkned , his will was rebellious , his conscience was disordered , only heere was the difference , adam was despoyled of it , after he had continued long in the world , thou assoone as ever soule and body were conjoyned together , god considers thee in adam to have reached forth thy hand to the forbidden fruit , and therefore the same thing that befell adam , that he was spoyled of his originall righteousnesse , the same befals thee , the prophet david in the 51. psal. hee was guilty of murther , and adultery yet for all this hee saith , he was borne in sinne , and doe you not thinke he did it to extenuate his sin and iniquity , that he was borne in sinne , and concelved in it , as if a man should doe me harme , because it was naturall unto him , hee could not abide me , should not i thinke him the more wicked , so the sins against god are very haynous ; the root from whence this adulterie proceeded , and this murther came , it came from the corruption of his ill nature . as we deale with toades and foxes and vermine , wee kill and destroy them , when they doe no hurt , wee thinke they may doe ill , because the nature of them is to doe harme ; so god he findes us such toades , such things , even before wee are out of the shell , and therefore god may justly deale with us so : so that god may take a young child and cast it into hell as soone as it is borne . if god will doe this for the first sinne , death went over them that did not sinne after the similitude of the transgression of adam . death went over those that committed no naturall sinne , as adam did . consider this , that when we were first borne by reason of the seede o● rebellion that is in us , if god had marked us assoone as we came out of the wombe , he might justly have committed us to hell , begin with the vanitie of your childhood . consider with yourselves how soone that evill seedes spring forth into fruit . consider how in its rife in a child before you thinke it hath understanding . consider that which comes from pride , frowardnesse , wrangling , and wantonnesse . looke afterwards when thou commest to thy riper age , when thou wast married , when thou wast without governement . divide thy life into severall parts , all these things may serve to set before us , those sinnes that wee have committed , not hiding them , not concealing them with adam . to play the part of the kings attorney not only to bring an evidence of the fact , but to shew how hainous and grievous it is . and beloved , when this hath beene done both in sinnes of commission and ( which will breake any ones heart to thinke ) of the sinnes of omission ; the innumerable good things which god hath commanded me to doe , yet i have neglected them , nay rather there proceedes words that are so farre from tending to edification , that they are corrupt words , as the apostle speakes ; this i told unto you , thus you must doe , the more of those sinnes you put before you , the more incited you should shew your selves : my sinnes are more then the haires of my head , and in another place , my sinnes are a burrhen too heavie for me to beare : so that this is the part of a penitent sinner , to set his sinnes before him , and then to desire god to forgive his secret sinnes , so draw them before thy heart , before almighty god , and condemne them , and then god will not condemne thee ; when wee have done thus , this appertaines to the first part wherein i indite my selfe , these and these things i have done , these and these things god hath committed to me , i have received much grace of god in vaine ; i have abused my talent and hid it in a napkin ; these be for the inditement . but then wee must come to the triall , when my memorie hath brought them to me , and when my understanding hath considered them and weighed them in the ballance of the sanctuary , and i consider that they are sinnes to be aggraated not onely by the law but by the gospel , then my confience presently like a peece overcharged recoyles me backward , and i consider the weight of them that they are a burthen to heavie for me to beare . then the soule strikes the heart , this is my case ; considering what the law hath said , considering what the gospel hath said : alasse if i had not commited these sinnes while i was under grace , under the minister of the gospel , when christ invited me to come unto him ; when he bids me cast this burthen upon his shoulders , and hee would ease me , i will not doe it , and though that hee comes with peace and with safetie we will not receive him ; as you heard in the morning ; set before you the representation of the true crucifix . the lambe of god that was slaine in the law ▪ he that offered him was to lay his hand upon the head of the lambe and confesse his sinnes over him , and then the lambe was slaine . now consider this , my swearing & my lying & my vanity , my pride in apparrell , and all my sinnes , ●ll are laid upon the lambs head that was never guilty of these vanities , the lambe of god , hee was slaine though thou canst not groane for thy sinnes , thou canst not weepe for thy sinnes looke , then looke upon christ , he sought god with strange cryes and teares , not in regard of the punishment , though thou diddest not cry for thy sinnes , he had strong cryes and teares . phil 5. and observe the highest crie . my god , my god why hast thou forsaken me . you that thinke sinne to be so small a matter , consider your sinne as it lay upon christ , strong cryes you see it cost him . consider him lying graveling upon the ground , as it were panting for life , sweating blood before his father ; crying , father if it be possible take this cup from me : as if hee should say , if hou wilt shew onely mercie passe by thy judgement all this time ; with cryes and with strong teares , and the third time cryes upon the crosse , my god , my god why hast thou forsaken me . when all the earth had a blacke mantle cast over it , & darkenesse over him that was the light of the world , and as great a darkenesse in him , his soule was darkened within him . to consider these things is able to breake the heart of any man that hath the lest sparke of grace in him . but then consider with thy selfe thus ; what hath sin done to me ? first , it hath defiled thee , 1 cor. 5. 1. he wishes us that wee would keepe our selves from all defilement of body and spirit . that which goes into the mouth of a man defiles not a man , but that which goes out , for , from within , even out o the heart of man proceedeth evill thoughts . luke 7. 21. 22. adulterie , fornications , murthers , theft , covetuousnesse , wickednesse , deceit , vncleannesse , a wicked eye , backbiting , pride , foolishnesse . there is no sinne that thou committest but it bespots thy soule . did you but see the soule of a sinner what dishonour and slaine brings to it , it is like a filthy spot in pure white lawne ; your sinnes they have made a separation between you and your god . they are now in a state of enmitie , ( saith god ) my soule doth loathe them , and their soule doth loath me . there is an utter s●paration betweene god and us by sinne : and after all this comes god and inlarges thee from satan that possessed thee , but the prince of this world is cast out ; who is the prince of the world , the prince that rules in the children of disobedience . and this is the iudgement which our saviour brings the prince of this world , but unt●ll wee bee renewed by repentance , still where god comes out the devill comes in . a man is so possest that for his life he hath not the power to resist the least temptation of the devill , but as fast as he tempts he committs sinne , and then comes gods iudgement : you have it in deut. 28. your sins are a breach of covenant with almighty god , & do you think that covenant breakers , breakers of covenant shall scape . they are put amongst the blacke guard in the first of the romans , adulterers , swearers , truce-breakers , i will send among you plagues , the judgements that are not written in this booke : why saith turtullian , scipturae plenitudinem habent , the scriptures have a fulnesse , i have seene an end of all perfection , but thy commandements are exceeding large . and yet there are unwritten judgements . the scripture which is perfect , it doth not containe all the judgements which god will send upon sinners . and hence , from the consideration of this comes loathing of a mans selfe , and a godly sorrow , these are the affections we should have , when we have produced our faults , and the law hath shewne the miserie we are liable to by the committing of them , then a man come to abhorre himselfe as iob saith . therefore i repent and obhorre my selfe in dust and ashes : you see this abhorring a mans selfe it is a concomitant of true repentance . those that be in the darke , though they be naked , they are not ashamed : why ? because they see no light , but when the light of gods spirit hath discovered to a man his foulenes and his shame , then they doe repent and abhorre themselves , ezek. 26. god exhorts them that they should loath themselves as a signe of repentance . shame you know it is a part of the judgement against sin , for daniel the last chapter and the second verse , some shall rise to shame and to everlasting contempt . now when we come to judge ourselves that we be not judged of god , we must bring ourselves to this shame . and as ezra when hee came by fasting and repentance to god , hee saith , i am ashamed to come before thee , not for his owne sinnes , but for those among whom he was : the best fruit that thou canst reape of sinne , though it be repented is shame . the prophet zephaniah saith , the wicked know no shame . ier. 6. 15. were they ashamed when they had done these things , they were not ashamed , neither could they blush , when thou hast done these things and considerest them , art thou ashamed of them . when thou considerest of them betweene god and thy owne conscience dost thou blush ? you that were not ashamed to commit the sinne , now that god hath opened your eyes , see whether you can blush , and be ashamed before almighty god for committing these sinnes . but then there is sorrow which is the last thing , which sorrow must be true , and from the heart ; the inward sorrow it is contrition , it is the rending and breaking of the heart , when a man is ready to teare himselfe in peeces , because that he hath offended so gracious a god , that hath done so much for us . this is that which the apostles calls that same sorrow which is according to god , 1. iam. all israell wept before the lord , suppose there were no hell , no damnation , no outward judgement , yet as long as there is a god in heaven , i cannot but be sorrow for my sinne and when thou canst doe thus , it is an argument thou art a penitent sinner , and this is done by fasting and weeping , fasting and weeping they are things that are joyned together . 1. sam. 7. 6. it is said that when the philistims came against them , they fasted and powred down water by the lord , that is they made or wept such abundance of teares , as if water had beene powred downe , and so iudg. 2. 4. when the angell came to bochim and told the people of their sins , the people lift up their voice and wept . beloved , beloved doe not our dry eyes this day testifie that we have little sorrow , remember that place in zachary , they shall looke upon him whom they have pierced . zach. 12. 10. and they shall lament for him , as one mourneth for his onely son , and be sorry for him , as one is sorry for his first borne . doft thou weepe for thy son , and not for crucifying of thy saviour ; it is not set downe that sorrow shall be in them , but they shall bee sorrow , to shew the greatnesse of it , as though they were steeped and soaked in it , and such a sorrow as was in the valley of megiddo , when iosiah died , in memory or which ieremiah wrote his booke of lamentations . and they shall sorrow apart , to shew that it is a part ; that sorrow which is a part , it is particularly every man , it was not the iewes speares or sins that did crucifie christ but thy sins . beloved , i must speake now concerning the matter of fasting , and ( beloved ) it must be fasting , not such a superficiall fasting , as we commonly use , but fasting of another nature ; we doe not understand the name of it , if you compare , luk. 5. 33. and mat. 9. 14. together ; why doe the disciples of iohn & the pharisees fast often ; but thy diciples fast not as saint mat. hath it ; but saint luk. thus : why doe the diciples of iohn fast often and pray , and the diciples of the pharisees also , but thine eate and drink ; he that eates or drinks any thing his fast is done , and the least droppe of water thou hast taken it breakes 〈◊〉 shell of thy fasting . and it was the doctrine of the ancient ●●thers that he that had tasted but a drope of water , he had do●● with his fast for that day . and this outward fasting , must 〈…〉 onely be from anything that is to be eaten ; but also from all delight , let the bridegroome come forth of his chamber ; that which we know to be lawfull and good , yet because it hath a solace in it , that ordinance of god it must be forborne , any outward kinde of solace that gives content , it must be avoided our apparrell , the wearing of our best apparrell , any thing that may be contrary to the fasting , see ahab when hee fasted hee humbled himselfe and wept , and put on sackcloth , and went fastly , that is he went barefoot , now those that goe barefoot cannot but tread very softly . esah . 58. 13. thou shalt not think thy owne thoughts , speake thine on words , nor doe thy owne actions . the prophet doth there speak of the sabboth which was on the tenth day of the seventh moneth , not of the hebdomate weekly sabboth , the saturday , but of the universary sabboth ; and the beginning of the chapter runneth that way . wee have fasted , and thou hast not looked upon us , that fasting day wherein ( as some report ) adam fell they should not doe any thing , : this was but the shall of fasting , all outward things that can give content to the outward man must be avoided ; so farre as necessity will brooke it ; but i see the time is past , thus much therefore shall serve for this time . finis . pag. 1. lin. 8. for but to condemne the world , rea . but to save the world . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a64688e-290 in a sermon preached by d. williams arch-bishop of yorke . obiection answer . trve intelligence from ireland dated from dublin the second of april, and received here the eleventh. cole, robert, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a33719 of text r8398 in the english short title catalog (wing c5028). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a33719 wing c5028 estc r8398 12589430 ocm 12589430 63842 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33719) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63842) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 251:e142, no 23) trve intelligence from ireland dated from dublin the second of april, and received here the eleventh. cole, robert, 17th cent. 7 p. printed for h. blunden, london : 1642. signed: robert cole. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. ireland -history -1625-1649. a33719 r8398 (wing c5028). civilwar no true intelligence from ireland. dated from dublin the second of april, and received here the eleventh. cole, robert 1642 901 2 0 0 0 0 0 22 c the rate of 22 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion trve intelligence from ireland . dated from dvblin the second of april , and received here the eleventh . london : printed for h. blunden . 1642. dvblin the second of april . 1642. good sir , after my humble dutie remembred , &c. in my last , not by the last poste , but by the poste before , i certified you what then had been done by our armie abroad ; and that night our lieutenant generall came home , and all the armie ( blessed be god ) very safe and well . and have not ever since been forth but once , viz. on saterday last sir simon harecot our english collonel , with about an hundred and twenty horse , went forth to view the countrey six miles from this citie toward the county of wicklowe , and espying some rebels made toward them : whereupon the rebels fled , and betook themselves unto the castle of kilgobbon , where our horsemen watching them that none should get forth , sent hither for aid . and there was present aid sent them about a thousand foot and horse , and that night they besieged the castle , the next day there was ( being sunday the 27th . ) sent unto them two peeces of ordnance to batter the castle : and after 21. shot made , it was very hardly won ; but in placing the ordnance , sir symon being directing how it should be done , was shot in the left shoulder , and on monday last he died ; and with him was shot lieutenant cooke dead in the place , and serjeant major berry , both which came over the last week with the 400 fire-locks out of england , and with them were about ten more of our men lost , serieant maior berry is yet living , but not like to recover . and that night was the castle wonne , and about two hundred men , women and children in it ( of the rebels ) slain , and that night our men blew up the castle with powder , since which we have had no further proceedings here . on monday last the 28 news came from sir henry tichborne , that he had taken dundaulke , and it is credibly reported of all , that he hath slain eight hundred men in the taking of it , and hath recovered in dundawlke , three peeces of ordnance , and about thirtie thousand pounds in money , plate , and goods for pillage . he wonne before that ardee , and set a garison there , and another in bewly castle . it is reported that he slew since he went from tredath eleven hundred men with the losse of a very few men ; and he would now go for the newry , where is the chief magazine that the rebels have , and most of their treasure , but that he wants men ; for the whole armie of his was but three thousand ; of which , part were left to keep tredath , part at bewly castle , part at ardee , and now if he leave a garison also at dundawlke , he will not have men enough to go against the newry , for that is a strong place . thus hath god prospered that man , for he is a good man ; we cannot certainly heare what strength they have on our side in the north , nor what my lord president of mounster hath done , i am afraid it goes hard with our friend there . we heare that my lord president of connaugh is forst to retire to the castle of athlone . and that divers castles where our friends are , are hard besieged , and that the castle of geashell is surrendred upon composition , where our ladie affa●y kept , but not with the safetie of all their lives that were in it . the nineteenth instant came my lord dunsany to dublin , and submitted himself , and is in the castle , and his sonne , and some other gentlemen with them ; we are yet in great straight for moneyes , and i am afraid we shall be in as great want of corne shortly , except we have good supply out of england , for our armie burnes all before them , and we are not stor'd before-hand , but from hand to mouth . it is yet somewhat reasonable , because men have not money to store up any , and for feare of burning : some quantitie ha●h been brought in these three weeks past , and now comes but very little in . at tredath they have a very great market , and betweene this and that the way reasonable cleare ; but on wicklowe side , to the southwestward , the rebels are in great number , i think our armie goes that way shortly . thus with my humble dutie remembred , and my love to my brother john cole , and sister his wife , and the rest of my brothers and sisters , i take leave . resting ever , your obedient sonne , robert cole . finis . oneale and colonell brunslow chiefe of the rebells in ireland their apprehension at grohoyne in the province of munster : with the terrible battell then fought : written in a letter directed to the bishop of armagh / from a doctor of divinitie resident in dublin ; as also a description of the taking of a ship upon the coasts of barbary bound with letters of commendations to the king of spaine; and to desire ayde against the protestants. bond, edward, doctor of divinitie. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a28648 of text r13323 in the english short title catalog (wing b3558). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a28648 wing b3558 estc r13323 12594016 ocm 12594016 64001 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28648) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64001) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 250:e138, no 31) oneale and colonell brunslow chiefe of the rebells in ireland their apprehension at grohoyne in the province of munster : with the terrible battell then fought : written in a letter directed to the bishop of armagh / from a doctor of divinitie resident in dublin ; as also a description of the taking of a ship upon the coasts of barbary bound with letters of commendations to the king of spaine; and to desire ayde against the protestants. bond, edward, doctor of divinitie. 8 p. printed for andrew coe and marmaduke boat, london : 1642. attributed to edward bond, doctor of divinitie. cf. blc. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng brunslow, -colonel. o'neill, phelim, -sir, 1604?-1653. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a28648 r13323 (wing b3558). civilwar no oneale and colonell brunslow, chiefe of the rebells in ireland; their apprehension at grohoyne in the province of munster; with the terrible bond, edward, doctor of divinitie 1642 1595 1 0 0 0 0 0 6 b the rate of 6 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-07 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-07 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion oneale and colonell brvnslow , chiefe of the rebells in ireland ; their apprehension at grohoyne in the province of munster ; with the terrible battell then fought . written in a letter directed to the bishop of armagh from a doctor of divinitie , resident in dublin . as also a description of the taking of a ship upon the coasts of barbary , bound with letters of commendations to the king of spaine ; and to desire ayde against the protestants . depiction of ship at sea london printed for andrew coe and marmaduke boat . 1642. the manner of apprehending of oneale , the arch-rebell of ireland , and colonell brunslow ; expressed in a letter to the bishop of armagh . right reverend and beloved father in god ; thave thought good , after a great deale of intelligence of our miseries , to present one cordiall , being the onely hopes of our happy ensuing fortunes , and the generall progredient of the rebells overthrow , whose cancred spleene is turned into as much feare of the iust vengeance of the almightie , for their insulting pride and bloudy massacring of his people . i will abreviate my description as much as i may , and thus begin : at grahayne and burderdah , being two small villages upon the plaine , adjoyning to the forrest of morpetenter , in the county of munster , oncale with his following regiments having been dispersed by the scots in the last battle repaired thither , in respect of the conveniency of the place for skirmish , as also the neernesse of the wood for a present refuge . intelligence being given to sir simon harcourt of their abode , and knowing they must of necessitie be unprovided , by reason of their so late flight ; he put forward with five thousand men , whom he disposed of ( after his arrivall ) in manner following . first , he placed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 forrest , to hinder their sight 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hundred of his best men , well horst , to ransacke in the vallyes , thereby to procure the irish to follow them ; with the residue he resolved to give an unexpected onset upon the enemy . this plott accordingly prevailed ; for they no sooner perceived the horsemen , but they forthwith sent eight hundred of their best men , well provided after them ; our men seeming to flye , whilest they followed ; oneale with the residue of his men , all out of order , stood beholding of this delightfull prospect , hooting and making such a clamour , that our men came upon them unawares , slaying many , some being taken prisoners , amongst the rest oneale and brunslow , with divers of their officers , and those that fled , being many slaine by , the amhush . much joy wee have with us at this great overthrow . oneale and brunslow are now prisoners in dublin ; and our comfort is much increased . thus having given you the true relation of this novell ; desiring your prayers for us as we for you , i rest yours in all humilitie , edvvard bond . certain news from the coasts of barbarie . ambrosius christopher an expert mariner , and well skilled in sea ▪ fights , setting sail the 28 , day of february for the isles of the ganaries , about nine of the clock in the morning , after that they had sailed three dayes with a very prosperous gaile , and were not far now from their wished harbour , descried not above a league before them a little galley , which seeing the english colours waving upon the top-masts , presently endeavoured with all her oares to secure her self by flight . the master of the ship having no evill intention , yet seeing a ship flee before she was chased , could not but wonder what the matter should be ; and as the common proverbe is , a flier must needs have a follower : he left off his own necessarie journie , and presently hoysing up all his sails made after her , but she going a great deal more swiftly than he , by reason that the ship had onely a side winde , and that not strong enough neither , he was forc'd to send a swifter messenger after her : so discharging two peeces from the chase , he had so good fortune that one took away a great peece of her sterne , the other did break her orelap presently . she after such a shrowd message let down her ancher and staied still . so the master of the ship presently sent out his long boat for her well manned , and brought her up ; being asked from whence they came , and whither they were bound , answered that they came from ireland , and were going for spaine . being askt by whose instigation they fled , shewed the captain of the ship : the master asking him the reason why he had caused the galley to flie two or three times , he would answer nothing , being as it seems sworn to the rebels to do their businesse faithfully : but being threatned with the rack if he would not confesse , at last he told that he had letters from the earl of tyron , to the king and peers of spaine : the master presently desired to see them , but he drawing them out of his pocket , would have thrown them into the sea , had not they struck against one of the ropes , and fallen back again into the ship , he thinking them irrecoverable if they fell into the sea . when the ship was now under sail , the master taking them up , and reading them found this to be the superscription . the united lords of ireland to the king and peers of spaine , with all health . the copie of the letter . most excellent prince , and you nobles of the kingdom of spaine , you know very well what a hard task we have in hand , having undertaken to wrest the kingdom of ireland out of the hands of the englishmen , who for many yeers have kept it very strongly : neither are ye ignorant ( unlesse all our letters have been intercepted , what good successe our proceedings have had hitherto ; having almost opened to you an entrie to that kingdom , which heretofore hath so strongly opposed , and having made free passage for any of your forces into ireland , our name also becoming terrible not here onely , but also in england . it doth concern you many wayes to aid us in this enterprise , and to have no lesse hand in it than we : it being first for the religion that we fight ; next for a kingdom , if it shall please you onely to take it , or help us in taking of it . we after it is overcome desiring nothing more than to be subject to the king of spaine , and to enjoy our lands , which by the tyrannie of the english men are snatcht out of our hands . we therefore lacking nothing but ammunition and victualling , for we have abundance of men , and more then we can furnish with armes , insomuch that when we receive an overthrow , we are a great deal more sorie for our losse of arms than of men . next may it please you to send us some provision of corn , and beans , and pease , for our souldiers ; for we have abundance here of beeves and mutton . so expecting help , and ever still praying for your majesties and your kingdoms happinesse , i rest from before dublin at our camp , febr. 26. yours to command , john tyron . the apprehension of don pedro de's valdres . no sooner had the king of spaine received intelligence from ireland , but immediately he dispatches from his court one don pedro des valdres , a man verie famous not long since in germanie and elsewhere , with letters to strengthen the hope of the rebels , and to promise them aid . but mark also how he was apprehended , for coming from castile in a tall ship , he was encountred by a ship of ipswich , being not above 200. in burden . this don pedro being a hot fellow , and a continuall enemie to the english nation , as he hath shewed himself in many places before , would needs the one bout with her : the master of the ship being a man of a good spirit , did not refuse to hazard his ship and himself for the honour of his countrey . in which action he behaved himself so bravely , that he took the ship and don pedro in it , being dangerously wounded : he had about him letters of great consequence . don pedro died of his wound not long after . the rest that were in the ship are carried to ipswich , to stay there whilest they hear from the parliament . finis . the present settlement vindicated, and the late mis-government proved in answer to a seditious letter from a pretended loyal member of the church of england to a relenting abdicator / by a gentleman of ireland. gentleman of ireland. 1690 approx. 172 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 37 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a55705 wing p3250 estc r9106 13742071 ocm 13742071 101666 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a55705) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101666) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 847:48) the present settlement vindicated, and the late mis-government proved in answer to a seditious letter from a pretended loyal member of the church of england to a relenting abdicator / by a gentleman of ireland. gentleman of ireland. [4], 67, [1] p. printed for joseph watts ..., london : 1690. caption title: an answer to a late seditious letter from a pretended loyal member of the church of england. errata: p. 67. advertisements on p. [2] at beginning and p. [1] at end. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -james ii, 1685-1688. 2007-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion advertisement . hibernia anglicana , or the history of ireland ; from the conquest thereof by the english , to this time : with an introductory discourse touching the antient state of that kingdom ; and a new and exact map of the same : part the first : by richard cox , esq the second part ; from the beginning of the reign of king james the first , to this present time , by the same author , will be published the next term. both printed for joseph watts , at the angel in st. paul's church-yard . the present settlement vindicated , and the late mis-government proved : in answer to a seditious letter from a ( pretended ) loyal member of the chvrch of england , to a relenting abdicator . by a gentleman of ireland . london : printed for ioseph watts , at the angel in st. paul's church-yard . 1690. an answer to a late seditious letter from a pretended loyal member of the chvrch of england , &c. sir , there was a pamphlet put into my hands lately , by whom i know not , the method of address being unusual , set me upon the immediate perusal of it ; in which i had not gone far , before i observed the design both of the donor and author , who , i am apt to believe , were the same ; for only one that abounded in his own notions , and valued them because they were his own , could expect to make a proselyte by his reasoning : if that was the design , these few hasty reflections will shew you how much he has been mistaken in me . before i enter upon particulars , i must acknowledge that our author's method is very regular ; and had he made out the propositions , as laid down by him , his book would be much more dangerous to the government than i apprehend it is ; for were it made plain that the late king only designed the good and happiness of his subjects in general , i fear that alone would weaken the hand of our deliverer , without proving our condition to be worse now than in his reign : but since neither of those propositions are true , and since so little can be said in the support of them , a very critical season is required for the advancement of those notions ; though our author in his title-page pretends himself a member of the church of england , and in other places , that his chief concern is for the church ; yet his using arguments to perswade us to return to that condition that had so lately endangered it , and can only destroy it ; and his confident misrepresenting matter of fact , are sufficient proofs to what society he belongs . his first proposition is , that king james really proposed to himself those methods of government which he judged would best conduce to the happiness of all his subjects in general . his arguments to prove this , are only an encomium on his person and parts , and a pretended answer to an objection made by himself , which is , in truth , several , though he calls it but one ; and notwithstanding all he says , most of them will still remain as blemishes on his king's understanding as well as government . i am sorry that the confidence of the author forces me to say any thing to the lessening of his person , and nothing less than a hold asserting , that no qualifications were wanting in king james that we could have wished would have tempted me to it . our author knows very well how to pick out topicks of praise , but never confiders how applicable they are to his hero ; a proof whereof we have in his first instance ; when i read it i was almost tempted to believe i had been reading the character of his grandfather , and that our author had mistaken one james for the other , otherwise he would not have told us of his care in preserving us in peace , when most part of europe and asia were in continual war : but notwithstanding all his said endeavours , there was more blood shed in his four years reign , than in the others twenty-four . and as to the other part of the assertion , i cannot call to mind the continual wars of our neighbours , during the late king's reign ; nor instance in any other , but that against the turks , which our author seems to remember by his mention of asia ; and i leave it to the christian world to judge , whether that were not more beneficial , as well as more glorious , than his peace ? how industrious he was in advancing the trade of this kingdom , i cannot tell : but this i am sure of , that the trade this nation drives with france , was above six hundred thousand pound of advantage to that nation to the prejudice of this , the over-ballance of that trade amounting yearly to that sum , if not to a far greater : and , besides , he was as zealous and more successful in destroying the trade of another of his kingdoms to enlarge hereon , is too melancholy a subject for either of us . and though he were a good husband of his revenue , yet certainly what was given to the priests and fryars of both kingdoms , and their emissaries , might have been better imployed ; and i should be glad to know what our author thinks of the great expences of castlemain's vain embassy to rome , which did scarce procure him the common respect due to his character . and that he never required a tax from his people , is so strange an assertion , that surely our author never considered what he writ , or thought we would not ; for he not only required a tax from his people , but levied great ones of them without their grant ; for which , in page 20. our author makes an excuse , which shall be considered in its place ; and if our author had but looked into the acts of parliament of his reign , he would have found four of the first five granting him temporary taxes not expired , and very great ones , sufficiently large for one session ; and it is seldom seen that parliaments give money without asking : but it was so far from that , that he never speaks to them , but to take care of his revenue , was part of his speech ; and when he passed the bill , setling on himself the revenue his brother had for life , he required a further tax from his people in a set speech for no other purpose ; and if the author would but look into his speech of october the 9th . 1685. at the opening the next sessions of that parliament , he will find he wanted not more subsidies for want of asking ; and that in this particular we are more beholden to his other councils that made him afraid of parliaments , than to his kindness to his people , if his magazenes and stores were plentifully furnished : this was but an ordinary effect of his long peace , great revenue , and greater designs . but i make a question , whether those were so well provided , as he was desirous the world should believe ? and , in truth , they were never more empty ; of which the nation has already found the inconvenience : for if the naval stores had but answered expectation , his friends had met with other entertainment in bantry-bay the first of may last . that he kept too good a correspondence with one of his neighbouring princes , will not be denied ; but whether with more than one of them , i question ; and whether thereby he did not sink the reputation of his justice and honour both abroad and at home , will appear by the respect he had at rome , where one would have thought he should have been courted at another rate ; for a protestant instance , the states denial of dr. burnet , and not suffering the doctor to with-draw , though he desired it , is sufficient ; and the carriage of the french at hudsons-hay shews their kindness as well as respect . if our author had considered these things , surely he would not have bragged of the good correspondence he held with his neighbour princes and states , or of the reputation he had acquired to himself abroad . when i met the author praising the late king for his mercy and compassion to his enemies , i began to suspect my eyes , and was in hopes that he would have brought us so good news from the west , that we should speak no more of the western campaign ; and that the numbers that were said to be executed there , were only in effigie ; and that he had the very persons to produce sound and in good health ; without i could have done this , i should not have mentioned the other , especially if i had been of the author's opinion , that he was master of so many other good qualities . i should think that the using this had been enough to make people suspect the rest of the character ; for if that had been true , there had been no need to add this so notoriously otherwise . i have read the history of england , and upon a serious reflection thereon , i believe it may be truly said , that so many of the common people were not put to death by the hand of justice , and driven into exile for all the rebellions of these 600 years , as were served for that of monmouth's , which did not last six weeks , the weaker sex not spared . but for the duke of alva's government of the netherlands , foreign story could not have afforded a precedent : but then i do not find that great man praised for his lenity ; in this we are an original ; neither do i find that he was more exact in his scrutiny , than we were at westminster , where we were told that the rebels were 6000 , of which 2000 killed , and only 2000 brought to justice , the other 2000 our grand-jury were directed to find out ; and yet , after all this , some people will brag of this man's forgiving nature , the sobriety of his life , and discountenancing debauchery , may be true as to excessive drinking ; but the placing his spurious issue in the highest degree of honour , is no great discouragement to the other sort of debauchery . for his assiduity in his councils and treasury , and the rest of that paragraph , as it is needless to examine them ; so certainly the truth of them is no proof that the late king intended the happiness of his subjects in general . the next paragraph asserts , that it was the late king's opinion that liberty of conscience would be grateful to a great many of his subjects , and would invite forreigners to fix their habitations amongst us , to our great advantage ; that it was the best expedient to bring us to a brotherly love , and to prevent the calamities that befel this kingdom in his father's time ; and that he had this notion still fixed in him , with a design to signalize his reign thereby . in opposition to which , i will endeavour to shew that the late king had no such glorious aim , and that thereby he only intended to subvert the established religion of these kingdoms : which will plainly appear , if we consider , first , how different such a method is to the fundamental principles of his religion , as well as the practise of all ages ; those that believe there is no salvation out of the church , which is only one , and that theirs , if they have any bowels of compassion or charity , will endeavour the enlarging the pale of that church . and then that hereticks are to be extirpated upon the penalty of having their territories given away to others , where this duty is neglected , is as essential a part of his religion as general councils can make it ; therefore it were an injury to his charity and piety to suspect he would not use his power so as became a zealous and submissive son of the church ; and what could be a greater brand to the sincerity of his religion , than decreeing counter to infallible councils ; it were as easie reconciling toleration to infallibility , as such actions with being a good catholick , unless they were sanctified with a good intention , and done for the good of the church ; but to say he did not understand so much of the arcana of his religion , cannot be supposed without saying he understood nothing of it ; and though he did not , it cannot be doubted but he would have been told of his duty by some monitory briefs from rome . st. peter's successor used to be so kind to princes , as to lay before them the guilt and danger of actions less favourable to hereticks , and to call upon them to avoid both , by executing the decrees of the church against them , if it be said that the roman church , at least the guides of it , approved what king james did in this matter ; and that , to preserve his conscience , the decrees of the councils were suspended as to him : i do verily believe it , and think that it follows from thence , that they knew what hook lay under that gilded bait , otherwise i know not how the same persons could approve of the french king's edict of october — 85. annulling the perpetual and irrevocable edict of nantes , and the barbarous manner of the execution of it ; and the late king's declaration in — 87. giving a general liberty of conscience ; two decrees that concur only in one thing ; that they are both against the laws of their several lands . in my opinion this would look so like an affront to that mighty monarch's conduct , that unless he were likewise privy to the plot , his resentment would not be satisfied with less than a solemn renunciation , and taking new measures , now he has the late king so much at his devotion . and i doubt not , if this proceeding had displeased him , but in his late contests with the pope , we should have heard him upbraiding his holiness with this kindness to hereticks ; but since neither of these have followed , and that neither the king of france nor the pope is offended at our indulgence , we may lawfully conclude there was little kindness thereby intended to us . secondly , if this notion had been still fixed in the late king ; and had he always been of opinion , that none ought to be oppressed and persecuted for matters of religion , he would still have acted consonant to this principle ; which that he did not do , is plain from his concurring with and promoting the enacting of the severest laws against dissenters in his brother's time , and also from his first act of government , the rigorous imposing the test of scotland , when he represented his brother there ; and , lastly , from the severe prosecution of the dissenters in the beginning of his own reign in all his kingdoms , and as to scotland the 8th of may — 85. he passed an act of parliament there , making it death to preach , or be present at an house or field-conventicle ; which severity would certainly have lasted to the end , could he have brought the church of england to have complied with his unreasonable desires , in relation to the test . and if we look into his letter which carried the first indulgence to scotland , and into the proclamation itself , we shall find several restrictions that do not seem to flow from that principle : he thereby recommends the rooting out of the field-conventiclers with all the severities of the law , and the most vigorous prosecution of his forces : and then , except the papist , only the quakers , and the moderate presbyterians were tolerated ; which either were so few , or by a court-interpretation might have been declared so , that had the matter gone smoothly with the papists , it might easily have been rendred useless to all but themselves ; and surely no other reason could be given for restraining them from using their barns or out-houses , or building meeting-houses ; a quaker's conscience knew no difference between a barn , church , or meeting-house , where-ever the spirit moved , he must hold forth , notwithstanding the restrictions of the proclamation . thirdly , if the easing scrupulous consciences had been the late king 's only aim , he would have been contented with the repeal of the penal laws , and not have insisted so stifly for the repeal of the test-acts also , nothing therein being any restraint on any dissenter's worship ; unless they believed god would not hear their prayers , unless they were in scarlet , or in an alderman's gown . and he was so fond of his design of repealing the test-acts , that thô he found how averse the generality of the nation were thereunto ; thô he found by pensionary fagel's letter , what was the prince and princess of orange's opinions in the matter , how they did concur with him in the repeal of the penal laws , but not of the test-acts ; because those acts had no other tendency but the security of the established religion , and keeping the papists from the means of ove●turning it , with other plain and solid reasons ; yet he still persisted in his design , and was no ways satisfied with the distinction made of the test from the penal laws ; as appears by mr. stewart's letter of october the nineteenth , 1687. from hence i think it appears more clearly than from the mouth of many witnesses , that the late king 's main design was to get the papists into both houses of parliament , where new creations could have made a majority in the house of peers , and a house of commons might as easily have been made popish by force or fraud , in the elections or returns ; to facilitate which , we wanted neither sheriffs nor regulators ; and then how easie had it been for them to enact laws to destroy our religion , we having before-hand repealed all those made for its preservation . and to those that require a witness , we have coleman telling us , that a general liberty of conscience is the best way to introduce popery , and the greatest blow to the protestant religion here , that ever it received since its birth ; that king charles's renuntiation of his declaration for liberty of conscience , was an injury to the papists and their designs : and why should we not rather believe him than the author ; especially since we know that it is an old maxime of the society . and further , it is not to be imagined that coleman and his confederates , would have been so zealous in their time , in promoting liberty of conscience , and with the assistance of france , barely for the ease of the nation . the whole kingdom was lately so sensible of this , and so plainly saw whether this project tended , that the dissenters , thô they had not forgotten the smart of the penal laws , at least the men of reason amongst them , desired their continuance , rather than by repealing them , as demanded , to run the hazard of loosing the protestant religion : after which , surely , we need produce no further proof to this point . our author next tells us , how much the late king hated hypocrisie , and that he looked upon it as the most detestable vice : in answer to which , i shall only say , that if he was a papist so early as most people believe , he dissembled many years with god and man , if attending at the prayers of our church , and receiving the sacrament there , be so in a papist . i know not how to evade this , but by saying he abstained from both as soon as he was a papist : but if this take off one objection , it lays him open to another as ill , viz. in so silently parting with his religion , as not to call to one of our many clergy-men , that were at hand , for help : this shews he had but little value for the old , and if so , i should suspect he had not all the zeal for the new that he pretended ; but this , as it is in the dark , so there let it remain , until the secrets of all hearts are opened . but there is another thing looks very like hypocrisie , and a dissembling his religion , when the whole nation seemed satisfied what it was , and that is , prosecuting people by actions of scandalum magnatum , and indictments for calling him a papist ; many instances whereof might be given in both kingdoms , this was certainly as much below the honour of a gentleman , as the sincerity of a christian . but not to enlarge hereon , our author in pag. 4 tells us , that the late king chose the easiest methods , and used all the caution and moderation imaginable to effect his design ; which he calls only , the making of all parties live easie under his government : and tells us the opinion of some lawyers , and the judgment he had to support his dispensing power , opened the door for the admission of both kind of dissenters to places of trust , military and civil ; but that he made but little use of it , till necessity compelled him to it . in answer to which i must say , that the methods the late king took to procure the repeal of the penal laws and test , were not only mean , if going round a great part of the nation to sollicite votes , or closseting to that end were so , but also violent ; if displacing all men from their offices and imployments , that would not promise to consent to the repeal ; nay , they must go further to secure their places , and promise to be aiding and assisting thereunto ; were not the changes of corporations as violent as scandalous . lastly , the universal inquiry how men designed to vote , if elected parliament-men , and what sort of members they designed to chuse , was not only unusual , and without precedent , but took away and destroyed the very essence of an english parliament , freedom both of choice and debate . but now as to the instance by which our author proves the late king's moderation in the matter ; which is , that having consulted the judges , and others learned in the law , and finding them not only ready to countenance the vndertaking , but assuring him he had a power of dispensing with the penalties of those statutes , he might therefore lawfully exercise that power ; so confidently declared in him . to this i say , that thô it should be granted , that such a dispensing power had been vested in him , yet it cannot be denyed , but that it was accompanied with a trust , not to make use thereof but for the good of his people ; and it can never be made out , that what he did was so , so long as the preservation of the protestant religion is the great interest of the nation . this answer supposes the king acting according to law , but if we take the case as it really was , we shall find that the long robe did not make the king of their pretended opinion , but that he made them of his ; which is plain by the many removes he made on the benches before he could get a sett for his purpose ; and then the famous judgment so much insisted on , was such a piece of pageantry , as was never acted in westminster-hall : the judges may deny , as they do , that they knew who was plantiff , or that he wore the defendant's livery ; or that the defendant , or graham paid the fees of both sides ; but herein their luck was very bad , to be ignorant of what few of the nation were . but supposing this , the dispatch they made was very extraordinary , for it was obvious to all men of sence , as well as law , that the case was of some consequence , and deserved more than a short vacations consideration , and more arguments than one ; and if what a late author tells us be true , ( and one that had any regard to his credit , could scarce publish a lye in so notorious a matter , and so easie to be disproved ) the court denied to hear mr. wallop argue the case ; for which sir edward herbert makes no excuse in his book ; neither could he , if it be true : but what further clears the matter beyond all dispute , is , that in delivering the judgment , they carried the matter further then the necessity of the case before them required ; which amongst lawyers always lessens the authority of such resolutions : but i forbear entring on the legal part of this controversie , because it has already been done , and is not within the task i have undertaken . the rest of this page is taken up in magnifying the late king's kindness to the church of england , in assuring them all their rights , and the sole injoyment of their dignities , offices , and benefices thereto belonging ; and that no persons were presented to any ecclesiastical dignities , belonging to the hierarchy , but members of the church . something has been already said to the kindness designed for the church in general , and more shall be said when we consider the author's objections ; in the mean time it is sufficient to say , we have heard of the reproaches thrown by him on the church , where in one of his kind fits to alsop , he threatned , ours should be the last church to which he would turn : and that we know not whether sam. oxon , or his brother of chester should be accounted of our church ; but if they were , we know no difference between imposing such men , and professed papists on us . that we look upon the preferments in our universities , to be of great concern to our church ; yet there we find obadiah walker a great ruler , and a whole swarm at magdalen-colledge ; if theirs were not ecclesiastical preferments , what had our late ecclesiastical commissioners to do with them , though they deprived the fellows as visitors , yet sure their incapacitating decree was by vertue of their ecclesiastical supremacy ? next we find our author , giving some instances of the late king's with-drawing his protection from the church of england , which he modestly calls one objection , instead of many : for the clearing whereof , he tells us , that as soon as the king published his declaration for indulgence , there presently began a great ferment in the nation ; and that the roman catholicks finding the church of england imbittered against them , he means unwilling to submit to the romish yoke , which our forefathers were not able to bear ; they fell a caressing the dissenters , vainly supposing them the most powerful interest of the nation . all that i shall observe from hence is , that this procedure exactly follows their old measures in keeping up the divisions amongst protestants ; they had not forgotten the old saying , divide & impera . but i have not seen the end of keeping up these differences , so plainly owned by any of the party , as by our author ; who says plainly , that when the church of england would not serve their turn , they joyned with the dissenters , in confidence , that in conjunction with them they had the most powerful interest of the nation , which i always looked upon as the true reason of the indulgence ; when i reflected on the time when we were blessed with it , it was then that the generality of the dissenters were better satisfied with the church than ever they had been ; they were then fully satisfied the church had no inclination or warping towards popery ; so that it was really timed so as to blast the fair hopes we had of a perfect union amongst our selves . from hence let us learn how to regard such as promote the old , or any new difference amongst us ; for let the pretensions be never so plausible , the design is to weaken us by dividing us ; which hopes are not quite dead in the author , as we may imagine by his attributing all that was done against any member of the church os england , to their struggle with the dissenter : i am confident the bishop of london and the fellows of magdalen know where to place it better , viz. to their struggle with the papists ; which is plain , if we consider the time when these things happened ; the bishop of london's persecution began the 14th of july — 86 , that being the date of the king's letter to him , and his first appearance was on the 4th of august following , and the king's declaration for liberty of conscience was not until the 4th of april after ; so that it is impossible to ascribe what was done to this member of the church to any struggle with the dissenter , occasioned by the declaration of liberty ; and how the business of magdalen should be attributed to that , i cannot see ; when the letter in behalf of farmer bore date the day after the indulgence , it was of a mighty force , if it could set the nation so soon in a ferment , as the author says it did ; and alban francis's letter bore date the 7th of march , before the indulgence , on which dr. peachell was deprived ; so that our author must either mean that these were no members of the church of england ; or what is as ridiculous , that there was nothing done against them ; or his proposition is false , that the dissenters struggle for mastery , occasioned what was so done ; it were but a small improvement of this observation , to shew that our author broaches this doctrine with the same design now , when prudent and pious endeavours are using to remove all stumbling-blocks out of the dissenter's way , in coming to our churches ; which i hope will meet with the wished-for success , notwithstanding all the endeavours of rome and hell to the contrary . next our author goes to demonstrate , that the overthrow of the church of england , or especially of protestanism , was never designed ; and this he thinks he does by the king 's so often declaring the contrary , and by the sence he and his juncto had , that their converts were but few , and by the late king 's granting a safe retreat and liberal contribution to the french protestants , and by the paucity of the papists in his army . to which i say , that from all these it does not follow that the destruction of the church was not designed ; for unless the king's word were like the laws of the medes and persians , unalterable , it will be but a loose consequence , the king promised not to do it , therefore he will not : it conculdes much stronger ; the principles of his religion obliege him to it , therefore he will endeavour it . when this argument was used , soon after the gracious assurance given us at the first council , or first session of parliament , where the same was again repeated ; it had so much colour of an argument , that it deceived many , especially when there was subjoyned to it , that these promises and assurances came from a prince that valued his word so much as never to have broken it . bu● now that we have seen him break through laws that he had sworn , as well as promised to maintain , the very pretence to an argument is vanished ; for as there is more injustice , so there is more of dishonour in the one than the other . when we examine his other instances , they will prove as inconclusive ; for he could not deny a retreat to the fugitive hugonots , without allaruming his own subjects , and discovering his designs too plainly to the most short-sighted ; and they were not then ripe for such a discovery . after such an action , who would have believed him that it was his opinion , that conscience ought not to be forced ? if he had endeavoured either by fair or foul means to have preserved the edict of nantes , to have supported that most distressed part of mankind from their king's barbarities , as queen elizabeth did , and his father attempted , it would have been a better proof of his love for liberty of conscience , than either his declarations or a small charity afforded to a few fugitives ; which i must call but small , when i consider what the elector of brandenburgh did for those poor people ; that great man not only offorded them a safe retreat when they came into his dominions , but by a solemn declaration invited them to take shelter there ; and to assist them in their journey , appointed his several agents in holland , hamburgh , francfort and cologne to furnish all such of them as should desire it , with what vessels and provisions they should stand in need of , for the transportation of themselves , their goods and families , to whatsoever town in his dominions they should pitch upon for the place of their abode : but his kindness did not rest here , for he provided houses and lands for them and their heirs ; and where it was necessary , he provided them all materials for repairs and building ; where houses were built on new foundations , they had ten years exemption from all taxes and duties , and six years where they were only repaired : and for a further encouragement , he made them free of all his towns and corporations , without paying any thing for the same ; and lest they might be oppressed , he set over them a jurisdiction , composed of persons chosen by themselves ; and if any difference happened between them and a german , this person was to joyn with the magistrate in deciding the same , and maintained one of their own ministers for them in every town , with several other great favours . if king james had taken this course , our author might have insisted on it , at least as an heroick act ; but since he did not set out a fleet , or so much as one single ship to assist those poor people in their flight , and when with difficulty they had gotten here , he left them to their shifts and the charity of the nation . i do not see what he could have done less , especially if we consider one discouragement that went along with it : it is true , he suffered them to breathe of his air , but would not suffer them to sigh or complain of the usage they had met with in france ; but at the instance of the french ambassador , ordered the account they had written thereof to be burnt by the hand of the hangman , which was accordingly done the fifth of may — 86 , and the royal exchange was made the place of execution , that the account thereof might fly the easier over france by our merchant's letters to their correspondents there ; which as it proved a discouragement to those in france not to take sanctuary here , so it so much frightned those that were then here , that many of them thereupon removed to the west-indies and other places , where the french king's ministers had not so much power , being justly jealous that that power might soon be improved to a forcing them back . but since our author lays so much stress on this act , if ye examine the matter a little further , we shall find these poor people owe the compleating of their misery to the late king : for though the tyrant began to oppress his protestant subjects some years ago , which from time to time encreased , as his interest did at our court ; yet he never ventured on the total suppression of the reformed religion , nor revoked the edict of nantes until october — 85. that the late king was on the throne , for as much his friend as king charles was ; yet he did not know how far a parliament might have influenced him to resent that matter , therefore he forbore it until all was sure on this side the water . next , as to the number of papists in the army : they will appear very many , if we consider two things : first , that there were fewer of them to be had in england , than of other men , fit to be souldiers ; and yet their proportion was greater with respect to the army , than to the kingdom , otherwise there had not been above two or three in a regiment ; all that exceeded that number seems to be the effect of industry and pains , rather than chance . next we must remember the little time the late king had for this mighty business ; he had little more than three years for the raising his army , which at first , to avoid offence , was to be protestant , but a few officers , whose loyalty he had experienced ; and having had the benefit of their services , in the late time of need and danger , he could not expose them to disgrace , nor himself to the want of them against the next rebellion : this is his language in — 85 ; yet in the next three years he brought many into the army that had helped him but little against moumouth . here we must not forget the several ways that were taken to remedy this , and to increase their number : one was by sending the army by parcels into ireland , where , in a little time , they could be made intirely catholick ; and this was the case of hamilton's regiment of dragoons , which came intirely protestant into ireland , except a very few officers ; and about two years and an half afterwards returned to england intirely papist ; though this was practised on no other part of the army , yet we do not forget what preparations were made in ireland for changing that part of the army we had there , upon pretence that the king might see them , though we know that the other design was in the bottom . another course was , the adding a few irish to every regiment : this was attempted on col. beaumont at portsmouth ; and would have been further used , if the danger from holland had not come suddenly upon them . lastly , it is to be noted that the army in ireland had in that time from protestant been intirely made papist , to the undoing of many young gentlemen , who had laid out their fortunes in the purchase of imployments therein , which was but an ill return for their zeal in the moumouth rebellion , in which time a thousand of them came into this kingdom on a very few hours warning : and they that have seen teague-o-regan , and the tools for which these were disbanded , must conclude that the king designed something else than having a brisk and loyal army . from what i have said , i think i may modestly conclude , that there is but little force in any of the matters hitherto insisted on by our author . now he comes to answer the objection made by himself ; which is , that his king began early to withdraw his protection from the church of england , in suspending the bishop of london , by presenting two roman catholicks to the headships of colledges , and by mandates putting some of them into fellowships , and afterwards displacing twenty five of magdalen-colledge , and filling it with roman catholicks ; lastly , by imprisoning seven eminent bishops . this our author makes but one objection , and his answer to the first part of it relating to the bishop of london's sufferings from the ecclesiastical commission , is but short , and supposes the spirit of prophesie amongst some of the party , and is only , that it appears , ex post facto , that the king was too merciful to him , because he appeared early for the prince of orange in counselling and accompanying the princess ann 's flight to the lords in the north , and for setting the crown on the new king's head , after contributing so much to the tearing it from the father's . though it were true that he contributed much thereunto , i dare boldly say , that his judges the ecclesiastical commissioners contributed much more : but then why the author should affix the epithet of merciful to those proceedings , i see not ; if they had been such as would have prevented the pretended crimes , they might have been called prudent ; but as they were , they had no pretence to either , or to justice , the more indispensible requisite ; our author knew how little could be said on this topick , and therefore wholly waved it . after-times will admire the prudent conduct of that great prelate , who did not by inadvertency lay himself more open to that malice that could make his duty a crime ; and that his enemies could not find some better pretence to quarrel with him , than his not suspending dr. sharp , without citing , or hearing him in his own defence , and for a matter he was no ways guilty of , as every body must believe , since they did not think fit to prosecute him for his crime . did the bishop of london's contempt lessen or take off his ? if not , why was not he punished ? the reason certainly was , because they could not make out their charge against him . and i must tell our author , that the nation was not more dissatisfied with the injury done them in the person of this bishop , than with the arbitrary manner of doing it ; to find such an authority usurped and executed , not only against law , but the very forms thereof , was a terrible blow not only to the spiritual concern , but to the civil right of the nation ; for the same reason that justified this court , might have set up another court of star-chamber , and therein men might as legally have been punished for disobeying the king 's temporal commands ; such as refusing to lend money , or to concur in the repeal of the test ; then the suddenness of the blow was a new aggravation ; no more was to be done but to ask a question , and then read a sentence of condemnation , though in the bishop's case they were pleased to hear his civilians , ( though not the common lawyers against the jurisdiction of the court ; ) yet what they said seemed so little to the purpose , that it did not so much as require an answer . as prepared as the judges were in sir edward hale's case , yet they kept to the formality of hearing of counsel of both sides ; but this being a new court , it was fit that it should have as new a method of proceeding , and as much unknown in this kingdom as it self . his answer to the business of st. mary magdalen-colledge is one of the most unconcluding paragraphs of this book ; he blames mr. walker 's zeal , lord sunderland 's want of phlegm , and the roman catholicks want of wit ; in which particulars there shall be no difference between us ; the rest he says is , that the rigor used against these gentlemen was occasioned by their stiff opposition to the king ; who said with seriousness to one of his acquaintance , that if the fellows had not proceeded to election , but suspended that until the qualification of mr. farmer had been enquired into , he would either have left them to their choice , or recommended some other as soon as he had been satisfied of the unfitness of mr. farmer ; and that if the fellows had admitted the bishop , asked the king's pardon and acknowledged themselves wanting in their duty , there had not been above two of them removed , which is only a soft word for expelled ; and that it is apparent that it was from after counsels , upon the emergency that r●●an catholicks were substituted in their places . in answer to which , i say there is but little coherence in the discourse he makes for the king ; he represents him angry ; that the fellows went to an election until mr. farmer 's qualifications were enquired into ; their delaying in order to know his pleasure to the utmost time limited by their statutes , to which they were sworn was no excuse : the reason whereof , tho' another be pretended , was , that if they had neglected their oath in that particular , they could never afterwards have insisted on the obligation there of in opposition to his will ; if they had , he that upbraided them for not reading mass , would never have missed so late an instance . but then , what was the need of enquiring into farmer 's qualifications ? without any , the king knew he wanted the chief one requisite , the established religion , yet that did not hinder his recommending of him ; but then if they had stayed , where was the mighty savour in easing them of farmer , and imposing the bishop on them , both were equally contrary to their statutes and oaths ? our author must excuse me if i cannot take his word for what he says : in the last place ; what , had mr. walker's zeal no aim , but the good of the protestant religion ? and was not farmer well qualified for the promoting thereof ? was it king james's love to protestants made him disgust the whole protestant part of the nation ? there are some things carry their own evidence with them , and few with greater clearness than this : for if the king had not designed this colledge to the roman catholicks , from the beginning of the controversie , he might have given it to his new friends ; and this had been a greater proof of his real kindness for them than his famed indulgence . the last thing that i shall observe in this matter is , that our author ought not only to have cleared the king and his commissioner's jurisdiction in the case , but also have justified their manner of proceeding ; and should have shewed us how dr. hough could justly be deprived , without calling him to answer for himself ; surely those commissioners had this in their head when they rejected the bishop of london's plea , that he could not suspend dr. sharp without calling him to answer ; it was ill done of him that he would not set them a precedent how they might deal with such as they feared might be too hard for them ; and upon what law or reason they founded that cruel sentence , rendring them uncapabl● of any ecclesiastical benefice , promotion , or holy orders , i do not see : the reformed church could afford them no precedent for this ; and i question whether the roman cruelty ever came up to it . but of all this there is not a word of excuse , the reason may be easily guessed . our author comes next to the business of the seven bishops ; and what he says on this head , is as lame as what he said on the former : first he pretends that the sole design of having the declaration read in the churches was , that all might be assured of the grounds of it . but surely reading it in a coffee-house , a market-house , or in any other place , had done that as well , as was truly observed by the author of the clergy-man's letter ; the substance whereof might properly be inserted here , but i rather chuse to refer my reader thereto . he next quarrels at some indecent circumstances of their actions : the first he mentions is , that the king was not acquainted with their design , to be excused , until the friday night before it was to be published in the churches of london . this is otherwise , if we will believe the king , who at the delivery of the petition to him , told them he had heard of their design before , but could not believe it : how could the bishops help that ? they then undeceived him : this , he says , was excused by waiting for a welsh bishop : but , by his favour , i have another excuse ; which is , that the king appointed the reading of the declaration so soon after the order for that purpose , that the clergy had too little time allowed them to consider of so great a matter ; the order of council for reading the declaration bore date the 4th of may , and was published in the gazette the 7th , and directed the declaration to be read in london on the 20th ; so that the bishops were but ten days consulting ; if they had taken less time , the act would have been censured as rash , and that they had not well considered of it : but if the king had not long enough time to deliberate on the matter , or to have signified his pleasure therein to the city before sunday ; yet surely he might have been content with the sinful compliance of those that did read it the first sunday , and had time enough to signifie his pleasure before the second sunday it was appointed to be read in the city ; or before the third of june , that it was appointed to be read in the countrey ; and he might afterwards have taken what time he pleased to have considered how to deal with those that did not read it . he next says , that they put the proof on the king , that they delivered their petition , knowing that none were then present but themselves ; and insisted thereon , until by the candor of the archbishop it was owned . those that will look into their tryal , will see what reason they had for so doing ; and will be able to judge , whether it was generous in the king to make evidence of what passed at the board ; which passage we shall find mis-represented by the author , if we look into page 91. of the bishops tryal , where mr. musgrave on his oath gives an account of what passed there : he says , that when the paper was read , they were asked if they owned it ? or if it was their hands ? that the archbishop , in the name of the rest , declined , answering , upon the account they were there as criminals , and not obliged to say any thing to their own prejudice , or that might hurt them thereafter : but if his majesty would command them ; and if he would promise no advantage should be made of what they confessed , then they would answer the question : his majesty said , he would do nothing but according to law ; that then they were ordered to with-draw : and being called in again , they were asked the same question ; and then the archbishop answered , we will rely upon your majesty ; and then they did own their hands . now if silence be giving consent , the king consented , or made them believe he consented to their just request ; so that this debate was only as to their hands being to the petition , nothing said of the delivery : all the witnesses the king's counsel produced could not say that ever any question was asked them about the delivery , or that they either confessed or denied that ; and at last they were forced to own that there was no positive proof thereof either by confession or otherwise , and went about to supply this with circumstances : if the chancellor had thought how material this question would have been upon the tryal , he would not have omitted the asking of it , and would have gotten an answer under the same trust with the former . this being the state of that matter , i appeal to all men that understand the difference between denying and not owning their hands , whether there was any ill in this part of that transaction ? our author next says , that the law of the land , the benefit of peerage , and the bishop's insisting thereon , was a surprize to the king and council , and put them upon some difficulty ; and that there was no expedient to be found , but either to acquit or commit them . this seems strange , and is not only a reflection on the lawyers of the board , but on those learned gentlemen that were attending ; for surely none of the four were so ignorant ; they could have told the king , you may and ought to dismiss them for this time , with a reprimand ; and acquaint them , that as soon as the term comes , which was not far off , an information should be exhibited against them for their seditious libel ; and that if they did not appear to answer the same , process would issue against them ; those that had been chief justices of that court , and the king's council knew this very well ; but that did not answer their ends , they were in hast , and by this method the term might have been spent without any tryal : and what is more , they would not have known how to have avoided the archbishop's presence to the affair they were to have in hand soon : this looks so like their politicks , that it finds greater belief than any positive proof we have for it deserves . the next assertion is , that the bishop's tryal was managed favourably , and that over-sights were committed in the want of proof , and suffering the dispencing power to be so fully argued : these were certainly over sights , but they were such as were not to be remedied by any diligence , and should have been considered before the prosecution was resolved on ; for it was obvious to the meanest capacity , that the bishops would make that defence ; but their rage blinded them in more particulars than our author mentions , else they had never forgotten that the archbishop was not at white hall , or that he had not done any act in the county where they laid their venue . i formerly mentioned their want of proof of the publishing ; and i might here add those other ingredients of a libel , falsity and malice ; had they not been transported with rage , or something more extravagant , could they hope that twelve english-men would believe it unlawful to petition the king ; had not their former success with juries been great , they would never have attempted so extravagant a thing . with what patience the late king endured the rejoycing at the bishop's acquittal , i know not ; but it would seem by the proceedings of his ecclesiastical commissioners , and their order of the 12th of july to all the chancellors of the kingdom to return them the names of all such of our clergy as did not read the king's declaration on the 16th day of august following , that he was not resolved to let the matter end so ; and though the jury had acquit them , he had a sett of commissioners that knew better the sin of disobeying his majesty's commands ; and if destruction had not come suddenly upon them , it is not to be imagined what examples we should have had of his fury ; if we compute according to the durham pattern , we should have had at least five thousand suspended ministers in the kingdom , which does many times exceed the numbers that were deprived either on king edward or queen elizabeth's reformation . and then as to the king's justice in the matter , of which our author says none have reason to complain ; it was making a petition a libel , and the delivery of it to himself in his bed-chamber or closet a publishing of it ; and surely there was as little justice or clemency in the last part of the tragedy , to displace the judges for discharging their consciences , and declaring the law to be as really it was , was so arbitrary , that the great lewis could have done no more if his commands had been contradicted ; and to do that so suddenly after the tryal , and to supersede them before they had finished the circults to which they had been appointed , did so much proclaim his rage , that few people will be perswaded that he would patiently have endured the huzza's our author speaks of , if he had known how to help it . he supposes we will lay no great stress upon the king 's placing some roman catholicks in colledges , it being known that the kings of england have in all ages dispenced with qualifications required by the vniversity-statutes , especially since the judgment for the dispencing power . how this judgment comes to be urged here , i do not see ; unless it be , because the word dispence is used in both ; for that judgment , as extravagant as it was , had no influence on our universities ; for that great reason , that nothing ought to hinder the king of the use and service of his subjects , has no force here , unless we allow that the corrupting the youth of the nation was the service the king had for those popish emissaries ; and then that other reason , that the laws of england are the king's laws , does not come up to the present case , because the magdalen-statutes are also the founder's laws , and therefore not to be changed without his or his successor's consent ; but supposing the king had such a power by the law , was that the way he swore to support the church of england ? was not that trusting our sheep and lambs to the wolf to keep ? in this particular , as in all others of honour or profit , the papist had the better much of the dissenter , in whose favour we do not find one mandate to the university . these are the particulars our author says gave the greatest cause of clamour ; and the reason was , because they shaked the foundations of our security , and vested the whole legislature in the king ; in the support of which usurpation , he was resolved to ruin all that thwarted him , on the meanest pretence ; this made his rule odious and terrible to the subject : how could we account any thing , either of religion or property , our own , when the doors were opened , and we were only beholden to the jesuit's modesty for not entring and stripping us of as much of either of them as they thought fit . before i have done with this head , i must desire you to take notice of our author'● modesty in reckoning the late king's injuries to the church of ●ngland ; if he had pleased he might have instanced more ; as the vice-chancellor of cambridge's case , who for refusing to admit alban francis a benedictine monk , on the king's mandate , to the degree of master of arts , without taking the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , appointed to be taken by several acts of parliament , was deprived of that office , and also suspended ab officio & beneficio of his mastership of magdaten-colledge , during his majesty's pleasure : this sentence was pronounced the 7 th of may — 87 , and never relaxed until the general jubilee on the bishop's address october — 88. his four new bishops , and keeping bishopricks vacant , all that fell in his time in ireland , and making worse use of some in england ; entertaining a nuntio publickly at court ; setting a jesuit at council-table , were no great complements to the church of england , nor their publick schools and mass-houses ; the regulation of corporations shewed them but little respect , with many other things of this sort that might be mentioned . i am sorry the author's indiscretion should have forced me to give so many instances of that man's failings ; he fancied had all that could be wished , and do now leave it to you and all indifferent persons to judge , whether the author has made out his first proposition of king james's good intentions . the second proposition laid down by our author is , that the late king's designs were totally frustrated , but whether by ignorance or treachery , or both , is not worth while to examine . in his discourse on this head he mentions several over fights in the then ministers of state ; but instead of four , he should have given us many more ; wherewith i will not trouble my self at present , my design being to answer his book , not to mend it . i will therefore hasten to the third proposition , which is , that our condition , in respect of our laws , liberties , and properties , is now worse than it was , or was like to have been under king james . in the handling whereof , our author pretends to consider the several grievances we laboured under in king james his time , as they are summed up in the declaration of the 12th of february last , which filled up our vacant throne , and that he will draw the parallel between the late and present times impartially . this , i must confess , is a very proper method for his design , which is all the good i can say of the undertaking ; i will follow him through the several articles as laid down , and hope plainly to demonstrate the malice and false glosses of all he says ; and if that be well done ▪ i think little more need be said in confutation of the rest of the book . the first article is , that king james did endeavour to subvert and extirpate the protestant religion , the laws and liberties of this kingdom ; the other articles are only the means which he used to this end : in answer to which , he says , the late king aimed at nothing but liberty to all sorts of dissenters , and that roman catholicks might have their share of ease . 2. that few converts were made in his time . 3. and that having armed his roman catholicks in his last extremity , they did not amount to the fortieth part of his army , nor to the 300 fighting men in his kingdom , therefore they could afford him small assistance . 4. that the church flourished in his time , many dissenters being then brought into its communion . 5. that now the church of england and episcopacy is in danger , if protestancy be not , as appears by the late act of toleration , wherein turcism is not excepted , though popery be . 6. that episcopacy is abolished in scotland , and they have a party in the convention here endeavouring the same thing . 7. that we have lost the doctrine of our church-loyalty and non-resistance . 8. that we have seen a total abolition of the laws ; for we have changed the hereditary monarchy into an elective one , and destroyed all government by declaring an original power in the people . this , with some scandalous and unjust reflections on his present majesty , to which i will not give so much countenance as an answer , is the substance of what he says on the first article , which for method's sake i have sub-divided into eight particulars , to each of which i will propose some considerations , except to the first ; of which i have said so much already , that it is needless to say more . but that if the late king had been , as our author says , master of the wisdom , we could have wished him , he would never have done so many mean , harsh , and superstitious things for no purpose whatsoever , unless it were to hinder what our author says he only designed . from hence i think we may strongly conclude , that he designed more than ease for roman dissenters . to the second , no body would have said that few converts were made in his time , that did not wish them more : was there any order of men amongst us free ? some of the nobility in all the three kingdoms ; some of our clergy , lawyers , souldiers , and of all other ranks had actually declared ; and it is too much to be feared , that many waited only for the repeal of the penal laws , though they cared not for their souls , nor stood in awe of damnation ; yet they dreaded the statute against being reconciled : but then if their numbers were but small , the fault was not the king 's , for he made the full use of the arguments in his power , discountenancing the stedfast , and rewarding those that came over to him ; the great seals of two of the three kingdoms were in such hands , and surely england will not brag much of their protestant chancellor ; to go to mass was the certain way to preferment , as might be instanced in many particulars ; and we cannot forget what took the treasurer's staff from the earl of rochester . to the third , that the papists of fngland are not the 300th fighting man , i will not dispute ; but that they were not the 40th man of the late army , is certainly false ; if he had told us in plain english , that there was but one or two of them in a company , all persons that had been conversant in the places where they were quarter'd , would have known the contrary ; therefore he chose other words , and yet says the same thing ; which is plain , when we consider that our companies consisted of about 50 men ; but for easiness of computation , we will allow them to be 60 , which by our author's proportion is only three papists to two companies . i might here mind our author , that the irish army was papist , which , multiplied by 40 , had made an army big enough for the great mogull : but i will yield that our author did not include the irish army , when he made the 40th man the proportion of papist ; and yet they ought not to be forgotten , when we are speaking of king james's popish forces : but his expression being , that the papists armed in his last extremity , were not the 40th part of his army . the party that came from ireland in october — 88 , must be included , or he was not then or afterwards in extremity . now supposing no papists in his army before , and that party being at least 3000 by the author's rule of proportion , his army ought to have consisted of 120000 men ; but his army was not so great , and the papists of it more , so that another estimate of them must be taken ; if we throw away the cypher , and read a 4th , instead of a 40th part , i believe we shall be nearer the matter . but since that and a much greater force was not sufficient to enslave this nation , we must conclude he had other tools , forreign or domestick , to carry on the cause . to the fourth , that the church flourished in the late king's time ; if our author means that we had many good and learned men then in it , i must grant it ; but then it must be granted to me , that he thought them too many , and endeavoured to make them sewer both by tearing so great a limb as magdalen from the university , and shutting twenty-seven of them out of the church by the cruel decree of the 18th of october — 87. and how little he regarded those good men that helped our church to flourish , may be seen by the worthies he preferred to the sees of oxford and chester , and his preferring farmer to dr. hough ; that he did this out of kindness to the church , our author dare not say ; but he may tell me , and that truly , that in the see of bristol it was otherwise , and that therefore the king did not always design a scandal or injury to the church by those he preferred in it ; i have too great a veneration for the christian courage and sufferings of that bishop , not to make him an exception out of that rule : but then we must remember , he was preferred before his fears of opposition from the nation were quit off him ; and if we consider how many of the lay-protestants , preferred by him in the beginning of his reign , were afterwards displaced , and his after-carriage to that bishop , we may conclude that his high commission would soon have rectified that mistake , by a deprivation , if his fault was any thing greater than not suspending dr. sharp , or as great as the bishop of dunkell's giving his vote in parliament against the repeal of the test , had it not received an unexpected dissolution : but notwithstanding all his suspensions , deprivations , imprisonments , and other favours to our clergy , our author tells us , that many of the dissenters were brought into the communion of the church by the unanswerable writings of that time against popery ; that these should influence them more than those learned ones , set out a little before for their conviction , shews that the terrour of popery wanted not its force in perswading them to that prudent conduct . but how to draw an argument from hence in praise of the late king , or his times , i see not ; unless those straying sheep were brought back to the fold by the diligence of his shepherds : was any of those pieces written by sa. oxon ? or did the famous rippon's sermon contribute thereunto ? not so much , i dare say , as it did to the preacher's bishoprick . i must confess the reasons for abrogating the test , mr. sclater's and obediah's pieces contributed thereunto , but it was by setting ingenious men to write answers to them . before i close this section , i must again put you in mind of what i sormerly hinted to you ; that the indulgence coming at the nick of time , when things were healing very fast ; and when the great scare-crow , the approaches of our church to popery , was experimentally confuted , it looks as if some-body designed to widen our breaches , and to disappoint the church of that satisfaction , which was not more earnestly desired by us , than dreaded by them . as to the fifth , in which our author tells us , that the church of england is in danger , and pretends to prove it by the late act of toleration : i say , first , that the late king 's being larger , must have endangered it more ; if the act let in turcism , as our author falsly suggests , it keeps out idolatry , and at once frees us from god's judgments due to that crying sin , and in a great measure from popish contrivances ; for now the jesuits must work in the dark , as they did formerly ; which as it much retards their designs , so it occasions many mistakes to the frequent frustrating thereof ; the act requires the professing of faith in father , son , and holy ghost , and thereby excludes mahometism , which the proclamation does not . next , i say , it is pretty strange to find one that has said so much for liberty of conscience , and a proclamation granting it , making the act for toleration dangerous : is it not lawful for their present majesties to signalize their reign on the same principle our author pretends king james designed ? or is the present liberty the worse , or more dangerous to church or state , becaus● it comes as it ought to do , in a regular and legal way , from the legislative power ? is it the worse , because it does not alter the constitution of our government ? had it been the less hurtful , if , like the late king 's , it had placed the royal will and pleasure above our laws ? does the king , in the present toleration , claim an absolute power , which we are bound to obey without reserve ? and does he thereby impose an oath on us , not only to submit to that power , but to assist and defend him in the exercise thereof ? since in these several particulars it has the advantage of the late king 's , i doubt not but it will be more satisfactory to all people , and that the church will receive ease as well as enlargement by it . 6. but episcopacy is abolished in scotland , and from thence sprung the covenant that destroyed it here formerly ; our author might as well have told us it was so at geneva . what has the declaration of their estates to do with the government of our church ? they do not so much as pretend to it , only declaring it a grievance to that kingdom : if the author had but known how unlike the scotch bishops were to ours ; how unable they were of late to do any thing but mischief ; how little difference there is between no episcopacy and bishops , during pleasure , he would the less lament the loss ; but , in truth , the abuses might have been redressed by other and easier methods ; good laws might have restored episcopacy to its antient purity ; for otherwise , and by that argument , we ought to abolish judges here , because they have abused their power , being like the scotch bishops by their tenure slaves to the court ; though this is unreasonable , and better methods have been taken ; but if we had chosen the other course , certainly the loss would never have been less lamented than now , when we are bleeding of the wounds they have given us . the scotch , i think , should have remembred that the protomartyr of the last reign was one of those tenants at will , and that dr. bruce was thrust out of the bishoprick of dunkell for opposing the repeal of the test : these nations ought to remember that it was he set us the glorious example of despising the honours and profits of this world , when they came in competition with the preservation of the protestant religion : but it is not fitting to be too positive in this matter , relating to the church of scotland , since it is uncertain what expedients his majesty's wisdom may find out for the satisfaction of that divided nation . but he tells us , there is a party in our parliament endeavouring the same thing ; but who told him so , he does not say ; if we judge of them by their actions , neither the coronation-oath , nor the address of the 16th of april last shews any thing of this ; and in the king's answer thereunto , and in the speech that occasioned that address , we have his majesty 's repeated assurances of his kindness and care of the church ; though those were cheap in the last reign , let us not suspect this only for that reason , but rest satisfied until , at least , one promise to us be broken . in the seventh , our author tells us , that though our religion be safer now , than it was lately , yet we have lost the doctrine of our church-loyalty and non-resistance ; and for proof of it , gives us his word , so that a bare denial were a sufficient answer . but to set the matter in a better light , i must desire you to consider that there is a great difference between aiding our prince to destroy or enslave his people , and the doctrine of non-resistance ; though i should yield that it was not lawful in lawful in october last forceably to resist the late king , yet certainly it was both lawful and prudent not to assist him : this is sufficiently justified by the practise of the primitive christians , who did nothing in defence of their persecuting emperors whilst living , nor in revenge of their injuries after their death ; and does sufficiently excuse the church in their late conduct , without the shipwrack of any of its doctrines . which being so full an answer to our author's objection ; and seeing they were but few that took up arms against the late king , in respect to the nation , i will not at present insist on the defence they make for themselves in acting only for their laws , rights , and religion ; to which either they had no right ; but if they had , they had a right to preserve them , especially against him that had not only destroyed them , but his own right also , if the laws and constitutions of the kingdom create them , as plainly they do . but of this more anon . in the last division of this paragraph , our author objects the total abolition of our laws , because we have changed our hereditary monarchy into an elective . as if the people of england had no laws worth regarding , but those that limit the succession of the crown ; if we have made some changes in that to secure the rest , surely it is no ill bargain , and is no more than the wisdom of the nation aimed at formerly more than once : if this had been the first time a change had been made in the succession , i should not wonder that some turbulent men should make a noise at it for want of a better pretence ; but since alterations in the succession have been frequent in this kingdom , why should people be more concerned at it now than formerly ? i need not mention the many breaches of the royal line in the saxon times , or in the time of our first norman kings ; but certainly the intails of the crown , made in henry the eighth 's time , and the statutes authorizing them , made a greater alteration in the succession than is made at present , yet no body dream't that thereby our monarchy was become elective . queen mary and queen elizabeth successively enjoyed this crown ; but what sort of hereditary right it was that could serve them both , i do not see ; and after both their reigns our monarchy continued as hereditary as it was before , though there was a late statute of queen elizabeth , declaring it in the power of the parliament to alter it , and making it penal to deny it . the interruption that is now given to the lineal succession is so remote a possibility , that the persons most immediately concerned readily consented to it : the matrimonial crown , such as king philip had in queen mary's time , is due to the king on his wifes ascending the throne ; so that unless he out-live the queen , who is about twelve years younger , this terrible alteration of the succession ends in nothing , unless it be the exclusion of the pretended prince of wales ; which dissatisfies so few people , that his pretence is scarce worth the expoting ; and were there no objection against his being born of the queen , but barely this , that she did not , during the nine months time she should have been with child , satisfie the scruples and jealousies of all the women ever came about her ; it leaves the reality of his birth so doubtful , that the known and received heirs ought not to be set aside for him ; the queen and her counsel were not ignorant what opinion the nation had of her big belly , neither were they so impolitick as not to know of what concern it would be to that issue , to be of an unquestioned birth ; and we cannot suppose the queen so much wanting in her maternal duty and affection , though nothing had been due to her own honour , as not to take some pains for the clearing of both ; therefore we must conclude , since she did not give the world that satisfaction which any woman with child ▪ might easily have d●ne , that she was not really so . but to return to our author : i say it looks a little suspiciously to find him so much more fond of one part of the constitution than of the rest ; whilst he is excusing so many violations of the law , why should he be severe against what he calls but one , when we find him justifying the late dispensing power , and yet complain of altering our constitution ? we must conclude that he either did not understand , or not value it ; and that his concern is for something else than what he pretends ; which will be very plain , if we take but a short view of the english constitution : and this will also be of further use in deciding the controversie between us . the first fundamental part of our constitution that i shall mention is , that the government be administred according to law : this is a trust inseperably annexed to the royalty , of which the coronation-oath is a sufficient proof . it is another fundamental part of our constitution , that those laws by which we are to be governed be made by the king , lords and commons ; the clause of the coronation-oath , quas vulgus elegerit , proves this , taken in either of the tenses , of , have , or shall chuse , besides a practise time out of mind ; which is the best proof of the original contract . the last part thereof that i shall mention is , that the representatives of the commons be legally and freely chosen , otherwise they are not the kingdom 's choice ; nor do they represent their electors , nor carry their assent with them to what shall be enacted . now if we take as short a view of the state that these essential parts of our constitution were in , during the late reign , we shall find them all in such disorder , that it cannot be said that we then had any more than the shadow of our old constitution ; and since the king 's right to the regal estate is solely founded on these constitutions ; if he do subvert them , he thereby determines and destroys his own right , which is founded on them ; and does more effectually dethrone himself , than the declaration of the 13th of february did . now that the late king did over-throw the whole constitution , will appear , if we examine his behaviour to the several parts thereof . and as to the first , we will find , that he was so far from governing according to law , that so soon as he thought himself out of the danger of the monmouth rebellion , by his victory over him in the west , and triumph on tower-hill ; and that his severe prosecution of the remainder of that party had secured him against all other opposition , his whole government was a perfect opposition to the law ; after that most of the great employments of the nation were disposed of by him to persons by law uncapable of them : at court we had a secretary and privy-seal , lords of the treasury and privy-counsellors , with their president of that sort ; in the administration of justice , we had judges , sheriffs , justices of the peace , with a long , &c. of unqualified persons ; in the cities our mayors and other magistrates were so ; the army which was wholly against law , was made more illegal by its unqualified officers , and the other persons whereof it consisted ; the tower in ill hands , and the very church not free of such vermin ; the chief government of ireland given to one that designed to dismember it from this crown : were not our persons imprisoned against law ? witness the seven bishops . were we not disseised of our estates against law , and without tryal ? witness dr. hough . were not taxes levied on us without and against law ? witness the custom-house books . were not some of us hanged up as criminals , without any colour of law ? at least , less than was for the dispensing power or ecclesiastical commission ; so little , as could not satisfie him that was well satisfied in both the other . these are instances of the breach of the law , in the case of our liberties , lives and properties ; and that our souls might be endangered , were not schools and churches opened to the romish clergy ? had any of their converts the reward due to them by law , and to keep us under these oppressions without redress ? were not our parliaments put off and prorogued from time to time , and not suffered to sit at the end of three years , as the law requires ? this was the condition of the executive power : and as for the legislative , it was far worse , and wholly over-thrown by the claim of an absolute power , to which we were to submit without reserve , the dispensing with the ecclesiastical laws implied a power of dispensing with all the rest ; and the dispensing with any one , was an usurpation on the legislative : for to what end should the parliament make laws , if they were to be of force only , during the king's pleasure ? if that were so , all their costs and pains could not ensure them one law for so long time as would be requisite for their journey home ; and as the suspension of one law is certainly the making of another : as for instance ; the law imposes twelve-pence for not coming to church on sunday ; the proclamation suspending that act , enacts that i may stay at home , or go to a worse place , without paying any thing ; so it seems to me , that the last is the higher power ; for to controle an act , requires more authority , than contributed to the first making of it , as the daily experience of our courts shews us ; the king's-bench controles the rest , but no inferiour court puts any check to the proceedings thereof . lastly , the kings of england never claimed nor exercised such a power before 62 and 72 , and then the endeavours were but faint ; the crown wished for such a power , and afterwards on the remonstrance of the commons promised it should never be drawn into consequence , or example . the imposing taxes and oaths on the subject , was always looked upon as another branch of the legislative power , but both were exercised by the late king. as to the last part mentioned , we have seen the late king corrupting the elections by the meanest arts , a perpetual regulation of the corporations , until they could find a sett of men that would engage to chuse such persons as should be recommende● by the court , and daily displacing all persons that would not engage their votes : but this was not all the injury done us in relation to the house of commons ; we had sheriffs and mayors not qualified for their offices , so not capable of guiding the elections . formerly under weak princes , and in ill times , there has been attempts made against the constitution of the kingdom , but never so universal an one , or with such success as now ; neither was it ever attempted before this reign to pack a whole house of commons . new creations has done something of that sort on the peers ; and there has been irregularities in particular elections , but it was never attempted before to rob us of the whole house of commons ; at present the crown neither claims nor aims at any of these things ; now the law runs in its old channel ; and that it may still do so , the king has given us judges of the ablest of their profession ; and the chancery from a state-court● is now become a court of conscience ; the crown pretends to no absolute authority either in suspending or altering our laws ; the king concurs with his people in all laws they have pr●pared for his royal assent , and wishes to be no greater than the laws of england make him ; with respect to the house of commons , he has seized on no charters , nor used any regulations ; but the present members of that house are the most unanimously chosen that ever any were . and now let the world judge , whether our religion , laws and liberties , are not in a better condition , than in the late reign . our author tells us , that the second article shews the ways and means king james used to effect what he was charged with in the first , which is an assuming and exercising a power of dispensing with , and suspending laws , and the execution of them without act of parliament . our author is so modest as not to deny this , or the fatal consequences thereof to the kingdom , but excuses it as done by colour of the prerogative ; whereas the prerogative is nothing but the law of the land , and a part of it with which the king is intrusted for the good of his people : he then tells us , that the present parliament have made some acts that abrogate old , and others that are new laws : but unless he shews us that the king assumes 〈◊〉 power to himself , the times are not parallel ; and that is what he promised to make appear . our author in this , and in other sections , is witty , or thinks himself so , upon our present parliament , calling them self-created ; and that they have assumed god's prerogative of creating themselves out of nothing , ( as if god had done so . ) for the taking off that assertion , and clearing of that matter , i must desire you to remember that the essential parts of an english parliament are the lords spiritual and temporal , and the commons chosen by the several shires and towns of the nation as their representatives . now the convention that met at westminster the 22d of january last , was composed of these ; not a county , city , or borough of england but appeared there by their representatives , and the whole peers did or might have appeared by themselves or proxies ; so that here was a parliament in substance ; and the author will not pretend that any thing was wanting but the king 's writ to call them together . to which i say first , that anciently , when parliaments met at the king's court on fixed times , as the feast of the nativity , and other feasts every year , we have no account of any summons : because the time and place of meeting being known , that was needless . but these times are so dark , that i will not insist much on this , nor on the election of our kings in the saxon times , which was done by an assembly convened certainly without the king 's writ , or any authority from one . i confess that in the ordinary administration of affairs , the king's writ is requisite to bring the nation to a great council : but this is not required so much for any authority derived from thence , as to keep up an agreement and harmony in the government ; if this were otherwise , all members could sit in the house of commons that have such a writ authorizing their election ; which not so , especially in long-liv'd parliaments , such as king charles the second's was , there a majority of the house might have been of such as were elected by vertue of a warrant from the speaker : in 73 about thirty members , elected by vertue of the king's writs , were not suffered to sit , but were dismissed the house , and the speaker issued warrants for new elections ; so that in these cases the authority seems to proceed more from the speaker's warrant than the king 's writ : but i say , that from this usual practise it does not follow , that the estates may not assemble otherwise in extraordinary cases : as in this hereditary monarchy ; suppose the royal family were extinct , must the nation remain still in confusion ? never come into any form of government , because we cannot have the king 's writ to summon a parliament , that is unreasonable ; therefore the representatives of the nation must meet and settle the government without any writ of summons : this is no impossible supposition , though it never happened in this kingdom , because it has happened in other places , and upon such occasions the government has been re-settled by the states . next , supposing that on the death of the reigning king , his son or successor , is far distant : this is no fictitious supposition , because it really happened : in what condition must we be until the return of our king , or directions from him ? the authority of our judges , sheriffs , &c. determined with the king's life , so they cannot act ; therefore in this necessity , to avoid anarchy and confusion , the states of the kingdom must meet , and settle the government by appointing officers , and doing what else is requisite for the safety of the kingdom : and this they did upon the death of henry the third , without any writ or authority from his absent son. after the death of william rufus the crown of this kingdom was given to king henry by an assembly of the people , not chosen by writ : this shews also the regard they had in those days to the lineal succession . these instances shew that the king 's vvrit of summons is not so essentially necessary to the being of parliaments , but that the people of england may and have assembled in some cases without them , of which we have a very late instance in the parliament ; to which the royal family is much obliged , and to which the nation was more obliged than to any but the one now sitting , i mean the parliament that brought back the royal family : this parliament met without the king 's vvrit , and was called in the name of the keepers of the liberties of england , and yet fate , made laws , and acted as a parliament with king charles the second for several months together ; and yet no man can say there was so great reason for their continuing together , as for the present parliaments ; we had not then so many enemies abroad , and at home the kingdom was in full quiet ; the french and irish were not then our avowed enemies , nor ready to devour us ; a forty days delay then had not put us in the power of either of them , as probably it had now done ; and if the king had now taken that course , the consequence had only been the trouble of electing the same persons a-new , and postponing the necessary preparations for our security for two months at least . and if we further compare the case in question with these i have mentioned , we will find that it has much the advantage in other circumstances , for that parliament laboured under more difficulties than the want of vvrits of summons ; a doubt , that the long parliament was then in being by vertue of king charles the first 's unfortunate act , that it should not be dissolved without their own consent ; and in 59 , king charles was at breda , or not much further off , and he would gladly have issued vvrits , if they had been desired of him ; but his brother cancelled and tore those he had once issued ; that parliament met without any request from the body of the people : this at the express request of the city of london , and almost the whole nation ; and if that parliament was called by those that exercised the chief authority in the nation ; so was this by him , that at our own desire had taken the administration of affairs upon him ; though the royal line was not extinct , yet in october last the kingdom was left as much in confusion , and without government , as if that misfortune had befallen us ; a parliament by vvrits we could not have , and without a parliament it was impossible to settle the kingdom ; so that we had no choice , but either to continue without any government as we were , or to meet in parliament as we did ; which being formerly done in other countries , as well as our own : and since the king is pleased to consult with them , we must acquiesce in their judgments , and obey them as the legislative power of this kingdom , notwithstanding our author's jests here , and his assertions in the fourth article , that this is done without precedent or colour of law. the third article article is , his committing and prosecuting the bishops for humbly petitioning to be excused from consenting to the said assumed power of suspending the laws and their execution . for answer to which , our author refers us to what he said on this subject before ; and therefore so do i. he tells us further on this head , that the present government remembring the proverb , felix quem faciunt , is resolved to avoid the rocks the last split upon ; which i look upon to be no ill news : for now , if we will take the author's word , there will be no further attempts against our church or religion , our laws or properties ; but , god-bethanked , we have better assurance than the author 's or his king's word . and though this were a sufficient reason for the mild course taken by the new act injoyning the oaths , yet certainly the nation does attribute that course very much to the mild nature of the king ; who would not too hastily exact a complyance , nor too severely punish the want of it ; though certainly the accepting of him for king , and swearing allegiance to him , is a matter of far greater moment than any opposition king james met with from the church , and so might deserve a severer punishment than for not obeying an illegal mandate . our author misses no opportunity of telling what is doing in scotland , but he is not so forward to tell us news from ireland : he tells us the scotch clergy are obliged to pray for the king and queen under pain of deprivation ; and pray why should they not ? but does not tell us that the bishop of dunkell was deprived by the late king for voting or arguing in parliament according to his conscience ; neither does he give us any account of the pretended act of parliament in ireland , taking away many of the rights of the clergy without any pretended fault ; nor of their act repealing the acts of settlement , which almost renders useless another of their acts attainting our nobility , gentry , and clergy only for being in england : here is fangs and claws with a witness ; and of so weak a government , that one would think these acts were designed for nothing else than to shew the temper of the man , and those that influence him . the fourth article is against the court of the commissioners for ecclesiastical causes : to which he says , that the statute repealing the first of elizabeth hath a salvo for the king's supremacy , so that there was an appearance of law to justifie that commission , and that our parliament meddle with ecclesiastical matters also . our author is pretty modest in this answer , pretending but to an appearance of law , to justifie the late commission-court . so that now i am not only to argue against the court , but also to shew how little that very appearance really was ; which i think will be best done , by considering the statutes of 170 car. primi c. 110. and the 13. car. secundi , cap. 12. in the first we will find that the clause of the statute of the queen , which erected the first ecclesiastical commission-court , is repealed : in this i do not find any salvo for the king's supremacy ; but there is a clause of another nature , to wit , that no new court shall be erected with the like power , jurisdiction , or authority , as the former had , or pretended to have ; and that all such commissions made , or to be made by his majesty , his heirs or successors , and all sentences and decrees , by colour thereof , shall be utterly void and of none effect . by the 13th of king charles the second part of this statute is repealed ; but what relates to the high commission , or the new erecting of such another court , is not : this statute has the salvo i suppose our author means . so that now the matter is shortly thus : the first statute suppresses the high commission-court in being , and prohibits the erecting of any such other for the future ; and enacts some other things forreign to this matter , which by charles the second 's statute are repealed : but as to the high commission-court , it confirms the former with the author 's salvo , that this act shall not extend to abridge the king's supremacy in ecclesiastical affairs . now though this statute had by this clause been felo de se , yet still by the first statute the erecting any such new court is prohibited ; for the salvo only is , that nothing in that act shall abridge the king's supremacy ; but does not say , that nothing in the former shall . to obviate this , our author put his salvo in the first , rather than in the other : but i say further , that though the salvo had been where our author would have it ; or that the clause had been , that nothing in either of the acts should abridge the supremacy : or to make the matter a little plainer ; suppose it had been literally worded , provided that the king by his supremacy may erect such a court when he thinks fit ; the matter had been but little mended for the enacting part , that no such court should be erected , had been good , and the proviso void ; for it is a known rule in law , that the proviso or exception must not wholly destroy the preceding grant , though it may lessen or qualifie it : as for instance ; if one grant to me all his trees , and afterwards adds a proviso , except all his trees , the grant is good , and the proviso void , because it would tender the grant wholly useless ; but he may except all his trees in such a place , or twenty , or any number by name , because there is a subject both for the grant and exception : so a proviso in the act might have preserved the supremacy in wales , or any particular place ; but being general , it is void , or rather has no operation on the matter positively enacted , though it may preserve the supremacy in other matters . this article complains as much of the executing as the issuing this illegal commission : to which , since our author says nothing ; i will only add , that though the law had been plain for the prerogative in this case , as to the erecting of the court ; yet since king charles , who was looked upon as a protestant , did not think fit to put this power in execution , during the twenty-four years he lived after the statute : which implies , that either there was no need of such a court , or that he thought he had no power of erecting it ; it was a bold step in the late king to venture on it , but perfect madness as he managed the matter . when the statute was in force , the proceedings were for the correction and reformation of such offences , as by the ecclesiastical jurisdiction could lawfully be corrected and reformed , during the continuance of that court , which was near an hundred years : the proceedings there were only against persons that disobeyed the king's laws ; never one was punished by them for not obeying a letter , but the bishop of london ; the disobeying the king 's arbitrary and illegal mandates was never looked upon as a crime before the late times . and for a further instance and proof of their illegal proceedings , the commissioners that acted in pursuance of the statute could not proceed against persons for small crimes , or such as could be remedied by the ordinary : for which reason , we find in our books , that a prohibition went out of the temporal courts to stop their proceedings against one for adultery , as judge hutton tells us in isabel peel's case , unless in such cases as were very exorbitant and notorious . now unless we have lost another , the most secret adultery of the commandments , is a greater offence , and a little more expresly prohibited , than the contempts punished in that court. in drake's case a prohibition went to stop their proceedings against him for alimony , although this was one of the articles their commission authorizes them to hear and determine . here the court looked on their authority to be from the statute , not the commission . this is a full judgment ; and many more might be instanced against those that assert , that the king by his supremacy , or the common law , could erect such a court , though the statute were repealed ; for in this case he gave authority to decree alimony in cases of severity ; but because the statute gave none such , their proceedings were stopped by a prohibition . it is wonderful to me , and seems something like an infatuation , that the projectors of that court did not , to gain some credit to it , and in return for all the mischiefs they intended , find out some real criminals to make examples of ; so that the nation might sometimes be satisfied with their judgments , though they could not be with their jurisdiction . when we see vengeance over-take notorious offendors , it is but rarely that we inquire whence the blow comes ; and if we do , we are seldom over-strickt in the matter : but since they omitted this common piece of policy , after-times will rather suspect that they had not power by the commission to punish such offendors , then either that so populous a nation should want fit objects for their wrath ; or that so famed politicians should contemn so prudent a course . all the account i can give of this matter is , that , quos jupiter vult perdere prius dimentat . the fifth article is , levying money for other time , and in other manner than the same was granted by parliament : this , he confesses , ought not to have been done by the petition of right , and some older statutes he mentions ; which is a confession of the justness of the complaint : but then what he did of this kind , he says , was by vertue of a lease king charles the second was impowred to grant for three years . this is another instance how small a matter was sufficient lately for appearance of law , good enough to wrest the legislative power out of its proper course : for this lease our author here speaks of , was pretended but to be made by the commissary of the treasury the fifth of february , the day before king charles dyed , and when he was lying void of all reason and sence , if not of life . this looks so like a trick , that it supersedes all necessity of enquiry , whether king charles had power to make a lease of that part of his revenue granted him for life only , for any longer time than his life . but to shew the illegality of that proceeding , and the insincerity of the author , i will give the full account of this matter . and , first , it is to be observed that the late king , upon his first coming to the crown , levied money on several branches of the revenue setled on king charles for life . the subsidies of tonnage and poundage , and other sums of money payable on merchandises exported and imported , were granted expresly by the statute to king charles during life ; yet the late king by his proclamation of the 9th of february , directs that the same shall be collected as in the time of his brother . herein he pretends to no other law for this , but that it is his will and pleasure , the necessity ●f the government requiring the same ; there is no three years lease in this case , nor any pretence that king charles did or could make any such ; so that as to this , our author's assertion is false : but indeed as to the excise , the late king made use of that pretence ; and by his proclamation of the 16th of february , tells us , that the late king's commissioners of the treasury did , on the fifth of february , contract and agree with sir peter apsly , sir benjamin bathurst , and james grahme , that they should receive the duty of excise for three years , from the date thereof , at the rent of 550000 pounds per annum : and being certified by the opinion of the judges , that the said contract is good and valid in law , to the intent that the said persons may have no pretence of with-holding their rent ; and that the subjects may not incur the penalties inflicted by the laws of excise for not making due entries , or non-payment , or concealing any part of the said duty during the said three years : he does publish to all his subjects , that the judges have certified him their opinions , that the said contract hath continuance notwithstanding the decease of his brother : his will and pleasure therefore is , and he thereby commands the commissioners of the excise , and other officers , that they be aiding and assisting to the said persons in collecting and levying the said duties ; and that all persons chargeable with the payment thereof , do make due entries , and pay the same upon the pains and penalties to be inflicted thereupon according to the laws of excise . though these proclamations were equally illegal , yet the first was certainly the more generous ; it goes roundly to work , and tells us , in plain terms , he wanted the money , and therefore would take it ; whereas the other pretends to be countenanced by the law , but instead thereof has only that of the lawyers ; the moiety of the rent therein mentioned is a fair sum to be gained for three years , by the private opinion of the judges , which is sufficiently confuted by a bare stating of the case : the excise was granted by two acts of parliament ; the one moiety by one act , the other moiety thereof by another : the first is called a grant of certain impositions for the increase of his majesty's revenue during his life ; and enacts , that the duties therein mentioned shall be paid to the king during his life ' ; the other act lays the same imposition on the several liquors therein mentioned ; and enacts expresly , that the same shall be paid to the king , his heirs and successors for ever . which , being the statutes of one parliament , shews plainly that it was intended that the one half of the duty should dye with the king , otherwise there was no need of two acts ; and the reason of the difference is obvious , for the last moiety of this duty was granted to the crown in satisfaction of the profits of the court of wards , and for the abolishing of the king 's pre-emption and purveyance , in which the crown had an inheritance . in both these acts there is a clause for making leases , not exceeding three years ; which was laid hold on to continue this tax on us for three years longer than the express time we granted . had this lease been made bona fide , and in king charles's health , it would have been but a frivolous pretence ; but considering the time it was made it was the smallest way ever was laid hold of by a sinking cause . our author comes next to represent our present condition to us ; and though he make a fearful picture of it , it is not so dreadful as popery and arbitrary power in their best dress : he says we must pay great taxes , and reckons up some millions ; i am not so conversant in the affairs of the treasury , as to tell whether his computation be right : but be it so , we had rather pay that and much more , than fall into our former misery ; it is some satisfaction to our minds , that when our taxes are paid , the rest is our own . but to set this matter right , and to discover the author's disingenuity , we must take notice that the statute taking away the hearth-money , one of the most grievous burthens this nation ever groaned under , peter-pence and danegeld not excepted , passed the royal assent the 24th of april — 89. and that our author in several places of his book takes notice of statutes passed , and other matters happening afterwards ; as the pole-bill the first of may , the declaration of war against france the 7th of may , the ease to dissenters the 24th of may , and the act for satisfying the states-general the 20th of august — 89. but yet he speaks not one word of the other ; and his reason is , because if he had done that , the great taxes he speaks of would dwindle into nothing ; for if that duty amounted to 200000 pound per annum , we have not yet given the king twenty years purchase for it , which is the rate most of his subjects sell at . he tells us next , the war cannot be carried on without money , and that at the end of it , it must cost in a great sum to disband the army ; which he would perswade us to save by restoring king james : this is a declaring war against the army , and will lessen the number of his friends , if he have any there ; and then if the nation , by restoring that king , will avoid paying their own army , they must pay his , which is as numerous , and to whom there is as great an arrear due , besides all that is due to the french king : so that if any be so sordid as to wish a change in the government , it must be on other motives than to save his money , the restitution of the hearth-money being all he is like to get by that bargain . he tells us next , that we who feared the coming of the french in king james 's time , have taken a way by declaring war against them to bring them upon us with a vengeance . but i would have him know , this nation would rather see the french here open and professed enemies , than pretended friends ; and that we fear them less in the one capacity , than the other ; and surely we never had less reason to fear them , than at present , though it were too great presumption to guess at the divine councils ; or to say that god now designs to be avenged on him for his blasphemy and many oppressions ; or that he has at last heard the groans of the fatherless and widows , though doubtless he will , in his own due time , inquire and visit for these things ; yet if we consider how he stands with the kings of the earth , we may rationally hope that his glory is near an end ; for the emperour and princes of the empire are exasperated against him , not only by his seizing and barbarously destroying their territories , but by his stopping their victories over the turks , and by assisting them by so great a diversion : but it hath pleased god to bless their just cause with success both against the one and the other ; with the king of spain and the states of holland he has actual war ; the cantons of switzerland , at best but neutral ; and some think they are almost over-come by the late pope's advice to quit it ; who not only styled him the common enemy of the christian part of europe , but with his last breath advised the cardinals to oppose his unjust designs : had england ever a better time to humble his pride , or to force him to do justice to themselves and allies for the many injuries and provocations he has from time to time heaped upon them ? if we cannot deal with him now that he has no allies to support but the turks , irish , and algerines , we must despair of ever seeing an end to the miseries of europe . the sixth is , keeping a standing army in time of peace , without consent of parliament . he wisely omits quartering souldiers contrary to law , being neither able to say any thing in defence of it , nor to retort it on the present government : all that he says to this article is , that his officers were enriched by his pay , and that they were his delight ; but he does not tell us they were so , because he hoped to over-throw our religion and laws by their assistance , and to throw off parliaments , those shakells on his designs . he tells us next , king james used no forreign force , but contented himself with his natural-born subjects . but was not there some of them as ill as either dutch or brandenburger ? the irish are more opposite to our religion and civll interest , than either of the other : but our author is angry we have an army in being , not designed to enslave the nation , as the last was , but ready to oppose all that shall endeavour to bring us under our old bondage , and some to spare , to oppose the french design on flanders , by whose courage he has already received one defeat ; and durst his general have stayed , and not retreated so very fast , he might have had another . our author in his last leaf gives us so true a representation of the inconveniencies and burthens the nation groaned under from the army , that i cannot better express them than in the author's words : some rake-hells of the army took liberty to disgrace the service , who , to supply their extravagant expences , put the souldier's pay into their own pockets , for which they allowed them , under-hand , to sharp upon the country , and too often leave their quarters unpaid , to the dishonour of the king , and ruin of many an honest man : and to add to that infamy , they forced the constables by threats to give them certificates that they had paid their quarters , and behaved themselves well in them , when , in truth , they had done neither . but to heal the matter , he says further , that those that were averse to the king's interest , with a design to ruin him in the affections of the people , either quite concealed this from him , or at least so minced the matter , that the difficulty the poor country-man lay under of being heard or relieved , made the remedy often prove worse than the disease . doubtless , if there had not been too many instances of the fruitless complaints of the nation , upon the abuses of the army , we should not have had so full a confession as this from our author . the seventh article is , causing several good subjects , being protestants , to be disarmed : but our author omits the other half , that papists at the same time were both armed and employed contrary to law. what is said to this , is so little to the purpose , that i scarce know how to answer it : he cannot tell when this was done , nor whether those disarmed protestants were not of the geneva-cuit ; but sure it does not therefore follow that it was not done . i must confess i do not know the time it was done in england ; but i can tell our author it was twice done in ireland before the fears of this last revolution made them rob us of our horses , and other goods , as well as arms ; and both after the suppression of monmouth's rebellion . if the parliament have no other instance to justifie this charge , surely these are sufficient ; for we were both good subjects and protestants : and if it be considered that many of us lived in danger of their private villains ; a numerous swarm , that infest all retired places in hopes of plunder ; and that we were all in danger of their publick and general hatred , with some other circumstances that might be mentioned ; the disarming us was the more unkind to us , and hazardous to the protestant interest . he further pretends , that the necessity of self-preservation made the late king at last arm papists . what was done of this sort since october — 88 , that he heard of the intended invasion , has some colour of a pretence , but that is none for what was done before : and if enquiry were made into the new levies , which our author calls 20000 men , i believe but few papists , in proportion to the old army , will be found amongst them ; and the reason is , all the papists that could be found before were in-listed . but as to them , i have said enough already . the eighth article is , the violating the freedom of election of members to serve in parliament . to which our author says , that if this be meant by purchasing peoples votes , it might have been rectified by the committee of elections ; but if it be meant of regulating corporations , and the quo warranto 's , he says king james 's parliament that would not yield to the taking away the test , was elected in the same method ; and that the present speaker mr. powle was elected by vertue of a late charter of king charles the second . to the first of these i say , that if the king had purchased but a few votes , that irregularity might have been remedied , as the author says , though not without much charge and trouble ; but if by such indirect courses he had gotten a majority of the house , it was not remediable , because the house would never censure those that were no more guilty than themselves . as to the other , it is true the service that parliament did the nation in that one act , of so early opposing the growth of popery , has made amends for any irregularities that were in the election of them . but what , had we no more regulations of corporations after the calling of that parliament ? did one repulse put the king so much in despair of gaining his point , that there was no enquiry what persons gentlemen would chuse hereafter for members ? were no persons displaced from their imployments of honour and profit , for not engaging how to vote both in the house , and at elections ? but may be our author does not think this any violation of our freedoms ; for clearing whereof , i need say no more than i have already done ; which sufficiently shews how little the author says to this accusation of the violating our freedom in elections ; the rest , he says , gives us a fair instance how inconsistent he is with himself : in the beginning he tells us the committee of elections may rectifie the miscarriages of elections ; and yet in a few lines afterwards we find him mutinying against the speaker's election , though approved of by that committee , and the house also ; so that mr. powle being declared duly elected by the proper judges . i need say no more of the matter in answer to the author , but for the satisfaction of those that are strangers thereto ; and that they may not be imposed upon by the author , or any of the other pamphlets that harp on this string , i will lay the state of that case before them . and , first , it is to be observed that there has been many debates about the election of new-windsor ; from whence the speaker is returned : and the question , as in this case , has always been , whether the whole inhabitants of the town , or the corporation , had the right of electing their representatives to serve in parliament ? and to say the truth , it has been vexata questio , and resolved both ways : but then i say , that if the author be true to any principle , he will lay but little weight on the former resolutions against the speaker's right , since they were the parliaments of 1640 , and — 79 , that so adjudged it . but without insisting on the disorders and struggles of those times ; i say we have the resolution of the parliament — 61 for us ; wherein it was resolved , that the right of election is in the mayor , bailiffs , and burgesses , not exceeding thirty in number : so that judgments being on both sides , we are to enquire , as in all such cases , which is supported by the best reasons , and doubtless they are on our side ; for the resolution in favour of the populace was grounded upon the mistake that windsor was a borough by prescription ; whereas the inhabitants were incorporated by a charter of the fifth of edward the first ; the clause wherein , quod de cetero sit liber curgus , and the name nova windsor , are great presumptions , that the town was not then very old , or a burrough before ; which is more plain , when we consider that those are really words of creation , not of confirmation ; and we have no foot-steps of any return from this town before this charter . one of the first , is the 30th of his reign ; and there it is said , that the mayor and common burgers , elegerunt ; and so it is in the 29th of henry the sixth . now if this be not very plain , the community or body of the burgesses , the subsequent usage puts the matter beyond all doubt ; where it is expresly said , that the mayor , bailiffs , and burgesses , elegerunt , as 35 h. 6. 1 ed. 6. 14. 30th and 43. of eliz. 1. 7. 18 and 20. of king james the first , 1st and 3d of king charles the first , and the 13th of king charles the second . so that here is a full jury of parliaments to justifie what has been done in this case ; and then all these , and some older and darker returns are under the common seal , and dated at the guild-hall , both evidences of corporation-acts . from all which i think it very plain , that the right of election is in the corporation , and that from the beginning it has been so ; but were it otherwise , the author is a misrepresenter in this case , because the contest was not occasioned by a late charter of king charles the second's ; but was upon a point contested before his reign , and afterwards in his reign , before the regulation of corporations was thought upon . next our author says , this violation of our freedom was but intended , never put in execution ; no more was the destruction of our religion and liberties : god almighty was pleased in mercy to us to over-throw their babel , when they had almost brought it , as they fancied , to perfection : and urges further , that the king being willing to have his last intended parliament as free as his people could desire , had actually restored the old charters to all the corporations in england long before the prince landed . here the author nifies the king's good intentions to us , and would have us look upon his last acts of kindness as the sole effects of his goodness , when , alas , they proceeded only from his fears ; which will appear plain , if we consider the times of the several passages relating to this matter . the 9th of september , new-stile , mr. d' avaux's memorial to the states-general , telling them of the strict alliance between the two crowns , tells us of the preparations making against us , and came to our court the 10th of september , old-stile . after ten days consideration a parliament is resolved on , and the 21st the king by his proclamation assures us of his kind intentions to the nation and church ; and therein tells us , he is willing the roman catholicks should remain incapable of being members of the house of commons ; a mighty favour ! the 26th of september , the lord-lieutenants were authorized to grant deputations to such gentlemen as had been lately removed from the lieutenancy ; and such gentlemen were to be restored to the commission of the peace , as had been lately laid aside . the 28th of september , his majesty by proclamation acquaints the nation with the intended invasion , and recalls the writs for the parliament . the 2d of october , the king declared he would restore the charter of london , and gives us a general pardon of the same date . the 5th , he dissolves the ecclesiastical commission . the 17th of october , the other corporations of the kingdom are restored ; all which favours were conferred on us , after they were terrified with the news of the invasion ; so that we may rest fully assured they were the first fruits of that blessed design ; and the meeting of the parliament was discharged twenty days before the restitution of the corporations ; which , by our author's computation , is a long time , otherwise the corporations were not restored long before the prince landed , as our author says they were . the 9th article is against prosecutions in the king's bench for matters and causes cognisable only in parliament , and by divers other arbitrary and illegal courses . the last clause is omitted , and so might all our author thinks fit to say in answer to the first ; being only , that be doubts not but those judges c●n justifie their proceedings , and that some parliaments have brought matters before them , that were not properly cognisable by them . but what those things are , he does not tell us ; but be it so , and let them and their advocates justifie them if they can : but in the mean time does it follow , that because one court exceeds its bounds sometimes , that therefore the king's-bench may ? or how does this make the parallel between the present and the late times ? if he had told us that our speaker had been prosecuted in the king's-bench for his actings as such , and fined 5 or 10000 l. he had said more to the purpose , than he has done in the whole book . the author says the tenth article is about partial , corrupt , and unqualified juries : but he should also have added , that divers jurors in tryals for high treason were not free-holders : he knew the consequence of this matter in the brave lord russel's case , and therefore thought fit to pass it over in silence : but tells us , that the noise against graham and burton , for such practises , is now ouer for want of proof . to which , i say , the thing is obvious , though the steps of those that managed this work of darkness is not yet made plain ; and no wonder , though the same should never happen , considering how few persons , but those concerned , can have any knowledge of it ; it is not likely the party corrupted will proclaim his own villany and shame ; so that if the said persons , if they were the managers , do but keep their , own counsel , no positive witnesses can be had against them : but then , considering the nature of the case , the great sums of money said to be laid out privately at law , will satisfie men not over-credulous . but if our author will have a little patience , he may hear what proof there is against those gentlemen , the house of commons having lately ordered a charge to be brought in against them ; which was not done sooner , because they had matters of far greater importance to dispatch . the eleventh article is requiring excessive bail in criminal cases , to elude the benefit of the laws made for the liberty of the subject . the truth of this is not denied , neither is it justified ; only the late acts suspending the habeas corpus act are exclaimed against , which i must say is one of the greatest favours imaginable to those most concerned in it ; if it but prevent them from running too far in dangerous courses , it had been a great blessing to the lord dundee and his family , if the estates of scotland had committed his person when they first observed him tampering ; though my kindness for some of those unfortunate persons , then in custody , makes me hope they were kept there , as well to secure themselves as the government ; yet i believe there are not many of them dare pretend to that innocency . it must not be forgotten in this place how his majesty , like him whose vicegerent he is , mingles mercy with his justice , and that he sent one of these prisoners a considerable sum of money to support him from want , not knowing how plentifully he might be provided from his own estate , with which it was not easie for him to hold any communication ; our author will find it hard to give me such an instance of generosity in his king. i have only one remark more on this matter ; which is , that if all princes were endued with such moderation and clemency as our present king , there would be but little need to secure us by laws against that wolf the prerogative ; and that it is much better trusting power with some kings , than others . the late king could commit seven of our peers at one time without and against the law ; whereas his majesty , though encompassed with avowed enemies in two of his kingdoms , and some as discontented as the author in the third . and though by the late statutes he had power to commit , i may say , at his pleasure , yet i believe those so committed by him , will scarce exceed the number lately carried to the tower at one time ; so that upon experience of his prudent moderation , and that he does not use his power for the oppression of those that do not love him : i see not why the parliament may not continue this trust for some time longer , at least until ireland be as well setled as the rest of the kingdoms . the 12th article is , by our author , made up of two , i suppose on purpose to lessen the number ; and is , that excessive fines have been imposed , and illegal and cruel punishments inflicted . to which he says , that the persons so fined were adjudged to deserve them ; and if so , they were not excessive ; or the king out of his extraordinary clemency remitted a great part of them . but our author does not tell us how many were so fortunate as to meet with this extraordinary clemency ; i am confident he might have incerted that list without swelling his book to any extraordinary size ; i know none that received any relief this way ; i have heard that the fine of 30000 pounds , imposed on my lord devonshire , against the rules of honour as well as justice , was not remitted ; but that his lordship was forced to give his bond for the same , which hung over his head until king william's coming to the throne ; so this cannot be said to have been remitted , though it was not paid ; and one would think this had been as fit a case for the experiment our author speaks of , as any that happened in his reign ; if we consider that such beinous offences , as assaults used anciently to be punished by a fine of ten groats ; the restoring the five thousand pounds to mr. solicitor williams , that had formerly been exacted of him as speaker , does neither excuse the judges from the injury they did the house of commons in that matter ; nor can the author say it was remitted , nor can i believe it proceeded barely from his forgiving nature . i am sure no part of oate●'s punishment was forgiven , though there was scope enough to have pardoned much , and to have him still under the lash . our author upbraids the convention in being advocates for oates , and countenancers of perjury by this article . if there had been no other persons cruelly or illegally handled , there might have been some suspicion of , as if this article had respected his case : but since this is the case of many others , it is hard judging it done in favour of any one of them : but without turning advocate for oates , i may say , that though he were guilty of what he is accused of by those two indictments ; yet if the rest , or the material parts of his evidence were true , the easiest discipline had been hard measure : but supposing there had been no popish plot , that his whole story had been a fiction , his crime had then been very heinous , and had deserved the severest punishment the law could inflict , but no more : and if the king or his judges had thought that this monstrous perjury had deserved a severer punishment than the laws in being prescribed , as ( certainly it did , supposing it really so ) the matter should have been represented to the parliament , which in this case might have been done without any delay , the parliament being to meet within three days after the passing of this arbitrary sentence . and if they had been satisfied of his villany , doubtless they would have made him a perpetual object of the legislative justice ; but certainly a power of perpetually tormenting , burying people alive , and fining beyond ability of payment , or any regard to the rule salvo contenemento , is too great a power to be intrusted with beneplacito judges . if the author had come through their hands for such a libel against that government , as his book is against this , i dare say he would have been convinced of the truth of these two articles . in the handling of these heads , our author insinuates king james's clemency from the many pardons by him granted , which is scarce worth the disputing now ; but that he does thence encourage us to come again within his power . to the end therefore , that he may not impose too much upon unwary people by this topick ; let us remember , first , that he suffered his coronation to pass over without any pardon , though the nations were then in a profound peace : the excuse for this is , that this was reserved for the parliament ; of this we are assured by himself , and that monmouth's rebellion hindered it from passing then . but how to reconcile this to a forgiving nature , i see not ; that rebellion made a pardon , as well more necessary as generous : but then how should those rebellious vermin have been rooted out ? jeffery's campaign was the more effectual way ; therefore it was not fitting to throw such a rub therein , that might have reserved some of those ill-principled men for the next mischief ; therefore it was agreed that a competent time should be allowed to rid the kingdom of them . that after ten months had been successfully spent in this prosecution , the nation on the tenth of march — 85 , is blessed with a proclamation called , a most gracious and general pardon . it is well his majesty gave it a name , for otherwise people would scarce have known what to have called it ; for we find near two hundred , by name , excepted out of it ; a number greater than ever suffered for any former rebellion ; about a fourth part of those were women ; which is enough to make one believe , that the duke's army was composed of amazons : and further , all that lan●e● with the duke of monmouth , or were officers in his army , or re●uted so , are excepted by another clause , and all bodies polltick and incorporate . these things would almost tempt one to credit the report , that they excepted all persons out of that pardon whose names they could learn ; and rather than let one escape , they excepted them by half their names ; for in so unchristian a matter , they regarded not christian names ; and that their rage was levelled against all persons concerned in that unfortunate business , will appear more plain , if we consider the quality of the persons excepted in that general indempnity . marriners and semstrices are of so considerable a rank , as to be expresly mentioned ; and so many of them were of that mean quality , that some judged it a greater indignity to lord macklesfeild to be ranked with such fellows , than to be excepted out of the pardon . as for the general pardon of the 2d of october — 88 , it did reach more offenders than most kings have had occasion to pardon ; but then they were such as were made so by his own instigation ; so that the least he could do , was to pardon those offences , of which he was not only an accessory , but the chief promoter ; for all others , it came in a time as little needed as regarded ; and the same or worse may be said of his salisbury pardon of the 22d of september . so that i think there is but little encouragement from any , or all of these , to trust him any more . the last article is , that several grants and promises were made of fines and forfeitures before conviction . this is so great a breach of the law , and leaves so great a stain , that our author chuses rather to deny the truth of it , than to justifie or extenuate it ; and though of the whole number it is the only one he dares venture to deny , yet it is as great a truth as the others , though i am but little acquainted with the private intreigues of this sort . yet i can tell him of one tucker , that had not only his estate granted from him , but his wife also perswaded to leave him and marry another man ; and the poor man , after a miserable languishing in gaol , without that small support he was promised by those that perswaded him to plead guilty to his indictment of treason , has a petition now lying before the house to be relieved in both , and to have his estate restored without the incumbrance of his wife ; which is no extravagant request , if it be true that she forsook him in his misery . though the parliament were pleased to mention no other grievances , yet i would not have our author too confident there were no other ; for certainly the displacing of the judges so frequently , and upon all occasions , was a great one in it self , and occasioned many more . this made some of them stick closer to their directions from court , than to the law , in many cases ; but for fear of this judgment , had never passed so quickly in sir edward hale's case . i should be glad to know what our author thinks of prosecuting the subject with great rigour upon pretended crimes ; as the bishop of london for not suspending dr. sharp ; the seven bishops for petitioning him in the most humble manner ; dr. burnet for the slip of his pen in a private letter , or for a less offence , as we may judge by their quitting the first , as soon as they had the other to lay hold on ; mr. baxter for his notes on the new testament ; these and many such like that might be instanced , shewed as if the government lay at catch , and were glad of an opportunity , no matter how , just or honourable , to be rid or revenged of any person they had no fancy to : this kept all persons under jealousies and apprehensions . has our author read the statute of charles the second , repealing the act for triennial parliaments ? if he has , let him tell me whether it was well observed ; if it had , it might have prevented many of our other grievances ; for the king would not have gotten ministers so fool-hardy as to have executed his orders , if they had thought that a parliament was likely soon to over-take them . lastly , i should be glad to know what our author thinks of those many grievances relating to ireland . i shall only instance in my lord tyrconnel's government , that being the foundation and support of most of the rest . the sword was no sooner put into his hands , but he displaces our protestant lord chancellor , attorney-general and prime serjeant , and lord chief baron , before term ; and the judges , who were always appointed in hillary-term for the lent-circuit , waited beyond that for his approbation ; the consequence whereof was , that the two protestant serjeants were put by , and paplsts , their juniors , sent in their stead . his next blessing to the nation was such a sett of sheriffs , the like whereof that or no other nation ever saw ; and his majesty was so eager for these tools , that lord clarendon was ordered not to name them ; and though usually the sheriffs are named in november , this year , waiting for his coming , we had them not until the middle of february ; and then many of them were men of no estates . to reprise the country in case they injured them , little understanding , and less honesty to direct them in the due execution of their offices ; which discouraged many so much , that they chose rather to venture the loss of their debts by not suing , than by suing , venture it in the sheriff's hands ; and in that vacation he attacked all the corporations in the kingdom with quo warranto's , and soon afterwards disseised several persons of their offices , wherein they had free-holds , by putting others in their places ; as bruno talbot was made chancellor of the exchequer , in the place of sir charles meridith ; and captain giles lieutenant-general of the ordnance , in the place of sir albert coningham , though they both had patents of their imployments for their lives . i might go on with the mention of other injuries heaped by him on the protestants , to the length of a just volume . but in hopes that we shall not be any more troubled with him , i will forbear . having so long followed our author close to his own method , without omitting any thing that he can judge material : for the future i will only consider the principal of his assertions and insinuations , having already been so much longer than i at first intended . i have spoken to the late king's concessions before the prince's landing : to which i shall now add , because our author lays so great stress thereon , that if his intentions had been so candid and princely , as the author phrases it , why did he not suffer the parliament to meet in january , as he promised ? why was he so angry at the peers that desired it the 17th of november ? why did he so long resist its sitting , until he should be in a condition to keep his word , or not as he pleased . this he denied to those bishops our author says he granted so much to . lastly , it must be noted , that though the king redressed some of our grievances , yet he did not take away the great cause of our jealousie and complaint : as for instance , he cancelled the ecclesiastical commission , but did not disclaim the power of setting up another when he should think fit ; nay , did not so much as promise not to do it : and for any assurance that we had , he might by another court have punished these bishops for their present presumption , and medling with state-affairs ; neither did he ever disclaim his absolute power over us , nor lay aside his dispensing power , by which alone he could have rendred all our relief in parliament useless ; therefore so long as he kept that , all that he could do for us could not satisfie ; because without it we could not be secure for any longer time than the jesuit's fears kept them in order . next our author would insinuate a strange proposition , that the states contributed to the invasion with a design to ruin our trade . in answer to which , i say , that it cannot be supposed that they have forgotten what helped well , if not laid the first foundation of their trade and greatness ; and why they should not expect as much profit from the struggles about religion in king james's time , as from those in queen mary's time , i cannot tell : surely popery is not less terrible to us now , than it was then , that we should more tamely submit to it than we did then . we have seen in france some late effects of prevailing popery , that does not more surprize than instruct us to be on our guards ; to which the danger of our civil rights being joyned , all undermined by the dispensing power and obedience without reserve : surely the same , or worse effects as to us , might have been expected now , than followed in those days , that only contended about religion . where that persecution forced an hundred abroad , in all probability king james , if he had not been diverted , would have forced away a thousand with their effects ; most whereof , as they did in those days , must , for the old reason , have setled in the low-countries . would not persecution here have forced our labourers and marriners to take shelter with them , which had been a double advantage , one by lessening our stock , another by adding to theirs ? they were not so dull-sighted as not to see this , but compassion to us , and to the protestant interest , made them neglect that and other advantages they could have made of our home distractions . but then it is hard to conj●cture how their trade could thrive or get any advantage of o●rs in a joynt war , when , in all probability , the first fury of the enemy would light on them : one would think it were easier for the french to make a descent on some of the dutch territories , than on ours , unless their rivers were more unpassable than our ocean : it is not so long since the french were there , that one should forget the way , or the other the dismal havock they then made , although they managed a fairer sort of war than they now do : if they had not provided a good army this summer , the palatinate had not singly complained of the french fires : but the tide is turned , and i hope we are both equally free . if convoys , as he says , will secure their trade , that will secure ours as much ; so that this is only thrown in out of hopes to discontent some persons , who have not forgotten the hard words given to the dutch in the two last reigns ; though now it appears that the wars then carried on against them were the first step of the design laid against the protestant religion , though emulation in trade and some other things were insisted on to keep up the resentments of the nation , just in the author's gant. but the cheat being at last , though too late perceived , we remember how zealous the long parliament was for the last peace with holland , and a strict alliance with them against france ; neither have we forgotten how many prorogations this cost them . so that now , in relation to holland , we are arrived to that happy union with them the nation so long ago desired ; and that parliament which gave so many extravagant sums for the carrying on both those wars , when they were made believe they were either necessary or honourable , cannot be supposed to have changed their noat so much out of kindness to the dutch , as out of a just regard to the true interest of the natio● . to the same purpose is our author's complaint of admitting the dutch into our harbors , viewing our docks and strong holds , and making our ports and shipping intirely theirs : for surely our king knows as much of their harbors and government , as their state-holder does of ours ; and so we are even with them : but indeed we were even before , each knowing as much of the other as is requisite ; and unless lord torrington be no english-man , and all our sea-men , as well as captains , have lately changed their country , our fleet cannot be said to be theirs : if there be any factious men in holland , they may more justly make this complaint , since their fleet has this summer been commanded by an english-man , and the king of england's commission . our author brings in the name of piers gaveston here only to amuse the vulgar ; for the having an influence over a prince is not the harm , that is in the ill use made thereof , which is not to be done but where our princes are weak men : as in the case of the spencers in edward the second's time ; father peters in another reign ; and others that might be named : but our king has no favourite but his people , norany interest separate from theirs . page 31. our author tells us , such a delivery up of ones country was never known before , nor acted by any party of english-men : but i can tell him of a worse , and that is the delivery up of ireland to the irish , the ancient and sworn enemies of the english nation ; they were so before religion came to make any difference , and rebelled as often against their popish as protestant princes , never missing any opportunity they could lay hold on ; their hatred is so inveterate , and has gone so far , as to destroy the english cattel , rather than preserve them for their own use , though of a far better breed than theirs ; and all out of hatred to the country from whence they came ; out of the same aversion severe statutes has not been able to learn them the language in many generations , nor to abolish many of their barbarous customs ; and let no man justifie or excuse this by the seeming success , for all the relief they can afford him , will not keep him long out of the monastry our author speaks of . but then , i say , king james could not foresee what has fallen out ; for as hot as his zeal is , if we may judge by what he did on the news of the intended invasion , he would have taken other measures , if his priests had not fooled him with hopes of better success , and that he should be able to accomplish his designs . so this was not the reason that induced king james to take a method so different from all his popish predecessors with the irish . next , i say , that his relying so much , as really he did , on succours from ireland ; and the expectation of the mighty power he had there , emboldened him to attempt what otherwise he would have thought too hazardous here , out of affinity with the matter in hand . i cannot omit taking notice of that assertion of our authors , that divine providence , in consideration , as he supposes , of the unjustness of the late king's sufferings , hath with little effusion of blood given him the intire possession of ireland : which is so true , that he was not able at the expence of ten thousand lives , and three months close siege , to take in the small town of derry . and that other part of the assertion , as to the intire possession , is so much otherwise , that the protestants of ireland have all this time had twelve garrisons in their possession , wherein many protestants were sheltred from the rage of their enemies , and the neighbouring country secured from their french tricks . when our author tells us of the dutch stivers , and the changing our gold for brass , certainly he did not think of king james's new irish coin ; by which a piece of copper , less than an english farthing , with the royal image and inscription , passes from him for six-pence , and so proportionably ; but yet it must not be re-paid to him in his revenue , which is another invention to rob the protestants there of all that the army or rapperies have left them . this is so palpable a violation of our property , and in so high a degree , that no story can parallel it . in former times , when leather-money passed amongst us , the inducement to perswade the using of it was , that it should be received in the revenue ; and that as soon as conveniently could be , it should be called in at the value it issued out ; and accordingly so it was : but that is not practicable now , at least to the advantage of any more of the nation , than the last possessors ; all the other hands it passes through being certainly losers , if in the neighbourhood it be not as much valued as my silver one , which doubtless it will not be . it is no strange thing to have money inhanced something above the intrinsick value ; it has been the misfortune of most states to be forced in difficult times to make use of this expedient to increase their coin : but then as there always was an assurance from such government , that it should not only be received in all payments to be made at the exchequer , but also called in at last ; so there was also some proportion or de●orum kept in the advancement . thus in the worst of the late times , when the duke of ormond coined his own plate , and all that the respect to him , or the cause that he defended could gather together , he thought it sufficient to add a tenth part , and so made five shillings out of four and six-pence : so in the harp-money , we find a fourth part added ; and a nine-pence was issued out for a shilling : so that in the first case i had nineteen pounds instead of twenty pounds ; and in the worst fifteen pounds ; whereas from king james and his people , i shall receive but sixteen shillings eight-pence for my twenty pounds ; which is but the twenty-fourth part of what i ought to have received . this is the first time that ever any thing , pretending to the name of a government , was so bankrupt as to issue money that did not carry intrinsick value above the twenty-fourth part of its name . the story of the frogs in the fable was formerly so satyrically applied , that our author should have avoided the bringing it into our memory ; but he writes without considering the consequences , or how severely his allegations may be returned . england is 'twixt york and thee , the fable of the frog ; he the devouring stork , and thou the log. so he justifies the late king 's retiring into france , because all princes and states besides france were actually engaged against him ; without considering the other edge , that there was little conscience , and less prudence in disobliging all the states of europe in favour of france ; or how from hence we may argue , that that king , who has all the states of europe on his back , will be able to afford but little relief to his exiled ally : and one would think the usage the late king met with , when he was last in france , was no temptation to run the risque of a second command , to retire out of the territories of his most christian majesty . but in this we must excuse him , for certainly he has not only forgotten the usage he met wi●● there , but also that ever he was there , otherwise he would not have added to the causes of his first exile . but then this reciprocal love between france and him , was no argument why he might not have stayed at home ; his fear was not from the rabble , as our author says , for they huzza'd his return from feversham ; but the truth is , he feared a parliament , and that they would secure the religion and liberties of the subject , and so ruin all his hopes of establishing popery , which it seems he feared more than the abdicating of his crowns . our author pretends he would have gone to scotland , but that his fleet had deserted him , and there was danger in the land way . to which i say , a single ship could have carried him to scotland , as well as france ; but then it was offered him to chuse his place of residence ; and at what distance from the parliament ; and with what number of guards he pleased : but he liked not this , because it supposed a parliament . but since his fears were so strong upon him , that stay he durst not , why did he not leave us some sort of government ? was there no ballast so proper for his ship as the broad seal , which was never carried beyond sea but once before ? and it was then reckoned as a crime in him that did it , though the cardinal left the king behind him ; but we had neither shadow nor substance left us , which is the first act of kindness he ever did this nation , freeing us thereby from those chains wherewith we had ●ashly bound our selves . towards the latter end , our author would perswade us , that it is a calumny cast upon the late king , to say he endeavours to be re-instated singly upon a popish interest , and goes about to prove this by his proclamations : a weak argument this time of the day ; but he enforces it by the good treatment he gives the irish protestants . but our author might as well prove that the french king expects the possession of the palatinate , and the neighbouring territories , from his kind usage of the inhabitants , though king james's army cannot take towns the ●●●nch way ; yet to shew the world they have learned some●●●●g from the french general , sent to assist them ; they have burned them the french way ; and in this have been so good scholars , that they have out-done their masters ; so that all his labour is not lost , for they have lately burned more towns in vlster , than the king of france in germany : some of them we can reckon ; as in the county of derry , newtown , lema●addy-muffe , monymore , dawsons-bridge , kilrea , ballyagby ; in the county of donegall , raphae donegall ; in tyrone-omegh , castle●arfeild ; in down , newry ; in the counties of cavan and monaghan , castlesanderson , farnam , and other good houses , ( if not some towns ) which is one proof , that what they did of this sort , was out of rage and malice , and not with any design to incommede or prejudice the english army : for what great relief could an army find in one house ? but what puts this matter beyond all dispute , they left the town of strabane , seituate within ten miles of derry , unburnt , in the middle of their rage and flames , because it belonged to the earl of abercorn , who is a papist , and lord strabane of that kingdom ; and all this havock has been made since the late king's arrival there . it is needless , after this , to mention the plunderings and robberies of every protestant in the kingdom : but , in fact , so it is , that not one of them has escaped ; and if this should be excused , as done against his will , and without his consent , and as the out-rage of a cruel and ill-paid army ; if it be so , let him be blameless ; but then do not tell us of the good treatment he hath given the irish protestants : if the blame thereof be taken from him , and placed to the account of the war , he has justice done him , without pretending to any merit from his kindness to the protestants ; which will be much lessened , if we consider , that not one single man of the nation has been redressed : flocks of cattel cannot be so spirited away , but some part of them may and have been found out ; but little restitution to the proprietors , and less of punishment on the offendors . then again , though robberies might have been in the country , and at a distan●● from him , yet it is something strange that he could not p●serve the place of his own residence , and the country about it from such violences ; for which he has done so little , that no part of the kingdom has greater reason to complain than they . from these considerations i am as much satisfied , that the royal assent accompanied these rapines , as that it did ; that far greater one , the repeal of the acts of settlement . how the advocates of king james will maintain this treatment of his protestant subjects , i cannot tell ; neither can i tell how to reconcile his speech to his pretended parliament on the 7th of may , proposing their relief against the acts of settlement , as he softly phrased it ; and his declaration to his pretended subjects in england , dated the day after that most gracious speech ; wherein he tells us , that the priviledges and properties of his protestant subjects was his care ; unless they say it was his care and endeavour how to destroy them . we have heard of mr. d'avaux's demand , that all protestants should be dismissed the council-board , for otherwise he could not disclose his master's secrets there ; which was immediately done . we have heard from one of his lords , that both the late king and his popish council , would rather hazard and lose forty crowns , than be obliged to the protestants for the possession of the kingdom , and design to re-gain his dominions by the arms of good catholicks , and the glorious monarch of france ; and their reason for this is very comfortable to all english-men and protestants : being that in the first case , he must be tied and fettered with conditions ; but in the other case he would come in free and boundless , and , like an absolute conqueror , might do what he pleased . i thought i had done with our author , when i cast my eye on a line as true as most of the rest , that the king never tempted any of the men of honour to change their religion . i never had the honour of being closetted , so know not the discourses usually practised there ; but it would be some disparagement to his , and his father-confessor's zeal , to think that always forgotten . but without insisting on that , it is not to be imagined that so many turned apostates without temptation ; or that the treasurer's staff carried none with it . our author makes him kinder herein , than his promise in the scotch declaration , not to use invincible necessity . the reflections due to this have been done by so much a better hand , that i will forbear . and having thus done with the author , it is time to draw to a conclusion : in order to which , i will only observe upon the whole matter , that the subjects of this kingdom , during the reign of king james , were in so miserable a condition , that they could call nothing their own , but their fears and sad apprehensions of the worse things that were preparing for them . when we heard we were to obey without reserve , we could not forget the times of our happy ancestors , whose obedience was guided by the known laws of the land , and lament our own and childrens fate that were to be ruled by the arbitrary will of one man , for whose prudence and moderation we could have no security . when we saw a power to suspend some laws put in execution , we could not but look on all the rest as lost , since our tenure was so precarious . when we saw our clergy so much oppressed in those early days , we did not doubt father peter's will or power to improve that spirit of persecution , as far as a blind zeal , or the french pattern could carry it . when we saw an army maintained in time of peace , we could not forbear thinking sometimes on the french dragoons , and their way of propagating the faith. in a word ; when we saw the strange methods that were taken to procure a right house of commons , we could not but fear , that our misery would be perfected by those we formerly thought the preservers of our liberties and properties . and now that it hath pleased god to put an end to all these things ; and that we are not only free , but have a long prospect of happiness before us ; not to be destroyed , but by our selves ; not to be lessened or impaired , but by the influence of such discourses as the author 's on weak or unwary men. let us remember how much it concerns every one of us to oppose those designs , which tend only to bring us into the same slavery we have so lately escaped : the same did i say ? alas , as ill as we were before the abdication upon his return , that would be a desirable state ; unless we believe he has learned mercy in france , or that he is less a papist than he was , or of less arbitrary principles . when gratitude for the highest obligations , both the setting and keeping the crown on his head , could not preserve us , our laws or religion , what must we expect from his anger and revenge ? and if we consider with what severity the weak endeavours of monmonth and his party , to dethrone him , were punished . it is hard to imagine what punishment is reserved for those that have actually displaced him , or taken him at his word , which he accounts the same thing ; and we must not think that his thunder would only pursue those that have been active in the late revolution , but the whole nation must be struck with it , that it may not be in their power to do the same thing again ; and it would be a mighty army , he would think , big enough to secure him from the like affront ; and of what sort they must be , is not hard to determine . i know it is needless to inlarge on these hints , because you are fully perswaded that it is the most prudent , as well as just course , to remain contented with the present government , and to contribute in our several stations , what in us lies , to the support thereof . finis . errata . pag. 3. line 31. for october , read november . p. 4. l. 32. r. so served . p. 7. l. 34. r. november . p. 37. l. 3. r. december . p. 40. l. 19. after another , r. commandment . in the same line dele of the commandments . p. 41. l. 17. r. commissioners . p. 43. l. 10. r. twig , instead of way . p. 44. l. 36. r. support him . p. 48. l. 11. r. burgus . p. 49. l. 5. r. magnifies . p. 52. l. 26. dele first of . books printed for j●seph watts at th● angel in st. pauls church-yard . the history of ireland from the first conquest of it by the english , to this time , in two parts , folio . the trial of the lord russel , &c. — of colonel sidney , folio . — of edward fitzharris , &c. an exact diary of the late expedition of his majesty into england , quarto . representation of the threatning dangers impending over protestants in great britain before the coming of their majesties king william and queen mary . treatise of monarchy , in two parts , 1. concerning monarchy in general , and second concerning this particular monarchy . wherein all the questions occurrent in both are stated , disputed , and determin'd . discourse of the opposition of the doctrine , worship and practice of the roman church , to the nature , designs , and characters of the christian faith , by gilbert lord bishop of salisbury , quarto . the true test of the jesuits , or the spirit of that society disloyal to god , their king and neighbour , quarto . monsieur jurieu's account of the extasies of the shepperdess of saou in dauphine , quarto . reformed devotions , in meditations , hymns and petitions , for every day in the week , and every holiday in the year . twelves . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a55705-e330 cro. c. 114. cro. c. 220. letter to a friend containing certain observations upon some passages which have been published in a late libell intituled, the third part of no protestant-plot and which do relate to the kingdom of ireland. 1682 approx. 61 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a41180 wing f748 estc r24027 07940715 ocm 07940715 40595 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41180) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 40595) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1206:9) letter to a friend containing certain observations upon some passages which have been published in a late libell intituled, the third part of no protestant-plot and which do relate to the kingdom of ireland. ferguson, robert, d. 1714. 23 p. [s.n.], dublin : re-printed 1682. attributed by wing to r. ferguson. "the authorship of no protestant plot is usualy ascribed to shaftesbury, but claimed by robert ferguson"--national union catalog pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp 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tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ferguson, robert, d. 1714. -no protestant plot. -part 3. ireland -history -1660-1688. 2004-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-07 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-07 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion letter to a freind , containing certain observations upon some passages , which have been published in a late libell intituled , the third part of no protestant-plot ; and which do relate to the kingdom of ireland dublin ▪ re-printed mdclxxxii sir , i have received the third part of no protestant plot which you were pleased to send me out of england : and i cou'd have wished the two preceding parts had accompanied it which i don't find are to be met with in this kingdom ; but i am apt to believe you did forbear the sending of them , because they might not possibly contain such things as the other does is relation to ireland , and concerning which you onely desire to be satisfied in . and therefore i am as heartily thankful for this , as i have been honestly careful to inform my self by the most authentick papers and the most knowing persons in affairs here , with what truth the particulars of it touching this kingdom are related in it ; for i will not pretend to meddle with its relations as to other places , both because they are no part of your commands to me , and in regard i have not the same opportunities of coming to the knowledg of them : but this i may adventure to say , that if the author did use no greater sincerity in his delivery of passages as to the one , than he has shewn as to the other , he is absolutely one of the most malicious and barefaced libellers that ( even in this time of excess of such creatures ) has been produced : for not to detain you too long with prefacing , but as briefly as may be to come to the matter , neither therein to follow this libeller with a direct or formal answer , for fear of falling into the error against which solomon thus cautions , answer not a fool in his own kind least thou also be like unto him . but only to make some few animadversions upon his libel , for the detection of his mallice , and the conviction of his falshoods in those parts of it which touch this kingdom and the government of it , according as you expect , and i have premised ; i find , that althô at his first entrance upon irish affairs in page the 2d . of his libel , he appears as an abhorter of the bloody and cruel massacres committed by the papists in the late rebellion of ireland , yet he onely assumes that shape in this conjucture of time , the better to insinuate himself with , and the more plausibly to convey unto the too credulous populace , his designed calumnies upon persons concerned in the present government of this kingdom ; who are all firm protestants , and most of whom by their zealous oppositions of the popish party during the time of that rebellion , as every of them by their steady administrations since , have manifested the greatest abhorrency in the world of those cruelties ; although they are opposite to the present factiovs and pretended protestant party ; which therefore thus hires and employs base and mercenary fellows to invent and publish scandals of them . and notwithstanding he wou'd in page the 16. where he makes his next step as to ireland , seem only to inveigh against the ingratitude of the papists for the lenities they might have received , yet in his handling thereof , he scatters malicious invectives against the ministers here , and unjustly glances upon them , by making instances of lenity to have been extended to the papists , and of severity to have been measured to the dissenters since the kings restauration , most whereof are perfectly invented , and not any of them can this government reasonably be charged with . of the former sort are these his following allegations musterd up in page the 17th viz. first , that priests and friers are tollerated to swarm and openly to celebrate mass in ireland . the contrary whereof is universally known in the kingdom ; repeated proclamations having been issued from the lord lieutenant and council for the banishing of friers , and all others of the popish regular and titular clergy out of this dominion , and promising rewards which have been punctually performed to such as shou'd find and seize them , which for a great while has render'd that sort of people not to be visible in these parts , and for the priests ( who were permitted to stay in all times , in so much , that not any of the orders which came out of england , nor even an address which was lately made by the house of commons there to the king , & by his majesty sent hither for banishing the rest of the popish clergy , did mention them ) althô they are suffer'd to remain , yet are they so strictly inhibited by proclamations , and those of them caught offending so severely punished , that for a considerable time here has not been any such open celebration of the mass heard of amongst us , as the libeller hath falsly suggested , secondly , that the introduction of the whole popish hierarchy into this kingdom was connived at , and a publick assembly of the papal clergy allowed by a commission of the duke of ormonde to be held and to sit in 1666. the scandalous untruth of both which , do upon inquiry appear very evidently , for as to that pretended commission for assembling of the papal clergy , which i begin with , because from what i shall say by way of answer to it , will naturally flow a confutation of that feigned connivance of the popish hierarchy : it is to be observed that as my lord duke of ormonde , whose word will surely outweigh that of the libellers , do's utterly deny his ever having granted a commission of that kind , so is there no such thing to be found , nor the least footstep● of it to be met with in any of the offices , through which all commissions must pass before they can be of any vertue , and where they are recorded for every one to have recourse unto ; besides , the ground upon which it is manifest the libeller wou'd raise this structure , and the sourse from whence it is plain he wou'd derive this objection , when explained , and considered , cannot bear or warrant any such thing , for they stand thus , peter walsh ( who was a stiff opposer both of the popes nuntio , and of the whose rebellious party in ireland during all the time of the irish rebellion ) sometime after the kings restauration having projected and presented to his majesty , a remonstrance signed by him and divers other roman catholicks of this kingdom , and containing the highest expressions of loyalty to his majesty , and the largest assurances of fidelity to the crown , that had ever before been tender'd by papists , and which proved so derogatory to the vsurpations of the pope , that it was discountenanced and censur'd at rome , lovain , and other popish vniversities , and oppos'd by the popes internuncio then residing at bruxels , who did all that in him lay to dehort papists against it , and upon the account of all which , the subscribers and adherers to it have not dar'd unto this day to adventure their persons into any forreign parts where the pope bears sway . his majesty was very well satisfied with it , and upon walsh's repairing into this kingdom about the year 1666. for propagating such the doctrine of it ( which no loyal protestant cou'd be against ) was pleased to send his instructions to my lord duke of ormonde his then lord lieutenant , for his suffering of peter walsh to meet with some titular bishops , at that time here , to perswade them by his arguments , and to gain others of the papists by their examples , to subscribe unto that remonstrance ; which meeting his grace accordingly permitted , but onely , and so strictly to that end proposed , as he was both vigilant in seeing that those bishops did not make use of it to any other purpose , and careful in providing that they shou'd not take up too much time , even in the doing of that business , and therefore very early perceiving that they cou'd not come to such an agreement as might produce the effects which were expected , he ordered them not only to disperse , but to quit the kingdom , insomuch that afterwards when his grace was call'd from the government , there were not above three popish bishops remaining , two whereof were bedrid and the third absconded ; althô when his grace returned again to the government ( in immediate succession to my lord of essex ) he found no less then thirteen of them to be here , and them he has caused to be driven out also , and this sufficiently confutes the libellers allegation , of his graces conniving at the popish hierarchy being introduced , which in english is governance , since he did thus expel the governors in whom it resided . thirdly , that when the plot was to have been executed in england anno 1678. there were no fewer than fifteen sheriffs in ireland , who were either professed and avowed papists , or such as bred and educated their children in religion ; the notorious untruth whereof appeares by original roll of the sheriffs of that year ( whose names are placed in the margin * to abide all scrutiny if there shou'd be occasion ) not one of them there mentioned being so principl'd , or suspected to be so quallified , especially by my lord lieutenant , who cannot be supposed to know every mans person , much less to look into his heart who happens to be placed in that office , and therefore if one or two differently quallified should chance to have escaped him through want of knowledge or information , and throughout a whole kingdom , his grace might very well be excused in such a case , as it falling out that there was not one in this , he is to be extremly justified . and whereas he affirms , that the papists have promiscuously before with his majesties protestant subjects been advanced to several places of power and trust , if he means publick places of power and trust , as he must if he means any thing he says , upon a strict inquiry made it cannot be found that any papists have had advancements of that kind since his majesties restauration , save only such of them as were made justices of the peace by the lord berkley's orders in the time of his government , and colonel richard talbott made captain of a troop of horse by commission from the earl of essex when he was chief governour , so as the present government which this reflection most darts at appears to be the least intitled to it . ●ourthly , that though a proclamation was published in ire●●●d , for searching the houses of all roman catholiques for arms , 〈◊〉 when the sheriff of the county of galway went in ●●rsuance thereof to search the earl of clanrickards ●●use , where as be was informed all the papists in that county ●●d lodged their arms , the said earl produced a warrant from 〈◊〉 lord lieutenant the duke of ormonde that his ●ouse should not be searched , which article althô it be placed in ●●age the 27th of the libell yet for order sake is ranked and ●aken notice of here with the others of page the 17th in the libell because it is of the same nature , and of the like truth with them : for my lord duke of ormonde was so far from granting a warrant to that earl to hinder his house from being searched for arms , that he never so much as gave him a licence to keep any , but contrarywise where the earl of essex in his government had given the said earl his licence to keep a quantity of armes , they were since by my lord duke of ormond's orders taken from him , and delivered into the publick stores . lastly he alleadges , that yet while all this forbearance and tenderness have been expressed to the papists , the dissenters have fallen under the misfortune of having an express law made against them , and divers of them have been prosecuted to fine and imprisonment upon it . wherein the libeller shews his ignorance as well as his malice , for although the statute of 2d . eliz. for the vniformity of common-prayer in this kingdom ( which is without doubt against the papists , and who are frequently prosecuted upon it ) should by construction be extended unto the dissenters , ( as i never heard it to be so adjudged in the case of any of them , so far are they from having been prosecuted notwithstanding their openly numerous and frequent meetings ) yet was there never any particular express law made against them either before , or as the libeller wou'd have it believed , since the kings restauration , and as that too moderate act of 2d . elizab. be all that is in force against the papists or that can be supposed to be against the dissenters , so it is to be wished that for the quiet of the kingdom , more and severer laws were made against both . and this brings me to the latter part of my assertion , that as most of the libellers instances of the lenity shewn the papists and of the severity extended to the dissenters in this kingdom , since the kings restauration are invented , which i hope i have fully proved to you , so that none of them can be reasonably charged upon the present government , which i think , i shall be able very easily and briefly to shew you , for all the libeller observes with semblance of truth and which looks like an objection in that point as to this government against which he levells it , is , that there hath not any laws been made against the papists in ireland since the kings return , save one against there living in wall'd towns , but if the method of enacting laws in ireland be thought upon , how that by poynings act the chief governour cannot call a parliament , for the making of laws in that kingdom , before he prayes the king and councils leave for it , and transmits some bills for their approbation to be passed in it , and untill he receives those bills back again with licence for the calling of a parliament , and if it be consider'd that my lord lievtenant the duke of ormond since his being here , hath repeatedly prayed such licence , and transmitted bills , whereof some were as effectuall against the papists ( although there were none among them against other dissenters ) as cou'd be devised , and that he and the kingdom were disappointed therein , by the oppositions of some persons who are mightily extoll'd by the libeller , that objection of there being no more laws against the papists cannot in the least affect this government , especially in the person of the duke of ormond , neither can his grace be thought to be concerned in the letter of suspension of , or dispensation with the law against papists living in wall'd towns , which the libeller mentions ; that being procured and executed when the lord berkly was governour , no more than he is to be responsible if the orders for the taking off that suspension which the libeller passes over with silence and which were grounded upon the address of the house of commons in england , were not as effectually , as they shou'd be put in execution here , they happening to come over hither in the time of the earl of essex's government . after the libeller has thus , as in a false artificial glass , which is able to make the best faces look deformed , misrepresented our governour● and others co-oporating with him for the kings service in the government , and as he fancies has by his traducements of them rendred the worst of things , which he the worst of men can feign to be believed concerning them ; he proceeds to page the 40th , and from having before endeavoured to asperse them as if they shou'd by his fictious indulgences to the papists incourage them in the old popish plot ; he there advances and in effect charges them with being abettors with them in the new fangled protest ant plot ; but the persons he names for support of this charge are some of them , so ridiculously idle , and others of them so notoriously wicked , and the instances he brings for proof of it , are all of them so manifestly false , that if the libeller were not possest with a singular spirit of folly as well as of lying , he wou'd never have mention'd them , for as to smith who i find to be the first of the persons named , he is such an abject wretch , and so great a malefactor , and even in the goal , where he has most deservedly layn for a great while , and still lies , do's daily appear so vicious a thing , that he had been only fit for the laws to take notice of , were it not for the nature of the information he gave in , which authority wou'd not pass over without examining , for be it known unto the libeller and to all such whose turn he wou'd serve , and under whose pay he writes , that those in government here , are as apprehensive of dangers as they can be ; though not as inventive of them as they , for this only reason , are , because not in government there ; therefore of the great sholes of informations brought in here , since the first discovery of the plot , and which tended to the proof of it , not one was ever rejected , althô coming from the vilest of men. and therefore when that of smith against the priest st. lawrance proffer'd it self at dublin , it was immediately received and solemnly proceeded upon , the lord primate who was then the first of the council on the place , by the lord lieutenants happening at that time to be in the country , having conven'd such counsellors as were in the town , and with them having given all necessary orders in that affair , which produced the immediate apprehension of st , lawrence , together with the seisure of his papers , and the commitment of his person , and smith had all the encouragement fit to be given him in this his discovery , insomuch that if any persons , were found , reflecting upon his evidence , they were reprimanded by the magistracy for it , but this did not answer his end , in what he designed and expected by making such discovery , being no less than that he shou'd forthwith be permitted to go out of prison upon the foot of it , which there was no reason in the earth yet to allow him , until he had to satisfaction either proved his accusation of st. lawrance upon his tryal , or disproved others accusations of himself , and for which he was imprison'd , upon his own tryal ; and therefore , he did betake himself unto another course , and to walk in the steps of some of his predecessors the irish evidences , who obtained their releasments out of prison in this kingdom where they found they were too much known , by getting themselves to be sent for as witnesses into england where they were too little known ; for which purpose , according to the mode of the times we are fallen into , he prepares a narative with a letter to inclose it in , unto a bvsie person at london in such matters , and by the assistance of , together with recomendatory letters from a half witted fellow and wretched rimer of this town ; gets them transmitted to him , who upon his receiving of them , and according to his accustomed manner of running headlong without weighing matters , or if he chance to do it , making the scales to light on that side which contains least truth , and is likliest to make the greatest stir , conducts them with all speed and bus●e to whithal , and in hopes of having this fresh informer or rather new engine sent for over to work with , lodges them with mr. secretary jenkins for the information of the king and covncil , having most dutifully and mannerly taken especial care before to print and publish them for the amusment of the world , but his majesty and the lords knowing this conductor and his drift too well , and experiencing such kind of artifices as this informer used too much , wou'd not be so passed upon by them and yet at the same time were pleased so far to take notice of those papers , as to send them over hither with orders to proceed upon them according to law here , where the matter of them were properly conizable , and where preparations were made for st lawrence his being strictly prosecuted upon them , the kings counsel having by order and with great circumspection formed a firm indictment for misdemeanor ( which was all that in their opinions the matter could bear ) to be preferred against him , and the iudges having carefully provided that no papist nor any suspected to be popishly affected shou'd pass upon the tryal of him , which came on the last michaelmas term in the kings bench , where a iury all consisting of the strictest protestants and ablest cittizens of the city of dublin did appear , where smith had the greatest liberty and latitude afforded to him , and which he made use of in the proffering and management of his evidence , that any court did ever give or witness take , and where st. lawrence ( whose person i know not , and whose professien i abominate , and therefore , you may be sure i speak impartially what was observed universally ) had nothing beyond meer iustice extended to him , and as a part thereof was that of allowance of counsel to plead for him , ( which the libeller with more malice than law makes his observation upon ) to be rekon'd , since he standing indicted for misdemeanor only , no iudicature cou'd have refused it to him iustly , so as all things seemed to concur , if not to have been calculated for st. lawrences condemnation , except smith himself , who by variety of villanies proved upon him in other cases , which he cou'd not deny , and by many and palpable incoherences and contradictions that fell from him in this case , which were not to be reconcil'd , did wholy prevent it , for they were the reasons that particularly swayed with the jury to acquit st. lawrence by their verdicts , and generally made all others who heard them , to do the like in their judgments , and these were the motives , which made the gentlemen of the long robe ( as they have declared ) to forbear , because they were ashamed to appear on the behalf of such a blur'd and stellionated creature , and none of those wild instances which the libeller invents and mentions only to debase them , and to reflect upon authority , and which it is to be observed he at once insinuates to be believed by others , and yet expresly says , he will not so much as conjecture them himself : so as he needed not in the conclusion of this his fable of smith , have any more told us that he was no diviner , than i need tell you after all this that he is an idle dreamer . the next man our libeller produces is james morley , whom he stiles captain morley , though i know not for what reason , unless it be because of his appearing at the head of the band of irish witnesses , which somtime since marched to london , and of his drawing them up with what he would have them swear unto for him , but however true he may be in giving of that title to him , i am sure he is most false in those things he relates of and possibly from him , and because the libeller will not be long before he makes my words good ( though neither i nor all the world will ever be able to make his so ) he no sooner mentions the name of morley , but as if it were a spell to raise a lye with , he falls plum into the telling of one concerning him , by introducing and expressing of him to have appeared and sworn before the committee of lords and commons in england , two consults which the papists had in ireland in reference to the extirpating the protestant religion in that kingdom ; whereas it appears by morleys examination taken either before a committee of the lords , or of the commons , or both , that he did not swear to those consults , but only to a hearsay touching them ; which he said he had from hubbert tirrell & henry ô neal , who it is to be observed , were two beggars , & such miscreants , that an honest and a discerning protestant who knew them as well as morley did , wou'd hardly have adventur'd to repeate any thing after them , much less to conduct what they shou'd say , unto publick assemblies , & in prejudice of any who was a protestant also , especially considering that as it is well know morley had such experience of their villanies , as before that time , he did reject their proferr'd oaths to him in some trial which he had in this kingdom , however afterwards he became so reconcil'd to them , as in the last parliament at westminster to make use of their names for injuriously accusing of sir. iohn davis , a person who with all his relations , have ever been eminent professors of the protestant religion , and for that reason known to be obnoxious to the popish party , and it is besides to be remarked that tirrell has lately and solemnly disavowed his ever having known of any such consults , and declared that what he had informed concerning them was a meer fiction , which as tyrrell alledges morley prompted and hired him to make , and to get others to swear unto for carrying on some designs of his own , and what is yet more remarkable ô neal ( who was lately hang'd for a robbery in this kingdom ) did just before he was thrown off the ladder , confess himself to be perjured , both in what he deliver'd as to those consvlts , and in what he had sworn against sir. john davis , and that he was by morleys desire led into the latter perjury , which confession coming from one in the instant he was going to the dead , must be convincing with all but such who will not be perswaded thô one rose from the dead ; after the libeller has thus begun and dispach'd this untruth of morlet , who has no reason to con him thanks for it , since it has provoked and produced the representation of these truths concerning him , he growes upon his own hands , and to shew his proficiency in the lying-trade , he proceeds to the delivery of a grosser falcity , in asserting , that six or seaven witnesses have been procured to depose in this kingdom , that morley was suborned by the earls of essex and shaftsbury , and by sr. robert clayton , to swear treason against the duke of ormonde the lord chancellor boyle and sir john davis , whereas upon search in the offices where things of that nature ( if any had been , ) wou'd be lodg'd , and upon inquiry from the officers who cou'd not but know of them if they were there , it cannot be found that ever any one such deposition was taken , or so much as heard of , but several examinations ( and with probability of truth too considering the before mentioned proceeding : of morlet ) do appear of his contrivances of that kind with people of infinite lower rankes , and it is to be hoped of infinite different principles too , than it can be thought the earls of essex and shaftsbury and sir robert clayton are of , who the lord duke of ormonde and those named with him do not suppose wou'd imbarque themselves with such a sort of man as morley is , and in such manner of designs as he was upon , so as the setting up of these imaginary depositions , which never had being but in this libeller's idle brain , and in his idler libell , must have been a piece of morley's magick , by such incantations to charm those persons of quality to stand by him in this time of his deservedly expiring credit , and to raise their spirits ( thô most vndeservedly ) against others whom his and the libellers malice would point them unto , and whom ( though it be imposible to find them out by the mark the libeller puts upon them , ) of having obtain'd those depositions , because there were never any such , yet by all this lurry about morley , i gess them to be certain persons of such uprightness and integrity as i am certain , they will not fear to have their actions plac'd in that approaching light of a parliament with which the libeller threatens them , and which then shines brightest when morley and the libeller , and such other sons of darkness are scatter'd from before it , and thanks be to god , we have no reason to despair of a blessing of that kind to attend that time , for the weather seems to clear very much , and the aire to be so well upon puryfying , that those infections cannot remain . and as the libeller has thus ingenuously in this paragraph represented things that never were , so he will not leave it off untill he has as ingenuously misrepresented matters otherwise than they were , according to the saying of fame , the true parent of this lying monster , that pariter facta atque infecta canebat ; thus purposely to reflect upon persons concerned in this government ( which the scope of his whole discourse as to ireland drives at ) he wou'd from the receiving an information which was given in here against morley , for such treasonable expressions as are not fit to be repeated , but in a judicial way of proceeding against him , and from the transmission which was made of it to the king and covncil in england infer a fondness , & i do not know what , to have been in them of it , whereas they did but as they were bound , in taking a matter of that dangerous import when it was offer'd , and as they wou'd have done , if it had related to any one elss besides morlet , and only observed their duty and the custome of their predecessors in transmitting ( as they alwaies did ) things of such a transcendent nature , let them concern whomsoever they wou'd , and why this ordinary practis'd method in all other cases , shou'd be thus extraordinarily handled and represented in morleys by the libeller , is what i cannot think of any other reason to be given for , but this , that he is a libeller ; besides , suppose it were true , as the libeller says , ( and it is the only thing he says of affairs in ireland which supposition it self can help ) that at the time of this transmission as to morley it was withal desired he shou'd be sent over hither to be tried , where his crime was supposed to be done , ( althô really no such thing was desired ) and that the king had granted it , which he neither did , nor denyed , because no application was made for it , dos the libeller believe himself ? or can he imagin any one elss will believe him in , but laugh at him for , this his doctrine thereupon , that it were illegal and arbitrary to send a malefactor to be tryed here for a fact commited by him here ; for surely that is as legal and looks some thing more reasonable than to send for persons from hence to be tryed in england for things they are only charged to have commited here , as we see has of late been practised , and which thô the lawyers say may be done in this case , i am sure no lawyer will ever allow what the libeller sayes in the other case , especially , if no pertinent●r reason be given than this , which he assignes for it , because the party was born and bred and has an estate in englamd , for such circumstances alone , can never protect any one in england , or ireland , from answering for his breach of the laws in either kingdom , and in that kingdom too , where he so broke them if the king please to have him sent thither , nay in this case of morley , if the matter charged upon him to be committed here ( from which i shall not with the libeller acquit him only because he is a protestant , considering : what kind of one he shewed himself in the times of usurpation , thorough-pacedly serving of them , and what sort of one he manifests himself in the present time of faction , by those baser offices of subornation and perjury ministering to it , ) were any felony under treason , i speak it with reverence , it were unjust not to send him hither to be tryed , because the statute of hen : the 8th for tryal of forreign matters in england , extends expresly & only to treasons , so that lesser offences done here cannot be tryed there , and consequently , to have kept him in such case on the other side from appearing here , wou'd be to hinder a malefactor from being brought to justice , which were not just ; but as morleys case is , being for treason committed here , which by that statute may be tryed there , the king can justly enough ( if he pleases ) detain him to be tryed in england , or ( if he thinks fit ) as justly too may send him hither for tryall , for by that statute it is in the kings choise , in which of the kingdoms such a case shall be try'd ; but then if the tryal be ordered to be there upon a treason committed here , the judges in england are therein to govern themselves according to the laws of ireland , that is , they are not to adjudge any thing to be treason , but what is so by the law of ireland , or by some act of parliament in england where ireland is named , or that is enacted in ireland ; and this rule holds concerning pleas in discharge of treason also , wherefore though morleys charge consists of treasonable words only , and they really were spoken two years ago as the libeller observes , whereby he was to be discharged by the late statute in england ( if they were alledg'd there ) yet being laid to be spoken here , where that statute not naming ireland , nor being enacted in ireland dos not extend , he cannot reap any benefit , by it ; from all which though i will not take upon me to conjecture , what were the causes morley was not sent hither , yet i may rationally conclude , that they cou'd not be any of those which are given by the libeller for it , so as he proves to be as grosly out in his matters of law as he is notoriously mistaken in his matters of fact ; and where , for conclusion of this his paragraph , and for the bringing off morley by it , he says , it is remarkable that what morley did declare , ( i suppose he intends to the parliament ) in relation to the duke of ormonde the lord chancellor , and sir john davis , he refer'd himself for , the truth of it to the council books or to depositions before the council of this kingdom ; it is more remarkable that morley did declare nothing there ( whatsoever he has done elswhere ) as to any of those persons , save only sir iohn davis , and as to him that he refer'd nothing to the council books , or to depositions before the council to prove , other than a pretended copy he produced of the said ô neal or tyrrells examination , but of which there never was any originall in the council books or at the council board , or indeed in being , so as the libe ller by his thus elaborately attempting to preserve morleys gasping reputation , for support of his scandalous reflections upon the government , does but destroy his own credit , and confound his own devices . there are two other persons , whom the libeller brings by head and shoulders into this paragraph for evidence of what he amies at by it , but he giving only surnames to them as hanlon , and murphy , whereby it is impossible without more certainty , out of the herds that are of those names , to gather whom he means , and not assigning any particulars to have come from them , in proof of his general assertion which he cites them for , by means whereof he only sets up shadows to be contested within them ; i will therefore pass them over and come to that more solid body in the libellers single opinion of mr. hawkins , whom he shews as his next and last man , but who performed such a part when he first brought himself upon the stage , as i cannot tell whether folly , or something that is worse were his greatest vice , and therefore i will determin on neither side , but give a true account of it , as it has been collected out of the original papers of that matter , and then let any sober and impartial man make his judgment of it , and of him upon it , which was thus ; mr. hawkins ( between whom and some of the mac gennises his neighbours there were some differences ) came to my lord lieutenant to the castle , having made his way as being a stranger by presenting of a letter from sir hans hamilton a late member of the council unto his grace , & there acquainted his grace that one daniel hanvy came to him to his house in the country , and told him of a meeting which he had a little before with one con mac gennis at down-patrick , and that among other things which at that meeting passed betwixt them , mac gennis engaged him to joyne with him in swearing his grace , mr. hawkins and others into the plott , and at the same time did give him a little money , and promised him a great deal more when they shou'd afterwards meet , as they then agreed to do at dublin , where the design was to be carried on betwixt them , that with this information mr. hawkins repaired to sir , hans hamilton , who advised him to carry it to my lord lieutenant where he thus brought it , hereupon my lord lieutenant caused mr. hawkins to bring hanvy to him , and after his grace had with great privacy taken his examination , which was much to the purpose aforesaid , he asked mr. hawkins if he knew con mac gennis and where he was to be found , which he said he did very well , and that as hanvy told him , he was come to town in order to their aforesaid appointed meeting , which was to be sometime on that or the day following , and though mr. hawkins did not know the certain house where it shou'd be in , yet he wou'd learn it from hanvy , and thereupon he proposed to his grace that for having more wittnesses besides hanvy of what shou'd pass at that intended meeting , his grace wou'd appoint another trusty person to joyn with one neal mac lavghlin whom mr. hawkins designed to employ , for so disposing of themselves in the room of the house where the others were to meet in , that they might ( without being observed by them ) see them , and hear the discourses betwixt them ; which my lord lieutenant complied with , and was accordingly done , only with this variation , that mr. hawkins employed another in that service in the stead of mac lavghlin , who cou'd not be found , in the mean time his grace kept this matter as a secret from all persons , least any disappointment shou'd befall such a promised discovery , afterwards mr. hawkins came to my lord lieutenant , and acquainted him the parties had mett , and the person appointed by his grace , with the other whom hawkins did employ in the over hearing of them , came likewise , & told his grace that they saw hanvy & another man whom he call'd con mac gennis together , and heard them discourse of such designs as were at first informed , but withal that they observed and heard mac gennis to say at their parting to the master of the house , who came towards the end of their discourse to them , these words , take notice i never saw this person pointing at hanvy before the last night , upon this report brought to my lord lieutenant he ordered con mac gennis to be sent for , who appeared and denied his name to be con mac gennis , affirming it to be owen dvffy , and proved it to be so by invincible circumstances ; but he owned at the same time his having gon under the name of con mac gennis to , and his having had the aforesaid meetting with hanvt , whom withal he protested he never saw until the night before he had the meeting with him , which with his other feigned parts , he said he was prevailed upon to act , by the desires of one henrt farrel , whose reason for the same he knew not , but referr'd it to farrell to declare : at this proceeding my lord lieutenant ( as any one woul'd be ) was strangly surprised , and the more , because his grace was satisfied at his first sight of the man , who now is dvfft , and before he named himself to be so , that he was not con mac gennis whom hanvy had described , for him his grace had occasions to see and know long before , in the quality of a deputy pursuvant , for dispatching of irish witnesses , sent for from hence into england , but what his grace most wonder'd at was , that hanvy shou'd have affirmed as he did , his having had a familiar acquaintance for many years together with that con mac gennis before , and yet that he shou'd now take this dvffy for him ; hereupon my lord lieutenant had hawkins and hanvy who were attending , called in , where hanvy upon the question put to him , declared again such his long acquaintance with con mac gennis , and all the other matters touching him , and confidently affirmed , that dvffy then present before him was the man , and mr. hawkins ( although at his first coming to my lord lieutenant , and as is before mentioned , he told his grace that he knew con mac gennis very well , and consequently , cou'd not but at this time know that dvffy whom he saw thus to personate him was another person ) yet as if he wou'd have had my lord lieutenant deceived , did suffer duffy to pass upon his grace for con mac gennis , without offering any thing to undeceive him , until my lord lievtenant did at last take notice to them , how that person had proved himself to be owen dvffy , and how his grace himself knew that it was not con mac gennis , upon which hanvy and hawkins confessed themselves to be mistaken , and so in great confusion vanished ; after this scene was thus over , which in the persons and the parts of it looked the most odd , and was the least intelligible , that for a great while has been presented , my lord lieutenant conducted the whole matter to the council , where it seemed as a perfect riddle , and because farrell appeared the ablest to unfold it , by giving an account how he came to make dvffy personate con mac gennis unto hanvy , he was order'd to be examined , who in his examinatiom and upon his oath declared , that neal mac laughlin did some time before , lodging at his house , let fall expressions which gave him suspicion of hawkins his being upon some evill designes , and that he was confirmed therein afterwards , by lighting upon a letter from hawkins to mac lavghlyn which farrell produced , and hawkins confessed , but pretends to be to an innocent end , and which directed mac lavghlin to go to one rawlinson in dublin for the furnishing him with money , enjoyning him afterwards to repair to hawkins into the north concerning the business which mac lavghlin to do for him ; that after mac lavghlin ( who then went to the north accordingly ) returned unto town , he came to farrells house , but told him that he was to lodge no longer with him , for that he had a lodging provided in another place hard by the said rawlinson ; which with farrells observing of mac laughl●n to be flush of money , and understanding that hawkins was come to town , put it out of all doubt with him that there was some mischief a contriving , which farrell resolved to imploy himselfe in the finding out and for that purpose remembring that mac lavghlin had been very inquisitive of him for con mac gennis , and perceiving several messengers to come to his house at divers times in a day to inquire for con mac gennis , as from persons newly come out of the country , he dogg'd some of them to a certain house whither he prevailed upon owen dvffy to go with him , and if there shou'd be occasion to take upon him the name of con mac gennis , after whom this great inquiry had been , and when they came thither and a little after they had talked something loud , on purpose to be heard by an obscure man who they were told was in the next room , that man ( who proved to be daniel hanvy ) hearing the name of con mac gennis , came in unto them , and applying himself to dvffy whome he took or pretended to take for con mac gennis , finding him to be called so , said to him with much kindness , you know we have great business to do , to which duffy answered , yes , yes , and so after having appointed to meet together the next day , they then parted , which was the only occasion , as farrell said , of his thus perswading dvffy to personate con mac gennis unto hanvy , and of such meeting and discourse had betwixt them , and now let any one who reads these true passages of that affair judge , whether mr. hawkins has aquitted himself like that man of honour , discretion , and ingenuity , which the libbeller wou'd blazon him ; and whether my lord dvke of ormonde be not a more mercifull person to the dissenters , than the libeller wou'd seem before to represent him , since notwithstanding mr. hawkins be one of the virulenst of them , and by such his proceedings appeared a very great triffler with , if not an affronter of government , yet his grace let him go without inflicting any punishment upon him for it , althô he cou'd not but take more notice of him afterwards , when an information amounting as near to high-treason as cou'd be was given in to the council against him , and by such a person too , as mr. florence weyer a sanctified evidence in england and who was one of the chiefest of those witnesses upon whose testimonies the titular primate plvnket was found guilty in the kings bench there , for which reason the libeller never so much as mentions we●er here , but only takes notice of mac gennis and mac lavghlin who swore latter in time , and much inferior in matter against hawkins than the other did , and as to mac lavghlin it is observable , that though the libeller affirms he never spoke with hawkins but once , and then only to insinuate into his acquaintance , yet hawkins himself in his exa●mination ownes to have known him & to have employed him in his business for some years past ; and besides it is manifest by hawkins his above mentioned letter to mac lavghlin ( which farrell produced upon his being examined and hawkins confessed in his examination to be his hand , ) that there was a familiar acquaintance betwixt him and mac lavghlin before , which letter , looking so suspicious , and being followed with weyers and the others informations , which sounded so dangerous , my lord lieutenant and covncil cou'd do no less than as they did , to commit hawkins upon them , and notwithstanding the libeller and his party wou'd now , because it seems to thwart their designes , reflect upon the government for doing of it , as too much countenancing of informations , yet ( as has been found by late experience , ) they wou'd be apt at another time ( if it might advance their purposes ) more severely to fall upon the government for not doing of it , as too great discountenancing of evidence , so partial and so passionate are the factiovs . thus , ( sir , ) have i run through the several parts of this libell , which touch upon this kingdom , & the government of it , & in my answers to them , i have for the most part mentioned and referr'd unto such papers of estate & publick records , and besides , all the matters of them prove to fall within the knowledges of so many persons living , that if i had not a singular regard to truth ( which i hope i shall ever follow ) and a particular respect for you ( whom i am certain i will never abuse ) yet you may be sure i wou'd not dare , and therefore that i have not adventur'd to say any thing , but what contains the greatest veracity , since in doing otherwise ( which was a sufficient precaution to me from the beginning unto the end of this work ) i knew i shou'd be by variety of testimonies disproved , and render'd not only as odious , but as ridiculous and contemptible to the world , as our libeller has shewn himself , who though he wou'd have it believed , as if he were in his principles the farthest removed from the popish party , dos yet expose his libell ( by the gross lies which are dispersed through it ) to be the nearest allied unto the popish legend . i am with esteem and respect . sir your most affectionate and most humble servant dublin the 1st . of april 1682. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a41180-e80 * co. dub ▪ ja. springham 〈◊〉 co. lowth ja : smallwood e●● kings co : john leyster esq : co : wexford john tench : seni●●● co : kilkenny john kealy esq ▪ ●●ing within the time , hen : 〈◊〉 was made sheriff the 23 〈◊〉 april 1678 : co : meath nath. poole esq queens co : william gilbert e●● co : wicklow christopher usher 〈◊〉 co : kildare edward baggot es● co. westme●th edward terill e●● co : catherlagh george beech 〈◊〉 co : longford geo : conyngham e●● co : co●k richard hull esq co : limerick john oddell , esq co : kerry william ryves esq co : waterford tho : christmas es● co : clare thomas hickman esq co : tipperary tho : osborne esq co : gailaway char. holcraft esq co : leytrim henry crofton esq co : sligo roger smith esq : co : mayo sr. george bingham bar. co : roscommon ed. gardiner esq co : donegall geo. vanghan esq co : tyrone john moderale esq co : fermanagh ferdinando davis co : antrim edw : harrison esq co : armagh godfry walker esq co : monaghan rich : johnson esq co : down hugh eccle● esq co : cavan john coyn esq co : & city of londonderry james morison and char. newtowne . a proclamation for the entring and putting in of claims in ireland, pursuant to his majesties gracious declaration of the 30th of november 1660, and the instructions for execution thereof england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1661 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32557 wing c3480 estc r221480 12265748 ocm 12265748 58064 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32557) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 58064) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 863:48) a proclamation for the entring and putting in of claims in ireland, pursuant to his majesties gracious declaration of the 30th of november 1660, and the instructions for execution thereof england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 2 leaves. printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker ..., london : 1666. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. imprint from colophon. caption title. at head of title: by the king. at end of text: given at our court at whitehall, the twelfth day ofjuly, in the thirteenth year of our reign, 1661. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -claims -early works to 1800. 2003-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev·et mon·droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king. a proclamation , for the entring and putting in of claims in ireland , pursuant to his majesties gracious declaration of the 30th of november 1660. and the instructions for execution thereof . charles r. whereas in pursuance of our gracious declaration of the 30 th of november last , for the settlement of our kingdom of ireland , and satisfaction of the several interests of adventurers , souldiers and other our subjects there . we have appointed and authorized our commissioners , and given them instructions for putting in execution our said declaration , who have accordingly made some proceedings in that great work , so nearly concerning the peace and happy settlement of that our kingdom , and the growth and prosperity of plantations there , after a long time of rebellion and desolation : nevertheless , taking notice of the slow progress that is made in that affair , though much of the time allotted by our said declaration for perfecting the work is elapsed , which we do in no wise impute to our said commissioners : and to the end all persons concerned may have timely notice of the danger they may incur by not putting in , and prosecuting their claims , we haue thought fit by this our publick proclamation to make known and declare , that all our subjects , and other persons whatsoever , any way concerned in our said declaration , or that claim , or may claim any lands , tenements or hereditaments , rents , profits or advantages , by vertue of our said declaration , or the instructions for execution thereof , if they be within any of our dominions , and have not as yet put in their claims , shall make or enter , or cause to be entred and put in their respective claims before our said commissioners sitting at dublin , or elsewhere in our said kingdom of ireland , at or before the f●fteenth day of september next ensuing ; and that such of the said persons as are out of our dominions , that claim , or may claim as aforesaid , and have not already put in their claims , shall make or enter , or cause to be entred and put in their claims in like manner , at or before the three and twentieth of october next , and after the said respective days and times shall be expired , no claims shall be received , but the parties neglecting to lay hold of the benefit of this our gracious intimation , shall be left without remedy , and debarr'd for ever the benefit , grace , favour and advantage of our said declaration and instructions , without our special order in that behalf , upon accidents or emergencies , where iustice shall require the same . and that none may pretend ignorance hereof , we have caused this our proclamation to be published in our kingdoms of england and ireland , and do require our said commissioners that they take care for the exact and due observation thereof . given at our court at whitehall , the twelfth day of iuly , in the thirteenth year of our reign , 1661. god save the king . london , printed by iohn bill and christopher barker , printers to the king' 's most excellent majesty , 1661. at the king's printing-house in black-friers . a perfect narrative of the grounds & reasons moving some officers of the army in ireland to the securing of the castle of dublin for the parlament, on the 13. of december last; with the particulars of the action, and proceedings therein. published for general satisfaction, by the comissioners appointed by the gen: council of officers to attend the parliament. bridges, john, colonel. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a77376 of text r208083 in the english short title catalog (thomason e1013_16). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 28 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a77376 wing b4479 thomason e1013_16 estc r208083 99867079 99867079 119369 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a77376) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 119369) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 150:e1013[16]) a perfect narrative of the grounds & reasons moving some officers of the army in ireland to the securing of the castle of dublin for the parlament, on the 13. of december last; with the particulars of the action, and proceedings therein. published for general satisfaction, by the comissioners appointed by the gen: council of officers to attend the parliament. bridges, john, colonel. warren, edward, member of the army in ireland. warren, abel. [2], 16, [2] p. printed by tho. newcomb, over-against bainards-castle in thames-street, london : 1660. signed at end: john bridges, edward warren, abel warren. the last leaf is blank. annotation on thomason copy: "jan: 23. 1659"; the imprint date has been crossed out. reproduction of original in the british library. eng england and wales. -army -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a77376 r208083 (thomason e1013_16). civilwar no a perfect narrative of the grounds & reasons moving some officers of the army in ireland to the securing of the castle of dublin for the par bridges, john, colonel. 1660 4574 4 0 0 0 0 0 9 b the rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 angela berkley sampled and proofread 2007-05 angela berkley text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a perfect narrative of the grounds & reasons moving some officers of the army in ireland to the securing of the castle of dublin for the parlament , on the 13. of december last ; with the particulars of the action , and proceedings therein . published for general satisfaction , by the comissioners appointed by the gen : council of officers to attend the parliament . london , printed by tho. newcomb , over-against bainards-castle in thames-street . 1660. a perfect narrative of the grounds and reasons moving some officers of the army in ireland to the securing the castle of dublin for the parliament , &c. as no nation in the world hath been exercised ( in so short a tract of time ) with more prodigious revolutions then england ; so is it as admirable to observe the manifold astonishing providences that are the concomitants of such marvellous and frequent alterations in this state and commonwealth . the spirit of the living creature hath moved in this great wheel : this bush hath been often a fire , but hitherto not consumed : god doth often threaten and shake his angry rod over , yet seems unwilling to ruine these nations . and albeit the first part is always acted on the english stage , the irish and scotish nations are so far influenced thereby , that they become participants more or less in her peace or war , in her prosperity and adversity . to demonstrate this truth , we having ( as we hope ) been set on work by the lord , in the contriving and execution of the late change in ireland , by the evil reports we have heard of that service , since our repair to this city , finding it necessary , have thought it our duty to expose to publike view this narrative of the dealings of god with the irish nation ; to prevent and remove those disingenuous misinformations cast upon that action , by sundry disaffected persons to the parliaments cause and interest , and whose malevolent aspects did eminently contribute to their late interruption , or to the continuance of it . and waving all former actions , shall only reflect upon those that have been immediately previous , or attending , or succeeding that great enterprise in ireland . and this we shall do faithfully , and succinctly . the laying aside the single person , was the bringing in the parliament ; which after some years discontinuance , was in may 1659. restored to the exercise of their power by the army in england , and after owned with general acclamations and addresses from all places , and particularly from ireland . the honor of which universal compliance from the army to the parliament , was snatched away by a sort of people , whose affections to the wages of unrighteousness , hath characterized them in all the three nations ; and did appropriate that to themselves alone , blasting as malignants others really zealous in that great work : they who were best affected to the parliament , and most forward in their addresses , being by those men branded as enemies to the parliament , under the notion of having once adhered to the single person , although the owning that power in the single person , had been in them nothing more then what had been in the generality of the three nations , and that after ( to a general satisfaction ) obliterated by an act of indempnity : and notwithstanding that having had preferments and advantages above others by the single person , none had been more forward in adoring that very power in the single person , then those very men , who after so upbraided it as a crime in others . these very men were they , who above others rejoiced in the dissolving the parliament by the protector in the year 1653. and these were they who were for the rising sun , and were eminently industrious in framing and carrying on addresses to it , from all places ; after all which , having with the adulterous woman wiped their mouths , they say , we have done no wickedness . and strange it is , even to astonishment , how they gained belief with that very parliament , on which they ( even they ) had so trampled : and that notwithstanding all the evils , then , and after breaking out upon the nations , flowed from themselves actually , or occasionally ; yet were they esteemed children of peace , nay sufferers , and all those evils charged upon others . and it is to be admired ( these things considered ) by what artifices they should so winde themselves into almost a supremacie of power in ireland , kept under them in very vassalage , whereby in the after-change england it self might have been hazarded . nor will it be from the purpose , to observe in part the method artificially proceeded in , for carrying on their destructive designs , almost unobserved until the three nations had been in the evils thereof well-nigh overwhelmed . first , they laboured the securing to themselves the army in ireland , in the modelling thereof in england , they having the nomination , and presenting all commission officers , who were such as for the most part were fixed to their interests , in whatsoever changes ; so as of more then forty field-officers , there were but a very few but what carried on their designs ; in the mean while excluding by misinformations ( secret and at distance ) sir hardress waller , sir charls coote , colonel ingoldsby , colonel theophilus jones , colonel flower , colonel redman , major eyres , lieutenant colonel . bret , major read , major stanley , and others of known integrity , and all this by false suggestions of colonel axtel , colonel barrow , colonel sankey , mr. roberts , doctor worsley , doctor harding &c. then in london , and most of them after hastening into ireland , for compleating there what remained of the modelling that army , as to inferior officers . secondly , they singled out , and gained persons to be entrusted with the government of the army and nation fitted for their turn , such were lieutenant general ludlow , colonel jones , mr. corbet , and colonel thomlinson , by which their instruments ( rather then masters ) they in effect ruled , and thereby fixed in themselves , and in the hands of their confidents the principal places of strength in the nation , victualling each place with three months provision , together with the county militiaes , and even the management also of civil things , as to sheriffs , justices of peace &c. by all which , 't is most apparent , ireland was intended for their place of refuge , in their distress elsewhere , and so had it been found to the disturbance of the three nations , had lieutenant general ludlow in this juncture been admitted ( as he hoped ) into his former command , he having been sent for to that end from london , by that party in ireland , and sent thence to that purpose by express orders from the lord fleetwood . thirdly , that part of the army in england under their apostatized general , having contrary to all faith and allegiance in october last , again disturbed the parliaments sitting ; it was then the time for that party in ireland , to put in practice what had been before designed ; whereunto indeed they seemed to be now necessitated , for their new created general had ordered by his letters to the commander in cheif of the parliaments forces in ireland , that subscriptions should be taken throughout the army , for owning the lord fleetwood as general , and colonel lambert as major general &c. though in direct opposition to the parliament , who enacted and declared to the contrary ; it being further by such subscriptions intended that the army in ireland should be engaged for the army in england against the parliament . the lord fleetwood had then required as aforesaid an election of agents out of each regiment , to be sent into england for assisting with others in framing , proposeing and imposing a new model of government for the three nations &c. to the subvertion of the fundamental laws , and the very being of parliaments , and the liberties of the good people of these nations in parliament . herein is lieutenant general ludlow active in london , by his letters to his substitute colonel jones , and to others in ireland ; herein are colonel jones , mr. corbet , and colonel thomlinson , concurring and acting vigorously ; therein falsifying their faith to the parliament , contrary to the high trust as commissioners of parliament reposed in them , which their former title of commissioners of parliament , they cast off , assuming another of commissioners of the commonwealth , that their guilt be not read in their forehead , and in the front of publick declarations &c. and by all of them orders transmitted into the several quarters for hasting the subscriptions and elections mentioned . for prevention whereof , or giving at least some stop to such their pernicious actings against the parliament , and for preserving ( if it might be ) the parliaments interest in ireland , about october last it was from the lord on the spirits of his servants ( some dissenting officers about dublin ) to consider of some probable meanes to that purpose . but the danger being evident that there should be meetings of such who declared dissatisfactions and dissented from such acting , and protested publickly against such designes against the parliament ; therefore the said dissenting officers for giving some colour to their waies , with less jealousie , pretended the carrying on a petition to the commander in chief , colonel jones , for a generall councel of officers to meet at dublin to consider of those great and weighty affairs , wherein three nations were so highly concerned ; by which general councel ( if meeting ) it was hoped that a check might be given to the other party , and that the hands of the dissenters might be strengthned for the parliament ; or if such a general meeting of officers on such an occasion should have bin denyed by the commander in chief , it would probably returne on him and his wayes with greater disadvantage ; and in the mean time it was conceived that the private meetings of the said dissenting officers , might be with less suspition , supposed to be in order to the matter only of their petition mentioned : and for giving yet more countenance to this their designe , it was by them concluded , that sir hardress waller the major general , should be moved to appeare in the head of them , before the commander in chief and the commissioners of parliament , for setting forward that desire for a general councel of officers ; which he freely promised to do , and for gaining to themselves a party abroad under the same covert of a petition for a general councel of officers , the said dissenting officers sent out into the several quarters a petition to be subscribed to that purpose ▪ whereby they gained as to so much with their friends , with whom they else where corresponded ; they also thereby hindred in a great measure those subscriptions p●omoted by the lord fleetwood , and his instruments in ireland . thereupon colonel iones the deputed commander in chief , well foreseeing what might be the issue and sequel of such actings ; and understanding the inconvenienc●●s of not assenting to that councel of officers desired , ( which had bin on the first motion rejected ) ; taking new co●●cels , he resolveth on a complying with that therein proposed by the dissenting officers before the petition was delivered ; yet to make it insignificant to their ends , he had fixed for that purpose on the meeting of those new elected officers appointed for the meeting in england , who within few dayes were expected in dublin , and were supposed persons made for that purpose , and that by this meanes also his so yielding to the petitioners , might prove an expedient for stopping their further prosecution of that their petition in other places , that hereby the said dissenting officers might be rendered secure , until they should be surprised and laid up safe ; which he intended at the coming in of his juncto of officers , whom he expected ; for he the said colonel jones had to that end advised with general fleetwood , who by his letters intercepted , ordered the securing them the dissenting officers , and the disarming all others in the nation not of their party . the said dissenting officers being now awakened and sensible of the danger to themselves , but principally of that threatned to the three nations , and the parliaments interest therein , they thereupon found it necessary to put speedily in execution , although but with few hands , what had bin before resolved ; in order whereunto on the 12. of december last they fixed their resolution , for acting the very next day to the seizing , and securing the castle of dublin ; and of those the parliaments commissioners so perfidiously acting against their trust . some difficulties interposed in the manner , particularly that of five companies of foot quartered in dublin , four being of colonel lawrences regiment , and three troops of horse brought in by collonel jones for the security of the castle and those of his party , not any one of them had bin hitherto prepared for the work . the persons also managing that work to execution were but few ( viz ) colonel bridges , major edward warren , leivtenant colonel john warren , captain abel warren , leivtenant john thompson , colonel theophilus jones , captain jeonar , captain daniel lisle , colonel warden , and captain bond , by whose foot company then upon an outgard the castle was surprised ; notwithstanding which , and many other difficulties , the persons mentioned committing the parliaments cause in their hands to the lord , and willingly offering up themselves , and all deare unto them for a reasonable sacrifice to the publick , according to former resolutions on the 13 december about five of the clock in the afternoon they first surprised the castle , wherein but the very day before was laid up 500. barrels of powder newly landed , besides the former store , and intended for other ends ; they afterward secured colonel jones , cheif baron corbet , and colonel thomlinson , the commissioners before mentioned ; and having declared for the parliament throughout the city of dublin , they were met with general acclamations from the highest to the lowest , both army and others , expressing all joy , except such as were of the adverse party ; and all this through mercy without one drop of blood , or so much as tumult . this whole work was begun and perfected within less then two houres , and within less then so many weeks , in like manner almost throughout the whole nation ; and the very same night colonel edmond temple , received orders for imbodying of five troops of horse , with which he afterward reduced collonel pritty , then standing out against the parliament in catherlo castle . it now behoving those thus ingaged to put themselves into that order whereby the work in their hands might be carryed on ( by the blessing of the lord ) the more prosperously , and considering the countenance they might have in that action by the major general , if he would own them in it , they thereupon desired his heading them , and that by his hand orders might pass upon all occasions , he being the visible superior officer then in ireland , whereunto ( they , and that undertaking appearing for the parliament ) he assented : he having been some weeks before prepared by some general discourse concerning it . after upon the fourteenth of december , was published the declaration for the parliament , which being transmitted by the post into all parts , with the particulars of the success , which the lord was pleased to give unto them his poor weak instruments in his service , they had thereupon daily returnes of joyfull approbations , and the owning of their work and profession for the parliament against all opposition ; and herein is to be remembred to the honor of the city of dublin , the readiness and alacrity manifested in this work by the mayor and citizens , generally , both in the first taking of the business , the very first night , and afterwards drawing the city militia into the field , which consisted of about 2000 foot , beside horse , for the service of the parliament , and still holding on with that faithfulness and zeal which can be expected from them . also sir charles coot lord president of connaught , having cast off the subscriptions expected from him and his forces in that province , his lordship with his party declared for the parliament , and secured the town of galway , and those therein , refusing to joyn with him in owning the parliament ; his lordship did after reduce colonel brafield , rendezvouzing and holding out the castle of athlone against the parliament , and in a short time , setled the whole province , and signified by letters to the officers in dublin , that he was ready with his forces , for what should be further for the parliaments service . the like affairs of the province of munster , was carried on by the management of the lord broghill , who with great care and dilligence , secured youghall , bandon , kinsale and other places considerable : the city of cork also declared for the parliament , by meanes of the citizens and private soldiers , notwithstanding that colonel phayer the governor there , with colonel wallis , and others of that party , had laboured much to the contrary , was secured by major wilson , whose behaviour was eminent : also limerick and waterford by lieutenant colonel leigh , who appeared faithful to the parliament in that great streight . as to vlster , londonderry being secured by colonel gorges , there was little remaining in that province of considerable opposition ; all there being soon quieted , especially on the decease of colonel cooper , governor of that province , who died in his chair about the 21. of december . matters being thus , through the blessing of god , in some goodmeasure ordered at home , the councel of officers in dublin , now settle themselves on dispatches abroad , as for giving a right understanding of themselves and their proceedings , so for strengthning as they hoped , the hands of their friends elsewhere , cooperating in the same cause with them , and accordingly they did by several expresses , give a particular accompt to general monck in scotland ; also to the parliaments commissioners of the army in portsmouth , and to the lord mayor of london . and for the better carrying on the work , the lord broghill , and the lord president of connaught , were desired by the council of officers to repair to dublin , on whose judgment and prudent management of affairs they much depended ; by whose coming were their councels and actings more enlivened , and all others better satisfied . and for securing the army to the parliaments interests , and that the endeavors of those attempting the contrary might be prevented , it was for that end concluded as absolutely necessary , that the army in ireland should be forthwith setled , by removing those from commands who were disaffected to the parliament , and placing others in their room , of whose good affections to the parliament they might be confident . therefore did the council of officers set themselves upon a temporary modeling of the army , until the parliaments pleasure should be therein known ; hoping that their end in it ( purely the service of the parliament ) would be accepted : in which their said model were laid aside only such as opposed the parliament in the revolutions in england , or here , or of whose not acting against the parliament they could not be satisfied : and such only as shewed themselves friends to the parliament , were imployed . on the 31. of december , came into the bay of dublin lieutenant-general ludlow , who from aboard the oxford-frigat signified his being there , and expected admittance to the head of the army as commander in chief , which he had by commission from the parliament before its interruption . whereunto , for the reasons before mentioned , as also for many other causes , all expressed in a charge already exhibited against the said lieutenant-general ludlow and others to the parliament ; it was therefore resolved , that it was not consistent with the safety of the parliaments interest in ireland , that lieutenant-general ludlow should be received into the head of the army , until the parliaments pleasure , on hearing of what should be objected to him , should be signified concerning him . and in regard of his so hovering in the bay of dublin , whereby he was at hand in order to distractions in the city , which was threatned and expected by his party there , who might be considerable if headed by those officers then prisoners at dublin , secured for their opposition to the parliament , and conceived dangerous by reason of their interests and disaffection to the parliament ; therefore did the council of officers conceive it necessary , that the prisoners then in the city should be dispersed and disposed into places more remote , particularly colonel john jones was thereupon removed to the castle of athlone , and others elswhere . and whereas miles corbet esquire , and colonel thomlinson , had in their restraint the favor of a confinement to their houses , until the parliaments pleasure concerning them should be known , respect being had to the charge to be presented against them also ; and that he the said mr. corbet had fled to lieutenant-general ludlow then in the bay of dublin ; thereupon was colonel thomlinson removed , and for better security of his person , restrained in the castle of dublin . and having thus far proceeded in setling and securing the parliaments interest and authority in ireland ; it was also judged expedient by the major-general and council of officers there , during the parliaments interruption , to take some speedy order ( in regard of the pressing necessity of the army , then sixteen moneths behind of their pay ) for the raising of money for the present maintenance of them . the council of officers did advise , that two persons of each county , and the like number of each city and chief town , should be elected by the protestant inhabitants of the said places , and the electors and elected to be such persons as always manifested their good affections to the parliament , and not then in arms ; who were to meet in dublin so to raise money by way of loan , for the temporary supply of the forces , that so they might not perish , nor be exposed to the many temptations that such a condition may leave them open unto , and also to prevent the free-quartering of the army upon the inhabitants of the country , a grievance not long to be borne . but within a few days after , they having received information of the parliaments sitting , which came to them some days before the meeting of that convention ; the council of officers sent forth their dispatches into all counties and places to stop such meeting , which was accordingly done . and this is the true accompt of the proceedings in this affair , which hath made so great a noise in this city , as if they in ireland were setting up for themselves , and calling a parliament to govern and manage the affairs of that nation , in opposition to the parliament of england . and for giving the parliament a due representation of the state of these affairs in ireland , the council of officers there have chosen , and ordered us to be their commissioners to attend the parliament for that purpose ; and to indeavour to rid that army from the insulting pride and bondage , under which they had groaned by an anabaptistical , and notionall party , from whom proceeded all those confusions , and revolutions this parliament and commonwealth have been exercised , which for some years past , whose casting out as to their over-ruling power in ireland , ( if owned by the parliament ) may be ( it is hoped ) to the other nations , a deliverance also from the like future evils by that kinde of men . and thus with much integrity and faithfulness , unto that army whereof we are unworthy members , have we given a just accompt of what the lord hath done in that nation for his people , wherein we have purposely omitted many remarkable circumstances that attended this great action , least we might appear either unnecessarily tedious , or foolishly vain glorious ; whereas our aimes are nakedly and sincerely , that god might have the glory , the nations setled upon an honest basis , and that those prejudices that had been occasioned against the late proceedings in that nation , by the bespattering reports of malignant tongues and pens , might be removed or silenced ; so we desire , that all that fear god , and honor magistracy and good government , would joyn with us in blessing our gracious god , whose ways are inscrutable for delivering that and these nations from the raging power of a devouring sword ; and that our supplications may be united for the settlement of peace , with truth among us ; that every one may sit under his own vine and fig-tree , none making them affraid . john bridges , edward warren , abel warren . finis . we judging it requisite for the better government of his majesties army, and the preservation of the peace of this kingdom, that all officers and souldiers under their command, should be, and continue in their respective garrisons ... by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) 1678 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46092 wing i691 estc r36807 16137733 ocm 16137733 104791 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46092) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104791) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:1) we judging it requisite for the better government of his majesties army, and the preservation of the peace of this kingdom, that all officers and souldiers under their command, should be, and continue in their respective garrisons ... by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by mary crook ..., dublin : mdc.lxxviii [1678] title from first 4 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at his majesties castle of dublin in 14th. day of october, 1678. [signed] w: ellis." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland . ormonde : vve judging it requisite for the better government of his majesties army , and the preservation of the peace of this kingdom , that all officers and souldiers under their command , should be , and continue in their respective garrisons , that they may be in readiness on all occasions to execute such directions as we shall from time to time think fit to give , for the carrying on of his majesties service ; do hereby will and require all and singular the officers of his majesties army , ( excepting such of them as are of his majesties privy council ) and souldiers under their commands as are now absent from their quarters . whether it be by licence from vs or otherwise , not being out of this his majesties kingdome , to repair within fourteen days after publication hereof , to their said respective garrisons ; and all officers and private souldiers now in their quarters , are to remain there in like manner , and not to absent themselves on any pretence whatever , without particular and express licence from vs to be obtained after the date hereof ; and the said officers are to keep their respective troops and companies under their command intirely together , and to take care that good guards be constantly kept , as they will answer the contrary at their peril . given at his majesties castle of dublin the 14th . day of october , 1678. w : ellis . dublin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the king 's most excellent majestie ; and are to be sold by mary crook at his majesties printing-house in skinner-row mdc.lxxviii . a letter sent out of ireland from the right honorable earle of ormond and ossory, to his much honored uncle, sr. robert poyntz shewing the true estate of the kingdome of ireland at this present time, and delivered to his uncle here, the 21, of iune, 1642. ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a90183 of text r212380 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.6[38]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a90183 wing o450 thomason 669.f.6[38] estc r212380 99871004 99871004 160899 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a90183) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160899) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f6[38]) a letter sent out of ireland from the right honorable earle of ormond and ossory, to his much honored uncle, sr. robert poyntz shewing the true estate of the kingdome of ireland at this present time, and delivered to his uncle here, the 21, of iune, 1642. ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for thomas whitaker, london : [1642] publication date from wing. signed at end: ormond ossory. dated at end: dublin the 10. of june 1642. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng poyntz, robert, -sir, 1589?-1665 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a90183 r212380 (thomason 669.f.6[38]). civilwar no a letter sent out of ireland from the right honorable earle of ormond and ossory, to his much honored uncle, sr. robert poyntz, shewing the ormonde, james butler, duke of 1642 578 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter sent ovt of ireland from the right honorable earle of ormond and ossory , to his much honored uncle , sr. robert poyntz , shewing the true estate of the kingdome of ireland at this present time , and delivered to his uncle here , the 21 , of iune , 1642. the last letter i receaved from you was of the 7th of april , by one veele , to whom i shall be very ready to give my assistance towards his preferment , when i have rid my selfe of a few former ingagements . wee are now in so good condition for matter of men , that i know it will be wondred that we do no more with them ; but when it shall be considered what men without money , meate , or clothes , are able to doe , i hope we shal not be taxed with sloth , having by many winter , & uncomfortable journies , manifested our unwillingnesse to lie still ; it is true that our want of money , was then as great as now , but then the hagards barnes , and houses , were full of all manner of provision , which now betwixt us , and the rebells are so wasted , that the most fertill country affords nothing but penury , and desolation , and the booty that heretofore gave edge to the souldiers , and made them indure indefatigably all manner of labour , is for a great circuit about us , either already taken by our men , or removed into inaccessable places by the rebells ; nor have wee carriage ( if there were plenty of victuall in the store ) to convey it with us , forth of those limits already wasted , if wee march in such numbers as to considerable service ; and on the other side , if wee lie still , and eate upon the magazin , wee shall very sudainly wast it , so that unlesse there bee a speedy supply of at least victuall , and cariages , this army raised at so great charge to that kingdome , will bee forced to dissolve or ruine of it selfe ; i have given you this short , and true accompt of the state wee are in , because i hope you are at london , where you may acquaint such of your friends as are of the parliament with it , as likewise that you might be able to say something in my excuse , in case the blame of this dangerous losse of time should be laid on me ; for though all this bee much fullier represented to the commissioners , appointed for the management of this war , from the lords iustices , and councell , yet many may be apt to censure mee , that will not be called to the reading of that . when i know you are at london , you shall heare often , and more particularly from me , one munday next i take a journey to conaught , where i will endeavor to doe some service before our provision be quite gone , from thence you shall heare from me , in the meane time i rest dublin the 10. of june 1642. your most affectionate nephew , and servant , ormond ossory . london , printed for thomas whitaker . by the king and queen, a proclamation whereas it hath pleased almighty god in his power and mercy in giving us success and victory over our enemies and rebellious subjects in ireland ... england and wales. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1690 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a66259 wing w2545 estc r37250 16284664 ocm 16284664 105249 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66259) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105249) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1602:43) by the king and queen, a proclamation whereas it hath pleased almighty god in his power and mercy in giving us success and victory over our enemies and rebellious subjects in ireland ... england and wales. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) mary ii, queen of england, 1662-1694. william iii, king of england, 1650-1702. 1 broadside. printed by charles bill and thomas newcomb ..., london : 1690. "given at our court at whitehall the first day of october 1690, in the second year of our reign." reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -william and mary, 1689-1702. ireland -history -war of 1689-1691. 2008-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-04 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion wrr honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit by the king and queen , a proclamation . william r. whereas it hath pleased almighty god , in his providence towards vs and our people , to manifest his power and mercy in giving vs success and victory over our enemies and rebellious subjects in ireland ; we cannot , upon the due consideration hereof , but with all humility adore the goodness of god therein signally manifested : and we lock upon it as an invitation from heaven , to vs and all our people , unto most intire thankfulness for the same . and to the end some solemn time may be set apart for the publick performance of this duty , and that we and all our subjects in england and wales , and town of berwick upon tweed , may pay our just tribute of praise and thanksgiving to almighty god , we do hereby publish and declare , and also strictly charge and command , that sunday the nineteénth of this instant october be observed as a day of publick thanksgiving in all churches and chappels , and other places of publick worship throughout the kingdom of england , dominion of wales , and town of berwick upon tweed . and for the more orderly performance thereof , we , by the advice of our reverend bishops , have directed to be composed , printed and published , the forms of such prayers and publick thanksgivings , as we have thought fit to be vsed in all churches and places at these publick meetings ; and have given charge to our bishops to disperse the same throughout the whole kingdom . and we do also direct and appoint , that this our proclamation be publickly read in all churches and chappels on some lords-day precedent to the said day of thanksgiving hereby appointed , to the end that notice may be taken thereof , and due thanks and praise may upon the said day be offered up unto almighty god ; and that humble supplications be poured out before him for his continual assistance , and improvement of this , and all his mercies , to the honour of his great name , and the peace and benefit of vs and our people : willing and strictly commanding all persons within our said realm and dominions , with all sobriety , reverence , and thankfulness , to observe this day as becomes so solemn an occasion . and it is our royal will and pleasure , that the monthly fast appointed by our proclamation of the twentieth day of february last , be for the present discontinued , until we shall give further order therein . given at our court at whitehall the first day of october , 1690. in the second year of our reign . god save king william and queen mary . london , printed by charles bill and thomas newcomb , printers to the king and queens most excellent majesties . 1690. the state of the case upon a decree against the lord chancellor of ireland by the lord deputy and councell there as also of the commitiment of the lord chancellor, and taking from him the seale of that kingdome. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a93822 of text r211855 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.6[16]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 14 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a93822 wing s5316 thomason 669.f.6[16] estc r211855 99870541 99870541 160877 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a93822) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160877) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f6[16]) the state of the case upon a decree against the lord chancellor of ireland by the lord deputy and councell there as also of the commitiment of the lord chancellor, and taking from him the seale of that kingdome. ireland. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1642] imprint from wing. sir richard bolton was appointed lord chancellor of ireland in december 1639. -dnb. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng bolton, richard, -sir, 1570?-1648. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a93822 r211855 (thomason 669.f.6[16]). civilwar no the state of the case upon a decree against the lord chancellor of ireland by the lord deputy and councell there: as also of the commitiment ireland. parliament. 1642 2432 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-07 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the state of the case upon a decree against the lord chancellor of ireland by the lord deputy and councell there : as also of the commitment of the lord chancellor , and taking from him the seale of that kingdome . that about anno 1620. there was a proposition made for a marriage to be had between sir robert loftus the lord chancellors eldest son , and elinor one of the daughters of sir francis rushy . that the person employed herein betweene the fathers , was only sir william cooley , who married the daughter of the lady rushy by mr. gifford her former husband . that the marriage tooke effect anno 1620. 1750 li. portion given . and sir robert and his lady , and family lived in the lord chancellors house , and at his charge in a plentifull manner , without any complaint , untill about anno 1636. that there was not any complaint by sir francis rushy , who lived divers yeares , nor by his lady , since by bill or petition against the lord chancellor either for present maintenance of the young couple , jointure or settlement of estate . that by the death of thomas rushy sonne of sir francis rushy , a faire inheritance befell to the young lady loftus , and two other sisters whereof sir george wentworth the lord deputies brother , about foure yeares since married the one . this thus resting for many yeares , the lord chancellors estate he had at the time of his sonnes marriage much improved , and a faire addition since by purchase . a faire inheritance settled upon sir robert his eldest sonne . a jointure upon his lady a dignity and honour upon his second sonne , he married and having issue , and the lord chancellor bound in iustice and honour to performe an agreement made upon his second sons marriage . a daughter mariagable and unpreferred . himselfe , lady and family to be supported according to the place and honour he beares . debts to be provided for . and servants of good deserving in some sort agreeing to honour recompenced . about michaelmas anno 1636. a petition is here preferred to his majesty in the name of sir iohn gifford , a halfe brother to sir robert loftus his lady . thereby is informed that the lord chancellor in consideration of the said marriage and 1750 li. portion did agree to settle upon sir robert 1500 li. per an. with hope of further increase . for present maintenance 200 li. per annum . for jointure 300 li. per annum . that he excused to set his agreement in writing , but protested the performance . that the portion was paid . the performance long expected . that no allowance hath beene for present maintenance . no settling of estate . no jointure made . that the lord chancellor was become disaffected to sir robert his eldest sonne , and inclined to sir edward a second sonne , who had no issue male , and in failer of issue male by him , to the issue male of a daughter , rather then to the heires generall of his eldest sonne whereby is prayed . that this agreement being properly relievable in equity where the lord chancellor is both iudge and party , that the same might be referred , heard and determined per lord deputy and counsell , where witnesses might be examined , the cause heard , all conveiances produced of lands whereof the lord chancellor was possessed of at the time of the marriage . a discovery of what estate by him made to sir edward his younger sonne , and a restraint of any farther estate to be made . agreeable to this prayer , there is procured from his majesty a letter 9. feb. 1636. to the lord deputy , with a speciall intimation of his majesty , of a care of a settlement to be had for support of the honour . hereupon 7. martii , 1636. in the name of sir iohn gifford is preferred to the lord deputy and counsell there , a petition in the nature of a bill . this differs from the former petition to the king . differences betweene the petition to the king , and that to the lord deputy . this informing the 1500. li . per annum pretended by the former petition , was agreed to be 〈◊〉 upon sir robert loftus , should be 1500. li . per annum of the then present value , and to be settled upon sir robert , and upon the heires of his body , and in particular mentions the mannor of mounstreven . that to the king pretending the agreement was the lord chancellor would settle 1500. li. per annum , with hope of a further increase . this chargeth him to have agreed to settle all he had and should have , and provide for sir edward his second sonne onely an annuity of 200. li. per annum . whereas that to the king chargeth 200. li. per annum to be given for present maintenance of the young couple . this chargeth farther , it was agreed sir robert , his lady and family should live in house of the lord chancellor at his charge , or have allowance for it , and also 200. livre. per annum . vpon these complaints that are thus different in maine points . that are stirred up by the petition of a stranger , and not upon the complaint of his sonne , or his lady , nor moved by sir francis rushy nor his lady . not stirred untill sir george wentworth had married a sister and coheire of sir robert loftus lady grounded upon a pretended verball agreement of 16. yeares old , which no court of justice admits . proved but by the single testimony of sir william cooley , which no court of justice grounds a decree upon , and is no more then that the lord chancellor said unto him as a message to deliver sir francis rushy , i will leave unto my sonne sir robert loftus my house and lands of mounstreven , and other lands to the value of 1200. li. in ireland and england , and if it please god to spare me life and health , i hope i shall be able to leave him more , and said he would make a ioynture better then the portion , and would give them so long as they lived with him 200. li. per annum for maintenance , and if they lived from him 200. li. and dronmaugh to live on . yet doth the decree complained of adjudge the lord chancellor . 1. to pay from the time of the marriage the 200. li . per annum adjudged to be wholly unpaid , and interest for it , but at 10. li. per centum . to estate upon sir robert dronmaugh , and 200. li. per annum , and put him in possession of the same . that 2000. li. lately paid per lo : chancellor for sir roberts debts shall not be allowed as any part of the arreeres of 200. li. per annum decreed against him . that for other summes proved payed per lo : chancellor to sir robert ( in regard strictnesse is not to be used betweene father and son ) the auditor directed to collect them , and then farther consideration to be had of the allowance of them . that for as much as the lord chancellor had said upon the treaty , the ioynture should exceed in proportion , the 1750. li . portion given , the same decreed to be 300. li . per annum of lands , as the value stood at michaelmas next after the marriage , which are more by improvement above 800. livre. per annum . that the lord chancellor shall settle likewise upon sir robert , and the heyres of his body begotten on the body of ellenor , lands of the value of 1200. li. as the same were at michaelmas next after the marriage , the value to bee settled per commissioners , chargeable onely with the thirds of the lo : chancellors lady the jointure of sir robert the sons lady and 200. li. per annum annuity to sir edward loftus during his life . and that for settling the same that the lord chancellor and sir edward procure their ladies to joyne in a fine and farther assurance , as the councell and that board should thinke fit . and that the lands called criew eustace being a purchase after the marriage , and taken by the lord chancellor in the name of sir robert loftus his son in trust , and granted by the lo : chancellor to sir edward his second son for 1000. yeares , should ( if otherwise there were sufficient to supply the 1200. li . per annum ) be settled likewise with sir robert in manner aforesaid , otherwise to be cast into the value of 1200. li. per annum . this thus decreed 1. febr. 1637. severall references with commissions are awarded to settle the summe of the arrerage , of the 200. li . per annum with interest , decreed for sir roberts maintenance , and to inquire and certifie the value of the lord chancellors lands which he had at the time of the marriage , or purchased since , with reference to the time of the marriage . these references being on foot , the lord chancellor ( no cause being intimated in the order ) or warrant of the 20. of april 1638. is commanded upon his allegiance to bring and deliver the great seale . the lo : chancellor comming the next day without it is committed , and the seale taken from him . and under that commitment is continued prisoner for 15. moneths ; in which time his chaplaines accesse to him , petitioned for , is denyed . the 17. of iuly 1638. the arrerage of the 200. li . per annum maintenance for sir robert with the interest is estated to be 3179. li . 6. s. 5. d. and ordered to be paid . 18. ianuar. 1639. his whole revenue , entertainment , fees and pensions , sequestred . a statute of 4000 li. that my lord loftus should not interrupt the payment of the rents and profits to sir paul davis clarke of the councell , who was appointed to receive them . that in execution of this decree the whole estate was conveied unto robert lord dillon , sir adam loftus , sir philip mannering in trust . the 3179 li . 6 s. 5 d. levied and paid into sir paul davis , and so by him acknowledged by his answer in this house , and by his counsell at the barre , but alledged the same was by him paid over to sir george wentworth by order of the board , and a coppy of his aquittance proved . the causes of reversall are , 1. it appeares to be a sute begunne not by the party concerned although no defect of nonage or other appeared in him . 2. it appeares it was without bis assent , and contrary to his will . 3. all the colourable grounds to proceed in it , at the councell table ; was a petition presented here to his majesty and transmitted in a letter . 4. the proceedings there had is upon another petition differing in the maine points from that transmitted . 5. jt is a decree of an estate of inheritance at the councell table . 6. it is a decree grounded upon a verball agreement 16. yeeres old 7. it is built upon the single testimony of sir william coolie , and that in the bookes very uncertaine and various . 8. whereas the support of the honour in the heire male was principally desired , and settlement accordingly recommended by his majesty , this contrary to the said direction and petition decreeth and hath inforced the conveiances , whereby the heire male is disinherited , the honour exposed to contempt , for want of support by the estate , and the lands come to a daughter , for whom the deputy had before the decree made a contract for his sonne . 9. it chargeth the father with the whole arreares for maintenance with interest where the father maintained bis sonne and family to his great charge without complaint . 10. it exacteth of the father notwithstanding lands setled of 3000. pound per annum where the pretence is but of 1500. pound per annum , to be debter , and to purchase 55. pound per an. to supply the values , when his whole estate was taken away , and this upon a meere conceit that the father was to settle lands of the value pretended as they were at the time of the marriage . 11. it reduceth the now heire male to 200. pound per annum for life , which was not pretended to be any part of the agreement , in the petition to his majestie , and his sonne upon whom the honour is to descend to have nothing . it is humbly prayed , 1. that the decree & all proceedings had , and acts done in pursuance thereof may be declared void , and the same reversed . 2. that reconveiances may be made by the feoffees to the lord loftus and his heires , and all the evidences redelivered which are in any of their hands , or in the hands of the clarke of the councell . 3. the meane profits taken by vertue of the sequestration , may by sir paul davis , or sir george wentworth be repaid with damages . 4. that the 4000 li . statute may be vacated . 5. and lastly , that the petitioner for his commitment , unjust removall from the place he did beare , as also for his costs and damages , may according to the transmission of the house of commons be repaired . irelands naturall history being a true and ample description of its situation, greatness, shape, and nature, of its hills, woods, heaths, bogs, of its fruitfull parts, and profitable grounds : with the severall ways of manuring and improving the same : with its heads or promontories, harbours, roads, and bays, of its springs, and fountains, brooks, rivers, loghs, of its metalls, mineralls, free-stone, marble, sea-coal, turf, and other things that are taken out of the ground : and lastly of the nature and temperature of its air and season, and what diseases it is free from or subject unto : conducing to the advancement of navigation, husbandry, and other profitable arts and professions / written by gerald boate ; and now published by samuell hartlib for the common good of ireland and more especially for the benefit of the adventurers and planters therein. boate, gerard, 1604-1650. 1657 approx. 309 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 104 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28496 wing b3373 estc r27215 09721903 ocm 09721903 44031 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28496) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 44031) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1350:5) irelands naturall history being a true and ample description of its situation, greatness, shape, and nature, of its hills, woods, heaths, bogs, of its fruitfull parts, and profitable grounds : with the severall ways of manuring and improving the same : with its heads or promontories, harbours, roads, and bays, of its springs, and fountains, brooks, rivers, loghs, of its metalls, mineralls, free-stone, marble, sea-coal, turf, and other things that are taken out of the ground : and lastly of the nature and temperature of its air and season, and what diseases it is free from or subject unto : conducing to the advancement of navigation, husbandry, and other profitable arts and professions / written by gerald boate ; and now published by samuell hartlib for the common good of ireland and more especially for the benefit of the adventurers and planters therein. boate, gerard, 1604-1650. hartlib, samuel, d. 1662. [13], 186, [5] p. imprinted for john wright, london : 1657. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng natural history -ireland. ireland -description and travel. 2003-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2006-11 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion irelands naturall history . being a true and ample description of its situation , greatness , shape , and nature ▪ of its hills , woods , heaths , bogs ; of its fruitfull parts and profitable grounds , with the severall ways of manuring and improving the same : with its heads or promontories , harbours , roads and bays ; of its springs and fountains , brooks , rivers , loghs ; of its metalls , mineralls , free-stone , marble , sea-coal , turf , and other things that are taken out of the ground . and lastly , of the nature and temperature of its air and season , and what diseases it is free from , or subject unto . conducing to the advancement of navigation , husbandry , and other profitable arts and professions . written by gerard boate , late doctor of physick to the state in ireland . and now published by samuell hartlib , esq for the common good of ireland , and more especially , for the benefit of the adventurers and planters therein . imprinted at london for iohn wright at the kings head in the old baily , 1657. to his excellency oliver cromwel , captain generall of the common-wealths army in england , scotland and ireland , and chancellor of the university of oxford . and to the right honorable charles fleetwood , commander in chief ( under the lord generall cromwell ) of all the forces in ireland . right honorable , it is a very great and signal truth , that all the works of god are both wonderfull and precious , much sought out by all those that love him : and it is the guilt of the wicked , that as they regard not the lord , so they consider not the operation of his hands ; for the lord hath revealed his truth , even his godhead and his eternall power by his workes , that such as respect him not , in the creation of the world , and in the wayes of his providence , may be without excuse : now it se●ms to mee , that the end for which god hath not left himself without a testimony in nature , is not onely , that we should in our spirit glorifie him as god and be thankfull , but that also our outward man should bee made sensible of his goodness , and partake of that supply of life , which by his appointment the creature can yeeld unto us , if happily wee may feel after him and find him therein . so that such as respect him not in his wayes of nature , being careless to seek them out , do make themselves also incapable of the blessings of nature through their ignorance and neglect of the good things which god hath provided for them thereby : for all things are ours , things present and things to come ; and godliness hath the promise of the life that now is aswell as of that which is to come : for as by the act of faith we are made capable of the good things of the life to come , because by the truth of god , as it is the object of our faith , they have a spirituall being and subsistence in us ▪ so by the act of reason rightly ordered we are made partakers of the benefit of this life , because by the effect of gods wisedom and power in nature , as they are the objects of our reasonable facultie , they have a bodily being and subsistence in us : and as the wisdom of god doth many wayes manifest it self , not only in spirituall , but also in outward and bodily things , so there are many parts of humane learning ▪ some wherof are subservient to the private life of a single man , some to the comforts and publick use of a societie , and amongst all these parts of learning , which relate to a society , i can conceive none more profitable in nature , than that of husbandry . for whether we reflect upon the first settlement of a plantation , to prosper it , or upon the wealth of a natiō that is planted , to increase it , this is the head spring of al the native commerce & trading which may bee set afoot therein by any way whatsoever . now to advance husbandry either in the production and perfectiō of earthly benefits , or in the management thereof by way of trading , i know nothing more usefull , than to have the knowledg of the natural history of each nation advanced & perfected : for as it is evident , that except the benefits which god by nature hath bestowed upon each country bee known , there can be no industrie used towards the improvement and husbandry thereof ; so except husbandry be improved , the industrie of trading , whereof a nation is capable , can neither be advanced or profitably upheld . there is a twofold body , and a twofold life in man , which god hath created , the one is naturall , the other spiritual , & the apostle tells us , that the spirituall is not first , but the naturall , and afterward that which is spirituall ; as the bodies and lives of men are ordered by god , so we must conceive of the frames of their societies , that the naturall is before that which is spirituall , & that in gods aime it is a preparatory thereunto ; although in the use which men make thereof , this aime is not obtained : for seeing in the wisdom of god , the world by wisdome hath not known god ; therefore god is pleased by another way which to the world doth seem foolishness , to manifest his power and his wisdome unto salvation , namely by the preaching of the gospel in the name of iesus christ , and him crucified ; and although hitherto , since the death of christ , the dispensation of wisdome hath not yet opened the conduit pipes of natural knowledge to cause the souls of men flow forth & partake of the life of god therein , by reason of the prevalencie of sensuall inclinations , & of the want of due reflection upon christ , in whom alone the perfect use of nature is brought home to the glory of the father , by the spirit , yet when the time of the restauration of all things , shall come from the presence of him , who will come shortly and will not tarry , then the works of the devill , whereby he hath brought us , & the whole creation , under the bondage of corruption , shall be destroied , & when the nature & right use of the creature by his meanes obscured , shall be revealed , then also the properties and application of the creature in the glorious liberty of the sonnes of god , shall be subjected unto grace . these great and mighty changes , which god is making in the earth , do tend to break the yokes of vanity , and to weaken the power , which hath wreathed the same upon the necks of the nations , these changes seem to me to presage the neer approaches of this liberty , and the advancement of the ways of learning , whereby the intellectuall cabinets of nature are opened , and the effects therof discovered , more fully to us , than to former ages , seem in like manner to prepare a plainer address unto the right use thereof for us than our forefathers have had : which will be effectuall to the manifestation of gods wisdome , power , and goodness , when the great promises shall be accomplished , that the earth shall be filled with the knowledge of the lord , as the waters cover the sea , & that we shall be taught of god , from the least to the greatest : and although the father hath reserved in his own hand the times and seasons , wherin these promises are to be fulfilled , yet as by the dawning of the day we can know that the sun is neer rising , so by the breaking of yoakes & the breaking forth of the meanes of more perfect knowledge , both in natural and spiritual things , wee may see the drawing neer of the promises , which will in their own times constitute the day of salvation unto all the earth , wherein all flesh shall see the glory of the lord together . the expectation of this day is the hope of israel ; and those that wait for the lord , and his appearance therein , shall find a plentious redemption ; namely such as having this hope purifie themselves that they may be found in peace at his appearing , and such as being solicitous to bestow their talents in their way and generation , to the advancement of his approaching kingdom , shall approve themselves as faithfull servants to him in that day . of this number i am perswaded your honours are in these nations as leading men ; therefore i have made bold thus to address my self unto you , and to inscribe this work unto your names , that it may see the light under your joint patronage . god hath made you very eminent instruments to set forward one part of the preparatives of his great work , the breaking of our yokes , the other part , which is the advancement of spirituall and natural sanctified knowledge , your zeal , i am sure will carry you to countenance by the wayes which providence shall open unto you. therefore i hope it wil not be without acceptance , what in this kind ( though but a mean beginning ) i have here offered . your influence upon it , to set forward learned endeavours of this nature for a publick good may be a blessing unto posteritie , and your relations of eminent note , unto ireland , to watch for the good therof , and to the universities of oxford and dublin , to countenance all the meanes of profitable learning , have encouraged me to make this dedication ; besides the expressions of your honours willingness , to favour me in my undertakings , which i knew no way so well to resent , as by offering to your generous inclinations , the objects , which are worthy of being considered and set forward in order to a common good . i lookt also somewhat upon the hopefull appearance of replanting ireland shortly , not only by the adventurers , but happily by the calling in of exiled bohemians and other protestants also , and happily by the invitation of some well affected out of the low countries , which to advance are thoughts suitable to your noble genius , and to further the setlement thereof , the naturall history of that countrie will not bee unfit , but very subservient . thus beseeching the lord to prosper all your undertakings to the glory of the kingdom of christ , i take my leave , and rest unfeignedly your honours most humble servant samuel hartlib . to the reader . gentle reader , some particulars there are concerning this following work , of which i think it sit you should be advertised : and for as much as i can tell you no more of them than what was written to me by the authors most loving and learned brother , give me leave in stead of mine own words to present you with his said letter on that subject , being such as doth follow . sir , i am very glad to understand by you , that my brothers work of the naturall history of ireland , is not only not lost , as i greatly feared i● was , and that you have found it in perusing those books and papers of his , which he had left behind him at london ; but that you are a going to print it , and have already contracted about it : by the doing whereof i am fully perswaded , that you will gain both credit and contentment , and that those shall no wayes be losers , who will bee at the charges of doing the same . for though i say it , the work is excellent in it's kind , as not only full of truth and certainty , but written with much judgment , order , & exactness ; so as it is to be preferred before most naturall histories of particular countries , and may well be equalled to the very best , for as much as there is done of it . for to make it a compleat naturall history , there should be joyned to that which my brother hath gone through , two books more , the one of all kind of plants , and the other of all sorts of living creatures ; which also might have been expected of him if god had given him longer life . for he intended , assoon as he had published this part , to have fallen also to the rest , if he had found that he had not lost his labour on what was done already , & that it had met with a gratefull acceptance abroad , such as might have incouraged him to take further paines ●bout the perfecting of it : in which case he was resolved to have also joined a fourth book to those other three , concerning the natives of ireland , and their old fashions , lawes , and customes ; as likewise the great paines taken by the english , ever since the conquest , for to civilize them , and to improve the countrie . you say you wonder , & others may justly concurre with you in that your wonderment , how a countrie could bee so accurately described by one , who never was in it . for although my brother hath been in ireland , and that he hath ended his dayes there , yet he had both begun and finished this first book of his naturall history of ireland , some yeares before he went thither , or had any thoughts of doing so : seeing that he begun to write that work in the beginning of the year of our lord 1645. and made an end of it long before the end of the same year ! wheras he went not to ireland untill the latter end of the year 1649. & dyed at dublin within a very short while after he was arrived there , viz. on the 19th of ianuary 16 ●0 / 49. now to answer that difficulty moved by you , be pleased to know , that i being come from dublin to london in the beginning of may 1644. and having stayed there untill the latter end of october , great part of that conversation , which he and i had together during those six months , was spent in reasoning about ireland , and about all manner of particulars concerning the morall and civill , but chiesly the naturall history of the same : my brother beeing very carefull to inform himself of me , about all things appertaining thereunto . for besides that his curiositie , which was very great for to enrich his mind with all manner of laudable knowledge , was of it self alone capable enough for to make him inquisitive in that kind ; he was there-besides led thereto by his own interest , having ventured great part of his estate upon the escheated lands there , according to the severall acts made by the king and parliament in that behalf . and having set down in writing what he had so heard of me , he conferred afterwards about the same with severall of those gentlemen , whom the bloody combustions of ireland had driven away thence , and made to resort to london ; he beeing very well acquainted with them , especially with sir william parsons , and sir richard parsons , which two having above all others a very perfect insight into that land , & into all matters ' belonging to the same , were wonderfull well able to satisfie any of those questions , which from time to time he propounded unto them , either about those things that he had already learned of me , or about such others , of which hee had forgot to speak to me , or on which i had not been able fully to inform him . in this maner he brought that work together , the which to accomplish yet further , he sent to me still as much as he had finished , desiring me to review it diligently , and to adde , put out , or alter , what i should see cause : wherein also , as in the first informations , i was not wanting to contribute what ever was necessary , as far forth as my knowledge did reach unto , and according to those observations , unto which i had very studiously and with singular delight applied my self during those eight yeares that i lived in that iland : whereunto i had so much the more opportunity , because that as my constant abode was in dublin , so i made very many journeys into the countrie , & by meanes therof saw great part of it , especially of the provinces of leinster and ulster , and by reason thereof also it would be an easie matter for me , to make-up those parts of this work , which are still wanting . thus i beleeve to have fully taken away the forementioned objection , and to have given you as perfect an account about the grounds & the manner of the writing of this naturall history , as was expected by you . and having nothing else to trouble you with all at the present , i shall end these with my most hearty wishes , that notwithstanding any discouragements , or any want of incouragement , you would still goe on in that most commendable purpose , of furthering as much as in you lieth all manner of reall and profitable knowledge : the which indeed hitherto you have done so largely on very many occasions , as must needs greatly redound to the generall good of mankind , and make your memory precious to them in all future ages . your most affectionate and humble servant arnold boate . paris 10 / 20 aug. irelands natvrall history . chap. i. of the situation , shape , and greatness of ireland : it 's division into provinces and counties : of the english pale : the principall towns of that nation . sect. 1. situation of ireland . ireland , by the irish themselves called erin , and by their neighbours the welsh yverdon , lyeth in the north-west ocean , having on the west-side no land nearer than america , or the west-indi●s , and thereof that part , which above nova francia and canada running north-ward , hath of the english received the name of new-britain , but of other nations before of terra laboratoris . the next land over against it on the south is galicia , one of the kingdomes of spain , from which it lyeth divided some dayes sayling . northwards it hath the scotish ilands , by the geographers called hebrides or hebudes ; the principall of which are eust , lewis , skye , ila , & mula . on the east-side is great-brittain , and all the three parts of it , to wit part of scotland , the whole west coast of england , and all wales . sect. 2. distance betwixt ireland and severall places upon the coast of great-britain . the sea , which parteth ireland from great-britain , being of a very unequall breadth , is more narrow in the north-end , less in the south-end , but broad in the midst , as farre as it washeth the the english coast , being the full length of the two counties of cumberland and lancashire , opposite against which are situated in ireland the counties of down , lowth , and dublin . the sea which is inclosed betwixt these counties , & compriseth in its middle the i le of man , is wel neer of an equall and uniform breadth every where , not beeing in any place much broader or much narrower , than it is betwixt the havens of dublin & leverpoole , the distance betwixt which two is reckoned by the english pilots to be of fortie leagues , or sixscore english miles . but wales in two or three places commeth a great deal neerer to ireland , and in some as neer again . for holy-head , being the most westerly corner of the northerliest part of wales , called anglesey , lyeth just half way between dublin & lerpoole or chester , being twenty leagues , or three score miles , from dublin , and ten or twelve houres sayl with a reasonable good wind ; which distance is no greater , than what the eye may very very well reach : for a man whose sight is but of an ordinary goodness , may at any time in clea● weather with ease discern the high and mountainous coast of wales from the top of the dublin mountaines . and about the same distance , as is betwixt dublin and holy-head , is also betwixt st. davis-head , a promontory of pembrookshire ( which shire is situated in the most south-west part of wales ) and the irish promontory in the county of wexford , which the natives call cancarne , and the english sea-men tuskard-point . also the promontory of carnarvan in wales , called brachipult-point , and lying betwixt holy-head and st. davis , is well neer at the same distance from the next irish shore , as either of those other welsh promontories . but between brachipult-point and saint davis-head the sea doth much inlarge it self ( although nothing so much as betwixt ireland and england ) making a great inlet on the coast of wales , the which here retireth it self a great way backwards : whereas to the contrary the irish shore , which lyeth opposite to it , extendeth it self in an equall manner without any great bayes or inlets . as for the north part , where ireland & scotland are neighbours , there this sea groweth very narrow ; insomuch as galloway , a county in that part of scotland , is distant with its most westerlie shoare from the ardes ( a little country and demy-island so named in the most northerlie part of the county of down in ireland ) not above five leagues ; which space the open boats , wherein they ordinarily here doe pass from the one kingdome into the other , use to sail in three or four houres time : and cantire , another foreland on the west shore of scotland , more to the north than galloway , is neerer yet unto ireland : so that in these two places the one nation may perfectly bee seen and discerned out of the other at all times , whensoever it is no very dark gloomie weather . sect. 3. shape and bigness of ireland . the shape of this iland is long-waies square , but not fully : for to say nothing of severall corners and forelands , which run out a great way into the sea , nor of divers great bayes and inlets , which the sea maketh here and there , in the three other parts of this iland ; the fourth part , called munster , doth greatly alter that figure ; for in lieu of stretching it self fi●st from the north to the south , & then from the south to the west , it runneth altogether sloping from the north-east to the south-west ; and there besides it stretcheth it self much further into the sea with its western shores , than any other part of ireland on the same west-side . as for the bigness thereof , questionless it is to be reckoned among the chief ilands of the whole world ; and of europe the principalest of all , except only great-britain , the which is more than twice as big : for being as long again , as it is broad , it is at the narrowest ( which is just in the middle , where dublin is situated ) no less than an hundred miles broad ; seeing that atlone , which lyeth just half way betwixt the two seas , is fifty miles distant from dublin ; and in vlster , where ireland is at its broadest , it is in most places ten , or twelve , and in some twenty miles broader . in the length , if from the middle of the northern coast one doe go directly southward , one shall find it to be about two hundred miles . but if you shape your course more to the east , the length will be found less by some miles , because the cost of munster runneth so sloping , as we have said before : and to the contrary , if one measure the length of ireland more to the west , it will be found to bee a great deal more than two hundred miles . and if the measure were taken not through the inland-parts , as now we have framed it , but all along the sea-shore , the length would amount to a great deal more than what now we have declared ( as well on the east as on the west side ) in regard of the inequality of the coast , and of the great bayes and fore-lands , which make it in most places very much run out to the seaward , or into the landward : for which same reason the circuit of the whole iland , taken alongst the shoare , is by far greater , than otherwise the proportion of its length and breadth would seem to require . the miles here mentioned must bee understood not of the cōmon english ones , three wherof make one league , or holland mile ▪ but of the irish , the which are about one fifth part bigger , so as five irish miles doe amount to about six english. sect. 4. division of ireland into provinces and counties . this iland is divided into four principall parts , called provinces , viz. vlster , leinster , connaught , and munster : of which the first and the last extend themselves from the one sea to the other , vlster in the north , and munster in the south . leinster & connaught , lying betwixt those two forenamed provinces , have the sea only on one side , connaught on the west , and leinster on the east . to these four most writers and records add a fifth , called meath ; but that is really a part of leinster , and ordinarily now is held to be such . each of these provinces is again divided into divers counties . vlster hath eleven , whereof six on the sea-side , viz. fermanagh , doneghall alias tirconnel , colraine , antrim , down , lowth ; and five within the land , viz. cavan , monaghan , armahg , nether-tirone , & upper-tirone . leinster comprehendeth likewise eleven counties , dublin , wickloe , and wexford on the sea-side , east-meath , and catherlogh or carlo within the land , but with a little nook reaching unto the sea ; west-meath , kildare , kilkenny , kings-county , queenes-county , and longford altogether within the land . munster is divided into six counties , two within the land , viz. tipperary and limmerick ; and the other four , waterford , cork , desmond , and kerry , situated on the sea-side , but stretching themselves a great way into the land . in connaught there be six counties , viz. clare alias tomond , galloway , majo , and sleigo , situated on the sea , and roscomen , and letcim within the land sect. 5. of the english pale . there is yet another division of ireland , whereby the whole land is divided into two parts , the english pale , and the land of the meer irish. the english pale comprehendeth onlie four counties , one whereof is in vlster , viz. louth , and the other three in leinster , to wit meath , dublin , and kildare : the originall of which division is this . the english at the first conquest , under the reign of henry the second , having within a litle time conquered great part of ireland , did afterwards , in the space of not very many yeares , make themselves masters of almost all the rest , having expelled the natives ( called the wild irish , because that in all manner of wildness they may bee compared with the most barbarous nations of the earth ) into the desart woods and mountains . but afterwards being falln at ods among themselves , and making severall great warres the one upon the other , the irish thereby got the opportunitie to recover now this , and then that part of the land ; whereby , and through the degenerating of a great many from time to time , who joining themselves with the irish , took upon them their wild fashions and their language , the english in length of time came to bee so much weakened , that at last nothing remained to them of the whole kingdome , worth the speaking of , but the great cities , and the forenamed four counties ; to whom the name of pale was given , because that the authority and government of the kings of england , and the english colonies or plantations , which before had been spread over the whole land , now were reduced to so small a compass , and as it were impaled within the same . and although since the beginning of this present age , and since king iames his comming to the crown of england , the whole iland was reduced under the obedience and government of the english lawes , and replenished with english and scotch colonies ; nevertheless the name of english pale , which in the old signification was now out of season , remained in use , and is so still , even since this last bloody rebellion , wherein the inhabitants of almost all the pale , although all of them of english descent , have conspired with the native irish , for to shake off the government of the crown of england , and utterly to extinguish the reformed religion , with all the professors thereof , and quite to root them out of ireland . sect. 6. cities and chief townes of ireland . this iland hath in it severall cities , among which dublin is the principall , beeing the chief city of the whole commonwealth , the residence of the governour , the counsell of state , all the great officers , the exchequer , iudges , and courts of iustice ; beeing also adorned with an vniversitie , the onely in all ireland . it is situated in the province of leinster , about the middle of the length of ireland ( as already hath been mentioned ) not far from the sea , an inlet whereof maketh a harbour for this city ; which harbour , although none of the best of ireland , ( whereof in the next chapter but one shall bee spoken more at large ) is neverthelesse frequented with more ships , and hath greater importation of all things , than any other haven in the kingdome ; by reason that all sorts of commodities are much more readily & in greater plenty vented here than any where else , what in the city it selfe , beeing great and populous , what into the country , for in the time of peace almost all leinster and and vlster were wont to furnish themselves from dublin of all kinds of provisions and necessaries , such as were brought in out of forrein countries . next to dublin is galloway , the head-citie of the province of connaught , to bee reckoned , as well for bigness and faireness , as for riches ; for the streets are wide , and handsomely ordered , the houses for the most part built of free stone ; and the inhabitants much addicted to trafick , doe greatly trade into other countries , especially into spain , from whence they used to fetch great store of wines and other wa●es every year . in the third place commeth waterford , situated in the province of munster ; and in the fourth limmerick , the head-city of the said province , both towns of trafick , situated on goodly havens , and of reasonable bigness and handsomness . cork , in the province of munster , and london-derrie , in the province of vlster , are less than any of the formentioned , but otherwise handsome places , well built , & very fitly situated for trafick and navigation , as standing upon very good havens . as for the rest of the townes , drogheda , kilkenny , and bandonbridge are passable and worthy of some regard both for bigness and handsomeness : but colrain , knockfergus , belfast , dundalk , wexford , youghall , and kinsale are of small moment , the best of all these being hardly comparable to any of those fair market-townes , which are to be found in almost all parts of england . and as for cassel , rosse , lismore , clonmell , and kilmallock in munster ; sleigo and atlone in connaught ; molingar , trimme , kels , navan , aboy , nace , carlo , arklo , and wicklo in leinster ; carlingford , ardee , and down in vlster , all of them walled townes , they are scarce worth the mentioning , because there are few market townes in england , even of the meanest , which are not as good or better , than the best of them all . we could give a more perfect relation of this particular : but because this serveth little to our purpose , and properly doth not concern the naturall history , wee have thought it best to touch it but briefly . chap. ii. of the principall havens of ireland . sect. 1. waterford haven . the havens of ireland are so many in number , and for the most part so fair and large , that in this particular hardly any land in the whole world may be compared with this , as will easily appear by the particular rehearsall thereof , which we are now to make , first of the best and chiefest in this chapter , and of the others in the next . we shall begin with waterford haven , the which being situated on the confines of leinster and munster , runneth some seven or eight miles into the land , not winding or crooked , nor with any great nookes or inlets , but almost in a straight line , ( extending in it self north and north by west ) and in most parts of an equall breadth , all the way deep and clear , having no roks or sands , but onely two or three little ones , which lying not across nor in the midst , but by the sides , may be shunned very easily . without the harbour it is eleven and twelve fathoms deep , in the mouth seven and more , inwards six fathoms . within the easterly corner is a good road , in four or five fathoms ; and on the other or westerly side , five or six miles from the mouth , is another good road , very commodious as well for them who goe forth , as those that will sail upward to waterford . upon the east-side , about halfe-way the length , lyeth a very strong castle called duncannon , which so commandeth this harbour , as no ships can go up or down against the will of those in the fort , without running extreme hazard . this haven in the end divideth it self into two armes , both a great deal inferiour to the principall harbour in breath and depth , but yet such as are capable of ships of a good big port , especially the left , which runneth westward to the city of waterford , whereof this whole haven beareth the name , being situated some four or five miles from that division , and a little below the place where the river shure falleth into this harbour . the right arm being the mouth of the river barrow , and extending it self straight along , goeth up to ross , ( a town in former times famous for trade ) the which is much about the same distance from this division , as the division is from the mouth of the harbour . sect. 2. carlingford haven . on the whole coast of leinster there is not one fair large harbour , so as the next good haven from waterford northwards is that of carlingford ; which two harbours , in sayling straight along the coast , are above an hundred mils distant . this haven is some three or four miles long , and nigh of the same breath , being every where very deep , so as the biggest ships may come there to an anchor ; and so environed with high land and mountaines on all sides , that the ships doe lie defended off all winds ; so that this would bee one of the best havens of the world , if it were not for the difficultie and the danger of the entrance , the mouth being full of rocks , both blind ones and others , betwixt which the passages are very narrow : whereby it commeth that this harbour is very little frequented by any great ships , the rather because there is no trafick at all , nor any good town seated on this haven . for the town of carlingford , whose name it beareth , is a very poor place , hardly worth the speaking of . about eight miles from the mouth of the harbour is the nurie , a fine little town , untill in this late bloody rebellion it was for the greatest part destroyed by the irish : by which town passeth a little river , called the nurie-water , which discharging it self into the harbour some four or five miles below the nurie , is not portable but of very little barkes and boats , and that onely when the tide is in . sect. 3. strangford-haven , and that of knockfergus . about thirtie miles northwards from carlingford-haven is the haven of strang-ford , the which in its entrance is almost as much encumbred with rocks of both kinds , as that of carlingford . it is some five or six miles long , and beareth north-westward , being the mouth of a great lough , called loch cone ; the which being but two or three miles broad in the most places , but some fifteen or sixteen long , doth ebb & flow untill the utmost ends of it : so that there goeth a very strong tide in this harbour , which makes the same the unsafer , especially in great stormes and high winds , for which there is no great defence here . on this haven , and on the neighbouring lough , there lyeth never a good town , strangford beeing more inconsiderable yet than carlingford . the next great harbour upon this coast , and about twenty miles more to the north , is that of knocfergus , being a great wide bay , the which in its mouth , betwixt the southern & the northern point , is no less than ten or twelve miles broad , growing narrower by degrees , the farther it goeth into the land , the which it doth for the space of fifteen miles , as far as to the town of belfast , where a little river called lagon ( not portable but of small boates ) falleth into this harbour . in this bay is a reasonable good road before the town of knockfergus ( seated about nine miles within the land , ) where it is good anchoring in three fathoms , and three and a halfe . on the north side of the bay , somewhat neer the sea , under a castle called mouse-hill , is a sand-bay , where it is good anchoring for all sorts of ships , aswell great as small ones , for the north and north-west winds : but bad riding for the south-west . sect. 4. sheeps haven , lough suillie , and lough foile . the three fore-mentioned havens of carlingford , strangford , knockfergus , are all in the province of vlster , on the east-side thereof . the said province hath also three good havens on its northern coast , not very far distant the one from the other , viz. sheep haven , lough suillie , and lough foile . every one of these is a lough ( which the very name of the second and third sufficiently testifieth ) opening it self into the sea : of the which sheeps haven and lough suillie although they bee fair large harbours , as well as lough foile , and that ships may ride there defended off all winds , lough suillie beeing also of sufficient bigness to contain a thousand great vessels , yet are they very litle frequented , because there is not any trade nor trafick , nor any good town placed upon or neer them . lough foile is of a great bignes , at least twelve miles long , and in most places five or six miles broad , beeing almost every where of an equall breadth , except at the two ends , where it groweth narrow , beeing of an ovall figure . for at the mouth , betwixt magilions point and greencastle , it is hardly a mile and a half broad : and at the other end it is much narrower yet , running from thence with a long arm some miles into the countrie , beeing liker to a broad river , than to a lough . vpon this arm , three or four miles from the great lough , is the town of london-derrie , in a place where that arm turneth and windeth it self in that manner , as it environeth the town on three sides . it is nothing big , consisting only of two long streets , the which cut one nother cross-wayes in the midst ; but it is very handsome , the streets beeing broad and well paved , the houses some stories high , & built for the most of free-stone , with a handsome church , market place , and key : and is inclosed with a thick and very strong stone wall , being one of the principall fortresses of ireland . it is but few yeares old , having been built up from the ground by a company of london adventurers under the reign of king iames. before the mouth of this lough lyeth a great sand , called the touns ( upon which it burneth greatly , when the wind bloweth from the sea ) but so as a fair broad and deep channell remaineth betwixt the said sand and the west-side of the land , where there is at all times fourteen and fifteen fathoms of water , as in the mouth it self some eight or ten . entring into the lough , there are very great sands on the left hand , from the one end to the other , which are some miles broad from off the land ; and of the right hand are some little sands or shelves here , lying close to the land . betwixt these runneth a broad channell in most parts three and four fathoms deep : and in that arm , whereon london-derry standeth , it is deeper yet , in some places no less than ten or twelve , and before the town four and five fathoms : so as this is one of the best and most commodious harbours of all the land. sect. 5. kilbeg and dungall haven . the country of tirconnell , the which taketh up the whole west-side of the province of ulster , runneth a great way into the sea with its southern part , on the south side of which foreland there are two very fair havens , the one not far from the other , viz. kilbeg and dungall-haven . kilbeg is a fair round bay , where the greatest ships that goe upon the seas , may at all times with their full lading enter and come to an anchor ; being distant about twelve miles from cape de tellin , the outmost or most western point of that forenamed foreland of tirconnell . the entrance is very narrow , so as unto them who are comming to it , there seemeth to be no opening there , untill they are very neer , but it is very clean , as well in the mouth , as in the bay it self , and nothing that can hurt the ships either comming in or going forth , beeing entred , one may anchor where one will , in five , six , seven , eight fathomes , or more . three or four miles to the south from kilbeg is a cape , called st. iohns point , and six or seaven miles eastward from the said cape is dungal-haven , wide and deep enough , but in the entrance greatly incumbred with shelves , sands , & rocks , so as great care & circumspection is requisit , to enter or goe forth safely . these two havens have their names of villages seated on them , which are very small and no wayes considerable . sect. 6. broad-haven , akill-haven , and galloway-haven . the province of connaught , extending her self betwixt vlster and munster , taketh up the greatest part of the westside of ireland , it hath also some good ports , as namely broad-haven : an other to the north of akill head ; and a third , situated between the main , and the north and east side of akill iland , in which one may ride in seven and eight fathomes , and be defended off all winds ; although it be rather a sound , than an inclosed harbour : for the ships which are come into it , need not to goe forth the same way again , but sailing on betwixt the main and the iland , may at the south end of the i le come again to the open sea . these havens are nothing famous , beeing very seldome resorted unto by any great ships , except such as by tempests and foul weather , or some other accident , are necessitated to shelter themselves in the same . but the famousest port of this province is that of galloway , beeing a very great bay , some miles broad , and many more long , having in the mouth three iland● , ( named the iles of aran ) the which lye north and south by the side one of the other , there remaining three chanels for to come out of the sea into this bay. one chanel runneth betwixt the land and the northern iland , called therefore north-sound : the second between the the same northern iland and the middlemost ; which channel , beeing the most usuall of the three , is commonly stiled st gregories sound : and the third between the southernmost iland and the main , named south sound : the channel betwixt the southern and the middlemost iland not beeing passable by reason of the sands and shelves , wherefore the name of false-sound hath been given to it . the whole north-side of this bay is very foul with sands and rocks , so as one may not approach the shoar in a great way : at the end of which sand , and in the innermost part of the bay , lyeth a litle iland , called in english mutton-iland , and by the irish enis kerrigh , which hath the same signification ; at the east side whereof one may anchor in five or six fathomes of water ; but from thence northwards untill the citty of galloway , which is the space of two or three miles , none but litle vessels and barks can goe , the citie standing not on the bay itself , but on a broad water like a river , the which not farre above galloway comming out of a great lake , called lough corbes , dischargeth it self into the bay a litle above mutton i le . sect. 7. the havens of limmerick , smerwick , dingle-bay , ventrie , and dingle-icoush . the next great haven on the west side of ireland , to the south of galloway , is that of limmerick , which haven divideth the province of connaught from munster , beeing of a huge length , no less than fifty miles : for so far it is from the mouth of the haven untill the citty of limmerick , to whose walls great vessels may goe up , without meeting with any thing els in all that way , save a many little iles , but not any f●ul places , rocks , or sands . this harbour is nothing els but a great lough ( halfe way its length growing somewhat narrow , but immediatly enlarging it self again into a great breadth ) whereinto the river shanon , ( upon whose bank limmerick is situated ) dischargeth it self a litle way below the said city ; although the english and the irish both call it the shanon all the way untill the sea , as it were not a lough into which the river falleth , but the river it self thus enlarged . comming out of this harbour , the land on the left hand shooteth a huge way westwards into the sea , on the side of which fore-land , ten o● twelve miles at this side of the uttermost point ( betwixt which and the iles of blaskes passeth the sound of the same name ) is the haven of smerwick , not very great , deep , but clean , and well inclosed . at the other side of this fore-land , and to the north-east from the blaskes , is a fair and very large bay called dingle-bay , the which goeth very many miles into the land , having in it divers good havens , one whereof , called ventry , is four or five miles from the sound of blaskes eastwards ; and three or four miles further is dingle-icoush , before the mouth of which harbour , and at the west-side of it , lyeth a rock , called the crow , round about the which one may sail without danger , it being alwayes above water , but at spring tides , at which time the sea doth overflow it . sect. 8. maire , bantrie , and beer-haven . against the south-east corner of dingle-bay lyeth a great iland , called valentia , betwixt which and the main is a very fair and safe road. and a litle way beyond that iland goeth in another huge bay , called maire , which shooteth into the land a great deal further than dingle-bay : and somewhat further is a third bay , called bantrie , which equalleth maire both in breadth and length ; in both which , as well as in dingle-bay , there be severall good harbours and roads . maire hath in the mouth some fifty or five-and-forty fathomes of water ; entring in further , there be six and twenty , twenty , and eighteen ; afterwards you come to ten , and to six , and in the innermost parts to three and two fathomes ; beeing throughout very clean , and free from all kind of rocks and sands , except in very few places . as you enter into bantrie , side-ward upon the left hand lyeth a reasonable big i le , called the iland of beer-haven , betwixt which and the main there goeth in a fair sound , being a great musket shot broad ; the which in its whole length , from where it beginneth untill the place where it endeth at the further part of the iland , being the space of some miles , se●veth for a very good and safe port , wherefore also it beareth the name of a hav●n , being called beer-haven . a good way within the mouth●ly some rocks in the midst of the chanel , the which at high water are overflown , & you may sail of either side of them : & at the other side of this sound , where the same commeth out into the bantrie , there ly two great rocks just in the mouth , betwixt which the ships may pass , as also betwixt the same and the land of either side . all the rest of this harbour or sound is every where very clean and clear , and very good anchor-ground , ten , twelve , and thirteen fathoms deep . sect. 9. whiddie-haven and langerf . in the innermost of the bantrie lyeth an iland about three miles long , called whiddie , betwixt which and the main is a very fair wide bay , ( being the uttermost end of the great bay bantrie ) where you may every where come to an anchor in three , four , five , or six fathomes , in as much or as litle water as you will , according as you have a mind to ride neer the shore or further from it , being every where clean ground . ships may enter into this bay or sound in two severall places , at both ends of the iland . but the entrance at the south-end is very dangerous , because that there betwixt the iland whiddie and the main land it is in most places foul and rockie : but in the other entrance , at the northern end of the iland , is both room and depth enough , it being much broader than that at the south-end , and eight and nine fathomes deep ; and there is nothing that can doe hurt , except only a row of rocks a litle musket shot from the shoar , the which being covered at high water , doe not begin to appear but at half ●bb . right against this iland , at the other side of bantrie , is a haven called langerf , in which is every where good anchoring and good ground ; only at the one side , on the right hand close to the mouth , ly some foul grounds , the which fall dry at the ebb of a springtide . from beerhaven to the northern corner of the iland whiddie the bantrie tendeth east-north-east and north-east , eighteen or twenty miles in length . over against beerhaven , in the midst of the fair water , it is deep forty , six and thirty , and thirty fathoms ; beyond the iland fifteen and sixteen ; but further in , approaching the i le of whiddie , it is again twenty and five and twenty fathoms deep . sect. 10. downams bay , baltimore-bay and baltimore-haven . next to the bantrie , and only by a narrow neck of land divided from it , is downams bay , being great and wide ( although no wayes comparable to any of those three already described ) a very commodious road to save ships in , and good anchor ground every where . the land to the east of this bay shooteth out very far to the sea-ward ; the uttermost point thereof , called messan-head , being the southermost cape of all ireland . for cape de clare , being about twenty miles further to the east , and somewhat more southerly , is not on the main , but in an iland . beyond messan-head is another bay , far greater than any of those three forenamed , but nothing like the same in shape , nor in the same manner running with a long arm a huge way into the land , but rather approaching to the figure of a half moon . in this bay is crook-haven , school-haven , and severall other great havens , not only on the main land , but also in some of the ilands , whereof there is a great number in this bay. the most easterly of all these ilands is baltimore , the which surpassing all the others in bigness , giveth its name unto the bay. that part of the bay which lyeth betwixt this iland and the main , having a narrow entrance , but within of a great largenes , is a marvellous good road , where ships may come to an anchor on either side , & lye defended off all winds . it is five and six fathoms deep on the sides , & six and 7. in the midst . in the mouth of the harbour , next to the east-side , lyeth a blind rock ; & in the midst of it another rock , which appeareth at low water . there is nothing els that can do hurt . this haven , being far the principallest of all this bay , hath its name , as wel as the bay it self of the iland , being called baltimore-haven . to the north of that iland lieth another ●land , called spain-iland , where one may pass betwixt these two ilands to the west , and so out of baltimore-haven goe into the sea. but onely with smaller vessells , because half flood there is not aboue 12. or thiteen feet of water in all that channell . sect. 11 castle-haven , rosse-haven , clandore haven with the havens of kinsale and cork . some miles beyond baltimore-bay is castle-haven , where ships may come to an anchor in twelve fathoms of water , being of a reasonable bigness , and very clear and clean , as well in the entrance as within . between castle-haven and kinsale are two other good havens , to wit that of rosse , and of clandore , in which there is water enough , and very clean ground . the haven of kinsale is one of the famousest of all ireland ; ships may sail into it , keeping in the midst of the channell , without any danger either without or in the mouth of the harbour , except a blind rock close to the east point . within the haven , on the west-side , lyeth a great shelf , which shooteth a great way off from the land , but leaving a very large passage along by the side of it , in which , as in all the rest of the harbour , it is many fathomes deep . this haven for some miles goeth in north-north-east , but afterwards turneth west-ward untill the kay of kinsale , where ships may ride in eight or nine fathoms of water , being defended off all winds . ten or twelve miles to the east of kinsale is cork-haven , the which goeth in north-north-east , being within large and wide , running a great way into the land : for the town of cork , untill whose kay this haven is very clean and deep , is seated many miles from the sea , and from the mouth of the harbour . chap. iii. of the lesser havens , and the barred havens of ireland , also of the roads and anchor-places upon the coast , and in the little ilands near the coast . sect. 1. wexford-haven . after the description of the principal havens of ireland , we shall come to them of less moment , in which number we put all those , which either in their entrance , or within , have not water enough for the bigher sort of vessels ; as likewise those , the which being deep enough , are but very little , and of a small pourprise ; and in this description we shall observe the same order as in the former , beginning with wexford , and so going north-ward , then west , afterwards south-ward , and lastly east and north-eastward , untill wee have gone about the whole iland . the haven of wexford runneth in west , and by north , and with her innermost part altogether northward . just before this haven lye two great shelves of sands by the side one of the other , of which that on the south-side is called hanemans-path , and the other north-grounds . there goeth a chanel betwixt hanemans-path and the land on the south-side of the haven , and another betwixt the north-side and the north-grounds ; but this last hath but six feet of water at full flood , and in the other eight feet with the flood of ordinary tides , and ten at spring-tides . the chief chanel is that which goeth in betwixt the two sands , being four and five fathom deep . besides these sands there is another shelf in the mouth of the harbour it self ; which kind of sandy-banks lying across in the mouth of harbours and rivers , are usually called bars ; and the havens which have them , bared-havens ▪ with a high flood there is about sixteen feet of water . being past the bar , you have for some way three fathoms of water , three and a half , and four ; but afterwards for a great way but ten feet , and ten a half , with a high flood ; although under the castle where the ships come to an anchor , you have four fathoms , and before the town three ; but because of the forementioned shallows , no vessels can go to wexford , that draw more than ten feet of water , but must unlade and lade in a creek near the mouth of the haven on the south-side , about three miles from the town , where is water enough , but no shelter for the south-west winds , the which do come over the land to this place . sect. 2. dublin-haven . dublin haven hath a bar in the mouth , upon which at high-flood and spring-tide there is fifteen and eighteen feet of water , but at the ebbe and nep●-tide but six . with an ordinary tide you cannot go to the key of dublin with a ship that draws five feet of water , but with a spring-tide you may go up with ships that draw seven and eight feet . those that go deeper cannot go nearer dublin than the rings-end , a place three miles distant from the bar , and one from dublin . this haven almost all over falleth dry with the ebbe , as well below rings-end as above it , so as you may go dry-foot round about the ships which lye at an anchor there , except in two places , one at the north-side , half way betwixt dublin and the bar , and the other at the south-side not far from it . in these two little creeks ( whereof the one is called the pool of clantarf , and the other poolebeg ) it never falleth dry , but the ships which ride at an anchor remain ever afloat ; because at low water you have nine or ten feet of water there . this haven , besides its shallownes , hath yet another great incommodity , that the ships have hardly any shelter there for any winds , not only such as come out of the sea , but also those which come off from the land , especially out of the south-west ; so as with a great south-west storm the ships run great hazard to be carried away from their anchors , and driven into the sea ; which more than once hath come to pass , and particularly in the beginning of november , anno 1637 , when in one night ten or twelve barks had that misfortune befaln them , of the most part whereof never no news hath been heard since . sect. 3. the havens of drogheda and dundalk . the haven of drogheda , or , as the word is pronounced in common use , tredagh , is very troublesom to be got into , as having not only a bar lying across before its mouth , over the which vessels cannot pass but at high water , but also very narrow in the mouth : this haven not being an arm or bay of the sea , but onely a river which keepeth her own bigness untill the end , without receiving any notable enlargement of the sea about her mouth , as other rivers use to do . upon this bar is as much water as upon that of dublin ; and the ships which can pass the bar , may go up to the key of tredagh ; which town is seated about two miles from the month of this river , which is called the boine . sixteen miles to the north of tredagh standeth dundalk , where a wide open bay ( made by the giving back and retiring of the coast ) growing narrow , and receiving a little river , which above dundalk is but a small brook , maketh a kind of haven , where never is much water , and with the ebbe may be passed over a foot ; wherefore , and because there is not any shelter for the windes comming from the sea , nor any usuall trafique , this road is very little fr●quented . sect. 4. the havens o● dondrom , arglas , oldfleet , belletree , and the band. a few miles on this side of strongford , are the havens of dondrom and arglas , the one not far from the other , both little , and not very deep , but safe : and a little way beyond the northern point of the bay of knockfergus , is oldfleet-haven , a harbour of the same sort as those two last mentioned . port belletree , six or seven miles to the west of fair-foreland ( the north-easterliest point of ireland ) is as little as any of those three , less defended of the winds , and the ground sharp and foul . some miles further is the haven of colrain , called band-haven , the which is nothing else but the mouth of the river band , the which here falleth into the sea , keeping her own narrowness untill the end , in the same manner as we said above of the haven of tredagh . this river passing through lough neaugh , the greatest lake of all ireland ( the which receiving severall rivers , hath no other out-let into the sea but the band ) carrieth a mighty deal of water , the which being inclosed in a narrow chanel , powreth it self into the sea with great violence : for which reason , and because of the narrowness of the mouth , this haven is very hard to enter , having also but little depth , so as vessels which draw eight feet of water , must at least have three quarters of the flood before they can enter . sect. 5. tellin-haven , mackswins-bay , the havens of balleshanon , slego , endrigo , moy , and niffadoy . upon the west coast of ulster , about half way between cape tellin and kilbeg , is tellin-haven , a round bay , with good sand ground , which will contain about thirty ships : west , and south-west winds blow directly into it , but off all other winds one is there defended . two or three miles eastwards from kilbeg is mackswins bay , where a ship may ride safe without cable and anchor : but the entrance being every where beset with rocks , it is dangerous to go into it . some miles to the south-west of dungal-haven , is balleshanon , being the mouth of that short river , by which lough-earn , one of the greatest lakes of ireland , dischargeth it self into the sea ; which river runneth just on the borders of the two provinces of ulster and connaught , dividing the same ; this having a bar before it , by reason whereof no bigger vessels than of thirty or forty tuns can enter into it . slego and endrigo are two little harbours , situated near the one to the other , in the north part of connaught , very much encumbred with rocks and sands in the entrance , but otherwise reasonably deep ; for a ship of two hundred tunnes may come and ride before the town of slego . about half way between slego and broad-haven is moy , being the innermost of a great bay , divided from the rest by a little iland somewhat long , the which lyeth cross in that manner , that onely one chanel remaineth , whereby to go out of the great bay into the lesser , or the haven , which chanel is twelve feet deep ; but in the haven it self , being nothing else but two little creeks , divided asunder by some sands lying betwixt them , it is about fifteen or sixteen feet deep ; but in the little channel which passeth into the inmost creek , being nearest to the village moy , there is but nine feet of water at full flood with an ordinary tide . some miles to the south-east of sline-head , ( a famous cape in connaught , and situated about half way the length of that province ) is port niffadoy , a reasonable good harbour , but very dangerous to get into , the sea there round abouts being full of rocks both blind ones and others . sect. 6. the havens of trailie , youghall , and dungarvan : item of wickloe , arckloe , malahide , &c. at trailie , half way between smerwick and the mouth of the haven of limmerick , is a fair haven but none of the biggest . about the middle way between cork and waterford is the haven of youghall , before the which lyeth a bar , not to be passed but at high water . twelve miles eastwards from youghall , is dungarvan , being a narrow tide-haven , whose mouth is full of rocks , many of which do not appear , and so more dangerous , and at low water it falleth dry , so as one must go into it at high flood , and pass amidst the rocks . as for the havens of arckloe ( where with high water it is but six feet deep ) of wickloe ( where at ful flood you have but ten feet of water ) malahide , a little to the north of the bay of dublin ; coldach-haven , and red-haven , the first betwixt loughsoile and loughsuillie , and the other betwixt loughsuillie and sheeps-haven ; milk-haven , not far from slego ; mablin-haven , betwixt waterford and wexford ; and some others of the same nature : they are so little , that they will hardly serve for other than fisherboates , and therefore scarce merit the name of havens . sect. 7. roads upon the coast of ireland , from waterford to fair-foreland . be●ides this great number of havens in ireland , there are many good roads , where ships at need may save themselves , and commodiously come to an anchor , not only upon the coast of the main land , but also in the most part of the litle ilands , which ly round about ireland . to begin with those on the main . from the point of waterford to carnarord , being the space of about twenty miles , the coast is full of bayes , where one may come to an anchor . under carnarord ships anchor in six and nine fathomes . in st margarets bay , three miles from carnarord it is good anckoring in five and six fathomes , sand ground . a litle further is the bay of grenore , where you may anchor as neer the land as you will , in six , five , four , or three fathomes . some miles from wexford to the point of glasearick , from which place to the bay of dublin , being about fifty miles , the coast is full of inlets , where it is very good anchoring , in good sand ground , especially to the north of arkloe-head ( in a fair sand bay every where in eight , seven , or five fathomes ) and between arkloe and missen-head , being the space of six or seaven miles . in the mouth of the bay of dublin , at this side of the bar , is good anchoring , as well on the south side , before the village dalkee ( which place is known by the name of berton road ) as on the north-side , round about that great cape , named the head of houth . between strangford-haven and the bay of knockfergus are divers good anchoring-places ; but all that coast is very foul with rocks , and blind rocks . to the north of knockfergus are divers inlets , where one may come to an anchor ; there are some rocks , but they all stand above the water , so as easily they may be shunned . sect. 8. the rest of the roads upon the coast of ireland . to the west of fair-foreland the coast is flat and clean , so as there ships may anchor every where in eight and nine fathoms . under the point of eniston on the west-side one may anchor for easterly winds , or to stop the tide . between loughsuille and sheeps-haven is an inlet where ships may come to an anchor ; but the ground is somwhat foul . on the west-side of cape-horn ships may ride at anchor for easterly winds : and along the whole coast between cape-horn and the iles of aran is every where good anchor-ground ; as also upon the west-coast between st. johns-point and dungal-haven , being the space of five or six miles . in the sound of blaskets it is good anchoring on the south-side of the point for northern and western , and on the north-side for the contrary windes . on both sides of the old-head of kinsal● , by the dutch mariners called cape velho , ships may anchor as deep or shallow as they will. there is also a good inlet for to anchor in a few miles beyond the haven of cork ; and on the east-side of ardimore-head is a bay , where it is good riding for westerly winds in seven or eight fathoms . there is also a good anchoring place or two betwixt dungarvan and the haven of waterford . sect. 9. roads in the ilands of salters , dalkee , irelands-eye , and lambay . as for the roads in the ilands ; about half way betwix waterford haven and carnarord lie two litle ilands , a mile or two from the land , called salters : the southmost whereof , which lyeth furthest from the land , is much bigger than the other : ships may passe between these two ilands in five , six , and seven fathoms . on the east-side of the lesser iland is a good road to come to an anchor in seven or eight fathoms , where ships may ride in safety for south-west , west , and north-west winds : and on the north-west-side of the bigger iland ships may anchor in seven , eight , or nine fathoms , the road being defended off south-south-east , and east-south-east winds . close by the south point of dublin-bay lyeth a small iland , called dalkee , betwixt which and the main land passeth a sound seven , eight , and nine fathoms deep , in which you may anchor under the iland . on the north-side of the head of houth lyeth another small iland , scarce half a mile in compas ( where-in , as also in dalkee , no body inhabiteth , both serving only for to feed cattell ) having a decayed ●hapell on the west-side , over against which ships may come to an anchor . three or four miles beyond irelands ey lyeth the i le of lambry , belonging to sir william vsher of dublin , who hath there a fine litle castle of free stone , and close by it a village , wherein dwell divers families , of fishers and husband-men , who plow part of this iland , and upon the the rest seed cattell and sheep . the whole iland , being about three miles in compas , is high land , wherefore it may be seen a great way off . on the north-side of this iland ships may anchor in twelve and thirteen fathoms for a southerly wind . for a sea-wind the ships must ride on the west-side , over against the castle : but that road is not very good , because alwayes in that sound , being about three miles broad , goeth a great sea. sect. 10. roads in the rest of the litle ilands about ireland . right against the promontory of fair-foreland lyeth the iland raghleens , where ships may sail round about , as well at the out side , as betwixt it and the land , according as the wind and tide serve . on the south-west side is a fair bay with very fine sand-ground , where ships may ride defended off all winds . a litle way on this side and to the east of brandhaven lyeth skires portrush , a rockie iland , the which on the south-side hath a fair bay , very good sand-ground , where ships may anchor in six or seven fathoms , being sheltred of all winds , except the east-north-east wind , the which along the coast doth directly blow upon it . there is a good road on the south-east-side of the i le of aran , situated on the north-west-side of ireland : and betwixt this iland and the main there lye three or four small iles , where ships may anchor in divers places , and be secured off all winds . there is also a good road for some winds under eneskie iland ; the middlemost of the three ilands situated betwixt akill head and sline-head , called boche , where is good anchoring in four fathoms ; under the northern-most iland of those three lying in the mouth of the bay of galloway ; under enis morrow , one of the blaskees ; under dorses i le , lying betwixt the bayes of maire and bantree , in the sound which passeth betwixt the same i le and the main land . ten or twelve miles to the east of cork-haven lyeth an iland called balle-cotton , where ships may anchor in five or six fathoms for westerly and southerly winds . there is also a good road on the east-side of capel-iland , a little i le , lying three or four miles from the mouth of the haven of youghall . chap. iv. quality and fashion of the irish coast or shoares . item , a brief description of the principall promontories or heads of ireland . sect. 1. of the low and strandie shoares of ireland . the irish coast is not every where alike , but of severall sorts : in some places the land along the sea is low and flat , having a broad sandy strand , with a row of sandy hills , the which doth part the land from the strand , in the same maner as it is upon all the coast of holland and flaunders ( where these kind of hils are called duynen or downes ) only with this difference , that they are not so large nor high , as in the low-countries , and that the rowes of them take up but a little space in breadth . this kind of strand is in most parts of fingall ( being a portion of the countie of dublin northwards towards tredagh , and a good way beyond that , and els where . in other places ly no downes or sandy hills , nor any other heights , betwixt the strand and the land , it being only defended from the overflowing of the sea by an unsensible rising ▪ sect. 2. of the high and hilly shoares of ireland . in other places the land is high and hilly on the sea-side ; part whereof doth descend by degrees towards the sea , having a strand below ; but elswhere the land is high and steep , being washed underneath by the deep sea , so as ships of a great burthen may sayl close by it ; the which may be observed not onely in the heads or capes , the most part whereof are thus fashioned , but in many other places , & in great extents of the coast . for as concerning the saying of giraldus , that ireland every where upon the coast is very low , est per omnia sui latera a marináque littora terra valdè demissa , that is evidently repugnant to the truth . some of these high shoars are bare naked rocks , covered with very little or no earth , so as scarce any thing groweth upon them but dry grass and heath ; others are stony within , but have at the top a reasonable deep mould , and all over cloathed with good grass ; some of them being so exceeding steep towards the sea-side , that it is imposible for man or beast , being come to the further end , to go one step further , without falling down and being lost . so as it hath happened , that cattle and sheep feeding in those places , when they were come to the top , and following the grass , suddenly tumbled down , falling head-long into the sea , or upon the hard sharp rocks standing at the bottom . sect. 3. capes on the east-side of ireland . the heads or capes of ireland are in great number , and many of them very observable , to the great commodity of the sea-faring men . in the south-easterliest point of ireland is the cape of greenore , five or six miles to the south of the bay of wexford , being not very high , but steep , and flat at the top : and three or four miles to the south-west from it is the point of carnarord . betwixt wexford and dublin there bee five heads : that of glascarick , which the dutch mariners call the blew-point , and the steeppoint , twelve miles to the north of the bay of wexford , being of no great height . that of glaskermen or arklo being we●-near at the same distance from the head of glascarick , as that is from the bar of wexford . missan head , some nine or ten miles further to the north. the head of wickloe , six miles beyond missan-head , being steep and rocky , divided at the top into two little hillocks . and the fifth and last of all , that of bray , about fifteen miles beyond wickloe , and five or six miles to the south of the bay of dublin , being a great and high cape , shooting a good way into the sea , and so steep , that it is ten fathomes deep there close under the land . on the north-side of dublin-bay is the head of houth , a great high mountain , three or four miles compass in the bottom , having the sea on all sides , except the west-side , where with a long narrow neck it is joyned to the land ; which neck being low ground , one may from either side see the sea over it , so that afar off it seemeth as if it were an iland . this head may be seen a great way off at sea ; for even upon the land one may very perfectly see it , not only upon the key of dublin , which is six miles from thence , but nine or ten miles further westward . upon all the coast from the head of houth to dondrom , being the space of about threescore miles , is none considerable . but some miles beyond dondrom , and three or four miles at this side the haven of arglas , is st. johns-point , a head and fore-land which shooteth a good way into the sea. the next head beyond st. johns , is the point at the north-side of the haven of strangford , which the dutch mariners by a notable mistake call the point of arglas . all these capes lye on the east-side of ireland , whose utmost point northward is the promontory of fair-foreland . sect. 4. capes on the north-side of ireland . about fifty miles to the west of fair-foreland , and well near the middle of the north-coast , is the head of enyston , which with the land next adjoyning lyeth much more northward , and runneth further out into the sea than any other land upon this coast , being of a great height , so as it may easily bee known by any that once have seen it . some forty miles more westward beyond this promontory lyeth the cape which is known by the name of horn-head , being a hill with two hommocks at the top , in fashion somewhat like unto two horns , from whence it hath received its denomination . sect. 5. capes on the west-side of ireland . upon the west-side of the irish coast are four principal heads , viz. tellin-head , lying about thirty miles to the south-west of the iles of aran , the which are situated over against the north-westerlyest point of ireland . akil-head , some miles to the south of broad-haven , being not on the main , but in an iland . sline-head , which by the sea-faring men is called twelve-pence , because the land sheweth it self in twelve round hommocks , being situated well near in the middle of the west-coast : and lupis-head , which is the northern-point of the haven of limmerick . as for the other heads upon the same west-side , namely those three betwixt the haven of slego and broad-haven , by the irish pilots called can-moin , can-killaloy , and can-jores , ( can in irish betokeneth a head in all sorts of significations ) renilira and clegan , between akil-head , and sline-head ( which last the irish call can-leme ) brain and calew , situated to the south of the bay of galloway ; and can-sanan , being the south-point of the bay of limmerick ; those are less considerable . sect. 6. heads on the southern coasts of ireland . upon the south-west-side of ireland , the principall heads are cape-dorses ( situated in an iland of the same name , betwixt the two great bays of maire and bantree ) and messan-head , situated betwixt the bayes of bantree and baltimore ; being the same , in camdens opinion , which ptolomie calleth notium , that is southern , it being the most southerly point of all ireland . upon the south-east-side is the head of clare , standing in an iland on the east-side of the bay of baltimore ; and a great way from thence , the old head of kinsale , called cape velho by the dutch mariners ; which head , to those that come sayling along the land afar off , seemeth to be an iland , being a point which shooteth a great way into the sea , whose utmost , or most southerly end is very high and steep . upon the same side standeth the head of ardimore , which runneth a great way into the sea from the land on both sides , and because of its height may be seen many miles off . chap. v. of the sands or grounds , blind-rocks , and other rocks in the irish sea . sect. 1. of the grounds before the coast betwixt dublin and vvexford . the sea which invironeth ireland , is as free from shelves , sands , or grounds , as any in all the world , not alone upon the other sides , where the same is wide and open , far distant from all other lands , but upon the east-side , where the same is inclosed betwixt ireland and great-britain , in which whole space it hath not any other sands than those situated along the coast between dublin and wexford . these indeed are of a huge extent , but not turning and winding as most part of the grounds in other places , but in a streight line , north-north-east , & south-south-west , being farthest from the land with their north-end ; and as they go southward , so they do come nearer to the land ; and near the tuskar , a rock right against the point of greenore , in which place they end , they are not much more than two miles distant from the land ; whereas the distance betwixt the north-end , near the iland dalkee ( which iland , as before we have shewed , lyeth at the entrance of dublin-bay , about threescore miles from the tuskar ) is above eight miles . they are all of a stoney-ground , in some places but one fathom deep , and a fathom and a half ; but in the north-end two fathoms and a half , and three fathoms . betwixt these grounds and the land lye two or three little sands , besides those which lye in , and before the mouth of the bay of wexford : one betwixt the south-end and greenore ; another to the south of the head of glascarick , a good mile from the land , called rush and ram ; and a third one mile to the south of arcklohead , called glaskermen , somewhat more than half a mile from the land , and about two miles long . sect. 2. of the chanel betwixt the land and the forenamed grounds . the chanel betwixt the great grounds and the land is very deep all over , so that the biggest vessels may pass through it from dublin to wexford , and from wexford to dublin , taking care only that they doe not come too neer the grounds , the which being very steep on the inside ( as they are also without , or on the east-side , where ships may not come neerer to them than in 24. and 25. fathoms , because that in twenty fathomes one is close by them ) it is requisite not to goe further off from the land , than in seven or eight fathoms , in which depth ships may within a cabels length sail all along the coast , the which here every where is very clean , and free from all danger . and even between the land and the forenamed small grounds , glaskermen and rush and ram , the sea is very clean and deep , so as most ships doe passe betwixt them and the land , and not about by the out side of them . these sands in four severall places are cut thorough with fair broad and deep chanells , whereof the one is over against the bay of wexford ; the other against glascarick , beeing no less than fifteen or sixteen fathoms deep ; the third right against arckloe , in which chanel it is about seven or eight fathoms deep ; and the fourth is directly against wickloe . sect. 3. blind rocks upon the coast of ireland from the saltees unto wickloe . there are some blind rock in this sea , but lye for the most part close under the land , or neer some of the litle ilands or high rocks , so as they may easily be shunned , the rather , because most of them doe at low water appear either in part or altogether . to speak a litle of these in order : the saltees , two litle ilands situated half way between the haven of waterford and and the head of carnarord of the which hath been spoken heretofore ) have both at the north-side some blind rocks ; whereof those which ly neer the bigger and southermost iland , fall dry at low water . about three miles to the south of the same bigger iland lyeth a blind rock called kinmore , of the bignes of a ship , at half ebbe it cometh above water , and is so steep , that with the side of a ship one may ly close against it , and have fourteen fathomes of water , so as without any danger one may sail very close by it . to the south-east of the fore named bigger iland doe also lye some blind rocks , called the frailes , the which may be seen at low water , and ships may passe through the midst of them . about half a mile from blackrock ( a noted rock , whereof shall be spoken anon ) lyeth a blind rock , called the barrell , of the which one must take heed very carefully . a little to the west of carnarord lyeth a small rocky foul , close under the land . betwixt carnarord and st margarets bay it is foul and rocky , but the foul grounds doe not reach far into the sea. south-south-east from st margarets bay lyeth a blind rock , called caliogh , the which at low water falleth dry . from the point of greenore a riffe of blind rocks and stones runneth almost the length of a mile into the sea , the which at low water falleth dry a good way from the land . at the north-side of the head of arcklo lyeth a litle stony row , the which is shunned very carefully by the ships , not daring to come neerer to it than in five fathoms of water . sect. 4. the rest of the blind rocks upon the coast of ireland . iust to the south of the head of wickloe , a little way from the land , lyeth a rocky sand called horse-shoe ; betwixt which and the land ships may sail thorough , if need be : but that being full of danger , it is done very seldome ; and a little further to the south lyeth a little blind rock close by the land , called the wolfe , the which at half ebb cometh above water ; betwixt which and the land fishers boats doe passe . the like blind rocks & rockie sands lye upon the coast betwixt tredagh and dundalk , as also betwixt dundalk and carlingford , in both places close under the land : at both the points of the havens of carlingford & strangford ▪ under st iohns point , situated half way between those two havens : on both sides of those two great rocks , a litle way beyond strangford haven , called southrock and northrock : between the ilands of copland iles and the land , at the south-point of the bay of knockfergus : round about those great rocks over against oldfleet , called the nine maids : to the west of the little iland called sheeps-iland : betwixt port belletree and skires portrush , which rocks are called the chickens : half-way betwixt lough-suillie and sheeps-haven , a mile or two from the land , which rocks the flood doth cover , but at ebbe they come above water ; & in severall other places upon the west-coast & the south-coast the which it would be tedious all to particularise : wherfore we will conclude this rehearsall of the blind rocks with that which to the west of st iohns point ( a point situated three or four mile southwards from kilbeg-haven ) doth lye somwhat more than a mile off from the land , upon which the sea breaketh with great noise , and nevertheless one may freely and without any danger sail between the same and the land . sect. 5. rocks in the irish sea , upon the east-side and the north-side of the coast . there be also divers rocks that alwayes stand above water , the which as they are dangerous in the dark night , and in misty weather , so at other times they are rather profitable than hurtful , forasmuch as they serve the sea-faring men for sea-marks , and help them to discern the situation and distances of the coasts ; wherefore also the most part of them have received peculiar and proper names . the principall of this whole number is the tuskar , a great black smooth rock , of fashion like unto a ship turned the upside downwards , but as big again , lying south-eastwards from the point of greenore the space of three miles . to the south west of the tuskar a great way , and about a mile and a half from the bigger of the saltees , is the rock kinbeg . to the north-east of the saltees stand two rocks not far the one from the other , of which the one of its situation is called north-rock , & the southermost the tuns . to the east of these two , and about three miles from the point of carnarord , lyeth black-rock , being clean of all sides , so as ships may freely sail round about it without any fear or danger . a mile or two to the north of lambry lyeth a great rock called rock abill , about which ships may sail of all sides . two miles beyond the north-point of the haven of strangford are two great rocks , the one called north-rock , and the other , distant two miles from it to the south , south-rock : the north-rock is a number of rocks lying close together , divers whereof are covered at high-water . from the end of these two shoot out riffes of foul and rocky-ground ; but betwixt them goeth a broad , clean , and deep chanel , through which all manner of ships , even the biggest , may pass . six or seven miles to the north of the bay of knockfergus , and three miles from the land , are the nine mayds , being great rocks that lye but a little above the water , or low rocky-iles , with a great number of blind rocks about the same , so as ships may come no nearer to them than within five or six mile . of the same kind of low rocks , or little rocky-ilands , are also those who are called eneste●hull-ilands , being situated before the most northerly-point of ireland , betwixt lough-foile and lough-suillie . sect. 6. rocks in the irish-sea upon the western and the southern-coast . near the ilands of aran upon the north-west-coast of ireland , lye severall high rocks , called the stags of aran ; and such other rocks , called the stags of broad-haven , lye three or four miles from the northern-point of broad-haven . three miles to the north-west of akill-head lyeth black-rock , a great high and black rock , with severall other rocks near unto it . on the north-side and west-side of the ilands blaskes , lying over against the most westerly-point of ireland , are severall great rocks , some whereof are called the horses , and others the bucks . seven or eight leagues to the south of blaskes lye three great rocks , called the skellighs , the easterliest about three miles , and the westerliest six or seven miles from the land ; the which , to those that come from the south , when first they begin to see them , resemble the sails of ships . without the head of dorses lye three other great rocks , whereof the uttermost , or the most westerly , is called the bull , the middlemost the cow , and the third the calf , being clean round about , so as without any danger one may sail between them . five or six miles west and by south of the head of clare lyeth a high steep rock alone in the sea , called fastney , the which at the first appearing looketh like the sayl of a ship . two or three miles to the east of baltimore , and a mile or two from the land , lye five or six high steep rocks called the stags , as those of aran and broad-haven , to those that come from the east along the land , when first they begin to have them in sight , they resemble some spires or pointed-steeples standing together . two miles eastwards from the mouth of the haven of kinsale , lye two great black rocks , the one somwhat farther from the land than the other . there lie also severall rocks neer the little ilands of dalkee and irelands-eye , the one situated before the north-point , and the other before the south-point of the bay of dublin , as heretofore we have shewed : likewise on both ends of the i le of lambey , half way betwixt the same iland and tredagh-haven , close by the land ; near the iland ranghlins , near skires portrush , and in severall other places , but the principal and most considerable are those whereof we have spoken . chap. vi. of the nature of the irish-sea , and of the tides which go in the same . sect. 1. the irish-sea not so tempestuous as it is bruited to be . that part of the irish-sea which divideth ireland from great-britain , is very much defamed both by antient and modern writers , in regard of its boysterousness and tempestuousness , as if it were more subject to storms and raging weather than any other , and consequently not to be passed without very great danger : mare quod hiberniam & britanniam interluit , undosum inquietumque , toto in anno non nisi paucis diebus est navigabile : that is , the sea which passeth betwixt ireland and britain , is boysterous and restless , so as but few dayes in the year ships can go upon it ; saith solinus : with whom giraldus ( who several times went to and fro betwixt england and ireland ) fully agreeth , writing in this manner , hibernicum mare concurrentibus fluctibus undosissimum , fere semper est inquietum , it a ut vix etiam aestivo tempore paucis diebus se navigantibus tranquillum praebeat : that is , the irish-sea being very boysterous through the concourse of the waves , is almost alwayes restless , so as even in the summer-time it is hardly for a few dayes quiet enough to be sayled upon likewise also camden and speed give unto this sea the surnames of boysterous and tempestuous . yea it is a common proverb in england , as unquiet as the irish-sea . nevertheless it is nothing so bad as they make it ; and the words of stanyhurst , in his annotations upon giraldus , mare hibernicum satis tranquillum est , nisi ventorum vi agit●tur , & non solum aestate , sed etiam summa hyem● vectores ultro citroque navigant : the irish-sea is quiet enough , except when by high windes it is stirred , so as not only in the summer , but even in the midst of winter people do pass it to & fro , are altogether true , & confirmed by dayly experience . true it is that some ships do perish upon this , but the same happeneth as well upon other seas , who are all subject to the disaster of tempests and shipwracks . sect. 2. causes of the loss of such ships as perish upon this sea . the common cause of the casting away of ships upon this sea , and upon the east-coast of ireland , is this , that in the long dark winter-nights ( when this disaster is more frequent than at other times of the year ) some furious storm arising , the ships are dashed against the rocks , against the rocky shoares , or against those grounds which extend themselves betwixt the tuskar and the bay of dublin , whilst the steer-men and pilots by reason of the darkness not being able to discern the land , or any of their wonted marks , do not know which way to steer to shun those dangerous places , and to keep themselves in the open sea . sect. 3. nature of the ground of the irish-sea . the ground of the irish-sea , as well in the midst , as under the land , is almost every where clear sand ; but in some places black and muddy or oasi●-earth : in very few places rough and sharp ; and scarce any where else but in the bay of wickloe , so hard and stifly compacted , that the anchors can take no hold of it . sect. 4. of the tides in the irish-sea . what concerneth the ebbing and flowing in this sea , which invironeth ireland : upon all the west-side it floweth against the land , and the ebbe falleth back from it into the sea ; the flood from , and the ebbe towards the west ; for which reason very great tides , as well of ebbe as flood go upon all this coast , not onely the open shoares , but in the bayes and inlets ( even those which go a great way into the land , as the haven of limmerick ) so as those , who have been at galloway , do assure us , that it doth so mightily ebbe and flow there , that at high-water great vessels may sayl over those rocks , the which with the ebbe come above water . upon the other side of ireland it ebbeth and floweth along the land ; for upon the north-side of ireland the ebbe and flood falleth in the same manner as upon the west-side , flowing from , and ebbing towards the west . but upon the east-side , from fair-foreland unto carlingford , the flood commeth from , and the ebbe falleth to the north : as upon the rest of this east-side , to wit from carlingford to carnarord , it floweth from the south , and ebbeth from the north. for although upon all this side the flood runneth along the land , yet doth it not take its beginning from one and the same , but two contrary points ; the which two floods comming the one out of the main-sea in the north , and the other out of the main-sea in the south , do meet and stop one another before the haven of carlingford . from tuskar and carnarord as far as to the head of clare , being the whole south-eastcoast of munster , the flood falleth along the coast east-north-east , and the ebbe west-south-west . but upon the rest of the coast of munster , beyond the head of clare westward , which coast lyeth west and by south , the flood falleth east-ward , and the ebbe to the west . sect. 5. strong tides in the sounds . strange proprietie of the bay of wexford in the matter of tides . that which the sea-faring men do witness , that in the sound of blaskes , of dalkee , and in that of lambey , as also in some other narrow chanels of this sea , there goeth a very strong tide , as well of the ebbe as flood , is no other than may be observed almost every where else in places of the like nature . but it is much to be wondered , what the same do relate of the chanel , or entrance of the haven of wexford , to wit , that it ebbeth and floweth there three houres sooner than without in the open sea ; so as when it is high water in the chanel of that haven , and upon the bar of the same , the flood doth still for half a tide , or three hours after , strongly run by it to the north ; whereby it cometh to pass that the end of hanemans-path ( a great sand lying just before the haven of vvexford ) is cast up more and more to the north ; and that the chanel which passeth by the north-side of that sand , being the entrance of the haven , is now more to the north than it hath been formerly . and as it floweth three houres longer in the open sea than upon the bar and in the chanel of this haven , in the like manner also , the ebbe in the sea falleth to the south three houres after that it is low water in the same place , but not so strongly as the flood . sect. 6. some other strange particulars about the tides in the i●ish-sea , related by giraldus , but found not to be true . more strange it is what giraldus writeth of the havens of wickloe and arckloe , to wit , that in vvickloe-haven it ever floweth , when in the sea it ebbeth ; and that it ebbeth there when it floweth in the sea . and that in the same river ( this haven being nothing else but the mouth of a little river ) the water is salt as well when the ebbe is at the lowest , as at the flowing and high-water : and that to the contrary in that riveler , which at arcklo dischargeth it self into the sea , the water keepeth its sweetness at all times ( never receiving the mixture of any saltness ) as well with the flood and high-water , as with the ebbe . but experience sheweth these things to be repugnant to the truth ; as also what he writeth of a rock not far from arcklo , at the one side wherof he saith that it alwayes ebbeth , when it doth flow on the other ; and to the contrary . also that in milford-haven ( situated in the southernmost part of wales , in a manner over against waterford ) and upon the next coasts , it ebbeth and floweth at quite contrary times to what it doth at dublin , and the coast thereabouts ; so that it should begin to ebbe in milford-haven , when in the bay of dublin it beginneth to flow , and to flow in milford-haven when it beginneth to ebbe at dublin : which how untrue it is , all those can witnes , who having bin in both places , have had the curiosity to observe the times and houres , at what age of the moon soever , wherein it doth begin to ebbe and to flow there . chap. vii . of the springs and fountains , item of the brooks and rivelets of ireland . sect. 1. of the springs and fountains . having sufficiently spoke of the sea wherin ireland lyeth , and of whatsoever belongeth thereunto ; we shall now , before we come to treat of the land it self , speak of the waters within the land ; first of the springs and brooks , afterwards of the rivers , and lastly of the loughs or lakes . as for the first , to wit fountains and springs , ireland is very full of them every where , not only in the mountainous and hilly parts , but even in the flat and champain countries : which springs for the most part are all of one and the same fashion , being like unto a small pit full of water up to the brim ; at the lower ●ide whereof the water doth run forth , without making any noise or bubling . for that kind of fountains which forcibly burst out of the side of a rock , or spout their water on high , are very rarely to be found in this kingdom . the water of these well-springs is for the most part cool , clear , and pure ; free from all strange smell and tast : in which properties nevertheless , and in the wholsomness of the water , the same differences are found , and for the same causes , as in other countries . for those which spring out of a gravelly or sandy ground are purer than those that spring out of earth or clay ; those that rise out of a stony or rocky ground , cooler than any of the former ; those that are exposed to the sun , and freely receive the bea●● thereof , especially of the morning sun , have lighter and wholsomer water , although less cool than those which are contrarily seated ; and so for the rest . sect. 2. spaes and holy-wels in ireland . a few yeares since some fountains have been discovered in ireland , some of them not far from dublin , and others in other parts , whose veines running through certain minerals , and washing off the vertue of the same , yeeld a medicinall water , apt to open the obstructions of mans body , and to cure other accidents thereof ; which kind of fountains are commonly called spaes , a name borrowed of a certain village in the country of liege , in which there is a spring of that sort , absolutely the principallest , and the most effectuall of all those of the same kind , and therefore of very great renown in near and in far countries . besides these spaes there are also a great number of other fountains throughout all the land , called holy-wels by the inhabitants , whose water not differing from that of other wels , in smell , tast , or in any other sensible quality , neverthelese is beleeved to be effectuall for the curing of severall diseases . but experience doth shew , that those vertues are not found in the springs themselves , but onely in the vain imagination of the superstitious people ; the which also having dedicated every one of those to some particular saint , do expect the supposed vertue rather from the power of them , than from any naturall efficaciousness inherent in the water it self . sect. 3. of the fabulous fountains of giraldus cambrensis . as for those wonderfull springs mentioned by giraldus cambrensis , one in munster , whose water presently maketh them gray that wash their head or beard therewith ; one in ulster , of quite contrary vertue , so that the persons washed therewith never come to be gray ; one in connaught , whose water good and commodious for the drinking , and other uses of men , is hurtfull , yea deadly to cattle , sheep , horses , and all other sorts of beasts ; and yet another in the same province , the which being on the top of a high hill , far from the sea side , ebbeth and floweth twice a day , in the same manner as the sea , i could not hitherto come to the speech of any , who in our times had seen those fountains , or observed any such thing in them : which maketh mee doubt , that that good man hath been deceived herein by his credulity , as in innumerable other things , the which being evidently untrue and fictitious , are by him related for certain truths . as in this matter who seeth not the idleness of that fiction concerning a certain fountain in munster , whereof he writeth , that as soon as any body doth touch it , or but look at it , it beginneth presently to rain most heavily over all the province , and continueth so to do , untill a certain priest , appointed for that purpose , and who hath never lost his maiden-head , do appease the fountain , in singing a mass in a chappel standing not far from thence , and built expresly for that end ; and in be sprinkling the same fountain with holy-water , and with the milk of a cow of one colour . sect. 4. of the brooks in ireland . no country in the world is fuller of brooks , than ireland , where the same be numberless & water all the parts of the land on all sides . they take their beginning three severall manner of waies . some have their source of fountains , the which for the most part are very small , not only those who carry the water but of one spring ( most of which are rather like unto a gutter , than a brook ) but even those into which the water of severall fountains doth flow together . others rise out of bogs , the which besides their own universall wetness being full of springs , and by reason thereof gathering in them more water than they are able to drink in or contain , doe necessarily send out the same in convenient places , and so give a beginning unto rivelets and brooks . the third sort take their beginning out of certain small loughs , which brooks ordinarily are of a reasonable bignes , and farre surpasse the other two sorts ; although there doe not want some , even of this kind , which are very little . and there is very few of any of these kinds , who come to any notable bignes , as long as they continue to be solitary , and untill having received the water of severall other brooks , doe thereby grow more considerable than they were in their first originall . these brooks , besids the great good they do the land in watering the same , & besides the commodity they afford of drenching the cattle & other beasts ; do also greatly serve the inhabitants for another good use , to wit the grinding of their corn , wherunto the windmils are very little used in ireland , because they have the conveniency , through the great number of brooks , to erect watermills in every quarter where it is necessary : which bring a great profit to the owners , being kept and maintained with less cost and labour . sect. 5. of the swelling and overflowing of the brooks . some of the brooks doe flow in an equall bigness all the year long , without receiving any notable increase or diminishing : but far the major part doe change according to the wet or dry seasons of the ye●r , and as many of them as come out of the mountaines , or run thorough hilly countries , swell so excessively , when any great rain doth fall , that they not only overflow the next low grounds , doing many times great damage in them , but also bring the wafering men into great distresse ; for it cometh to passe very oft , that a brook , which ordinarily is very shallow and still , riseth so mightily through the multitude of the rain water , which from the next mountains and hills descendeth into it , that a good horse cannot passe without swimming , where at other times a child easily may wade over : and with that adundance of water is commonly joined so strong and impetuous a current , that man and horse are often caried away with it , to their extreme danger ; and what soever wee say here-in of the brooks , is much more to bee understood of the rivers , the which otherwise in convenient places or foards may be passed over ; wherein the aforesaid danger is greater yet : so that few yeares passe in ireland , in the which some persons are not drowned in that fashion . sect. 6. strange invention of a man to pass a brook , greatly risen by the abundance of rain . it shall not be improper to insert here a particular observed by a very credible and reverend person , theophilus buckwort , bishop of dremore , the which he hath severall times related to my brother and others , being this ; the lagon , a little river or brook which passeth by the town of dremore , upon a certain time being greatly risen through a great and lasting rain , and having carryed away the woodden-bridge , whereby the same used to be passed at that town ; a country fellow who was travelling that way , having stayed three dayes in hope that the water would fall , and seeing that the rain continued , grew impatient of staying longer , and resolved to pass the brook whatever the danger was ; but to doe it with the less perill , and the more steadiness , he took a great heavy stone upon his shoulders , whose weight giving him some firmness against the violence of the water , he passed the same without harm , and came safe to the other side , to the wonderment of many people , who had been looking on , and given him all for a lost person . sect. 7. of the brooks of dromconran and rafernam by dublin . of these dangerous brooks there are two hard by dublin , both running into the haven somewhat more than a mile from the citie , the one at the north-side thereof , a little below the village dromconran , which is seated upon the high-way from dublin to drogheda ; and the other at the south-side , close by the rings-end . this called rafernam-water of the village by which it passeth two miles from the sea , and the same distance from dublin , is far the worst of the two , as taking its beginning out of those great mountains south-wards from dublin , from whence after any great rain such abundance of water is descending to it , that the same , which at other times is of very little depth , groweth thereby so deep , and exceeding violent , that many persons have lost their lives therein ; amongst others mr. iohn vsher , father to sir william vsher that now is , who was carryed by the current , no body being able to succour him , although many persons , and of his nearest friends , both afoot and horsback were by on both the sides . since that time a stone bridge hath been built over that brook ( as over dromconran-water there hath been one from antient times ) upon the way betwixt dublin and rings-end ; which was hardly well accomplished , when the brook in one of those furious risings quite altered its chanel for a good way , so as it did not pass under the bridge as before , but just before the foot of it , letting the same stand upon the dry land , and consequently making it altogether useless : in which perverse course it continued , untill perforce it was constrained to return to its old chanel , and to keep within the same . to go from dublin to rafernam , one passeth this river upon a woodden-bridge ; the which although it be high and strong , nevertheless hath severall times been quite broke , and carryed away through the violence of sudden floods ; although at other times , and when that brook doth onely carry its ordinary water , a child of five yeares may easily and without danger wade through it ; and a tall man on horsback riding underneath it , not being able to reach it ; in the great floods the water many times riseth so high , as that it doth not onely touch , but floweth quite over the bridge . chap. viii . of the rivers of ireland . sect. 1. of the shanon . besides the excessive number of brooks wherwith ireland is watered , it hath a good many rivers , the which being broader and deeper than the brooks , are consequently navigable ; although the major part are not portable of any great ships nor barks , but only of small vessels and boats . the principallest of all is the shanon , who taking his originall out of lough-allen , and in his course dividing the province of connaught from leinster , and afterwards also from munster , passeth through two other great loughs , to wit lough-ree , whereout she cometh just above atlone ( a mean market-town , but adorned with a stately and strong castle , the ordinary residence of the presidents of connaught ) and lough-dergh , about half way betwixt atlone and limmerick , and a little below the said town shee dischargeth her self again into another lough , by far the biggest of all , the which extending it self from limmerick unto the sea , and above fifty miles long , it is held by the irish as well as the english not for a lough , but for the shanon it self , and consequently called with that name ; whereof hath been spoken in the second chapter . this river is wide and deep every where , so as she would be navigable in her whole length , not only with boats of all sorts , but with reasonable big ships , to the great commodity of them that inhabit near it , were it not for the impediment of a certain rock , some six miles above limmerick , the which standing across in the chanel , and the river with great violence falling downwards over it , all communication of navigation betwixt the upper and the lower parts of it is thereby absolutely hindred . sir thomas wentworth , lord wentworth , and afterwards earl of strafford , he that in in the beginning of this present parliament was beheaded , having been governour of ireland many yeares , first in the quality of lord deputy , and afterwards of lord lieutenant , had a design to take away that let , in causing of a new channel to be digged for a little way , whereby the river being made to alter her course , should have avoyded that rock ; and to that purpose sent certain skilfull men thither to view those parts , and carefully to examine whether it were feasible , who made report that it might be done , and would not cost above seven or eight thousand pounds sterling , a sum not very considerable in comparison of the great profit which afterwards would have been reaped from that work : nevertheless it was never taken in hand , the intents of publick utility having been diverted and smothered by those of private profit , as commonly it falleth out . sect. 2. the rivers suck , sure , oure , broad-water , barrow , and slane . there are several other rivers in the province of connaught , but none of them is any waye comparable with the shanon for length , bredth , or depth , and little to be said of them , but that the suck , the which falleth into the shanon a little way below atlone , is the principallest of all . the two chief rivers of munster are sure and broad-water , the city of waterford being situated upon the first of those two , the which close by it dischargeth her self into that arm of the sea which is known by the name of waterford-haven . the other passeth by lismore , and falleth into the sea by youghall , where it maketh a tide-haven . next to those two is the river of cork , and then that of kinsale , the which is but of small moment , as also are the rest of the rivers of this province . in leinster is the nure or oure , the barrow , the slane , the liffie , and the boine , besides some others of less moment . the oure and barrow do mingle their waters at the town of ross , from whence having past a little way together , they discharge themselves into the right arm of the haven of waterford , and so in a manner doe meet the sure , who falleth into the other arm : for which consideration these three rivers were wont to be called the three sisters , as giraldus witnesseth . both the oure and the barrow are portable many miles into the country ; the oure onely with little boats , and with cots ( they call in ireland cots things like boats , but very unshapely , being nothing but square peeces of timber made hollow ) but the barrow with good big boats. the slane falleth into the haven of vvexford , being like unto the oure for length and bigness . sect. 3. of the liffie and the boine . the liffie is the princess of the irish-rivers , not for her bigness ( for not only the shanon , but the boine , barrow , and severall others , do far surpass her therein ) but because dublin , the chief city of all ireland , is seated upon her banks ; a mile below which city , at a place called rings-end , she loseth her self in a bay of the sea , which is called dublin-haven . with the help of the flood , ships of fifty and threescore tuns can make a shift to come up to the key of dublin , but when the tide is out , and at the lowest , the smallest boats find hardly water enough to go between dublin and rings-end , because the chanel being very broad there , the water spreadeth it self too much , and by reason thereof groweth very shallow . but in the city it self , where she is inclosed betwixt the keys on both sides , and from the bridge of dublin untill the bridge of kilmanan , and a little further , being somewhat more than a mile ( in which space she runneth between her own banks ) great boates may goe upon her at any time . she would be navigable with boats some three or four miles further ; but the weres , made in her a little way above the bridge of kilmanan , doe hinder that . this river taketh her beginning in the mountaines lying to the south of dublin , not above ten miles from it ; but fetcheth such a compass ( bending her coast first to the west , afterwards to the north , and lastly , for seven or eight miles , eastward ) that from her originall to her mouth is the space of no less than forty or fifty miles . the boine the river where-on tredagh is seated , hath her beginning in kings county , close by the originall of the barrow , although the place where the barrow falleth into the haven of waterford , is above fourscore miles distant from the mouth of the boine . this river is almost of an equall bigness in farre the greatest part of her course , and would be portable of good bigg boates very many miles into the land , if that were not hindred by the weres . sect. 4. of the band and blackwater . the principall river in vlster of those that fall directly into the sea , is the band , the which as in her mouth , she is incumbred with severall inconvenients , as wee have declared above in the third chapter , so she is portable but a few miles from the sea , because of a certain rock , the which running across the chanel from the one bank to the other , stoppeth all manner of passage , not only of bigger vessels and barks , but of the smallest boates , which dare not come neer the same rock , because it being somewhat high , and the water from it falling downwards with great violence , it goeth for some space with a mighty current . this rock or cataract , called vulgarly the salmon-leap ( for a reason hereafter to be declared ) and the fall , because of the falling down of the water , is not above four miles from the sea , hindring all manner of communication between the same and lough neaugh , from the which this cataract is distant about three miles : whereas otherwise , if the passage of this river from the sea to the lough were open , ships might by that meanes goe a great way into the land , not only the whole length and breadth of lough neaugh ( which every where is very deep , and navigable even for great ships ) but even a good many miles farther ( with good big boates ) by meanes of some rivers that fall into it , especially the black-water , which is the principallest of them all . for the band , although she giveth the name to the river going out of the lough , is not comparable to the black-water for breadth nor depth , beeing rather a brook than a river , the which being very shallow at other times , doth rise so excessively upon the falling of much rain , that it is one of the most dangerous and terrible brookes of all ireland , in the which therefore from time to time many men and horses have been drowned at the passing of it . sect. 5. of the lagon and nury-water : tide-rivers . besides the band and the black-water , there is scarce any other river in vlster , but that which passing by strebane and london-derrie , dischargeth it self into lough-foile . for the lagon , hereto●ore mentioned by us , which by belfast falleth into the sea ; the nury-water ▪ whereof wee have spoken in the description of carlingford-haven ; and some others of that nature , are properly brooks , and not portable by reason of their own water , but of that which out of the sea floweth into them ; as appeareth clearly when the tide is out . for then they are as small , and as little portable in those places , where the boates and bigger vessels doe pass at high water , as are they at all times in those places unto which the tide doth never reach : which kind of tide-rivers or brooks , which only by the comming in of the tide are made navigable for a little way , are to be found in all the provinces of ireland . sect. 6. of the cataracts in the irish rivers . besides that the navigable rivers are but rare in ireland , and that the most part of them are only portable of very small vessels and boats , not of any bigger ships or barks , as appeareth by the former relation , there be very few rivers , who have not some impediment or other in them , whereby it commeth that they are not portable so farre , as otherwise they would be . these impediments are chiefly three in number , cataracts , weres , and foards ; whereof the last two doe only concern the lesser rivers . the first , to wit the cataracts , are incident to the greatest rivers as well as to others , as may appear by what wee have said concerning them in the description of the shanon and the band ; whereby also fully may be conceived the manner and nature of the said cataracts , so as it is needless here again to delineate them . such a cataract or fall there is found in the liffie , seven miles from dublin , and about a quarter of a mile above the village and castle of leslip , the description of which as holding it not improper for this place , wee shall here set down as it came to our hands from those who have observed it very exactly . the said river running there abouts along a narrow and deep valley , being hemmed in at both sides with high hils of a long continuance , hath a very rockie chanel , and besides that the bottom is overspread in severall parts with great massie stones , there is in two or three places , at no great distance , a contin●all rocky bulk reaching from one side to the other , leaving but one or two narrow passages , through which the stream runneth with a very strong current , and a mighty noise , but the third and last bulk , like a cataract hath the chanel close to it , a great deal lower ( by far more than the other , at least by seven or eight feet ) which is the cause that the stream doth not so much run swift here , or passeth with a current through narrow channels , as in the two first bulks , but as soon as it is got over the rock it falleth steep down with great violence , the space of three or four paces in breadth ; where as the remainder of the main chanel is altogether stopped by the said rock . in winter and other very rainy seasons , when the water doth increase much , it passeth over all the said rockes smoothly and without noise , where the same is exceding great , those times , when the liffie runneth with a small streame . there is also a cataract in a small tide river in the county of cork in munster , the which falleth into the innermost corner of the great bay bantrie , and one in the haven of balle-shanon , which haven being in effect nothing els but the mouth of lough-earne , commonly is counted for a river , and called by the name of trowis sect. 7. of the foards in the rivers of ireland a second impediment of their navigableness . concerning the foardes ; it is to be observed , that not every where , where the high-wayes meet with great brooks or small rivers , bridges are found for to pass them , but that in very many places one is constrained to ride through the water it self , the which could not be done , if the rivers kept themselves every where inclosed between their bancks ; wherefore they are not only suffered in such places , to spread themselves abroad , but men help there to as much as they can , to make the water so much the shallower and consequently the easier to be passed : whereby it commeth many times to pass , that a river which above and below the foard is deep enough to be portable of great boates , through the shallowness of the foards lying between ▪ will bear none but of the very smallest ; or where otherwise the same would carry small boats is not portable at all ; this in most places might easily be remedied , in raising of dikes or artificiall banks , where the naturall ones failing doe minister opportunitie unto the rivers fo● to spread themselves ; and making bridges to pass over . some foards , do not greatly impair the chanel of the rivers , but leave the same almost in her full depth , especially in the midst ; but the same , as they are more incommodious for the traveller , so they are not very frequent , but in far less number than the others . sect. 8. of the weres , a third impediment of the navigableness of the rivers in ireland . the weres , a third ●et of the navigation of the irish rivers , are thus ordered : they set up very big stones in the river , close together from the one side of the river to the other , leaving only one hole , either in the midst , or near one of the sides , before which hole a basket being layd , they take therein a great quantity of fish ; for comming to the weres , and finding their way stopt by the stones , they take their course to that place where they find an opening . these rows of stones doe not directly cross the river from the one side to the other , but doe go very much floaping , that the stream with less force may beat against them : and the same also doe stand but very little above the water , to the end that when the flouds come the water may find a ready passage over them , without which they would not be able to subsist against the force thereof , but easily be thrown down and scattered . some weres are set up , not so much for the taking of fish , as for mils , and that the course of the water thereby being in part stopped in the main chanel , may be made to go into some little by-chanel , cut expresly for to conveigh the water to the mill : many weres serving for both these uses jointly . some rivers have onely one of these impediments , as the shanon and the band , each a fall or cataract : the boine , weres ; having onely foards , many miles from the sea . the grea●●st number have weres and foards , and commonly each of them in severall places . some have all three , as the liffie by name , which hath not only weres and foards in severall places , but also a cataract or salmon-leap , as hath been mentioned above . chap. ix . of the lakes or loughs in ireland . sect. 1. of the little loughs . loughs there is a very great number in ireland , especially in the provinces of ulster and connaught , we may distinguish them into three severall sorts , great , middle-sort , and the least . under this last we comprehend all such whose parts discover it self to the eye all over at one time . this sort of loughs are found in severall places of the other provinces , but nothing near so many as in ulster . every one of these commonly sends forth a brook , and some more than one , being all of them very deep ( the very least not excepted ) and well-stored with fish : so as they are not only delightfull , especially such as are situated in some dale or valley , or environed round about , or on some sides with pleasant little hils ( as it falleth out in the greatest part of them ) but also commodious and profitable , affording good opportunity to build houses and castles upon their borders , which was done in ●any places by the english and scotch , who had made severall fair plantations , and would have done more , if it had not been hindered by that horrible rebellion of the bloody irish ; in the beginning of which many of them which were already built have been destroyed by those barbarians . many of these little loughs have a little lland in the midst , which is both commodious and pleasant . some wherein little llands doe float , not keeping long any certain place , but removing to and fro as the force of the wind doth drive them . sect. 2. of the middle-sort of loughs . the middle-sort of loughs we understand to be such as far exceeding the fore-mentioned in bigness , nevertheless are not to be compared with the biggest sort , of which we shall speak presently : of this kind are lough-fin and lough-dirg in the county of donegal in ulster , lough-mugkney in the county of monaghan , and lough sillon in the county of cavan , both in the same province ; lough-ranmore in eastmeath : besides several others in other counties of leinster , especially in queens-county , longford , and westmeath , having little or nothing worthy of observation . sect. 3. of the great loughs , and first of those of salt-water . the great loughs are of two sorts , either of sweet-water , as all the former ; and some of salt-water ; these last being such through the mixture of the sea ; the which finding an open entrance , and twice a day with the tide fully flowing into them , maketh the water so salt . and it would be no great error to take all those loughs wherein that happeneth , ( viz. lough cone , in the county of down ; lough-foile , in the county of colrain ; lough-suille , in tirconnell ; and the lough of cork ) rather for inlets of the sea than for lakes , although the inhabitants hold them all to be loughs , and give them the name of loughs : and in this number is also to be put that great lough betwixt limmerick and the sea , through which the shanon dischargeth it self into the sea ; of the which we have already spoke once or twice heretofore . sect. 4. of lough-earne , lough-neaugh , and the rest of the great loughs . amongst the great loughs of sweet-water , are far the principallest lough-earne & lough-neaugh , the first of which is situated in the confines of ulster and connaught , being in effect two different loughs , joyned together onely by a short and narrow chanel ; of which two , that which lyeth farthest within the land , doth extend it self in a manner directly north and south ; but the second , which is next to the sea , doth lye east and west ; so that both together they have the fashion of a bended elbow , being both very broad in the midst , growing by degrees narrower towards both the ends . lough-neaugh lyeth in the north-easterly part of ulster , bordering upon the counties of tirone , armagh , down , antrim , and colrain , being of a round , or rather somwhat ovall figure . next in bigness to these two is lough-corbes , the same on whose neather-end the city galloway is seated : the two loughs thorough which the shanon passeth , lough-ree , and lough-dirg : item lough-fingarrow in connaught , betwixt the counties of maio and roscomen . in the last place , as the least of this sort , are lough-allen , out of which the shanon taketh his originall , being nine miles long , and three miles broad : lough-me●ke , situated betwixt lough-fingarrow and the lough of galloway ; and lough-larne , in the county of kerry in munster , not far from the upper-end of those two famous bayes dingle and maire . the least of these is some miles long and broad , and many miles in circuit ; but the biggest are of so vast a compass , that they are more like a sea than a lough . sect. 5. of the ilands in the loughs . most of these great loughs are very full of little ilands , and above all lough-earne , in which the same are numberless . in lough-cone also there is so great a number , that those who inhabit about it , affirm them to bee two hundred and threescore . lough-ree , and lough-dirg are likewise very full of them : and there is also a good many in lough-fingarrow , lough-larne , and suille . but lough-foile is very free from them , and in the lough of cork there is not above one or two , as likewise in lough-neaugh , in which they lye near to the ●ides , leaving the midst altogether free . very few of these ilands are inhabited or planted ; but the most part being plentifully cloathed with very sweet grass , serve for pastures to sheep and other cattle , the which doe thrive wonderfully well in them , and the same befalleth also in the middle sort of loughs , amongst which likewise there be very few that have not some of these little ilands in them . in some few of these ilands , especially of lough-earne and lough-ree , are some dwellings , whereunto persons who love solitariness were wont to retire themselves , and might live there with much contentment , as finding there not only privacy and quietness , with opportunity for studies and contemplations , but there besides great delightfulness in the place it self , with variety of very sweet pastimes in fowling , fishing , planting , and gardening . in one of the greatest ilands of lough-earne , sir henry spotteswood had a fine seat , with goodly buildings , gardens , orchards , and a pretty little village , with a church and steeple belonging to it , which whither it is in being yet , or destroyed by the barbarians and bloody rebels , i am not informed . in lough sillon in the county of cavan in a iland not far from the bank where the river nanne● runneth into it , is a castle built of form four square , which covereth the whole i le , much after the manner of the fort eneskellin in lough-earne , and so many more to long to be rehearsed . sect. 6. of st patriks purgatory . one of these little ilands situated in lough-dirg ( one of the middle-sort of loughs ) hath been very famous , for the space of some ages , over almost all christendome ; because the world was made to beleeve , that there was the suburbs of purgatorie , into which whoso had the courage to goe , and remaine there the appointed time , did see and suffer very strange and terrible things : which perswasion having lasted untill our times , the matter hath been discovered with in these few yeares , and found to be a meer illusion . this discoverie was made during the goverment of richard boile , earle of cork , and adam lostus , vicount of elie , and lord chancellour of ireland : which two being lords iustices of that kingdome in the last yeares of king iames , & desirous to know the truth of the business , sent some persons of qualitie to the place , to inquire exactly into the truth of the whole matter . these did find , that that miraculous and fearfull cave , descending down to the very purgatorie and hell , was nothing els but a little cell , digged or hewen out of the rockie ground , without any windowes or holes , so as the doore beeing shut one could not see a jot within it ; beeing of so little depth , that a tall man could but just stand upright in it , and of no greater capacity , than to contain six or seven persons . now when that any person desirous to goe that pilgrimage to purgatory , was come into the iland , the friars , some small number whereof made their constant aboad there for that purpose , made him watch and fast excessively : whereby , and through the recounting of strange and horrible apparitions and ●antasmes , which he would meet withall in that subterranean pilgrimage , being well preepared , they did shut him up in that little dark hole : and beeing drawn out again from thence after some houres , altogether astonished and in a maze , he would be a good while before he came again to himself ; and afterwards the poor man would tell wonderfull stories , as if in very deed he had gone a great way under the ground , and seen and suffered all those things , which his weak imagination , altogether corrupted by the concurrence and sequel of so many causes to weaken the braine , did figure unto him . to prevent this delusion in future times , the said lords iustices caused the friars to depart from thence , their dwelling quite to be demolished , and the hole or cell to be broke open , and altogether exposed to the open aire , in which state it hath lyen ever since : whereby that pilgrimage to purgatory is quite come to nothing , and never hath bin undertaken since by any . to beget the greater reputation to this sictitious purgatory , the people was made to beleeve , that st patrick , by whome the irish were converted to the christian-faith about four hundred yeares after the nativity of christ , had caused the same , and obtained it of god by his prayers , to convince the unbeleevers of of the immortality of the soul , and of the torments which after this life are prepared for the wicked persons ; wherefore also they gave it the name of st patricks purgatorie . but it is very certain , that nothing of it was known in ireland during the life of that holy person , nor in a huge while after , it having been devised some ages after his death , when that the general darkness of the times ministred a great opportunity of such like inventions , to those kind of men that knew how to abuse the blind devotion of ignorant and superstitious people to their own profit and filthy lucre . sect. 7. of the property of lough-neaugh , of turning wood into stone . before we make an end of this chapter , we must say something of the wonderful property which generally is ascribed to lough-neaugh , of turning wood into stone ; whereunto some do adde , to double the wonder , that the wood is turned not only into stone , but into iron ; and that a branch or pole being stuck into the ground somewhere by the side , where it is not too deep , after a certain space of time one shall find that peece of the stick which stuck in the ground , turned into iron , and the middle , as far as it was in the water , into stone ; the upper-end , which remained above the water , keeping its former nature . but this part of the history i beleeve to be a fable : for my brother , who hath been several times in places not far distant from that lough , and who of the english there abouts inhabiting hath enquired this business with singular diligence , doth assure me , that he never could learn any such thing ; but that the turning of wood into stone was by every one beleeved for certain , as having been tryed divers times by severall persons : saying moreover to have understood of them , that the water hath this vertue onely at the sides , and that not every where , but onely in some few places , especially about that part where the river blackwater dischargeth her self into the lough . he could never come to speak with any persons , who themselves had tryed this matter ; but with severall , who affirmed , that to their knowledge it had certainly been done by others of their acquaintance . for further confirmation of this particular ( which in it self is credible enough , seeing that in many parts of the world there are found waters indued with that vertue ) serveth , that here and there upon the borders of that lough are found little stones of a pretty length , some of them round in their compass , others flat , or flattish , and some angulous , the which being looked on , as well near as from afar off , seem to be nothing else but wood , and by every one are taken for such , untill one come to touch and handle them : for then by their coldness , hardness , and weight , it appeareth that they are not wood but stone : whereby it may probably be conjectured , that the same formerly having been wood indeed , and so having kept their old shape and fashion , in length of time have been turned into a stony substance by the vertue of that water , wherinto they were fallen through the one accident or other . giraldus writeth , to have heard of a well or fountain in the north-quarters of ulster , the which in seven years space turneth into stone the wood cast into it : but seeing that no body now adayes knoweth of any such well , and that with all my enquires i could never come to hear any news of it , i will beleeve , that giraldus hath been mis-informed , and that they have told him that of a well which was proper unto this lough . chap. x. of the nature and condition of the land , both for the outward shape , and for the internall qualities and fruitfulness . sect. 1. distinction of ireland into champain-lands , hils , and mountains . the lands of this iland , as of most all other countryes , are of a various kind & fashion : for some parts are goodly plain champain , others are hilly , some mountainous , and others are composed of two of these sorts , or of all three together , and that with great variety , the which also is very great , in those three un-compounded sorts . sect. 2. a necessary observation about the use of the words hill and mountain . to avoyd all ambiguity , and make our selves cleerly understood in what wee have sayd , and are further to say upon this subject , wee think it necessary to forewarn our reader , that we do use the word hill in a narrower signification , than what is given to it in the ordinary use of speech . for whereas all , or most other languages , both those which are now in vulgar use , and those which are only preserved in books , have two severall words for to signifie those observable heights which appear above the ground , calling the bigger sort by one name , and the lesser sort by another : the english language useth one and the same word for both , calling hils aswell the one as the other , without any other distinction , but that sometimes the word small or great is added . now because this word so indifferently used would cause some confusion in the matter we treat of , that hath made us restrain it to one of the sorts , and to call hils onely the lesser sort , called in latin collis , in french colline , in dutch heuvel , and in irish knock . as for the other and bigger sort , whose name in the aforesayd four languages is mons , mountain , berg , slew , we call them mountains : which word mountains , although it be good english , yet in common speech it is seldom made use of in that sense whereunto we apply it , but only to signifie a country wholly consisting of those great hils , especially when the soyl thereof is lean and unfruitfull . sect. 3. of the mountains of ireland , and first of the lower sort . the difference betwixt hils and mountaines consisting in bigness , is of two sorts ; for in the number of mountains are counted not only those which lift up themselves very high into the air so as they may be seen many miles off , but also those , the which take up the more in length and breadth , what is wanting to them in height , ascending slopinly by degrees . the mountainous parts of ireland do for the most part consist of this second part of mountains , most of them in one quarter being much-what of the same height , so as sometimes one shall ride some houres together , through the mountainous country , without meeting with any one mountain that greatly excelleth in height above the rest : the which in particular may be observed in the mountainous country of the fuse , betwixt dundalk and armagh ; in that of mourne , betwixt the nurie and dondrom ( each of those two being above twelve miles long ) in all that space which is betwixt kelles , a walled-town in the county of eastmeath , and kilacollie , alias bailieborrough , in the county of cavan , vvhich being ten miles long , is almost nothing else but a continuance of hils of no great bigness , all very fruitfull land both pasture and arable . in the county of westmeath , from lough-crevv to lough-sillon , and beyond it , as far as ballaneach , vvhere mr william fleving had built a fair house and farm ten yeares before the late detestable massacre and bloody rebellion of the irish. these hils are for the most part lovv and small , yet some of a good height and bigness ; the ground lean , in many places very stony , in some rocky , not of any one continuall rock , but-by peecemeals here and there rising and appearing . yet are these hils in severall places wet and moorish , aswell in the rockie as other parts . these hills serve only for pasture of sheep . in the major part of the mountainous country of wickloe , the which beginning five miles to the south of dublin , doth extend it self above fiftie miles in length ; and in severall other parts . it hath bin observed in many parts of ireland , but chieflie in the county of meath , and further north-ward , that upon the top of the great hills and mountaines , not onely at the side and foot of them , to this day the ground is uneven as if it had been plowed in former times . the inhabitants doe affirm , that their fore-fathers being much given to tillage , contrarie to what they are now , used to turn all to plow-land . others say that it was done for want of arable , because the champain was most every where beset and over spread with woods , which by degrees are destroyed by the warres . they say further , that in those times , in places where nothing now is to be seen , but great loggs of a vast extent , there were thick woods , which they collect from hence , that now & then trees are digged out there being for the most part some yards long , and some of a very great bignes and length . sect. 4. of the higher sort of mountaines in ireland . as for those other mountains , the which with an excessive height rise up towards the skies , they are not very common in ireland ; and yet some there be , which although not comparable with the pyrenaei , lying between france and spain , with the alpes , which divide italy from france and germany , or with other mountains of the like vast height , nevertheless may iustly be counted among the lostie mountains . of this number are the mountains of carlingford , betwixt dundalke and carlingford , the which in a clear day may easily be seen from the mountains to the south of dublin , the which are more than fortie miles distant from them ; the mountains about lough suillie , in the north-parts of vlster , the which may be seen many miles off in the sea ; the curlews , that sever the counties of slego and roscoman in connaught ; the twelve mountains in the north-quarter of the county of tipperary in munster , the which farre exceding the rest of the mountains there , are knowne by the name of the twelve hils of phelim●ghe madona ; knock-patrick , in the west part of the county of limmerick , not farre from the bay of limmerick , which mountain can be se●n by the ships , which are a huge-way from the land yet ; the mountains of brandon hills , in the county of kerry , to the east of the haven of smerwick , the which are discovered by the sea-faring men , when they are above fifty miles from the land ; in the north-west quarter of the county of waterford , called slew-boine ; that in the mountainous country of wickloe , which for it's fashions sake is commonly called the sugarloaf , and may be seen very many miles off , not only by those that are upon the sea , but even into the land . sect. 5. nature of the ground in ireland , and of the fruitfull grounds . next to the fore-going division of ireland taken from the fashion and outward form of the land , commeth to be considered that which consisteth in the nature of the soil or ground ; some parts of the countrie beeing fruitfull , and others barren . the fertile soil is in some places a blackish earth , in others clay , and in many parts mixt of both together : as likewise there be sundry places , where the ground is mixt of earth and sand , sand and clay , gravell and clay , or earth ; but the chalke-ground and red earth , which both are very plentifull and common in many parts of england , are no where to be found in ireland . these grounds differ among themselves in goodness and fatness , not only according to the different nature of the soil whereof they consist , but also according to the depth of the mold or uppermost good crust , & the nature of the ground which lyeth next to it underneath : for the best and richest soil , if but half a foot or a foot deep , and if lying upon a stiffie clay or hard stone , is not so fertile , as a leaner soil of greater depth , and lying upon sand or gravell , through which the superfluous moisture may descend , and not standing still , as upon the clay or stone , make cold the roots of the grasse , of corn , and so hurt the whole . there be indeed some countries in ireland , where the ground underneath being nothing but stone , and the good mold upon it but very thin , it is nevertheless very fruitfull in corn , and bringeth sweet grass in great plenty , so as sheep & other cattle do wonderful wel thrive there ; which kind of land is very common in the county of galloway , and in some other counties of connaught , as also in sundry parts of the other provinces . but the reason thereof is in those parts , because the stone whereon the mould doth lye so thinly , is not free-stone , or any such cold material , but lime-stone , which doth so warm the ground , and giveth it so much strength , that what it wants in depth , is thereby largely recompensed . sect. 6. causes hindering the fruitfulness of the ground , where the soyl otherwise is not bad . except in the case now by us declared , neither corn nor grass will grow kindly , where the ground , though otherwise good , is not deep enough , as also where it hath a bad crust underneath : from whence it commeth , that in many places , where the grass doth grow very thick and high , the same nevertheless is so unfit for the food of beasts , that cows and sheep will hardly touch it ( especially if they have been kept in better pastures first ) except that by extreme famine they be compelled thereto ; and that by reason of the coarsness and sowerness of the grass , caused by the standing still of the water , the which through the unfitness of the neather crust , finding not a free passage downwards , maketh cold the good mold , and the crop and grass degenerate from its natural goodness . for the same reason the land in many parts , where otherwise the soyl in it self would be fit enough to produce good wheat or barley , will hardly bear any thing else but oats , or rye , and that none of the best : as in other parts , the fault is in the soyl it self , and by the leanness thereof it commeth , that nothing else but coarse grass , and the worst kinds of grains will grow there . and unto these causes may be joyned another yet , the overshaddowing of high and steep mountains and hills , whereby the sides thereof , and the lands lying close under them , being deprived of the free and seasonable access of the sun-beams , and so wanting convenient warmness , cannot afford to the things growing thereon such good and well-concocted nourishment , as unto the producing of the best and richest sorts of grains and grass is requisite . sect. 7. ireland a very fruitfull country , especially for grasse . these defects are not peculiar to ireland , but common to other countries , and nowise generall in it , but only here and there in distant parts ; & where they are , they may be amended by the meanes fit & usuall for that purpose , whereof by-and-by wee shall speak particularly : therefore they cannot hi●der , that ireland should not justly be counted among the fruitfullest countries of the world . and although orosius , who preferreth it even before england in this particular ( hibernia soli coelique temperie magis utilis britanniâ , are his words ) goeth too far , yet fullie true is the saying of stanyhurst , in the preface of his irish chronicle , cum hibernia , coeli salubritate , agrorum fertilitate , ubertate frugum , pastionis magnitudine , armentorum gregibus , conferre paucas , anteferre nullas valeas : that is , with irelond for wholesomness of air , fruitfulness of lands , great store of corn , abundance of pastures , and numerousnes of cattle , few countries may be compared , none preferred : as also that of giraldus , gleba praepingui uberique frugum pr●ventu faelix est terra , et foecunda frugibus arva , peccore montes : that is , this country is happy in very rich ground , and plentifull increase of graines , the fields beeing fertill in corn , and the mountains full of cattell . but although ireland almost in every part , where the industry of the husbandman applieth it self thereto , bringeth good corn plentifully , nevertheless hath it a more naturall aptness for grasse , the which in most places it produceth very good and plentifull of it self , or with little help : the which also hath been wel observed by giraldus , who of this matter writeth thus : pascuis tamen quam frugibus , gramine guam grano foecundior est insula , this iland is fruitfuller in grasse and pastures , than in corn an● graines . and buchanan in the second book of his history of scotland calleth the pasture-ground of ireland pascua fere totius europae uberrima , the fruitfullest pasture ground of most all europe . sect. 8. more of the plenty and goodness . of the irish pastures . the aboundance and greatness of pastures in ireland , doth appear by the numberless number of all sorts of cattle , especially of kine and sheep , wherewith this country in time of peace doth swarm on all sides , whereof in another place shall be spoken more at large : and the goodness of the same is hereby sufficiently witnessed , that all kind of cattle doth thrive here as well in ireland , and give as good milk , butter , & cheese ( with good handling ) as in any other country . it is true , that the irish kine , sheep , and horses , are of a very small size : but that that doth not come by reason of the nourishment and grass , but through other more hidden causes , may easily be demonstrated by the goodly beasts of the forenamed kind , that are brought thither out of england , the which not only in themselaes , but in all their breed , doe fully keep their first largenes and goodnes , without any the least diminution in any respect , so that before this last bloody rebellion the whole land , in all parts where the english did dwell , or had any thing to doe , was filled with as goodly beasts , both cowes and sheep , as any in england , holland , or other the best countries of europe : the greatest part whereof hath been destroyed by those barbarians , the naturall inhabitants of ireland , who not content to have murthered or expelled their english neighbours ( upon whom with an unheard of and treacherous cruelty they fell in the midst of a deep peace , without any the least provocation ) endeavoured quite to extinguish the memory of them , and of all the civility and good things by them introduced amongst that wild nation ; and consequently in most places they did not only demolish the houses built by the english , the gardens and enclosures made by them , the orchards and hedges by them planted , but destroyed whole droves and flocks at once of english cowes and sheep , so as they were not able with all their unsatiable gluttony to devour the tenth part thereof , but let the rest lye rotting and stinking in the fields . the goodness of the pastures in ireland doth further appear by this , that both beef and mutton there , as well that of the small irish , as that of the large english breed , in sweetness and savouriness doth surpass the meat of england it self as ( all those , who have tried that , must confess ) although england in this particular doth surpass almost all the countries of the world . nevertheless the saying of pomponius mela , that the grass here is so rank and sweet , that the cattle doe burst , if they be suffered to feed too iong , wherefore they be fain every day to drive them betimes out of the pastures , iuverna adeo luxuriosa herbis , non lae●is modo , sed etiam dulcibus , ut se exigua parte diei pecora impleant , & nisi pabulo prohibeantur , diu●ius pasta dissiliant : the which also hath been repeated by solinus , hibernia ita pabulosa , ut pecua ibi , nisi interdum à pascuis arceantur , in periculum agat satias : that is , ireland hath such excellent pastures , that cattle there are brought into danger of their lives by over-feeding , except now and then they be driven out of the fields ; is a meer fable , no wayes agreeable to the truth : for all kinds of cattle here , as in other countries , are continually left in the pastures day and night : neither doe they through their continuall feeding ever burst , or come into any danger of bursting . chap. xi . of the severall manners of manuring and inriching the ground practised in ireland . sect. 1. in some part of ireland the ground never needs dunging . to amend the lean and fau●ty grounds , to enrich both them and the good ones , and to keep both the one and the other in heart , in preserving them from being exhausted , the dunging of the ground is usuall in ireland , as in other countries . it is true , that as approved authors assure us , in the iland of zealand , part of the kingdom of denmark , the naturall richness of the ground is such , and so lasting , as it needeth not the succour of any artificial helps , but is very fruitfull , and aye preserveth its fertility , without putting the husbandman to the labour and costs of dunging . that likewise there is some part in the province of munster in ireland , where very credible person● have assured me , of their own knowledge , that the land never needeth any dunging ; so as the inhabitants thereof never trouble themselves to keep the dung of their beasts , but from time to time fling it into a river which runneth by them . but this happiness and richness of soil as it is very rare over all the world , so in ireland too , being confined to very narrow bounds , all the rest of the kingdom is necessitated , for the ends aforesaid , to help and improve their lands by dunging ; the which they do severall manner of wayes . sect. 2. of sheeps-dung . the commonest sort of manuring the lands in ireland , is that which is done with the dung of beasts , especially of cows and oxen , and also of horses mixed with a great quantity of straw , and having lyen a long while to rot and incorporate well together : whereof , as of a matter every where known and usuall , it is needless to speak further . onely thus much seemeth good to us not to pass over in silence , that if sheep here , as in other countries , were housed and kept up in stables for any long time together , their excrements would make better dung , than that of any other four-footed creatures . for the land on which sheep have fed for two or three yeares together , or longer , is so greatly enriched thereby , that when it commeth to bee plowed , it bringeth a much fairer and plentifuller crop , than if from the beginning it had been made arable , and dunged after the ordinary manner . wherefore also great sheep-masters may set their land , where the sheep have been feeding some yeares together , as dear again by the acre , than what at the first they could have got for it of any body . wherefore also it is an usuall thing in ireland , as well as in england , to drive the sheep upon the fallow , and to keep them there untill all the hearbs which may minister any food unto the sheep be by them consumed ; which doth the ground a great deal of good , and giveth it heart to bring afterwards the better increase . and the same also helpeth greatly for to make good grass grow upon the arable , when the same is turned into pasture and meddow ; a thing ordinarily used in sundry parts of ireland , and many times necessary for to keep the lands in heart : for ground being plowed , and the sheep driven thither as soon as any herbs grow upon it , they do not only consume the thistles , and other useless herbs , but cause good grass to grow up in lieu thereof , and that speedily . for in all places where their dung lighteth , of the best and sweetest sorts of grass do grow , and that within the first year , which otherwise would not have come in much longer time , and that nothing near so good generally . sect. 3. an usefull observation about cows-dung . there is a notable difference betwixt sheeps-dung and that of other cattle , as in the goodness and richness it self , so in the particular last mentioned by them . for that of oxen and cows is no wayes fit for dunging untill it is grown old , and hath lyen a soaking with straw a great while : dayly experience shewing in ireland , as in england and other countryes , that in those places of the pastures where the fresh cow-dung falleth and remaineth , the grass the next year doth grow ranker and higher than in the rest of the same fields , but so sowre and unpleasing , that the beasts will not offer to touch it ; so as ordinarily you shall see these tufts of grass standing whole and undiminished in the midst of pastures , that every where else are eaten bare and to the very ground . the which as in part it may bee imputed to the quantity of the dung , the which being greater than the earth can well digest , and conveniently unite with it self , cannot be turned into so good and sweet nourishment ; so doth it also without doubt come in part through the very nature of the dung , the which of it self , and without a long preparation and alteration , is not so fit to nourish the ground , as that of sheep . sect. 4. of pigeons-dung . pigeons-dung also is very convenient for the improvement of the ground ; and i know some in ireland , who having tryed that , have found a wonderfull deal of good in it , incomparably more than in that of any four-footed beasts , and of sheep themselves . but the pigeon-houses no where in ireland being so big as to afford any considerable quantity , and never having heard of any body there who could dung more than an acre or two with all the pigeons-dung which had been gathering the space of a whole twelve-moneth , it cannot well be reckoned among the common sorts . sect. 5. of ashes and mud. besides the dung of beasts there are usuall in ireland , or were before this rebellion , five or six other sorts for to manure and improve the ground , whereof some are as good as the dung consisting of the excrements of beasts , and others do far surpass it ▪ one of these sorts is ashes , and mud another . as for the first , i have understood of englishmen , who had lived many years in ireland , and all that while had exercised husbandry , that they had used to gather all their ashes of their hearths , bake-houses , and brew-houses , being wood-ashes , and to lay them of a heap somewhere in the open air , from whence at convenient times they would carry them upon their grounds , and there spread them in the same manner as other dung , but nothing near in so great a quantity ; wherein they affirmed to have found as much and more good than in any dung of beasts . and i know several other english , who living in ireland , did use to take the scouring of their ditches , together with other mud digged out of the bogs , and having let it lye a good while a rotting in great heaps , did afterwards carry it upon their lands in lieu of dung : the which they found very good and usefull for that purpose . these two sorts were never yet brought into common use , but onely practised by some few persons , especially that of the ashes , although in other countries they have been known long since ; so as pliny , who lived about fifteen hundred years ago , writeth in the ninth chapter of the seventeenth book of his natural history , that in his time in that part of italy which is situated between the alpes and the river po ( comprehending those countries which now are known by the names of piemont and lombardy ) ashes were more used and commended for the manuring of the grounds , than the dung of beasts . as concerning the burning of the heath , and other dry herbs standing upon the ground , for to manure the land with the ashes thereof , that not properly belonging to this place , shall be spoke of more at large in some of the ensuing chapters . sect. 6. of lime . the english living in queens-county in leinster , having seen that in sundry parts of england and wales , especially in pembrookshire , lime was used by the inhabitants for the manuring and inriching of their grounds , begun some years since to practise the same , and found themselves so well thereby , that in a short time the use thereof grew very common amongst them , so as many of ●hem ever after used no other kind of dung . the manner of it was thus ▪ having first plowed their fields , they carryed the lime on them , and layd it in many small heaps , leaving a convenient distance between , in the same manner as useth to be done with the dung of beasts ; and having let them lye for some moneths , they plowed the land again to convey the lime into the ground . this made it so rich , that in a great while after nothing else needed to be done to it , but to let the land at a certain revolution of time lye fallow , no other manuring at all being requisite for some yeares after : and all that while the land was very fruitfull , more than it could have been made with any ordinary dung , and very free of al sorts of bad herbs and weeds ( especially for the first yeares ) bringing corn with much thinner huskes than that growing upon other lands . they found that the lime carryed upon the land hot out of the kiln , did more good in all the fore-mentioned particulars , than when they let it grow cold first . and this they could doe very easily , because lime-stone is very plentifull in that county , especially in the town of monrath , where there is a whole hill of that stone , of that bigness , that if all the adjacent country did continually fetch it from thence for the forenamed use , it would for ever hold out sufficiently . the land thus manured and improved by lime , shewed its fruitfulness not only in the following yeares , but even in the first , except the lime had been layd on in undue proportion , and in greater quantity than was requisite ; for in that case the lime burnt the corn , and the first years crop was thereby spoyled . in some places where the land was not cold and moyst enough to bee able to endure meer lime , they mixed the lime with earth digged out of pits , and let that stuff lye a mellowing in great heaps for some moneths together , and afterwards carryed it on the land , and manured that therewith . sect. 7. a remarkable historie concerning the excellencie of lime for the inricheng of the ground . how incredibly the land was inriched by this kind of manuring , may be gathered by the ensuing particular , the whole lordship of mounrath was thirty yeares agoe set by one mr. downings ( whose it was , and who afterwards sold it to sir charles coot ) for fifty pounds sterling by the year , and nevertheless after a while the farmers surrendred it unto him , complaining that they could not live by it but were quite impoverished : where as they who farmed it next after them ( beeing people newly come out of england ) & gave an hundred and fifty pounds sterling a year st●rling for it , did not only live very freely upon it , yea grew rich and wealthie , but withall did so farre forth improve the land , partly indeed with building , plauting , hedging , and the like , but chiefly by this kind of manuing that ●t the time when this last horrible rebellion broke forth , the same lordship , if it had been to let out then , mighe have been let for five hundred pounds sterling a year : as it hath been assured me by some , who themselves had been farmers of that land . sect. 8. another history , shewing the ●fficacy of lime in this particular . before we give over this discours of lime , we shall adde to what hath been said already , that in some other parts of ireland , where this manuring with lime was not used nor known , the vertue of lime in this particular hath been found out by meer chance . for some persons known to me , who lived but a few miles from dublin , having understood that the crowes ( wherewith they were much plagued , and who did use to make very great spoil of their grains ) would not touch the corn wherewith the lime was mixed , did cause unsl●ked lime to be mingled with water , making it as thinne as if it had been for the whitening of walls , and very well bespringled the corn therewith , before it was carried to the fields to be sowen , and that after this manner , the corn lying on a heap , one turned it with both hands , whilest another sprinkled on the fore-said stuff , doing so untill the whole heap was thoroughly besprinkled ▪ at other times they mingled dry lime with the corn , and afterwards besprinkled the whole heap with fair water through and through , for the same purpose , and hereby they did not only obtain the aforesaid end , of preserving the corn from the crowes , but had thereby a fairer and better crop , than ever before their land had produced . sect. 9. of sea-sand . lime is much used in the province of munster , as in other parts of ireland , so for to manure the ground withall , where the sea-sand likewise is greatly used to the same end , not only in places lying on the seaside , but even ten , twelve , and fifteen miles into the land , whether it was carried in some places by boats , and in others upon carts , the charges being sufficiently recompensed by the pro●it comming from it . for they used it for the most part only upō very poor land , consisting of cold clay , and that above half a foot deep : which land having been three or f●ur times plowed & harrowed ( in the same manner as is usuall to be done with fallow ) the sand is strawed all over very thinly , a little before the sowing time : the which beeing done , that land bringeth very good corn of all sorts , not only rye and oates , but even barley and wheat , three yeares one after another ; and having lyen fallow the fourth year , for many years after it produceth very clean and sweet grass ; whereas formerly , and before it was thus manured , it produced nothing but moss , heath , and short low furze : which herbs are fired upon the ground , and the ground stubbed , before it be plowed the first time it is not any peculiar sort of sea-sand , nor out of any particular places , which is used for this purpose , but that which every where lyeth on the strands . and this manner of manu●ing the land with sea-sand is very common in the two most westerly shires of england , cornwall and devonshire , from whence those , who first practised it in ireland , seem to have learned it . sect. 10. of brine or pickle . the goodness of the sea-sand consisteth chiefly in its saltness , for which reason pickle it self is very good for this purpose : it beeing very well known to severall english dwelling about the band and colrain , that were farmers of the salmon-fishing there , who used every year carefully to keep the soul pikle , comming of the salmons at their repacking ; and having powred it among the ordinary dung of cattle and straw they did let them ly a good while a mellow●ng together . hereby it was greatly strengthened and enriched , so that the land being dunged with it , did bear much better and richer crops than that which was manured onely with common dung without the mixture of it . chap. xii . sect. 1. of the marle in ireland , and the manner of marling the land there . marle is a certain sort of fat and clayish stuff , being as the grease of the earth ; it hath from antient times on greatly used for manuring of land both in france and england , as may appear out of pliny in the sixth , seventh , and eighth chapters of his seventeenth book . the same also is stil very usual in sundry parts of england , being of an incomparable goodness : the which caused the english , who out of some of those places where marle was used were come to live in ireland , to make diligent search for it , and that with good success at last ; it having been found out by them within these few years , in severall places ; first in the kings-county , not far from the shanon , where being of a gray colour , it is digged out of the bogs ; and in the county of wexford , where the use of it was grown very common before this rebellion , especially in the parts lying near the sea ; where it stood them in very good steed , the land of it self being nothing fruitfull . for although the ground ( for the most part ) is a good black earth , yet the same being but one foot deep , and having underneath a crust of stiff yellow clay of half a foot , is thereby greatly impaired in its own goodness . in this depth of a foot and a half next under the clay , lyeth the marle , the which reacheth so far downwards , that yet no where they are come to the bottom of it . it is of a blew colour , and very fat ( which as in other ground , so in this , is chiefly perceived when it is wet ) but brittle and dusty when it is dry . sect. 2. the manner , charges , and profit of marling the ground . the marle is layd upon the land in heaps , by some before it is plowed , by others after , many letting it lye several moneths ere they plow it again , that the rain may equally divide and mixe it ; the sun , moon , and air mellow and incorporate it with the earth . one thousand cart-loads of this goeth to one english acre of ground ; it being very chargeable , for even to those who dig it out of their own ground , so as they are at no other expences but the hire of the labourers , every acre cometh to stand in three pounds sterling . but these great expences are sufficiently recompenced by the great fruitfulness which it causeth , being such , as may seem incredible ; for the marled-land , even the very first year , fully quitteth all the cost bestowed on it . there besides it is sufficient once to marle , whereas the ordinary dunging must be renewed oftentimes . sect. 3. the usage of the marled-land , practised by them of the county of wexford . the good usage of the marled-land , to keep it in heart for ever after , doth consist , in the opinion and practise of some , in letting it ly fallow at convenient times , but the ordinary manner , commonly practised by the inhabitants of the county of wexford , and counted the best by them , is , that having sowed it five or six years together , with the richest sorts of corn , to wit , wheat and barley ( especially that sort which in some parts of england , and generally in ireland , is peculiarly called bear , being a much richer grain than the ordinary barley ) it being afterwards turned to pasture , whereunto it is very fit , forasmuch as it bringeth very sweet grass in great abundance : for the marle is also used on meddows at the first , with very good success , improving the same most wonderfully . if the marled-land be thus used , and by turns kept under corn , and grass , it keeps its fruitfulness for ever ; where to the contrary , if year after year it be sowed till the heart be drawn out , it 's quite spoyled , so as afterwards it is not possible to bring it again to any passable condition by any kind of dunging , or marling . this would ordinarily be done in the space of ten yeares ; for so long together the marled-land may be sowed , and bring every year a rich crop of the best corn. nevertheless this is not generall , but taketh place onely in the worser kind of ground ▪ for where the land of it self is better and richer , there after marling , wheat and other corn may be sowed , not only for ten yeares together , but longer : for very credible persons have assured me , that some parts of the county of wexford having bo●n very good corn for thirteen yeares together , and afterwards being turned to pasture , it was as good and fertile as other marled-grounds that had been under corn but five or six years . sect. 4. of the marle in connaught . the province of connaught ( by what hath been discovered ) is much more plentifull in marle , than leinster , as in other counties , so in those of roscoman , slego , and galloway , almost in every part of it . it is there of three several colours , some being white as chalk , other gray , and some black ; but none blew , as that in the county of wexford . it lyeth nothing deep under the upper-ground , or surface of the earth , commonly not above half a foot ; but it s own depth is so great , that never any body yet digged to the bottom of it . the land which they intend to marle in this province , is commonly plowed in the beginning of may , and lying five or six weeks ( untill it be sufficiently dryed and mellowed by the sun and wind ) they harrow it , and then having brought the marle upon it , five or six weeks after it is plowed again , and a third time about september : after which third plowing they sow it with wheat or barley , whereof they have a very rich crop the next year . sect. 5. property and usage of the marled-lands in connaught . land marled in that manner as we have said , may be sowed ten or twelve yeares together ; the first eight or nine-with wheat , and bear , or barley , and the remaining three or four years with oates , afterwards the land is turned to pasture , and having served some years in that kind , it may be marled anew , and made as good for corn as at the first . for the observation of those of the county of wexford , that land may not be marled more than once , doth not take place in connaught , where it is an ordinary thing , having some space of years to make it again . i know some gentlemen who have caused some parcels of land to be marled thrice in the space of twenty yeares , and have found very good profit by it . but whether this be caused by the difference of the ground and marle ( appearing also hereby , that in connaught they scarce lay the fourth part of the quantity of marle on the ground of what they doe in the county of wexford ) or by the carelesness or want of experience of those of that county , i am not yet fully informed . but thus much is known as well in connaught as other parts , that those who sow the marled-land untill it can bear no more , and be quite out of heart , wil find it exceeding difficult , if not altogether impossible ever to amend or improve the same again by any means whatsoever . chap. xiii . of the heaths and moores , or bogs in ireland . sect. 1. of the moory , or boggy-heaths . having spoke of the fruitfull lands of ireland , it followeth that we treat of those which are neither fit for the bringing of corn , or feeding of cattle ; some being such for want of good soyl , and others through superfluous moysture . of the first sort are those places where the ground consisting of meer rock , sand , or earth , naturally unfruitful hath no good mold at the top sufficient for corn or grass to root , and to draw convenient nourishment out of it , the ground being bare , or over-grown onely with moss , heath , furze , brakes , thorns , rushes , and the like . the places whose ground is bare , are nothing frequent , nor of any great bigness in ireland , and rather on the sea-side than within the land . but the other are very common throughout the whole kingdom , not only in the mountains ( many whereof do for the most part consist of nothing else ) but also in the hilly-quarters , the plain-countries , and in many places of great extent , taking up some miles in length and breadth . most of these wasts in the plain-countries and valleys , as also some on the mountains and hils , are moory and boggy , fit for to dig turf out , to the great commodity of the inhabitants , in places where other fuel is wanting . so that these parts of land , although barren and producing no kind of thing for the food of man or beasts , may not be reckoned in the number of those which are altogether unprofitable , being of good use in the parts far distant from the sea , where they can have no sea-coales , and where woods are wanting , nor well live . some of these dry , or red bogs , as commonly they are called ( the first , in comparison of those whereof presently shall be spoken , the other , because the earth in them for the most part is reddish , and over-grown with mos● of the same colour ) are in some parts of a vast extent ; instance that by the shanon-side , beginning hard by atlone , and following the course of the river down towards limmerick , which being two or three miles broad in most parts , is said to be upwards of fifty miles in length . sect. 2. of the dry heaths . there are some dry heaths in ireland , for the most part on the mountains , and very few in the plain countries ; to the contrary of england , where , as well as in netherland , germany , and other countries , those heaths on plain ground are very common in sundrie parts of the land , and many of them of a great extent , having very many miles in compass ; and where any such dry heaths are in ireland , the land for the most part is not altogether barren , but gra●sy between and at the bottome of the heath ; so as the heath being burnt ( a thing much used in ireland both by the english and irish ) the land bringeth reasonable good and sweet grass , fit for sheep to feed on ; and with a little extraordinary labour and costs brought to bear corn . others of these heaths are grassie , having the grass growing not all over among the heath , but in spaces by it self : as upon the heath between the town of kildare and the liffie ; which is famous over all ireland by the name of the currogh of kildare , being a hilly ground , at its highest neer the said town , from thence towards the liffie descending by degrees , about three miles long , and two or three broad , divided into rowes , of heath and grass ; which being of no great breadth , and many in number , doe ly by the ●ide one of another throughout the whole earth , each of those rowes extending it self in length from the one end of the currogh to the other , the rowes of heath are about a stone cast over in some places , in some more , in others less : but those of grass a good deal narrower than the others , being alwayes alike green and dry , in the winter as well as the summer , and clothed with short grass , but very sweet and good , very convenient for sheep to feed on ; of the which alwaies in time of peace , a very great number is grazing here , the whole currogh being a commons . sect. 3. of the wet bogs the places barren through superfluous moisture , are bogs called by the irish moones , whereof ireland is full . there is three or four different sorts of them ; grassy , watery , muddy , and hassocky , as appeareth more largely by the following description . but the english irish have given the name of bogs , not only to the wet , of which we are now to treat , but aswell to the turf moores of all sorts , not excepting the red bog , which in most places is firm enough to bear a man , or unshod nagge going over it , but is not for any great weight . but we shall in the following chapters speak in order of the four sorts of wet bggs , which above wee have mentioned , and afterwards in its due place treat of the turf and red moores , as occasion shall require . sect. 4. of the grassie bogs the grassy bogs are all over covered with grass , looking fair and pleasant , as if they were dry ground and goodly meadowes ; whereby many , who not knowing the nature of those places , and because of the greeness suspecting no evill , goe into them to their great trouble , and many times to the extreme danger of their lives , for the earth being very spongy can bear no weight , but as well men as beast , assoon as they set foot on it doe sink to the ground , some knee deep , others to the wast , and many over head and ears : for all or most bogs in ireland having underneath a hard and firm gravell are not of an equall depth , which in some is only of two or three feet , in others five , six or more , in somuch that those who fall into the deepest places of these bogs , can hardly escape , but for the most part doe perish , being pittifully smothered . some of these bogs , doe so dry up in the summer that they may be passed without danger ; the which in particular falleth out in the great mountaines in munster in the county of kerry , called slew-logher , upon which all kind of cattle doe grase the summer long being every where full of good and sweet grass , knee deep in most places ; whereof not the tenth part being eaten ( for if all the cattle of that province were driven thither and left all the summer upon the place it would hardly be consumed ) the rest is spoyled when the wet weather cometh in , and stayeth the rain-water from descending ; through which the ground rotteth in that manner , that all winter long it is unpassable for men and beasts . but the deepest bogs are unpassable in the summer as well as in the winter , yet most of them have firm places , in narrow paths , & in some larger parcels ; by the meanes whereof those , unto whom they are known , can cross them from one side to another , where others who are not used to them doe not know in what part to set one step ; in which nimble trick , called commonly treading of the bogs , most irish are very expert , as having been trained up in it from their infancy . the firm places in passing , or but lightly shaking them , tremble for a great way , which hath given them the name of shaking-bogs ; and where they are but of a small compass , quagmires . sect. 5. of the watery-bogs , and of the miry-bogs . the watery-bogs are likewise clothed with grass , but the water doth not sink altogether into them , as into the former , but remaineth in part standing on the top ( in the same manner as in some of the grassie-bogs , and in all the low pastures and meddows of holland ) by reason whereof these bogs are not dangerous ; for every one at the first sight may easily discern them from the firm ground . these two sorts are in many parts found apart , and in others mixt and interlaced ; and likewise parcels both of the one and the other are found up and down in the moory-heaths and red-bogs . both these sorts , as well the watery as the green-bogs , yeeld for the most part very good turf , much better than the red-bogs , whereof more shall be spoken hereafter . the miry-bogs do consist of meer mud and mire , with very little or no grass upon them . these are commonly of a very small compass , whereas most part of the other two are of a notable extent , and some of several miles in length and breadth . sect. 6. of the hassockie-bogs . hassockie-bogs we call those , whose ground being miry and muddy is covered over with water a foot or two deep , in some places more , in others less ; so as one would sooner take them for loughs , were it not that they are very thick over-spread with little tufts or ilets , the which consisting of reeds , rushes , high sower grass , and sometimes with little shrubs , for the most part are very small , and have but a few feet in compass ; some of them being of the bigness of a reasonable big chamber . these little ilets or tufts being so many in number , and spread over all the bog , there remaineth nothing between them but great plashes of water ( in regard whereof these bogs might well be called plashy-bogs ) in some places wider , in others narrower , so as from the one men may well step or leap to the other ; that which those who are expert in it know how to do very nimble , and so to run from one part of the bog to another : for the roots of the rushes , reeds , and other things growing on those tufts , are so interwoven , that they can easily bear a man who lightly treadeth upon them , although they have very little earth , and are wondrous spungy ; so as they , when the water being drained , the bog is dried round about , may easily be plucked from the ground . the english inhabiting in ireland have given these tufts the name of hassocks , and this sort of bogs , hassocky-bogs : of which bogs munster and other provinces are not altogether free , but most of them are found in leinster , especially in kings and queens-county , where also the othtr sorts of bogs are very common ; whereas otherwise connaught is generally fuller of bogs than any of the other provinces . chap. xiv originall of the bogs in ireland ; and the manner of draining them , practised there by the english inhabitants . sect. 1. of the originall of bogs in this countrie . very few of the wet-bogs in ireland are such by any naturall property , or primitive constitution , but through the superfluous moysture that in length of time hath been gathered therein , whether it have its originall within the place it self , or be come thither from without . the first of these two cases taketh place in the most part of the grassie-bogs , which ordinarily are occasioned by springs ; the which arising in great number out of some parcel of ground , and finding no issue , do by degrers soak through , and bring it to that rottenness and spunginess , which nevertheless is not a little increased through the rain water comming to that of the springs . but the two other sorts , viz. the waterie and hassockie-bogs , are in some places caused by the rain-water onely , as in others through brooks and rivelets running into them , and in some through both together ; whereunto many times also cometh the cause of the grassi-bogs , to wit the store of springs within the very ground : and all this in places , where or through the situation of them , and by reason of their even plainness or hollowness , or through some other impediment , the water hath no free passage away , but remaineth within them , and so by degrees turneth them into bogs . sect. 2. retchlesness of the irish , cause of most of the bogs . of trees found in bogs . so that it may easily be comprehended , that whoso could drain the water , and for the future prevent the gathering thereof , might reduce most of the bogs in ireland to firm land , and preserve them in that condition . but this hath never been known to the irish , or if it was , they never went about it , but to the contrarie let daily more & more of their good land grow boggy through their carelesness , whereby also most of the bogs at first were caused . this being otherwise evident enough , may further be confirmed by the whole bodies of trees , which ordinarily are found by the turf-diggers very deep in the ground , as well of other trees , as of hasels : likewise they meet sometimes with , the very nuts themselves in great quantity , the which looking very fair and whole at the outside , as if they came but newly 〈…〉 have no kernell within the same , through the great length of time beeing consumed and turned into filth . and it is worthie of observation , that trees , & truncks of trees , are in this manner found not only in the wet bogs , but even in the heathy ones or red bogs , as by name in that by the shanon-side , wherof hath been spoken above : in which bog the turf diggers many times doe find whole firr-trees deep in the ground ; whether it be that those trees , being fallen , are by degrees sunk deeper and deeper ( the earth of that bog almost every where being very loose and spungy , as it is in all such bogs ) or that the earth in length of time bee grown over them . sect. 3. draining of the bogs practised by the english in ireland . but as the irish have been extreme careless in this , so the english , introducers of all good things in ireland ( for which that brutish nation from time to time hath rewarded them with unthankfulnes , hatred , and envy , and lately with a horrible and bloody conspiracie , tending to their utter destruction ) have set their industrie at work for to remedy it , and having considered the nature of the bogs , and how possible it was to reduce many of them unto good land , did some yeares since begin to goe about it all over the land , and that with very good success ; so as i know gentlemen , who turned into firm land three or four hundred acres of bog , and in case that this detestable rebellion had not come between , in a few yeares there would scarce have been left one acre of bog , of what was in the lands and possessiion of the english ; except onely those places whose situation is altogether repugnant to draining , because that the water either through the hollowness of the place , as in the inclosed valleyes and deep dales between the hils and mountaines , or through the too great evenness & plainness of the ground , not inclining to any one part more than another , cannot be drawn away at all ; and except such parcels as needs must have been kept for turf , and red bogs who are very unfit for draining , for the trenches being made , the earth on both sides will sink into them again , and choak them up . sect. 4. profit reaped by the draining of bogs . this draining of the bogs as it tended not a little to the generall good of the whole land , by amending of the air ( wherof we shall have occasion to say more in some other place ) and otherwise , so it brought great profit unto the authors , for the land or soil of the bogs being in most places good of it self , and there besides greatly enriched by the lying still and the soaking in of the water for the space of so many yeares , the same being dryed through the draining of the water , is found to be very sit either to have corn sowed upon , or to be turned into pastures ; making also excellent meadowes : so as those , who have tried that , doe affirm , that the meadowes gained out of the bogs might be compared with the very best of their other meadowes , yea many times surpassed the same in goodness : & this took place chiefly in the grassie bogs or shakking bogs , whose fruitfulness in this particular , & in the plentifull production of very sweet and deep grass , after the draining off the water , was very wonderfull ; and all this without any other trouble or costs bestowed upon these meddows , than that they dunged them the first year , to warm them the better , and the sooner , and more thoroughly to amend the remainders of that coldness and rawness contracted through that long and constant continuance of the water upon them ; after which once dunging , afterwards for a good many yeares nothing else needed to be done to them . sect. 5. the manner of draining the bogs . this draining of the bogs was performed in the manner following . on that side of the bog , where the ground was somewhat sloaping , they cut a broad deep trench , beginning it in the firm ground , and advancing it unto the entrance of the bog , into which trench the water would sink out of the next parts of the bog in great abundance , and that many times so suddenly , as if a great sluce had been opened , so as the labourers were constrained to run out of it with all speed , lest the ●orce of the water should overwhelm and carry them away . some part of the bog being by this meanes grown reasonable dry within a short space of time , opportunity thereby was ministred to advance the trench further into the bog ; and so by little and little they went on with it untill at last they carryed it quite across the bog , from the one side to the other : and having done this , they made a great many lesser trenches out of the main one , on both sides of the same ; the which bringing the water from all the parts of the bog unto the main trench , did in a little while empty the bog of all its superfluous moysture , and turn it into good and firm ground . sect. 6. observation about the falling and setling of the bogs at their draining . the green or grassie-bogs , the which having all their moysture and water inwardly , are thereby wonderfully swelled and pust up , use by means of this draining to fall very much , and to grow a great deal lower , and that not only apparently , so that the ground which before the drayning was five or six feet high , commeth at last to be not above two or three feet high ; but sometimes also suddenly , and within the space of four and twenty , or eight and forty houres ; whereas ordinarily that useth to come to pass in greater length of time ; and although the ground by falling in this manner , may seem thereby to have been subject to return to its former boggy condition on the least occasion ; nevertheless there was no danger of that , as long as the trenches were kept open , and thereby the passage kept free for the water , which from time to time would from all parts of the drayned bog be sinking into them . this water , as at the first draining , so ever after , was by the main trench carryed unto some brook , river , or lough , according as one or other of them was next at hand , and the situation of the land would give opportunity . chap. xv. of the woods in ireland . sect. 1. woods in ireland are reckoned among the barren lands , and the reason thereof . amongst the barren parts of ireland the woods must also be counted , according to the usuall division of the lands of that kingdom , whereby reckoning for fruitfull onely the meddows , arable-grounds , and pastures , they count all the rest for barren , comprehending them under these three generall heads , bogs , barren-mountains , and woods . which division as it is in the mouth of all them that have any insight into the matters of that land , and do , or have lived there , so it is further confirmed by a number of writings and monuments , both of ancienter times , and late ones , in the which it is very common and familiar : as for instance may appear by those several acts , which since this last rebellion of the irish have been made by the parliament of england in the behalf of the adventurers who have layd out their monyes for the reconquering of the revolted parts of that kingdom . for although the land which the woods doe take up , is in it self very good in most places , and apt to bear both corn and grass plentifully ( whereof more shall be sayd by and by ) yet as long as the woods remain standing , it is unfit not only to be made either arable or meddow ( as in it self is most evident ) but even for pasture , by reason of the overmuch moysture , the roots of the trees staying the rain-water , so as it hath not the liberty to pass away readily , and their stems and branches hindering the free access of the wind and sun , whereunto cometh in many parts the grounds own wateriness , occasioned by springs there arising , and by its situation apt for the gathering and keeping of water , which maketh them for the most part so muddy and boggy , that cattle cannot conveniently feed in them . sect. 2. woods much diminished in ireland since the first comming in of the english. in antient times , and as long as the land was in the full possession of the irish themselves , all ireland was very full of woods on every side , as evidently appeareth by the writings of giraldus cambrensis , who came into ireland upon the first conquest , in the company of henry the second , king of england , in the year of our saviour a eleven hundred seventy and one . but the english having setled themselves in the land , did by degrees greatly diminish the woods in all the places where they were masters , partly to deprive the theeves and rogues , who used to lurk in the woods in great numbers , of their refuge and starting-holes , and partly to gain the greater scope of profitable lands . for the trees being cut down , the roots stubbed up , and the land used and tilled according to exigency , the woods in most part of ireland may be reduced not only to very good pastures , but also to excellent arable and meddow . through these two causes it is come to pass in the space of many years , yea of some ages , that a great part of the woods , which the english found in ireland at their first arrival there , are quite destroyed , so as nothing at all remaineth of them at this time . sect. 3. diminishing of the woods during the last peace . and even since the subduing of the last great rebellion of the irish before this , under the conduct of the earl of tirone ( overthrown in the last yeares of queen elizabeth by her viceroy sir charles blunt , lord mountjoy , and afterwards earl of devonshire ) and during this last peace of about forty years ( the longest that ireland ever enjoyed , both before and since the comming in of the english ) the remaining woods have very much been diminished , and in sundry places quite destroyed , partly for the reason last mentioned , and partly for the wood and timber it self , not for the ordinary uses of building and firing ( the which ever having been afoot , are not very considerable in regard of what now we speak of ) but to make merchandise of , and for the making of charcoal for the iron-works . as for the first , i have not heard that great timber hath ever been used to be sent out of ireland in any great quantity , nor in any ordinary way of traffick ; but onely pipe-staves , and the like , of which good store hath been used to be made , and sent out of the land , even in former times , but never in that vast quantity , nor so constantly as of late years , and during the last peace , wherein it was grown one of the ordinary merchandable commodities of the country , so as a mighty trade was driven in them , and whole ship-loads sent into forrein countries yearly ; which as it brought great profit to the proprietaries , so the felling of so many thousands of trees every year as were employed that way , did make a great destruction of the woods in tract of time . as for the charcoal , it is incredible what quantity thereof is consumed by one iron-work in a year : and whereas there was never an iron-work in ireland before , there hath been a very great number of them erected since the last peace in sundry parts of every province ; the which to furnish constantly with charcoales , it was necessary from time to time to fell an infinite number of trees , all the lopings and windfals being not sufficient for it in the least manner . sect. 4. great part of ireland very bare of woods at this time . through the aforesayd causes ireland hath been made so bare of woods in many parts , that the inhabitants do not onely want wood for firing ( being therefore constrained to make shift with turf , or sea-coal , where they are not too far from the sea ) but even timber for building , so as they are necessitated to fetch it a good way off , to their great charges , especially in places where it must be brought by land : and in some parts you many travell whole dayes long without seeing any woods or trees except a few about gentlemens houses ; as namely from dublin , and from places that are some miles further to the south of it , to tredagh , dundalk , the nurie , and as far as dremore ; in which whole extent of land , being above threescore miles , one doth not come near any woods worth the speaking of , and in some parts thereof you shall not see so much as one tree in many miles . for the great woods which the maps doe represent unto us upon the mountains between dundalk and the nury , are quite vanished , there being nothing left of them these many years since , but one only tree , standing close by the highway , at the very top of one of the mountains , so as it may be seen a great way off , and therefore serveth travellers for a mark . section . 5. many great woods still left in ireland . yet notwithstanding the great destruction of the woods in ireland , occasioned by the aforesayd causes , there are still sundry great woods remaining , and that not onely in the other provinces , but even in leinster it self . for the county of wickloe , kings-county , and queens-county , all three in that province , are throughout full of woods , some whereof are many miles long and broad . and part of the counties of wexford and carloe are likewise greatly furnished with them . in ulster there be great forrests in the county of donegall , and in the north-part of tirone , in the country called glankankin . also in the county of fermanagh , along lough-earne ; in the county of antrim ; and in the north-part of the county of down ; in the two countries called killulta and kilwarlin ; besides severall other lesser woods in sundry parts of that province . but the county of louth , and far the greatest part of the countys of down , armagh , monaghan , and cavan ( all in the same province of ulster ) are almost every where bare , not onely of woods , but of all sorts of trees , even in places which in the beginning of this present age , in the war with tirone , were encumbred with great and thick forrests . in munster where the english , especially the earl of cork , have made great havock of the woods during the last peace , there be still sundry great forests remaining in the counties of kerry , and of tipperary ; and even in the county of cork , where the greatest destruction therof hath bin made , some great woods are yet remaining , there being also store of scattered woods both in that county , and all the province over . connaught is well stored with trees in most parts , but hath very few forests or great woods , except in the counties of maio and sligo . chap. xvi . of the mines in ireland , and in particular of the iron-mines . sect. 1. all the mines in ireland discovered by the new-english . the old-english in ireland , that is , those who are come in from the time of the first conquest , untill the beginning of queen elizabeths reign , have been so plagued with wars from time to time , one while intestine among themselves , and another while with the irish , that they could scarce ever find the opportunity of seeking for mines , and searching out the metals hidden in the bowels of the earth . and the irish themselves , as being one of the most barbarous nations of the whole earth , have at all times been so far from seeking out any , that even in these last years , and since the english have begun to discover some , none of them all , great nor small , at any time hath applyed himself to that business , or in the least manner furthered it . so that all the mines which to this day are found out in ireland , have been discovered ( at least as for to make any use of them ) by the new-english , that is , such as are come in during , and since the reign of queen elizabeth . severall whereof having begun to give their minds to it during the last peace , have in a few years found out a great many iron-mines in sundry parts of the kingdom , and also some of lead and silver ; which greatly confirmeth the opinion of many knowing persons , who hold that the mountains of ireland are full of metals , and that if the same industry and diligence had been used by the inhabitants of that country in former ages , as there hath been since the beginning of the present , many more mines might have been discovered , not only of the same minerals as have been found out hitherto , but of others also , and perhaps even of gold it self . sect. 2. grounds to beleeve that there are gold-mines in ireland . i beleeve many will think it very unlikely , that there should be any gold-mines in ireland ; but a credible person hath given me to understand , that one of his acquaintance had severall times assured him , that out of a certain rivelet in the county of nether-tirone , called miola ( the which rising in the mountains slew-galen , and passing by the village maharry , falleth into the north-west corner of lough-neaugh , close by the place where the river band commeth out of it ) hee had gathered about one dram of pure gold ; concluding thereby , that in the aforesaid mountains rich gold-mines doe lye hidden . for it is an ordinary thing for rivers , which take their originall in gold-bearing mountains , to carry gold mixt with their sand ; the which may bee confirmed by many instances , and to say nothing of severall rivers of that kind , mentioned by staabo , pliny , & other old geographers and historians , nor of pactolus and hermus in lydia , and tagus in spain , whereof all the old poets are full ; it is certain , that in our very times severall rivers in germanie , as the elbe , schwarts , sala , and others , doe carrie gold , and have it mixed with their sands ; out of the which by the industry of man it is collected . sect. 3. three sorts of iron-mines in ireland : and first of the first sort , bog-mine . but to let alone uncertain conjectures , and to content our selves with the mines that are already discovered , we will in order speak of them , and begin with the iron-mines . of them there are three sorts in ireland , for in some places the oar of the iron is drawn out of moores and bogs , in others it is hewen out of rocks , and in others it is digged out of mountains : of which three sorts the first is called bog-mine , the other rock-mine , and the third with severall names white-mine , pin-mine , and shel-mine . the first sort , as wee have said , and as the name it self doth shew , is found in low and boggie places , out of the which it is raised with very little charge , as lying not deep at all , commonly on the superficies of the earth , and about a foot in thickness . this oar is very rich of metall , and that very good and tough , nevertheless in the melting it must be mingled with some of the mine or oar of some of the other sorts : for else it is too harsh , and keeping the furnace too hot , it melteth too suddenly , and stoppeth the mouth of the furnace , or , to use the workmens own expression choaketh the furnace . whilest this oar is new , it is of a yellowish colour , and the substance of it somewhat like unto clay , but if you let it lye any long time in the open air , it groweth not only very dry , as the clay useth to doe , but moldereth and dissolveth of it self , and falleth quite to dust or sand , and that of a blackish or black-brown colour . sect. 4. of the second sort of iron-mine , called rock-mine . the second sort , that which is taken out of rocks , being a hard and meer stony substance , of a dark and rustie colour , doth not lye scattered in severall places , but is a piece of the very rock , of the which it is hewen : which rock being covered over with earth , is within equallie every where of the same substance ; so as the whole rock , and every parcell thereof , is oar of iron . this mine , as well as the former , is raised with little trouble , for the iron-rock being full of joints , is with pick-axes easily divided and broken into pieces of what bigness one will : which by reason of the same joints , whereof they are full every where , may easily be broke into other lesser pieces ; as that is necessary , before they be put into the furnace . this mine or oar is not altogether so rich as the bog-mine , and yeeldeth very brittle iron , hardly fit for any thing else , but to make plow-shares of it ( from whence the name of colt-share iron is given unto it ) and therefore is seldom melted alone , but mixed with the first or the third sort . of this kind hitherto there hath but two mines been discovered in ireland , the one in munster , neer the town of tallo , by the earl of cork his iron works ; the other in leinster , in kings county , in a place called desert land , belonging to one serjeant major piggot , which rock is of so great a compass , that before this rebellion it furnished divers great iron-works , and could have furnished many more , without any notable diminution ; seeing the deepest pits that had been yet made in it , were not above two yards deep . the land , under which this rock lyeth , is very good and fruitfull , as much as any other land thereabouts , the mold being generallie two feet and two and a half , and in many places three feet deep . sect. 5. of the third sort of iron-mine . the third sort of iron-mine is digged out of the mountains , in severall parts of the kingdome ; in vlster , in the county of fermanagh , upon lough earne ; in the county of cavan , in a place called douballie , in a drie mountain ; and in the county of nether-tirone , by the side of the rivelet lishan , not farre from lough neaugh ; at the foot of the mountains slew-galen mentioned by us upon an other occasion , in the beginning at this chapter : in leinster ▪ in kings-countie , hard by mountmelick ; and in queens-countie , two miles from mountrath : in connaught ; in tomound or the county of clare , six miles from limmerick ; in the county of roscomen , by the side of lough allen ; and in the county of letrim , on the east-side of the said lough , where the mountains are so full of this metall , that thereof it hath got in irish the name of slew neren , that is , mountains of iron : and in the province of munster also in sundry places . this sort is of a whitish or gray colour , like that of ashes ; and one needs not take much pains for to find it out , for the mountaines which doe contain it within themselves , doe commonly shew it of their own accord , so as one may see the veins thereof at the very outside in the sides of the mohntains , beeing not very broad , but of great length , and commonly divers in one place , five or six ridges the one above the other , with ridges of earth between them . these veins or ridges are vulgarly called pins , from whence the mine hath the name of pin-mine ; being also called white-mine , because of its whitish colour ; and shel-mine , for the following reason : for this stuff or oar being neither loose or soft as earth or clay , neither firm and hard as stone , is of a middle substance between both , somewhat like unto slate , composed of shels or scales , the which do lye one upon another , and may be separated and taken asunder very easily , without any great force or trouble . this stuff is digged out of the ground in lumps of the bigness of a mans head , bigger , or less , according as the vein assordeth opportunitie . within every one of these lumps , when the mine is very rich and of the best sort ( for all the oar of this kind is not of equall goodness , some yeelding more and better iron than other ) lyeth a small kernell , which hath the name of hony-comb given to it , because it is full of little holes , in the same manner as that substance whereof it borroweth its appellation . the iron comming of this oar is not brittle , as that of the rock-mine , but tough , and in many places as good as any spanish iron . sect. 6. iron-works erected by the english. the english having discovered these mines , endeavoured to improve the same , & to make profit of them , and consequently severall iron-works were erected by them in sundry pats of the land , ●s namely by the earl of cork in divers places in munster ; by sr coarles coot in the counties of roscomen and letrim , in connaught , and in leinster by mountrath , in queens-county ; by the earl of london-derry at ballonakill , in the sayd county ; by the lord chancelour sir adam loftus , vicount of ely , at mount-melik , in kings-county ; by sir iohn dunbar in fermanagh , in ulster ; and another in the same county , by the side of lough-earne , by sir leonard bleverhasset ; in the county of tomond , in connaught , by some london-merchants ; besides some other works in other places , whose first erectors have not come to my knowledge . in imitation of these have also been erected divers iron-works in sundry parts of the sea-coast of ulster and munster , by persons , who having no mines upon or near their own lands , had the oare brought unto them by sea out of england ; the which they found better cheap than if they had caused it to be fetched by land from some of the mines within the land . and all this by english , whose industry herein the irish have been so far from imitating , as since the beginning of this rebellion they have broke down and quite demolished almost all the fore-mentioned iron-works , as well those of the one as of the other sort . chap. xvii . of the iron-works ▪ their fashion , charges of erecting and maintaining th●m , and profit comming of them : with an exact description of the manner of melting the iron in them . sect. 1. the fashion of the iron-works . the fashion of the iron-works , of whose erection we have spoke in the end of the foregoing chapter , is such as followeth . at the end of a great barn standeth a huge furnace , being of the height of a pike and a half , or more , and four-square in figure , but after the manner of a mault-kiln , that is , narrow below , and by degrees growing wider towards the top , so as the compass of the mouth or the top is of many fathoms . this mouth is not covered , but open all over ; so that the flame , when the furnace is kindled , rising through the same without any hindrance , may be seen a great way off in the night , and in the midst of the darkness maketh a terrible shew to travellers , who do not know what it is . these ovens are not kindled with wood , nor with sea-coal , but meerly vvith char-coal , whereof therefore they consume a huge quantity : for the furnace being once kindled , is never suffered to go out , but is continually kept a burning from the one end of the year to the other : and the proportion of the coals to the oare is very great : for the mine would not melt without an exceeding hot fire ; the which that it may be the more quick and violent , it is continually blown day and night without ceasing by two vast pair of bellow● , the which resting upon main peeces of timber , and with their pipes placed into one of the sides of the furnace , are perpetually kept in action by the meanes of a great wheel , which being driven about by a little brook or water-course , maketh them rise and fall by turns , so that whilst the one pair of bellows doth swell and fill it self with wind , the other doth blow the same forth into the furnace . sect. 2. of the lesser iron-works , called bloomeries : of the hammer-works : and of the casting works . there is another and lesser sort of iron-works , much different from the former : for instead of a furnace they use a hearth therein , altogether of the fashion of a smiths hearth , whereon the oare being layd in a great heap , it is covered over with abundance of charcoal , the which being kindled , is continually blown by bellows that are moved by wheeles and water-courses , in the same manner as in the other works . these works , commonly called bloomeries , are in use , or were so before this rebellion in sundry places of the north-parts of ulster . besides these two sorts of works , where the iron-mine is melted , there is a third sort , where the iron after the first melting is hammered out into bars , of which we shall have occasion to speak more in the latter end of this present chapter . there were also in some parts of ireland yet another kind of iron-works , differing from all the former , where the iron was cast into ordnance , pots , small round furnaces , and other things ; of which works mr christopher wandsworth , master of the rolls of ireland , and in his latter dayes lord deputy of the same kingdom under the earl of strafford , then lord lieutenant thereof , had one upon his lands by idough in the county of carloe ; whereof we cannot give the reader any particulars , because we have not yet been informed thereof . sect. 3. conveniencies requisite to the erecting of an iron-work . in the erecting of these works men seek to make them as near to the mine as may be , to get the more profit by them : for the greater the distance is , the greater are the charges in having the oare brought from the mine to the furnace , especially where all must be carried by land , the which doth fall out so in far the most places . but many times one is necessitated to make the works a good way further from the mine , than otherwise one would , because of the water-courses , the which being of very great consequence in the well-settling of a work , and absolutely necessary ( the wheels being all moved by water ) those places must be made choice of , where one may have the conveniency of water-courses . and besides all this , regard must be had to the nearness of the woods , partly by reason of the timber , a great deal whereof is necessary for the erecting of one of these workes , and chiefly for the charcoales sake , of which a vast quantity continually is requisite , as before we have shewed . sect. 4. the charges of erecting and maintaining an iron-work . it is to be observed , that although there be wood enough upon ones land , and that not very far from the mine , together with the conveniences of water-courses , so as the water needeth not to be brought from very far off , nevertheless the charge is very great , both of erecting and stocking one of the iron-works , and of maintaining it and keeping it afoot , and that by reason of the great number of workmen ▪ and labourers of severall sorts , which thereunto is requisite ; a list of whose names and offices here followeth : wood-cutters , who fell the timber ; sawyers , to saw the timber ; carpenters , smiths , masons , and bellow-makers , to erect the iron-works , with all the appurtenances thereof , and to repair them from time to time ; water-leaders , or water-course-keepers , to steer the water-courses , and to look to them constantly ; basket-makers , to make baskets for to carry the oare and other materials ; boat-men , and boat-wrights to make the boats , and to go in them ; diggers , who work in the mine , and dig the same ; carriers , who carry the oare from the mine ; colliers , who make the char-coal ; corders , who bring the char-coal to the work ; fillers , whose work it is from time to time to put the mine and the coales into the furnace ; keepers of the furnace , who look to the main work , rake out the ashes and cinders , and let out the molten metall at convenient times ; finers , who look to the works where the iron is hammered ; hammerers , whose work it is to see the iron hammered out : besides severall other labourers , who having no particular task , must help to put their hand to every thing : of all which sorts of men sir charles coot the elder , that zealous and famous warriour in this present warre against the irish rebells ( wherein having done many memorable exploits , he lost his life in the first year thereof ) did continually keep at work some five-and-twenty or six-and-twenty hundred , at his iron-works , being three in number . wherby may easily be gathered the greatness of the expences in erecting & maintaining of iron-works : and for all this the owners thereof did greatly gain thereby , ordinarily no less than forty in the hundred per annum . sect. 5. of the profit of the iron-works instanced in those of sir charles coot by mountrath to speak somewhat more particularlie both of the charges and the profits of these iron-works , we shal instance the matter in one of the works of the said sr charles coot , namely that which he had in the lordship of mountrath , in queens-county . at that work the tun ( that is twenty hundred weight ) of rock-mine at the furnace head came in all to stand in five shillings six pence sterling , and the tun of white-mine , which hee had brought him from a place two miles further off in seven shillings . these two were mixed in that proportion , that to one part of rock-mine were taken two parts of white-mine : for if more of the rock-mine had bin taken , the iron would not have bin so good , and too brittle ; and being thus mixed , they yeelded one third part of iron : that is to say , of two tuns of white-mine , and one of rock-mine , being mingled and melted together , they had one tun of good iron , such as is called merchants-iron , being not of the first , but second melting , and hammered out into barres , and consequently fit for all kinds of use this iron he sent down the river oure ( by others called the nure ) to rosse and waterford in that kind of irish boates which are called cots in that countrie , being made of one piece of timber : which kind of ill-favoured boats ( mentioned also by us above ) are very common throughout all ireland , both for to pass rivers in , and to carry goods from one place to another ; and not only upon shallow waters , such as the aforenamed river is in the greatest part of its course , but even upon the great rivers and loughs . at waterford the iron was put aboard of ships going for london , where it was sold for sixteen , otherwhiles for seventeen pounds stering , and sometimes for seventeen and a half ; whereas it did not stand sir charles coot in more than betwixt tenne and eleven pounds sterling , all charges reckoned , as well of digging , melting , fining , as of carrying , boat-hire , and freight , even the custome also comprehended in it . sect. 6. some other particulars about the same subiect , of the prosit of the iron-workes . in most of the other places did a tun of the iron-mine or oar come to stand in five , five and a half , and six shillings sterling at the furnace head ; and it was an ordinary thing , as well where they used white-wine , as where they mixed rock-mine with it , to have a tun of good iron out of three tuns of oar : in some places , where the mine was richer , they would have a tun of iron out of only two tuns and a half of oar. nevertheless few of them gained more or as much as sir charles coot , because they had not the same conveniencie of transportation : and he himselfe did not gain so much by his iron works in connaught , as by that neer mountrath , although the mines there afforded a richer oar , and that the tun thereof did cost him but three shillings at the furnace , because that lough-allen , whereunto the same mines and works are contiguons , gave him the opportunitie of carrying the oar by water from the mine unto the work , and that in boates of forty tuns . the earl of cork whose iron-works being seated in munster , afforded unto him very good opportunitie of sending his iron out of the land by shipping , did in this particular surpass all others , so as he hath gained great treasures thereby : and knowing persons , who have had a particular insight into his affaires , doe assure me , that he hath profited above one hundred thousand pounds clear gain by his said iron-works . sect. 7. the manner of melting the iron-oar . the manner of melting the iron , usuall in ireland , is thus . the furnace is not filled to the top , but some space is left emptie ; and to put new stuff into it they doe not stay untill the former be quite consumed , but only untill it be somewhat descended , and then they cast into it some charges or basketfuls of coales , and at the top of them the same quantity of mine : and thus they doe from time to time , so as the furnace is in ● manner alwaie● in one and the same estate ; where is to be observed , that in most furnaces they adde unto the oar and coales some quantity of iron-cinders , and in others of lime-stone , whereby the melting of the iron is greatly furthered , and the furnace made to work more mildly . within the barn , at the bottome of the furnace , stand constantly two men , one of each side , the which with long iron hooks , through holes left for the purpose , doe every quarter of an hour draw out the unburnt coales , ashes , and cinders ; which cinders are great lumps of a firm substance , but brittle , of a blackish colour , shining , but not transparent ; being nothing else but the remainder of the iron-oar , after that the iron which was contained in it , is melted out on 't the iron it self descendeth to the lowest part of the furnace , called the hearth ; the which being filled , ( so that , if one stayed longer , the iron would begin to swim over through the aforesaid holes ) they unstop the hearth , and open the mouth thereof ( or the timpas the arts-men call it ) taking away a little door , of fashion like unto that of a bakers oven , wherewith the same was shut up very close . the floor of the barn hath a mold of sand upon it , where-in , before they open the furnace , a furrow is made , of sufficient breadth and depth , through the whole length of the barn , from the bottom of the furnace until the barns door : into which furrow , as soon as the furnace is opened , the molten iron runneth very suddenly and forcibly , being to look on like unto a stream or current of fire . it remaineth a long time hot , but doth presently loose its liquidness and redness , turning into a hard and stiff mass , which mas●es are called sowes by the workmen . sect. 8. of the different bigness of the iron sowes these masses or sowes of iron are not alwaies of one and the same weight and bigness , but there is them of all sizes , from one hundred weight untill thirtie hundred : which difference doth chiefly depend on the different bigness of the furnace and hearth , and partly on the will and discretion of the workmaster or founder , and according as he either stayeth untill the hearth be full , or letteth out the iron sooner ; but ordinarily they doe not use to cast , or to open the hearth , under less than twelve houres , nor to stay much longer than four-and-twenty . and here is to be observed , that even in furnaces of the same biguess , yea in the self-same furnaces , the same quantity of iron is not alwaies cast in the same space of time : but that varieth both according to the nature of the oar , and according to the different seasons of the year . for within the same compasse of time you shall cast a greater quantitie of iron out of a rich mine or oar , than out of a lean one ; and in the summer time , when the coales come in dry and fresh , than in the winter . sect. 9. of the refining of the sow-iron , and the hammering it into barres . the sowe● are with teams of oxen drawn to the hammer-works , where being put into the fire again , they melt them into the finerie , the finer turning the melted stuff to and fro , till it come to be a solid body , then he carrieth it under the hammer , where it is hammered out into such flat narrow and thin bars , as are to be seen every where : the hammers being huge big ones , and never ceasing from knocking day nor night , as being kept at work by the means of certain wheels , turned about by water-courses in the same manner as the wheels of the bellows . by means of this second melting , and of that mighty hammering , the iron is freed from a mighty deal of dross and dregs which it kept sticking to it , thorough its whole substance , in the first melting ; and so of impure called sow-iron , becometh to be usefull , such as is accustomed to be delivered unto merchants , being therefore called merchants-iron ; one tun whereof is usually had out of a tun and a half of sow-iron ; but if that be of the best sort , and cast of the best oare , two hundred pounds , less of it will yeeld the aforesayd quantity of a tun of merchants-iron . chap. xviii . of the mines of silver and lead in ireland : and occasionally of the pestiferous damps and vapours within the earth . sect. 1. of the severall mines of silver and lead , and in particular that of tipperary ▪ mines of lead and s●lver in ireland have to this day been found out , three in number ; one in ulster , in the county of antrim , very rich , forasmuch as with every thirty pounds of lead it yeeldeth a pound of pure silver ; another in connaught , upon the very harbour-mouth of sligo , in a little demy-iland commonly called conny-iland ; and a third in munster . the first two having been discovered but a few years before this present rebellion , were through several impediments never taken in hand yet ; wherefore we shall speak only of the third . this mine standeth in the county of tipperary , in the barony of upper-ormond , in the parish of kilmore , upon the lands of one iohn mac-dermot o-kennedy , not far from the castle of downallie , twelve miles from limmerick , and threescore from dublin . the land where the mine is , is mountainous and barren ; but the bottoms , and the lands adjoyning , are very good for pasture , and partly arable ; of each whereof the miners had part , to the value of twenty pounds sterling per annum every one . it was found out not above forty years agoe , but understood at the first onely as a lead-mine , and accordingly given notice of to donogh earl of thomond , then lord president of munster , who made use of some of the lead for to cover the house which he then was building at bunrattie : but afterwards it hath been found , that with the lead of this mine there was mixed some silver . sect. 2. the manner of digging this mine : the nature of the oare , and what proportions of silver and lead it yeelds . the veins of this mine did commonly rise within three or four spits of the superficies , and they digged deeper as those veines went , digging open pits very far into the ground , many fathoms deep , yea castle-deep ; the pits not being steep , but of that fashion as people might go in and out with wheel-barrows , being the onely way used by them for to carry out the mine or oare . the water did seldom much offend them ; for when either by the falling of much rain , or by the discovering of some spring or water-source , they found themselves annoyed by it , they did by conduits carry it away to a brook adjoyning , the mountain being so situate , as that might be done easily . this mine yeelds two different sorts of oare ; of which the one , and that the most in quantitie , is of a reddish colour , hard , and glistering ; the other is like a marle , somthing bl●wish , and more soft than the red ; and this was counted the best , producing most silver , whereas the other , or glistering sort , was very barren , and went most away into litteridge or dross . the oar yeelded one with another three pound weight of silver out of each tun , but a great quantity of lead , so as that was counted the best profit to the farmer . besides the lead and silver the mine produced also some quicksilver , but not any alome , vitriol , or antimony , that i could hear of . sect. 3. profits of this mine . it hach been destroyed by the irish rebels . the silver of this mine was very fine , so as the farmers sold it at dublin for five shillings two pence sterling the ounce ; as for the lead , that they sold on the place for eleven pounds sterling the tun , and for twelve pounds at the city of limmerick . the king had the sixt part of the silver for his share , and the tenth part of the lead , the rest remaining to the farmers , whose clear profit was estimated to be worth two thousand pounds sterling yearly . all the mil● , melting-houses , refining-houses , and other necessary work-houses , stood within one quarter of a mile at the furthest from the place where the mine was digged , every one of them having been very conveniently and sufficiently built and accommodated by the officers and substitutes of sir william russell , sir basill brook , and sir george hamilton , which three persons successively had this mine in farm from the king , but in the beginning of this present rebellion all this hath been destroyed by the irish under the conduct of hugh o-kennedy , brother of iohn mac-dermot o-kennedy , on whose lands the mine was situated : which rebels not content to lay wast the mine , and to demolish all the works thereunto belonging , did accompany this their barbarousness with bloody cruelty against the poor workmen , such as were imployed about the melting and refining of the oar , and in all offices thereunto belonging ▪ the which some of them being english , and the rest dutch ( because the irish having no skill at all in any of those things , had never been imployed in this mine otherwise than to digg it , and to doe other labours ) were all put to the sword by them , except a very few , who by flight escaped their hands . sect. 4. this mine free from deadly vapours , the which otherwise in ireland are bred within the earth , as well as in other c●untries , as is instanced in a very remarkable history . i have not heard that any of the miners hath been stifled in this mine , a thing ordinary enough in other countries : the reason whereof i conceive to be , because the work was done in wide and open pits , wherein the like noxious vapours can neither be so easily engendred , and when they arise find a free passage into the open air , to the contrary of those close and narrow vaults usuall in the most part of other mines . for else that the earth of ireland is subject , as well as that of other countries , to breed dangerous damps within her self , is undoubted , as evidently it appeared in the year sixteen hundred thirty seven , by this following accident . a maulter living in the suburbs of dublin in st francis-street caused a well to be digged three yards deep , which yeelding but little water , and that not very sweet nor clear , resolved to have it made deeper ; and injoyned a servant of his , to work at it at spare times , which he doing , and having digged a yard and half lower , the water of it begun the 24 of august to bubble up in a strange manner , making great noise ; which having continued two dayes , without any notable increase , hardly comming half-way the knees ; he went down again into the well , to digge there according to his custome . but having wrought but a little while , and being taken with a sudden giddiness in his head , and faintness at his heart , made hast to get out , and being revived , returned to fetch away his spade and other instruments ; but comming to the bottom he fell into a deadly sown , which being s●en by those that were present , one of them went down to help him up ; unto whom the same accident happened . all the spectators being greatly astonished , and their tumult having drawn-on a great concourse of people , the place were the well was being an open yard , looking into the main street ; a certaine man , newly come to town , and casually passing by that way , not affrighted by the example of those two , had the courage to goe down to fetch the former out , but with as ill success as they themselves . the wonder and amazement being hereby increased among the people , there was nevertheless a butcher ( a bold robustuous man ) who having drunk somewhat liberally , would notwithstanding these sad accidents goe in , which at the first not being suffered , and he continuing in his resolution , was at last permitted on condition that he let a strong cord be tyed about his wast to pull him out , if he found himself ill ; the which to signifie he was to hold up his right hand . but being come to the bottome , and suddenly taken with a deadly faintness , that he had neither time nor power to give the appointed sign , falling from the ladder ; and being haled out with all possible speed , found to be in a deep trance , but with perfect signes of life : wherefore being carried to his own house , put into his bed , and care taken of him , it was nevertheless 24 houres before he came to himself . the dead bodies being drawn out of the well it was filled with earth by order of the magistrat of the said city . sect. 5. relation of an accident like the former happened at london . the like accidents have at severall times been seen in other countries , whereof wee could allege many instances , but passing by all other we shall make mention of one lately befaln here at london . without aldesgate , there is a little court called carpenters-yard , in the midst of which there stood a pump ; the water whereof not being good for to dress meat , was used by the neighbours only for the washing and cleaning of their houses , and the like . but in length of time being grown so thick and muddy that no use could be made out , it was resolved that the well , whereout the pump drew its water , should be made clean , to which purpose the pump being taken down , in the latter end of iuly anno sixteen hundred fourtie four , a laborer was let down with a cord into the well , being little and narrow , to take out the mud by pailes full , which assoon as he came to the bottome presently fell stark dead . those that had let him down , seeing this , and suspecting nothing else , but that a suddain faintness had overcome him , let down another to see what he ayled , and to bring him out . but he sped no better than the first , which when the people perceived , no more went into the well ▪ untill three or four houres after , in which middle-space of time a great iron pan or plate , heaped up with burning charcoal , had been let down into the well , and severall times as the fire did slaken , renewed , that through the heat thereof that mortiferous vapour might bee overcome and dispersed , the which accordingly fell out ; so that the person aferwards went down to fetch away the dead bodies , got no hurt at all . a great covered or vaulted gutter , whereby the ordures of the streets are under ground conveyed into the city ditch , passeth under the yard where-in the said well , ( dammed up since this sad accident ) did stand ; so as it may bee probably beleeved that that deadly infection of the air within the same well had partly been caused through the neerness of the same sewer . chap. xix . of the free-stone , marble , flints , slate , and seacoles which are found in ireland sect. 1. of the free-stone , having in the precedent chapters treated of the metals and minerals , which are found in ireland , we shall now go on to speak of severall other substances , raised out of the ground there , of a less noble nature , but nevertheless profitable and serving for severall good uses . to begin with free-stone , there is two sorts of it , the one being gray or ash-coloured , and the other blew ; which both for the most part lying in the uppermost parts of the ground , covered over with very little earth , are raised with small labour and charge , whereas in most other countries it is as much labour to digge free-stone as the metalls themselves , the blew free-stone is not very abundant , and as little in request , as unfit for great buildings ; it lying for the most part in small unshapely peeces ; and when they are bigger commonly broke in the raising and hewing , partly through the unskilfullness of the workmen there , and chiefly because they are exceeding hard , and cannot well endure the iron . the gray free-stone which is found very abundantly in most parts of the land is of a contrary nature ; and may easily be cut out into stones of all bigness or fashion , wherefore also this sort hath been used by the english , to all the churches , castles , and edifices , which since the conquest have been builded by them ; for the irish themselves , never had the skill nor industry to erect any considerable buildings of free-stone , brick , or other the like materials , their dwellings being very poor and contemptible cottages . true it is , that the english at their first comming found several maritine-townes in ireland with stone-walls and houses , the churches also , not onely in those , but in many other towns being of the same . but built by strangers , who being come out of the northern parts of germany , and other neighbouring countries , had setled themselves there , inhabiting severall parts of the sea-coasts , some ages before the english-conquest ; which people called themselves oastmans , or easterlings ; all those countries of the which they were come being situated to the east of ireland . sect. 2. certain evill properties of the irish free-stone . this sort of gray fre●-stone in ireland hath a bad qualitie , that it draweth the moysture of the air continually to it , and so becommeth dank and wet both in and out-side , especially in times of much rain . to mend this inconvenience the english did wainscot those walls with oak or other boards , or line them with a thin crust of brick . sect ▪ 3. of the marble . besides the free-stone , which is almost in every part of the land , there is marble found in many places of severall sorts ; one is red , straked with white and other colours , such as with a peculiar name is called porphyre ; other black , very curiously straked with white , and some all of one colour . the first two sorts are found but in smal quantity , especially the second . but the last is very abundant in some places , but most about kilkenny , where not onely many houses are built of the same , but whole streets are paved with it . sect. 4. description of the marble-quarrie at kilkenny . the quarrie out of which they have their marble at kilkenney , is not above a quarter of a mile distant from the town , and belongeth to no body in particular , lying in common for all the townsmen , who at any time may fetch as much out of it , as seemeth good unto them , without paying any thing for it : it is in fashion like unto quarries of free-stone , to wit , a wide open pit , whereout stones and pillars of great thickness and height may be digged . this marble , whilst it is rude , and as it cometh out of the ground , looketh grayish , but being polished it getteth a fine blewish colour , drawing somwhat towards the black . sect. 5. of the flint . although flints are not digged from under the ground , yet shall we give them a place next to the free-stone and marble , because of the affinity which they have with them . they are found in every part of ireland in great abundance near the sea-side , within the land , upon the hils and mountains , and in the rivers , many of which have not onely their banks covered with them , but also the bottom of their chanels , and that for great spaces togeth●r , which as they are o● all sizes and fashions , so of very different colours . sect. 6. of the slate . in sundry parts of ireland slate is found in great abundance , and that nothing deep within the ground , just in the same manner as the free-stone , so as it may be raised with little charge and labour ; wherefore at all times it hath been much used by the english inhabitants for the covering of their houses and other buildings . nevertheless some years since in places near the sea , especially at dublin , that kind of holland tiles , which by them are called pannen begun to be used generally , the merchants causing them to be brought in from thence in great abundance , because in ireland they had neither convenient stuff to make them of , nor work-men skilfull in that business : although the common tiles usual in many parts of england and other countries , were made and used in several places within the land . besides these there was another kind of covering in use , both for churches and houses , to wit , a certain sort of woodden tiles , vulgarly called shingles ; the which are thight enough at the first , but do not many yeares continue so , it being necessary to change them often : which thing properly not appertaining to this chapter , we nevertheless for affinities sake have thought not amiss here to mention . some yeares ago another kind of slate hath been discovered in ireland , which for the colours-sake is called black-slate , being of a blackish colour , which is come into great esteem , not so much for the ordinary use of covering houses , for which they are no better than common slate , but because it hath been found by experience , very good and medicinall against severall diseases , especially to stay all kind of bleeding , and to hinder that after falls and bruises the blood do not congeal within the body . sect. 7. of the sea-coal . the trees and woods having been so much destroyed in ireland , as heretofore we have shewed , and consequently wood for firing being very dear in great part of the land , the inhabitants are necessitated to make use of other fuel , viz. of turf , and of sea-coals . of the turf we shall speak in the next chapter . as for sea-coals , they are the ordinary firing in dublin & in other places lying near the sea , where the same in time of peace are brought in out of england , wales , and scotland , in great abundance , and therefore reasonable cheap ; which is the reason , that the less care hath been taken to find out coal-mines in ireland it self , whereas otherwise it is the opinion of persons knowing in these matters , that if diligent search were made for them , in sundry parts of the land good coal-mines would be discovered . this opinion is the more probable , because that already one coal ▪ mine hath bin found out in ireland , a few yeares since , by meer hazard , and without having been sought for . the mine is in the province of leinster , in the county of carlo , seven miles from idof , in the same hill where the iron-mine was of mr. christopher wandsworth , of whom hath been spoken above . in that iron-mine , after that for a great while they had drawn iron-oar out of it , and that by degrees they were gone deeper , at last in lieu of oar they met with sea-coal , so as ever since all the people dwelling in those parts have used it for their firing , finding it very cheap ; for the load of an irish-car , drawn by one garron , did stand them , besides the charges of bringing it , in nine pence only , three pence to the digger , and six pence to the owner . there be coals enough in this mine for to furnish a whole country ; nevertheless there is no use made of them further than among the neighbouring inhabitants ; because the mine being situated far from rivers , the transportation is too chargeable by land . these coals are very heavy , and burn with little flame , but lye like char-coal , and continue so the space of seven or eight hours , casting a very great and violent heat . in the place where this mine standeth , do lye little smith-coals above the ground , dispersed every where in great quantity , from whence the smiths dwelling in the parts round about did use to come and fetch them even before the mine was discovered . chap. xx. of the turf , lime , and brick , and the manner of making those things in ireland ; item of the glass made in ireland . sect. 1. of the two sorts of irish-turf . turf being very much used throughout all the land ( as we have sayd before ) is of two sor●s , according to the difference of the bog● out of the which it is taken . that which is taken out of the dry-bogs , or red-bogs , is light , spungy , of a reddish colour , kindleth easily , and burneth very clear , but doth not last . the other to the contrary , which is raised out of the green or wet bogs , is heavy , firm , black , doth not burn so soon , nor with so great a flame , but lasteth a great while , and maketh a very hot fire , and leaveth foul yellowish ashes . it is the observation of women , that the linnen which is dryed by a fire made of this last sort of turf , getteth a foul colour , be it never so white washed and bleeched , and groweth yellowish in that manner as that it can hardly be got out again . sect. 2. the manner of making the turf . the first sort of turf costeth but little paines in the making ; for being digged , and having ●yen some dayes a drying ( first spread out thin and single upon the ground , and afterwards piled up in little heaps ) it is brought into the barn. but black turf cannot be made without more trouble . first they mark out convenient places ; for onely those are fit for it to which some paths do lead , and which in themselves are not too mirie , and too deep , but have a firm & sandy ground underneath , within the space of four or five feet , or thereabouts . having found out such a place , if it be too watery , they make some trenches , into which the water descending out of that part of the bog wherein they intend to work , may by them be carried to some place fit for to receive it ; to the end that the bog being thereby grown somewhat dryer and firmer , may the better bear the labourers without s●nking too deep into it . then they fall to the business , dividing it so among the labourers , that one part of them do dig out the earth , or rather the mud ( for all the earth whereof this turf is made , is thin and muddy ) and by spade●-full cast it on a heap , either by the ●ide of the pit , or some where within the same , where others stand , who very well work it , turning it to and fro , and then with their shovels fill it into certain woodden trayes , amongst the english in ireland peculiarly called lossels ; the which being full , another part of the labourers draw the same , with great cords fastened to them , to some dry place within the bog , or by the side thereof , where having poured out the mud , they go back to fetch more , and so go to and fro all day long . on that dry place where the mud is poured forth , sit certain women upon their knees , who mold the mud , using nothing else to it but their hands ; between the which taking a part of it , they press them together in that manner , that their hands meeting above , the turf is fashioned flat and broad beneath , growing narrower towards the top ; which being done , the turf is let lye upon the ground the space of a week or more , according as the weather is , and being reasonably well dryed , it is piled up in little heaps , leaving every where empty spaces between , that the air and the wind passing through them , they may dry the sooner . sect. 3. the charges of making turf . ireland is so full of bogs , that every man almost hath bog enough upon his own land to make turf for his family and for all his tenants ; so that the turf doth cost most men no more than the hire of the labourers who are employed about it . those that begun early in the year , whilst the labourers had but little employment , gave ordinarily , besides meat and drink , three pence sterling a day to every man , and two pence to every woman ; four pence a day being the ordinary price , and when it was was at the dearest , five pence . twenty men made in two or three dayes as much turf as was sufficient for the whole years firing of a great family ; of which number five men did dig and cast up the mud , five wrought it and filled it into the trays , and ten were busied in drawing the trays to the place where the turf was molded by the women ; who went so nimbly to work with it , that onely two of them were sufficient to keep twenty men at work . sect. 4. of the lime , and the manner of making it of lime-stone . all the lime in ireland is made not of the shels of all sorts of shel-fish , as in holland , and some other countries , but onely of stone ; and the gray free-stone , whereof we have spoken in the precedent chapter , is very fit for it , especially when it is not newly come out of the quarrie , but taken off old buildings . but a peculiar sort of stone properly called lime-stone , is best for it . this stone is of a gray colour , tending to a dark blew , which being broke , a white dust out of it doth fly abroad ; and it is very common throughout all ireland , but especially in the provinces of munster and connaught , lying not deep within the ground , but very near to the surface of it , and in many places above ground . the manner of burning it into lime , usual over all ireland , is this ; in the side of some little height they make a great pit , round or square according as conveniencie is offered ; of that bignes as may hold forty or fifty barrels , & of that fashion that being many feet wide at the top , it doth by degrees grow narrower towards the bottom , in the same manner as the furnaces of the iron-works . the inside of this pit they line round about with a wall built of lime and stone , at whose outside near the bottom a hole or door is left , by which to take out the ashes ; and above that an iron-grate is laid , which cometh close to the wall round about : upon this they lay a lay of lime-stone ( being first knockt asunder with a great iron hammer , and broke into peeces of the bigness of a f●st , or thereabouts ) and upon that a lay of wood or turf , or a certain sort of sea-coal , the which being wonderfull small , and peculiarly called comb , is hardly used for any other purpose . upon that they lay another of lime-stone , and so by turns , untill the whole kiln be filled , ever observing that the outmost lay be of wood , turf , or comb , and not of lime-stone : which being done , the kiln is set afire until all be burnt . sect. 5. another manner of burning lime used in ireland . there is another manner of burning lime used in ireland , in kilns built altogether above ground , and incomparably bigger than the others , insomuch as to the quantity of three hundred barrels of lime at once is made in them . in these kilns they burn whole stones , without breaking them into peeces as the others , and that onely with wood ( turf or comb not being fit for it ) whereof they consume a huge deal , it being necessary from time to time to put new wood into them , to which end three or four men day and night do stand by the kiln to keep the fire from decaying or slackning . these ( called french-kilns , because the us● of them was first received from thence ) have ever their walls made of lime-stone , the which in the same manner are turned into lime , so as there remaineth nothing standing of these kilns after that the work is accomplished , and the lime taken away . now albeit that in these kilnes a very great quantity of lime is made at a time , nevertheless it hath been found by experience , that they are much more unprofitable than the others , because they consume much more firing in proportion , through the continuall renewing of the fire , and require the constant labour of severall men all the while they are burning , which commonly is the space of three dayes and nights . for these reasons was the use of these kilnes , which never had been very generall in ireland , more and more left off in these last yeares , and the others almost only made use of ; in the which the lime came to stand them , who burnt it , in no more then four pence the barrell at the most , all manner of expences being reckoned ; & but three to them who had the best conveniences . sect. 6. of the brick . in every part of ireland there is found a kind of clay very fit for to make bricks , and all sorts of potters-ware , although the irish never had the wit or industrie to make use of it for either of these two ends ; yea they have ever been so farre from making any earthen vessels , that even the use thereof hath been very rare amongst them , and to the most part unknown , not only before the comming in of the english , but also since , yea even untill these very last times ; although a great number of english potters in severall parts of the land had set up their trade , so as all kind of earthen ware was very common , and to be had at very easie rates . and as for the brick , they have been little used in ireland even among the english themselves for a great while ; but of late years they begun to be very common , as well in the countrie , as in the cities , especially dublin , where all the new buildings ( the which not only in handsomness , but also in number , doe surpass the old ) are all made of brick . but that which is made in ireland , for the most part is not so good , as that of other countries , not so much for any unfitness in the clay it self , as for want of handling and preparing it aright ; as may easily be conceived by the following description of the manner they use to make it . sect. 7. the manner how they make their brick in ireland . they dig a great square pit , taking away all the uppermost earth , untill they come to a good clay ( which commonly lyeth one or two spits deep ) this they digge up throughout the whole pit , and having broke it very small with the spade , they doe by degrees powre a great deal of water amongst it , working and labouring it together with the spade and their feet , till the whole mass become uniform , firm and tough like stiff dough ; the which then in wheel barrowes is carried out of the pit to a place where certain long tables are set up , to each of which tables is allotted one man , one woman , & one boy . the woman taketh up the clay by handfulls , from the heap lying upon the ground , and reacheth it unto the man , who thrusteth it into a little wodden form without bottom , strawing now and then some sand upon the table , that the clay may not stick to it : and so having given them their due fashion , the boy doth carry them from thence to a place , where he layeth them all upon the ground , not under any covert , but in the open air . after they have lyen some dayes , and are somewhat dryed , they are piled up in small heaps , twenty or thirty in a heap , making the heapes transparent in the same manner , as we have shewed above of the turf , some dayes after those little piles are made into greater , which are many feet long , and five or six feet high , but not above two feet , or two and a half broad ( making the layes transparent , with some empty space between brick and brick , even so as in the small piles ) the which at the top are covered over with straw , laying upon the straw broad green sods , to keep off the rain . having lyen so untill they be quite dry , they make great ovens or kilnes of them , filling them within with the same , strawing betwixt them of that small sort of sea-caol , whereof wee have spoke heretofore , called comb or coome , and having covered over the kiln with the same clay , whereof the bricks are made , the thickness of two hand-broads or there-abouts , they set it afire with wood underneath , and continue the fire untill not only all the bricks piled within the kiln , but all the walls quite through , and at the out-side as well as at the in-side , be perfectly burnt , and turned into good brick : wherein oftentimes , through the unskilfulness or neglect of those who make & fill these kilns , and of those that govern the fire , there is great loss , and that two manner of ways . for sometimes great part of the bricks is found not to be sufficiently nor uniformly burnt ; and on the other side it falleth out oftentimes , that great quantities are reduced into one , beeing burnt , or half-burnt into great unshapely masses or lumps , which are good for nothing . they do commonly burn in those kilns two or three hundred thousand bricks at a time ; the which for the most part , all charges being reckoned , come to stand betwixt six and eight shillings sterling the thousand . sect. 8. of the glass made in ireland . we shall conclude this chapter with the glass , there having been severall glass-houses set up by the english in ireland , none in dublin or other cities , but all of them in the countrie ; amongst which the principall was that of birre , a market-town , otherwise called parsons-town , after one sir laurence parsons , who having purchased that lordship , built a goodly house upon it ; his son william parsons having succeeded him in the possession of it ; which town is situate in queens county , about fifty miles to the south-west of dublin , upon the borders of the two provinces of leinster and munster : from this place dublin was furnished with all sorts of vvindovv and drinking-glasses , and such other as commonly are in use . one part of the materials , viz. the sand , they had out of england ; the other , to vvit the ashes , they made in the place of ash-tree , and used no other . the chiefest difficulty vvas , to get the clay for the pots to melt the materials in ; this they had out of the north. chap. xxi . of the temperature and qualities of the air , and seasons in ireland , as for heat , cold , and moisture . sect. 1. of the cold weather , and the frosts . although the climate of ireland is somewhat northerly , the land extending it self from the beginning of the one and fiftieth degree of latitude , until the end of the five and fiftieth , nevertheless is the air there very temperate , and nothing subject to violent colds ( not onely in munster , leinster , and connaught , but even in the most northern-part , to wit the province of ulster ) much less than any other land lying in the same height or latitude , yea than many countries of a much more southerly-climate . true it is , that the cold-weather doth commonly begin here somewhat soon , namely in the beginning of october , and sometimes in the middle or latter end of september , continuing ordinarily the space of five or six moneths , until the midst or latter end of march , and sometimes also good part of april ; during which whole space of time all such persons as are chilly and cold of nature , and do sit still much , can hardly be any long while without a fire . but again on the other side , it is very seldom violently cold there , and freezeth but little : there are commonly three or four frosts in one winter ; but they are very short , seldom lasting longer than three or four days together , & withall at their very worst nothing near so violent as in most other countries ; so that some all winter long hardly come near a fire once in a day ; and that not only in the ordinary cold weather , but even whilst it is a freezing . yea many times the cold is so slack even in the midst of the winter-moneths , that by walking onely , or doing some other moderate exercise , you shall find your self as warm , and the air as sweet and pleasant , as if it were in the moneth of may. there hath been some winters , wherein it hath frozen ten or twelve dayes together , so as the liffie , and other the like rivers were quite frozen , and might be gone upon by men and beasts : but those are altogether extraordinary , and do come very seldom , hardly once in the space of ten or twelve years . but how mild they ordinarily be , and how little subject to excessive cold , may appear hereby , that all kind of beasts and cattle , as cows , horses , and sheep , do there all winter long remain abroad , and do ●eed in the fields , where they are left in the night-time as well as in the day , and that many herbs , which in england and netherland do● dye every winter , here continue all the year long . sect. 2. of the warm-weather . and as the cold in winter is very moderate and tolerable , so is also the heat in summer ; the which is seldom so great , even in the hottest times of the year , as to be greatly troublesome . and it falleth out oft enough in the very summer-moneths , that the weather is more inclinable to cold than to heat , so as one may very well endure to come near a good fire . and this cometh to pass only during the wet-weather , for else , and whilst it is fair , it is very warm all summer long , albeit seldom over-hot : and so it is many times also even on the rainie dayes , whereas for the most part it is very cool in them , and the heat much less than the season doth require . sect. 3. of the rain and we●-weather . the rain is very ordinary in ireland , and it raineth there very much all the year long , in the summer as well as in the winter . commonly in the spring of the year it is very fair weather , with clear sun-shine from morning till night , for the space of five or six weeks together , with very little or no interruption ; which fair weather beginneth commonly in the mon●th of march , some years in the beginning , other yeares in the midst , and sometimes in the latter end of it . but the same being once past , it raineth afterwards very much all the summer long , so as it is a rare thing to see a whole week pass without it ; and many summers it is never dry weather two or three dayes together . which inconstancy and wetness of the weather is not only troublesome to men , but also hurtfull to all things growing out of the ground for mans behoof . for the heat never being very great , and there besides often interrupted by the intervention of the foul weather , hath neither time nor strength enough to ripen them so well and so soon , as otherwise it would ; whereby it cometh to pass , that as well the fruits of trees , as the corn and grass , here commonly much ●ater do come to perfection , than in the most part of other neighbouring countries . and as the ripeness of the fruits and other increase of the earth is greatly retarded by the abundance of unseasonable rain ; so it doth also fall out oftentimes , that the same being come to ripeness , it is difficult to get them in , by reason of the exceeding store of rain which doth come down during the hay-time and the harvest . wherefore it behoveth one here to be wonderfull diligent , and not to lose any part of the fair weather : for else one would run great hazard to sustain great losses , and to have all spoyled . but those that are vigilant and carefull , and that lose no occasion at all , do commonly in the end get in their increase well enough , notwithstanding all those great hinderances ; so that there be as few years of dearth in ireland , as in any other country of christendom ; and most years there is not only corn enough got for the sustenance of the inhabitants , but a great deal over and above , for the sending out of great quantities of grains into other countries . sect. 4. of the fair weather in the latter end of autumn . in the foul weather the nights are often fair . in the latter end of autumn weather is commonly fair again for some weeks together , in the same manner as in the spring , but not so long ; which as it doth serve for to dry up , and to get in the corn and hay , which till then hath remained in the fields ▪ the too much wet having hindered it from being brought away sooner ; so it giveth the opportunity of plowing the ground , and sowing the winter-corn ; the which otherwise would very hardly be done . for that season being once past , you have very little dry weather the rest of the autumn , and during all winter . and although it doth seldom rain continually for many dayes together , yet is the wetness very great , and few weeks doe pass , wherein are not two or three rainy dayes . and it is to be observed , that ordinarily it raineth in ireland much more by day than by night ; and that many times when it doth rain two or three dayes together , the nights between are very clear and fair ; the which also many times falleth out in other foul weather , and when all day long the skie is overcast with clouds and mists . sect. 5. some dry summers in ireland , but hardly ever any too dry . but although it is ordinarily thus in ireland ; yet the same inconstancy and variablenes of years and seasons , which is observed in most other countries , doth also here occur , and that more in regard of the summers & dry weather , than of the winters and cold . for it is marvellous seldom to have there a hard winter and long ●rost ; but summers have been which were ful of very dry , and fair , and pleasant weather . but as winters cruelly cold , so likewise over-dry summers do in this iland hardly come once in an age ; and it is a common saying in ireland , that the very dryest summers there never hurt the land : for although the corn and grass upon the high and dry grounds may get harm , nevertheless the country in generall gets more good than hurt by it : and when any dearths fall out to be in ireland , they are not caused through immoderate heat and drought , as in most other countries , but through too much wet , and excessive rain . sect. 6. amendment of the wet air in ireland how to be expected . so that the irish-air is greatly defectuous in this part , and too much subject to wet and rainy weather ; wherein if it were of somewhat a better temperature , and as free from too much wet , as it is from excessive cold , it would be one of the sweetest and pleasantest in the whole world , and very few countries could be named , that might be compared with ireland for agreeable temperateness . and although it is unlikely , that any revolution of times will produce any considerable alteration in this ( the which indeed in some other countries hath caused wonderfull changes ) because that those who many ages ago have written of this iland , doe witness the self same things of it in this particular , as wee doe find in our time : there is nevertheless great probability that this defect may in part be amended by the industry of men , if the country being once inhabited throughout by a civill nation , care were taken every where to diminish and take away the superfluous and excessive wetness of the ground , in all the watery and boggy places , whereby this too great moystness of the air is greatly increased , and partly also occasiond this opinion is not grounded upon some uncertain speculation , but upon assured experience ; for severall knowing and credible persons have affirmed to me , that already some yeares since good beginnings have been seen of it ; and that in some parts of the land well inhabited with english , and where great extents of bogs have been drained and reduced to dry land , it hath been found by the observation of some years one after another , that they have had a dryer air , and much less troubled with rain , than in former times . herewith agreeth what we read in that famous writer pliny , in the fourth chapter of the seventeenth book of his naturall history , concerning that part of macedonie , wherein the city philippi was seated ; where the air formerly having been very rainie , was greatly amended by the altering the wetness of the ground : his words are these , circa philippos cultura siccata regio , mutavit coeli habitum : that is , word for word , the country about philippi being dryed up through tillage , hath altered the quality of the air. chap. xxii . of the dew , mist , snow , hail , hoar-frost , thunder and lightning , earthquake and winds . sect. 1. of the dew . the naturalists and geographers do assure us , that it deweth exceedingly in the hot and dry countries , and that the less it useth to rain in a country , the dew doth fall there the more ●bundantly ; whereby it should seem to follow , that in the wet climate it deweth very little , and consequently that in ireland , where it raineth so very much , the dew must be very scanty . but there is as much dew there , as in other countries that are a great deal hotter and dryer . onely thus much experience doth shew in ireland ( and it may be as well in other countries , whereof i have not yet informed my self ) that when it is towards any great rain , little or no dew doth fall ; so as in those times going forth early in the morning into the green fields , you will finde them altogether dry , and that even in that season , wherein the dew in ireland , as in other neighbouring countries , useth to fall more abundantly , than in any other time of the year , to wit in the moneths of may and june : this is a certain sign to the inhabitants , that great rain is to fall suddenly ; and commonly after such a dry and dewless night it useth to rain two or three days together . but the preceding rain doth not hinder the dew in that manner , as that which is imminent ; and it is found ordinarily , that in a clear night follovving a rainy day ( the which is very ordinary , as we have sayd in the preceding chapter ) the dew commeth down as liberally as if it had not rained the day before . sect. 2. of may-dew , and the manner of gathering , and preserving it . the english women , and gentlewomen in ireland , as in england , did use in the beginning of the summer to gather good store of dew , to keep it by them all the year after for several good uses both of physick and otherwise , wherein by experience they have learnt it to be very available . their manner of collecting and keeping it was this . in the moneth of may especially , and also in part of the moneth of june , they would go forth betimes in the morning , and before sun-rising , into a green field , and there either with their hands strike off the dew from the tops of the herbs into a dish , or else throwing clean linnen clothes upon the ground , take off the dew from the herbs into them , and afterwards wring it out into dishes ; and thus they continue their work untill they have got a sufficient quantity of dew according to their intentions . that which is gotten from the grass will serve , but they chuse rather to have it from the green corn , especially wheat , if they can have the conveniency to do so , as being perswaded that this dew hath more vertues , and is better for all purposes , than that which hath been collected from the grass or other herbs . the dew thus gathered they put into a glass bottle , and so set it in a place where it may have the warm sun-shine all day long , keeping it there all the summer ; after some dayes rest some dregs and dirt will settle to the bottom ; the which when they perceive , they pour off all the clear dew into another vessel , and fling away those setlings . this they doe often , because the dew doth not purge it self perfectly in a few dayes , but by degrees , so as new dregs ( severed from the purer parts by the working of the dew , helped on by the sun-beams ) do settle again ; of the which as often as those good women see any notable quantity , they st●ll powre off the clear dew from them : doing thus all summer long , untill it be clear to the bottom . the dew thus thoroughly purified looketh whitish , and kepeth good for a year or two after . sect. 4. of the mists and fogs . we have shewed how much ireland is subject to rain , and so it is likewise to dark weather , and overcasting of the air even when it raineth not , which continueth sometimes many dayes together , especially in winter-time . but as for the fogs & mists , ireland is no more troubled with them than other regions , especially in the plain countrie , for in the mountaines they are much more frequent , so that oftentimes they are covered with them for a great way , the space of some houres together , when at the same time there is none in the neighbouring plain countrie ; and in the high mountaines it commeth many times to pass that in a fair day the top thereof for a long time together is covered over with a thick mist , when not only the adjacent country , but even the lower part of those mountains doe njoy a clear sun-shine . and sometimes it befalleth the tops as well as the lower parts beeing free from them , the middle parts are quite covered there-with : as my brother in his travels hath many times observed in severall parts , especially upon those high mountaines between dundalke and carlingford , as well in the midst of the summer , as at other times of the year . and in many places it is found by experience that the like fogs upon the tops of the mountaines is a fore-runner of rain in the next conntry : whereof all those who have lived any time at dublin , may have good knowledge . for seldom a mist appeareth upon the top of the wickloe-mountains , situated some five or six miles to the south of dublin , or of the head of both , without beeing followed with rain at dublin and the adjacent parts within 24. houres : wherein is observable , that a fog quite covering those mountaines all over is not so sure a signe of rain , as when it is only upon the top : and that those generall mists upon the mountains are often seen without any following rain , the which very seldom or never happeneth in the others . there be two sorts of mists or fogs in ireland : the one is uniform and constant , quite filling the air of all sides , whereby all manner of prospect is taken away , and continuing after the same fashion , untill it vanish by degrees , either ascending up into the air , or falling to the ground ; whereofhere , as in other countries , the first is commonly followed with rain , and the second with fair weather in the other sort are great parcells or flakes of foggie vapours scattered up and down the air , with clear spaces betwixt : the which flakes doe not keep one place , but fly to and fro , according as they are driven by the wind , and that sometimes very swiftly ; this kind of fog doth arise not only upon the seaside , but also within the land , and upon the mountaines : oftentimes turning into a generall mist. sect. 4. of the snow , hail , and hoar-frost . for the most part there falleth no great store of snow in ireland , and some yeares none at all , especially in the plain countries . in the mountaines there is commonly greater plenty of snow , than in other parts , so that all kind of cattle , doe all winter ●ong remain there abroad , being seldome troubled with very great frost or snow , and doe feed in the fields night and day , as wee have related more amply above ; yet it hath happened that in a winter , one of many , abundance of snow hath fallen , instance that of the year 1635 where about the latter end of ianuary and the beginning of february great store of snow did fall to the great damage of the cat●le , chiefly in the northern parts ( where it did snow most excedingly ) so as the people were put to hard shif●s to bring their cattle in safety to their folds and other covered places , one history among the rest by reason of the strangeness of it , i thinke will not be improper to relate as it hath been asser●ed to me by very credible persons , a gentleman living about ballaneah in the countie of cavan , took great pains to save his sheep , yet missed eleven of them ; some dayes after being come forth to course , his man saw from a ●arre off upon a hill , in a hollow place of a rock , part of it being covered with the top hangging over it , something alive and stirring , they thought it had been a hare or a fox , but comming neer they found it was the lost sheep , the which had sheer eaten away all the wool ●rom one anothers back ( being destitute of all other food , all ●ound about being covered with deep snow ) and which is more wonderfull one of them being dead , the rest did eat her flesh , leaving nothing but the bar bones . it doth also longer contiune there : so as it is and ordinary thing in those by dublin , and all other high mountaines throughout the land , to see the snow lying upon the tops of them many dayes , yea weekes , after that in the nether parts and plain countrie it is thawed and quite vanished . it haileth there but seldome , and in thinne short shoures , the hail-stones also being very little . as for the hoar-frost , that is as common here , as in other countri●s , and that not only in the coldest months , and during the frost , but even in the spring : so as commonly during all the fair weather of that season , of some weeks togethet , whereof wee have spoke heretofore , every morning all the green herbs of the gardens and fields are quite covered over with it . sect. 5. of the thunder , lightning , and earthquakes . ireland is as litle subject to thunder and lightning , as any other countrie in the world , for it is a common thing , to see whole yeares pass wi●hout them , and in those yeares , where-in any are , one shall seldome have them above once or twice in a summer , and that with so weak noise of the thunder , and so feeble a shining of the lightning , that even the most fearfull persons are hardly frightned at all there-by , much less any harm done to men or beasts . from earthquakes this iland is not altogether exempt ; but withall they are so seldom , that they hardly come once in an age : and it is so long agoe since the last of all was , that it is as much as the most aged persons now alive can even remember . sect. 6. of the winds . with winds it is in this countrie almost as with rain , ireland not only having its share in them , as other countries , but being very much subject to them , more than most other parts of the world . for the winds blow very much at all times of the year , especially in the winter months , when also there are many stormes , which sometimes doe continue severall dayes together . and it is worth the observation , that not only storm-winds , but others also , do in ireland much seldomer blow out of the east , than out of the west , especiall in the winter ; so that commonly there is no need of a wind to be wafted over into england : where to the contrary , those , who out of england will come over into ireland , very ordinarily are constrained to wait two or three weeks , and sometimes five or six weeks , yea it hath faln out so more than once , that in two whole months , and longer , there hath not been somuch east-wind , as to carry ships out of england into ireland : notable instances whereof the history of the first conquest of ireland , and that of the lord mountjoy , subbuer of tirone's rebellion , doth afford . but in the summer-time , and chiefly in the spring , and in the months of march , aprill , and may , one is not so much subject to that incommodity , as in the other times of the year . and as the west-winds are much more common in ireland , especially upon this coast lying over against great-britain , than the east ; so likewise the south winds are much more ordinary there , than the north : which two winds there doe seldome blow alone , but for the most part doe accompany one of the two other , especially the north-wind , the which also doth oftner join it self with the east than with the west-wind . chap. xxiii . of the healthfullness of ireland , and what sicknesses it is free from , and subject unto . sect. 1. many old and healthfull people in ireland . although ireland is obnoxious to excessive wetness , nevertheless it is very wholsome for the habitation of men , as clearly doth appear by that there are as few sickly persons , and as many people live to a great age , as in any of the neighbouring countries : for both men and women , setting those aside who through idleness and intemperance do shorten their dayes , attain here for the most part to a fair age , very many living to be very old , and to pass not only the age of fourscore , but of fourscore and ten ; and severall there are found at all times , who doe very near reach an hundred yea●es , some out-living and passing them . and the most part of those aged persons are in very good disposition , injoying not only their health , but also the use of their limbs , senses , and understanding , even to their utmost yeares . among the women there are severall found , who do retain not only their customary purgations , but even their fruitfullness , above the age of fifty yeares , and some untill that of sixty : my brother hath known some , who being above three-score yeares old , have not only conceived , and brought forth children , but nursed them , and brought them up with their own milk , being wonderfull rare and almost unheard-of in other countries . sect. 2. ireland free from severall diseases . irelands healthfullness doth further appear by this particular , that severall diseases , very common in other countries , are here very rare , and partly altogether unknown . for the scurvy , an evill so generall in all other northerly countries consining upon the sea , is untill this day utterly unknown in ireland . so is the quartan ague , the which is ordinary in england , and in severall parts of it doth very much reign at all times . as for the tertian ague , it was heretofore as litle known in ireland as the quartan : but some yeares since , i know not through what secret change , it hath found access into this iland , so that at this time some are taken with it , but nothing neer so ordinarily as in other countries . the plague , which so often and so cruelly infecteth england , to say nothing of remotes countries , is wonderfull rare in ireland , and hardly seen once in an age . sect. 3. the immunity from certain diseases consisteth in the air , not in the bodies of the people . it is observable concerning the fore-mentioned particular , that this privilege , of being free from severall diseases , doth not consist in any peculiar quality of the bodies of men , but proceedeth from some hidden property of the land and the air it self . this is made manifest two manner of wayes , first , in that strangers comming into ireland , doe partake of this same exemption ; and as long as they continue there , are as free of those evills , from which that climat is exempt , as the irish themselves . secondly , in that the natives , born and brought up in ireland , comming into other countries , are found to be subject unto those diseases as well as other people , and i have known severall of them , who being come hither into england , have fallen into the quartan ague , and have as long and as badly been troubled with it , as ordinarily any englishman useth to be . and credible persons have affirmed unto me the same of scotland , namely that the quartan ague never having been seen there , the scotchmen nevertheless in other countries are as obnoxious to it , as people of any other nation . sect. 4. the most part of all kind of diseases are found in ireland as in other countries . true it is , notwithstanding that privilege of being exempt from certain evills , that the most part of diseases and infirmities , whereunto mans body is subject in othe● countries , are also found in ireland , as wel outward as inward ; and in the number of the inward not only the suddain ones , and those that in a few dayes or weeks come to an end , beeing called morbi acuti by the physicians , as namely feavers , casting of blood , apoplexies , and others of that nature ; but also those of long continuance , as the falling-sickness , the pal●ie , all sorts-of gout , coughs , the consumption of the lungs , the stone of the kidneys and of the bladder , the colick , the laundis , the dropsie , the grief of the spleen , and severall sorts of loosnesses , with all which evills it is here as in other countries , some of them being very common here , and others happening but seldom , and in few persons : the more particular relation whereof wee will leave for the books of physick , and for those observa●ions , which perhaps my brother some time or other will publish , of what he hath found concerning the●e matters , in an ample and flourishing practice of eight yeares , which he hath lived in dublin . chap. xxiiii . of the diseases reigning in ireland , and whereunto that country is peculiarly subject . sect. 1. of the irish agues . as ireland is subject to most diseases in common with other countries , so there are some , whereunto it is peculiarly obnoxious , being at all times so rife there , that they may justly be reputed for irelands endemii morbi or reigning diseases , as indeed they are generally reputed for such . of this number is a certain sort of malignant feavers , vulgarly in ireland called irish agues , because that at all times they are so common in ireland , as well among the inhabitants and the natives , as among those who are newly come thither from other countries . this feaver commonly accompanied with a great pain in the head a●d in all the bones , great weakness , drought , losse of all manner of appetite , and want of sleep , and for the most part idleness or raving , and restlesness or tossings , but no very great nor constant heat , is hard to be cured , for those that understand the disease , and seek to overcome it , do it not by purging , which cannot be used at any time without great and present danger ; for the fermentation of the humors which causeth the disease , is hereby mightily increased , and the patient weakned ; and hardly with bleeding , which seldom is used with success otherwise than in the very beginning ; but with strengthning medicines and good cordials : in which case , and if all necessary prescriptious be well observed , very few persons doe lose their lives ; except when some extraordinary and pestilent malignity commeth to it , as it befalleth in some yeares , with so great violence , that notwithstanding all good helps , some are thereby carried to their graves ; the same doth ordinarily come to pass , that it proveth deadly , if the sick doe fall into unskilfull hands , or neglect all help , or do not observe good directions ; in which cases many do perish : and others , who come off with their lives through robustuousness of nature , or hidden causes , are forced to keep their beds a long time in extreme weakness , being a great while before they can r●cover their perfect health and strength . sect. 2. of the loosness . the loosness doth also greatly reign in ireland , as well among those of the countrie as among the strangers , wherfore the english inhabitants have given it the name of the country-disease . many are a great while troubled with it , and yet get no other harm : and those that betimes doe make use of good medicines , are without any great difficulty cured of it . but they that let the loosness take its course , do commonly after some dayes get the bleeding with it , whereby the disease doth not only grow much more troublesome and painfull , but a great deal harde● to be cured ; & at last it useth to turn to the bloody flux , the which in some persons , having lasted a great while , leaveth them of it self ; but in farre the greatest number is very dangerous , and killeth the most part of the sick , except they be carefully assisted with good remedies . that this disease , as also the other , viz. the malignant feavers , are so rife in ireland , doth partly come through the peculiar disposition and excessive wetness of the air ; but partly also through the errours which people do commit in eating and drinking , and other particulars : as manifestly doth appear by that a very great number , not only of the natives , but also of the strangers comming thi● her , who t●ke carefull heed to themselves in abstaining from hurtfull things , never are troubled with either of these infirmities . sect. 3. of the rickets . among the reigning diseases of ireland the rickets also may with good reason be reckoned , a disease peculiar to young children , and so well known to every body in england , as it is needless to give any description of it ; and yet to this day never any physician , either english or of any other nation , made any the least mention of it , no not in those works which are expresly written of all manner of diseases and accidents of litle children . in ireland this disease is wonderfull rife now , but it hath nothing neer been so long known there as in england , either through th● unski●fullness or neglect of the physicians ( the most part wherof in both kingdomes to this day are ignorant not onely of the manner how to cure it , but even of the nature and property thereof ) or that really it is new there , and never before having been in ireland , hath got footing in it only within these few yeares , through some strange revolution or constellation , or gods immediat sending : which kind of changes severall times have befaln in divers countries , and in ireland it self wee have alreadie shewed some such matter in another sickness , namely the tertian-ague . this evill being altogether incurable , when it is gon too farre , is hard enough to be cured even in the beginning , except it be very carefully looked unto , and use made of the best remedies ; nevertheless this grief , as well as mo●● others , hath its peculiar medicines , the which being applied betimes , and with convenient care , do with gods blessing for the most part produce the effect desired . sect. 4. of the lepros●e the rickets are of late very rife in ireland , where few yeares agoe unknown ; so on the contra●y it hath been almost quite freed from another disease , one of the very worst & miserablest in the world , namely the leprosie , which in former times used to bee very common there , especially in the province of munster ; the which therefore was filled with hospitals , expresly built for to receive & keep the leprous persons . but many yeares since ireland hath been almost quite freed from this horrible and loathsome disease , and as few leprous persons are now found there , as in any other countrie in the world ; so that be hospitals erected for their use , having stood empty a long time , at length are quite decayed & come to nothing . the cause of th●s change is not so obscure nor unknown , as it is in most other changes of that nature . for that this sickness was so generall in ireland , did not come by any peculiar defect in the land or in the air , but meerly through the fault & foul gluttony of the inhabitants , in the excessive d●vouring of unwholesome salmons . the common report in ireland is , that boiled salmons eaten hot out of the kettle in great quantity , bring this disease , and used to be the cause why it was so common : and some famous authors have not stuck to relate as much for a truth . but that is a fable , and salm●ns have not that evill quality , which way soever they be eaten and prepared , but when they are out of season ▪ which is in the latter end of the year , after they have cast their spawn : upon which they doe not onely grow very weak and flaggie , but so unwholesome , that over their whole body they break out in very filthy spots , just like a scalled mans head , so as it would loath any man to see them ; nevertheless the irish , a nation extremely barbarous in all the parts of their life , did use to take them in that very season , as well as at any other time of the year , and to eat them in very great abundance , as easily they might , every river and rivelet in most parts being very full of them , and by that meanes that horrible disease came to be so common amongst them . but the english having once gotten the command of the whole countrie into ●heir hands , made very severe laws against the taking of salmons in that unwholesome season , and saw them carefully observed ; whereby hindering those barbarians against their will to feed on that poysonous meat , they were the cause that that woefull sickness , which used so mightily to reign amongst them , hath in time been almost quite abolished : which great benefit , with so many others , that hatefull people hath rewarded with seeking utterly to exterminate their benefactors . sect. 5. of the league●-sicknesses . in the english a●mies , which since this bloody rebellion went ov●r into ireland to fight against that murdering nation , were not only the loosness and the malignant feaver , whereof wee have spoke above as of irelands reigning diseases , very common , but there-besides severall other infirmities , viz. violent coughs and of lo●g continuance , stopping of the breath , called in latin dispnoea , lameness of the thighs or sciatica , painfull stranguries , all which griefes seized on so many persons , that they might well have been taken for sicknesses reigning in that land ; as i have many times understood of my brother , who at that time not only dwelling and practising at dublin , but being physician generall of the english forces , had but too much occasion to know that perfectly . but withall he hath assured me , that those diseases had their originall not from any defect of the climate , but of the cold , & other hardship , which the soldiers suffered in their marches ; for they many times going to the fields in cold and foul weather , and sometimes marching whole dayes long , yea severall dayes together , in very dirty and wet wayes , where their feet and legs were continually cold and wet , besides that they were sometimes constrained to pass through the water up as high as the knees and waste , and after all that hardship endured in the day-time , to lye in the night upon the wet ground in the open air , this caused the aforenamed diseases , and severall others amongst them , in so great number , it being to be wondred at , that many more did not fall into them . and without doubt in any other countrie of the world , where all the same causes did concurre , and where an armie indured the like hard-ship , the same effects , if not worse , would follow : so that in this behalf the land it self i● not at all to be blamed . a table of the principal heads contained in this book . chap. i. of the situation , shape , and greatness of ireland : its division into provinces and counties : of the english pale : the principall townes of that nation . pag. 1. chap. ii. of the principall havens of ireland . pag. 10. chap. iii. of the lesser havens , and the barred havens of ireland , also of the roads and anchor-places upon the coast , and in the little ilands near the coast . p. 24. chap. iv. quality and fashion of the irish coast or shoares ; item , a brief description of the principall promontories or heads of ireland p. 35. chap. v. of the sands or grounds , blind-rocks , and other rocks in the irish sea. p. 40. chap. vi. of the nature of the irish sea , and of the tides which goe in the same . p. 48. chap. vii . of the springs and fountaines ; item of the brooks and rivelets of ireland . p. 54. chap. viii . of the rivers of ireland . p. 61. chap. ix . of the lakes or loughs in ireland . p. 71. chap. x. of the nature and condition of the land , both for the outward shape , and for the internall qualities and fruitfulness . p. 78. chap. xi . of the severall manners of manuring and inriching the ground practised in ireland . p. 91. chap. xii . of the marle in ireland , and the manner of marling the land there . p. 100. chap. xiii . of the heaths , moores , or bogs in ireland . p. 105. chap. xiv . originall of the bogs in ireland , and the manner of dra●ning them , practiced there by the english inhabitants . p. 112. chap. xv. of the woods in ireland . p. 118. chap. xvi . of the mines in ireland , and in partic●lar of the iron-mines . p. 123. chap. xvii . of the iron-works , their fashion , charges of erecting and maintaining them , and profit comming of them : with an exact description of the manner of melting the iron in them . p. 131. chap. xviii . of the mines of silver and lead in ireland : and occasionally of the pestiferous damps and vapours within the earth . pag. p. 141. chap. xix . of the free-stone , marble , flint , slate , and sea-coles which are found in ireland . pag. 148. chap. xx. of the turf , lime , and brick , and the manner of making those things in ireland ; item of the glass made in ireland . p. 154 chap. xxi . of the temperature and qualities of the air , and seasons in ireland , as for heat , cold , and moysture . p. 163. chap. xxii . of the dew , mist , snow , hail , hoar-frost , thunder and ligthning , earthquake and wind. p. 169. chap. xxiii . of the hea●thfulness of ireland , and what sicknesses it is free from , and subject unto . p. 177. chap. xxiv . of the diseases reigning in ireland , and whereunto that country is perculiarly subject . p . 180. finis . errata . pag. 5. l. 6. r. coas● . p. 12. l. 1. r. miles . l. 3. r. breadth . p. 31 ▪ l. 9. r. is the. p. 99. l. 11. dele s● . p. 128. l. 11. r. of this . p. 137. l. 8. r. white mine . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28496-e160 rom. 1.20 act. 14 . 1● act. 17.27 1 cor. 15.46 . 1 cor. 1. &c. isa. 11.9 . he●● 8.11 . isa. 40 5. monsieur st. ruth's speech to the irish army, on the 11th of july, 1691. being the day before the battel at aghrint, as it was found among the papers of his secretary, who was killed in the battel. st. ruth, charles chalmont, marquis de, d. 1691. 1691 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b03154 wing e358 estc r36171 52614907 ocm 52614907 176073 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b03154) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 176073) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2761:14) monsieur st. ruth's speech to the irish army, on the 11th of july, 1691. being the day before the battel at aghrint, as it was found among the papers of his secretary, who was killed in the battel. st. ruth, charles chalmont, marquis de, d. 1691. 1 sheet ([1] p.) [s.n.], printed at dublin, ; and re-printed at edinburgh, : 1691. caption title. reproduction of original in: national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -war of 1689-1691 -campaigns -sources. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion monsieur st. ruth's speech to the irish army , on the 11th of july , 1691. being the day before the battel at aghrim , as it was found among the papers of his secretary , who was killed in the battel . gentlemen and fellow-soldiers , i suppose it is not unknown to you , and to the whole christian world , what glory i have acquired , and how successful and fortunate i have been in suppressing heresie in france , and propagating the holy catholick faith ; and can without vanity boast my self the happy instrument of bringing over thousands of poor deluded souls from their errors , who owe their salvation to the pious care of my thrice illustrious master , and my own industry , assisted by some holy members of our unspotted church ; while great numbers of those incorrigible hereticks have perished , both soul and body , by their obstinacy . it was for this reason that the most puissant king my master , compassionating the miseries of this kingdom , hath chosen me before so many worthy generals to come hither : not doubting but by my wonted diligence i should establish the church in this nation on such a foundation as it should not be in the power of hell or hereticks hereafter to disturb it . and for the bringing about of this great and glorious work , next to the assistance of heaven , the unresistible puislance of the king my master , and my own conduct , the great dependance of all good catholicks is on your courage . i must confess that since my coming among you things have not answered my wishes , but they are still in a posture to be retrieved , if you will not betray your religion and countrey by an unseasonable pusilanimity . i am assured by my spies , that the prince of orange's heretical army are resolved to give us battel ; and you see them even before you ready to perform it . it is now therefore , if ever , that you must endeavour to recover your lost honour , priviledges , and fore-fathers estates : you are not mercenary soldiers , you do not fight for your pay , but for your lives , your wives , your children , your liberties , your countrey , your estates , and to restore the most pious of kings to his throne ; but above all for the propagation of the holy faith , and the subversion of heresie . stand to it therefore , my dears , and bear no longer the reproaches of the hereticks , who brand you with cowardice : and you may be assured , that king james will love and reward you , louis the great will protect you , all good catholicks will applaud you , i my self will command you , the church will pray for you , your posterity will bless you , saints and angels will caress you , god will make you all saints , and his holy mother will lay you in her bosom . printed at dublin , and re-printed at edinburgh , 1691. a full and true account of the inhumane and bloudy cruelties of the papists to the poor protestants in ireland in the year, 1641 published now to encourage all protestants to be liberal in their contribution for their relief and speedy delivering them now out of the hands of those bloudy-minded people. 1689 approx. 53 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a40565 wing f2304a estc r9576 13745062 ocm 13745062 101698 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a40565) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101698) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 454:20) a full and true account of the inhumane and bloudy cruelties of the papists to the poor protestants in ireland in the year, 1641 published now to encourage all protestants to be liberal in their contribution for their relief and speedy delivering them now out of the hands of those bloudy-minded people. digby, lettice, lady, 1588?-1658. dempsy, henry. [4], 36 p. printed for peter richman ..., london : 1689. "the rebells letter to the lady offalia ...," p. 29-30, signed: henry dempsy ... [et al.] "the lady offalia her answer to the rebells": p. 31. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of 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illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. 2006-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-11 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion licensed according to order . may 24th , 1689. a full and true account of the inhumane and bloudy cruelties of the papists to the poor protestants , in ireland , in the year . 1641. published now to encourage all protestants to be liberal in their contribution for their relief , and speedy delivering them now out of the hands of those bloudy-minded people . london , printed for peter richman in duck-lane , 1689. here followeth a true description or relation of sundry sad and lamentable collections , taken from the mouths of very credible persons , and out of letters sent from ireland to this city of london , of the perfidious outrages and barbarous cruelties , which the irish papists have committed upon the persons of the protestants , both men , women and children , in that kingdom . annoque domini . 1641. the irish nation is well known to be a people both proud and envious . for the commonalty ( they are for the most part ) ignorant and illeterate , poor and lazy ; and will rather beg or starve than work : and therefore fit subjects for the priests and jesuits to spur on upon such bloudy actions and murtherous designs . ignorance is their mother , which is devoid of mercy : god deliver all good christians from the cruelty of such a mother and children . it is too well known , ( the more is the pity and to be lamented ) that the irish have murthered of the protestant party in the provinces of vlster , lempster , connaght and munster , of men , women and children , the number of fifty thousand , as it is credibly reported by englishmen , who have been over all parts of the kingdom , and do protest upon their oaths that there are above five thousand families destroyed . the kingdom of ireland hath four provinces , wherein there are contained two and thirty counties , besides cities and county towns , in all which places the english are planted up and down in all parts , where the irish have most murtherously and traiterously surprized them upon great advantages , and without respect of persons either of age , youth , or infancy , of young men or maids , or of old men or babes , stript all to their skins , naked as ever they were born into the world , so they have gone out of the world , many hundreds having been found starved to death in ditches for want of food and rayment , where the rebellious irish have shewed them no more mercy or compassion , no not so much as they would do to their dogs . thus much for the general , now i come to particulars . at one mr. atkins's house , seven papists brake in and beat out his brains , then ripped up his wife with child , after they had ravished her , and nero like , view'd natures bed of conception , they then took the child , and sacrificed it in the fire . they have flead the skin from the bones of others like butchers : the principles of whose religion is bloud . witness our books of martyrs ; those chronicles of bloud . witness those thousands of butcher'd protestants in france and germany . they burned others , firing their houses , towns , villages , those sons of the coal , as if their habitation were in hell. they vowed to root out all the english nation out of this kingdom . they turned all the protestants out of kilkeny . at belturbalt , in the county of cavan , the popish rebels demanded the town on promise , that if they would surrender , they should pass free with bag and baggage , they back'd their promise with oaths and execrations , cursing themselves , if they did not let them go withall . on serious considerations of the inhabitants and the governour , they were persuaded to yield it up , which when they had done , and drawing away their goods and moneys , they like treacherous villians sent about twenty or thirty to-guard them , when they had guarded them seven miles from the town , they with more of that desperate forsworn rabble seized on them , robbed all the protestants , being between five hundred and a thousand persons , men , women and children ; who submitting themselves to their mercy , found no quarter but cruelty : they stript them all naked , and turn'd them out of their houses into the open fields in bitter could weather , in a most vile and shamefull manner , not affording them one of their lowzy rags to hide those parts which should be covered . take notice of the faith of a papist , who for his own advantage , casts off all bounds of fidelity and common honesty . they are remarkable for persidiousness and treachery , as you may behold in that master of mis-rule , the arch-rebell sir philem o-neal , basely pretending to be a suiter to the old lady cawfield , being a widow , and made fair promises of his respects to her , and when he had his advantage of possession of her house and goods , turned them out of all , and bound them prisoners , and made her whom he intended his nearest companion to be his lowest vassal . in the town of lurgon , in the county of armagh , the mac-kans skirmishing with the englishmen , slew divers of our men , whereupon they entred parly demanding the town : sir willian brunlow being governour of the castle , on some considerations thought good to yield , thereupon they promised and backt it with oaths and great protestations , that they should have fair quarter , and pass without prejudice to their lives : yet behold the perfidiousness of these brutish creatures , as men not fearing god , or devil whose practice they imitate , who was a lier from the beginning . notwithstanding all these fair pretences they knew no mercy , killed men , spoiled women , nay , in their boundless rage , slew and massacared , and stript helpless ministers , whose calling might have pleaded pity . but what speak we of pity to men , that have no bowels ? in london-derry , at the town of belly-hagh belonging to the londoners . sir philem o-neal , promised under hand and seal to let the poor protestants to pass with bag and baggage , onely to part with their town , which was a fair goodly place : yet this perfidious rebel ? as if it was not enough to make these poor souls harborless , to lay them open to wind and weather , but to add to all their misery , stript man , woman and child , took their cloaths for a prey , and sent them out naked , without a shirt or smock to their backs , left them not worth a groat , this was one of their works of mercy , if they scaped with their lives : but how many lives might be lost by this immodest and inhumane act , judge . the tender mercies of the wicked are cruel . will you behold another mercifull act , and record it . captain rory macquire , at the beginning of the robellion for the first fortnight commands his soldiers to give quarter to women and children , but to massacare all the men , to spare none . wo to him that makes the wife a widow , and the children fatherless , but after they began to resist , and to gather into companies : then hear the charge of this bloudy man , gi●e no quarter , no not to women , though tears and prayers interpose , yet know no pity : no not to harmless babes , though it was death enough to kill their parents , nor spare neither man , woman , or child . it is reported by an ominent gentleman that had long dwelt among the rebels , but it s thought fit to forbear the names of those that gave intelligence of the barbarous cruelties of these savage beasts ▪ because they threaten to be the death of them that shall unmask them . it is reported by this gentleman that the handlowans came to town-regis , divers of them assaulted the castle , of which captain saint john was commander , he with his son got away with some difficulty , leaping over the wall , they fearing they might setch supplies to recover their lost castle , most inhumanly took the captain 's wife , ( poor gentlewoman ) and set her on the wall having stript her to her smock , who was big with child ( and within an hour of her delivery ) that in case the captain and his son should have assaulted the town , his wife should have been the white at which he must have levelled : oh extreme and unheard of cruelty ! as for the protestant ministers whom they surprize , their cruelty is such towards them , at it would make the hardest heart to melt into tears . their manner is first to strip them , and after bind them to a tree or some post where they please , and then to ravish their wives and daughters before their faces ( in sight of all their merciless rabble ) with the basest villains they can pick out , after they hang up their husbands and parents before their faces , and then cut them down before they be half dead , then quarter them , after dismember them , and stop their mouths therewith . they basely abused one mr. trafford a minister in the north of ireland , who was assaulted by these bloudy wolves of rome's brood , that know not god , nor any bowels of mercy . this poor distressed minister desired but so much time to bethink himself before he took his farewell of the world to call upon god : but these merciless wretches would admit no time , but instantly fell on him , hackt and hewed him to pieces . dr. tate minister of belly-hayes , they stript starke naked , and then wounded him dangerously in the head , and then let him go towards dublin , where he lay long sick . sir patrick dunston's wife ravished before him , slew his servants spurned his children till they died , bound him with rouls of match to a board , that his eyes burst out , cut off his ears and nose , teared off both his cheecks , and cut off his armes and legs , cut out his tongue , after run a red hot iron into him . many gentlewomen they ravished before their husbands faces , stripping them first naked to the view of their wicked companions , taunting and mockings . them ( after they have spoiled them ) with bitter and reproachsull words , sending them away in such a shamefull , or rather shameless manner , that most of them have died with pain and grief , or else have starved with want and cold . base cruelty unheard of , exceeding the brute beasts , and so much the worse because they are reasonable , which makes them skilfull to destroy . one mr. luttrell , dwelling within three miles of the burrough of cavan , a gentleman worth by report , two or three hundred pounds a year , with a very great stock of cattel , was basely betrayed by an irish boy that he had bred up in his house . see the baseness of the popish brood , who when he was at dinner ( being upon the thirtieth day of october last ) was surprized by threescore of those irish unmercifull villains , with a company of dirty whores and bastards that followed them , which this boy let in at a back door , where pulling him and his vertuous wife from the table , and four small children , the eldest of them being not six years of age , and one sucking at her breast , without pity or humanity , stript them naked , notwithstanding their prayers and tears to have let them kept their cloaths , and then thrusting them in a cruel and violent manner out of doors , threatned to kill them if they went not speedily away . take notice how uncertain all our outward comforts are . so they departed , ( for fear ) away , being ashamed to be seen of their servants , some of them running one way , and some another to shift for themselves , but the distressed gentleman with his wife and children , and a little youth , directed their course towards dublin , hoping to find some of their friends in the way to relieve them , but the farther they came the more miserable they were , meeting their loving friends robbed ( by others ) in the same manner , which struck in them such amazement and fear , that their hearts failed them , so that being naked and hungry , helpless and hopeless , the poor infants crying in their ears , which must needs kill their hearts , they went not far but sate down under a hedge or ditch , and there died : being not at that time above six miles from his own house , for this little youth that he had bred up ( being an english boy ) forsook not his master when the rest ran from him , but continued with him till death : the same day , some horsemen or troopers riding that way to coast the countrey , met this youth , unto whom he told this sad story , and being not far from the place led them to this lemantable sight , where they beheld the true love of man and wife , embracing each other in their death , the three eldest children dead , but the suckling child was preserved through heat , being between them both , and grabling and gaping for the dead mothers breast . so the troopers took up the child , carrying it to a nurse , for they knew the parents well , and bestowed some cloaths upon the english youth , who came to dublin within few days after , and related the story in my hearing . in the county of roscommon , near the town of roscommon , there fled into the parish church , eleven-score of the english , men , women , and children , where they remained three days and nights without any sustenance , till they were almost starved , so that at last ( what with the cries of their children and their own wants ) they were forced to commit themselves to the cruelty of the irish , who according to their usual manner first stript them naked , after drove them through the town like so many harmless sheep and lambs over a bridge at the towns end , having before broke down one of the middle arches where a strong water runneth , so that either they must leap in or come back , their intent being there to murther them , as they did ; for the poor wretches being sickly , weak and faint , for want of food and sleep ( yet unwilling to hasten their own ends ) some returned back whome they killed without mercy , others they thrust into the water who were drowned , some that could , did swim towards the shoar , and there inhumame villians , bruitish furies , ran and met them before they got to land , and knock'd them in the head in the water , some few escaped that did swim to the other side of the river , where the irish could not come at them , having before broken down the bridge themselves , and so escaped to dublin , to be sad witnesses of this lamentable tragedy . mr. blandry a minister they hanged , after pulled his flesh from his bones in his wifes sight . many ladys and gentlewomen ( which they have surprized in the province of vlster ) being great with child , they have turned them out of their houses naked into the fields , where they have been delivered without the help of any women , and so have ended their misery , others that have escaped death in child-bearing , they have mercilesly carred away upon carts ( lying in lowsie and stinking straw naked , ) to places where they and their poor infants have been destroyed . there was one gentlewoman which was wife to mr. king , a dean , ( brother to the bishop of glogue ) and parson of dundalke , in the county of lowth , who having three thousand inhabitants in his parish , had but thirty communicants of the protestant party , the rest being all irish and papist , and although this gentleman did for many days together ( by his own relation to me ) sollicite his wife to go to dublin , and to remove his goods thither living at a place about two miles from dundalke , she being great with child , yet would not be persuaded , although she knew the rebels were at the newry within eight miles of dundalke , whereupon he left her and his family , and going to a friend's house within two miles of his own ( for fear of the multitude of the irish , that lived about his own house ) he remained there but two days when tidings was brought him , that the irish had seized upon his wife and all that he had , so that he was forced to fly away for his life with his friends , who was pursued by the rebels about twelve miles , but through god's mercy he escaped with his precious life ( which they hunted after ) with the loss of his whole estate , and wife whom they turned out of ( doors having first abused her ) where she was delivered in straw , without the heip of any woman , and so perished . she was a charitable gentlewoman , and in her life time had relieved many hundreds of the poor irish , and this mercy they afforded her for her charity . the lord blany escaped their cruelty , being forced to ride fourteen miles upon a poor carrion jade , without either bridle or saddle to save his life , his vertuous lady being surprized by these villains the same day , and his children , who use her most ignobly and cruelly , neither regarding her nobleness of birth , nor her lord , but forced her to lodge in straw with a poor allowance of two pence a day to relieve her and her children : and to add affliction to the good ladys misery , slew a kinsman of hers , and caused him to be hanged up before her face two days and two nights in the room where she lay to terrifie her , telling her withall , she must expect that end . in the county of tir-oen ( even in that rebellious part ) whith is above all other inhabited by those romish locusts and wolves , which in nature differ not from the dog-wolves that breed amongst them , was the cruellest murther ( of all the rest ) committed by some of the soldiers belonging to sir philem oneal , that tyronish off-spring , and rory mack-guire , the lord mack-guire's brother , who are known to be the most eminent rebells in this treason , upon the bodies of one mr. charles davenant , his wife , and two young children . the villain which first entred the house and most forwardest in cruelty was known by his name , to one of the servants in the house , to be sometime a servant to this mr. davenant , and lived at the time of this tragedy not far from dunxannon in the county of tir-oen . the servant of the house that knew him was born in ireland , in the city of clogher in the said county , but of english parents , his name is thomas maddin , but he could speak good irish , and so escaped , being an eye-witness of these passages ensuing . this swillyvane and his rout broke in forcibly into the house where they found three or four servants that made no resistence , in the kitchin , but going farther into the house they found mr. davenant , sitting by a fire with his wife and children , two young daughters , they immediately seized upon him and his wife , and bound them both fast to their chairs , making a very huge and great fire , after they stripped the two children , the eldest being not seven years old , slew them in the sight of their parents , and after roasted them upon spits before their faces , such barbarous cruelty was never known . with great patience they were compelled ( poor souls ) to behold that cruelty which they could not help , after they stript his wife , forcing her most uncivilly and unmercifully before his face , and afterward cut her throat , the distressed gentleman being overpressed with the lamentable sight of the death of his wife and children , strived and strugled in his chair where he was bound , and held , hoping they would have killed him , chusing rather to dye the death , than to live any longer . so when they had made an end of his wife and children in this barbarous manner , they untied him and stript him , and afterwards murthered him , when he had confest to them where his money was . there was a letter written about the middle of november last , from stabound in the said county of tir-oen , by one mr. birrom , unto one mr. cusack dwelling in high-street in dublin , which letter i read and took a copy of : and before i came out of ireland the abovesaid thomas maddin , came from the city of clogher , in the county of fermanagh unto dublin , and testified the contents of this letter , being an eye-witness of the certain passages thereof , and did give god great thanks that he had escaped their hands in my hearing , for he said his soul could not endure to be any longer amongst them , they did daily commit such cruelty , murther and outrages , upon the english protestants in those parts . at the burrough of kello , or , as some letters report , at the burrough of trim , being both in the county of meath , in the province of vlster , the rebells surprized the house of one arthur robinson , he himself being at that time in dublin , which was upon the six●h day of november last , about some suits he had in law , being in the last michaelmas term , he not knowing that the rebells were risen in those parts there , he intending to have gone home to his wife and family , five or six days after , hoping by that time to have ended his business , and indeed when he came from his house to dublin , which was on the twentieth day of october , the rebellion was not begun in any part of ireland , but before his appointed time to return home , a messenger prevented him with heavy tidings , even his onely daughter whom he quickly knew , though she were much disguized , for the rebels had slain most of his family , robbed and pillaged the house , after they had stripped his wife and ravished her , they sought out for this young virgin ( being about fourteen years of age ) who had hid her self in a barn , where the villains quickly found her : but she made what resistence she could to preserve her chastity , and with a knife she had ( unseen to them ) wounded one of them , which the rest perceiving seized upon her violently , stripped her , and then bound her with her armes abroad , in such manner as she could not help her self any way , and so like hell-hounds defloured her one after another , till they had spoiled her ; and to shew their unheard-of malice , were not herewith content , but pulled the hair from her head , and cut out her tongue , because she should not report the truth and their cruelty , but the maid could write , though she could not speak , and so discovered their inhumane usage to her and her mother . the maid was sent with a letter from her father in dublin , to mynhead in somersetshire , to her uncle william dyer , her mothers brother , living within three miles of mynhead , which letter i have seen here in town , containing the contents above written , being dated at dublin , the twentieth of november last . about the eighth of januanry last , a distressed minister came to dublin , that had left some goods with a supposed friend , sent for them , the goods could not be delivered , unless he or his wife came for them , he would not go , but she went , and when she came where her goods were ( as if that were too little to lose her estate , but her life must go also ) they hanged her up . was there ever such barbarism among the heathens ? in the county of fermannagh , in the province of vlster , they murthered one mr. champion , a justice of peace , and a burgess of the parliament for the borrough of iniskillin in the said county , who was betrayed by an irish villain his tenant , whom he had saved himself twice before from the gallows . the rogue 's name was patrick mack-dermot , who finding one of his companions , brings him to mr. champion's house , and tells mr. champion that he found this thief stealing the cattel , the gentleman knowing this mack-dermot , said unto him before one mr. iremonger an attorney , i am glad thou art turned from thief to catch a thief , whereupon he returned him this peremptory answer , that he was no more thief than himself . no sooner had he uttered these words in the court before his house , but there rushs in upon them a great number of these rebels , who without respect of mercy stabbed mr. champion , instantly before he could get into his house : so that he fell down immediately , but their fury went further than death , for they wounded him with their skeins in thirty places after he was dead , and then cut off his head to make sure work , whlie the rest ran into the house after mr. iremonger , whom they followed so close that he had not time to lay hold on his sword to help himself , but falling down upon his knees , and calling upon god for mercy , they fell upon him , and ran him through and through , and so he died . one of mr. champion's servants escaped to dublin , and reported this in my hearing in december last . a third was likewise slain , then the rebells entred the house and killed more : his wives sister and her brother-in-law , with two others in the house they kept prisoners , taking possession of all they had within the house and without , his wife was down upon her knees to beg a sheet to put her husband 's dead body in . and another gentleman with other friends that came to visit him over night , lost their lives next morning . in the county of monaghan , within two miles of the town of monaghan , they murthered one mr. george foord in his garden , a great company having gotten into a room or lost over a stable ( being between him and the house ) surprized him , this was upon the one and twentieth of november last , being the lord's day , for when he with his wife and family were gone to church , in that place they hid themselves till their coming back from church , and so watching their time and opportunity , first set upon him without any words , and then entred the house , for the house was strong and not easily to be broken , unless they were let in at the doors , so they bound all the servants being some english , and some irish , till they had found mrs. foord , whom they stript naked and bound , taking from her , her keys , having also with them her husband's keys , who lay murthered in the garden , and risled , and opened every trunk and box in the house to find their money , where they found but little to what they looked for , for they knew that mr. foord was rich and well monyed , wherefore they began with threats to kill her if she did not speedily tell them , but alas ! she could not , then they fell to torturing of her , heating a pair of tongs in the fire , and clapping them to the soals of her feet , and to the palms of her hands , so that with the pain thereof she dyed . after she was dead , they ript her body to see if she had not swallowed any gold into her guts , and so when they had pillaged the house , and carried away with the gentlewomans own horses and carts , all that was worth the carriage , they unbound the irish servants which they before had bound , and murthered such of the english as they pleased , and then departed . i heard affidavit made of the truth and certainty of this massacare , in this manner before recited , before divers of the privy council in dublin in ireland . they set up gallows five miles distant in divers places , on purpose to hang up the protestant spies , which they did accordingly ; they likewise cruelly set women and men on red hot grid irons to make them confess where such coyn , and money , and goods as they had , or whether they had hid or sold any . and all these cruelties were not done without the advice and animation of the fryars , priests and jesuits , and their religious men , or rather firebrands of hell ; who at their masses , and their incendiary sermons , stirred up the people to the committing of these massacares , promising them pardon for the same , and assuring them the more merit , by how much the more they exceeded in their villainous cruelties : they themselves being still in the first of these executions . for no stratagem of war , nor other horrid action or dessign whatsoever , was there undertaken , without them . they going on with their soldiers in the head and front of every battel , and by their mischievous advices and counsels did make them mad , tyger-like , with fierceness and cruelty , assuring them that to imbrue their hands in the bloud of the protestants ( which they term hereticks ) shall add to their merits and canonization of saints , and gain them higher places and reward in heaven . mr. jerome minister , they basely abused who lived near dublin sometimes ; but when he was thus murthered , he lived near the burrough of athie , in the county of kildare , they hanged him , then mangled his body , cut off his members , stopt his mouth with them , then quartered him . this is reported a by citizen of dublin , now in london , to bear witness of this truth . a proclamation was made that neither english nor irish should either sell or keep in their houses , any powder upon the loss of goods and life : except with license , and at two shillings the pound . ministers they hate , and breath out cruelty , massacaring their bodys , burning their books , and tearing them in pieces , and it is likely where they can light on them they use them accordingly . they robbed all english protestants , stripping them starke naked , and so turned them into the open fields and mountains in frost and snow , where hundreds perished . they destroyed the english breed of cattel , out of malice to the protestants , that the poor dumb creatures fared the worse and were spoiled , though one of ours is worth four of theirs . they cut off mens privy members and stopt their mouths with them , ( like cruel savage beasts ) that they might commit such horrid villanies without noise , and lest their pittiless bowels might be moved with the cries of those so cruelly massacared protestants . at. waterford , some poor protestants ready to be starved , came to the town for relief , and their charity threw them some bread over the wall : it is likely the dogs should have had the same entertainment . these bloudy papists forced the protestants to pull off their cloaths , and then killed them on purpose , that they might have their cloaths without holes . after they had knocked a man down dead , they fearing he might counterfeit they doe run their swords twenty times into his body lest he might revive again they stripped ladys and gentlewomen , virgins both old and young stark naked , turning them into the open fields . many hundreds were sound dead in ditches with cold and want of food and rayment , esteeming them no better than dogs . they laboured what they could to make death appear more dreadfull then it was in it self : they hanged up husband , kindred , children , before the faces of their living wives , and tender mothers ready to dye for grief , a death worse than death it self , and this they do on purpose to increase their dolorous pain and anguish . they forced ( as is reported ) some to turn to their cursed bloudy religion , and then persuaded them that they were fittest to dye , and then treacherously murthered them , and so did what in them lay to damn their souls . debtours basely murthering their creditours . tenants sheathing their swords in their landlord's bowels , servants unnaturally slaying their masters , others possessing themselves of their lands , goods , plates , money , jewels , houshould-stuff , corn and cattel , and thrust them out of door naked . oh inhumane cruelty ! many great men's servants , being irish , ran away from their masters with their best horses to the rebels . many of the protestants usually took into their houses , irish boys , as servants , and those did basely betray their masters , like judas , into the hands of these bloudy wolves . a good caveat to look to our servants before we take them , and to instruct them in the fear of god when we have them . others they wounded to death , and then left them languishing , their bellys being ripped up and guts issuing out , they poor wretches lying on dunghills , ( see the charity of cruell papists ) all this lest they should be out of their misery too soon . it seems it was their delight to linger out their cruelties ( like men that wanted bowels ) for whereas the primitive persecutions were exquisitely cruell , yet they made a quick dispatch of them : but these sons of belial found new ways of persecution by extreme cold and hunger to starve ( which aggravates their cruelty ) tender women with child , poor helpless insants and sucklings . an irish rebell ( as a credible friend reports ) snatched an innocent babe out of the armes of the mother , and cast it into the fire before her face , but god met with this bloudy wretch : for before he went from that place , he broke his neck . the rebells burned all the plantation towns in the county of london-derry . one hundred and twenty they threw into the water by force , drowning some that could not swim , others that could they knocked on the head . many rich and great men fled into england , and carrying their estates with them , they left no relief for the poor distressed people that came hither . thousands thus fled into dublin , many hundreds starved to death with hunger and cold , the poor citizens relieved them beyond their abilities the charge lying on the poorer sort . many of their wives they ravished in their sights , before the multitude like brute beasts , stripping them naked to the view of their wicked companions , taunting them , scoffing them , and then sending them away shamefully , that they died with grief , or starved with cold. one mr. wells minister , losing his notes , went back to look them , and as he returned , he met the rebells crying , kill all , kill all , the head rebells command . thereupon he fled over a mountain , was up to the breast in cold snow-water and so scaped to dublin very hardly with his life . three thousand six hundred poor souls fled naked into dublin , and starved with hunger , came to eat something and died with eating , twenty in a daylay dead in the open streets , as men smitten with the plague . sir james crag being in his castle , having many with him was besieged with the rebels , and almost famished the knight was constrained to put forty out of the castle which else must have been famished with the the rest : behold the cruelty of these bloud-sucking papists , when they were turned out , and lest to their mercy , they made quick dispatch set on them , and slew every man. another came into an english gentleman's house , and found him a bed , and there began to cruciate and torture his naked body , that he might extort of him a consession where his treasure lay , which when this poor distracted gentleman acknowledged in hopes to be eased , they cruelly killed him , and then stripped his wife naked , and turned her out of doors , as if they would make all savage like themselves : and lastly , mac-quire took his daughter being a proper gentlewoman , and satisfied his beastly lust on her , deflouring her , as if that was too little to kill her father , turn her mother out of doors , and abuse her himself , but like an inhumane villain cut off her garments by the middle , and then turned her to the mercy of the common soldiers , to be abused at their pleasure . take notice of the bloudy practices , and cruelties of the romish party , especially of the jesuits and priests , those fire brands of hell , who at this very day to incourage their disciples to murther , as is afore-written , do anoint them with the sacrament of the unction , assuring them that for their meritorious service ( if they chance to be killed ) they shall immediately enter into heaven , and escape purgatory , and what they get from the protestant party , by murthering , robbing and stealing , the one half shall be their own , and what man would not be willing to venture upon such conditions , to get wealth upon earth , and purchase heaven for murther . oh damnable doctrine and doctours . they usually mangled their dead carcasses , laying wagers who should cut deepest into their flesh with their skeins . at carvagh , near colerane , the rebells came to begirt the town , mr. rowly , brother to the worthy knight sir john clotworthy , came forth with a small company , about three hundred men to prevent them , they came upon them with a very great company , and slew all but eight of the protestants , base cowardise where they want courage , they make it up with heaps and multitudes of frighted hares , and the more fearfull and cowardly , ever the more cruel upon any advantage . all their cruelties were usually on disarmed men , in small villages , where was no strength to resist them , there they have tyrannized over the weaker sex , women , and they basely triumphed over little children , their rage hath been exercised . oh base cowardise if they ventured sometimes on our men , it hath been when they were naked , as they have been flying from those furies which their party have newly stripped naked : by and by they met with more of those white-livered villains in companies . they would likewise abuse those poor naked protestants like dogs , adding to their misery , beating them and bruising their naked bodys with cudgels , breaking the heads of some and wounding others , that if they had not died , they have been dangerously sick with the inhumane usage of those merciless wretches : nay , rather than they will be ( no body ) they will shew their manhood in abusing dead bodys , as this story declares by very credible testimony from their own country-men . here i shall acquaint you with a remarkable story , which i received from a citizen of dublin's testimony , of good repute there and here : wherein you may behold the promise made good to the protestant side , which the lord himself made to his people israel , that five should chase a hundred . it pleased god by one man and few with him , to out-dare about thirty thousand of those cowardly rebells , whose cause is base , whose religion is but a mere pretence for their bloudy designs , and thus it was as that citizen related . a very great army of about thirty thousand rebels besieged drohedah , wherein was that valliant and religious commander sir henry tichbourn , with a few of the protestant party with him in comparison of those multitudes of rebells , trusting to their great army , boldly demanded the town , if they would yield , no question , but they should have fair quarter : but sir henry knowing them ( its likely ) very well how perfidious they were , and the less to be believed , the more they swore and execrated themselves , resolutely replied , and sent the rebells this answer . be it known to you i am a soldier bred , and will never yield but upon three conditions . 1. before i surrender i will kill all the papists in the town . 2. i will destroy all the nunneries . 3. i will fire the town , and march in the light of it , by the help of god , to dublin . nay , rather than i will give up , i will feed on a piece of a dead horse , and if that fail , i will eat the soulders of an old popish alderman . this bone he threw among those hungry dogs , and you may imagine how they relished it . and that remarkable instance which was published by order of the right honourable the house of lords , concerning this noble and religious knight , sir henry tichbourn , how it pleased god to honour him with a successfull victory against the rebells , they being driven in drohedah , to eat horse-flesh for want of other provision . the rebells having chained up the river in hope to keep out provision by sea , that no relief might come from dublin , it pleased god to raise such a storm that broke the chain , and scattered the enemies boats , and opened a free passage from dublin , whereby they were relieved , blessed be god. thus the lord fought for them by winds and seas . pulling them about the streets by the hair of the head , dashing the childrens brains against the posts , saying , these are the pigs of the english sows . and also by land an army lying before the city , assaulted them in hopes to famish them : whereupon this noble captain , sir henry tichbourn , sallied out of the town , but with forty musquetiers , and as many horse , beat off four hundred of the enemies , killed above threescore of them , recovered fourscore cows and oxen , and two hundred sheep , burned four towns and brought home two of their colours . here take notice of their cowardise again attempted on a noble lady , by a letter sent from seven of the grand rebells , with her resolute and undunted answer to them as follows . the rebells letter to the lady offalia in her castle at geshel . to the right honourable and thrice vertuous lady , the lady digby , these give . honourable , we his majesty's loyal subjects being at the present employed in his highness service for the taking of this your castle , you are therefore to deliver unto us free possession of your said castle , promising faithfully , that your ladyship , together with the rest in the said castle restant shall have a reasonable composition ; otherwise upon yielding of the castle , we do assure you that we will burn the whole town , kill all the protestants , and spare neither man , woman nor child , upon taking the castle : consider ( madam ) of this our offer , and impute not the blame of your own folly unto us , think not that here we brag : your ladyship upon submission , shall have a safe convoy to secure you from the hands of your enemies , and to lead you where you please . a speedy reply is desired with all expedition , and thus we surcease : henry dempsy . charles dempsy . andrew fitz-patrick . conn dempsy . phelim dempsy . john vicars . james mac-donel . the lady off alia her answer to the rebells . for my cosin henry dempsy , and the rest . i received your letter , wherein you threaten to sack this my castle , by his majestys authority ; i am and ever have been a loyal subject , and a good neighbour amongst you , and therefore cannot but wonder at such an assault ; i thank you for your offer of a convoy , wherein i hold little safety , and therefore my resolution is , that being free from offending his majesty , or doing wrong to any of you , i will live and dye innocently , and will doe my best to defend my own , leaving the issue to god ; and though i have been , and still am , desirous to avoid the shedding of christian bloud , yet being provoked , your threats shall no whit dismay me . lettice offalia . these stories i relate that all true-hearted protestants may take heart , and likewise take notice that god is vindicating his own glory against these desperate atheists that began to insult , and to ask ( as we are credibly informed ) what is become of the god of the protestants , and likewise what spirit and courage god is able to put into the hearts of those that fight for him , and for his cause against his bloud-thirsty enemies . and therefore be not dismaid you protestants , 't is a great honour to fight under the banner of christ , they fight under the banner of anti-christ , the lord is with you while ye are with him . see the blasphemies and cruelties of these bloudy men : it is that their names ( as amalek ) may be blotted out from under heaven , for surely the day of recompence is comming , that god will make his arrows drunk in their bloud , they love bloud , and therefore god will give them bloud in great measure . as for instance , i shall relate you a bloudy story of one of those cruell beasts . the protestant troopers , about the beginning of febr. 1641. marched out of dublin , as they used to do , to view the coasts , they espied a cruell rebel hewing and mangling a woman in so horrid a manner that it was impossible to know her , having acted his devilish part he triumphed over her dead corpse , and washed his hands in her bloud , whereupon the troopers apprehended this barbarous villain in the very act of cruelty , and brought him to dublin with his hands all bloudy , and was adjudged to be hanged immediately , he ascended the ladder , and would not stay till the executioner turned him off , but desperately leaped off and hanged himself . this was in the beginning of february , and was credibly reported by a citizen of dublin , who saw him thus hanged with his hands all bloudy . it is remarkable to take notice of the rise of this bloudy act , it was thus . a fryar and this villain was drinking together in a village , the fryar hearing a poor english woman there , he commanded this rebel to murther her , which he did , as you have read , attested by a gentleman of ireland , of good credit . thus these poor deluded wretches gull'd with their jesuits damnable doctrine , who assure them on their words , that the more cruel , the more meritorious . an article no where to be found , but in the devil's creed . would any man believe that these villains should take children and toss them with pitch-forks like dung into rivers ? one was an eye-witness ( who lost a great estate there , but since received relief from the parliament ) who saw a cruel wretch , throw a woman crying with tears one way , and her child with a pitch-fork another way . they cruelly murthered women great with child , and then left them in ditches , to the fury of their dogs , who learned to be cruel from their bloudy masters , for they eat the children out of the bowels of the mother . at lesgoole castle , in the county of fourmanagh , they burned fifty scots , men , women and children . sixteen scots more they barbarously hanged at cloynes in the county of monaghan . thirty scots they burned in tolagh . it is remarkable that they dealt thus cruelly with those noble scots , who have been renowned through the christian world , for their zeal against that antichristian rabble , that these rebells would wish they had but one neck , that they might cut them off at one blow , but the protestant cause shall stand in england and scotland , when they and their babel shall be cast into the bottomless pit. rory mack-quire at new-town , in the county of fourmanagh , above four hundred poor protestants fled into the church to shrowd themselves under its roof , for safety from the rage of those men of bloud , where they might have been famished , but the mercy of this merciless beast affords them quarter to go away with their cloaths to dublin , and vows he will not hurt them : before they got out of the town , the soldiers stript some and killed others like base perfidious wretches . the irish lieutenant pretending they came from the king , perfidiously come under favour , pretends to borrow the arms of the inhabitants , as they said , to quell the rebells , then break into their houses , and turn their weapons against themselves , made havock , taking their feather-beds , and throwing out their feathers , and in the ticks , put up what pretious things they could find in the house , and carried all away , and so turned them out of doors , the next company taking away their cloaths , and cloathing them with their rags . the next company thinking they may have money in those rags , take them also , search their mouths , and those parts which modesty will not admit of an expression : if they can find none , they set their skeins at their breasts , to try if they can extort any thing when the poor protestants are naked . blush , o sun ! to behold the inhumane cruelties and beastly usages of these unheard of cannibals . they enslaved the poor protestants under them , making them work like horses all day , digging and delving for them , and then shut them up all night , not knowing what wages , whether life or death should be allotted , and so every night lay trembling and praying that they might be delivered from their cruelties . some ministers they whipped , others they set in the stocks , and made others to go to mass against their wills , then told them , now that they had saved their souls , they would hang they bodies . a minister seeing his wife abused , and his children roasted , and desiring them to put him out of his extremity of anguish , which he suffered by seeing such cruelty committed on those so near him , they most inhumanely cut his tongue out of his head. and for a conclusion of this dreadfull tragedy , it is related from one of the last letters from ireland , that seventeen of those barbarous monsters came to a minister's house , where they violently fell on him and his wife , stript them naked , bound them back to back , then cut off the ministers privy members , afterward ravished his wife on his back , and then inhumanely cut their throats : transcendent cruelty , exceeding pagans and atheists . for the oppression of the poor , and for the sighing of needy : now will i arise , saith the lord , and set him at liberty from him that oppresseth him . psal . 12. 5. finis . querees propounded by the protestant partie concerning the peace in generall, now treated of in ireland, and the answers thereunto made in behalfe and name of the irish nation / by one well affected thereto ; to the first copies whereof many things are inserted and much added. french, nicholas, 1604-1678. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a40456 of text r35691 in the english short title catalog (wing f2182). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 69 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a40456 wing f2182 estc r35691 15539460 ocm 15539460 103654 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a40456) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103654) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1149:22) querees propounded by the protestant partie concerning the peace in generall, now treated of in ireland, and the answers thereunto made in behalfe and name of the irish nation / by one well affected thereto ; to the first copies whereof many things are inserted and much added. french, nicholas, 1604-1678. 24 p. by iohn belier, printed at paris : 1644. attributed to french by wing and nuc pre-1956 imprints. imperfect: cropped and stained with loss of print. beginning-p. 10 from defective cambridge university library copy spliced at end. reproduction of original in the huntington library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a40456 r35691 (wing f2182). civilwar no querees propounded by the protestant partie, concerning the peace in generall, now treated of in ireland, and the answers thereunto made in french, nicholas 1644 12587 15 0 0 0 0 0 12 c the rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 john latta sampled and proofread 2007-02 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion qverees , propovnded by the protestant partie , concerning the peace in generall , now treated of in ireland , and the answers thereunto made in behalfe and name of the irish nation , by one well affected thereto , to the first copies whereof many things are inserted , and much added . qverees propovnded by the protestant partie , concerning the peace in generall , &c. will you article , covenant , and indent with your king ? it becomes not subjects ; it argues mistrust of his majestie . this nation saith , it hath beene often deceived , & abused by some ministers of state here for this kingdome , by whose practises they were frustrated of all the kings favours , and graces conferred to them , for which they granted and payed about three hundred thousand pounds sterling , not very long since , and soone after besides ten large subsidies in the earle of strafords time , for all which monyes , amounting neere to a million of pounds sterling they obtayned ▪ little or nothing . and the said graces are still suppressed and stopped . next , the state here takes all advantage of this nation for their religion , by misrepresenting them to his majesty , to suppresse and keepe them from the government , thereby to possesse all places of honour , trust and profit , eyther in the army , or common-wealth , and so raise themselves by casting perpetuall clouds of disloyaltie , and disaffection betweene the king and his people , as lately they did when they forsooke and betrayed the english ▪ pale first , and consequently the rest of the kingdome , to be over-run and ruined in the beginning of these commotions : and yet they misinformed his majestie , and procured what commissions they pleased , to prosecute the said pale with extreme cruelties , and so by the sword , and colour of law , to have their estates by attaynders and forfeytures ; whereat all other partes of the kingdome were amazed and distracted . therefore in this subordinate government so jealous and irkesome to the people , it is necessary to be on sure termes for the future , and that catholickes have a hand in the government , to prevent the like mischiefes . and on these grounds , it may well become subjects to article with their soveraigne , which argues no distrust of his majesty , but of his ministers , whose hands must still hold the helme , seeing the kings owne hand cannot reach thereto . quaere . 2. will you force the king , and worke now on his necessities ? he will remember it to you hereafter , and hee may recall what he shall now promise : nor will hee conceive himselfe bound to make good what he shall now grant you , considering the condition he stands in . resp it is not in our thoughts , onely wee propound motives to support his majestie , and to advance his service , a whole nation to the last man , and the revenue of a whole kingdome ( if neede be ) to the last penny , to support his crowne , on contentment now to be given this people , a hundred thousand loyall subjects , and good fighting men , to spend their bloud in this quarrell for his majesty , and foure or five hundred thousand pounds sterling by the yeare ( as shall appeare by the particular heads of the revenue of this kingdome layd downe hereafter ) is worth the acceptation , and may invite his majesty to give content to this people . he then that will hinder or oppose this , to loose the king such a considerable party and assistance , can be no other then an enemy , ayming at nothing else , but to weaken his majesty , by diverting this nation , as it were by compulsion from his service . and this is not to force the king , and worke his necessities , but to helpe him , and relieve them , and to buy our peace with the marrow of our purses and bloud of our veines , which his majesty may ( indeede ) well remember hereafter , not to recall our liberties , but to record our loyalties . moreover , his majesty may aswell in future say , that he is forced to the conditions of peace profered , as to those demanded : for neyther the one , nor the other , would ever have beene granted in precedent times , though not by want of gracious inclination in his majesties to favour us , but by the sinister characters which his ministers here , ever gave him of us . quaere 3. will you loose the king all his protestant party , which will fall from him , and will you loose him all his protestant subjects of england and scotland , and consequently his crowne of both kingdomes , which must follow , if he give you content ? resp. can you imagine that any subjects , which be true subjects , will forsake their prince , because we tender ayde of men and monyes , and propound motives to advance his service ; nay rather the protestant party will advise his majesty considering the condition and necessity he stands in , to give content to this nation , thereby to gaine so considerable a party , and assistance to support his crowne , and themselves . nor can they once suspect with reason ( if they will not put it on him of purpose , as a seeming occasion of their defection from him ) that his majesty is not constant to the protestant religion seeing they well know he is by education , and in his beliefe and opinions as firme a protestant as ever england bred , as is most manifest , by all his declarations and proceedings , though it stands not with the pollicy of the parliamentaries , to make this an article of their beliefe ; for they hold it a deepe mysterie of state , to misbelieve the king , and not suffer him to be believed in this particular , thereby to traduce his majesty , and cause the subjects still conceive , he is inclined to papistry , whereof they take their greatest advantage , purposely to seduce and incense the people against him . now if you feare the protestant party will so lightly fall from his majesty , ( as you would faigne perswade us , to lessen our conditions ) you may aswell pretend any expression of favour which shall be granted us , were it but a connivence or tolleration of our religion , to be a cause sufficient , for the like defection , but if the said protestant subjects be of resolution , to continue true and constant to his majesty , what can more powerfully encourage them thereto , or hold them more stedfastly to so generous and just a resolve , then an ample supply of men and moneys offered by us , on a good peace , to backe and second their party , the weakenesse whereof is not perhaps the least cause of all their feares , and wavering betweene the king and parliament ? but suppose the king were catholickely affected , and would absolutely restore us our religion , and the publicke use thereof , in as full and ample manner , as ever we enjoyed it in the times of his majesties predecessors from the conquest to henry the viii , would therefore ( or rather should ) all his protestant subjects fall from him , and must he therefore forfeyte his crowne ? your quaere answers they would , and he must , it followes then , they are onely conditionally subjects , not absolutely , and his majesty holds his crowne by a conditionall tenure , not by an absolute : both which are absurd . why did not all the catholicke subjects of england and ireland relinquish henry the viii . when he forsooke his owne and their religion ? why did not he loose his crowne , when he lost his faith ? why might not the romish subjects of france , fall off from the late french king , and his father , when they gave tolleration of religion , and liberty to build churches and synagogues to the huguenotes ? why lost not they ▪ therefore their crownes ? but to come neerer home : did not our dread soveraigne king charles condescend unto such propositions of the scots , as stood not with their loyalty to demand , nor in his power to grant , ( to omit all other , witnesse the abrogation of episcopacie , or unmitering of bishops , who be the first of the three states of every christian and catholicke kingdome ) as appeares by severall his majesties declarations yet extant . this his majesty did , onely to content that nation , and save that crowne ; albeit the former followed not ; heavens grant , the later may ? for they must have aliquid amplius , to wit ; kings un-crowned and monarchy pull'd downe , how ever his majesties protestant party in england , ireland , or scotland , fell not therefore from him , neyther is he therefore discrowned : and yet must both follow , if he give content to the irish ( in your opinions ) or his royall assent to their propositions ; albeit they containe nothing , but what may modestly suite with their fidelity to propound , and justly with his majestie , power , and expediently with his gracious benignity to grant , & that which hath beene their owne for ten or twelve ages consequent , and what they enjoyed in quiet possession , ever since the conquest , during the happy raigne of fifteene or sixteene kings his majesties predecessors , before henry the viii . and since then , violently wrested from them by tyrannie , oppression , and surreptitious lawes , fraudulently introduced by the bloud-sucking ministers of this subordinate governement . moreover , what concernes it the protestant subjects of england and scotland , whether we have content or not ? how are they any way impeached or improved thereby ? or how therein interessed ? what loose they by our liberty , or gaine ▪ they by our restraint ? can not they goe to church , though wee goe to masse ? the broad sea is betwixt us , we will be no eye-sore to them . if it be for their brethren here , we seeke not the abrogation of their religion , or abreviation of their lawfull freedome , or ought else derogating to their honour , securitie , or peaceable cohabitation , as appeares by our propositions now in print to the eye of the world , as for his majesties protestant party protestant party here in ireland ( not to undervalue them ) they are no way considerable : for , over all munster , vlster , and connaght , such as for a while did seemingly proclayme themselves for the king , doe now absolutely disclayme in him , and declare themselves for the parliament , and consequently , his enemies , so as his majesty hath no protestant party here , but onely in leynster , and that but in a destroyed nooke thereof , to wit in the counties of dublin , and louth , and a part of kildare and meath , ( for doncanon is fallen off ) in all which they cannot make up one thousand five hundred protestants fighting men , where among these shall hardly cull out two hundred , i might well say two score heads well squared to the kings rule , the rest ( as also all the protestant inhabitants of dublin and their other townes , farre much more then the most part ) have their heads so round , as they cannot hold rouling to the parliament , when the least occasion is offered , as for their hearts , they are from the beginning in the bosome of their pure brethren in vvestminster-hall ; and their heeles are all as nimble and ready to dance a scottish-jigge , and a parliamentall revolta , to essex hornepipe , if execution were as easie , as thought is free , and wishes facil ; all which is manifest by their common-prayers , publicke discourses , and commerce , and slocking to the parliament ships , whensoever they hover over our coastes , and thus are they all affected and infected from head to foote , save a very few of the prime , whereof some being strangers , can make no other party , then their houshold servants : other some , though by birth or descent , natives , and bigge in bloud and calling , and in precedent times vast in possessions , and powerfull in command ; yet now as the winde blowes , they beare but low and fagge sayles , and can make no more way , then the meanest vassals , by reason their numerous allyes , friends , and followers , are all roman catholickes , and consequently adhering to the confederats , with whom , not being united , their power is as poore as that of the alyens : so as the premisses maturely pondered , his majesties protestant party disioyned from the catholicke , is no way here considerable . will you then , upon the onely reason of an ungrounded antipathy in religion , advise his majesty to discontent a whole nation , for complying soly with the wilfull malice of so fractious , frayle , and feeble a party , as that of the protestants ? i say in ireland , for those of england , they cannot alleage rationably any reason for opposing our peace , save also a meere hatred to our profession , which is the reason of fiends , who , because their selves are in bale cannot brooke others should be in blisse : or their hearts are forsooth purified , and their heads sphearified , and so in the behalfe and behoofe of their pure brothers , they cunningly intend by this opposition to weaken his majesty , by fomenting a continuall difference twixt him and his catholicke subjects of ireland , whose party they know to be so powerfull both at home , and abroad ▪ as ( were matters fairely composed , & content given them ) they might strongly assist to quench the fiery fury of the parliament , and reinthrone his majesty , as now de facto they begin to doe in scotland , by a small succour of two thousand irish sent thither , to joyne with the kings party there , whereby it appeares , how highly an union betwixt his majesties catholicke and protestant subjects in his three kingdomes , conduceth , for the quelling and quayling of his enemies , and reestablishing of his royall person in his full power , prerogatives , and glorie : for , if a poore ayde of two thousand men onely can so much prevayle , what may a large contribution of a hundred thousand pounds in coine , or more , and ten thousand men , yea twenty ; thirty it neede be . i have beene over fuse ( i confesse ) in my answer to this quaere because it is the objection most frequently and fervently obtruded . quaere 4. will you loose the kingdome by going to a new warre againe ? will you utterly undoe it , and your selves , by a new breach ? you are not able for the scots , or my lord of insiquin , and the parliament party that is in the kingdome : much lesse for my lord lieutenant and his party , whom you will force to joyne with the scots and parliament , and so hold but with the longest and ●…st . resp. i answer , these arguments of weaknesse m●… bee retorted on your selves . will you , that pretend so much loyaltie and zeale to serve his majesty , loose the king and kingdome , which every day you doe , while you keepe this distance with the catholicke party , in giving the scots , time to come to a head , and the round heads leasure to bring their secret plots to effect , and this , by taking advantage of your weakenesse , in spreading themselves all over the kingdome ? witnesse the revolte of the lord of insiqum , and of the forte of doncanon , which you have lost , unlesse we deeme them politicke alarums , and subtle inventions to fraight and worke on the confederates , to accept the easier conditions now of peace from you . it is likewise apprehended on very good grounds , that the city and castle of dublin , by the daily growing insolencies and infections of the round-heads in the said city , may be in danger to be lost , and ( as i may boldly say ) is daily a loosing . it is easie to fall from a protestant to a puritant , and from the king to the parliament . it is their ordinary practise , to come and goe daily , a victory or two does it : but the catholickes cannot with such facility fall from their religion , because the differences are essentiall , and points of faith ; nor from their obedience to his majesty , because it is apparent , there is no such affection in them to the puritans , but rather an innated antipathy : so as to such extremes there 's no feare of fall . now if you deeme us so weake for the scots and parliamentaries in this kingdome , certainely you are much more , but say you ? you may joyne with the scots , yes , to forsake the king , you may , and so doe your best to secure this kingdome for the parliament and scots . and had not the catholicke army beene now in the field , and in the way , it is very probable , you had not escaped so scot-free , as you have done . and if wee prosper not in this expedition ( for which you had neede to pray ) but that they shall chance to over-run us ; then i beleeve , you will finde , they will not content themselves with the north alone , but will resolve to venture for a greater and better share of the kingdome . i see no reason , but you may feare your portion . you say you may safely joyne with the scots , to hold out the longer with them , because you conceive them the stronger , and us the weaker , why should not you aswell apprehend , that we may joyne with some other forainer , or submit to such , whose severall agents now in the kingdome , perhaps wayte an opportunity in that kinde , and have their eares open ready to snatch up such a motion ? doe not you thinke but the scots and parliament of england will be glad to accept of us , and our offers , which we make to his majesty , and will permit us freely to enjoy the benefit of our conditions , so we concuire with them in suppressing monarchy ▪ which is the faire white whereat their warres doe levell ? but say you , you know there is no such sympathy betwixt us , that were , from the frieing pan into the fire , and therefore you are confident we will not be so mad , however , it behooveth you in commonpolicy , to be cautious , how you exasperate a whole nation , and force them to fly for safety to forein protection , whereto , doubtlesse , the late cruell plots and practises of sir vvilliam parsons , sir adam lofius , and other vipers of the state , had driven this nation , had it not beene immoveable from its loyaltie to his majesty , wheron you would faine it seemes force a breach , by hindering his majesties gracious favours from us , to make way for your holy brothers the parliamentaries , to enter and possesse the kingdome : but , if you keepe the gap too long open , beware our neighbours enter not , before your brethren ; for ireland is a faire and fryant morsell , and your spaniards , italians , and french have lushious teeth , which if they once fixe in it , i feare all the pincers or hammers in england will not draw or drive them out . you aske us , will we loose the kingdome and our selves ? no , but endevour to save both , and if wee may not , a faire death is better then a specious bondage , slavery , or servitude : meluis est enim nobis moriin bello , quam videre mala gentis nostrae , if therefore you will tye the kings hands so fast , as he may not grant us the freedome of christians we must be compell'd to endevour to cut the bands , to reinfranchise his majesty , and disinthrall our selves , how weake soever you would fayne perswade us to be quare . 5. what if my lord lieutenant will publish his commission , and will issue forth proclamations of mercy and pardon , with restitution of estates , and all assurances of life , liberty and tolleration of religion , and thereby withdraw and divide all your party , and so pusle and weaken you , that you will be glad of any conditions , and such as his excellency will be pleased to propund ? resp. no doubt , this was invented as a mayne engine to crush , and bring our party and whole nation to division , and so to desolation . i confesse this commission and proclamation may perhaps worke on the most necessitous , weake , and discontented people within the verge and quarters of dublin , whom extreame necessity may force to goe any whither for reliefe ▪ but that have not you to give them for you have neyther meate , nor money to spare within your quarters , nor strength enough to gaine it from ours . you must come thirty miles now from dublin , to get any corne or cattle if you take not from one another , and so starve your selves . your parties of horse that used to make their incursions for prey into the remoter counties , are broken and dispersed , and what service may they be able to performe , going so farre from their quarters , specially , now that our confederates are growen farre stronger , then ever you or they have beene , both in horse and armes , so as little or no reliefe are you to expect by pillage : and what small store remaynes within your owne quarters , will hardly maintayne your great townes , garisons , for any considerable time . consider well your owne present state , condition , weakenesse , and necessities , and you cannot with sans judgement imagine , that any of our party will flye unto you , whilest they have the most part of the kingdome of their owne side , plentifully able to relieve them , without adventuring their lives , to goe a pillaging with you , against their country , friends , and conscience , specially , seeing there be other wayes to maintayne them , to wit , by putting the meaner sort into pay of the armies , and the said banished nobility and gently into places and offices of military and civill imployment , as is resolved by the late assembly held at kilkenny . and what people doe you thinke to draw and devide from us ? those of the english-pale , all destroyed , and made inconsiderable by your massacres & cruelties , for having withstood the shocke , while amunition armes , and commanders were a comming , who must be now rather a burden , then a helpe to you , and no great losse to us , for what concernes their power , in the condition they now stand in , though before , they were , for so many , the most considerable part of the whole kingdome . their common sort are all for the most part , murdered and starved ; and such of the nobility and gentry as are remayning , will not , for their estates ( whereof they can make little benefit ) hazard the losse of their persons in your service , to be exposed to all dangers , for a poore lively-hood only , to be drawen out of prey and pillage , seeing you cannot otherwise maintayne them of any place of honour , trust , command , or benefit , by your old crooked rules , they are incapable , at least so are they sure to be made and in fine , if you be masters , let them not doubt to be slaves , if not utterly extirpated , with the rest of their country-men your opposits , for the ancient spleene you beare to their religion and nation , and unquenchable thirst to their estates , how ever now in your neede you make use of their endeavours and services . can you then with reason imagine , that their reason is so faire blinded , as not to foresee this doe you thinke they will be so effeminat , as for a sufferance which cannot long continue , they will expose themselves to be the perpetuall object of their countries wrath , the abject of all christian nations , yea and the obloquy of all the world , to advance your heathenish designes , by enduring all present and future miseries , by fighting against their friends , allyes , themselves , and their consciences , by assisting to extirpat their owne nation and religion , which hath now above foure-score yeares withstood so many furious assaults of your tyrannous pressures and persecutions , and betray their lives , liberties , and estates , to a never ending slavery and infamy , being still exposed to your new pretended attaynders , and corruptions of bloud , which no pseudo-parliament of yours can wash away , nor may their grievances be thereby redressed , but by a free and legall parliament , such as they shall never have , by your consents , though you did promise , sweare , vow , protest , and proclayme a restitution of all freedome and favour . your words and proclamations so often violated both before and since the warres , and your wonted faithlesse proceedings , confirmes them in this beliefe . the violence of the storme is over-blowen , they hope , and i am confident , they are resolved to beare out with their fellow-vassals , rather then strike themselves aground , under your lee . but suppose your proclamations brought in a considerable party ( as i cannot beleeve they will ) you will make but a perpetuall warre , in regard the rest of the kingdome is so possessed , and swayed by the catholicke bishops and clergy , that in case no reasonable accommodation be made , or content herein be given , the kingdome will be so imbroyled and rent , that his majesty will not be able to draw any assistance thereout , to support his crowne : hee will loose all his owne revenue , and our ayde of men and monyes , which are ( under favour ) far transcending any his majesty may expect from his protestant party here , ( if any such he hath ) and more to be regarded , then the bare walles and empty carcasses of churches , whereto , for the most part , no protestants , save onely the ministers with their wives , did ever resort , in regard the flocke were all of the catholicke fold , and all the labours , endevours , and persecutions , being frustrat which since the suppression , were imployed to propagate the protestant religion in this kingdome , or fasten it on the body thereof , though the court of wardes hath wrought on a few degenerate members , and devided them from god and their countrey , i will not say , from their king , but i pray , it may not so prove . but let it now be considered , whether the protestant or catholicke party here is most powerfull , and can bring the king most men and money ? and if it be not as necessary ( or more ) to give the catholickes content , as the protestants ? his majesty ( we are confident ) is graciously inclined towards us , as appeares by his severall favourable declarations made in our behalfes , before some persons of worth and credit , now in this kingdome , ready to testifie so much . to conclude , can those of the pale , or any other ( to whom griping misery , or raging jelousie of being vilipended by certayne unnaturall and ungratefull patriots may suggest a thought of deviding or withdrawing themselves from our party ) be of so slavish an humour , as to joyne with you , when they shall reflect , and call to minde , how their immediat predecessors , and some of themselves perhaps yet living ( by whose power and prowesse in the late precedent warre you kept your footing in the kingdome ) were by you rewarded , disregarded , and abused . was it not the usuall taunt of the late lord strafford , and all his fawning sycophants in their private colioquies to those of the pale , that they were the most refractory men of the whole kingdome , that it was more necessary ( yea for their crooked ends ) they should be planted and supplanted , then any other thereof , that his majesty would never be absolute soveraigne , whilest there lived a papist therein ? these & the like were the ordinary cabbinet discourses of the state in generall , whereinto sometimes in publick their malice would burst forth , and where plantations might not reach , defective titles should extend . many officers and gentlemen , who had done very good service in the said warre , and lost their bloud and limbs therein , for which they had annuall pensions conferred on them were soone after deprived of their said pensions , for onely having refused to take the oath of supremacie , or allegeance , in such forme as protestants use , some whereof i have seene without hands , which they left at kinsale , in defence of the crowne of england , for which they remayned also without thankes , without pension , for only being faithfull to god and their owne soules . many of the ancient irish who stucke steadfastly to the queenes quarrell , and lost therein their lives , had their estates planted , with as little justice ; favour , or reason , as those who endevoured to take the crowne of her head , and kingdome out of her hands . i knew my selfe a certaine gentleman , who being questioned before the state , for matter of recusancy , ( as you terme it ) answered , it was not demanded of me the day of kinsale what religion i was of , it is true , replyed an ungratefull states-man , i confesse you did good service that day , but you doe now , as the cow , that gives much milke , and spils it after with a kicke of her heele , and this kicke ( forsooth ) was no other then kicking in spirit at their foresaid execrable oathes , and being a roman catholicke . who then reflecting on your tyranny , injustice , malice , ingratitude , faithlesse promises , and undeserved persecutions will be so stupid or craven harted as on your brittle proclamations , to adhere to you , & put their heads like asses , againe into the halter ? did not tyrone and tyre-conell come in , and submit on faire conditions ? yet had not their heeles saved their heads , the former had beene tripped up , and the later chopped off , and so may all heads be , which will be so blockish as to lay themselves on the blocke , while the hatched is in the butchers hand over them . quaere 6. what considerable good , is there to be expected , by your helpe of men , or monyes , the kingdome being so exhausted and destroyed , as no pecuniary ayde may be thence collected , and so depopulated , as it hath no men to spare , & such as are , so cowarded , by our many victories , as they are not regardable , or of any use or estimation ? resp. you cannot deny , but on the beginning of these commotions , you were fearefully scared by a popular rout of disarmed clowns not onely in the countrey , but even in your strongest walled townes and cities , in somuch as you durst scarce peepe out at the gates of your great garizons of dublin , and drogbeda . i grant , when you had discovered those multitudes to be weapon-lesse , and in no fit posture to defend themselves or offend you , then indeede you tooke courage and rushing forth with horse and foote compleatly armed , you slew man , woman , and child , as they came under your lash , aswell those that held the plough ▪ as the pike , the goade as the gun , the suich as the sword , which brave kinde of service and swaye you continued , untill some commanders , armes , and ammunition , came to our succour , and then were you put to a stand . this is the naked truth , without disparaging or undervaluing eyther nation , as may be observed , since the battle of rosse , where , though you had the honour of the field , by oddes of the ground , and great advantage of your artillery , yea , and somewhat else , which were petty treason to touch ; yet wee had the honour to have relieved and kept the towne , and taken your shipping , where you were so stung , smarted , and amazed at the sharpenesse of the encounter , that ever since you have for borne to meete our troupes . i will passe over the gayning of burrise , bir , sort-faulkland , ballynikill , ballylenan , and severall other places , and skirmishes about the time of concluding the cessation in september 1643. specially at loghleagh , where a few of ours routed and slew multitudes of yours , & portlester , where fell that busie nice warrier , full of his countries bloud and spoyle , and zeale to serve the parliament , charles lord viscouut moore , of unhappy memory . so as , though we runne away , ( as you object ) yet in each conflict you lost most men and that evermore of your chiefe commanders , in such a broken , disorderly , and disfurnished warre as we were compelled to make . and when you shall make an upcast of your accounts , you shall finde ( if selfe conceit inveigle you not ) that we have not had the least or worst part of the victoryes . as for our retreate lately from charlemount , to refresh our horses and men , and to bring our army out of such narrow straights , where horse could not freely play ; ( whereat you seeme to rejoyce , and slaken the treaty of peace , as if you would side with the scots , the kings enemies ) no other construction can be made thereof , but that it was done to put the army in a better posture for service : and suppose our army did retyre or disbande , by reason of some carelesse fayler or defect in the country , councell , or prime-commanders , in falling short of provision , pay , or other requisites : must it therefore be inferred , that the kingdome is the lesse considerable , or powerfull to succour his majesty ? this consequence halts over pons assinorum , it followes not . for it is manifest , that if the whole kingdome had put their strength to it , ( though your party did sit still , and looke on onely , as in this occasion you have remarkeably done , which argues in you infallibly , eyther want of will , or power , if the former , you are no right subjects , if the later , you are lesse able to assist his majesty then we ) little should the scots be of force to resist us , and much lesse ( i am confident ) will they be ( the fire being now kindled and encreasing in their owne countrey ) when your party and ours shall joyne unanimously against them . in the interim , if ought shall happen amisse , you may have a share in the blame and mischiefe . and our opposing the scots deserveth a gratefull acknowledgement , being a service more concerning your interests and safeties ( if there be not some latent combination betwixt you and them ) then ours , in regard we are in a more able condition for defence and offence , whereby , you cannot but judge us to be considerable , having lately maintayned in the field ( besides all garison'd souldiers , and trayn'd bands of horse and foote , setled in the severall counties ) about seven or eight thousand foote , and one thousands horse , for five moneths , in a body . i beleeve our enemies have found our troupes well able to breake theirs , and to trample under foote their scottish hobbyes . you may not be over confident of your past victories , or presume so much on a vaine opinion of the scottish-army , ( whereof perhaps you make use to square and governe this treaty ) you cannot deny , but we have multitudes of men , many thousand souldiers , brave cavvalliers , and long experienced stout commanders , most zealous and willing to fight out this quarrell for his majesty , who , on secure contentment given their nation , will prove themselves as valiant and hardy now and alwayes , as they have beene ever hetherto , and still are , reputed in all foraine countries . i appeale to your owne knowledge , whether any stands better of your side in the field , then this country man ? so that we may truly say , you fought with our owne men against us , as now the scots doe . and though the kingdome in many partes be destroyed ; yet are the revenues thereof still considerable : whereas this last yeare of cessation , above a hundred thousand pounds have beene levyed out of the very plough-lands , and the counties at large , without scarce touching our cities or walled townes , to wit , thirty thousand pounds to his majesty , on the cessation , for transporting the english army herehence to his ayde , fifty thousand pounds for the army of vlster at least , during the expedition : twenty thousand pounds more have beene payed this same yeare , in satisfaction of arrears due to officers and commanders , besides divers other summes for our agents at severall times , which i omit , together , with the intertaynement of all such as serve the common-weale , whereof , though some receive not much , yet some others doe . i passe over all summes which lye hidden in the hands of collectors , receivers , & such other officers , which in all amounts to above a hundred thousand pounds , this yeare , when the kingdome ( i suppose , and hope ) is at the lowest ebbe . what then will it be able to affoord when a happy peace shall begin to recover it , and bring a full tyde of all flourishing plenty , specially , when the english-pale shall be reinhabited , which now lyes wast in a manner and uselesse , and hath beene the best and richest colony of the land , and the chiefest and most abounding granary thereof , and prime support of the state ? and if the wayes wee have fixed on , the last assembly at kilkenny in iuly 1644. be condescended unto , and effectually followed , during this grand necessity , they will ( i say ) bring into the treasury , at least foure hundred thousand pounds by the yeare , as by the ensuing heads of a revenue agreed unto at kilkenny as aforesaid , may plainely appeare . first , the excises layd in a moderate way over all our quarters , suppose halfe asmuch , as it is in dublin , will amount to a huge summe throughout all our cities and corporations , as yet not touched in this kind . secondly , the fourth part of the yearely rent and value of every mans estate , which likewise i leave to be considered . thirdly , the kings rents , compositions , and customes , which ( though now in a manner during the warres , lost , or of small value ) will upon a peace soone improue , if there shall be no vventworths or ratclifes , to cozen the king , or catch poll the subject . fourthly , two partes , or more , of all church-livings belonging to the clergy , so much now insisted upon betweene the catholicke and protestant clergy : and this to assist his majesty during the warres , all which particulars of a revenue , must doubtlesse amount unto a vast summe , to be imployed first , to secure and cleere this kingdome of all round-heads , and other malignant or ill-affected persons , bee they english , irish , or scots , which by a perfect union of the protestant party ( i meane such as sincerely adhere to the king ) & ours , may be speedily effectuated , through the happy and disinteressed governement , we then hope to enjoy , and the free and cheerefull contribution of all to advance the said service , which being atchieved , then may all our armies be transported into england , and our forces be imployed towards his majesties succour which is the longing desire , and chiefest ambition of this loyall nation , how suspitious soever you may be of them , for your owne sinister intentions ; all which really pondered , sans all jealous prejudication , our helps both of men and monyes , are highly considerable ▪ and yours very little avaylable , for first , your party is in a manner no party , at least for the king , by reason the most and strongest part thereof , if not all , consists of puritans and antimonarchists , such as would , if it lay in their power , rather conquer the kingdome for their holy brethren , the parliamentaries , scots , or hollanders , then for his majesty . next , if you had a considerable protestant party , you have no provision if come , victuals , men , or monyes , nor can you expect any , but from his majesties enemies , who will send you none , to serve against themselves , all which is before sufficiently demonstrated . how then are you prepared for a new warre , or how able to extirpate this nation , if you intend not to bring in the parliament , or some other of your anti-monarchicall brethren , to winne the kingdome for themselves , and weane it from his majesty ? and what gets the king by that ? mary , hee shall gayne an open enemy , and loose a kingdome . and , if for this end , the parliament help you not , they have small encouragement to send you any more , so little effect have they found of the severall aydes hetherto transmitted , which doth no way countervayle the bloud of so many thousand men , and charge of so many hundred thousand pounds , imployed ; spent , and lost , by sea and land to subdue , and extinguish this nation , which must very much discourage them , and retard their further adventures hether , having their heads & hands full of worke at home . we know their spleene to ireland over-flowes , and their desire is transcendent , to joyne it as a large canton to their new intended state , framed after the holland cut : yet , for the present , their ambition is first , to settle it in england , and to secure themselves , much more prevalent , for charity begins at home ; and they conceive , they may come time enough to play the after game in ireland , for they assure themselves , to have alwayes odde men lurking in our after points , to keepe the tables open . it is hard then for you to trust to their present supplyes so uncertaine , and if you doe , it is more hard for his majesty to confide in you , for doubtlesse , they will not relieve you , that you may succour him , whom they so violently oppose , and labour to depose . now i pray , give me leave a little further , to examine your vaunting victories , and therein to manifest the valour of our men , so much by you undervalued . the first encounter was ( as you cannot but remember ) betweene the bridge of gillianstone & smithstone , where a few of ours , with swords and skines onely , without shot defeated foure of five hundred of yours , armed as compleatly as any , souldiers in holland , where among was a troupe of horse which saved themselves by their heeles , and about three hundred of the foote were slaine in the place , without shot or stroke in defence of their lives were the irish then cowards ? during the siege of drogheda , ( which though they were forced to rayse , for want of commanders , armes , and amunition ) in the few encounters that were , they shewed their valour , even in standing , and defending themselves not being provided for offence , yet was your losse still most . and did not our young gentlemen enter the towne , and therein sufficiently demonstrate their courage , though compelled to retyre , as you were at rosse . at swoards , finglas , and santry , did not thirty or forty musketires of ours , having not above three shots of powder a peece , with three or foure hundred clubbetiers , confront a body of eight hundred shot of yours , beside pike and horse , and slay your commanders , and sixe for one of your souldiers , till want of powder did force their retreat , and give you way to murder a company of old labouring men , women , and children ? at kiljhalaghan , did not they the like , and kept the place also , for that time in despite of you , to your excessive losse ? at trim , dundalke , and other petty skirmishes , you evermore lost your commanders , and most of your souldiers , neyther did you ever put ours to flight , while they had a shot of powder left , though you had ten armes , for one of ours . at kilrush , i confesse we were as many men ( i believe ) as you , but your artillery , horse , armes , amunition , triply exceeded ours , which are very great advantages , yet little got you by that day , but the field , which , with such oddes , i hold for no great victory , which you had not the courage to prosecute . all such castles as you got from us ( for the most part ) cost you deere , ten lives or more , for one , though you layd formall sieges to them , with artillery , plenty of amunition , and all other requisites , against a few unarmed disfurnished men : witnesse carrigmain , baldugan , suddain , lynch his knocke , and severall other , where commonly , you most perfidiously broke your quarter given . all these were before the arrivall of any helpe of commanders , armes , or amunition in our quarters , since when you have alwayes lost ground , and recovered none ; at raconell you confesse our men fought valiantly , even with stones , when their powder was spent , the want whereof ( it is evident ) was the sole cause of the defeat . at loghleagh , you were shamefully beaten . at rosse we had our intent , which was to defend the towne , though you got the field , by the advantage of your artillery , and somewhat else , must not be spoken off . at keshenennan , being in all , not a full thousand men , horse and foote , very slightly provided , we kept the passage against your great army of five or sixe thousand horse and foote . at clancurry , we had also our intent , which was to send you home , without annoyance of us . at portlester you got the worst , as is aforesaid . all such castles as we have gained from you , we wonne them ( in a manner ) without difficulty , blowes or losse ; ( ballinikill onely excepted , which also held not out much more then halfe a day , after the first shot of a cannon , though you vauntingly glorified it , with the name of invincible ) yet in each of them , you abounded with men , and all other military provision . now in all these battles , encounters , skirmishes , and castles wonne or lost , it is particularly to bee noted , that you never gayned from us , without stiffe and stout resistance , sharpe blowes , and much losse , most commonly , and with much advantage , of artillery , armes , amunition , and other warlike necessaries ; whereas , whensoever we got from you , ( i say for the most part ) it was evermore without much opposition , damage , or bloud , with all kinde of disadvantage of our side , which evidently demonstrats whose men are most cowarded , or stood worst . if we still runne away , why did not you over-runne and conquer the kingdome ? and if a man armed onely with a club , or a gunne without powder , should flye from another , compleatly armed , and provided to his hearts desire , can any with reason therefore call that man a coward ? i should rather hold him for a cullion , that pursues such a man , or at least , cannot wrest his will , or winne his wish from him . if our men thus nakedly appointed , could hold play , for a whole yeare to yours plentifully furnished , while succour was a comming , as it appeares they did , may they be nickenamed cowards ? rather the contrary : for all this proves manifestly , that you were very cowards , or they very valiant fellowes , and i thinke you will rather averre the later , then avow the former . how ever , i am certaine all christian nations else will , and doe proclayme them valiant , yea england and scotland their most spleenative enemies ; prince rupert will witnesse it . and out of these premisses i deduce an infallible consequence , two , or three , ergo our men and monyes are considerable ; ergo it is dangerous for you in a new warre to hazard the losse of the kingdome , and utter extirpation of the protestant party ; ergo , it is better and safer for you , his majesty should give content to this nation , by giving his royall assent to our propositions . but you say , it is not in his majesties power to condescend to our demands . if he shall , it will set popery againe in jurisdiction , introduce the supremacie of rome , and take away or endanger his majesties supreme authority in causes ecclesiasticall , a diminution of honour and power not be endured . i answer , we desire not the repealing of any ancient grounded lawes , but to be disburdened of certayne grievous pressures layd on us , either by acts of state , or parliament , or the lawlesse law of sic volo , sic jubeo fraudulently or violently enacted and executed , by the unsupportable tyranny of the ministers of this subordinat governement , destructive to our religion , lives and liberties , which , a free parliament with his majesties royall assent can legally doe : therefore it lyes in his majesties power to grant our propositions . doubtlesse , you will acknowledge king charles to be as lawfull , absolut , & powerfull a king of england and ireland , tam de jure , quam de facto , as was henry the viii . or edward the vi . who ( as it were at a blow ) beat downe and suppressed a religion of above eight hundred ( or rather twelve hundred ) yeares standing , seazed on iesus christs owne patrimony , the possessions of the clergy , confiscated their goods , sacked and prophaned their churches , & in fine , turned above ten thousand of them out of doores to seeke their fortunes , without being heard , or orderly convicted for any offence , contrary to all law , conscience , and common reason : for , the abbeys hold their lands in franke almoine , and in fee , they were possessed of them , by the donation of severall saxon , english and norman kings , and subjects , continued legally by prescription , established by law , and confirmed by the charters of kings , as that of magna charta 9. h. 3. and the confirmation thereof 28. ed. 1. where it is granted , that the church of england shall be free , and have its liberties inviolable , and cap. 2. judgement given against them shall be held for naught : also , sententia lata super confirmatione chartarum , by ed. 1. or ●● . ed. 3. cap. 8. if any statute be made contrary to magna charta , it shall be voyde , or the confirmation of all these , 1. 6. 7. 8. of rich. 2. and 4. h 4. all which were intended to prevent tyranny , and secure the church then being , visibly knowne , and generally reverenced : for to no other church were they granted , neyther can any other enjoy them . yet did henry the eight , and edward the sixt assume the power to controvert and subvert all these , which you approve and applaud , though they were acts surmounting the puisance of heaven ; and you will not allow king charles the power of ordinary actions , and sublunary things in our behalfes ; albeit you avow his consent given to the scots ( as aforesaid ) by act of parliament to pull downe bishops , without whom a parliament is no parliament , in equity and reason , whatsoever common-law may pretend to the contrary . his majesty by a publicke declaration in print declared the late earle of strafford innocent for matter of bloud , yet was he compelled after to subscribe to the condemnation and decollation of the said earle to content the parliament of england , as yet insatiably discontented . all these ( i say ) you approve and commend , and yet must his majesties hands be bound , and his gracious favours lockt up from us , under pretext ( forsooth ) of impossibilities in our demands , though they contayne nought , but what legally layes in his majesties royall brest to grant . as for your wonted childish foppery , which you call popery to be set againe in jurisdiction , our propositions import ( as you meane it ) no such thing ; but that we may be allowed the freedome of the roman catholicke religion , which hath here continued in jurisdiction ( if you know what meanes jurisdiction ) above a thousand yeares , maugre all your fiery furies , and persecutions . and suppose it were in jurisdiction , as you understand it , no disinteressed judgement can see what his majesty should loose thereby ; his rents and customes would be still the same , if not much more , by reason of the freedome of ingresse and egresse of trafficke , and the fidelity of officers ; he should gayne a hundred hearts for one , both at home and abroad ; he should be obeyed and served , as father of the common-weale , for love and filiall feare , not as he has beene hetherto by you , for lucre and interest , aswell appeares by your now falling off from him , since the dayes of gayne are expired : for his protestant party here , is onely ( as aforesaid ) in dublin , drogheda , dundalke , and in those quarters , where also now by a new treason lately discovered , they manifest the old treachery lay hidden in their hearts ; and ( to confirme what i have above layd downe ) on this discovery there were found but onely three commanders in the whole towne of drogheda who stood for his majesty : and , if all the protestant pulses in dublin , or elsewhere in ireland were felt by a skilfull physitian in that kinde , i doubt , there would hardly be found a hundred free from that franticke feaver . as concerning the introduction of the supremacy of rome , which you object ; it is well knowen , and we care not who knowes it , that all ireland never beleeved other ; how then can that be intended to be introduced , that has never beene taken out of it ? i say all ireland ; that is , all irish-men , whereof if a very few beleeved otherwise they were of a viperous brood , destructive to their mother , and considerable , as none , in regard of the whole kingdome , as also such english as here inhabited . with all , our propositions make no mention of any such intended innovation . so as ( suppose the roman catholicke religion were freely exercised in ireland , which is that we seeke ) the supremacie in causes ecclesiasticall , and the honour and power thereof , should still asmuch as ever remayne in his majesty . yet reflect but a little , and you may perceive , that his majesty has lost that honour & power you so much esteeme , in england and scotland , ( oh that that were all ! ) for the parliament and scots ( if any they admit ) attribut it to the elders of their kirke ; but there is no corner in a round-head for such a supreme beliefe ; it has place then onely in a few protestant heads ( and fewer hearts , if they were all profoundly sounded ) in england and ireland , and as for the beliefe of roman catholicks in that kinde , it derogates not a single haire from their faithfull and fixed allegeance to his majesty , as is evident by their cleaving to him in his three kingdomes , now in these boysterous times of his troubles , when all sectaries flote in their fidelities , and flitt according their fancies . moreover , what great diminution of honour or power ( to use your owne words ) should his majesty thereby sustaine , suppose the supremacy of rome were introduced ? the world knowes ( that knowes the history of england ) that the crowne of england had more power , honour , fame & wealth , before it assumed that seeming specious title , then it could ever since then , purchase , eyther at home or abroad . this needes no proofe , the legend of the lives of the monarchs thereof , does demonstrate it . had not henry the viii . morerenowne , by his booke written against luther in defence of the seven sacraments , for which he received a sword from the pope , with the glorious title of defender of the faith , then he had after , when his lust lead him to arrogate the supremacy ? and more treasure had he in his coffers , i am certaine . for , notwithstanding the spoyle and pillage of the church , whereof the value of the lands onely england , at that time amounted to above three hundred and twenty thousand pounds ten shillings sterling per annum , out of which the king tooke into his owne possession , and appropriated to the crowne , a hundred sixty one thousand one hundred pounds per annum , besides their moveables , which doubtlesse made up a vast summe : yet died he without wealth , without honour , without friends , without peace in his house , or heart , and with remorse of conscience belcheth forth his last breath in despayre , with an omnia perdidimus : and can boast of no other monument he hath left to record his memory , but such as hee left , who vaunted of burning dianas temple . now since then , can any man shew me the effects of the supposed honour or power , england has enjoyed or acquired , eyther forraine or domesticke , by the supremacy , other then pride , luxury , epicurisme , blasphemy , effeminacy , and in a word , a licencious liberty to swim in sin , and wallow in vice without controll ? it is true indeed , there was a duke went into spaine , basta . and to the isle of ree , c'est assé . england has assisted in this later age , holland , swedland , the palatinate , and other rebels against their naturall and lawfull soveraignes , and has beene , and still is cowed by that nation , which it most scorned and vilipended of the world , and over which in former ages it was wont to domineere , crow , and conquer . it is lately become the forge of novellisme and heresie , the nursery of sects , and now the stage of rebellion . these are the fruits of your gosling gospel , and the feats of honour and power , acted since the supremacie of rome has beene expelled , and the inheritance of s. peter intruded upon . france , spaine italy , poland , and other catholicke countries , states and provinces , who still continue obedient children to the church of rome , esteeme themseves eyther in power , honour , wealth , or worldly splendour , no way inferiour to england ; yea many of them farre exceede it in all . they are adored , beloved , awed at home and abroad ; the turkes , heathens , and infidels feare and feele the force of their armes ; both ends of the world doe them homage , are tributary to them , and contribut to the farssing of their coffers . yet doe they still acknowledge rome their superiour in causes ecclesiasticall , neyther have they any ambition to spirituall jurisdiction , because they know they are incapable thereof , and they deeme it rather a diminution , then any addition of honour or power to arrogat a title which derogats from the power and jurisdiction essentially inhering in that title , which they are assured cannot be but in a priest . so as this great colossus of honour and power , supremacy , in spirituall causes in a secular person , ( the losse whereof you so much apprehend ) is a meere ens rationis , and consequently a thing not to be thought of by rationall men . yet , if you will needes be so chymericall , as to contend de lanacaprina , take you it , so wee may have from the benignity of his gracious majesty his royall assent to our humble propositions , which all good subjects , and reall patriots are bound to wish and vote , it being the most efficacious meane to secure and succour his majesty against the malignant party , and to settle this tottering kingdome in a firme and constant peace , whereto a raging malice to this nation , with an undiscreete antypathicall zeale to the extirpation of the religion thereof may rayse many opposits . but let every man of both parties lay his hands on his heart , and sadly consider the state of this kingdome , which lyes pining in a violent hecticke feaver : its veines have beene superaboundantly vented . too much phlebotomy drives the body into a consumption . if the flames shall once againe burst forth , and the sword be reunsheated betwixt us , without doubt nothing shall ever quench the one , or put up the other but the utter eradication and abolition of you and your religion , or us and ours ; and whether , no man but he that 's god and man can tell . can any then so farre deviate from the roade of reason , as to take their way where they are certayne to bee way laid , or in eminent danger of the losse of their purses and persons , while they may confidently walke other secure paths ? who can be so unwise , as to lay the foundation of so waighty a structure , as is that of their religion , lives , and fortunes , on floating sands , while they may have firme and solid grounds to build on ? i know not what will and rage may doe ; but well , what wit and reason should doe . let every man therefore ( i say ) wipe off from the eye of his heart , all nationall animosities , all over-weening conceits of proper might , all unnaturall antypathies , all jealous distrusts , and every atom of any other passion , which may offuscat the visive powers from discerning what may most conduce to the recovery of our infirme countrey , whereunto , i wish each undividuall would put his helping head , heart , and hand without morosity . this is better policy , then to keepe all in suspense forsooth , to avoyd the blame of concluding any thing , and to spin out time , to see for whom the triumph will turne , or which way the game will goe , eyther for the king or parliament ▪ so to runne with the good successe , and to beate on the winners hand , or upon a shuffling up of the game , and an accommodation to betray this nation , and take all advantages against it , as may well be collected and feared , out of these long suspitious treaties , and frequent cessations . but the great god of heaven , and protector of the innocent , who hath hitherto frustrated the grand plot of our adversaries , intended for the extirpation of our nation and religion , by stirring up a warre in england , to divert their fiendly fury , & revenge the spilling of so much innocent bloud , as hath beene here unhumanly shed , may ( and doubtlesse will ) convert their present machinations on themselves . the foxe is oft taken by his too much cunning and wilynesse , when one good plaine way of leaping into the tree , still saves the cat . did not the state here cause all the corne in the pale to be destroyed and burned , the poore labouring men to be murdered , and so tillage to be almost quite banished , thereby to starve the inhabitants ? which , without doubt had famished themselves were it not for the cessation in september 1643. via plana , via sana ▪ t' is to be feared , that these winding wyles and halting policies may betray and loose his majesty all his protestant party , so ready to slip after good successe , whilest the parliament shall winne more stedfast footing in north-vvales over against our coasts & harbours , whereby they may prevent the timely transportation of our ayde . it is dangerous to let a disease runne too farre , and a patient to worke and trust too much to the strength of his nature , least all helps of physicke come too late . you say , it is good to beare the scots and other round-heads in hand , till you be assured of the confederates . you hover then in your resolutions of adhering to his majesty , and you falter in your fidelity , seeing you hold correspondence with his professed enemies , and oppose and reject those , who ( you know in your consciences , whereto i appeale ) are his majesties best and truest subjects , though they may not yeeld to such conditions of peace , as you would put on them , without perpetuall slavery , infamy , and danger of being one day massacred . you presume top much on the friendship and allyance some of your great ones have amongst us , which you are best beware how you squise and wier-drawe too farre , least you force us to forget all relations of bloud , and tyes of friendship , whereto religion and countrey must be preferred . vnnaturall suits and quarrels , prove still the most dangerous , and least capable of reconciliation . let not any thinke to rayse or endeere themselves to his majesty by extraordinary services , in forcing the harder conditions on their countrey , for they shall thereby lose his majesty more hearts , then gayne heads and hands for his assistance , while you presse too much their persons and consciences , and grate too deeply on their estates and purses , they having ever beene and still are too free and willing of themselves , to supply his majesties necessities , to support his glory and prerogatives , and advance his service : though i may with a sigh , say , they have beene evermore most unfortunat ▪ in sharing any part of the thankes of all their benevolous actions and large contributions from time to time , which the governors of this kingdome did still snatch and arrogat to themselves , by magnifying their owne endevours and labours , interposed betweene the king and his people ; as lately did the lord of strafford , who engrossed all the honour and thankes of our profuse subsidies , and ingenuous willingnesse to his majesties service , to himselfe ; which may be a sufficient precaution to us ; and his fall from the stage , by over-acting his part , a lively president to all others , for eviting such a tragicall end , which is commonly the epilogue of all politicke playes . let therfore all such , as act those eminent partes of kings or princes on the theater of the common-weale , enter into themselves , and consider , that albeit they personat princes , yet they are none , but fellow-players of the globe or fortune , and consequently , both they and their posterity , subject to such inconveniences and pressures , as they , by overmuch affectation of applause , or other falter , shall have drawen on the rest of the company . so as , when the play is done , those momentall glorious kings , may perhaps for ever after , be driven to act the clowne , exull or pilgrim , aswell as the meanest of their companions , which god avert from all well meaning servitures , whose sincere intentions and radiant candour , will in fine ( i hope ) shine thorough the the thick est of these egyptiacall cloudes , which hang over our hemisphere , and disperse all malignant vapours and vipers , which will vanish thoroughout the kingdome , like false apparitions or specters , upon a true vnion & understanding betweene the king and his people , wherto , may propitious heauen say , amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a40456e-90 quaer. 1. respons . add. add. add. add. add. vvhat followes , are the words of an approved english author . hetherto the foresaid author . ordered upon the question (nemine contradicente) that this house do agree to the report of their committee, containing their several objections against the bill, intituled, an act of free and general pardon, indempnity and oblivion ... by the knights, citizens, and burgesses assembled in parliament. ireland. parliament. 1666 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46046 wing i426aa estc r36840 16141296 ocm 16141296 104824 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46046) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104824) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:35) ordered upon the question (nemine contradicente) that this house do agree to the report of their committee, containing their several objections against the bill, intituled, an act of free and general pardon, indempnity and oblivion ... by the knights, citizens, and burgesses assembled in parliament. ireland. parliament. 1 broadside. printed by john crook ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1666. title from first 4 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "august the 3d 1666." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the knights , citizens and burgesses assembled in parliament . august the 3 d 1666. ordered upon question ( nemine contradicente ) that this house do agree to the report of their committee , containing their several objections against the bill , intituled , an act of free and general pardon , indempnity and oblivion ; and that the same be presented by richard reynells esq accompanied with the rest of the persons undernamed , or any five or more of them , to his grace the lord lieutenant , with the humble desires of this house , that his grace will be pleased to cause the said bill to be altered and amended , in the several particulars mentioned in the said report , and then to be transmitted into england , according to poynings law , and the said mr. reynells is likewise to acquaint his grace with such other reasons , as further induced this house to agree to the said objections : and inasmuch as the said bill cannot , for the grounds and reasons expressed in the said report , pass this present session ; and for that the house conceive it necessary , something should be published for the satisfaction of such persons , who are not yet indempnified , but would have been , in case the said bill had passed into a law , it is further ordered , that the said committee do likewise humbly desire his grace , that by an act of state , or otherwise , as his grace shall think fit , it may be declared , that no proceedings shall be had or made against any person or persons for any crimes or offences , which by the said bill they were to have been pardoned or indempnified for : the said committee are to attend his grace in this business tomorrow morning at eight of the clock . master of the rolls . sir hen. tichborn . lord annesley . capt. nicholl . sir hugh middleton . col. dillon . mr. meredith capt. evans . sir geo. lane. mr. weaver . dr. margetson . sir peter pett . sir george st. george . sir william petty . mr. bridges . sir dan. treswell . capt. colvill . phil. ferneley , cler. parl. dublin , printed by john crook , printer to the kings most excellent majestie , and are to be sold by samuel dancer in castlestreet . 1666. a letter from the right honourable arthur earl of anglesey lord privy-seal. in answer to his grace the duke of ormond's letter of november the 12th. 1681. about his lordships observations and reflections upon the earl of castle-haven's memoires concerning the rebellion of ireland. anglesey, arthur annesley, earl of, 1614-1686. 1682 approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2014-11 (eebo-tcp phase 2). b08371 wing a3172a estc r175461 64550867 ocm 64550867 184325 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. searching, reading, printing, or downloading eebo-tcp texts is reserved for the authorized users of these project partner institutions. permission must be granted for subsequent distribution, in print or electronically, of this eebo-tcp phase ii text, in whole or in part. early english books online text creation partnership. (eebo-tcp ; phase 2, no. b08371) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 184325) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2858:3) a letter from the right honourable arthur earl of anglesey lord privy-seal. in answer to his grace the duke of ormond's letter of november the 12th. 1681. about his lordships observations and reflections upon the earl of castle-haven's memoires concerning the rebellion of ireland. anglesey, arthur annesley, earl of, 1614-1686. [8] p. printed for n. p., london : mdclxxxii. [1682] reproduction of original in: cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng anglesey, arthur annesley, -earl of, 1614-1686. ormonde, james butler, -duke of, 1610-1688. castlehaven, james touchet, -earl of, 1617?-1684. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. ireland -history -17th century. 2013-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2013-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2013-07 john pas sampled and proofread 2013-07 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2014-03 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from the right honourable arthur earl of anglesey lord privy-seal . in answer to his grace the duke of ormond's letter of november the 12th . 1681. about his lordships observations and reflections upon the earl of castle-haven's memoires concerning the rebellion of ireland . london , printed for n. p. m.dc.lxxxii . a letter from the right honourable arthur earl of anglesey , &c. my lord , your graces of the 12th of november i received towards the end of that month , and was not a little surprized , after being threatned above a year with your graces answer to the observations and reflections on my lord castle-haven 's memoires , which your grace takes notice you had seen above a year before ; to find them only most satyrically burlesqued , and my intentions in the writing of them most unnaturally misinterpreted and misjudged , without giving instance of any one particular , which could so much transport your grace , or interest you to judge of a letter of mine to another , with so invective heat and mistake . your graces letter therefore consisting only of generals , i can no otherwise adapt my answer , ( after a most serious revision of my book upon this occasion ) but by giving the reverse of your graces strain'd and erroneous affirmatives by my plain and true negatives , till your grace shall administer occasion , by communicating the particular animadversions your grace hath been ( as i hear ) so long about . the reasons leading your grace to believe it impossible i could be the author of that discourse , i cannot admit , though they import a fair opinion of me ; and that in the beginning of your letter your grace had better thoughts than when your hand was in and heated . i do therefore absolutely deny that i affirm any matters of fact positively in that book , which are easily or authentically ( or at all ) to be disproved . or that from those matters of fact , grosly mistaken , it deduces consequences , raises inferences , and scatters glances injurious to the memory of the dead , and the honour of some living ; among which your grace finds your self worst treated . this being so , your graces unjust inferences from the time of its writing , and the misjudging the design of the author , give no countenance or occasion to your graces rhetorical character of the times , though i joyn in all , but the opinion your grace seems to have taken up that there is a plot , ( other than that of the papists ) to destroy the crown and church ; a discovery worthy the making , if your grace knows , and believes what you write ; but how i am concerned to have it mentioned to me , i know not , your grace can best tell what you intend to ●nsinuate thereby . these are your graces reasons why you were not wiling to believe that book to be of my composing ; yet you cannot leave me without a sting , in your expressing ●he hopes which succeeded them , viz. that some of the ●uborned libellers of the age had endeavoured to imi●ate me , and not i them . whether i should imitate suborned libellers , or they ●e , would be all one for my reputation ; because i were ●rosly criminal in the first , and must have been so be●re in your graces opinion , or they could not imitate me in the second : your grace will want instances in both , except this of your own making ; and therefore there must be some other reason why your grace did not believe ( if really you did not ) that discourse to be of my composure . but this admitted ●●r truth ( as it is undoubtedly ) , your grace in the next place calls the world to judge whether pen , ink and paper are not dangerous tools in my hands . i remember the times , when they were serviceable to the kings restoration , and constant service of the crown , or craved in aid by your grace , that you did not account them so ; and it is much to my safety that they are not so in your graces hands , though i find them as sharp there as in any mans alive . your grace being at length assured i was the author , your next care was to spend some thoughts to vindicate truth , the late king , your self , your actions and family , all reflected upon , and traduced ( as your grace is pleased to fancy ) by that pamphlet . but your grace had no cause to trouble your thoughts with such vindications , unless you could shew where in that book they are reflected upon and traduced , no such thing occurring to me ( upon the strictest revisal ) nor ever shall be objected to me with justice and truth . after your grace hath brought it to the coffee-houses , ( where i believe it never was till your grace prefered it to that office ) and where you have doomed it to expire , as writings of that nature and force use ( you say ) to do ( for which i shall not be at all concerned ) you rested without troubling your self or any body else with animadversions upon my mistakes , which your grace is pleased to say are so many and so obvious ( though you name none , nor do they occur to others ) that you wonder how i could fall into them . if your grace believe your self in this , you seem to have forgot the long time you spent in considering and animadverting upon that despicable pamphlet , with your labours whereon i was threatned by some of your graces relations for many months ; and your grace hath redeemed the delay , by the virulent general reflections you have now sent me , which yet i doubt not will evaporate or shrink to nothing , when your grace shall seek for instances to back them , whereof if you can find any , i claim in justice they may be sent me . your grace adds , that you have been in expectation that by this time my compleat history would have come forth ; wherein ( if you may judge by the pattern ) your grace saith , you have just cause to suspect , that neither the subject nor your self will be more justly dealt with than in that occasional essay ; and therefore offer me all the helps of authentick commissions , transactions and papers your grace is possessed of , whereof you inform me none hath more . this is an anticipating jealousie , which no man living can have ground for ; and when my history shall be compleated ( which is now delayed for those assistances your grace is so well able , and so freely offers to afford me ) tho' my weakness may be exposed , my integrity and impartiality shall appear , and your unjust suspicion will , i doubt not , cease , if truth may be welcome to you , and not accounted one of the dangerous instruments in my hand ; by which having incurred your anger and enmity in the first essay ; i have slender hopes to be more acceptable in the second ; though i resolve to hold to the first approved law of a good and faithful historian , which is , that he should not dare to say any thing that is false ; and that he dare not but say any thing that is true , that there be not so much as suspicion of favour or hatred in his writing . and this might give a supersedeas to your graces unseasonable appeal , before a gravamen ; though i never intended , by relating the truth of things past , to become a judge of your graces or any other mans actions , but barely res gestas narrare , for the information , correction , and instruction of this age and posterity . your grace desiring to know to what particular parts of my history i would have information , i shall at present only mention these . the intrigues of the cessation , and commissions for them and the two peaces of 1646. and 1648. forced upon the king by the rebellious irish. the grounds and transactions about depriving sir william parsons from being one of the lords justices , and then dismissing him , sir adam loftus vice-treasurer , sir john temple master of the rolls , sir robert meredith chancellor of the exchequer , &c. from the council-table . the mystery of glamorgan's peace , and his punishment . the several ungrateful expulsions of your grace by the confederate roman catholicks . the passages concerning the parliaments present of a jewel to your grace . the battels , reliefs , sieges , and chief encounters in your graces time . the proceedings between your grace and the roman catholick assembly of the clergy in 1666. with the commission for their sitting . the plot for surprizing the castle of dublin , in which warren and others were , with the examinations , and what offenders were executed , &c. and any thing else your grace judgeth of import to have conveyed to posterity . other parts of the history shall be proposed to your grace in my progress , and before i put my last hand to it , with a resolution , that though i may have been sometimes mistaken in judgment : yet as i never did promote the report of a matter of fact which i knew to be false , so i never would . which i am induced the rather to mention , because your grace saith , you had rather help to prevent , than to detect errors . my lord , your graces most humble servant anglesey . heart-sick, wounded england and ireland healed and saved now, not too good news to be true, by the appearance of an old man, a state-physitian, discovering all (or at least, very many) of its epidemical diseases, by prescribing and applying, not hurtful, poysonous, dear, forreign, french, fraudulent drugs, but wholesome, sound, cheap, faithful, domestick, english simples. peisley, jeremiah. 1687 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a53939 wing p1066c estc r217238 99828933 99828933 33366 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a53939) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 33366) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1933:13) heart-sick, wounded england and ireland healed and saved now, not too good news to be true, by the appearance of an old man, a state-physitian, discovering all (or at least, very many) of its epidemical diseases, by prescribing and applying, not hurtful, poysonous, dear, forreign, french, fraudulent drugs, but wholesome, sound, cheap, faithful, domestick, english simples. peisley, jeremiah. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for the author, london : 1689. a broadside recommending rational, protestant and scriptural solutions to england's political and social problems. signed: jeremiah peisley. copy catalogued closely trimmed. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng social problems -england -early works to 1800. great britain -social conditions -early works to 1800. ireland -social conditions -early works to 1800. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion heart-sick , wounded england and ireland healed and saved , now , not too good news to be true , by the appearance of an old man , a state-physitian , discovering all ( or at least , very many ) of its epidemical diseases , by prescribing and applying , not hurtful , poysonous , dear , forreign , french , fraudulent drugs , but wholesome , sound , cheap , faithful , domestick , english simples . containing certain proposals , viz. 1. the propagation of the gospel . 2. the ruine and suppression of sin , superstition , and popery . 3. the advancement of piety , vertue , and integrity . 4. the resurrection and revival of all , or most lawful trades , especially those two great ones , hvsbandry and weaving . wherein a way is shewed ; 1. how all the poor of england may be set on work , the parishes eased , and the poor more comfortably provided for than ever . 2. how dearness of provision , scarcity , especially a famine in england , may be prevented for ever . 3. how ill husbandry , idleness , and poverty , may be prevented for ever . 4. how all the lands in england may be far better improved for ever . 5. how the king's revenue may be increased many thousands per annum , and yet every individual house-keeper in england made richer five shillings per pound , in the use of one commodity every year , for ever . 6. the native commodities of england advanced , and yet the price of all manner necessary provision for the life of man far cheaper , viz. beef at a penny , mutton and pork at one penny half-penny per pound , in the dearest places of england , even london , for ever . 7. the preventing of breaking any more persons in england , either out of knavery or necessity , for ever . 8. the preventing any more rebellions in ireland by the irish , against the government of england , for ever . 9. the undermining of our english trade , and unlawful exporting our native commodities by forreigners out of england , for ever . 10. the making england a rich , fruitful , plentiful , and powerful countrey , preventing any more forreign invasion , and enabling the king of england to give laws ( especially by sea ) to the vniverse . 11. the numbers of poor wonderfully lessened , and the swarms of vermine that now live by thieving and cheating , banished for ever . 12. the conversations of men inspected , and yet their hearts in love united . lastly , the groans and sighs of poor , necessitous , and half-starved wives and children , put to an end in england for ever ; with many other great blessings coming on the nation , too numerous here to be incerted : plainly demonstrated by those three grand teachers of men and christians , scripture , reason , and experience . 1. by one who is by birth , a gentleman . 2. by countrey , oxfordshire . 3. by trade , a sword-cutler of london . 4. by habitation , a parishioner of st. leonard shorditch , in long-alley , next the ball in cross-dagger court : called , jeremiah peisley . is there no balm in giliad ? is there no physitian there ? why then is not the daughter of england healed ? i would have healed them , and they would not be healed . there was a poor man saved a great city , but no man remembred that poor man. can we find such a one as this is , in whom the spirit of god is ? forasmuch as god hath shewed three all this , therefore , &c. london , printed for the author , 1689. whereas several persons of wicked and restless spirits have industriously gone about to spread false news, and to promote malicious slanders and calumnies with an intention to raise divisions amongst his majesties good and loyal subjects of this kingdom ... by the lord deputy and council, tyrconnell. ireland. lords justices and council. 1688 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46169 wing i877 estc r443 13652767 ocm 13652767 100996 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46169) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100996) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 791:49) whereas several persons of wicked and restless spirits have industriously gone about to spread false news, and to promote malicious slanders and calumnies with an intention to raise divisions amongst his majesties good and loyal subjects of this kingdom ... by the lord deputy and council, tyrconnell. ireland. lords justices and council. tyrconnel, richard talbot, earl of, 1630-1691. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by andrew crook and samuel helsham : and reprinted at london by george croom ..., dublin : 1688. "given at the council-chamber in dublin, the 7th day of december, 1688." reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1660-1688 -sources. broadsides -ireland -dublin (dublin) -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion j 2r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord deputy and council . tyrconnell . whereas several persons of wicked and restless spirits have industriously gone about to spread false news , and to promote malicious slanders and calumnies , with an intention to raise divisions amongst his majesties good and loyal subjects of this kingdom . and whereas we the lord deputy and council , in order to suppress these unlawful and malicious practices , have by a late proclamation forewarned , and strictly commanded all his majesties subjects , that they should not presume by writing or speaking , to utter or publish any such false news or reports , thereby declaring that such as should offend therein , should be prosecuted according to the utmost rigor of the law. and though we have caused the said proclamation to be published in all the parts of this kingdom , and so might have justly expected a full compliance thereunto from all his majesties subjects , yet such is the perverse humour and continuing malice of some restless spirits , that in contempt of our said proclamation , and of the known laws of this realm , they make it their constant practice by writing & speaking , to publish and spread false news and reports , and their iniquity have so far prevailed upon them , that they have raised a most scandalous , impious , and false calumny and report , as if his majesty's protestant subjects here were to be massacred by his majesties roman catholick subjects of this kingdom ; which report was so industriously improved , as that not only an account thereof was sent into england and several there perswaded that a massacre was actually 〈…〉 upon many of his majesties protestant subjects ; but that several persons in this city , either out of fear and apprehension , or out of some evil design to disturb the peace , have met and assembled together at an unseasonable time of the night , in a riotous and warlike manner to the great terror of his majesties people ; and of the other hand , several other persons endowed with the same spirit , have maliciously and scandalously given out , as if his majesties roman-catholick subjects here were to be killed and massacred by his majesties protestant subjects of this realm . all which contrivances are set on foot in this time of invasion by factious and rebellious spirits , with an intention to prejudice his majesties affairs by raising and fomenting animosities between his majesties people . we the lord deputy and council in order to obviate the intended designs of such malitious contrivances and unjust practices do hereby recommend earnestly to all his majesties subjects of this kingdom , of what perswasion soever they be in point of religion , to rest assured of his majesties protection without the least apprehension : and that as the government for the time past hath taken effectual care for preserving his majesties peace within his realm in so for the time to come will take the like care to preserve and protest all his majesties subjects within this kingdom without any distinction , in their persons , liberty and properties while they continue steddy and firm in their duty and allegiance to his majesty , and do further in his majesties behalf conjure all his majesties subjects of this kingdom , to lay aside all manner of animosities and jelousies and cheerfully to unite together in the defence of his majesty and their country against all forreign invasion , and to look upon the spreaders of those malitious reports to be enemies to their king and country , and we do further strictly charge and command all his majesties subjects of this realm , that they presume not henceforth to meet at unseasonable times with fire arms in great numbers , or in a tumultuous manner to the terror of his majesties people , as they shall answer the same at their peril , we being resolved to take such measurs for the preservation of the peace of this kingdom as shall be thought needful upon such occasion : and we do also strictly command that the said former proclamation against the spreaders of false news and reports be put in due execution against all offenders in that kind according to the utmost rigor of the law , and we do hereby will and require all and every his majesties judges and justices of the peace , and all other his majesties magistrats and ministers in their several stations , that they take special care to have the laws put in due execution against all such as have offended or shall hereafter offend in the matters aforesaid . given at the council-chamber in dublin , the 7th . day of december 1688 . a. fytton , c. granard , p. roscomon , lymerick , gormanston , mountjoy , bellewe , j. macartie , t. newgent , john keating , stephen rice , john davys , d. daly , tho. newcomen , n. poursell . god save the king . dublin , printed by andrew crook and samuel helsham : and re-printed at london , by george croom , at the blue-ball in thames-street . 1688. the irish hubbub, or, the english hue and crie briefly pursuing the base conditions, and most notorious offences of the vile, vaine, and wicked age, no lesse smarting then tickling : a merriment whereby to make the wise to laugh, and fooles to be angry / by barnaby rich ... rich, barnabe, 1540?-1617. 1618 approx. 148 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 34 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a10706 stc 20989.7 estc s123522 34382737 ocm 34382737 29069 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10706) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 29069) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1903:7) the irish hubbub, or, the english hue and crie briefly pursuing the base conditions, and most notorious offences of the vile, vaine, and wicked age, no lesse smarting then tickling : a merriment whereby to make the wise to laugh, and fooles to be angry / by barnaby rich ... rich, barnabe, 1540?-1617. [6], 61 p. printed for iohn marriot, and are to sold at his shop at the white flower-de-luce neere fetter-lane end in fleet-street, london : 1618. has inserted dedication and verse, dated 22 jan. 1654. signatures: a-h⁴, i². reproduction of original in: magdalene college (university of cambridge). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first 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illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -social life and customs. ireland -social life and customs. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-06 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the irish hvbbvb or , the english hve and crie . breifely pvrsving the base conditions , and most notorious offences of this vile , vaine , and wicked age . no lesse smarting then tickling . a merriment whereby to make the wise to laugh , and fooles to be angry . by barnaby rich gentleman , and seruant to the kings most excellent maiestie . mounted aloft vpon the worlds great stage . i stand to note the follies of this age. malui me diuitem esse , quàm vocari . london , printed for iohn marriot , and are to be sold at his shop at the white flower-de-luce neere fetter-lane end in fleet-street . 1618. to the right honovrable , sir oliver saint iohn knight , lord deputy of ireland . right honourable , for want of a better cloake , wherby to shelter these endeauours of my vntutored pen , i haue borrowed an irish mantle . i might haue clad them in a more glorious garment , i confesse that would haue made them more acceptable to the world , which graceth men now adayes more for their outward shew , then for their inward vertue : but this habit wherein i haue now suted them , carrieth no shew of pride , and is fittest for them to trauell in , that hauing first in all reuerent and dutifull manner presented themselues to your honourable view , and with like humblenesse againe besought your lordships fauourable pasport , and then to wander through the world , where they shall meet with men of diuers dispositions , who seeing them come out of ireland in this disguised manner , hoping to heare some strange newes , may entertaine them for a time , and howsoeuer their expectation bee answered , may suffer them to passe , some in respect of policie some in respect of pittie , and some in respect of pietie . the lines i send , are like flowers that be of sundry smells pleasing and displeasing , according to the diuersity of mens complexions : if they offend any , i am sure they bee such as doe know themselues to bee faultie : perhaps they may displease some that are accounted to bee worldly wise , but not any one at all that is truly reputed to be godly wise : and in this cause i would not sticke with marcus cato , to stand to the censure of my most deprauer titus gracchus . i haue grasped at abuse , yet vnder generalities , and haue aduentured at many matters , whereof some not altogether vnnecessary : amongst some others that be more serious , i haue mixed measurable mirth . i haue beene somewhat curious with the painter , to giue euery shape his perfect shadow : i haue presented all together to your honourable view , to the end that at your leisure they might serue you to laugh at ; for others , if they finde themselues agreeued , let them lump and lowre . they shall but shew themselues to haue guilty consciences . if my ability were answerable to my good will , my seruice to your honour would streatch farre : in the meane time , pleaseth it your lordship to accept of his good intent , that liueth to doe you what seruice hee may , and so will rest while he draweth breath . dublin the 24. of iune 1618. your lordships in all humble and dutifull affection , barnaby rich. to the reader . gentle-men , my custome is rather to lay mee downe to sleepe , then to sit idle : yet now to auoyd both , i haue betaken my selfe to my pen. and therfore if the matters that i write of , fall out to be but of a drowsie disposition , the wonder is not great . but hee that should keep a reckoning how hee spends his time , and would set downe an item for thus many weekes , for thus many daies spent in idlenesse ; and item again , for thus many houres , for thus many minutes consumed in sleepe ; the arethmetician that should cast vp the account , should finde the totall summe amount to iust nothing . if these lines therefore proue to bee any thing , they are better then either sleep or idlenesse . i haue meant them well ; and i hope i shall not need with the painter , that taking vpon him to picture forth the formes of sundry beasts , so vnperfectly performed them , that he was driuen to write ouer their heads , this is a lyon , this is an elephant , this is an vnicorne : but what i haue aimed at , i haue gone so neere the marke , that although not leuelling at any mans priuate person , yet so directly expressing the condition of the time , that there is none ( i thinke ) to contradict it . but we are growne so wise and sharp-sighted in reading other mens writings ; that those passages that are but meant and set downe in a generall manner , they will draw to such particular constructions , as the authour himselfe neuer so much as dreamt on . they can poison euery mans labours with their lookes , and of euery line they can make a libell . but thou that art not partiall in iudgement , nor doest , not beare a guilty conscience , iudge of these but as thou findest them true . and so farewell . to the discreet reader . these harmelesse lines , that haue none ill intent , i hope shall passe in mirth as they were meant : i bring no strained stuffe , that might induce a cloaked shift , or forge a coin'd excuse . what i intend , is but to make you sport , by telling truth , to please the wiser sort : truth is the marke that i haue aim'd at heere ; and i haue hit the white , and shot so neere , that no deprauing tongue , nor wrangling sprite can wrest awry , what i haue forg'd so right . for gald-backt iades that stand in doubt and dread of being rubb'd , let them forbeare to read . i wish these lines to their approoued wits , where reason rules , and wit with iudgement sits : where vertue guides , and wisdome swayes the minde , let these read on , and censure as they finde . and what it is that i haue aim'd at now , the wise may iudge ; for fooles i care not how . b. r. the irish hvbbvb ; or , the english hue and crie . that which in england we doe call the hue and crie , in ireland , they doe call the hubbub . the intent of it was at the first , that when any rebels or theeues came to doe any robbery in the countrey , they should then raise the crie ( which they call the hubbub ) therby to giue notice to the inhabitants round about , that they might combine and gather themselues together in a maine strength , either to rerouer any prey that the theeues or rebells had taken , or at the least to make resistance in their owne defence , and as much as in them did lie , to saue the countrey from any further spoile . this was the first institution of it , but they will now raise the hubbub vpon other sleight occasions . if a couple of drunkards doe chance to fall together by the eares . if a man being drunk , or howsoeuer otherwise distempered , doth fortune to strike his wife . if a master or mistresse do but beat a seruant that hath well deserued it , they will raise the hubbub . of these alarmes and outcries , we haue sometimes three or foure in a weeke , and that in dublin it selfe , among the base and rascall sort of people , and as these hubbubs are thus raised in cases of anger and discontent , so they vse to giue the hubbubs againe in matters of sport and merriment . and there is not a people vnder the face of heauen , that will sooner deride and mocke at any thing that is not in vse and custome among themselues , then the irish will doe . and as the irish are thus pleasantly conceited , to iest and to scoffe when they finde occasion , so they haue as great facilitie in weeping , as stanhurst a famous man amongst them , for his excellent learning ; for first he was a chonicler , then a poet , and after that he professed alchymie , and now he is become a massing priest . this stanhurst in his historie of ireland , maketh this report of his countrey-men : they follow the dead corps to the ground , with howling and barbarous out-cries , pittifull in appearance , whereof ( as he supposeth ) grew this prouerb , to weep irish . my selfe am partly of his opinion , that ( indeed ) to weepe irish , is to weepe at pleasure , without either cause or greefe , when it is an vsuall matter amongst them , vpon the buriall of their dead , to hire a company of women , that for some small recompence giuen them , they will follow the corps , and furnish out the cry ( as master stanhurst hath said ) with such howling and barbarous outcries , that hee that should but heare them , and did not know the ceremony , would rather thinke they did sing then weep . such a brutish kinde of lamentation , as in the iudgement of any man that should but heare , and did not know their custome , would thinke it to bee some prodigious presagement , prognosticating some vnluckie or ill successe , as they vse to attribute to the howling of doggs , to the croaking of rauens , and the shrieking of owles , fitter for infidels and barbarians , then to bee in vse and custome among christians . and yet in dublin it selfe , there is not a corps carried to the buriall , which is not followed with this kinde of mourners , which you shall heare by their howling and their hollowing , but neuer see them to shed any teares . and from hence i thinke indeed ariseth the prouerb , to weep irish . so that it appeares , how the irish haue wit and discretion , both to weep when they list , and to laugh at their pleasure . and i am glad of it : for i will make a little bold to borrow some of their agilitie ; yet not to weepe without a cause , for that were right to weepe irish ; but to laugh , and to giue the hubbub , when i see a cause , and neither to forbeare irish nor english . for we daily see the pride , the drunkennesse , the swearing , the bawdery , the bribery , the popery , all the most lewd and idle vices : the beastly and diuellish fashions the one doth vse , the other doth imitate ; wherefore then should i not let them see themselues , and their abominations , that so they may amend . if not , yet to let the honest plaine men view their follies , that so he may laugh at their fooleries . doth not this deserue the hubbub to see vgly vice doth beare the name of seemely vertue , and drunkennesse reputed good fellowship , murther called manhood , lechery named honest loue , impudency good audacitie , pride they call decency , and wretched misery they call good husbandry , hypocrisie they call sinceritie , and flattery doth beare the name of eloquence , truth and veritie , and that which in former ages was called flat knauery , passeth by the name of wit and policie . if i should weepe for any thing , it should bee for some madde conceited greefe : like the woman , that when her husband was hanged on the fore-noone , shee fell a weeping in the after-noone , and did lament with such vehement shewes of sorrow , that her neighbours comming about her , began to exhort her to patience , telling her that shee was not the first woman that had had husband hanged , and although the manner of his death was somewhat disgracefull to the world , yet they wisht her to play a wise womans part , and not to take such greefe whereby to hurt her selfe for that which could not now be holpen : true , true indeed , answered this sorrowfull woman , it cannot now be holpen , and i would be loath to hurt my selfe by playing too much the foole ; neither doe i take this greefe * for that my husband was hanged , but for that he was not hanged in a cleane shirt : if his linnen had bin cleanly about him , his hanging would neuer haue greeued me . but me thinks if our women in this age were but halfe so kinde to their husbands as this poore woman shewed her selfe to be , that woman might weepe with great greefe and anguish , that had not her husband hanged , and not onely in a cleane shirt on his backe , but likewise with a yellow starcht band about his necke . for yellow bands are become so common , to euery young giddy-headed gallant , and light heeld mistresse , that me thinks a man should not hardly be hanged without a yellow band , a fashion so much in vse with the vaine fantasticke fooles of this age , for i neuer see , or heard a wise man that did vse this base and lewd fashion . the lamentable teares of heraclitus , bemoaning the vanities of his time , were now out of season , who would regard them ? i thinke it therefore better to laugh with democritus ; for a litle mirth ( they say ) is worth a great deale of sorrow . but i thinke there be some will be angry if they be laughed at ; and howsoeuer they incline themselues to follow the fooles fashion , yet they will not be mockt . but i will come ouer these fellowes with a prouerbe that many yeeres agoe i brought out of france , and thus followes the text : he that will make himselfe a sheepe , it is no matter though the wolues doe eat him : and why should it not likewise follow , he that will make himselfe a foole , it is no matter who laughs at him . i cannot thinke that since the first creation the world euer afforded so many monsters of men , nor so few modest women , as at this present age . and he that writes with an vpright conscience , must not flatter : and hee that doth behold the deformed vanities that are euery day hatched vp , and brought to be in fashion , both in the court , citie , and countrey , as well in england as ireland , cannot chuse but laugh . now if any one be angry at my plaine speeches , i know he wants either wit or honestie , and then it shall but augment my sport , and make mee to laugh the faster : for i am sure there is no man that is not an enemy to his owne discretion , but will thinke i haue spoken truth ; and there is no good man but will approue what is lust : for fooles i care not . now for women , i know there be a number as well of old as young , that are both wise and vertuous , that knowing themselues to be free from all detection , will neuer be offended with my honest meaning : and as i loue and honour those that be good , so i neuer ment to please those that bee proud and lewdly giuen . if i be offensiue to any queazie stomacke , it rather proceedeth from some distempered humors in the party so offended , in that he knoweth himselfe to be guilty of these crimes , and so may thinke i point him out for a foole , then of any fault of mine . may we not a litle scoffe at those , that doe nothing else themselues but make a scoffe at vertue ? is not the world come to that passe , that men doe rather glory in their sinnes , then either seeke to reforme , or to shew any signes of sorrow or amendment ? name mee but the drunkard , that ouer night hath bin carried like a beast to his bed , that is ashamed of it the next morning , but is rather ready to laught at it , and to fall to his draffe againe afresh . is it not so with the adulterer , that doth take greater pleasure in the vaunting of his adulteries , then he did in the acting ? looke amongst all sorts of sinners : doe they not reioyce in their abominations , and make themselues merry with their owne iniquities ? is not the man that feareth god become a laughing stock to those vassals of vice and villanie ? the proud peacocke , he lookes asquint at him that doth not shine in silke , and glister all in gold . the drunken swad , he makes a wry mouth at him that will not be once a weeke drunke for good fellowship . the blasphemous wretch accounts him for a mecocke that cannot sweare voluntary , and lash out for euery word an oath . the vicious lecher will call him puritan , that will not beare him company to a bawdy house . the knowne harlot , that liues in daily adultery , will not sticke to shoulder the honest woman , that was neuer detected , and will striue with her for place and precedence . vice doth so guard it selfe by tyrannie , that no body dares open his lips to reprehend it . marke but the vicious courtier , how he flatters , sweares , and forsweares , and damnes himselfe to the diuell , to please the eye of greatnesse , tels false lies , and tales , to act any villanie , when murther shall accompany lust euen to poyson innocents . but god is iust , and doth reward them with shame here , and in death hell doth attend them . the great-ill-man hath discharged honesty for comming on his ground , and hopes to be lord of as much ground as a kite can flie ouer in a day . o rauen , for he dips his bill in poore mens blood . the vnmercifull vsurer and his broker fasten their long talents vpon the decayed borrower ; tell them of honesty , they terme you pragmaticall , and talke of nothing but thousands , as though they ment to spit shillings in the face of any that oppose them . the suttle lawyer that pleads in ill cases , sells silence , takes fees with both hands , and like an ill surgeon keepes the wound of his clyent greene , till hee hath emptied his purse . the deceitfull tradesman that keeps a good and a bad weight , because he hath a heart and a heart , holds honesty an enemy to this thrift ; because hee meaneth to bee vnreasonable rich , hee can bee content to bee vnmeasurable sinfull . the bold faced stage player that trades in poysoning all sorts and ages with verses reesed in the smoke of lust , and blasphemous scripture iests ; these and the like stinke in the presence of god , and one day god will send them all to him , whom in this life they serued . it is our sinnes then that haue raised the hubbub : the cry is vp , and it is become so loud and shrill , that it hath pierced the clouds , it hath aspired the heauens , and it hath approched the presence chamber of god. what is man that he should be thus prone ? he is vaine , fickle , weake , and wondrous arrogant : then to fret him , he is euer swaied with loue , lust , ambition , enmitie , compassion , ioy , iealousie , feare , hope , despaire , sadnesse , with hate , reuenge , auarice , choller , and cruelty . but i thanke god for it , i am not so madde , to thinke that i am able to terrifie those with my words , that the threatnings pronounced by gods own mouth cannot make afraid ; when our preachers may cry out till their throats be sore , denouncing gods vengeance against sinne and wickednesse , are rather derided than beleeued . what folly were it in mee then , to presume to induce those to the feare of god , that i thinke haue no regard neither to god , nor the deuill ; that doe liue as though there were neither reward in heauen for the iust , nor punishment in hell for the wicked ; that do demeane themselues , not as though they were ignorant of god , but as though they did do their vttermost to despight him ? the world is now too farre spent , to looke for either grace or goodnesse vpon the earth ; and the sinnes of this age are growne so proud , that they are past all reformation . were it not better for mee then to laugh than to weepe , and for companies sake to be merry , and to sport at their follies , that i thinke are priuiledged by letters patents from hell , to follow their owne lusts and pleasures , and to feede themselues fat for the diuels owne tooth ? what is become of our ancient bounty in house-keeping ? those whose ancestors liued in stately pallaces , like princes in their countrey , brauely attended by a number of proper men , now come and liue in the citie , where they are but inmates , rogues by statute : and my young master and his boy spend that which was wont to maintaine so many . what is the reason of this ? an ancient father of the church saith , mutant oues pro auibus , boues pro piscibus : they giue as much for a bird as their fathers for a fat weather ; and more for a fresh salmon , then they for a fat oxe : and how scant a portion of these dainties comes to the almes basket , all men may iudge . nay we may say they put all their fat beeues into their imbroydered and perfumed doublets , their fat sheepe into their skarlet slops , the eggs and flower that should make the good pies and pasties , into starch for their yellow bands ; all the smoke that should come forth of their chimneyes , is blowne out at their noses : finally , they make but a puffe of all their fathers left them . and now to begin my sport , i cannot chuse but giue the hubbub , when i meet so many of my young masters passing thorow the streets , attired so like strumpets , trickt vp in the harlots trimme , for all the world like a seamsters maide new come out of the royall exchange . mee thinks they should not sweare an oath but by gods daintie : they are not worthy to carry the name of men , that are so farre in loue with their owne deformities , as i thinke of my conscience , if the soules of the deceased might looke downe from the heauens to behold the things that are done here vpon the earth , there be a number of parents that would be ashamed to see the vanities of their owne children , how farre they are estranged , both in forme , fashion , and condition , from the discipline of vertue , and the precepts which they themselues had bin educated and trained vp in . our mindes are effeminated , our martiall exercises and disciplines of warre are turned into womanish pleasures and delights : our gallants thinke it better spend their lands and liuings in a whores lap , then their liues in a martiall field for the honour of their countrey . wee haue conuerted the coller of steele to a yellow-starched band , the launce to a tobacco-pipe , the arming-sword and gantlet to a paire of perfumed gloues ; wee are fitter for a coach then for a campe , and our young gallants are now become so wise in their owne conceits , that they will take vpon them to know all things , that doe not yet know themselues ; and that which in former ages would haue beene accounted for a noisome and a malapert kinde of sawcinesse , that they ascribe to proceede from the viuacitie and quicknesse of wit : but he that should behold their courting complements when they bee in company amongst women , could not chuse but laugh and giue the hubbub . they are so vaine to see to , so foolish in their words , and they haue so many distracted engines of action , as would sooner turne a wise womans stomacke , then winne her loue . parents doe well in being carefull to leaue their heires large reuenues , for the most in number amongst them would neuer be able to liue by their wits ; their greatest study is but to follow pride and pleasure ; and this is it that fills the world so full of fooles . gentle-men were wont to bring vp their heires in the knowledge of arts and literature , it now sufficeth if he can but write his owne name in a mercers booke , put his hand to an obligation , or to a bill of bargaine and sale , this is learning enough for a gentle-man in these dayes . nor i cannot see but that hee that would seeme to haue most knowledge , doth shew ( indeed ) to haue least grace , nor they let not ( so farre as i can perceiue ) for being the more learned , to be any whit the lesse foolish : the time hath beene a man would haue beene ashamed to haue begg'd a recompence , but for some speciall seruice performed for his prince or countrey : but now , for the drinking of an health , for the lighting of a tobacco-pipe , or for their laying of a scene , to act a peece of villany . we buy titles of honour with gold , that our predecessours purchased with vertue , and wherefore but to defile a dignity , to maintaine pride , and to seeke precedency ? the time hath beene , that the honours and dignities were giuen not to the rich , but to the honest ; and they were well punished , that would seeke by money to oppresse vertue , that would first seeke by oppression , by extortion , and by the ruines of the common-wealth , to gather riches , and then ( distrusting their owne vertues ) haue no other means , whereby to aduance themselues , and to take place of those that were their betters borne , but by corruption and giuing rewards . it hath euer beene a thing detested amongst the multitude , to see an vnworthy person , that either enclined to pride , to couetousnesse , to oppression , or to such other like , to bee aduanced , either to honour or dignity . their high titles may sometimes augment their reputatations , sildome times either to mend their manners , or to benefit the common-wealth ; yea , we must needs confesse them to be honestly come by , that are so dearely and truely paid for , but yet all things well considered , it is but money ill laid out to purchase a dignity , whereby to run the buyer into infamie , and endlesse miserie . i will not meddle with the nobilitie of this age , that are well knowne to be nobly descended , as well from ancient as from honourable families , yet there haue been some others , that would faine haue runne currant for six shillings eight pence sterling , that if they had beene brought to the ballance , would haue beene found too light by a great deale more then the common allowance of two graines ; but if they had beene tried by the touch , or brought to the test , we might haue sworne , that all was not gold that did glister . to be vertuous in this madd age were vaine , when vice is altogether graced ; i will raise the cry against the courtiers , but if i speake all that is true against the courts of princes , i shall be too tedious in my short suruay of abuses . only this , courtiers haue delight , not in vertue , but most of them in vice : what are they better for high bloud , high titles of honour , stately buildings , costly fare , rich raiment ? all their pleasures and dignities are but vanitie , vnlesse endued with the rich robe of vertue : by the steps of flattery , most courtiers learne to climb ; the courts of princes are giuen to fornication , adultery & rauishments , which are counted young courtiers sports : in court they oppresse vertue , honesty scorned , innocent men persecuted , ribalds preferred , presumptuous men fauoured , flattery aduanced : princes courts are like gardens , where one gathers vertue , the other plucks vice , one suckes honie , another drawes poyson . we doe read that in former ages , this insatiate desire of honour was so bridled and curbed , that these oppressing practises were well enough preuented , and so circumspectly looked into , that no ambitious person ( contrary to the rules of honestie ) should either by briberie , or anie other manner of corruption , aspire either to office or dignity . i could now laugh till my belly did ake , but for angring of my lady , to see so many madona 's percht vp , that we are not able to know a lady from a landresse , wee cannot distinguish betweene those women that bee of honour , from those that are but base in parentage , whose best bringing vp hath been in washing , in starching , in scraping of trenchers , in filling the pot , yet not crosse the streets but in a coach . she that treads vpon the ground , or walkes on foot but the length of a paire of butts , shee must haue a supporter , some lustie young stallion must lead her by the arme , or she cannot goe . now of mine honestie ( foole that i am to sweare ) when i my selfe was young , and should haue beene seene in such sort , to passe through the streets leading a young woman , they would haue thought i had beene conducting of her to some bawdy-house . but should i speake of women in generall ( i will not meddle with ladies of honour ) and i know amongst the rest , there bee a number as well of old as young , that are both wise and vertuous , who ( knowing themselues to be free from all detection ) will neuer bee offended with mee for speaking the truth , and as many vilde and vicious , both in court and countrey ; and as i loue and honour those women that bee good , so i neuer care to please those other that be ill . i know againe there be a number , that ( of my conscience ) are more honest then they themselues do make shew to be , that a man would thinke by their outward appearance , they had made port sale both of vertue and honestie , or what vertue or honestie they haue , they doe conceale ; but for their vices , they are set open to shew . and doth not this deserue the hubbub , to see one of these old antiquities , i meane a ladie that is so far spent in yeeres , that shee is readie for the graue , and more wisdome for her to prouide her selfe a winding sheet , then to sute her selfe in coloured silkes , in gawdy attires , to couer her hoarie scalp , with a curll'd-perewig , and to looke out euery day for new fashions . wheh i see such a beldame ( that is past child bearing ) to be thus youthfully disposed , it puts me in minde of the prouerb , that our old horse would haue a new saddle . and what is become of that modesty that was wont to be amongst young women , when maidens do now grow faster into impudency and audacious boldnesse , then they doe into yeeres or vertuous endeauours ; when she , that as well in her apparrell as in her behauiour , doth shew her selfe to be now masculine , doth then thinke her selfe to be most in fashion . are not our young women , in this age , trained vp from their very infancy , to be as bold , as insolent , and as shamelesse , as either ruffian or roaring boy ? if they be once past fifteene yeeres of age , if their parents will not giue them husbands , they will prouide themselues of paramours . giue me leaue a little to tell you of the first institution of roaring , because there is such a number of that braue rabble-rowt in euerie citie , and almost in euerie countrey-towne . the first roaring was at the tower by roaring-meg the great ordnance , for they sluft her breech with venemous powder , and set fire to her touch hole , and she roar'd . and then the lyons being so neere , they roar'd . and then the beares of parish garden hearing the lyons , they began to roare . and the boyes comming to see the beares , they learned . and euer since their hath beene a company of roaring-boyes . they were wont to bee brougt vp in honest and vertuous exercises , now in wanton idlenesse , in impudent and immodest boldnesse . she that is tongued like a lawyer in the tearme-time , that neuer speakes but for profit , she that can dance a synque-paace aboue ground , so lofty that a man may see her silken garter : she that can both laugh and weep irish : she that can sing come tit me , come tat me : she that can play ladies loue lusty lads , on the voyall de gambo : shee that hath beene brought vp in the knowledge of tongues , and can speake good ram alley : she that can learne fastest to forget shame , why , this is a minion for a mans tooth ; shee is fit to bee made a childe-bearing woman : there is nothing so much endeauoured amongst women , as to blaze and set forth their beauties , and to this purpose they haue deuised many artificiall helps to set it forth . and because to haue many louers to be still hanging about them , which they suppose to bee a testimony of this their borrowed beauty ( the rather to intice and draw them in ) they runne into behauiours of little modesty . what a number of knights , and gentlemens sons in this age , are drawn in by these base and vile strumpets , to spend both body and goods , lands and liues , to please and satisfie his honest whore , that must haue her face painted , her haire powdred , her locks curled , her silke petticoat embrodered with gold , her gownes of cloth of siluer , cloth of gold , and the yellow band and feather , with diuers other dainty deuices : so strangely deformed , the diuell can hardly inuent the like : so demeaning themselues with such wanton countenances and shamelesse gestures , that they doe manifestly make offer ( and sometimes doe giue themselues for a prey ) to those men that are of a base and vicious disposition , that will accept and ioyne issue with them , till they beginne to long for greene plummes , and then they will as quickly abhorre them , as they made shew suddenly to loue them , and then he leaues her fit to serue a brothell-house , vnlesse some base-minded groome ( as i know some such there bee ) will take her for a wife , and can bee contented to liue by his wiues bringings in ; and these be they that doe help to replenish the world with harlots and common tweakes . she that hath born a bastard to a man of note , * she thinks it to bee no blemish at all to her reputation ; nay , she thinkes the better of her selfe . i remember i haue read in a french history of a duke of guyse , that was well knowen to keepe monsieur granduyles wife , who was a gentleman of great estate , and likewise descended from an honourable family , who after hee was dead , there grew some question of his wiues children , whether they were legitimate and begotten by her husband , or bastards to the duke of guise , for so the most of them were supposed ; the eldest sonne protested with a vehement oath , that he had rather be accounted the noble duke of guyses bastard , then to be reputed cuckold granduyles sonne , and in this humor hee forsooke his inheritance , and left it to his younger brother . now ( of my conscience ) a number of our gallant girles in these daies be of the same disposition , they had rather be accounted an harlot to some great personage , then an honest mans wife . and all things considered , they are partly to bee excused , when such harlots shall bee better graced , then the woman that is honest , and my laydy will take her into her owne coach , when chastitie shall trudge on foot , and bee scoffed at . beauty that is ioyned with honesty is out of request , who doth regard it ? and a man were better to slander an honest woman , then to speake truth of an harlot . we may call a scold , a scold , and it may passe without any great perill : but we cannot call a whore , a whore , but with danger ; for if shee bee able to put on a silken outside , and to fee a proctor in the commissaries court , though shee bee a knowne strumpet by the report of all her neighbours , yet we must not call her whore , vnlesse we bee able to bring two other eye-witnesses : and she that is so open in her businesse , that shee will haue two or three paire of eyes to looke vpon her , is fitter for a cart , then she is for a coach . well , blessing of his heart yet , that would say , thought was free : and when i see a woman haue a painted face , with a powdred periwig , her breasts laid open , her stomacke naked , almost downe to her nauell , to speake truly , i know not what to thinke ; but let her be as honest as shee list , these are but like tauerne signes , that are hanged out but to call in customers , and they are indeede the fore-runners of adultery , vice , and villanie . and if shee be honest that thus setteth her selfe to the shew , yet it hath beene questioned , whether chastitie ioyned with vanitie , doth merit anie commendations or nay : but this is without all question , that this ouer-much affected follie doth liue with no lesse suspected honestie : she is but an ill huswise therefore of her owne credit , that will bring it into a vulgar construction : but as the mouth of wisdome hath auowed , that a wise married wife is her husbands glory , so it were much better for a mans owne credit , to marry a wise harlot , then a foolish honest woman : a wise harlot , that can shelter her escapes with such discretion , that the world shall neither see nor wonder at it ; then a foolish honest woman , who although she bee honest of her body , yet in her attire and outward shew , euery man doth thinke her to be an harlot . nature hath not ordained all women to bee wise , there must bee some vaine , if it bee but to fit the humors of those men that are no lesse fond then foolish . and as there be in women sundry kindes of allurements , so there be in men as many seuerall desires : for as some doe fancie those women that be gawdy and garish in their apparell , and therewithall so lauish of their eyes , words , and gestures , that they doe promise easily to be wonne , and doe giue a lustfull hope to the beholders : so another lusteth after her that can season her beauty with a sharpnesse of wit , and hath art and skill to hide a thousand crafts and subtleties , vnder a smooth tongue . some are seene to dote vpon those women , that can accompany their beauties with coy countenances , and scornefull words , that hideth not her thoughts , but carelesly speaketh what shee thinks . but the man that is wise , intirely loueth her that is honest , sober , modest , that so tempereth her selfe in all her demeanors , that vertue hath seemed to settle her selfe in her lookes and countenances , and that the graces are there heaped together like a pleasant posie , compact and made of many flowers , and that of the most faire and excellent in the garden : but where in gods name should a man go seeke for such a wife ? i thinke in moores eutopia or in terra incognita , an iland neuer found . or what is become of that age , when simple beauty without any helpe of painters art , was best beseeming an honest woman ? when bashfull modestie inclosed in a womans brest , was the best lure whereby to induce honorable reputation ? the diuell hath here set another snare to catch ladies and gentlewomen , which besides their costly clothes , they must not content themselues with good faces of gods making , but dainty painted faces , fit for painted apes : now they do paint with indian excrements , and besmeare themselues with iewish spittle , too base and vile to chaste honestie , that i do admire how ladies and gentlewomen can affect such loathsome stuffe . i thinke one were better salute the backside of an honest woman , then the artificiall face of one of these painted iezabels . they were then beloued of the wise , of the vertuous , of the learned ; but now by the vaine , by the lewd , and by those hermaphrodites that are not worthy the name of men , and therefore to speake truely , not worthy of honest wiues . would you know who was the first inventers of this painting the face , and brests ? it is said , an old bawd , whose beastly youth procured her a hatefull age , and shee resembling dame vgly , my lady hard-fauors chamber-maide , shee was ouer-ridden and surfeted , all the haire of her head fell off , her eyes were sunke into her head , her nose dependant long and slender downe to her chin , shee was mouthed like a plaice from the one eare to the other , her teeth rotten with sweet meats , and stinking yellow , her face and skin like the outside of rustie old bacon , and shee spits in her hands to make her moyst , her body , and leggs swelld with the dropsie as bigg as a mill-poste : this neat and curious peece of bawdry would needs be made new and fresh againe , like the blossomes of may ; hir doings and customers decayed failing , shee call'd to counsell three maine pillars of hir house , which was mistris whore the younger , mistris fructifier , and mistris tweake the elder , and when they had drunke each one a quart of burnt sacke , their wits were full ripe ; and then shee questioned with them how hir selfe the old may-pole of mischeife might be repaired , and they invented the art of woman painting for the face and brests , which to this day the women of that trade doe continually vse , and i am perswaded not any other , which how beastly , odious , and vgly it is , i leaue to all honest women to iudge . what should a vaine fantasticke do with a wise woman ? no , shee that hath her face painted with white and red , shee that hath her bands starched with blew and yellow , shee that in stead of a plume of feathers , can decke his coxcombe with a paire of hornes , shee that can sympathize with him in his owne folly , shee is fit for him , there is neither pot broken , nor water spilt betweene them , there will be a good accordance , it were pitty the banes should be forbidden . we were wont to say , it was a wise childe that did know the owne father , but now we may say , it is a wise father that doth know his owne childe . i protest , i do not know a dishonest woman in england , nor in ireland , of mine owne experience , but if we may giue credit to reports , or beleeue what they themselues doe make shew to be by their outward appearance , there were neuer so many , and the trade is become to be so vniuersall , that they cannot thriue the one by the other ; their gettings doe but serue to shift off the time , till they become to be some foure or fiue and thirty yeeres of age , & then if they do not turne bawd , they must either be turned into some hospitall , or end the rest of their life in a spittle . but this plenty of harlots hath done some good in the common-wealth , it hath much abated the price of bawdry ; for now a whoremonger may haue his pot of ale , his pipe of tobacco , and his pocky whore , and all for his three pence , and that almost in euery by-lane . a happy thing for poore knights , that the market is thus beaten downe ; for one of these high prizde harlots , that must haue her silken gownes , hir guarded petticoates , her embroydered smocks , her needle-worke edgings , hir powldred perywigs , and hir costly cates , she is able to vndoe a whole halfe dozen of knights , one after another . she will make him to spend his reuenues , to sell his land , to disinherit his posteritie , and his whole estate to be euermore doubtfull , and still in danger of burning . she will leaue him so weake in his purse , so feeble of his body , and so rotten in his bones , that the soueraignty of his tobacco will neuer be able to cure him . i cannot tell how i should passe ouer these matters without giuing the hubbub : but let vs now looke into the apparell that is vsed , and that as well by men , as by women . there is nothing whereby a man may more readily iudge of the inward disposition of the minde , then by the outward shew of apparell . our words , our behauiours , and our outward attires , they are all tongues to proclaime the inward disposition , either of men or women : for there is no doubt but that a phantasticall attire is a plaine confirmation of a phantasticke minde . but if i had as many mouthes , as argus had eyes , i should yet want words to expresse the foolerie of new fashions , the onely cloke whereby to patronize the franticke humors of this madding age , is the multitude of madde men that doth vse them , which now by custome are growne so familiar , being practised by the multitude , that if they were acted but by a few in number , i thinke that if they themselues did but stand by to behold them , they would account them to bee worse then madde , that did so much affect them : but yet in this deformitie of fashions , it is commonly seene , that wise-men doe sometimes follow fooles . but of all occupations , i will blesse my selfe from being a taylor , especially to any of those of the decayed order : for when the taylor hath spent his wits to fit him in the new fashion , which he must fetch from france , flanders , italy , spaine , and that he hath shewne his skill in cutting , pressing , printing , racing , garding , and stitching , yet he sweares he hath spoild his garment : and i cannot chuse but laugh , to thinke how the poore taylor must indure to bee call'd rogue , rascall , foole , asse , prick-louse , botcher , bungler , and to suffer the worshipfull knight sir giles goosecap , to rage , to raile , and to sweare that his garment is marred , hee hath cut it too long , too short , too wide , too streight , and he must be contented to indure all , and glad to get him home with his bill in his pocket , not daring to aske his money for a twelue-moneth after . for a womans taylor , the best way to please my lady , is to haue some interest in her chamber-maide . it would be tedious to set downe what meanes hath bin vsed to draw in money for the supply of wares , what great summes of money haue bin raised from the pride and excesse that hath bin vsed as well by men , as by women , in their garded garments , their coloured silkes , their gold and siluer lace , and their such other superfluities : if these exactions were now looked after , i thinke it would draw deepe , when cloth of gold is thought too simple , vnlesse it be ornified with some rich imbroydery , either of gold or pearle , for otherwise , he that his fathers best coat was but of home-spunne cloth , doth disdaine to weare it . pride is now become the mother of deuotion , for it driueth a number to church , that goe thither more to shew their brauery , and to seeke precedence , then they do to serue god. the sabboth day , which the almighty himself hath commanded especially to be kept holy , that day aboue all the rest is most prophaned , and god is more dishonoured with this monstrous sinne of pride vpon the sabboth day , then he was when lucifer was first depriued from the ioyes of heauen . if we keepe our dores shut vp during the time of the sermon , we thinke we haue done enough . and there is a prouident care had , ( if it were as carefully obserued ) that no victualler in the time of diuine seruice should retaine in his house any drinking or disordred company . doe but now finde me out the tauerne , the inne , or the alehouse , where god is more dishonoured on the sabboth day , then he is in the church it selfe , and then at that very time whilest the preacher is in the pulpit . looke but vpon the abhominable pride that is there to be seene , and thou wilt say , it is fitter to prophane the temple , then to doe god honour . the pride of this age is greater then euer it was , both in nobles , knights , and gentlemen , and as well in those that should giue good example , as teach precepts , in high and low , rich and poore , all sorts , all degrees , are excessiuely proud : and as it were in despight of religion , to attire and pranke vp our selues in that pompe and excessiue pride , as were fitter for a brothell-house , then for the house of god. i would not be thought to be too generall in my words , for god defend but there should be many good and godly disposed persons that doe frequent the church , that are no lesse zealously inclined then godly deuoted : yet hee that should duely consider of the excesse that is vsed in superfluous vanities , would rather iudge them to be the marks and monuments of a people that neuer heard of god , then to be in vse and custom amongst christians when they be seruing of their god. we goe to church indeed vpon the sabboth , and we say it is to seeke christ , but it is to seeke precedence , to dispute of dignities , to striue for places , to contend who shall goe before , and who shall follow after , and therefore to mocke christ rather then to seeke him . christ is to be sought in lowlinesse of heart and humblenesse of minde : we must seeke him in feare and trembling , in mourning garments , lamenting and bewayling our sins : and therefore let those counterfet hypocrites chuse whether they will be angry or pleased , for i will laugh at them , and giue them the hubbub too , that will say they goe to seeke christ in pride and presumption . we read in the holy scriptures of three wise-men that came to seeke christ , ( the papists would haue them to bee three kings ) but did they come in my pompe or pride to seeke him ? it is written , they gaue him gifts , gold , frankincense , and myrrh : and this ( in the opinion of most learned diuines ) was preordained by god himselfe to releeue the necessitie of ioseph and mary , who were then presently to flie into aegypt for the safetie of the childe iesvs , whom herod did seeke to murder . we doe read of zaccheus , that came to seeke christ , and he was driuen to climbe a figge tree , but to get a sight of him : the text saith he was rich , but his apparell could not be sumptuous , that was fit to climbe a tree . wee read againe of the virgin mary her selfe , that for three dayes together had sought christ , whom in the end shee found amongst the doctors in the temple : but doe you thinke she rode all this while in a coach , that shee went thus to seeke him ? christ himselfe came to seeke vs when we were lost , nay when we had lost ourselues , and were sold vnder sinne : but when he came to seeke vs , and to saue the world , did he shine in silke , or glister in gold ? how is this world changed ? we cannot now goe to seek christ , but we must be clad in silke , in sattin , in veluet , in cloth of siluer , in cloth of gold . euery vnworthy madam , that her mother hath trudged many a mile on foote to goe to market , shee cannot now goe to church but in a coach , if it be but the length of a bowling alley . the six dayes that god hath left vnto vs to follow our worldly businesses , wee mis-spend them with many foule abuses ; but the sabboth day , that we reserue onely to shew our pride . thus vnder pretence of going to church to serue god , we goe to church to mocke god , and our comming home from the sermon , doth rather shew vs to be returned from the celebration of those filthy ceremonies which in the old time were solemnized in rome to the honour of flora , then to come like christians with any signe of repentance , or shew in amendment of life . we go to church as we vse to take tobacco , more for custome and good companies sake , then for any good it doth vs. could we but now marke what passe this age of ours is growne vnto : this age of ours , i say , that doth make so great shew to professe christianitie : we are all now for pride and pleasure ; but let vs take heede , for pleasure is but the forerunner of misery and paine , and pride that hath depriued the angels from the ioyes of heauen , is now growne so stately , that she must haue her swindge , she will not be reproued . vertue cannot indure to be pent vp in the mindes either of men or women , that doe so far exceed and super abound in vanities . amongst those things that our ancestors did euer obserue as notes whereby to know a harlot , there was none more speciall then the gawdy and garish garments . salomon againe he setteth downe the bold audacious woman to be a bird of the same wing ; then what shall we say to her that carries all these marks about her , that is both light and vaine in her apparell , and that is both impudent and shamelesse in her demeanor : this woman hath lost her euidence , and she hath nothing to shew for her honesty . there is mention made of a canon , whereby it was ordained , that if a woman had passed through the streets attired like a harlot , howsoeuer shee had bin wronged by any man , or violently assailed , she should haue had no aduantage against him by law. but if that canon were now in force , our streets would neuer be without great quarrels ; for their damnable new invented fashions do shew themselues to be no lesse then monsters . mee thinks it were good therefore , and as well for men as for women , to determine with themselues how they would be accounted , and so to sute themselues in their apparell accordingly . let men shew themselues to be like men , that doe now shew themselues like women , to looke like maid-marrian in a morris-dance , fitter for a sempsters shop , then to fight for a countrey . our nicitie hath brought into obliuion , the examples left vnto vs by our ancestors , they vsed none of this tricking , and this trimming vp of themselues , this frizling of haire , this curling of lockes , this starching with blew , with yellow , and with all the colours in the rainebow , their best painting stuffe was dust well tempered with sweat , the true monument of trauell , of labour , of industry , and of action . now for women , she that powders her periwigs , she that paints hir face , she that layes open hir breasts , she that bespots her selfe with patches , and layes her selfe naked shamefull to thinke on , she that disguiseth and deformeth hir selfe euery day with new fashions , if this woman be honest , wherefore should she doe these things , vnlesse of purpose , because shee would be thought to be a harlot , but if the woman that doth thus disguise her selfe doth not want a litle honesty , i am sure shee wants a great deale of wit. these vanities of vanities , what are they else but the traps and traines of hell ? and whilst the body is thus pranked vp in pride , the poore soule goes thred bare , and being made play-fellow with the bodies wantonnesse , she neuer feeleth her owne euill , but that euill only which the body indureth . but alas how few are there now left to tell the vpright and plaine dealing of our ancestors , what care they had of the common good , how prouident they were to reforme these ouer-exceeding vanities ; but how few are there now that would either harken or regard it , or would either president or follow their examples ? or what shall become of after ages ? what example of goodnesse shall we leaue to our posteritie ? the younger sort can but learne by tradition , what they receiue by example from their elders : and what can they heare or see either at home or abroad , that is not altogether vaine and vnlawfull ? and besides the forwardnesse of their owne natures which still are ready to all impiety : they haue within doores the examples of their parents to encourage them , that do think the readiest way to preferre their children ( but especially their daughters ) is to bring them vp in insolency and impudent boldnesse . and how is it possible that the daughter should bee chaste , that is not able to number her mothers fooleries , nor to cast a true account of all her vanities , sometimes perhaps of her adulteries . if men and women should but degenerate from the rules of vertue , as fast the next age , as they haue done but within the compasse of our owne memories , they that should liue to see it , may bid adieu to all vertue and honesty . democritus made himselfe merry with the follies of his time , but hee could not haue halfe the sport to laugh at , that our age now affordeth : the sinnes of those times were but dull , dumpish , drowsie ; they were not halfe so quicke spirited as now , that are become to bee more capering , more actiue , more nimble , and farre exceeding in agilitie , ouer they were in former ages . when alexander kill'd his clytus , drunkennesse would rather haue drawne teares from heraclytus , then laughter from democrytus ; but it is now become to be more familiar , more conuersant , more sociable , and drunkennesse is now a continuall company-keeper in euery tauerne , in euery inne , and in euery ale-house . but the base bruits that doe frequent these places , are not worthy the laughing at , i will therefore goe seeke out better company . there is no feastings , no banquettings , no merry meetings , but if it be not solemnized with a company of drunken sots , that before they be ready to say grace after meat , if some of them be not carried away drunke to their beds , the cost is but cast away , it is not worthy to bee called a feast . in former ages , they had no conceits whereby to draw on drunkennesse , their best was , i drinke to you , and i pledge yee ; till at length some shallow witted drunkard found out the carowse , which shortly after was turned into an hearty draught : but now it is enioyned to the drinking of an health , an inuention of that worth and worthinesse , as it is pitty , the first founder was not hanged , that wee might haue found out his name in the ancient record of the hangmans register . the institution in drinking of an health , is full of ceremony , and obserued by tradition , as the papists doe their praying to saints . he that beginnes the health , hath his prescribed orders : first vncouering his head , hee takes a full cup in his hand , and setling his countenance with a graue aspect , hee craues for audience : silence being once obtained , hee beginnes to breath out the name , peraduenture of some honourable personage , that is worthy of a better regard , then to haue his name polluted at so vnfitting a time , amongst a company of drunkards : but his health is drunke to , and hee that pledgeth ▪ must likewise off with his cap , kisse his fingers , and bowing himselfe in signe of a reuerent acceptance ; when the leader sees his follower thus prepared , hee soups vp his broath , turnes the bottome of the cup vpward , and in ostentation of his dexteritie , giues the cup a phillip , to make it cry twango . and thus the first scene is acted . the cup being newly replenished to the breadth of an haire , he that is the pledger must now beginne his part , and thus it goes round thoughout the whole company , prouided alwayes by a canon set downe by the founder , there must be three at the least still vncouered , till the health hath had the full passage : which is no sooner ended , but another begins againe , and hee drinkes an health to his lady of little worth , or peraduenture to his lighe heell'd mistris . by these drunken deuices , god is dishonoured , and that loue which in those drunken fits they pretend to any man to bee detested and abhorred ; yea , the prayers that a drunkard maketh vnto god , are rather to be derided , then beleeued ; but the woman they would seeme to honour by drinking her health , is thereby dishonoured , disgraced and discredited ; for drunkards are sildome seene to reuerence any woman , either for her vertue , or for her honesty , but are more apt to slander those that neuer deserued it . let vs a little define drunkennesse . drunkennesse is a vice which stirreth vp lust , greefe , anger and madnesse , extinguisheth the memory , opinion and vnderstanding , maketh a man the picture of a beast , and twice a childe , because hee can neither stand nor speake . drunkennesse is the mother of outrages , the matter of fables , the root of crimes , the fountaine of vice , the intoxicator of the head , the quelling of the senses , the tempest of the tongue , the storme of the body , the shipwracke of chastitie , losse of time , voluntary madnesse , the filthinesse of manners , the disgrace of life the corruption of the soule ; if there were no more to bee spoken against it , me thinkes this should bee enough to deterre any christian heart from this beastly sinne . i would i had now a chaire with a backe and a soft cushion , that i might sit mee downe to laugh at the whore-master : but especially at him that they call senex fornicator , an old fishmonger , that many yeeres since ingrost the french pox , the which although he sometimes vsed to vent in secret amongst his friends ; yet hee will not so disfurnish himselfe , but that he will reserue sufficient for his owne store , and the rather to conceale his commodity in priuate , and would not haue it to be openly knowen , he shelters them vnder strange deuised titles ; sometimes he calls them the gowt , sometimes the sciatica , and thus disguising them vnder these false applyed names , he shamefully slandreth and belieth the pox . there be some others yet of a better disposition , that doe detest this fraudulent manner of dealing , that when they haue made some pretty shift to get the pox , they do set them forth to open shew , and finding them to be sociable , familiar and conuersant amongst knights and gentlemen , will grace them with a wrought night cap , yet not in any deceitfull manner , whereby to couzen his maiesties subiects , but will so lay them open to euerie mans view , that you shall see their true pictures in diuers parts of the face , but especially at the nose : he doth not so hide them , but you shall discerne them by his complexion , by his snuffling in his speech , his nose is commonly as flat as a bowling alley , by his very gate as hee passeth and repasseth by you . if a dogge doth chance to hit him ouer the shinns with his taile , he cries oh , and perhaps , raps out an oath or two . you shall neuer see him play any match at the foot-ball , or to win any wagers at running , or leaping ; he may somtimes dance the measures , but these carrantoes and scottish giggs are out of his element : heere is plaine dealing , and it should seeme these poxes are honestly come by , when they are not hidden , but are thus layd open to euery mans view . but soft and faire , let mee now pause a little , for it stands mee vpon to take good heede how i raise the crie against the blasphemer , hee that will snarle and swagger , as though hee meant to kill the olde one ; hee that will rumble out oathes like thunder or canon-shot , and will sometimes burst into such a vaine of swearing , as if hee meant to make the powers of heauen to shake and to tremble . they haue such excuses for their swearing ; first , it graceth their speech , & is an ornament to their phrase . secondly , it is a generall custome , the most part vse it , and few or none refraine it . thirdly , they doe it from no bad minde , no wicked intent . lastly , if they doe sweare , they are but small oathes , and therefore to bee borne withall ; but looke vnto it wicked blasphemer , if god be not mercifull , thou wilt finde none so little but deepe enough , none so light but heauy enough , none so small but great enough to send thee downe into hell . heere you may see what these damned for sworne diuells of hell pretend for their diuellish act of swearing . but i care not if i tell you a history , which was many yeers agoe written in a strange language , but now lately translated out of essex into english , and thus it followeth . there was sometimes a father that had three sonnes , who at the time of his death , bequested by his will his whole estate , aswell of lands , as likewise of goods and chattells , to that one of the three , that by reasonable demonstration could prooue himselfe to be most degenerate and declining , aswell from humanity , as from honestie . after the death of this well disposed parent , his three sonnes appointed a day of meeting , to determine of their fathers bequest , when comming together , the eldest brother in a short exordium deliuered his fathers determination , how hee had disposed his whole estate onely to him that could prooue himselfe the most dishonest , the which ( sayd hee ) i hope i shall neither need to spend many words , nor to bring better testimony , then what your selues doe know , and of your owne consciences will award in my behalfe . to speake then to the purpose : i am well knowen to you both , to be a common whore-master , that doe wholly encline my selfe to follow harlots , that doe spend , squander and consume my time ( day by day , and night after night ) my goods , my bodie , my life and my lands , in brothell-houses , amongst bawds and harlots , that are the very sincks of sinne ; yea , all i haue , or euer shall bee wotth , so dearely doe i loue these prostituted beastly queanes , that i cannot sleep quietly in my bed for thinking of them ; that as salomon hath sayd , doe carrie death and damnation about them : these be they that i haue so dedicated my selfe vnto , that neither the feare of god , the shame of the world , nor the admonition of friends is able to restraine me ; whom neither the loue of an honest wife , the naturall care of dutifull children , nor the sting of a guilty conscience , can any whit at all mollifie . tell me now , where shall you finde amongst men a villaine more stained and polluted with loathed filthines , or more to be detested then is the whore-monger ? if any of you two can shew your selues to be more degenerating from honesty or humanity , i yeeld vp my right , i make no further claime . the second brother being now to speake for himselfe , began in this manner : brother , i acknowledge all that you haue said to be true , and i confesse the whoremonger to be a most vicious villain amongst men : but you haue yet shot short of the mark you aimed at ; for you are not so much enclined to follow that filthy appetite of whoredome and adulterie , but i am as much and more addicted to base and beastly drunkennesse , base and beastly i may well tearme it , for there is nothing whereby to distinguish a man from a beast , but the vse of reason : for as man hath his being ▪ so hath a beast : man hath sense and feeling , beasts haue both : man hath life , beasts haue the like : but man hath the gift of reason , the only euidence he hath to shew that he is a man and not a beast . now a drunkard hath lost his euidence , for he hath neither the vse of reason , of wit , nor of honesty ; he is fit for no good companie , nor godly exercise amongst men ; and amongst beasts , he is more loathsome and filthy then is a hog , that amongst beasts that are filthy , is yet the most filthy . yea , there is nothing so pleasing vnto me as the pot & tobacco-pipe , which makes mee haue a great paunch , my face set with rich carbuncles , my nose pimpled like holly berries , there is no newes so welcome , so pleasing , as come shall we goe drinke , for a pot of old march-beere and a cup of sacke , will make my nose the riper : and this is my delight from day to weeke , and from weekes to yeeres , and heerein i take my whole delight . this ( i hope ) may then suffice , that although the whore-master be a creature that is most to be detested and abhorred amongst men , yet the common drunkard , being a beast , and no man , is most digressing , as well from the bounds of humanity , as from the rules of honesty : and therefore as our prouident father hath by his will determined , the inheritance must be mine . the younger brother , that was now lastly to speake , began in this manner : brother whoremaster , & brother drunkard , i haue heard the allegations that you haue hitherto alledged for your selues , and i haue had much adoe to forbeare swearing : yet thus farre i concurre with you both , that the whoremonger amongst men is the most vicious , and therefore the most to be abhorred and detested : and the drunkard i doe thinke indeed to be a filthy beast , not worthy to beare the name of a man : but if your owne positions be good , the inheritance is mine . but brother whoremaster , you thinke to carry away the prize , because you are the most loathed creature amongst men : and brother drunkard , you thinke to defeat mee , because you are the most filthy amongst beasts ; but i tell you in few words , and a little thing would make mee to sweare , the right is mine , and i will haue it , that am neither man nor beast , but a damned fiend of hell , a diuell incarnate , accursed by gods owne mouth . zownds , a common blasphemer is a creature more pernicious , then either man or beast . it is i that doe set that tongue , which by the right of creation should be the trumpet to sound forth the glorie of god , i doe make it the instrument to prophane and blaspheme his holy name ; to sweare by his wounds , and by his bloud , by his heart , by his guts , by his side , by his body , by his soule . can any diuell of hell shew himselfe to be more aduerse ? giue ouer therefore your further claimes , for the inheritance belongeth to me , it is i that am a bondslaue to the diuell , a fire brand of hell , a wretch that is most accursed , it is i that am all this , and therefore it is i that must inherit . thus farre my historie , and i thinke of my conscience this last of the three brethren had the best right to that his father had bequested , for amongst the sonnes of men , there is not a more accursed , then is the blasphemer . but now it is accounted a gentleman-like humor in him that can sweare ex tempore , for matters of no moment , and they say it is a signe of courage : but to speake the truth , it is a signe that hee is a reprobate wretch , forsaken of god , that doth vse it : and as his life is detestable , so his death will bee damnable . what swearing and forswearing againe amongst marchants , amongst shop-keepers , and amongst all manner of trades-men , in buying , in selling , in bargaining , in promise-making , and yet what little regard in the keeping of an oath ? we sweare by the liuing lord , by the power of god , the eternitie of god , the maiestie of god , the life , the death of god ; then we diuide our god , to rend him in sunder with whole volleyes of oathes , as his heart , his bloud , his flesh , his sides , his wounds , his hands , his nailes , his feet , his toes , and all the parts of his precious body : a wicked impudent age , that any people vnder the face of heauen should dare to presume thus to sweare and forsweare our selues , regarding not our oathes , hauing store of gods iust iudgements on such wicked blaspheming wretches daily set before our eyes for examples vnto vs , and wee regard them not , neither amend our sinfull liues . the turkes and infidells are more respectiue to obserue an oath that they doe make in the name of their mahomet , then we that be christians , when wee sweare by the name of the liuing god. our gallants haue deuised strange oathes , most fearefull to name , such as were neuer inuented , but by some damned forsworne fiend of hell ; and when they are at gaming , to heare them thunder forth these oathes , would make a christians heart to tremble . nay , he is thought to be but an vnthrift , that will not forge , faine , flatter , sweare and forsweare for his owne aduantage . the breaking of an oath that is made betweene party and party , is accounted to be no periurie : nay , whole millions of oathes that are vowed in the performance of promises , that are neuer kept , is accounted no dishonesty . if mens words , and deeds , and thoughts , did concurre in one , we should vndoe the lawyers , neither should we need so many scriueners to write obligations . i my selfe doe know a great number of men in the world , that are called honest men , yet i know but a very few ( if it were vpon a payment of money ) but i had rather take his bond , then his booke-oath . an vngracious age of ours this same , that if wee forbeare from doing euill , it is more for the feare of punishment , then for the loue of vertue . mens honesties are now measured by the subsidy-book ; he that is rich is honest , and the more a man doth abound in wealth , so much the more he doth exceed , and that as well in honesty , as in wit. hee that hath great friends , hath no faults ; but hee that is poore ( if he be honest ) i warrant him he will neuer be rich , for the time doth not serue for men to gather wealth by any honest precepts . we doe looke ascew at vertue , when vice shall be saluted with cap and curtesie ; and arts and sciences must now dance attendance , and waite vpon ignorance : and he that cannot sometimes grease a foole with praises , may ( peraduenture ) die wise , but neuer wealthy . we purchase lands , and we build vp houses with the ruines of the church , with the sinnes of the people , with the sweat of other mens browes , with periury , with bribery , with oppression , with extortion : it makes no matter how we get , nor how we liue , when at the time of our death , we may haue an epitaph , or a funerall sermon , when amongst a thousand sinnes that we haue committed , euen shamefull to bee spoken , yet if we haue done but one good deed be it neuer so litle , yet it shall be devulgated and extolde in a greater measure , then that of curtius , when he offered himself into the deuouring gulfe for the safety of his countrey : yet whilst we liue , we doe make shew to haue great regard to our good names , that haue no care at all to our consciences : we daily see the rich landlord doth grinde the faces of the poore tenants by cruell oppression , extortion , and miserable seruitude : for the poore tenant must be at command , vnder his most tyrannous landlord . this proud deformed wormes-meat , that whores , drinks , playes , sweares , and swaggers , that consumes body and soule , lands and life , nay hee will vndoe a whole hundred of honest poore men , to maintaine his detested and loathed appetite . but looke vnto it , thou whose guilty conscience doth tell thee thy faults are apparent , and god doth heare the cry of the poore , who daily heapeth curses vpon thy vicious soule , for thy cruelty too largely executed vpon them . but they are worthy to haue the hubbub , and to bee well laughed at , that cannot cut out their owne consciences , either litle or large , short or long , or of what size or fashion they list : they may learne of the wolfe , that being inioyned by his ghostly father to fast , and for foure & twenty houres to eat no more flesh then in his conscience did exceede the value of three halfe-pence ; the wolfe departing homeward , meeting with a sheepe and a lambe , valued the sheepe in his conscience to be worth a penny , and the lambe a halfe-penny , & so with a safe conscience he deuoured them both : and he that will liue in this world , and cannot learne of the wolfe to square out a large conscience , will neuer grow fat . it is but our owne denying or misdenying , that makes or marres the matter . a strong faith helps all : the lesson is not new , crede quod habes & habes , the preist taught it long ago to a yong scholler that came to borrow his horse . but it is a pretty thing this conscience , i confesse , and it is good for a man to carry about him , when he goes to church ; but he that doth vse it in faires or markets , will die a begger , sayes this wise world . i am moued with commiseration toward the poore country-man , that dwels too neere him that is rich , whom he shall finde to be so sharpe-sighted , that he shall reape no commoditie , but he will haue both an eye and a longing to it : and then if he be denyed , the poore man shall finde himselfe ill neighboured . would you haue a president ? i will not be curious : there was sometimes a poore farmer , who dwelling neere a gentleman , a iustice of peace , that would haue bought a yoke of oxen , which this farmer could not spare , and therfore vpon necessitie was driuen to make deniall ; wherevpon master iustice conceiued such displeasure , that after this repulse , the poore man found himselfe to bee continually crossed and disturbed , and from time to time , so many wayes wronged , that he came to this gentleman to seeke iustice , whom he found still to be rather supporting those that did oppresse him , then seeming any wayes to render him right : but perceiuing at the length the truth from whence it grew , in a submissiue manner he came to master iustice : why ( said the iustice ) do you thinke me to be your enemy ? alas ( said the farmer ) i do feele the smart of it , and am come in this humble manner to beseech your good will : why then ( said the iustice ) you see i can bite though i do not barke . i do see and feele it ( quoth the farmer ) but sir , if i had a dogge of that condition , i protest i would hang him as soone as i came home . there be many such curs in the world now in these daies , that can both bite and whine , many of them more regarded for the authority they beare , then for any goodnesse is in them : but i will now giue the hubbub to him that will buy an office : and yet i thinke the buying of an office , and the buying of a dignity are much alike , they are both attained vnto by corruption . and vertue betweene them is betrayed , and bought and sold for money ; but since offices hath bin set to sale , to quicunque vult , the prince and common-wealth hath bin the worse serued . the time hath bin when he that would seeke to buy an office , was thought vnworthy to beare an office , but the buying and selling of offices , and the giuing & taking of bribes , are two pernicious euils : and that common-wealth may be thought most blessed , where offices are giuen to the vertuous , but not sold to the rich , that doe seeke by their money but to oppresse vertue . there is not a more dangerous thing then to put an office into his hand that is both wise and wicked , or to arme him with power & authority that is of a couetous disposition ; the eye of wisdom , that in former ages would looke into these enormities , was very vigilant and carefull to preuent them , and prouided lawes , whereby to bridle ( not onely these ) but diuers other abuses , which from time to time were hatched vp . lycurgus made a law against drunkennesse , augustus caesar against pompous buildings , the lucanes against prodigality , the lacedemonians against excesse in apparell , the aegyptians against whoredome , the thebanes against negligent parents , that brought vp their children in idlenesse and insolency . and god be thanked for it , wee want no good lawes in england , whereby to restraine all manner of abuses ; but the examples of a godly life , in those that should minister the due execution of those lawes , would be more effectuall then the lawes themselues ; but some of them are rather inclined to their owne priuate profit , then the publique commodity , and can be contented to tolerate in others , those vices that themselues are addicted to . in the olde time they vsed to picture iustice blindfold , with a vaile before hir eyes , signifying , that iustice should not see the parties between whom shee was to distribute , but should performe hir office with equity and right , without any respect of persons , but now they haue put hir eyes quite out , and haue likewise made her deafe , she can neither heare nor see . i thinke they haue peckt out hir eyes with capons , that were wont to bee brought vnto hir by couples , and sometimes by halfe dozens : i cannot say how she should be come to be so deafe , vnlesse by the neighing of coach horses , or the rumbling of coaches : and iustice hath her eares many times poysoned with vngracious tales that be whispered vnto her : or how it comes to passe i know not , but blind & deafe they haue made hir , she can neither heare nor see the pride , the adultery , the drunkennesse , the bawdery , the bribery , the popery , the impiety , shee cannot see a recusant , a preist , a papist , a iesuite , our abhominations runne currant , without controulment , for alas iustice is bereaued the vse of her senses , shee can neither heare nor see . she can a little smell , and she can sometimes vent a horse , a hawke , a hogshead of wine , sugar , spice , flesh , fish , fowle , or any thing that comes vnder the name or title of a present . she cannot indure the name of a bribe , he that offers hir a bribe , she thinks him a foole , but for presents let them bring them till their backs do ake , she will make them more weary in giuing , then shee will be in taking . i would be glad to fortifie my speeches with some example , although not of the time present , yet of the time past , and i remember a matter that i thinke will serue my turne , i cannot set you downe the yeere of our lord , the day of the moneth , the certaine place or country , nor the names of the parties by whom it was acted , but true it is , and if reports may bee beleeued , and for a truth it hath passed many yeeres ago . there was sometimes ( in what countrey i know not ) but a magistrate there was , but amongst many controuersies that were depending before him , there was one had bin of that continuance , that the plaintiffe 〈◊〉 his better speed , bestowed a hogshead of choice wine vpon this magistrate for a present , whereof the defendant hauing gotten intelligence , to outwaigh his aduersaries hogshead of wine , he presented this magistrate with a very faire horse , which was likewise accepted and receiued : the plaintiffe vnderstanding of this horse thus giuen , began to despaire of his owne successe , thinking his hogshead of wine to be but lost , bethought himselfe yet to goe drinke some part of it , before it were all spent , and with this determination had himselfe to dinner to this magistrate , where diuers other guests being at the table , and tasting of this wine , which they felt to be good , they began to praise and commend it one to the other , onely this gentleman that had giuen it drunke apace amongst the rest , without any word speaking either in praise or dispraise , which the magistrate himselfe noting and marking , with a smiling countenance began to cheere vp his guest , saying vnto him , mee thinks i heare euery body praising my wine , but you your selfe ; you say nothing to it , i would heare you say it were good . the gentleman that had the horse still sticking in his stomacke , answered him in the best english he could speake , i sai● , ●●●d tooke to 〈◊〉 was 〈…〉 was makest 〈◊〉 a 〈…〉 . they all began to laugh at this gentleman 's to ad conceit , that did thinke a horse had bin drowned in the wine , but the magistrate that best vnderstood his english would moue no further speeches , but let the matter passe . how the gentleman sped after in his sute , i cannot tell ; for we see the world is come to that passe , that amongst those that doe follow sutes in law , he is commonly thought to haue most right , that is able to giue most money . for some lawyers cannot speake till their tongues be ript with gold , they had rather haue one eleuen shilling peece then all the angels in heauen . then is not this a miserable age , when money makes new law , not honest lawyers . we haue so many p●●●dous in these dayes , that can alter the case , and for their owne 〈◊〉 , will rule : money to set men at strife and variance , and hee s but a foolish lawyer , that cannot empty his clyents purse , before he end his sute . there is no law , be it neuer so legitimate or truely begotten , which with wrested glozes and subtle expositions they cannot bastardize . they are pugnantia inter se , there is no agreement amongst them , but what one confirmes to day , to morrow another will frustrate . and we haue as many petty-foggers , tramplers of the law , that doe much wrong the lawes of the land , that want both law , wit and honesty , that liue only by setting their neighbours together by the eares , and then they prey vpon the poore ignorant people , they are as bad in a common-wealth , as moths in a garment . there be some lawyers more wise then honest , they come vp to london with an empty capcase , and the clyent with a full capcase , but before the last returne of the terme , the money is all in the lawyers capcase , and in requitall he stuffes the clyents capcase with rotten papers : and this fellow is so conuersant with the diuell , that euery day he goes to hell to breakfast . there be many miracles assigned to saints , that ( they say ) are good for all diseases , they can giue sight to the blinde , make the deafe to heare , they can restore limbs that be cripled , and make the lame to goe vpright , they be good for horse , for swine , and many other beasts . and women are not without their shee saints , to whom they doe implore when they would haue children , and for a quick deliuerance when they be in labour . they haue saints to pray to , when they be greeued with a third day ague , when they be pained with the tooth-ach , or when they would be reuenged of their angry husbands . they haue saints , that be good amongst poultry , for chickins when they haue the pip , for geese when they doe fit , to haue a happy successe in goslings . and to be short , there is no disease , no sicknesse , no greefe , either amongst men or beasts , that hath not his physician among the saints : and this is the cause ( as may be supposed ) why physicians haue not so large commings in as lawyers : for there is no controuersie or sute in law , be it neuer so litle , neuer so iust , neuer so honest , that hath either hee-saint , or shee-saint to defend or befrend it : some will say , that it is a signe of a licentious common-wealth , where lawyers and physicians haue too great imployments ; and i thinke indeed , they are most happy , that haue least to do with any of them both . i will not meddle with our ministery , that i thinke of my conscience , were neuer more reuerently to be regarded then at this present , and that as well for their knowledge , as learning ; yet notwithstanding the sinceritie of hely , his proud sonnes deserued the hubbub : and there is nothing wherein some of our diuines may be so much detected , as in giuing so much way to their childrens pride . i had thought here to haue ended my discourse , and to haue woond vp my merriment with this old perclose , and thus i bid you hartily farewell , the winding vp of euery ordinary letter , but as i was dipping my pen to haue taken vp inke , i heard a muttering of mens voices , as they were passing through the streets , and looking out at a window , i saw foure young roaring boyes , that ( i thinke ) were new come from some ordinarie , the one with a coloured feather in his hat ; the other i marked well , had a long lowsie locke hung dangling by his eare , like a derry irish glybei : the third was in a yellow starcht band , that made him to looke as if he had bin troubled with the yellow iaundis : the fourth had a short sword , like that which we were wont to call an ale-house dagger , and that was trussed close to his side with a scarfe ; they were all foure in white bootes , and gilt spurres , and they were consulting as they went along , how they might spend the afternoone : the one gaue his verdict to go see a play : a second aduised rather to goe to tables or cards , two against two for a quart or two of sacke : the third thought it better , that they might goe recreate themselues a litle in a bawdy house : but the fourth sware a great oath , that if they would go with him , he would bring them to the best pipe of tobacco , that euer came out of the west indies . this was the man to whom they all assented , the very sound of a pipe of tobacco , made them all to run , as swine to the draffe , when they heare the maide begin to knocke vpon the end of the hogs trough . they say the welchmen came all running out of heauen , when they heard one without the gate , crying , gasse bobby , gasse bobby ; but i thinke our englishmen would run as fast into hell , if they did but heare a voice crying out , a pipe of tobacco . but away these gentlemen went together , and i began to wonder how a filthy stinking antidote could so bewitch men to forget themselues . in former ages , gentlemen and knights at their merry meetings were wont to spend the time in honest recreation ; sometimes in gaming , or other pleasant sporting ; sometimes in manly exercises , and indeuours of actiuitie ; sometimes in braue discoursings , in matters of wit and learning ; but how there is no musick pleasing , but the pot , and the tobacco pipe . o base conditioned time , is wit so farre spent amongst knights and gentlemen , that they can imploy it to no better indeuours , but to imitate that abuse , which is so common with euery ostler , with euery tapster , with euery tinker , with euery costermonger , with euery horse-boy : and to conclude , that is in such vse and custome with euery rogue and rascall . me thinks the very community should make knowne the vanity : for vertue was neuer knowne yet to be imbraced by the multitude . but they will say , there are both wise and learned , that do vse to take tobacco ; hey more , there are none will take it faster then some physicians , that be accounted most learned . and there be as wise and learned , that could neuer bee brought to meddle with it , and there be many wise men , that of my knowledge ( for the little good they haue found in it ) haue giuen it ouer : and for those physitians that will take tobacco so fast , they haue ( as other men ) many faults worse then that , vnffit for wise men to imitate , i will therefore make them no president , and physicians are commonly accounted to be so much the more learned , that can best flatter fooles in their folly . but i haue heard as wise , as learned , and as honest physicians as any be in england , that haue said tobacco hath both killed and shortned many men liues . but let vs goe to experience , 〈…〉 of former ages , as of this of ours at this present , that hath taught vs , and still doth teach vs , that those that neuer medled with tobacco , haue liued , and doe liue in more sound and perfect health , then those that take it fastest , but they will say there bee men of greater regard , then either physicians , gentlemen , or knights that will take tobacco , and therefore they are much to bee blamed , that will either write or speake against it . the greater the person is , tanta maius crimen , his example is the more hurtfull , and he is rather to bee pittied for his infirmity , then imitated for his dignitie . but if the example of greatnes may be a confirmation of matters to make them true or false , then i dare confidently prouounce tobacco to be the most vaine and idle toy , that euer was brought into vse and custome amongst men , when wee haue a president , of him that is not onely most great , but is likewise most wise , most learned , most worthy , most renowned ; yea , and most worthy thus to bee accounted , that hath euermore impugned , detested and abhorred tobacco . let them then giue ouer to vaunt of their wise and learned men , and let them take the folly to themselues , that like spiders , can draw poison to hurt themselues , that can bribe their owne wits to flatter their owne follies , that are carried away with the tempestuous whirle-windes of their own affections . humours and affections haue a great hand ouer vs , and they doe both place and displace reason at their pleasure , and where affection doth hold the seat and scepter in the castle of the minde , they may ges●e at many things , as they are led by opinion , but of very few according to truth : for where the heart is possest with any vehement affection , there reason is exempt from his proper office , and their iudgement may easily be mistaken , and there is no contending against them , amongst whom opinion is of such force , as reason is of no force . our sooty-mouthed tobacconists can candie poyson , and they doe so hugge their owne follies , that they are ready to turne all accidents into arguments , to fit their purpose . and this wee doe see by other experiments , that when men haue once besotted themselues vpon a folly , there is neither example of shame , nor perswasion of wit can make them to desist . would you haue an instance , for your better confirmation , it is not yet so long since this new-found-out foolery of yellow starcht bands were taken vp , but that it is within the compasse of our owne memories . and i could heere discouer the names of two seuerall persons that were noted to be the first that were seen with those bables about their neckes in the court of england , the one of them being openly reprehended for his folly , was likewise admonished to beware of gods iudgements , that doth neuer faile to attend on those new inuenters of vanities , that doth not onely addict themselues vnto monstrous pride , but by their abhominable example doth induce others to doe the like . and as it was presaged , so it came to passe ; for this gentle-man , vpon some occasion very shortly after being in france , was there brought to an vntimely death , and that by an extraordinarie accident . the other remaines at this houre a spectacle of gods heauy displeasure . yet the open exclamation that was made by turners wife at the houre of her death , in the place where shee was executed , cannot be hidden , when before the whole multitude that were there present , shee so bitterly protested against the vanitie of those yellow-starchtbands , that her outcryes ( as it was thought ) had taken such impression in the hearts of her hearers , that yellow starcht bands would haue beene ashamed ( for euer after to haue shewed themselues about the neckes , either of men that were wise , or of women that were honest ) but wee see our expectation hath failed vs , for they beganne euen then to bee more generall then they were before . i doe exceedingly admire these idle-headed young gallants , or ruffianly roaring-boyes , how they can walke the streets with one of these base , odious , vgly , beastly bands , this new diuellish inuented fashion , looking as though they had scaped from the diuell in hell , and there had scorched his band , where euerie one wonders to see this ape of fashion , and points at him for a foole in this lewd example . well honest countrey-women , i bring you good newes : i wish you now to looke vnto your selues ; if euer you intend to bee rich , now is the time : you know tobacco is in great trading ; but you shall be marchants , and only for egges : for whereas one pipe of tobacco will suffice three or foure men at once , now ten or twenty egges will hardly suffice to starch one of these yellow bands : a fashion that i thinke shortly will be as conuersant amongst taylors , tapsters , and tinkers , as now they haue brought tobacco . but a great magistrate , to disgrace it , enioyned the haugman of london to become one of that fraternitie , and to follow the fashion ; and the better to enable him , he bestowed of him some beneuolence to pay for his laundry : and who was now so briske with a yellow feather in his hat , and a yellow starcht band about his necke , walking in the streets of london , as was master hangman ? so that my young masters , that haue but sithence fallen into that trimme , they doe but imitate the hangmans president , the which how ridiculous a matter it is , i will leaue to themselues to thinke on . all that i haue endeauoured , is but to make good what i haue formerly auowed , that a foole will not bee-brought to leaue his bable , neither for the shame of the world , nor for the loue of vertue ; and of my conscience , if there were yet some other lobcoculus , that to shew his dexterity of wit , would leaue his yellow , and betake himselfe into greene , red , tawny , or to any other coloured manner of starching , he should haue followers , that would bring it into a fashion : this is a true prouerb , a yellow band and a greene wit. so that as of these yellow starcht bands , i thinke the like of tobacco , it was first brought into england by some man of little vertue , and afterwards brought into custome by those of lesse wit. but they say tobacco is physicall , it is medicinable , it is precious for all manner of diseases , and they doe attribute more vertue to their tobacco , then bellarmine doth to his pope . they say it will make a fat man leane , a leane man fat : he that hath fill'd his paunch till it be ready to burst , they say a pipe of tobacco will make him to disgest ; hee that wants meat to fill his hungry belly , a pipe of tobacco is as good a bait , as halfe a dozen of horse bread for a carriers horse ▪ it is like the shoo-makers leather , that if your boots be too strait , hee tells you it will reatch ; if too wide , hee tels you , it will shrinke . so tobacco , it is good for encrease , it is good for decrease , it is good to take before meat , it is good to take after meat , it is good to take betweene meales , it is good in the morning , it is good in the euening , it is good at mid-day , it is good at mid-night , it is good at all times , at all seasons , in the summer , in the winter , in the heat , in the cold , in the spring , in the fallt it is good for all complexions , for all constitutions , for old men , for young men , for all diseases , proceeding either from hot causes , from cold causes , from drie causes , from moist causes : a man may take it as often as he list , as much as he list , as little as hee list , at the change of the moone , at the full of the moone , at the waine of the moone ; vnder euery signe , vnder euery planer , vnder euery aspect , vnder euery climate . now if the soueraignty of tobacco be such , as these men would perswade , either physicians be dolts , that doe prescribe vs so many obseruations , or these be notable fooles that doe thus take it . but the conceit that is holden of tobacco , how precious it is against the french pox , may make some that doe feele themselues to be distempered , to be the more enclining to it . some other againe that be old fishmongers , and loue to follow the game , doe vse to fish those pooles where they know the pox are easily caught , doe therefore take tobacco , to preuent perills . but how vnwise art thou , that doest know thy selfe to be free from that loathed sicknesse , and wilt yet be sucking at the tobacco-pipe , that euery pockie companion hath be slauered before thee , whom wisemen haue euer shonned to drinke withall in one cup ? but let them be as free from that disease as they list , hee that is still sucking at the tobacco-pipe , must yet take the imputation vpon him , that doth seeme with such diligence to seeke out the remedy that is vsed for the cure . but i am not so madde to thinke that euery man that doth take tobacco , doth therefore take it because he feeles himselfe to be diseased ; for then if his maiesty had an imployment but of a small company of men that were healthfull and sound , they would hardly bee found out either in england or in ireland . but this i thinke , that the greatest number doth take tobacco more for matter of custome , then for matter of maladie . yet one thing i haue noted , ( marke it he that list ) the tobacconist that is obseruatiue , that prescribeth himselfe set times and houres to take his tobacco , at those times and houres by himselfe prefixed , will sooner omit his praiers to god , then not performe his owne prescribed ceremony in taking tobacco : hee that should bring one of these to the horse-market in smithfield , and there offer him to sell , he could not warrant him to be sound of winde and limb , but he must passe among the lades , that men doe vse to put away for some hidden infirmity . shall i craue your patience now , and but to speake truly , there is not any man that maketh a custome in taking tobacco , but he hath some defect either in body or in minde ; for hee that doth not take it for the cure of some infirmitie that he feeleth in his body , he hath both a defectiue and foolish mind , that is so ready euery day to choake himselfe with an indian smoake , so chargeable to his purse , and that without either constraint , cause , or necessity . heere i would now craue the censure of diuinitie , whether this idle vanity , taken with such excesse ( whereby the blessings of god are daily abused ) be not as hatefull a sinne , and as much offending god , as either drunkennesse or gluttonie ? i dare boldly pronounce , this excessiue taking of tobacco , not only to be foolish , but also to be vngodly , and therefore to bee despised , detested , and abhorred by men , that be either good or godly : and he that doth vse it , vnlesse vpon necessity , as hee shall bee constrained for the curing of some griefe or malady , is to be laughed at , and deserueth the hubbub . tobacco is like a popes bull , that papists doe thinke to be a good discharge of all the sinnes they can commit , from the meanest to the mainest , from the eating of an egge , to the murdering of a king. the tobacconist hath the like conceit of his trinidado , that he thinketh to be a good supersedeas for all diseases , from the aching of a tooth , to the french pox . the text that i haue taken in hand is but of smoake , and why should i vse any forcible battery against so vaine a vapour ? but especially to those that haue dedicated themselues to this idle vanity , that there is no sequestration , that either wit or reason can afford , is able to separate . i haue formerly sayd , that the first transportation of tobacco into england , was not performed by any man , that was either of worth , or of any great account : so againe , it neuer grew into credit with any wise or temperate spirits , but ( as it were ) by an inconsiderate and foolish affectation of nouelties , drawne from a people that are infidells and aliens to god , truely reputed to bee the verie refuse of the world . shall i now speake of the inconueniences that are drawne in by this immoderate taking of tobacco ? what reuerent tearmes might i then vse , whereby to expresse the vnciuill behauiours of old tobacconists ? whilest they are sucking at their tobacco-pipe , their slauering without regard of modesty , their spitting , their spawling , the vncleanlinesse of the sight , the loathsomnesse of the stincke . first , it is drawne in at the mouth , then it is snuffled out at the nose , whereby the aire is infected with such a loathsome fume , that those that bee standers by cannot draw their breath , but they must sucke downe some of that filthy vapour , that hath beene blowne out , if not through a pockie nostrill , yet ( for the most part ) through a snotty nose . and were it not as good manners for such an vnciuill chimny-nosed tobacconist , to spit in a mans face , as to puffe out his filthy vapor where it flies into a mans mouth ? i might yet speak of the idlenes , the drunkennes , the swearing , the swaggering , the blasphemings , & of many other like enormities , that are all drawne in by this insatiable taking of tobacco . amongst the rest , i cannot forget to commiserate poore distressed ladies and gentle-women , that among the creatures of gods making , are of the most delicate & pure constitution , that must subiect themselues to the base & barbarous customes of these rude and vnciuill tobacconists , that doth so pollute and perfume themselues with this loathsome and filthy stuffe , that a woman were as good to thrust her nose into a close stoole , as to smell the vnsauoury sent of her husbands stinking breath . if nature had made mee a woman , as she hath done a man , i cannot tell how i might haue prooued in honesty , but i would haue beene one of the coyest female creatures , that euer knit a paire of browes in anger , but especially to these tobacco-knights , i would haue banisht them my company , they might sometimes ( peraduenture ) haue talked with me before folkes , but i would haue blest my selfe from their further acquaintance . i haue talked so long of this filthy antidote , that it hath made mee almost forget my good manners . the time hath beene , when if we did speake of such loathsome stuffe , wee vsed to put a sir reuerence before , but wee forget our good orders : and the best is , i speake but to such as are vnmannerly in the taking of it , as i am in the speaking of it . let vs therefore set the hares head against the goose gyblets , if they will tax mee for my vnreuerent words , i will tax them for their vnciuill deeds . i remember a pretty iest of tobacco . that was this . a certaine welch-man comming newly to london , and beholding one to take tobacco , neuer seeing the like before , and not knowing the manner of it , but perceiuing him vent smoake so fast , and supposing his inward parts to be on fire : cried out , o ihesu , ihesu man , for the passion of cod hold , for by cods spludty snowts on fire , and hauing a bowle of beere in his hand , threw it at the others face to quench his smoking nose . if they grow angry , and will say i am a foole , i will laugh the faster , and will say , there are not onely but also : it is a good decorum for a man , to sute his words according to his subiect . i haue hitherto spent my breath but to smoke 〈◊〉 tobacconists , i will now conuert my speeches 〈…〉 be of wisdome and iudgement , to those that 〈…〉 away with their owne affections , but tha● 〈…〉 distinguish betweene good and euill , truth and 〈…〉 and vice : to them i say ; there is no man that doth vse to take tobacco , but he must take vpon him the imputation of some disease , or else hee must acknowledge himselfe to be a foole : for ( besides the chargeable expences , which drawes deep in his purse that plies it a pace ) who would endure the vnsauoury taste , the loathsome smell , the vnseemly sight , whilst they are in taking of it , but for the cure of some infirmity ? and by the rules of physicke , there is no cure to be vsed , but where there is cause : now what hidden vertue a smoakie vapour may haue for the curing of all diseases is much to be doubted , or why should we not rather suspect it to bee more hurtfull then helpfull . there needes no other probation but this : it is smoake , and i neuer heard that smoke was good for any thing , vnlesse to dry red herring . it is naught in the kitchin , it is worse in the chamber , but for this smoake of tobacco , the hatefulnesse of the smell doth argue the antipathie it hath against nature : now if the disease be but a cough , a colde , a rheume , a distillation , or some such other like slight infimity ( as the tobacconist will acknowledge none that be more loathsome ) the medicine then ( in euerie wise consideration ) is much more noysome then is the malady . i will not say but that tabacco may be medicinable for some diseases , and men that haue infirmities ( if they finde ease in it ) may take and vse it as an apothecaries drugge : but if all bee diseased that doe vse to take tobacco , god help england , it is wonderfully infected , and his maiestie hath but a few subiects that be healthfull in his whole dominions . but this excessiue and immoderate taking of it without necessity , is not onely a sinne before god , but a great shame in the sight of all good men , and there is no sinne that deserueth more bitterly to be reprehended , nor no shame that is more to bee mocked and scorned . and now to speake truely what it is that maketh mee so bitterly to inueigh against tobacco . if it would please the reader aduisedly to consider what a masse of money is yeerely blowne away in the tobacco pipe , what huge summes of treasure are consumed in smoke within his maiesties dominions , it would be found a matter sufficient to giue a yearely releefe to 2000. thousand poore people that doe now swarme in cities , townes , and countries , crying out but for a peece of bread to those that will spend pounds in their stinking tobacco , that will not giue two pence to those poore creatures that god himselfe hath recommended vnto vs to be comforted , cherished , and ●elecued . but we haue locked vp our doores , and barred out mercy , and we haue set open the broad gate to let in ambitious pompe , excessiue pride , and needlesse ryot : how sparing we be in that which god hath commanded , to giue vnto the poore ? how prodigall againe in the seruice of the diuell , to spend vpon tobacco ? he that giueth to the poore , putteth out for a large interest : god himselfe stands bound as well for the vse as for the principall . and he that thus lendeth , is sure to be repayed , not with ten in the hundred , but with a hundred for ten . how happy is he then that is open-handed to giue to the poore ? it is a small substance , that cannot afford some pittance , if it be but a mite , and he that can finde out a penny for a pipe of tobacco , might finde out some modicum to giue vnto the poore : and thrice accursed is that outward brauery , that is not accompanied with some inward pitty : and he which spendeth all in tobacco shall keepe nothing but rottennesse and smoake for his money . i would be loath now to shew my selfe ingratefull , to forget the place wherein i haue had so long residence , i meane the realme of ireland , from whence i learned first to giue the hubbub , & where i hope i shall find some assistance that will helpe to raise the cry , some vpon cause of merriment , some vpon cause of greife , some that will laugh full merrily , some that will weepe as bitterly , some perhaps that may weepe irish , but some againe that will weepe good english . amongst many occasions whereby the hubbub is raised in ireland , there is not any one more inducing at this present then that of pride , that within this sixteene or twenty yeeres is crept into ireland , and growne into that excesse , that the hubbub thereby is arreared , and that as well in mourning as in mirth . there is not a people vnder the face of heauen , that be of a more haughty & proud spirit then are the irish : proud mindes they haue euer had , but for any pride in their apparell , they neuer knew what it meant , till they learnt it from the english . it was a great dainties within these very few yeeres , euen amongst their greatest nobilitie , to see a cloake lined thorow with veluet , they were not acquainted with any great store of sattin suites , they did not glister in gold and siluer lace , they were not acquainted with a paire of silke stockings , they had no veluet saddles , nor the greatest number of them so much as a paire of bootes to draw on when they were to ride . for their ladies and gentlewomen ( euen those that were of the most great and honourable houses ) they little knew what belonged to this frizling , and this curling of haire : and for this lowsie commoditie of perywigs , they were not knowne to the ladies of ireland , they were not acquainted with these curling sticks , setting sticks , smoothing yrons , they knew not what to make of a picadilly , they neither vsed pouldring nor painting stuffe , they knew not what a coach meant , nor scarse a side saddle , till they learnt them from the english : the onely pride of the irish was in hospitality and good-house-keeping , in spending amongst their fellowes , and giuing entertainment . he that was a countryman ( euen of the meanest sort ) would haue beene ashamed to sell either corne , cattell , or any manner of victuall , but to spend it in his house . of all imputations , they could not indure to be reputed for churles , they thought it a greater defamation to be called a churle , then to be called a traytor . but it is our english brauery , that hath eaten vp our irelands hospitality ; for pride and hospitality could neuer yet dwell together vnder one roofe . it is pride that hath expelled charity , it hath conuerted our frugalitie into misery , our plenty into penury : they haue learned of the english , to breake vp house-keeping , to racke their rents , to oppresse their tenants , and all to maintaine pride . if i should speake of the enormitie in a particular manner , that within this sixteene or twenty yeeres hath bin hatched vp in ireland together with this pride , my wits would not serue me to set them downe as they deserue ; i will therefore imitate the painter , that was to figure forth the picture of the sorrowfull agamemnon , who wanting skill to expresse the dolorous aspect of his heauy countenance , drew a vaile ouer his face , leauing it to the discretion of the beholder , to conceiue by imagination of that greefe , which himselfe was not able with his pensill to manifest . we haue for these many yeeres , by a most gracious gouernment , inioyed the fruits of a most happy & quiet peace : but according to an old obseruation , peace brings plenty , plenty brings pride , and pride in the end is it that brings in penury . i will now a litle accompany the irish to giue the hubbub with them that do merrily laugh , to see some women that are but lately dropt out of an ale-house ; some that are but new crept out of a laundry ; and some that were scarse able to pay for the hyre of a carriers horse , to bring them from london to chester , that are now pranked vp in that pomp , in that pride , in that brauery , and do take that state vpon them , that we are not able to know those ladies & gentlewomen , neither english nor irish that are of honorable estate , both by birth and calling , from these proud and new vpstart changelings , that neuer knew what gentry ment , neither themselues , nor their mothers before them : we cannot know the worthy from the vnworthy , the woman of vndetected life , from hir that hath bin tainted : the best marke is , she that by birth was most base , will shew her selfe to be most proud ; and she that hath greatest cause to blush , will shew her selfe be most bold and presumptuous ; he that hath but one eye may see this , it is visible to euery vnderstanding . they be these that haue filled ireland so full of new fashions , by their strange alterations in their ruffes , in their cuffs , in their huffes , in their puffes , in their muffes , and in many other vanities , that ireland was neuer acquainted withall , till these women brought them vp . hee that should haue come to a lady in ireland , but some fiue or six yeeres sithence , and haue asked her if shee would haue had a shaparowne , shee would haue thought he had spoken bawdy , and would haue wondred what hee had meant . they are now conuersant to euery chamber-maide , and shee that came but lately out of a kitchin , if her husband doth beare an office ( how meane soeuer ) if she be not suted in hir shaparowne , in hir loose hanging gowne , in hir peticoates of sattin , yea and of veluet , that must be garded with siluer or gold lace , from the knee downe to the foote , her husband may happen to heare of it , and ( peraduenture ) to fare the worse till she be prouided : for at euery meale shee will giue him so many pout-pasties , and carpe pies , that shee will make him weary of his life . the peacocke when he marcheth in his maiesty , setting vp his glorious taile to behold his owne beauty , yet in his greatest pride and presumption , when hee beholdeth his blacke feete , he plucketh downe his plumes with shame and disgrace : but our ladies and gentlewomen haue well enough prouided that their blacke feete shall neuer offend them , and therefore they doe weare shooes of all manner of colours : yet when they be in their greatest prime of pride , if they would but looke backe into their own pedigree , they would come tumbling downe with icarus , from the height of their presumption . but his maiestie full little knowes what harme he doth to poore women , when he makes them ladies : alas for pitty , a woman is no sooner ladified , but she hath lost the vse of hir legges for euer after ; she is presently become so lame and decrepit , that she cannot go to church if she haue not a coach : and then the good knight her * husband ( vpon meere loue and pitty ) either begges from the king , or proules from the countrey , to helpe to maintaine his poore lame legg'd lady . but i am glad yet that i haue some good newes to impart amongst our ladies and gentlewomen of ireland , and they shall haue them , as i heard them , be they true or false , and thus they follow . there was now lately , and now but very lately , amongst some other warlike prouisions that were sent out of england into ireland for his maiesties store , there passed alongst the streets of dublyn towards the castle , three carts together laden only with shouels and spades , which a yong gentleman espying , called to another that was likewise standing fast by , & demanded of him , to what vse so many shouels & spades might be imployed , which he thought were enough , if they meant to digge an high way downe to hell : nay ( said the other ) there is another maner of imployment for them then you speak of ; for it is intended there shall be a faire coach-way made to heauen , that is now so ouer-growne & choked vp , that there hath not a coach passed that way , since eliah rode thither in his fiery chariot , but now there is some hope the way will be mended . i thought the iest somewhat profane , yet the newes would be a great ease for ladies and gentlewomen , that are growne so lame , that they cannot trauell on foot , that so they might go to heauen as easily as they do vse to ride to church . i might speake of some other vices , the rather exceeding amongst the irish , by the ill example of the english : and although the irish haue vices enow of their owne , they need no incouragement to sin , yet ireland for these many yeares hath bin the receptacle for our english ronnagates , that for their mis-led liues in england , do come running ouer into ireland , some for murther , some for theft , some that haue spent themselues in ryot & excesse , are driuen ouer for debt , some come running ouer with other mens goods , some with other mens wines , but a great number now lately , that are more hurtfull then all the rest , and those be recusants . and for people that be of these dispositions , ireland hath little need to be supplied from any place , that is so well replenished with it owne store , that it is better able to lend to others , then needfull to borrow of any . but amongst these gracelesse men , there haue bin as vngracious and wicked women , that when by their misled liues , they haue infamed and made themselues so notorious , that they were become odious to all honest company in england , haue then transported themselues into ireland , where they haue so insinuated themselues amongst our ladies and gentlewomen , and not so much with the irish , but most especially with the english , and that amongst our gayest ladies , by whom they were so entertained , graced , and countenanced , that those women that had liued before in good name and fame , and finding themselues to be but slightly regarded , thought it more wisdom to forget their former modestie , and for companies sake to follow the fashion . if i should now speake of the periury of ireland , they would goe neere to giue me the hubbub , and to laugh heartily at me , that would seeme to find a fault at that , which they doe account to be neither sinne nor shame . and to speake truely , what account should they make of an oath , that haue so many massing preists at hand , that will dispense with more oathes in one houre , then a man is able to sweare in a whole afternoone . periury , old ale , and aqua-vitae , are three commodities that be of great antiquitie in ireland , but especially amongst the multitude of those that they call catholikes : for periury and popery are so linked and consorted together , that they are as kinde , and as neere allied as drunkennesse and lechery , the one cannot stand without the assistance of the other , they be coadiutors , not to be separated . a damnable religion this popery , that still cryes out , sweare , forsweare , hold no faith , keep no promise , play the traitor , eat vp thy god , murder thy king , kill , stab , poyson , massacre , burne , torture , torment , saw in sunder , blow vp with gunpowder : what act so villanous , so diuelish , or so damnable , that a papist will not enterprise in the seruice of his pope ? but our poore papists of ireland , haue learned the colliers faith , that being examined of his beleefe , answered still , that he beleeued as the church beleeued , that could not say truely that the church was , nor knew not any one article that is beleeued . so they say they beleeue at their fathers beleeued before them ; now what beleefe that is i will speake truely : they beleeue the whole story of the bible , they beleeue that christ was the sonne of god , that he was borne of the virgin mary , they beleeue all the miracles whilst he was vpon earth , they beleeue that he was crucified vpon the crosse , & they beleeue the whole story both of the old and new testaments ; but they doe not beleeue that all christ did and suffered , was enough for their saluation , but that they must merit that by their owne good workes , by going on pilgrimage , by praying to saints , and when they are dead by suffering in purgatory . they doe not beleeue that christ who came of purpose to saue the world , did perfect the worke he came for , but that he left it to a massing preist , to finish that which he himselfe had but begun . so the papists haue a story faith , but they haue no sauing faith , nor no beleefe to do them good : that which the apostle hath protested to be the doctrine of diuels , 1 tim. 4. that they imbrace for the doctrine of faith ; we maintaine nothing , but what the scriptures plainely approue , the popes thred bare assertion is enough for a papist . if we alledge scriptures , they quarrell aswell with the translation , as with the interpretation : if we alledge councels , they aske if the pope haue allowed them : if we alledge fathers , if they speake against the pope , they reiect them : but alledge the popes determinations ( though neuer so much repugnant to the truth ) there they sticke like resty iades , they will not be drawne out of that durty puddle : the summe of their religion consisteth in the trash of vnwritten verities , and the whole dependencie of their faith , in this onely principle , that the pope cannot erre . vnder the pretence of peters keyes , the pope brings in pick-locks , and leauing to enter by christ that is the doore , he giues his popelings scaling ladders , bulls of scala coeli , to scale the walls of heauen , and like a company of theeues , to breake in at by-corners , and not to enter by the doore . our popelings of ireland will needs protest themselues to be the kings louing scyp-iacks ( subiects i should say ) but to speak the truth , they are more liker scyp-iacks then subiects , that do entertaine and receiue into their houses , preists , fryers , iesuites , and such other of the popes vermine , that are well knowne to be the kings vowed and protested enemies : do they not manifest themselues to be reconciled to the pope , that will obstinately impugne his maiesties lawes ? that will not submit with christ to giue caesar his due ? they may sometimes in publique shew pray for the king , but they are priuily plotting and working for their pope . well vertue , i would thou couldest now and then be a little cholerick , and not to suffer thy clemency to be wronged more then enough , and for these dissembling hypocrites that do presume too farre , if thou canst not win their hearts , it were good thou wouldst rule their tongues . although i haue thus spoken of ireland in generall , yet ireland is as al other countries be , good people amongst the bad , and his maiesty hath as louing and as good subiects of the irish , as any he hath in england , or else-where : now among these that be good , if there be a number that be hollow hearted , it is no maruell : for neuer shall christian princes haue loyall subiects , where massing preists are suffered to lurke in their dominions : and in ireland our women catholikes ( for want of apricocks ) do preserue preists , friers , and iesuites , and keep them in their closets . the wiues they for the popes cockerels are well enough knowne to be of an excellent straine for breed , where they be well cherished , and much made of . a massing preist is such a medicine in a mans house that hath a child-bearing woman to his wife , that where they be retained to lye lydgers , it is ten pound to ten pence oddes , that the good wife , or lady , or gentlewoman ( or whatsoere she be ) will proue fertile , her husband shall want no heires . i will conclude with this caueat to my good freinds : he that will eat egges on friday , he that will goe to church on sunday , he that will say his pater-noster in english , he that will sing dauids psalms at a sermon , he that will sweare to the kings supremacie , let him dwell where he will in any part of ireland , he shall be sure to be ill neighboured . i haue hitherto sported at the abuses of the time , and made my selfe merry with the follies of this age. i might yet speake of many other vanities that deserue the hubbub , and to be well laughed at ; but i will here stop and lay a straw , for i know all that i can either doe or say is to no purpose : i do but make the world mine enemy ; for he that speaketh against sinne in this age , either they mocke at him , or they thinke him madde : euery drunkard , euery whoremaster , euery blasphemer , euery tobacconist , euery idolater , they are angry with him that doth reprooue them . o damnable world ! we dare not reprehend sinne , for offending of those that are but the very slaues of sinne . wee doe liue as if there were no god , or at least , as if wee had no soules to saue , and wee are so lull'd asleepe in the cradle of security , that neither admonition or threatning will serue to awaken vs. wee be like sicke persons that are brought so weake and feeble , that we can neither sauour nor disgest any thing that is good . vice which now aboundeth in the greatest measure , wee acknowledge in the least ; but the lesse it is thrust out , the more it eateth and festereth within . a gentle potion worketh but a weake effect in a strong body ; and it is with sinne as it is with sores , some cannot be cured without corasiues . he is but an vntidy chyrurgian therefore , that will apply a gentle salue to a cankred sore . we are grown to the very height of all kind of impiety , and sinne is become to be so supreme , that it thinketh scorne to be reprehended . but take this from mee , thou that art so farre spent , that thou liuest in voluptuous idlenesse , and hast no care of thy saluation , thou that cryest peace , peace , and hast god to bee thine enemie , that is the author of peace , who hath proclaimed open warre against thy pride , against thy periury , against thy excesse , against thy vanity , against thy briberie , against thy couetousnes ; thou that art entred into a league with these and many other vices , and hast broken the truce that was betweene god and thee ; thou that hast no feeling of thy sinne , but that thou wilt still perseuer in thine abominations , thinke thy selfe to be depriued of grace , and take it for a signe that thy sinnes are ripe , and thy confusion is not farre off , but that gods vengeance doth wait and attend thee with such plagues and punishments , as shall make thy hardned heart to tremble . hee that hath not the feeling of his sinnes , must feele himselfe to bee a reprobate secluded from grace and mercy ; for amongst the manifold mercies of god , there is not a more singular mercy , then when hee makes vs to feele our owne faults , whereby we are drawne to repentance , and by repentance brought to mercy . hee that hath not this feeling , shall feele the iudgements of god : for he that feeleth not his mercy , shall be sure to feele his iustice . and doest not thou tremble to thinke of his vengeance ? hee that can wrap vp the heauens like a parchment scowle : he that can make the clowds raine downe plagues : hee that can make vs to refraine our meat , our drinke , our sleepe : he that hath the heauens , the earth , the elements , and all to fight vnder his banner , is hee not to bee feared ? hath hee not plagues in store ( thinkest thou ) and not onely to afflict thee in this world , but in the world to come , to adde the encrease of an endlesse and euerlasting woe ? i thinke of my conscience , our gallants of this age are growne into that humor , they thinke it time enough to hearken vnto god when their climactericall yeere is past ; but if neither the admonitions that are daily giuen vs by godly preachers , the threatnings denounced against sinne by the holy scriptures , the loue of god , the feare the diuell , the ioyes of heauen , the paines of hell ; if none of these can mooue vs to repentance , giue the diuell his due , for he hath done his deuoure , he hath brought the world to a good passe , he may now sit downe and rest him , and hee may crie with the angler : hold hooke and line , and all is mine . aphorismes , with other witty sentences ; the 24 of june . 1618. a trades-man liues all vpon what lacke you ? for without lacke , he is a beggar . a grocer is much subiect to anger , for hee oftentimes takes pepper in the nose . a lace-woman stands much vpon her inches , for shee measures her ware by the yard . a butcher is the farmer of death , for cutting of throats is his haruest . a cutler is a trade of terrour , for hee makes instruments of death . a miller must be cunning in his cogges , for his stones will not worke without them . a mercer is the maintainer of pride , for a silken coat makes a foole forget himselfe . a taylor is the gaine of measure , for hee can purchase lands with his shreds . a dier is the figure of a camelion , for he varieth so often in his colours . a smith is the agent of fire , for his water will not temper his mettall . a costermonger is a marchant of winde , for his ware is a great breeder of the chollicke . a fidler is the honor of a cat , for he makes musique with her guts . a fife is a wry-neckt musician , for he alwayes lookes away from his instrument . a drummer is the pride of noyse , for hee puts downe all but thunder . a water-man goes backward with the world , and yet his liuing lies right before him . a fletcher is a foole without a goose , for he cannot work without her feathers . a bow-maker is the care of the horne , for if hee doe not nocke well , his string will not lie leuell . a tinker is a stopper of holes , but if his tooles be nought , he cannot worke kindely . a cobler deales alwayes with all , for without all , he is nothing . a drunkard is a kinde of noune adiectiue , for he cannot stand alone without help . a brewer is the chymist of malt , for he drawes his spirit to a great height . a foot-man is the figure of mercurie , for he goes as if hee had wings on his heeles . a coward is the shame of nature , for he will be afraid of a woman in the darke . a saylor is a sea-rider , but if his horse stumble on a rocke , hee may hap neuer to runne on land . an vsurer is the serpent with long teeth , for hee will eat into a whole lordship . a purse-maker hath the aduantage of the law , for he may cut a purse without controlment . a broker is a money-hackney , for he will trot all day long for his hire . a lester is the venom of wit , for he studies the knaue , but to cozen the foole . there is no creature so like a man , as an ape , except a woman ; for she will be his counterfet to a haire . a wife is the danger of if , for if she be not good , woe bee to her husband . a mayd is the blush of nature , because shee wants the delight of reason . a widow is the consumption of loue , for nothing will help her but a new husband . a wanton wench is of the nature of a trowt , for it loues alwaies to be tickled . shee that hath the greene sicknesse , if shee will be well recouered , shee must be well couerde , for cold is a nourisher of the disease . a feminine factor is a kinde of flemish merchant , for his ware lyeth most in the low countries . a bowler is a kinde of mad-man , for he speaks to a dead thing , that heares him not . a louer is the maze of wit , for when he is in , he cannot get out . a parasite is the pick-purse of folly , for a wise man will shake him of like a lowse . a foole is the greefe of time , for he knoweth not how to set him to worke . a baker is a kinde of dry cooke , for he rosts his meate without dripping . a lawndresse is the hope of sluttishnesse , and yet cleanelinesse brings in her commoditie . a warrener is the watch of a conie , for if he sleepe the tumbler will be at his burrow . a woodmonger is the farmer of cold , for a warme winter brings him a bare haruest . a wittoll is the shame of wit , for his patience is beyond his honestie . a carter is a musician of the ayre , for he makes tunes with his whistle . a prentise is the hope of trade , for if his master dye , his mistris may make him free of the occupation . a widowes iourney-man is foreman of her shop , for commonly he hath most charge of her ware . a rich man commonly , is either proud or couetous , but if he be bountifull to vertue , he is the wonder of the world . an honest man is the scorne of folly , but when theeues are hangde , true men may goe in peace . a faire woman is a sweet obiect to the eye , but if shee lay hold on the heart , woe be to the whole body . a foule woman is the subiect of patience , for reason must subscribe to affection , to make a pleasure of necessity . a poore man is the subiect of pitty , but charity is so cold , that beggers are seldome harbourd but in the stocks . hypocrisie is a cloke of villany , and he that weares it , is of the diuels liuery . better a litle in the morning , then nothing all day after , and yet better be fasting , then haue an vnholesome breakefast . it is written that there were nine worthies in the world , and if the tenth be a woman , t is pitty shee should be concealed . fat plough lands , and leane pastures make the great loafe , and the litle butter dish . a faint freind is like a fearefull enemy , for th one will do no good , and the other dare no doe hurt . a hot promise and a cold performance , is like a fart , for it dies in the breeding . adam was the first man that was deceiued by a woman , but i feare eue will not be the last woman , that will deceiue a man. a house ouer a mans head is a good harbour in the raine , but , if it be on fire about his eares , he were better be in the field . if all faults were written vpon foreheads , the world would be full of strange faces . if all the thoughts of sinne should breake out into an itch in the flesh , all the nailes in the world , would not be sufficient to scratch them . a wise man will doe iustice for vertues sake , but a foole like a feather is caried away with the winde . a clarke of a church is the abridgement of a minister , for he shuts vp his seruice in amen . a sexton is a musitian of death , for he seldome towles the bell but to a funerall . a carrier is the poste of time , for he must make his returne , if it be but for letters . a schoolemaster is the terror of a scholer , for if he can not say his lesson , he must vntrusse . the gailor is the terror of the prisoner , for he tyrannizeth ouer the misery of the distressed . in shuffling of cards a man may foist in a knaue , but , if the fift be away the foure will do no hurt . an vnthankfull man is a villaine in nature , for the discharge of his duty is without cost . it is a wonder in wit , to see the force of will , how it subiects reason , to the command of affection . loue is too strong for any thing but it selfe , and yet , if venus catch cupids head in her lapp , when shee hath lull'd him asleepe , shee will blinde him before he wake . when vulcan will be tampring vpon mettall aboue his worth , the fault is not in venus , if mars teach him better manners . if diana had not bin fained , shee had bin an admirable woman ; and yet , if shee had liued to this age , shee would haue bin laught at for hir nicenesse . if acteon be too busie with diana , let him looke to his dogges , for if they mistake his head they will feede vpon his carkasse . if cleopater had not kild her selfe for anthony , a woman had neuer bin the wonder of loue . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a10706-e600 the reason of the hubbub . the prouerb of weeping irish . * the old prouerbe . it s no more pitty to see a woman weep , tha● to se● a goose goe bare-foot . drunkards are the diuels sops . adulterers are wicked theeues . these & diuers others are the common sins of the time that heape gods iudgments on this land . offices are gotten by flattery , and begged for no desert at al honesty stands at the gate and knockes , and bribery enters in . they will ride in a coach , though it be to a bawdy house and the footman keeps sentinell at the doore . these be fit for the italian fines , not for any honest mans wife . cracke chamber-mayds the masters whore the seruing-mans wife . * it is holden a credit , to be a bastard to a great man of fame and note , as this example sheweth . o damned pride a maine step to hell . their excuse is , if we should not follow the fashion , none would regard vs : so they goe to hell for fashions sake they care not . we sildome see grapes on thorns a drunkards life is most wretched , and his end is commonly most fearefull and damnable , as nine in one shire haue made a lamentable example , the yeere 1617. he that first inuented that vse of drinking healths , had his ●●aines beat out with a pottle pot : a most iust end for inuentors of such notorius abuses . and many in pledging of healths haue ended their liues presently , as example lately in london . the ruffingly order of drinking healths , vsed by the spendalls of this age . he shall not bee accounted a gentleman , if that he doth not carry this marke of the pox about him , and you shall commonly know him , for hee goeth as though he trod on egges , and he neuer rides on a trotting horse . ● strange story ●●d true . the first sonnes speech . whores are the diuells hacknies and let to none but his owne seruants . the second brothers speech . a drunkard is beast and no man. the third brothers speech . a blasphemer is a limb of the diuell . the wolfes conscience and the vsurers are much alike . but although the country-man cannot spare his oxe , yet the iustice often hath the horne . beware the iustice , countrey-man . the golden law is the best . iustice is made blind by bribery : and authority daily abused . there be many men in authoritie of the welsh mans minde , they had rather haue one eleuen shilling peece then all the angells in heauen . hell a tauerne neere westminster hall. tobacco hath shortned many a mans life , and brought many good mans heire to beggery . sir , you are deceiued , for by tobacco comes red noses , the onely marke of good fellowes . pride hath ouerthrowen kingdomes , and brought whole nations to vtter desolation . mistris turners exclamations against yellow starcht bands . marchants for egges . those that doe follow such idle ridiculous fashions , make their tennants freeholders within one twelue-month after their lands comes into their hands . the world neuer found out so rare a weed , as these fooles would haue of tobacco . tobacco is the heathens enriching , and englands wilfull vndoing , and by the smoake thereof hath dried vp the hand of iustice she will not doe her duty . it hath been accounted the sum that may bie spent in england in one yeere in tobacco is sue hundreth and nineteene thousand three hundred seuenty fiue pounds , all spent in smoake , besides priuate spendings , besides gentlemens 〈…〉 , and tauernes , innes , and ale-houses he that giueth to the poore , lendeth to the lord. of pride . the irish are naturally proud . these be euery chambermaids attire , and odicus in the sight of all modest & honest women . when pride came vp staires , hospitality ran out at window . * sir timothy twirlepipe . what filthy forsworne rascall will not be a papist , that what euer sinne he doth may be forgiuen ? the irish cabinet: or his majesties secret papers, for establishing the papall clergy in ireland, with other matters of high concernment, taken in the carriages of the archbishop of tuam, who was slain in the late fight at sliggo in that kingdom. together with two exact and full relations of the severall victories obtained by the parliaments forces, through gods blessing, in the same kingdom. ordered by the commons assembled in parliament, that his majesties papers taken at sliggo, be forthwith printed and published: h: elsynge, cler. parl. d. com. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78818 of text r200537 in the english short title catalog (thomason e316_29). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 43 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78818 wing c2353 thomason e316_29 estc r200537 99861255 99861255 113386 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78818) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 113386) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 52:e316[29]) the irish cabinet: or his majesties secret papers, for establishing the papall clergy in ireland, with other matters of high concernment, taken in the carriages of the archbishop of tuam, who was slain in the late fight at sliggo in that kingdom. together with two exact and full relations of the severall victories obtained by the parliaments forces, through gods blessing, in the same kingdom. ordered by the commons assembled in parliament, that his majesties papers taken at sliggo, be forthwith printed and published: h: elsynge, cler. parl. d. com. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) cole, william, england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 24 p. printed for edw. husband, printer to the honorable house of commons, and are to be sold at his shop at the sign of the golden dragon in fleetstreet, neer the inner-temple, london, : january 20. 1645. [i.e. 1646] formerly attributed by wing to william cole, who in fact is merely the author of the last item. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng catholic church -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -church history -17th century -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -campaigns -early works to 1800. a78818 r200537 (thomason e316_29). civilwar no the irish cabinet: or his majesties secret papers, for establishing the papall clergy in ireland,: with other matters of high concernment, england and wales. sovereign 1645 6956 9 0 0 0 0 0 13 c the rate of 13 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 angela berkley sampled and proofread 2007-06 angela berkley text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion vvhereas much time hath been spent in meetings and debates betwixt his excellency james lord marques of ormond , lord lieutenant and general governour of his majesties kingdom of ireland , commissioner to his most excellent majesty , charles , by the grace of god , king of great britain , france and ireland , &c. for the treating and concluding of a peace in the said kingdom with his majesties humble and loyal suhjects , the confederate and roman catholiques of the said kingdom of ireland of the one part , and the right honorable donnogh , lord viscount muskerry , and others commissioners deputed and authorised by the said confederate roman catholique subjects of the other part ; and thereupon many difficulties did arise , by occasion whereof sundry matters of great weight and consequence necessarily requisite to be condescended unto by his majesties said commissioners , for the safety of the said confederate roman catholiques , were not hitherto agreed upon , which retarded , and doth as yet retard the conclusion of a firm peace and settlement in the said kingdom . and whereas the right honorable edward earl of glamorgan is intrusted and authorised by his most excellent majesty , to grant and assure to the said confederate catholique subjects further grace and favours , which the said lord lieutenant did not as yet in that latitude as they expected , grant unto them ; and the said earl having seriously considered of all matters and due circumstances of the great affairs now in agitation , which is the peace and quiet of the said kingdom , and the importance thereof , in order to his majesties service , and in relation to , a peace and settlement in his other kingdoms ; and hereupon the place having seen the ardent desire of the said catholiques to assist his majesty against all that do or shall oppresse his royal right or monarchick government ; and having discerned the alacrity and cheerfulnesse of the said catholiques to embrace honorable conditions of peace , which may preserve their religion and other just interests . in pursuance therefore of his majesties authority under his highnesse signature royal and signet , bearing d●●e at ox●● the 12. day of march in the twentieth year of his raign , granted unto the said earl of glamorgan , the tenour wherof is as followeth : viz. charles rex . charles by the grace of god , king of england , scotland , france and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to our trusty and right welbeloved cosen edward earl of glamorgan greeting . we reposing great and especial trust and confidence in your approved wisdom and fidelity , do by these ( as firmly as under our great seal to all intents and purposes ) authorise and give you power to treat and conclude with the confederate roman catholiques in our kingdom of ireland , if upon necessity any thing be to be condescended unto , wherein our lieutenant cannot so well be seen in , as not fit for us at the present publikely to own ; therefore we charge you to proceed according to this our warrant , with all possible secrecy , and for whatsoever you shall engage your self upon such valuable considerations , as you in your judgement shall deem fit ; we promise in the word of a king and a christian , to ratifie and perform the same that shall be granted by you and under your hand and seal ; the said confederate catholiques having by their supplies testified their zeal to our service ; and this shall be in each particular to you a sufficient warrant . given at our court at oxford under our signet and royal signature the 12. day of march , in the 20. year of our raign , 1644. to our right trusty and right welbeloved cosen edward earl of glamorgan . it is therfore granted , accorded and agreed by and between the said earl of glamorgan , for and on the behalf of his most excellent majesty , his heirs and successours on the one part , and the right honorable richard lord viscount mountgarret , lord president of the supreme councel of the said confederate catholiques , the said donnogh , lord viscount muskerry , alexander mac donnel , & nicholas plunket esq ; sir talbot barronet , dermot o brien , john dillon , patrick darcy , and geffrey brown esq ; commissioners in that behalf appointed by the said confederate roman catholiques subjects of ireland , for and in the behalf of the said confederat roman catholiques subjects of the other part , in manner and form following ; ( that is to say ) 1. imprimis , it is granted , accorded and agreed by the said earl , for and in the behalf of his most excellent majesty , his heirs and successors , that all and every the professors of the roman catholique religion in the kingdom of ireland , of whatever estate , degree or quality soever he or they be or shall be , shall for evermore hereafter have and enjoy within the said kingdom , the free and publique use and exercise of the said roman catholiques religion , and of the respective function therein . 2. item , it is granted , accorded and agreed by the said earl , for and on the behalf of his majesty , his heirs and successors , that the said professors of the roman catholique religion , shall hold and enjoy all and every the churches by them enjoyed within this kingdom , or by them possessed at any time since the 23. of october , 1641. and all other churches in the said kingdom , other then such as are now actually enjoyed by his majesties protestant subjects . 3. item , it is granted , accorded and agreed by the said earl , for and in the behalf of his most excellent majesty , his heirs and successors , that all and every the roman catholiques subjects of ireland , of what estate , condition , degree or quality soever , shall be free and exempted from the jurisdiction of the protestant clergie , and every of them ; and that the roman catholique clergie of this kingdom shall not be punished , troubled or molested for the exercise of their jurisdiction over their respective catholique flocks , in matters spirituall and ecclesiasticall . 4. item , it is further granted , accorded and agreed by the said earl , for and on the behalf of his most excellent majesty , his heirs and successors , that an act shall be passed in the next parliament to be holden in this kingdom , the tenour and purport whereof shall be as followeth , viz. an act for the relief of his majesties catholique subjects of his highnesse kingdom of ireland : whereas by an act made in parliament held in dublin the second year of the raign of the late queen eliz. intituled , an act restoring to the crown , the ancient jurisdiction over the state ecclesiasticall and spirituall , and abolishing all forraign power repugnant to the same ; and by one other statute made in the said last mentioned parliament , intituled , an act for the uniformity of common-prayer and service in the church , and the administration of the sacrament , sundry mulcts , penalties , restraints and incapacities , are and have been laid upon the professors of the roman catholique religion in this kingdom , in , for and concerning the use , profession and exercise of their religion and their functions therein , to the great prejudice , trouble and disquiet of the roman catholiques in their liberties and estates , and the generall disturbance of the whole kingdom . for remedy whereof , & for the better setling , increase and continuance of the peace , unity and tranquility of this kingdom of ireland ; his majesty , at the humble suit and request of the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled , is graciously pleased that it may be enacted , and be it enacted by the kings most excellent majesty , the lords spiritual & temporal , and commons in this present parliament assembled , and by authority of the same , that from and after the first day of this session of parliament , it shall and may be lawfull to & for all the professors of the roman catholique religion , of what degree , condition or quality , to have , use and enjoy the free & publike exercise and profession of the said roman catholique religion , and of their several & respective functions therein , without incurring any mulct or penalty whatsoever , or being subject to any restraint or incapacity concerning the same ; any article or clause , sentence or provision in the said last mentioned acts of parliament , or in any other act or acts of parliament , ordinances , law or usage to the contrary , or in any wise notwithstanding . and be it also further enacted , that neither the said statutes , or any other statute , acts or ordinance hereafter made in your majesties raign , or in the raign of any of your highnesses most noble progenitors or ancestors , & now of force in this kingdom ; nor all , nor any branch , article , clause & sentence in them or any of them , contained or specified , shall be of force or validity in this realm , to extend to be construed , or adjudged to extend in any wise to inquiet , prejudice , vex or molest the professors of the said roman catholique religion , in their persons , lands , hereditaments or goods , for any thing , matter or cause whatsoever , touching and concerning the free and publike use , exercise and enjoyings of their said religion , function & profession . and be it also further enacted and declared by the authority aforesaid , that your majesties roman catholique subjects in the said realm of ireland , from the first day of this session of parliament , shall be , and be taken , deemed and adjudged capable of all offices of trust and advancement , places , degrees and dignities , & preferment whatsoever within your said realm of ireland , any acts , statutes , usage or law to the contrary notwithstanding . and that other acts shal be passed in the said parliament , according to the tenour of such agreement or concessions as herein are expressed ; and that in the mean time the said roman catholique subjects , and every of them , shall enjoy the full benefit , freedom and advantage of the said agreements and concessions , and of every of them . 5. item , it is accorded , granted and agreed by the said earl , for and in the behalf of his majesty , his heirs and successors , that his excellency the lo : marques of ormond , lord lieutenant of ireland , or any other or others authorized or to be authorized by his majesty , shall not disturb the professors of the roman catholique religion in their present possession and continuance of the profession of their said churches jurisdiction , or any other the matters aforesaid in these articles agreed and condescended unto by the said earl , untill his majesties pleasure be signified for confirming and publishing the grants and agreements hereby articled for , and condescended unto by the said earl . 6. item , and the said earl of glamorgan doth hereby engage his majesties royall word and publique faith , unto all and singular the professors of the said roman catholique religion within the said kingdom of ireland , for the due observance and performance of all and every the articles , grants & clauses therein contained , and the concessions herein mentioned to be performed to them . 7. item . it is accorded and agreed , that the said publike faith of the kingdom shall be ingaged unto the said earle , by the said commissioners of the said confederate catholiques , for sending ten thousand men to serue his majestie , by order and publike declaration of the generall assembly now sitting , and that the supreame councell of the said confederate catholiques , shall engage themselves to bring the said number of men armed , the one halfe with musquets , and the other halfe with pikes , unto any port within this realme , at the election of the said earle , and at such time as he shall appoint , to be by him shipped and transported to serve his majestie in england , wales or scotland , under the command of the said earle of glamorgan as lord generall of the said army , which army is to be kept together in one intire body , and all other the officers and commanders of the said army are to be named by the supreame councell of the said confederate catholiques , or by such others as the generall assembly of the said confederate catholiques of this kingdome shall intrust therewith : in witnesse whereof the parties to these presents have hereunto interchangeably put their hands and seales the 25. day of august , 1645. glamorgan , signed , sealed , and delivered in the presence of john somerset , jeffery barron , robert barry . copia vera colata fideliter cum originali : thomas cashell , franc. patricius waterford de lismore . this is a true copie of the originall copie , found in the archbishop of tuams carriage , compared by us , arthur annesley , rob. king . articles of agreement made and concluded upon by and betweene the right honourable edward earle of glamorgan , and in pursuance , and by vertue of his majesties authority under his signet and royall signature , bearing date at oxford the twelfth day of march in the twentieth yeare of his raigne , for and on the behalfe of his most excellent majesty of the one part , and the right honourable rich : lord viscount mountgaret , lord president of the supreame councell of the confederate catholiques of ireland , donnogh , lord viscount muskerry alex : m. donnell , and nicholas plunket esquires , sir robert talbott baronet , dermot o brien , john dillon , patrick darcy , and jeffery browne esquires , for and on the behalfe of his majesties roman catholique subjects , and the catholique clergy of ireland , of the other part . imprimis , the said earle doth grant , conclude and agree , on the behalfe of his majesty , his heires and successours , to and with the said richard lord viscount mountgarret , donnogh lord viscount muskerry , alex. mach donnell , and nicholas plunket , esquires : sir robert talbot barronet , dermot o brien , iohn dillon , patrick darcy , and ieffery browne , esquires : that the roman catholique clergy of the said kingdome , shall and may from hence-forth for ever , hould and enjoy all and every such lands , tenements , tithes , and hereditaments whatsoever by them respectively enjoyed within this kingdome , or by them posessed at any time since the three and twentieth of october one thousand sixe hundred forty one : and all other such lands , tenements , tithes , and hereditaments belonging to the clergy within this kingdome , other then such as are actually enjoyed by his majesties protestant clergy . item . it is granted , concluded and agreed on by the said richard lord viscount mountgarret , donogh lord viscount muskerry , alex : mach. donnell , and nicholas plunket , sir robert talbot , dermot o brien , john dillon , patrick darcy , and jeffery browne , on the behalfe of the confederate roman catholiques of ireland , that two parts in three parts to be divided of all the said lands , tythes , and hereditaments whatsoever , mentioned in the precedent article , shall for three yeares next insuing the feast of easter , which shall be in the yeare of our lord god . 1646 be disposed of and converted for and to the use of his majesties forces , employed or to be employed in his service , and the other third part to the use of the said clergy respectively , and so the like disposition to be renued from three yeares to three yeares , by the said clergy during the warres . item . it is accorded and agreed by the said earle of glamorgan , for and in the behalfe of his majesty , his heires and successors , that his excellency the lord marquesse of ormond , lord lievtenant of ireland or any other or others authorised or to be authorised by his majesty , shall not disturbe the professors of the roman catholique religion in their present possession and continuance of the possession of their churches lands , tenements , tythes , hereditaments , iurisdiction or any other the matters aforesaid in these articles agreed and condescended to by the said earle , untill his majesties pleasure be signified for confirming and publishing the grants and herein articled for and condescended unto by the said earle . item . it is accorded granted and agreed by the said earle , for and in the behalfe of his majestie , his heires , and successors that an act shall be passed in the next parliament to be held in this kingdome , according to the tenour of such agreements or concessions as herein are expressed , and that in the mean time , the said clergie shall enjoy the full benefit , freedome and advantage of the said agreements & concessions and every of them . and the said earle of glamorgan doth hereby engage his majesties royall word and publique faith unto the said lord viscount mountgarret , and the rest of the said commissioners , for the due observation and performance of all and every the articles , agreements , and concessions herein contained and mentioned , to be performed to the said roman catholique clergie , and every of them . in witnesse whereof the parties to these presents , have hereunto interchangeably put their hands and seales the 25 day of august , anno dom. 1645. glamorgan , signed , sealed , and delivered in the presence of john sommerset , jeffery barron , rob. barry . whereas in these arrticles touching the clergie livings , the right honourable the earle of glamorgan is obliged in his majesties behalfe to secure the concessions in these articles by act of parliament : wee holding that manner of securing those grants as to the clergie livings to prove more difficult and prejudiciall to his majesty then by doing thereof and securing those concessions otherwise as to the said livings , the said earle undertaking and promising in the behalfe of his majestie , his heires and successors , as hereby he doth undertake to settle the said concessions , and secure them to the clergie , and their respective successors , in another secure way , other then by parliament at present , till a fit opportunity be offered for securing the same , doe agree and condescend thereunto . and this instrument by his lordship signed , was before the perfecting thereof intended to that purpose , as to the said livings , to which purpose we have mutually signed this endorsement . and it is further intended that the catholique clergie shall not be interrupted by parliament , or otherwise as to the said livings , contrary to the meaning of these articles . glamorgan , copia vera colata fideliter cum originali , thomas cashell , fra. patricius waterford & lismore . this is a true copie of the originall copie , found in the archbishop of tuames carriage , compared by us , arthur annesley , rob. king . i edward earle of glamorgan do protest and sweare faithfully to acquaint the kings most excellent majestie with the proceedings of this kingdome in order to his service , and to the indeerment of this nation , and punctuall performance of what i have ( as authorized by his majestie ) obliged my selfe to see performed , and in default not to permit the army intrusted into my charge to adventure it selfe , or any considerable part thereof untill conditions from his majesty , and by his majestie be performed . glamorgan . september the third ▪ 1645. copia vera concordans de verbo ad verbum fideliter cum originalis . tho. cashell . this is a true copie of the originall copie , found in the archbishop of tuams carriage , compared by us , arthur annesley , rob. king . a copy of a letter in cipher . honourable sir . there are some passages which we omitted in our letters to the committee , because we judge it expedient to expresse them in cipher , the rebels grew higher in their demands since the kings affaires have beene in a declining condition , which with their abusing the kings and authority in the taking our garrisons in connagh , and turning the english out of some of them , hath so incensed the marquesse of ormond , that he desires but power and oportunity to breake of all treaty and fall upon them , and in order thereunto we have had an overture by one that came from him to us , for the brittish and scotts forces to joyne with him against the rebells upon these conditions . first that the treaty betweene england and scotland , should be observed . secondly that the covenant should not be prest upon the forces under his lordships command , and that it should be left free for those of them that would to use the common-prayer booke , and the established government , till the king and parliament settle some other . thirdly that the brittish army be left to the chief governour for the time being , he appointing them a governour of their owne chusing . fourthly that every party out of his estate or charge be restored . fiftly that none be sent out of the kingdome without consent on both parts . sixthly that some ammunition be lent to them of dublyn . seventhly for our security drogheda should be given into our hands , we giving assurance that use should not be made of it against his lordship . eightly both parties to sweare to performe . we suppose some good effect might be produced from these beginnings , but without the scots commissioners we have no power , and therefore expect your directions therein , and desire that in the meane while they may be kept secret , for if any notice of a transaction in this kinde come to the rebells , it would hazard the putting dublyn and those parts into their hands , the proposition is the more considerable because your armyes here will much want a port in leinster for a magazine , but we shall doe nothing in it till we heare from you , but what may keepe them on having nothing more to advertize you of at present , we remaine . belfast this nineteenth of november . 1645. your most humble servants , arthur annesley . rob. king . william beale . if you thinke fit to proceede we doubt not but to bring the businesse unto far better conditions then are proposed . sir , the same letter which we have written to the committee of both kingdomes , we have also written to the lords and commons , and if either give redresse to the wrongs complained of , it is well , what we wrote to you of the nineteenth of this moneth in character , might as well have beene done with lesse trouble , for master galbreth that delivered to us the same under an injunction of great secresie , hath since communicated it to most of the collonels of the brittish army , so that it was evidently a plot to draw this army under the command of the marquesse , i was jealous of it at first , and wee tooke bonds of him to appeare before the committee when the scots commissioners shall land , but it was not thought fit to commit him till then , because there be divers other malignants whom we intend at that time to lay up together , who perhaps would not appeare then , if there were any very strict course taken now . wee thinke the strength of the army stands well affected , but both armies have knowne malignants in them , who being removed , there will be no danger . since my former , sir patrick wemys is come from dublyn , & brought his whole family with him . i thinke he hath done his part exceeding well , and if it be not effectually prosecuted , you shall plainly know where the fault lyes , we want our money and meale extreamly , without them wee are as it were wind-bound ; we intend to visit the major generall shortly , he saith he hath no commission to command the army , but you may see by his warrant that wee have sent to the committee he wants not a commission to leavy money ; our letters lye here for want of a vessell to waft them over , nor have we heard a word thence since our landing , but i will forbeare that further trouble till there bee more cause . belfast , 26. novemb. 1645. your most humble and most affectionate servant , rob. king . postscript . sir , you will receive herewith , copies of such papers as were found in the archbishop of tuams carriage , they are of very high consequence , for they shew you what his majestie grants the papists here , and how farre the peace with the rebels is advanced , be pleased to read them i pray you . the news from sligo . on the lords-day , octob. 17. 1645 , the rebels ( before the ulster-forces from the laggan were come to sligo ) surrounded the town with about two thousand foot and three hundred horse . the garison seeing little hopes of the ulster-mens advance ( not knowing they were then at bundrous ) conceived it of absolute necessity to hazard the fighting with the rebels with their own strength and sir william cole's troop , rather then to lose themselves and the out-garisons , which were in a manner all blocked up by the rebels lying between them and sligo . captain richard coot and captain cole , commanded the horse , being neer two hundred ; and after some skirmishing with the rebels horse , fell pell-mell into their several divisions of foot , routed them and pursued them : and lieutenant-colonel sanderson sallying out of the town with his foot , and sir francis hamilton coming in the nick of time with his troop , they had all execution upon the rebels for five miles ; and at the end thereof , left slain the popish archbishop of tuum , the rebels president of connaught , for a memorable mark . they took one hundred and fifty horse , with their arms , their tents , and all other baggage and ammunition , and had much spoil ; several colours of horse and foot , and many officers of note , to the number of about twenty eight , prisoners ; about two hundred killed : and our losse but of one man , and six hurt . many more of the rebels might have been killed , but that our foot left the chase and fell to plunder . their whole army being thus defeated , one thousand foot and three troops of horse that were coming to joyn with them , upon the news thereof returned . and our men , with the laggan-army joyned with them , have since entred the barony of tereragh , and taken thirteen castles there well provided of corn , which was our chief want , and like to be the losse of that whole province , if god in this miraculous manner had not supplied it . the oxen which drew the enemy's waggons , drew our ordnance for the taking in of the said castles . and now our men have good quarters for this winter about the said castles , which keep the countrey under contribution . the archbishop of tuum was a principal agent in these wars , and one of the supreme councel of kilkeny . he attended their army at this time , to visit his diocesse , and to put in execution an order for the arreres of his bishoprick , granted to him from the councel at kilkeny ; which order , together with the popes bull , and several other letters of correspondence between him and his agents from rome , paris , and several parts of this kingdom , were found about him : the particulars of which letters ( in order to the irish affairs ) are as followeth . that the pope would not at the first engage himself in the sending of a nuntio for ireland , till the irish agents had fully satisfied him that the establishment of the catholike religion was a thing feasible and attainable in this kingdom ; whereupon he was content to sollicite their cause with florence and venice , &c. and also to delegate farmano his nuntius to attend this kingdom : who the said nuntius , after some delays in france , was at last expedited thence by expresse order from the pope ; and he arrived at the river of kilmare in a frigot of one and twenty pieces , six and twenty italians of his retinue , secretary belinges , and divers regular and secular priests , octob. 22. the irish are much encouraged with these supplies which he hath brought ; the list whereof found about the archbishop , is : imprimis , two thousand muskets , four thousand bandeliers , two thousand swords , five hundred petronels , and twenty thousand pound of powder , ( all which arrived in another barque by it self at brook-haven , octob. 10. ) together with five or six desks or small trunks of spanish gold , the sum uncertain . these letters likewise inform us that the kings hopes are from the irish nation ; and if they desert him , he is like to be in a hard condition very speedily . several other things they contain concerning priuce rupert , colonel legg , the king's losses at bristol and chester . something there is also of the treaty of peace . ormond ( says one ) is found a machevillian : dillon , muskerry , talbot , are for peace : conditionibus quibuscunque iniquis , says another : our publike affairs are in via , non in termine , says a third : the propositions high , the answers high and sly . there are some mysteries of state in this businesse , which i cannot commit to paper . yet morally certain it is , there will be peace , saith a fourth . it seems also there were some differences amongst the rebels themselves , as between muskerry and brown , insomuch that brown is dispatched from dublin to kilkeny between castle haven and preston ; insomuch that father scaramppe went from the supreme councel to reconcile them . there was also a private letter of suspitious informations against dominico spinola an agent in ireland , wherein he is said to hold correspondence with the queen of england in france , and to be a lover of their enemies . prisoners at sligo . great 〈◊〉 as dom. ô flaherty , lieutenant-colonel to 〈…〉 cousin german to the earl of clanrickhard , and his next heir . john gerdy , lieutenant-colonel to sir tibbot bourk , eldest son to the lord of mayoe . richard bourk , major to richard bourk aforesaid . captain william ô shaghuise , brother to sir roger ô shag huise . captain garret dillon , son to sir lucas dillon , who saith that his father was shot in the thigh . captain costologh , with divers other inferiour officers . the titular archbishop of tuum was slain . captain brown , brother geffry brown the lawyer who brought one hundred muskets from galloway , was also killed . a true and fuller relation from ireland of the service performed by the men of iniskillin , of sir william cole's regiment and troop at lowtherstowne , upon thursday novemb. 27 , 1645 , about one of the clock in the night ; wherein they did not onely ( by gods providence ) rescue their prey , but having there routed a party of four or five hundred men of the rebels , did likewise put the whole army of owen mac arte ô neale to flight . viz. sir william cole , upon sunday morning , novemb. 23 , received a letter from sir charles coot lord president of con●●●ght ; who , to satisfie his lordships desires , commanded his troop to march unto him to be at sligo , on thursday night , novemb. 27 , to joyn in some expedition by his lordships orders , against the rebels in that province . the greatest part of his troop with their horses , were then in the island of baawe , sixteen miles northward from iniskilline , who upon his notice did march away upon munday , nov. 24 , together with almost all the foot-souldiers of two companies of his regiment that quartered with their cattel , and many of the cows of iniskilline in that island , unto bellashanone , which was their place of rendezvouz . the cornet of that troop , upon tuesday novemb. 25 , with about twenty horse-men , marched from iniskilline to the westward of loghern , with resolution to lodge that night by the way , within fifteen miles of sligo ; but a little snow falling , altered their determination , and so took their course to balleshanone without appointment , god in his high providence for the advancement of his own glory and our good , directing them thither : where assoon as they got their horses shod , they were still hastning towards sligo , whither sundry of their foot-companies aforesaid on horseback rid before them : and a great part of the troop were advanced as far as bundrowis , where the alarm overtook them , with orders to return to resist the enemy , to the number of four or five hundred men of omin mac artes army , under the conduct of several captains , led by roury mac guire in chief , who upon wednesday morning , novemb. 26 , being provided with two of our own boats by the treachery of one bryan ô harran and others of our bosome-snakes , protected synons , had entred the said island of baawe at the south-end of it , and was burning , spoiling , preying their goods ; wherein they prevailed , even to the stripping naked of all our women , plundering and taking theirs and our then absent souldiers clothes , victuals and arms away . that party of our horsemen speedily returning to bellashanone , whence with the cornet , the rest of the said troop , some of the foot-souldiers on horseback , and captain john falliot , accompanied with as many horsemen as he could make , hastned towards the north-end of that island , which is distant from the south-end thereof three english miles . but the enemy having driven the prey of cows , horses and mares forth at the south-end , our horsemen with captain folliot followed by termon-castle , whence they marched thorow very inaccessible woods and boggs in the night , to the cash ( distant sixteen miles from bellashanny ) being the first place that they could guide themselves by the track of the enemy and prey , which they still pursued with cheerfulnesse to lo●therstowne , where overtaking them about one of the clock in the morning of nov 21. 1645 , their trumpet sounding a charge , they followed it home so resolutely , that after a fierce confliction , in a short time , they routed the enemy , and had the execution of them for a mile and a half , slew many of them in the place , took some prisoners , rescued most part of their prey , recovered their own souldiers that were then the enemy's prisoners , with some of the rebels knapsacks to boot : which sudden and unexpected fright did so amaze owin mac arte and his army , consisting of about two thousand foot and two hundred horse ( as prisoners do inform ) who after they had made their bravado on the top of an hill within a mile of iniskillin in the evening of nov. 26 , to keep the town from issuing forth to resist or stay the prey , encamped that night at ballena●all●ght within four miles of this town , that they all in a most fearful and confused manner ran away to the mountains so vehemently scared and affrighted , that their van thought their own rere were my troops , and their rere likewise imagined ( those that escaped the fight by flight from l●●ther●●●●ne ) to have been also my party that pursued them ; whereby their mantles , clokes , and all that could be an impediment to their more speedie slight , were cast upon the ground and left behinde them ; and so continued until they passed the mountains of slewbagha into the county of monnaghan , where they are quartered upon the county creaghts which lies from arthur blanye's house , and from monaghan duffe neer the town of monaghan , all along to d●oghedah , consisting of the banished inhabitants of tyrone , ardmagh , monaghan and lowth . my troop returned with captain folliot in safety ( praised be god ) without hurt of man or beast , save one horse of lieutenant edw. grahames that was shot and killed under him . and having put the said prey again into the said island , upon friday nov. 28 , they marched to bellashanny , whence again they came home to iniskilline on the north side of logherne , the 30 of novemb. 1645. among those that were slain , the grand son of sir tirlagh was henry ô neal was one . one captain killed . two lieutenants killed . and i finde there is some man of more eminent note then any of these killed , but as yet cannot learn certainly who it is . lieutenant tirlagh ô moylan , of captain awney ô cahans company , taken prisoner , who upon examination saith that inchiquin hath given a great blowe of late unto castlehaven and preston in their quarters neer yoghel ; and also saith that the intent of this army was , that if they could come off with our said prey without check , they purposed then to have besieged this town , and according as fortune favoured them , to have proceeded against the lagan and other places of ulster . and yet i finde by the answer of some others of the prisoners , that by direction from the supreme councel of ireland , this army of owen mac artes are to serve in nature of a running party to weaken our forces of iniskillins , laggan and clanebyes by sudden incursions , to kill , spoil and prey us upon all occasions of advantage , according as by their successes therein they shall assume encouragement to themselves to go forwards against us , but especially against iniskilline , which they conceive is worst able to resist their attempts . captain falliot had sixteen horsemen , with four of mannor hamiltons men and four of castle-termon horsemen that joyned very fortunately in this service with my troop : for which god almighty be ever glorified and praised by william cole . die lunae , 12 januarii . 1645. ordered by the commons assembled in parliament , that the committee of lords and commons for irish affairs , do take care that the relation of the late good successe in ireland be forthwith printed . h. elsynge , cler. parl. d. com. finis . the proposal for sending back the nobility and gentry of ireland together with a vindication of the same, and an answer to the objections made against it in a letter to a gentleman of ireland. buckley, richard, sir. 1690 approx. 56 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a30010 wing b5354 estc r3335 13672743 ocm 13672743 101184 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30010) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101184) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 838:15) the proposal for sending back the nobility and gentry of ireland together with a vindication of the same, and an answer to the objections made against it in a letter to a gentleman of ireland. buckley, richard, sir. [4], 24 p. printed for samuel holford ... and sold by r. baldwin ..., london : 1690. signed: r.b. written by richard buckley. cf. bm. "published by authority." reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -economic conditions -early works to 1800. ireland -history -war of 1689-1691. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-11 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the proposal for sending back the nobility and gentry of ireland . together with a vindication of the same . and an answer to the objections made against it , in a letter to a gentleman of ireland . published by authority . london , printed for samuel holford at the crown in the pall-mall , and sold by r. baldwin , near the black bull in the old bayley , 1690. the proposal for sending back the nobilitry and gentry of ireland . the vindication of the proposal for sending back the nobility and gentry of ireland . in a letter to a gentleman of that kingdom . sir , since the clamour of some of my countrymen is so very loud against my proposal , that some of them , who dare not put their honesty in the balance with mine , have called my integrity in question as well as my judgment ; for the vindication therefore of both , as also of the proposal it self ( which you desired to see ) i have sent you this , which contains my arguments to prove both the honesty and the necessity of it , and an answer to every objection that i have yet heard its adversaries make ; of the strength and force of which , you and all that read them may be judges . and to demonstrate both , my first and chiefest argument shall be , only to produce the proposal it self , that every indifferent person may take it in pieces and examine it , for it fears the examen of none . it here follows , a proposal humbly presented to his majesty for the good of his subjects of ireland . after the last rebellion in ireland there followed a famine , and the carkases of those who died of famine caused a plague , so that many more died by famine and plague , than by the war. the same thing may be feared now , there being little or no tillage for the next year ; and the common irish , who lived most upon their potato-gardens , beng now in the army , do consume ten times more corn than they did when they lived at home in their cabins ; by which means that great harvest of the english which they had this year , will be eaten up before the next : so that although that kingdom should be entirely reduced the next summer , yet the want of bread will make it desolate ; for the late king's brass-money having eaten up all the silver of that kingdom , there is no money left to purchase corn abroad , so that the people must unavoidably die for want of bread. there is now near *⁎* one half of that kingdom reduced , and yet the protestants , even of that part , are most of them still in england ; the consequence of whose stay here must be a famine there . for the irish are almost all of them taken up in the service of the late king , and those who are not , will notwithstanding ▪ neither plow nor sow where they know not their landlord ; so that , while the english stay here , and the irish farmers fly before our army there , it must necessarily follow , that the more your majesties army advances , the more must that kingdom become wast . but if the english of ireland , who are now here , were in that part of the kingdom which is reduced , then the irish , who now fly before our army , would come in and gladly settle again on their old farms , when they have somebody to protect them . your majesty has a fair opportunity to oblige the english that stay here , to return , by the address which the house of commons made to your majesty in their behalf for one fourth part of a years allowance , which in the whole did amount to sixty thousand pounds . now if your majesty were graciously pleased to give them here the sum of fifteen thousand pounds , being a fourth part thereof ; and to transmit into ireland the the sum of forty five thousand pounds more , to be there paid to such of them as will go over , with obligation on every person who receives any of it , to sow a certain proportion of summer corn ( which may yet be done in march and april next ) it will be the only means to prevent a famine : it would send away a multitude of people , whose wants make them importunate here , and would in a great measure supply those wants . and moreover such numbers returning , would be a terrour to the irish army , and an incouragement to the irish labourer and husbandman to return , who are now fled , and who had rather be at the plow than the musket : whereas now , the irish who are fed , with promises from the french , will believe them , and be thereby encouraged ) when they see the english so fearful to return . such of the english as have their own estates to go to , have no reason to expect to be under the same conditions with those whose estates are yet under the enemy ; and that difference made between them , will be a considerable addition , the better to enable those whose estates are yet unconquered , to settle for a present subsistance , on such little farms as their circumstances will allow of ; whereby they may get a little stock of their own , against they remove to their own estates : this will likewise be a great help to those of the north , who have land to set . as this will be a competent provision for the nobility and gentry , so that which is yet remaining of the collect-money , may be for the poorer sort ; which being paid to them at one entire sum , would be a help to settle them under the gentry , to become tenants as they were formerly : and if they plow but little , yet their being in the country will be an encouragement for others to go over . if your majesty be pleased to order that this collect-money also may be distributed in ireland , it will then be seen who are real objects of charity , and the money will be laid out to a good use . it is to be fear'd , that all will not go over , who yet complain now that they have not whereon to live . it is of as great consequence speedily to plant that kingdom , as to reduce it ; and perhaps sixty thousand pounds may do that now , which cannot be done the next year , with ten times that sum ; and while the english of ireland stay here , it cannot be supposed that strangers will go thither to plant. if this money be sent into ireland , to be there given to such as will go for it , then those who will not go over , will be left without excuse . but if this money be not now sent over , and the english sent away to sow corn there , a greater sum than now pays the army , will not be sufficient the next year to keep the english and irish in that kingdom with bread. and the prospect is yet more terrible , if we consider that when ever corn was dear in england and ireland , we always fetch'd it from france ; but now we must go seek other markets , which cannot now be done without vast expence , since this general war throughout europe , will take up so much corn for all the fleets and armies . a scheme or method humbly laid down for the putting of the former proposals into practice . first , it is humbly proposed , that the king would cause it to be made known to be his pleasure , that all the nobility , gentry and commonalty of ireland , who now are in england , and whose usual abode has been in ireland , do forthwith return to that part of that kingdom which is under his majesties authority , except such whom his majesty shall particularly order to stay here for his service ; and that for their encouragement so to do , it is humbly propos'd , 2 dly . that his majesty would be graciously pleas'd to give to all his english subjects of ireland , whose estates have been returned into the house of commons , and by them have been rated , the sum of fifteen thousand pounds . and that he would be graciously pleased to send into ireland the sum of forty five thousand pounds , to be there distributed to such of them as will go over to that part of the kingdom which is already conquered , and there sew summer corn : and that the said forty five thousand pounds be put into the hands of two substantial wealthy gentlemen of that kingdom , men of clear estates , without any incumbrance or settlements ; of known integrity , and that are not dealers in money , who may be treasurers of the same ; they giving sufficient and undoubted security for the payment of the said forty five thousand pounds in ireland , in such manner as is hereafter laid down , and that without any fees or other charges to be paid by the persons who are to receive it : and that every person whose share of the said forty five thousand pounds shall amount to twenty pounds or upwards , shall give bond to the said treasurers in the king's name , to the value of what he receives , that for every ten pounds that he shall receive , he will sew , if he be upon his own estate , four acres of oats , barley or pease ; upon his giving of which bonds , he shall receive his share of money from the treasurers . 3 dly . for the encouragement of all such to go over , whose estates are yet unconquered ; it is proposed that they shall be obliged to sew but two acres of corn for every ten pounds that they shall receive , because of the necessity that they will lye under of being at some expence upon land which is not their own , and of paying some small rent . 4 thly . that the said treasurers or one of them , shall take care that every person do sew as much corn as by bond he was obliged to do , and that the same be not negligently thrown upon the ground only to escape the penalty of the bond. and therefore , that at harvest-time , the said treasurers or one of them , shall ride about to see the same before it be reap'd ; and that the bonds shall be in force against all those who have not their share of corn to reap , ( that is , if the same have happened through any neglect ▪ of theirs , ) although they did before answer the obligation of their bond by sewing . by this means his majesties fatherly care of his people will most evidently appear , in contriving that his subjects there shall have at least ten thousand acres of corn the next year ; whereas without this , possibly there will not be a handful in the whole kingdom , and thousands must dye for want of bread. 5 thly . that every person who will go for ireland on these conditions , shall out of his first share of money , buy for himself and every relation and servant that he carries with him ( who are able to bear arms , ) a good musket , or case of pistols for the defence of his family ; without the producing of which arms in ireland , and the making oath that he himself bought the same in england , he shall have no right to receive any of the said forty five thousand pounds in ireland . lastly , that the collect-money may be divided , that one third part of it may be kept here for the relief of widows and orphans only , and the other two thirds sent for ireland , for the encouragement of tenants and labourers to go over to plow and sew for the nobility and gentry , or themselves . and that these also , when they have entred their names to the bishops and other commissioners of the collect-money , that they will go , they shall receive if they go from london twenty shillings apiece ; or if from the sea-side , or near it , ten shillings apiece to bear their charges , and a good musket or case of pistols at chester and bristol , which the commissioners shall provide and pay for out of their stock , and the rest of the money they shall have divided among them at their arrival in ireland ; and that all such of them as will not go over , shall find no relief here . we already know by computation , that there are about ten thousand persons that will go over ; and by this means his majesty will as it were send a recruit to the army , ( though it is not at all hereby intended that they shall be put into it , ) which will be as so many fresh inniskilling men , inspir'd with rage for their losses : men , who when they get into their country , will not be driven out again . so that our army need not be weakned by putting garrisons into any towns , but may march on entire , and these will keep the towns and country behind them . here the answerers of this proposal will immediately cry out , that this is not the same with that which lay before them ; i own it differs in some amendments , many of which are more of phrase than of matter . but this might have lain before them , ( and sav'd them a great deal of needless trouble in exercising their rhetorick upon things which i grant them , and which are not in this present proposal ; ) but they positively refus'd it , by which you may plainly see , that their business was not by strength of argument , to run down the proposition of our going to ireland to sew corn : but to cavil at that poor paper that lay before them , whose doom some of them have declared to be to light a pipe of tobacco , though others of them have condemned it to a worse fate , that must be nameless ; thereby shewing their loyalty and respect to his majesty , who after his perusal of it ten days , gave it to the lords of his privy council to consider of , before whom it lay near three weeks , and who were pleased two several times to interrogate me , and make their objections thereon ; and they afterwards thought it not unworthy the consideration of another assembly , whose quick-sightedness did , upon the very first hearing of it read , doom it as i have before told you . but they hope that this behaviour of theirs to his majesty will be forgotten , when judges , attorney and sollicitor generals places come to be disposed of in ireland ; or that they have now shew'd their desert for such places , in so vigorously hindring those that would go over and do the king such signal service . my second argument shall be the approbation of a great many of the gentry of our own country , viz. those of them who live at present at leverpool in lancashire , where their number is great , and who were not prejudiced by mis-representations of it from london , ( as the gentlemen of chester were ; ) their sense of it you shall see by the copy of the letter sent me from thence , which here follows . sir , your proposals have been communicated to our country-men here , who receive them with all imaginable respect , and can very readily subscribe to any such advantagious methods for the prevention of that dismal calamity of famine that seems to threaten our desolate country , unless prevented by some such timely foresight as this of yours ; and therefore will be willing at all times to joyn with you , or any such worthy patriots of their country , to prevent , and if possible , dissipate those threatning calamities . your most humble servant , r. t. leverpool . dec. 3. 89. but you will say , here are gentlemen of good quality in london that are not for it ; nay the sense of the gentry at their meeting ran generally against it . to this i say therefore in the third place , that some of those who were there , ( who were not fifty in their whole assembly , ) did then misunderstand it , as is most evident from the paper , which some of themselves have since that time drawn up and subscribed ; wherein they do declare their sense of the said proposal , and their readiness to submit to his majesties pleasure in relation to it , which subscription i have . as for that which they call their committee , chosen shall i say , or named three of a province to answer it ; they named themselves , or which is much to the same purpose , some great persons named them all . i saw at their table some gentlemen of munster , whose estates singly , are by all their neighbours own'd to be more than the estates in ireland , of the three persons who now stand for that province in their committee . and since i have said in ireland , i must now say , that of these twelve persons , seven or eight are in such good circumstances here , that i question whether they would return if the whole kingdom were reduc'd ; some of them i am morally sure would not , having before this calamity sold most part of their estates there , and even their stock and houshold goods , and are setled in this kingdom ; however they pretend to share with us in the benevolence of the parliament . others of these twelve , though they sold not their estates , yet have they fetch'd over thousands in cash : some of them have declared , that they will not receive their shares of the fifteen thousand pounds . others of them are called to the bar , and in practice here ; let the world judge then , whether these few men , whose interest it is , not to go , ought to answer for so many hundreds , i might say thousands of us who desire to go . for whatever these gentlemen who are here , and full of money may think , i do know some gentlemen who had good estates , and great stock before this calamity , whose excessive wants have even made them distracted ; when they have sought in vain to put their daughters , young gentlewomen well educated , to services almost of the meanest degree , not having bread to give them at home . what barbarous cruelty is it then ( to use their own words , ) to hinder men from getting relief , ( how dear soever they pay for it ) who otherwise may be forced to starve , or perhaps to put an end to their miserable days with their own hands . well , but as these men will not go themselves , so it is possible their reasons may be such as will demonstrate it impracticable for others to go ; therefore in the fourth place , i will impartially lay down all the objections i have yet heard them make , and answer them as i am able ; but by these objections , i understand only such as will lye against this my present proposal ; i shall not hold my self oblig'd to answer any other . but before i take these objections in hand , i must give you a very short history of the occasion of them . after that his majesty and his privy council had fully considered , and were well satisfied of the great necessity and benefit of the proposal , they were pleased in order , ( as is most reasonably to be suppos'd ) to be more fully inform'd of any thing that might yet more facilitate the putting it in practice , to give it into the hands of some persons of our country , with directions that they , with five or six such persons as they should think the most able , should go together and consider of it , that so what defects the single thoughts of the proposer might have over look'd , might be supplied by ●●m ; intending , without all doubt , to put the same in practice when it should have had what they could have added to it , but not at all to have these gentlemens approbation of it ; for surely that honourable board were as capable to judge of what was necessary or practicable , as these can pretend to be . which mighty condescension these gentlemen were so far from making a right use of , and by thankfully accepting one favour , to qualify themselves for obtaining another , that presently a general summons is sent abroad for all the irish gentry to meet ; from which title no irish man being willing to except himself , there came along with the gentlemen of estates and quality , a parcel of rabble , men who had no concern in that paper , but in that part which related to the brief ; such as sollicitors , attorneys clerks , &c. who being set on by some designing men , did rail and roar at that paper and the proposer , in such an undecent manner , not to say worse , that had he been a criminal , the usage of that assembly could not be much inferior to his punishment , besides the continual calumnies and threats both of them and others ever since , to do him some mischief : all this while never considering , that it is not to me , but to his majesty to whom they offered this high affront , ( from whom whatsover paper does come , ought to be receiv'd with the highest respect and veneration ) who , by giving that paper into the hands i before mention'd , did never intend to give me up to be torn in pieces by the rabble , even though the proposal had been impracticable . here then was the aforesaid committee nam'd ; two of whom , as i am inform'd , penn'd their answer , which was so scurrilous and abusive , that assoon as i enter'd the room where they were reading of it to all their assembly , the reader was struck silent ; but after several whisperings round the table , at length he began again to read , where i heard so much scurrility and reflections , that themselves were at last asham'd to read any more till i was gone ; and the author , of himself , began to extenuate the sense of his words , and to beg my pardon for some names and other reflecting words in it . but after they had read this scandalous answer , to animate and inrage the multitude against me , they thought fit to prepare a more civil one for the privy council , but they made a second , a third and a fourth before they could agree , the contents of which i am a stranger to ; but that honourable board was not so , to the usage that the paper receiv'd which was sent from them ; and therefore at the delivery of their answer , these gentlemen , as i have heard , receiv'd the just reward of their temerity , a severe reproof to themselves . and i fear , that that poor paper of theirs , notwithstanding all the florid satyr it contains , will hardly be able to save itself from the fate to which they had doom'd mine . and it is now generally said , that some of them who have refus'd to go with money , will now be ordered to go without money ; viz. the northern gentry . and indeed their staying here is unaccountable , for i have heard it among themselves , that some gentlemen of that country , of the best quality , have not lost out of their houses to the value of a silver spoon . i envy not their good fortune , though their staying here , notwithstanding we suffer for it , seems to argue that they pity not our misfortune . but since those objections made at their first meeting , and those contained in their first answer , may prevail upon some of those persons who heard them , or to whom they have been communicated , it will therefore behove me to remove them , in order to the undeceiving of those who may be ignorant of some matters of fact. 1. obj. first , they do blacken this proposal with the character of cruel and barbarous , to send people over into a ruined country , in the depth of winter , to be starved both with cold and hunger . to this i answer , first , supposing all this were true , ( which it is not ) yet still it were better , that some should go over and wrestle with some hardships , in order to the future preserving of themselves and those that will stay here , than that all should stay here , and so inevitably perish together for company . it is just as if , when there is a small leak in ship , every one should refuse going to labour at the pump , and so sit still at their ease till the ship fill with water , and they be all swallowed up in an instant . but secondly , i say that this is not true ; the country is not so ruined but that , by the help of money , they may be well furnished both with food and firing . by the prizes which the duke of schomberg has set on all victuals ( as on beef a penny a pound , &c. ) it is evident that there is no want of food in that country ; besides the many private letters , which do abundantly confirm the same , and that the irish themselves do now come in both with horses and cattle , for we give them money for them , whereas the late king's army either takes them away or buys them with brass . but supposing that we should go there , and that it should so happen , that when we are there , we should be distressed for provisions ; in such case i say , when we are in a body , and do represent , that in obedience to his majesties commands we went over , and exposed our selves to such hardships , there is not the least room for doubt but that we should be taken care of ; whereas we may now stay here perishing in every corner of the streets undistinguished and unrelieved . instances of this are evident ; you see the vaudois are no sooner returned to their country , but even so far from them as in london , we are raising money for their relief , yet we scarce thought on them , while they remained in suisserland , though their misery and wants were much greater : and when within these twenty years last past there was great want of food in new-england , even we in ireland sent them store ; the city of dublin alone , sent them a ship of three hundred tuns , loaden only with wheat and other victuals , and , as i have heard , we payed for the very fraight of it also . there is nothing , necessary for life , in this city , excepting the air and the river-water , that a poor irish man can receive within his lips without cost ; one might therefore justly wonder that those who have lived all their life upon dapes inempta , have lived happily with little or no occasion or use of money , should be so difficultly persuaded to return to the same sort of life again : to have their bread and beer-corn in their hagard , their hens and their geese giving them eggs ( which here are pence a piece , and there were twenty , nay , forty for a penny : ) their cows and their hogs and every thing else necessary for a comfortable living . but though it be our happiness that all things are at present in great plenty in ireland , yet by the time that , by the blessing of god , we might reasonably compute that kingdom may be reduced , viz. about the latter end of the next summer , when this years corn is spent and no harvest or very little to succeed it , then will the cry of a famine begin to rise ; so that when we should be all going to take possession of our estates , there will not be found a man possibly that will go over . for plague being the constant attendant of famine , it were as reasonable to expect that men should go into a pest-house , as then to go for ireland . but if there were no apprehensions of the plague to terrifie us from going over , yet notwithstanding , no man will then go over , but he that carries money enough to maintain him and his family for one year ( i might say for two , for so long it will be before we shall have any wheat in that kingdom ) and of such there will be but very few , perhaps none ; for a greater sum than the revenue of the crown , would not keep the inhabitants of ireland in necessary food , cloathing and firing . i know there are some of us that will not apprehend any such danger , for they say that the irish have sewed a great deal of corn in the south this winter ; but these men do not think that that country is like to be the scene of war the next year , and to lye open to two armies ; and especially that we have a french enemy to deal with , who , if the country were ten times fuller of corn , will soon ( according to his usual practice ) lay it all in ashes . it is no small satisfaction to me , in the cause that i have undertaken , that the government is of the same mind as to the necessity and benefit of it . and that they are so i am satisfied from this , that true policy is the same in all wise states ; and by the letters from rome ( that school of politicks ) of the nineteenth of november last , we are informed that the colledge of cardinals , ( whose authority is equivalent to that of our parliament ) upon only the prospect of a war the next year in italy , and a small army of the milanese now upon the march , have resolved and declared they will lend money to all persons whatsoever that will come and offer themselves to sow corn in their dominions . and though , by the laws of that country , all farmers are to bring in their corn , assoon as it is threshed , to the publick stores at a certain rate ; yet for the further encouragement of men to sow at this time , the government there have declared , that those who will now sow , shall have liberty to export a fourth part of their corn where they please . by which you may see , how much the wisdom of our king and council , in graciously receiving and approving of a proposal so agreeable to the sentiments of that wise state , is beyond that of a cabal of our rabble who set up for irish statesmen . 2. obj. the answerers of the proposal say , secondly , that there are no towns to dwell in , and that the army fills the country . as for the army , god and the king increase their number ten-fold ; and as for the towns i say , that there are several good ones , more than we can use , that have no army near them , and that have good land enough about them ; as colrain , belturbet , eniskilling and londonderry , which , as i have heard , has not twenty houses uninhabitable within the walls ; it once held twenty five thousand souls , and now there are scarce three thousand of them ; i have heard lately , that six hundred are soldiers . 3. obj. then they tell us that there are no horses to plow withal , and that we must yoke our selves . to this i answer , that they who ran away in such hast at the landing of our army , that they left their corn ripe in the field , when they might have reaped it ( for we had no horse then to hinder them ; ) it is as likely , that they have left their plow garrons behind them , especially considering that they could be of no manner of use to them , for the greatest part of them are never backed ; ( this i know of those parts of ireland where i am concerned ( the counties of dublin and wicklow ) which are not less civilized than the north. but , say there be not a plow-horse left in the north , ( though in the answer to the first objection it does appear there are enough brought there ) this money will soon fetch them from scotland , and from wales . 4. obj. but , say some of them , that cannot be ; for it was a usual thing to send horses out of ireland into scotland . so it was to send black cattle out of ireland into england ; and yet we shall find black cattle enough here to carry back again , to feed us and stock our lands . 5. obj. then they say , how can we live there , without houshold-goods , beds , &c. to this i say , how do they live here ? they are now sojourners and lodgers , and so they may be there in a much cheaper country . but further , i say that within these two years past there have been many a score ship-loads of bedding and other houshold-goods that have been brought into england , which are now as ready to be carried back again ; he that consults bristow , northwales , chester , leverpool and cumberland , will find this to be true . 6. obj. oh but , say some , this proposal may help us to make a better , viz. that though the country is now too desolate to inhabit , and that they that would now go must certainly perish ; yet when the country is setled , and a civil government established , and the courts of justice erected , that there may be trials of causes , and even inditements for trespasses , then if we were set aflote , with money in our pockets , we would venture to settle there again . but even to this some cried out , who 'le pay our debts if we go ? to answer the first part of this , i say , that if we must not go because the country is desolate , by the same reason , more enforced , we must not go when the whole kingdom is reduced , for then it will be much more desolate . but further , if it were not a contradiction to suppose the country could be setled while all of us stay here , yet , even by delaying , we should lose the opportunity of sewing corn , which is the principal end of this proposal . and that we must not go , till we have the power to ruine one another with inditements for trespasses ( which has beggar'd so many thousands , ) this i must say has more of the lawyer in it than the christian ; and i wish that this do not give the people of england occasion to think us litigious and an uncharitable people , and consequently render them so to us , which i pray god avert . 7. obj. then they say , it is impossible to find persons that will be treasurers under these conditions . i say , that is but their opinion , and the contrary is mine ; neither can they prove it to be more than opinion , till they have consulted their countrymen at all the great towns in the west and north of england , where they now are in great numbers . but if , after all , none should be found that would do it , yet i am not to be blamed , who , out of good-will to my countrymen , would have them put to the least charge imaginable . the good design ought not to be thrown aside for this ; rather let there be a penny or two-pence an acre allowed for his riding about , and then we shall have competitors enough for it . but still i say and do insist upon it , that i would have that penny an acre to be saved ; for i cannot think but that , among our whole nation , there will be found at least two publick spirited men , and duly qualified , who would undertake this labour for the publick good . 8. obj. as to their objection , that they must be bound that their corn must grow , it being more a cavil than an objection , deserves not an answer . 9. obj. then they say , i send the nobles of our land to plow. i bear as great a respect to our nobles as the answerers ; but i say that , even in england , many of the nobility who live in the country keep a plow a going , though they hold it not themselves ; and i would not presume to desire any more of our nobility . but i suppose that few of them are among the number of those who will have need to go over ; and indeed the only reason that they are mentioned in this proposal is , that their going may give a good example to the rest . 10. obj. then they say , that such a proclamation is without precedent . to that i say , that in it self is no argument ; there are new precedents made in westminster-hall every term. but further , it is not without precedent for a state or kingdom to set forth an edict , for such or such sort of persons to depart their cities or dominions , when the good of that state , or even of those persons , does require it ; i could give several , both ancient and modern . but it is much more without a precedent , that a nation being fled or driven out of their country , should , when the door is open , stand looking at their country , without returning , even when at the same time they are near perishing with want . let but the poor french refugees have the same bait , and see how few of them will stay behind . and i think the goodness of our king is without precedent , in troubling himself to conquer a country for a people , who will not return and plant in it when it is conquered . they are not acquainted how near enemies live to one another abroad , that scruple to go live at londonderry or eniskilling , because the irish are at sligo . the country of the vaudois is within fifteen miles of turin , the duke of savoys court , which yet is a very flourishing place and a splendid court. and the mighty and impregnable fort of hunningen , which the french have been so many years a building , is within cannon-shot of the city of basil , the most renouned of all suisserland . but to return to our objectors , 11. obj. they say i have left my self a hole to creep out at , in excepting those whom his majesty shall particularly order to stay here for his service , and that i am underhand getting such an order . but they are mistaken , for i want not that hole , i can go out at the gate , in being excepted among those , whose usual abode has not been in ireland ; for i was setled here with my family before the earl of tyrconnel went to that government . but i will do neither , but if his majesty shall think fit to send over money for us to subsist withal there , i purpose god willing to be among the first that shall go over to sow corn , in doing of which , i presume to say , i shall do his majesty more service than i can pretend to do by staying here . 12. obj. but say some of them , if an angel from heaven had given a proposal without consulting us first , we would not receive it . this deserves not much answer , however i shall say this , supposing , after all , that the king and the council or the house of commons should think this a very useful proposal ; judge you then , by all the rest of the arguments that they have raised against it , what had become of this useful proposal , if it had been first presented to them . but besides , who are these mighty people to be consulted withall ? forty or fifty at most , who get together upon every occasion , and who are in this very action justly incurring the same censure , in pretending to answer for a whole nation , without consulting any one of them at bristol , chester or leverpool , where their numbers exceed ours here forty to one , and who do not think their business in england is to stay for imployments , or to be made privy-counsellors ; but are panting after their own country ; and many of them have long since declared , that they would return , if they had but their shares of the 15000 l. nay many of them would go , if but their fraight were paid for ; when men are ill , they think change of place gives ease of pain . and besides , even here in london , there are persons of the best quality of that kingdom , without consulting of whom , this small handful of men think fit to act as the representatives of the nation . but moreover , others of them have given in proposals to the king , without consulting the rest of us , and i think my pretensions are as good as any mans of them all , perhaps better . i had the honour to be known to our present king in holland , to attend on him in his expedition for england , in which there were not two persons more of ireland that i know of , ( except what were in the kings pay , ) and i have the honour to have access to him here ; which singular favour i have made use of , ( god is my witness , though i could appeal to others ) more for the good of our poor country , than to my own private advantage . this i have inserted only for the information of some few of our country-gentlemen , who know few of their own countrymen more than what they meet at an assizes , and who have been pleased to say , that i made these proposals only to make my self known . 13. obj. as for what is objected touching the brief-mony , we will give them leave to wipe out that whole clause , for that money as i am inform'd , is very near to its end ; i wish it have been laid out to better purpose , and have done as much good as it would have done thus employed . 14. obj. but the most popular objection is still behind , founded upon a proposal given in by sir st. j. br — ck , to raise a regiment of munster men to land in the south ; and he has only chosen the forfeited lands of the three best counties in ireland for their pay . and the reasonableness and usefulness of my proposal being so likely to overthrow his , has made him to mis-represent mine to every body , and to defame it with the epithet of dishonest and knavish ; wherefore i must desire your patience , since my reputation is at stake , ( though i thank god it never was before this time , and i think i shall easily clear it now ) to set forth the knavery and insolence as well as the folly and impracticableness of this latter proposal . 1 st . for the knavery , this colonel that would be , has kept lusty young men , that might , and probably would have gone over with our army , these five months in pay upon the brief-money , which was design'd for the relief of the distressed , ( this can be prov'd from their own confessions , ) so that the poor widows and children are cheated of this charity which lusty young men receive . 2 dly . these young men are cheated too , for as themsolves say , he has promis'd to carry over an hundred of them as cadets , in double pay , and that they shall be preferr'd to all the first vacancies of commands in the army : so that here he sets up for their general too . but 3 dly , most of all will the king be deceived ▪ and that first , in relying on him to raise a regiment of irish refugees : i am sure it is the opinion of most of the considering men of that country , that it is impossible to raise 300 men of ireland , who would carry a musket on their shoulder ; upon inquiry , it will be found , that there did not go a thousand of them over , under all the irish officers that went into the army , and i believe those few that remain , are not now so fond of going in the same capacity ; and the reason hereof has been plainly shewn by the great author of a late excellent treatise , call'd the characters of the protestants of ireland . but if this gentleman may be permitted to make up his regiment with english men , then there are others here of ireland , who have a better pretence to it that he ; for the second disappointment that the king will meet with , if he have a regiment , will be , that too probably he will do him no service with it . i will not say that he will carry in his regiment to his old master ; but this i will say , that when his majesty came up from the west to london , in our march i found this gentleman at windsor then a justice of the peace ( and i have heard several say , he was a deputy lieutenant ) under the late king , at the time when few honest men in the kingdom would accept of it . and if what he told the committee of the house of commons be true , that he had but fourscore pounds a year in england , it is then the more likely that he was put in for a tool , to serve some turn in those times . but however the gentry of ireland do think that i have accidentally hindred their getting the 15000 l. this gentleman did designedly endeavour it , for he proposed it in the committee , that this fifteen thousand pounds might not be given to us , but applyed to a better use , viz. to the raising of his regiment and mounting them . as for his insolence it appears , in tacitly providing himself of soldiers before the kings pleasure be known . 2 dly . in making such demands to have the best forfeited lands in the kingdom , before they shew whether they shall deserve the pay of other men. but above all , it appears in getting the certificate of his soldiers ( that are to be , ) that he is a very fit person to be their colonel , which certificate has been on foot these five months ; and which is an insolence to his majesty beyond all imagination , to set the feet above the head , that the common soldiers and other his titular officers , should make their colonel , nay their general , as was before shewn : as to its being impracticable , i have shewn that before under another head . and now i will put my self in the balance with him ; you must forgive me this little concern that i have shewn , for i cannot pass by without resentment , the man that calls me a knave . my reputation is the only thing left me in this calamity , and that no man shall take from me ; especially i will vindicate it from the abuses of a man so scurrilous , that he provokes even clergy-men to beat him . but set us by one another a little ; my proposal is not to make me any thing , much less a collonel ; neither , if the treasurers place in it , were worth asking for , ( since that is the only office that my proposal makes , neither is that yet made , till a man can be found that will accept of it ; ) yet by my own proposal , as i am unable to execute it , so i am unqualified for it ; for my estate is setled , and has been so these four generations past . i got none of it by perjuring my self or other men , nor by any other indirect course , i thank god ; but it has been in my family so long , as that by honest industry and good husbandry we have increas'd it , in value , not in quantity , from nine pence an acre , to five and twenty shillings an acre . and that makes my calamity now the greater ; he had no plantations there to loose , whatever he may pretend , whereas i have lost what no money , nothing but time can repair . i have never seen nor heard of in ireland or england , plantations equal to what i have there lost , both in woods of ( grafts , and young timber trees ; of this , your self and many of my countrey-men can be my vouchers : for out of my great zeal to fill the country with orchards , i gave fruit trees to all that ask'd , which made me encrease my nurserys so extravagantly . but to return , notwithstanding that my proposal carries men over as planters , not as soldiers ; yet if any man of us have a mind to go into the army , my proposal will set him out very well . after the charge of sowing his corn is paid , he will have perhaps some scores of pounds in his purse to equip himself withall : and every man whose share is under twenty pounds , and who consequently is not obliged to sow any corn , has no more to do , but to receive his money , with which , if he pleases , he may immediately mount himself for the army . and i am sure those who cannot fight through age or infirmity , or that have numerous families , would have reason to approve of my proposal , which would give them a maintenance without fighting , and by it the most infirm or aged person that is concern'd in the house of commons list , ( who would be otherwise useless , ) is made as useful to the publick as the best . there are some other little objections which scarce deserve to be repeated , such as the carrying over of arms , which are design'd but for their own defence , and which if it had not been mention'd , they would then have cry'd out , how can we , an unarm'd people , go over and plant in an enemies country ? but there are some men among us , that have fill'd their brains with a notion that the parliament will maintain them here till they can send them home , and that they shall have this 60000 l. of course , without going over , and will not be perswaded to the contrary , and consequently will not hear of stirring ; the miserable consequences of which opinion , makes my heart ake to think upon . if there are any more objections , they are not answered , only because i know them not , for they would not give me admittance among them , when they were drawing their answer , which is another mark of their fair dealing ; though possibly this was done with design , that they might reply to me with more advantage . for some of us do make that use of the leisure we have by our exile , to answer every new pamphlet that does not suit with our own notion : but if any of them do design to treat this so , they shall keep the field undisturb'd for me . this vindication was a debt to my reputation , but i shall never think , for my part , that so much is due to an opinion . but after all , i am perswaded that the greatest part of these gentlemen are deluded by a few of their leaders , money'd men , and who are in a way of living here , who have told them that my proposal sends all away , and that unless they go , they shall have no share in the fifteen thousand pounds ; that when they come there , they shall have but ten pounds a man : and that for that ten pounds , they must sow two acres of oats , and build a house , and that on another mans land. whereas this is all false , and on the contrary , every man , whose share of the 45000 l. is under twenty pounds , is not obliged so much as to sow corn or any thing else , only to carry over arms for his own defence . so that i hope their hard thoughts of this proposal will vanish , and of me for making it ; especially if they consider , first , that it would be far from being a profit to me , or a satisfaction to any thing that carrys the nature of man , to see a people , my own nation , ruin'd and destroy'd , ( as some to my knowledge put it into their heads , that that is my design , who are as much strangers to my past actions as to my present inclinations , ) on the contrary it is most manifest , that the good of the people in general must redound to my particular advantage . but to satisfie them further , they may see before , that i have declared my purpose of going along , and to undergo to the utmost of my ability , whatever hardships we shall meet with . i would desire them to consider secondly , that if either the king or the council had thought this proposal so ridiculous and foolish ( as these men have told them it is , ) surely they would never have given themselves the trouble of twice reading it ; whereas we see on the contrary they thought it worthy their serious consideration . thirdly , that this proposal is a force upon no man , nor does any man any wrong that stays here ; and therefore that it is too like the dog in the manger , to hinder other mens going because we cannot or will not go our selves . fourthly , that the price of corn is already risen from two shillings fix-pence to four shillings a bushel , and no armies yet upon the march nor fleet fitted out . i wish that before the time that our northern corn could have grown , the people of england do not think too much of all the corn we have here eaten ( though for our money ) when they shall want it themselves . it is not long since ireland has in one year , ( but in 84 , ) exported of victuals alone ( as i have seen in the account thereof ) to the value of two hundred eighty three thousand pounds sterling , of which , not above twenty thousand pounds was in fish , the rest was in butter and cheese , beef , mutton , pork and bacon ; ( i speak not here of tallow , hides , wool , &c. ) what an astonishment is it then to think , that in so few years it should be brought to that desolate condition , as not to be able to feed the few inhabitants it carries ? the consideration of this , does demonstrate to me the service of forty five thousand pounds thus laid out , to be so great , that one can hardly doubt , after having had so great proofs of the charitable disposition of the citizens of london , but that among them , there may be some found , who will advance and lend the treasury money upon this occasion , if it be demanded : the gift of which would indeed have been a great favour to us at first , if we had obtain'd it upon this proposal without any words ; but to have it offered now , will shew a true paternal affection , in giving us what is good for us , against our wills ; and though we have justly forfeited all hopes , yet if those here and at chester , will upon better thoughts confess their fault , and fairly lay the saddle on the right horse , and justly expose those men that have drawn them into this ; who as some of them were a burden to us in our best times , so now have they in our greatest distress , made us forfeit the favour of his majesty by their practises ; and with the worthy irish gentry of leverpool ( who are no small number ) joyn in an humble supplication to his majesty , that he would notwithstanding their folly , even yet dispose of them according to the said proposal , or in any other way that to his wisdom shall seem fit , there is yet room to hope that his majesty will be graciously inclin'd to let them be partakers of his favours . i am , sir , your most humble servant , r. b. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a30010-e180 *⁎* note , that in october , when this paper was first given , we had sligo and jamestown , and almost all conuaught to the walls of galway whereas our very good lord richard lord viscount ranelagh and his partners by their contract with his majesty passed under the great seal of england ... by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1672 approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46160 wing i856 estc r36906 16151500 ocm 16151500 104893 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46160) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104893) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:39) whereas our very good lord richard lord viscount ranelagh and his partners by their contract with his majesty passed under the great seal of england ... by the lord lieutenant general and general governour of ireland, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. [3] leaves. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1672. title from first 4 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at his majesties castle of dublin, the eighteenth day of february, 1672. the 25th year of his majesties reign"--leaf [3] broadside in [3] leaves. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-12 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the lord lieutenant general , and general governour of ireland . essex . whereas our very good lord richard lord viscount ranelagh and his partners by their contract with his majesty passed under the great seal of england , and bearing date the 24th day of august , in the 23th year of his majesties reign , did covenant and grant to and with his majesty , his heirs and successors ; that they the said richard lord viscount ranelagh , and his partners would within the space of four years to commence from the twenty fifth day of december , which was in the year 1671. fully discharge , satisfie and pay , or cause to be fully discharged , satisfied and paid all and every the arrears of pay , which at or upon the 25th day of december in the year 1670. were behind and unpaid to any person or persons comprehended in the martial list according to the establishment ; and also all arrears of pay , wages , sallary or pention then due to any persons comprehended within the civil list according to the said establishment , and also all arrears whatsoever then due to his majesties train of artillery in this kingdom , and would cause due satisfaction & payment to be made thereof within the time aforesaid , by even and equal portions in good lawful and currant english money , or so much lawful currant money of ireland , as should be equivalent in ireland to english money , without any composition , defalcation , or other deduction whatsoever ( the usual fees and cheques onely excepted ) the first payment whereof was to begin at or before the 24th day of december last past , and that his majesty , his heirs and successors should be acquitted and discharged thereof , so as such arrears of pay then due upon the military lists , and to be satisfied within the time , and according to the proportions aforesaid , do not in the whole exceed the sum of one hundred thirty nine thousand one pounds , eleven shillings and four pence . deducting the fees and cheques , and so as the arrears then due on that civil list , do not in the whole exceed the sum of four thousand pounds , and so as the arrears then due to the train of artillery do not in the whole exceed the sum of one thousand one hundred forty seven pounds . and whereas his majesty having by his said letters patents covenanted , that the said contract should be construed , adjudged , deemed and taken most favourably and beneficially for the said lord ranelagh and his partners , and for the better enabling them to execute and perform their undertaking , and some doubts arising concerning the said words ( by even and equal portions ) his majesty by his letters bearing date the 26th day of november last to us directed , was graciously pleased upon consideration thereof had before the then lord commissioners of his majesties treasury in england , to order and declare that the arrears payable by the said clause , should be discharged , satisfied and paid by twelve even and equal portions , the first portion , whereof was to have been paid and satisfied at or before the 24th of december last past , and so every three calendar months , one more till the whole should be discharged . and his majesty did by his said letters declare his further pleasure , that we should give effectual order for the stateing of what debts are due from the several officers and souldiers concerned in the said arrear in their respective quarters , that so due care may be taken for the satisfying thereof . and whereas the said months pay of the said arrears , which was payable on the 24th day of december last , cannot well be paid until the said debts be stated and ascertained . we do therefore hereby publish and declare , that all and every person and persons claiming any debt or debts to be due unto them , from any officers or souldiers of the standing troops or companies of his majesties army now in ireland , which have been contracted between the 28th of july in the year 1662 , and the 25th day of march in the year 1670. for necessary provisions for themselves or their horses within their respective quarters , shall and may by themselves , or their agents make proof of their said debts before the first day of april next , before the commissioned officers commanding in chief each troop , or company in their several and respective quarters , and shall also cause the said debts to be certified into the office of his majesties commissary general of the musters at dublin , under the hands of such commissioned officers , and also under the hands of the chief magistrate of the city or town where they are now quartered , or in case there be no such chief magistrate , under the hand of some justice of peace in the county where such city or town is scituated , before the twentieth day of april next . and whereas several troops and companies have been lately either disbanded or transported into england , by reason whereof the persons concerned in such debts , know not how or where to apply themselves to the chief commissioned officers of such troops and companies ; we do hereby further publish and declare , that all and every person and persons to whom any such debts are due and owing from any officers or souldiers of the said troops or companies so disbanded or transported into england , do by themselves or their agents sometime before the said twentieth day of april next , make proof of their said debts before sir james cuff knight , joseph dean , griffith bodurda , abraham yarner esquiers , & richard barry gent. or before any two of them at the office of his majesties commissary general of the musters at dublin . and we do hereby impower and requier the chief commissioned officer residing with each troop or company now of his majesties army in this kingdom , and also the aforesaid sir james cuff , joseph dean , griffith bodurda , abraham yarner , and richard barry , or any two of them as aforesaid , to examine all such debts as are claimed from any officers or souldiers , which at any time from the 28th of july 1662. until the 25th day of december in the year 1670. were of his majesties army in ireland , and which have grown due within the time aforesaid , for necessary provisions for themselves or their horses in their respective quarters , and to give certificates thereof unto the person or persons unto whom the said debts shall appear to be due , and to return duplicates thereof into the office of the said commissary general of the musters in dublin , on or before the said twentieth day of april next ensuing , to the end that effectual course may be taken for the satisfaction of the said debts , in such manner , and at such times , and 〈…〉 as the said arrears due to the said officers and souldiers shall become due and payable , and to be satisfied as aforesaid . and whereas we are informed , that although his majesty hath taken care that the said twelve months arrear shall be satisfied , and the said lord viscount ranelagh and his partners , are and shall be ready to pay the same , at the dayes and times above limited , according to their contract without any composition , defalcation , or other deduction ( the usual fees and cheques onely excepted . ) yet some persons taking advantage of the necessities of the officers and souldiers to whom the said arrears are due , have presumed to compound with some of them for the same , at small and inconsiderable rates , thereby designing to make unreasonable advantages to themselves ; we do hereby declare , that no such compositions made with any such officers or souldiers for their said arrears shall be allowed of , but care shall be taken , that the persons who have made any such compositions with any such officers or souldiers shall be satisfied their money , if any they have really paid , thereupon out of the first monies of the said arrears , that shall be due and payable to such officers and souldiers , after the debts due from them in their respective quarters shall be satisfied . and we do hereby strictly charge and command all officers and souldiers to whom the said arrears are due , that they do forbear hereafter making any such compositions for their said arrears , but that they do patiently expect their satisfaction thereof , at such times as his majesty hath appointed for the same . given at his majesties castle of dublin , the eighteenth day of february , 1672. the 25th the year of his majesties reign . hen : ford. god save the king . dublin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the kings most excellent majesty ; and are to be sold by joseph wilde , in castle-street , 1672. irelands advocate: or, a sermon preached upon novem. 14, 1641. to promote the contributions by way of lending, for the present reliefe of the protestants party in ireland. in the parrish church of st. stephens coleman street london, by the pastor there. goodwin, john, 1594?-1665. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85401 of text r5164 in the english short title catalog (thomason e149_2). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 71 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85401 wing g1178 thomason e149_2 estc r5164 99872810 99872810 156711 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85401) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 156711) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 26:e149[2]) irelands advocate: or, a sermon preached upon novem. 14, 1641. to promote the contributions by way of lending, for the present reliefe of the protestants party in ireland. in the parrish church of st. stephens coleman street london, by the pastor there. goodwin, john, 1594?-1665. [2], 36 p. printed for william larnar, and are to be sold at his shop, at the signe of the golden anchor, neere paules-chaine, london : 1641. the pastor of the parish church of st. stephens = john goodwin-cf. wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng bible. -n.t. -john, 1st, iii, 16 -sermons -early works to 1800. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a85401 r5164 (thomason e149_2). civilwar no irelands advocate: or, a sermon preached upon novem. 14, 1641.: to promote the contributions by way of lending, for the present reliefe of goodwin, john 1641 13217 13 25 0 0 0 0 29 c the rate of 29 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2008-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion irelands advocate : or , a sermon preached vpon novem. 14 , 1641. to promote the contributions by way of lending , for the present reliefe of the protestants party in ireland . in the parish church of st. stephens coleman street london , by the pastor there . judges 5. 23. curse yee meroz ( said the angell of the lord ) curse yee bitterly the inhabitants thereof ; because they came not out to the helpe of the lord , to the helpe of the lord against the mighty . but who so hath this worlds goods and seeth his brother hath need , and shutteth up his bowells of compassion from him , how dwelleth the love of god in him ? london , printed for william larnar , and are to be sold at his shop , at the signe of the golden anchor , neere paules-chaine . 1641. irelands advocate : or , a sermon preached upon novem. 14. 1641. to promote the contributions by way of lending , for the present reliefe of the protestant party in ireland . 1 john 3. 16. therefore we ought to lay downe our lives for the brethren . the sad and most deplorable condition of our brethren , professors of the same faith and religion with us , in the kingdome of ireland , as it hath very lately bin represented by letters from thence unto us , is the occasion of turning me aside ( for the present ) from that scripture that i had intended to have proceeded with , and of casting me upon this ; that so , as wee have a great opportunity from hel , we may have another from heaven also , to excite and stirre you up , to quit your selves like the children of god , and the redeemed of jesus christ , by drawing out the bowels of your compassions readily and freely unto those , that are , or ought to be as deare to you , as your selves , and your owne soules . the author of this epistle , was that disciple and apostle whom christ loved , that is , loved in speciall manner above his fellowes : who ( it seemes ) as he received abundantly of the sweet fruites and expressions of this affection in god , and in his lord and master jesus christ towards him , so did he abound proportionably in his reciprocall affection towards god and jesus christ againe : the fire burned in vehemencie and strength of heate according to the pile of wood that was layd upon it . and thus knowing by a double experience , the infinite sweetnesse and preciousnesse of this affection : he labours more then all the rest of the apostles , to propagate and multiplie it in the hearts of the children of god , both towards god , and towards one another . to passe by all other passages in his writings , wherein hee labours to promote the cause and kingdome of this heavenly affection , in and neere about the scripture read unto you , hee makes out with a high hand , and with many important arguments , to kindle this fire in the hearts of men , yea and to make it burne out into a vehement flame . greater love hath no man ( saith our saviour john 15. 13. ) then this , that a man should lay down his life for his friend : and lesser love then this ought no man to have ( saith john in effect in this place : ) therefore we ought also to lay down our lives for the brethren . not so much as to mention any other of his arguments , adjoyning neere unto the text both before and after it , whereby hee pleades like an angell of god , for sinceritie and truth and soundnesse of this affection we speake of ; in this 16 verse , being come to an argument or ground that hee saw could beare it , he raiseth his demands in this kinde very high ; and tells them ( in effect ) not onely that it stands them in hand , or that it is their duty simply to love one another , no nor yet to love one another in deed and in truth ; but to love one another to the height , or to the highest pitch and streyne of this affection : we ought also to lay downe our lives for the brethren ; which is nothing else ( being interpreted , ) but ( as was sayd ) to love one another with the ferventest , and largest , and deepest affections that our hearts will hold . true it is , such a demand as this , to lay down our lives for the brethren riseth very high ( as was sayd ) but behold an argument at hand , that will justify it , and reduce it to a point of the greatest reason , equitie and fairenesse that can be . herein ( saith hee in the former part of the verse ) have we perceived or knowne love , that hee , that is , jesus christ layd down his life for us : as if he should say : this was love indeed , this was love in the glory and exaltation of it , that our saviour christ so holy a person , so wonderfull in glory and all manner of excellencie as he was , who had no bond or ingagement either of duty or example upon him , should freely and willingly part with his life for our sakes , to accommodate and pleasure us withall who were his enemies : but now for us , having such a patterne and example before us to conceive by , and such an infinite ingagement upon us , as that love of christ , is , and such an advantage likewise as the benefit redounding to us by that love of christ is to facilitate and make easy any expression of love whatsoever towards those on whose behalfe christ shall require it : it is no great matter in us , it is but matter of equitie and duty in us , to be so farre raised and carried out in our affections of love towards those that are our brethren in christ , and partakers of like precious faith with us , as to lay down , and part with our lives for them . we shall adde no more either for the dependance or meaning of the words . we shall from the passage recommend onely this one generall point of doctrine unto you : that the highest and deepest expressions of love to those that are christs , are but matter of duty from christians when they stand in need of them . for we are to take the apostles expression or inference here , with such a limitation as this : therefore we ought to lay down our lives for the brethren , viz. if they stand in need of them , or if we may accomodate and pleasure them in any proportion or considerable good or benefit thereby , not that we ought actually to doe it at all times ( for then we shall be all bound to die immediatly ) nor yet that we ought to doe it , when we may accommodate them in their necessities otherwise , no nor yet to accommodate them in matters of lighter consequence , though ( haply ) they cannot otherwise be gratified or provided for , however i conceive this to be a case rarely incident , if incident at all , i meane that the common and ordinary affaires or necessities of christians should not possibly be provided for , but by the lives of other of their brethren for them , but in this sense and upon these termes , we are all bound to lay down even our lives themselves for the brethren in the faith , when their necessities are great and sore upon them , and the laying downe of our lives may in likelyhood relieve them , or stand them in some speciall service , and there is no other meāes in appearance likely to do it . therfore i include al these proviso's and cases of exception , in that clause in the doctrine , when they stand in need of them , laying it down thus , the highest and deepest expressions of love to those that are christs , are but matter of duty from their fellow christians , when they stand in need of them . the point lies large and full in the scripture read unto you : so that we shall not need to adde much for the further proofe of it . take we only a scripture or two . so then being affectionately desirous of you , we were willing to have imparted unto you , not the gospell of god only , but also our own soules ( i. our lives ) because you were deare unto us . 1 thes. 2. 8. we see the apostle here very glorious and high in expressing the tenor of his affection towards this people : he was willing to have imparted even his own soule unto them , viz. if their condition had required it , if he had conceived that hee might have inriched them with peace or comfort by it . whatsoever the intensnesse or pitch of his affection towards them was , he could not ascend higher then this , in a way of expression to them greater love then this , i. a greater expression or testimony of love then this , hath no man ( saith our saviour , as we heard ) that a man lay down his life for his friend . now then i demand , whether in case paul had actually performed , on their behalfe , what hee here professeth himselfe willing and ready to doe , that is , had indeed imparted his owne soule unto them , whether ( i say ) he had supererogated or no , or gone beyond the line of that which was his duty to doe ? doubtlesse that commandement luk. 10. 27. thou shalt love the lord thy god with all thy heart , and with all thy soule , and with all thy strength , and with all thy mind , reacheth the utmost extent and point of the utmost abilitie that is in man : neither is it possible for any man to rise in any expression whatsoever of love either to god or man , above it . so then , if paul in laying down his life for the thessalonians , should have done no more then what god required of him , in case their condition had required it , certainly he requires no lesse of any man , when the necessitie of his saints doe require it . take another scripture from the same pen of somewhat alike importance . who now rejoyce in my sufferings for you , and fill up that which is behinde of the afflictions of christ in my flesh , for his bodies sake , which is the church , col. 1. 24. these sufferings of the apostle for these colossians , that is , to accommodate them in the ministery of the gospell , though ( as he saith ) he reioyced in them , yet ( doubtlesse ) they tooke deepe of his outward man , and were grievous to the flesh , and consequently were great and weighty expressions of his love to them : and yet upon the ground lately mention'd , they were no more , then the demand of a good conscience of him . now paul ( and so any other faithfull minister of the gospel ) may be said to fulfill , or fill up , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the remainders or wantings , or afterlings ( as it were ) of the sufferings of christ ( to open this by the way ) for the churches sake , when he desisted not from his worke and imployment of preaching the gospell for any persecution , or outward losse or trouble be susteyned thereby . there are two things ( amongst many others ) of absolute necessity ( according to the counsaile and course of gods ordinary dispensation ) to accomplish the salvation of his elect , of whom his body , that is , his church consists . first , the making of a gospell . secondly , the preaching or making knowne of this gospell . the gospell is no meanes of salvation unto any man , except it be revealed and made known unto him . now the sufferings of christ , were of absolute necessitie to constitute and make the gospell , and they are also of absolute and intire sufficiencie this way : christ wants no sufferings to be added to his , or to come up in the reere to second his , for any such purpose as this , to perfect the gospell intrinsecally in any kinde . but because the making of a gospell , though never so compleate , rich , and absolute , was not enough to effect and actuate the salvation of his church , but the publishing and preaching of this gospell up and down the world , was further necessarie : hence it cometh to passe , that the afflictions and sufferings of paul ( and so of other ministers of the gospell ) are necessarie too , over and above the sufferings of christ , to bring the church into an actuall possession of her glorie . for satan , the god of this world , will be sure to take a course where he hath to doe , and as farre as the length of his arme will extend , that the gospell of iesus christ shall not be effectually , and with power preached in the world without the trouble , and persecution and sufferings of those , that shall put forth their hand to that plough , and breake up the fallow ground of the world with it . so that except iesus christ should make the ministers of the gospell willing to suffer from the hands of the world , aswell as himselfe did , his sufferings , according to the platforme of the counsell of god touching the meanes of the churches salvation , would not accomplish it . this interpretation might be further argued , and strengthened , from that word in the originall , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which our translation renders , i fulfill , or fill up : but this english doth not fil up the greeke , the word hath a more emphaticall signification then so . the word properly signifieth , ex adversa , or ex opposito adimplere , that is , to fill up on the one side , as it were over & against another , who likewise filleth up on the other side , or in another way . this force or importance of the preposition {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is cleerely seene , in that expression or phrase of speech used by our saviour himselfe luk 24. 17. where {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifieth to conferre together , or to speake by way of answere or opposition one to another . so that the apostles meaning in this place seemes to be this : that as christ tooke up the one end , the fore-end ( as it were ) of those sufferings whereby the church was to be saved , and caried and bare that ; so he help'd to take up the other end , the hinder end ( as it were ) of the same sufferings ; this end being as necessary to be taken up and borne by the ministers of the gospell ▪ as the other was by the author of the gospel himselfe , but this by the way . for further confirmation of the doctrine , i only touch one scripture more , 1 pet. 4 8. and above all things have fervent charitie ( or , love ) among your selves . if it be the duty of christians to have fervent love among themselves , doubtlesse it is their duty also to manifest this love , in the full proportion , and in all the dimensions of it , with expressions sutable to it , and every waie commensurable with it , when opportunity requireth . a candle is not lighted to be put under a bed or a bushell ( as our saviour speaketh ) no more is an excellencie or fervencie of love injoyned the servants of god , to be dissembled , or to be kept prisoner in the hearts or soules of men , but chiefly for this end and purpose , that the heat , light and beauty of it , may be the comfort , riches , strength and glory of the whole society or body . the greeke word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , translated fervent , properly signifieth , that which is extended , or stretched out at large , or at length : and doubtlesse the spirit and soule ( as it were ) of this injunction or exhortation is , that there ought to be such a love vigent in the hearts of all beleevers , that should be able and ready upon all occasions of their brethrens necessities , to doe execution ( if need be ) a great way off , and to stretch out it selfe in the fruites and expressions thereof , beyond the line of the ordinary affections of men ; as a fire that is very hot and hath much wood burning upon it , will warme men at a great distance from it . i forbeare the drawing together any more scriptures , for this service : the minde of them ( i conceive ) this way is better known unto us generally , then to require any anxious or long examination . let us make forward to the grounds , and reasons of the point . reason 1 first , we ought to rise to the highest in our expressions of love to the brethren in christ , when their conditions doe require it , because god requireth this at our hands ( as ye have heard . ) it is one of the impositions of heaven upon us . it is a tribute of thankfullnesse which god hath said upon the great and rich commodity of salvation by jesus christ , to be paid toties quoties , as oft as the necessities of our fellow-beleevers call for it : we ought ( saith the holy-ghost , in the words of the text ) to lay down our lives for the brethren . now the laying down of our lives ( we know ) is an expression of love that goeth very farre , and reacheth very high . so then , if we acknowledge a lawfull authority and soveraignty of heaven over us in other things , and all things meet and fit to be done ; every thing to be just matter of duty that god requireth us : there is no withstanding the truth of the doctrine , which requireth the deepest and weightiest expressions of our love to our brethren in christ , when they stand in need of them . reason 2 secondly , because god doth not only require this at our hands , but he hath himselfe begun unto us , in the highest and deepest expressions of his love unto us ; he hath provoked and ingaged us hereunto , not so much by his own example , as by the choice of his subject , upon whom he was pleased to exemplifie this exceeding love of his , in the highest demonstrations of it , viz. our selves : so god loved the world ( i. the inhabitants of the world , men ) that he gave his only begotten sonne , as john 3. 16. if god had shewed the same love unto the lapsed angels , which he hath done unto men ; if he had lifted up the like horne of salvation for them , there had bin the like example ; but there had not bin the like engagement , or provocation unto us , to rise to those heights of shewing love likewise , where he should appoint , as now there is : as the example of love , which he hath now shewn to men , is not any such obligement upon the reprobate angels , to shew love anywhere , as it would have bin , had themselves bin the object of this love of his . reason 3 thirdly , like father , like sonne , jesus christ himselfe hath walked in the steps of his fathers love , and hath gone as high in the declaration and expressions of his love , as the father hath done in his . he hath given himselfe , and offered up himselfe in sacrifice upon the service of the peace and happinesse of a most miserable , wofull , and sinfull world . for we must not look upon the death and sufferings of christ simply as the ransome and attonement of the world ; nor as the gift of the father only unto the world for the ransome of it , for then we shall fall short in our reckonings : but further , as the free and glorious testimony and pledge of the unspeakable , and unconceivable love of christ himselfe unto the world . the holy ghost is very carefull to vindicate the honour and glory of the love of iesus christ himselfe in his death , and so to recommend and set forth the love of god the father , in giving his sonne unto the world , that he may not drowne , or quench , or prejudice in the least measure the glory of the love of christ himselfe herein . here in perceive we love , ( those words of god , were not in the former translation , neither are they found in the best greek copies ) that he i. e. christ hath layd down his life for us ( in the word immediately before the text ) besides many like expressions , wherby it appeares , that the death and sufferings of christ , were not of constraint or necessity , as the typicall sacrifices of beasts under the law were , who had no inward principle to incline or make them willing to offer themselves : they were faine to be drawn and dragged to the altar ▪ by a strong hand , and to be bound with cords to the horns thereof ; otherwise there was no sacrificatorie death to be had of them : but the sufferings of christ were absolutely and intirely free , and consequently excellent and high expressions of his love unno us . and the truth is , were the frame of our hearts eminently spirituall , and our apprehensions truly noble , and keene in touch and tast of things of highest worth , and excellencie , the death of chritt would be more taking and transporting with us , in respect of the parent that brought it forth , i meane his love to the world , then in respect of al the children that are brought forth by it , i meane all the great benefits , and blessings , and priviledges , that are procured and purchased by it for the world . but generally , we are ( even the best of us ) no better then a generation of spirituall pothunters , all for the prey , but little or nothing for the game . so then , this is another ground or reason of the point : we are bound to rise high in the expressions of our love , when christ shall require it , because we have received like measure from his hand ▪ and where much is given , much may very lawfully and equally be required . reason 4 fourthly , by such excellent expressions of your love to your brethren in the faith , as are required of you , you shall glorifie the name of christ on earth , and convince the judgements and consciences of ignorant and wicked men , that he is what he is , viz. the sonne of god , and sent into the world by him to be the saviour thereof . thus christ prayes unto his father for those that shall beleeve in him , that they may all be one , as the father and he are one ; so that they also may be one in them , & that for this end , that the world may beleeve that thou ( meaning god his father ) hast sent me : and somwhat more plainly ( verse the 23. ) i in them , and thou in me , that they may be perfect in one , that the world may know ( viz. by this their perfection , or being made perfect in one ) that thou hast sent me , &c. but what is there in this , in beleevers being made perfect in one ? ( as our saviours expression is ) that should produce such an effect in the world , as is here attributed to it , viz. the making them to know , or the giving of them to understand , that god hath senr jesus christ into the world : what proportion is there , betweene such an effect as this , and such a cause as that ? i must not stand to open my selfe at large in this : take a tast of what i would say further in two words . by being made perfect in one , our saviour ( doubtlesse ) meaneth , that entirenesse and dearenesse of affection that should be between them , their being made all one heart ( as it were ) and one soule . love ( we use to say ) is an affection of union : and when it is reciprocally and mutually fervent and strong , and rais'd to an excellent degree , though amongst never so many , it makes a strong consolidation of all into one , so that every one hath ( in effect ) the same strength , and the same wisdome , and so every other perfection , which any other hath , yea or which they all have amongst them : in such a case , one man so perfected in one with others , though never so many , hath as much of every thing that is desirable or good , as they all have together . now then when those that beleeve in jesus christ , are thus made perfect in one , thus intimatly and mightily affecting one another , that entercourse of love , and those glorious expressions of this affection , passing to , and fro , from time to time betweene them , cannot but be taken notice of by the world : and the interpretation of what they see and take notice of in this kinde , can lightly be no other ( when their judgments and consciences are but in any measure themselves ) then this , that that christ , whose disciples and followers these men professe themselves to be , was ( doubtlesse ) the sonne of god , and hath appeared unto them , otherwise such an excellent spirit of love which we see and behold , could not worke in them as nebuchadnezar and his nobles saw a fourth man in the furnace , walking with those three which he had cast in , whose appearance was like the sonne of god : so in those flames of love wherein the saints and servants of jesus christ live and walke together on earth , there is a spirituall visage or appearance of one greater then they , even the appearance of their great lord and master jesus christ himselfe . we should answere that objection here ( but that we have no time . ) but are there not many other factions , or societies of men in the world , that hold fast together , & expresse themselves many times with much affection and cordialnesse one towards another ? therfore how should any expression of love whatsoever betweene those that truly beleeve , be any argument or conviction unto men , that iesus christ is he , that he is the sonne of god , and sent by him into the world ? we must respite the full answere to this objection to some other time : only you may please to take a tast ( in two words ) of what would have bin further enlarged upon this occasion . it is true , there are many factions and parties and combinations of men in the world , that seeme very deere , and deeply ingaged amongst themselves , that are ready to stand up to plead the cause one of another ( perhaps ) even unto blood . but here is the difference betweene the affection of love , which seemes to rule in other societies of men , and that which ruleth amongst true beleevers , when they are perfected in one : the reason , ground , or roote of that affection or deerenesse which reigneth amongst christians , is not any thing visible , any thing savoring of the flesh , nor can their enemies , the men of the world , satisfie their judgements or consciences in conceiving so of it ( though many times they satisfie one another in so speaking ) whereas the band wherewith other societies of men are chain'd and link'd together , is alwaies somewhat that is naturall , and which falls within the reach and comprehension of a naturall understanding . so that the greatest affection that is found amongst naturall men , leadeth the apprehension but to that naturall thing which is the ground and cause of it , and there it stayeth : but that affection which is , or should be found amongst christians , carrieth the minde and thoughts of him that diligently inquireth into the originall and pedegree of it , unto a supernaturall principle , which can be no other but jesus christ , as might be shewed more particularly , but time hasteneth . reason 5 by such deepe and deere expressions of our love to the brethren , we may be a meanes to open the eyes of the ignorant and blinde , and cause them to see and looke upon him , whom they have pierced with their sinnes hitherto , especially with the sinne of their unbeliefe . this reason runs pararell with the former , and depends ( in part ) upon it . strange tongues ( and so other miracles ) are for a signe unto those that beleeve not ( saith paul 1 cor. 14. 22. ) viz. for the conviction of their unbeliefe , and ( as it were ) the opening of an effectuall dore unto them , to beleeve . now such expressions of love as we speake of betweene the saints , are of the same kinde of importance and working , that tongues and miracles were . by this ( saith christ john 13 , 35. ) shall all men know that yee are my disciples ( that is , may know it hereby , that there is an aptnesse in it to convince them hereof ) if yee have love one to another . now that which is a meanes to discover and prove men to be the disciples of iesus christ , is a meanes likewise of great efficiencie and power , to prevaile with men that are yet strangers and enemies to him , to become his disciples also . for such a master , were he known ( and those that know his disciples , cannot lightly be ignorant of him ) would draw disciples apace after him . reason 6 the command lies with the same weight and charge upon others also in ▪ respect of us , and our necessities : indeed if christ had singled out us , out of all the world , or any other parcell of beleevers , and had imposed that by way of duty , which the text or doctrine speakes of , to lay down our lives , or to rise so high in our expression of love unto the rest of the saints , and had not layd the same charge and commandement indifferently upon them , in respect of us , and our necessities , the commandement might have secmed somewhat hard , and the practise of it might have bin stuck at ; but now since he who hath ingaged us to ingage our selves so deeply in the behalfe of others , when they stand in need , hath ingaged them likewise to ingage themselves proportionably for us , when we stand in need ; obedience unto the commandement , cannot but seeme very equall and reasonable , as well on our part in respect of others , as upon others in respect of us . the apostle taketh off the seeming hardnesse or offensivenesse of that demand which he made to the church of corinth , for somewhat a larger contribution then ordinary , the necessities of the saints in other places requiring it for the present , by this very consideration or reason . 2 cor ▪ 8. 13. for i meane not ( saith he ) that other men be eased , and you burdened : but by an equalitie : that now at this time your abundance may be a supply for their want , that their abundance also may be a supply for your want , that there may be equality . reason 7 god hath endued those that are his with power from on high to doe it , he hath furnished them with a new principle , out of which , by a due and conscionable improvement of it in themselves , they are able to afford all that is required of them in this kinde . so that if any man or woman ( i meane that is borne againe , and is a childe of god ) shall finde their hearts low and base and unworthy in this kinde , below the line and levell of that duty now presented unto you , it is because they doe not effectually stirre up the grace of god within them , as the apostle somewhere speakes , they bow downe their backs to the suggestions of the flesh , whereas their strength were it put forth accordingly , would serve them to goe upright . consider that one scripture to this purpose . 1 pet. 1. 22. seeing you have purified your soules in obeying the truth through the spirit , unto unfeigned love of the brethren ; see that yee love one another with a pure heart fervently . here two things ( amongst many others ) are plainely implied . first , that no man is able out of any naturall principle to love the brethren , that is , the saints ; the heart must be purified through the word and spirit of god together , that is , that base and drossie affection of inordinate self-love must be purged away , before a man be able to lift up his heart to such a spirituall and heavenly service as this . secondly that a man or woman having obtained such an excellent principle as this , a power of loving the saints unfeignedly through the purifying of their hearts , are bound in a speciall manner to give out themselves fully and freely according to the nature , strength , and importance of this principle , to expresse themselves in excellent termes of love and respects unto them , as their necessities shall require it . this for the 7 and last reason . we addresse immediatly to the vse and application of the doctrine , we shall be very briefe in particulars here . by way of instruction ( in the first place ) we may from the doctrine observe sundry particulars . as first that the minde and good pleasure of jesus christ , concerning his saints and people on earth , is , that you should be a societie or body of men and women in the world , animated and quickened ( as it were ) mooved and acted by a spirit of love , as the life or soule of it , that you should abound in this affection , above all other societies of men whatsoever . doubtlesse he that commands us to lay down our lives one for another , commands us also by a commandement involv'd and wrap'd up in this commandement , to maintaine a spirit of most ardent and burning affection towards one another . a man can never be instructed or taught to die willingly by any other teacher or teaching whatsoever , but by love , yea and that such a love , of such a conquering and commanding power , that it must tread downe the strength of a thousand loves and desires besides , yea and many of these of soveraigne strength and power also . to require a man to lay downe his life for the brethren out of any other ground or principle whatsoever , then out of an affection of love to them , and that transcendently glorious , is ( in effect ) to bid him gather grapes of thornes , or figges of thistles . secondly , this likewise is by way of instruction observable from the doctrine , that men doe but that which is their duty in this kinde , when they are enlarged in the greatest measure , in the expressions of their love towards their brethren : if they should give all their goods , and part with their whole substance to them , yea , if they should lay downe their necks , and jeopardie their lives for their sakes , yet there is nothing to boast of in all this : they are never-the-lesse to remaine vile and little in their own eyes . if their right hand doth never so much in this kinde , yet should not their left hand know any thing at all of it . heights of duty should no waies prejudice or hinder the depths of humilitie . so likewise yee ( saith our saviour to his disciples ) when you shall have done all things that are commanded you , say , we are unprofitable servants : we have done that which was our duty to doe . observe thirdly ( by way of instruction ) what gratious and blessed provision the lord jesus christ hath made , for the poore and weake , and distressed ones in any kinde in his church . hee hath ingaged the rich and strong , and those that are at libertie and that have meanes of reliefe or support in any kinde , in their hand , to be ready at all times to minister unto them . the necessities of any , as farre as they are made knowne , are a summons from heaven to call the rest to looke after them and relieve them . if this royall law were duly observed in the church of christ , one sufferer should create and raise up many relievers ; neither should there be heard the complaint or crie of any man sinking , whilst there remaines any one swimming . it is a signe , that the minde of christ is not fulfilled by his body , if there be one member hungry , whilst another is drunken , if there be want in any place , before there be want in all . fourthly , ( we are yet in the way of instruction ) if the highest and deepest expressions of our love to the saints , be but matter of duty in us , as their necessities may determine it ; then is it not any discharge of a mans duty , nor to be counted obedience unto god , or unto the lord jesus christ , when the necessities of your brethren being great and sore upon them , men shall minister unto them in a sparing , pinching , and contemptible manner : when the condition of the saints requires ( it may be ) the one halfe of our substance , and we cast in two mites into their treasury : when their exigences call us to lay downe our lives for them , and we are willing onely to bestow the parings of our nailes upon them . doubtlesse to minister unto the necessities of the saints upon such termes as these , is no better obedience , nor any whit a more acceptable service unto god , then that of saul was , when being commanded to smite amaleck , and to destroy utterly all that appertained to them , &c. he only destroyed that which was vile and nought worth amongst them , but spared agag the king , and all the best of the sheepe and oxen , and all that was good 1. sam. 15. 3. 9. as saul was rejected by god , and that with much indignation , and arrested from heaven with a writ of rebellion served upon him by the hand of the prophet samuel , for such an abusing of the commandement of god , which yet to himselfe seem'd a sufficient and plausible obedience : so is it more then to be feared that many men please themselves , and are lifted up in a selfe admiration , for doing that in a way of charitie and reliefe unto the ●aints , which being interpreted by god , is rather a reproach and mockerie to his pleasure and command that way , then any obedience or subjection to it . lastly ( for instruction : ) if the highest , and deepest expressions of love to the saints , be but matter of duty , when their necessities require them : then is not that which any man possesseth in the things of this world , whether estate , liberty , life , &c. so much to be look'd upon , as a mans owne ( to speake properly ) as the churches and houshold's of faith . god we see both in the text and doctrine delivered , who hath an absolute sovereigntie of right and power to dispose both of our persons and of all we have , hath interessed the brethren , that is , the whole communion and brotherhood of the saints , both in our persons , and in our possessions . the necessities of the saints are sealed and confirmed from heaven , as a lawfull right and title to such proportions and shares in our estates , and in any other meanes of help and support that we are able to afford , as are proportionable to them , and of a considerable importance to relieve them . that civill right or proprietie we have in our possessions , is not by christians to be looked upon , or pleaded in barre to that spirituall right which all the saints have in them also . secondly , the doctrine affords matter of reproofe also , and that of foure sorts of men . the first are those that will needs be numbred amongst the righteous , yea are ready to thinke themselves evilly entreated , and hardly dealt with , if they have not their place assigned them at the upper end of the table amongst the houshold of faith , if they be not looked upon as the true servants of jesus christ ( at least ) and yet are as a dry , and barren wildernesse to the saints , and looke upon this family of heaven as strangers unto them , especially when they stand in need of an helping hand from them in any kinde . a little affliction falling upon a servant of god wherein their helpe is required , puts him quite out of their knowledge ; as davids necessitie made nabal that he did not know him . 1 sam. 25. 10. who is david ? and who is the sonne of ishai ? if david had bin a great courtier , or the sonne of ishai a favourite of king saul , it is no otherwise like , but nabal could have knowne him well enough . but perceiving that his knowledge of him in such a condition , and streight as he was now in , would be chargeable to him , and cost him some of his bread , and of his flesh , he would by no meanes owne his knowledge of him . such a condition , wherein a man shall stand in neede of the helpe of another is , in the interpretation of a base close-fisted generation amongst us , an evidence against him , that he doth not belong to christ alasse , how farre are these from laying downe their lives for their brethren , and consequently from being christians , who can acknowledge none for christians , but those that have no need of them at all ? when lazarus shall be cast out of abrahams bosom , these shall goe thither in his stead . secondly , there is another sort of professors too , which though they seeme not altogether so bad as the former , yet their prerogative above them were a deere bargaine of the widowes two mites , if it were to be bought with them . these are such , who though they will not be seene to sit out in the necessities of the saints , when others are in , yet they will play but at very small game ( as we say ) to relieve them : they neither consult with the greatnesse , or depth of the saints necessities , nor with the fulnesse or superfluities of their own estates , but with the narrownesse , and seantnesse of their owne base dispositions : this is the only oracle they inquire at , and by which they are regulated in all they doe for the saints , upon any occasion whatsoever . they have a forme of giving ( as the apostle speakes of some that have a forme of knowledge ) which neither mends , nor paires , neither riseth nor falls , nor any waies alters by any difference or occasions , or opportunities whatsoever . if the fit of charitie be upon them , they will give asmuch to a vagrant beggar by the way side , as they will to save the lives of ten thousand saints : and no great matter neither to the one , or towards the other . if men be rich in the things of this world , and not rich in good workes too , they are not like to lay hold of eternall life . 1 tim. 6. 19. we know the rich young-man in the gospell , though he was neere unto the kingdome of heven , yet because he would not sell all that he had , and give liberally to the poore , being required to do it , never entred thereinto . for rich men under the law that had great heards of cattell and flocks of sheepe , and goates , to have brought turtles , or young-pigeons for their offering , had been a prophanation of the temple , and despising of god . and so for men of great estates to have cast in 2 mites into the treasury , as the poore widdow did , had rather bin a cōtumelie or affront put upon that service or custom of offering , then any expression of charitie or devotion . cursed be the deceiver ( saith the lord himselfe by his prophet ) which hath in his flock a male , and voweth and sacrificeth unto the lord a corrupt thing . mal. 1. 14. and is it not a sin of very neere affinitie with this , and so obnoxious to the same curse , when men that are able to relieve by thousands , and the extremities of the saints call for reliefe by thousands , shall yet minister reliefe but by tens , yea and scarsely by this proportion ? thirdly , another sort worse then both the former are such , who are so farre from managing an affection of love to the saints with those high , and excellent expressions we speake of , even when the greatest need requires , that to keepe their bread and water , and credit too , are still ready to blaspheme the pouertie or hard condition of the saints in any kind , as if they were of a base originall and descent ; as if they alwaies proceeded either from negligence , sloathfulnesse , rashnesse , want of discretion and foresight , or the like . because men have no minde or will in this case to part with their money , nor are yet willing to make any part of satisfaction for that basenesse with their names and reputations ; they have no waies to bring both these ends together , but by insimulations aspersions and sundry imputations to render those unworthy , whose necessitous condition calls upon them for reliefe . thus nabal sought to make a covering for his owne shame in refusing to supplie david in his extremitie , of that wicked insimulation or reproach cast upon david , as that he should be some servant run away from his master . 1 sam. 25. 10. there be many servants now adaies that breake away every man from his master : out of these impertinent premisses , this base minded wretch thought he might lawfully and commendably inferre this conclusion : therefore there was neither reason nor conscience why he should part with any thing to david . the like spirit of base insinuations against the saints in distresse is taken in by that other uncleane spirit of covetousnesse which reignes in the hearts of many amongst us , to defend him against the just smitings both of conscience , and of the tongues of men . fourthly ( and lastly for reproofe ) those are yet worse then the former ( if worse may be ) who instead of loving the saints fervently , and with a pure heart , and with all demonstrations and rich expressions of this love as occasion requires , are still snarling and biting , and vexing them , with injuries , reproaches , backbitings , and all manner of evill entreatings . and yet there are of this generation also , that must be honoured before the elders of their people too , with the names , and reputations of good christians . any thing ( it seemes ) will serve for the present to make christians and saints of : hey , and stubble , and wood will serve to beare the name , and outside of christianity , aswell as silver , gold , and precious stones : but when they shall be made to passe through the fire of gods judgement , then that hey , and stubble , and wood we speake of , will make no more christians , but base hypocrites , and accursed unbeleevers only . how farre are these men from that streyne of christianity , which is required of all men in the doctrine , from ministring richly , & with a large heart , and with an open hand to the necessities of the saints , when their daily practise is to give them gall , and vinegar to drinke , & to bring pressures , and to heap sorrowes upon their head ? instead of making their beds for them in their sicknesse , they cast them into beds of sicknesse and sorrow . if the ministers of satan be angells of light , such men as these are good christians : and when god shall bring againe the captivity of belzebub and his angells , and restore them to their first estate in heaven , these shall have part and fellowship in heaven with them . a third and last vse of the doctrine , shall be for exhortation , and that to all those that meane to doe any good , upon the profession and trade of christianity , that desire to raise themselves for ever by it : the duty i shall recommend unto you , is only this , that you would make it matter of conscience ( as well as you doe any other duty in the world , as to abstaine from murder , drunkennesse , adultery , or the like , ) yea that you would make a solemne worke and labour of it , to abound in that sweete and heavenly affection of love towards the saints , and to give full and free testimony and account thereof both unto god and men , as their occasions shall from time to time require . quit your selves in this kinde , ( i beseech you ) as the disciples and followers of him , who when the necessitie of the world ( and of your soules particularly ) required it , and could not be saved without it , freely emptied himselfe of all his greatnesse and glory , and poured out his deerest soule an offering for it ; and was content to take rest and peace and glory in reversion , when as otherwise he might have had them in present possession . in a word , that you will count nothing of all you possesse in this world deere unto your selves , that your love to the saints may reigne and triumph in all the rich and glorious and high expressions thereof , as the condition of any of these shall require . particularly ( to turne in a little to that speciall occasion , which hath drawn out my heart and soule unto you this day , in this subject ) that you will vindicate your selves for christians indeed , and your love to the saints and servants of jesus christ , like it selfe , by your ready and free , and liberall contributions by way of lending ( for your love for the present is not put to any greater triall then this ) to redeeme the lives and liberties and estates of your poore brethren the protestants in ireland ( if god will yet vouchsafe to honour your zeale and forwardnesse in this kinde , with such an honourable vouchsafement as this ) out of the mercilesse hand of those cruell , blood thirstie and implacable enemies both theirs and your's , that butcherly , and bloody faction of rome , who are now gathered together like an army of chafed beares , and fierce lyons against them , in an heate and ecstacie of revenge , and being led on by that prince of darknesse , that great roaring lyon the devill , have their hands lifted up on high , to slay and kill , and to destroy , to commit all manner of insolencies , and barbarons outrages , as they shall be inspired , and taught by that god of this world whom they serve in this spirit of revenge , which now possesseth them . the considerations , and motives that may strengthen your hand to this service that is recommended to you , are both more in number and greater in weight and consequence by farre , then i am able to expresse . give me leave to touch you with some few of them . first , that faction of hell , the romish party , are of a very formidable strength and power amongst them : they were some while since reported to have bin an army of about 30000 fighting men , and to be daily increasing , and gathering greater numbers unto them . they have already taken many strong townes and castles , and have made themselves lords and masters of them : and many captaines , and other officers that have bin trained up , and exercised in warres , are said to have come over from beyond the seas unto them , to assist them in their enterprize : in so much that the feare and dread of them is fallen and ready still to fall upon many , that they have and are likely every day more and more to revolt and fall in unto them . so they are not like to be resisted , or withstood but with an high hand . the strength and power of the enemy , which is so formidable to your brethren , and in it selfe also ▪ let it not ( i beseech you ) be contemptible in your eyes , but gaine proportionably upon your hearts and soules to consider them . secondly , the protestant party of your brethren , are but very weake in comparison of their enemies , they are but few in number , in respect of the swarms of those anti-christian hornets that nestle amongst them : and that which is yet of sadder consideration , they are but naked , and unarm'd , and no waies appointed or provided to defend themselves ; having not long since had their armes , and meanes of defence , most cruelly taken from them , by him , who hath made some part of attonement for that and other his outrages , with his head . in which respect they are but as a flock of kids , before an host , or army of lyons . let this consideration also of the weaknesse of your brethren , strengthen the hand of your love and make tender your respects unto them . thirdly , their enemies are of a bloody , barbarous , and revengefull spirit : all mercie , pittie , and compassion , yea humanitie it selfe is hid from their eyes : there is neither age , nor sex , neither young-men , nor maids , neither old-men , nor babes , but all are one before the rage of their cruelty . they have shut up all the bowells of their compassions as it were with barres of yron , that neither cries nor teares , nor misries , nor extremities , nor the law of god , nor the lawes of men , nor the lawes of nature or humanitie it selfe , can doe any thing to open them . i beseech you let the shutting up of the compassions of the enemies of your brethren against them , be the opening of your compassions so much the more freely , so much the more abundantly unto them . fourthly , they are deeply , indeed most desperatly ingaged to goe through with their enterprize , and are under a vow , to make as cleere riddance of protestants and protestant religion out of the kingdome , as their lying legend reports that their saint patrick made of serpents & toades , & al venimous creatures . they have made a covering of their breaden god , wherewith to hide all repentance from their eyes : so that all relentings , all doubtings , all faintings or feeblenesse of spirit , all hanging down of hands from the worke in hand , are no lesse then deadly sins with them ▪ if they looke backe from the plough whereunto they have now put forth their hand , they are afraide they shall fall into hell immediatly . that god and creature of theirs which they make of bread is amongst them of as great authority and power , as the poets made the rivers styx in hell , to be among their heathen god's , when they sware by it : timor et deus ille deorum est . it is the inspiration of their religion and teachers , that it is no lesse then damnable sinne , and to be punished with hell fire , once to doubt or question whether it be meritorious or no , to murder , kings and princes , when the advancement of the catholique cause requireth it . i beseech you let the height of their resolutions , and the depths of their ingagements to doe evill , be both heights and depths of ingagements and resolutions unto you , to doe good , to the countermanding ( if it be possible ) of their evill . fiftly , they have already consecrated themselves unto the devill and his service upon the lives and blood of many of the servants of god , your brethren in the faith , hewing , and hacking some in pieces ( as it were on purpose to quench , and smother all sparkes of humanity that might yet be alive in their brests ) after they had murdered them , and by other most barbarous villanies , and outrages committed upon them ; setting themselves a coppie ( as it were ) for their future proceedings , and giving those that yet remaine to understand , what measure they must expect , and looke for , if they make resistance , and meane to keepe their religion . i beseech you let the lives , and cruell and cursed usages of those that have already perished by their intercede & mediate with the bowells of your compassions on the behalfe of the remnant which is yet left . sixtly , it is the holinesse , purity , and truth of that faith and religion which your selves professe , and wherein you hope to be saved , that hath kindled that fire of hatred and revenge in those romish spirits , which is now broken out , rageing and devouring , as you have heard . these servants of god whose cause we now pleade before you , are for no other cause , nor in any other respect made the miserable objects of the wrath and furie of their enemies , exposed to that fiery storme and tempest of blood that hangs over their heads , but because they are your brethren , and professors of the same precious faith with you : they suffer not as evill doers , but only because they have given the right hand of fellowship unto you in the things of god , and of the lord jesus christ . i hope the power of that religion which you professe , will set you on fire to make up the breaches , which the profession of it hath made , or further shall make upon others . seventhly , consider , that the cause , for the maintenance whereof you are now sollicited , being so cleerely and intirely as it is , the cause of your religion , and you of this citie looked upon as the greatest friends , as the solemnest and most serious professors which it hath not only in this , but in all other kingdomes also under heaven , and withall many of you being of knowne estates and sufficient abilities to doe much for it in that way , which is now expected from you ; if then you shall now discover any backwardnesse in ministring to the necessities of it , if you shall give the least suspition to the world , that your estates are competitors for your hearts with your religion , if your contributions towards the maintenance of it shall either fall low , or come off heavily from you , you shall much quench the glory and esteeme of it in the hearts of men , and represent it unto the world as a religion weake and contemptible and of a doubtfull assureanc , upon the service whereof silver and gold were too great to be sacrificed . the truth is , that the opportunity that is before you , enableth you to set the prize and estimate of your religion , at what rate , or height you please : you have the world at such an advantage to compell them to thinke highly and honourable of that truth which you professe , the losse and neglect whereof would be an inexpiable streyne of unworthinesse in you , and which you can hardly ever redeeme , no though you should sacrifice your selves and your whole estates in the flames of the greatest zeale for it afterwards . nay if you shall sinne against the crowne and dignitie of the religion you professe , by being remisse , and low and cold in the service recommended unto you , all the professors it hath in the world besides , though they should rise up in their might and cloath themselves with double zeale to doe their uttermost for it , will not be able to build up what you will throw down , nor exalt the glory of it according to the measure of your abasements . therefore if your religion be of that inestimable worth and value whereof you have given information unto the world hitherto by your profession of it , seale to these informations of yours this day , and rejoyce in free and liberall contributions over it : cause your silver and gold to doe hommage to it , and to acknowledge the divinity of it . eightly , your zeale and open-handednesse for the reliefe of the distressed , may strike a dampe of feare and teror into the hearts of their enemies , when they shall either by hearing of seeing , come to know it , and so weaken their hand to their work . when they shall perceive what deep and deere interest in your hearts and affections those have , whose confusion and ruine they hope to reape as the recompence and reward of their present rebellions , this may , cut the sinewes , and strength of their expectation this way , and take off the fiery edg of their presuming confidence . the interpretation of what you shall doe in this kinde like your selves , may be of much more consequence to your friends , then the text it selfe . i beseech you give not those bloodthirstie wretches any scope or libertie of hope or thought , but that those whose lives and fortunes they seeke to ruine and trample under foot , are a generation very precious in your eyes , and that your hearts are fully set and bent upon their preservation and deliverance . little ( perhaps ) doe you thinke or imagine , of how rich a concernment such a conceipt as this begotten in the spirits of their enemies , may be for the peace and safety of your friends . ninthly , by casting on sufficient quantities of water to quench the fire that is kindled in that kingdome , you may prevent the kindling of the like , or a worse , in your own . jreland is not unfitly termed , a back doore into england : and of what dismall portendance it must needs be to you and your nation , to have the pope keeper of the keyes of your back dore , i shall not need to represent unto you . if jreland ever be brought under the power of the romish faction , the sun of englands prosperitie will suddainly be darkened in the midst of the heavens thereof : that land and kingdome will receive immediate consecration from the triple crowne , for a sanctuary unto those that shall undertake or attempt the ruine or molestation of this : it will so one be a receptacle for ijm and oijm , i meane for the furies and firebrands of rome , to lodge in . besides , the neighbourhood of such a confederate kingdome as ireland will be , if ever that generation of vipers we speake of , should lord it there , will foment and cherish those seeds of seditions , treasons , conspiracies , and rebellions , which are sowne in the natures and dispositions of that popish gang amongst our selves . if you let ireland goe , the peace and safety of your own land and nation ( it is much to be feared ) will soone follow after it . i beseech you be not backward to do the best you are able for those who are now recommended unto you : that which you shall part with , may be the price of the redemptiō of your own land . tenthly , there is no better foundation can be treasured up for your selves against an evill day , then by a compassionate and tender consideration of those that are in distresse , in the meane season . bowells of compassion towards the afflicted , make the best shelter and covert from a storme and tempest , of any other materiall whatsoever . by the same shield which you shall hold forth to defend others from evill , you shall protect your selves also . the scripture is abundant in the testimonie of this truth . blessed is he that considereth the poore : the lord will deliver him in the time of trouble . the lord will preserve him and keepe him alive ▪ &c. psal. 41. ver. 1. 2. you know not what evill times , what daies of darknesse god may yet please to bring upon your land and nation : take heed i beseech you , least by leaving your brethren naked to that storme and tempest which now threatens them , and in part lyeth sore and heavy upon them , you do not consult nakednesse to your selves , against the day wherein the like storme or tempest shall fall upon you ▪ he shall have iudgment without mercie , that sheweth no mercie . jam. 2. 13. take heed , he that hath said i● , will do it accordingly . lastly , to make my motion unto you greater then deniall ( if it may be ) be pleased to consider this one thing further , that if you shall deale unworthily in that worke of christ whereunto you are now called , and shall love the wages of unfaithfullnesse , and resolve to keep your money by you , notwithstanding the importunate and loud cries of your brethrens blood and lives for it , you may justly feare that it will soone alter the property of it ; and that , that which was life and strength unto you hitherto , will from henceforth be but labour and sorrow , in comparison . whatsoever god calleth for at any time at the hands of any man for his glory , if it be denyed unto him ; whether it be a mans credit , friends , liberty , estate , life , or whatsoever , it seldome or never prospers ; nor is it selfe afterwards any more unto him . there may well be an insinuation or breathing of this truth , in that of our saviour , he that will save his life ( and so his credit , estate , liberty , &c. when the gospell and my affaires require it ) shall lose it : meaning ( haply ) that after such a saving it , a mans life will be no more it selfe , no more a life , but rather a death to him , and shall never have the like contentment or sweetnesse in it , which it had before . i beseech you put this consideration also to heart with all the former . whatsoever it be that god now requireth of you for the support of his cause and servants , it is to little purpose , i meane in respect of the flesh it selfe , or any outward accommodation , for you to withhold it , or to deny it unto him : this call of god for it , hath made it good for nothing , but for consecration : it is no more for any civill or naturall use or service unto you , till god hath bin serv'd by it , and shall returne it againe into your bosomes . that bread which god commands to be cast upon the waters , will certainly mold and putrifie , if it be not cast upon them : but if his voyce be obeyed concerning it , so that it be cast upon the waters accordingly , when it shall be found and taken up againe from the waters ( as his promise is it shall be ) it shall be unto the owners , or him that cast it , as the bread of angels : there will be more nourishment and sweetnesse in one morsell of it , then in full tables of other provision . all these things duly weighed , i beseech you consider what you have to doe in the service propounded and recommended to you . it will be of sad consequence unto you to seek out pretences and excuces , why you should not willingly take this yoake upon you : the exigencie of the occasion is such , that no pretences or reasons whatsoever are to be knowne or once regarded against the motion that hath bin made unto you . it seldome or never falls out , but if god hath one request to make to us , the flesh and the world have another to make in opposisition and barre to it ; and that ( for the most part ) very plausible and satisfactory to the conscience of him that desires to decline the worke and service of god ▪ nay rather if pretences and excuses shall offer themselves unto you , hide them from your eyes , and bury them like your dead , out of your sight : tread them downe under your foot as oft as they offer to rise up against you to trouble you in your way . wife and children , and charge , and poverty , and want of moneys , and occasions of disbursments otherwise , with a thousand other such insinuations as these , must with sathan himselfe be commanded to get them behind us : these are not to be admitted into this consultation . ireland must be look'd after , and provided for , as if we had neither wives , nor children , nor charge , nor were poore , nor wanted moneys , nor knew what to doe with our money otherwise . vniform and standing occasions , are but nences , in the presence of great exigencies , and precipitate exigences , and precipitate occasions . and know that you are not your selves , except you be more then your selves , and above your selves in this worke : you do not that which you are able to doe , and consequently not that which is your duty to do , except you do more then you are able to do , upon such an occasion as this . to their power , i beare them record ( saith paul concerning the churches of macedonia ) yea , and beyond their power they were willing of themselves . the meaning is not ( as perhaps the face of the leter seemes to import ) that they were desirous & willing to have done more then they did , in case they had bin better provided : but that out of an abundant willingnesse that was in them to promote such a service as was now proposed to them , they stretch'd themselves in their contributions , beyond what the line of their outward estates would well beare . we know that exigencies and extremities , and ecstacies of feares in other kinds , will intend and raise the naturall strength and abilities of men far above themselves . in a plunge of danger , and by the help & advantage of some great feare , many have bin able to leap ditches , and to take up weights , and to run with that swiftnesse , which by their standing strength & abilities they were never able to do . and doubtlesse such a spiritual exigencie as is now presented to us , if we tooke the impressions of it kindly & fully , would raise the powers of grace also within us above themselves , and enable us to worke miracles , in comparison of our ordinary expressions of our selv's , it would make even our most extreme poverty ( in case our poverty were such ) to abound to the riches of our liberalitie ; as the apostle records concerning the churches of macedonia which we speake of . the lord grant that the efficacie and power of what hath bin said unto you , may be found in your deportments and behaviour in that great worke that is before you . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a85401e-180 doct. joh. 6. 51. 10. 18 , ioh. 17. 20 ▪ 21 , 23. dan. 3. 25. vse . 1. instruction . 1 cor. 11. 21. vse 2 for reproofe . eze. 16. 53. vse 3 for exhortation . 2 cor. 8. 3. an east-india colation; or a discourse of travels set forth in sundry obseruations, briefe and delightfull; collected by the author in a voyage he made unto the east-indies, of almost foure yeares continuance. written by c.f. farewell, christopher. 1633 approx. 96 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 54 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a00549 stc 10687 estc s114627 99849852 99849852 15024 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a00549) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 15024) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 790:08) an east-india colation; or a discourse of travels set forth in sundry obseruations, briefe and delightfull; collected by the author in a voyage he made unto the east-indies, of almost foure yeares continuance. written by c.f. farewell, christopher. [8], 69, [1], 24 p. printed by b. a[lsop] and t. f[awcet], london : 1633. page 69 signed: chr. farewell. in two parts; part 2 adds anecdotes of spain and ireland. printer's full names from stc. imperfect; stained and print show-through. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng india -description and travel -1498-1761. spain -description and travel. ireland -description and travel -to 1700. 2003-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-04 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2003-04 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an east-india colation ; or , a discourse of travels ; set forth in sundry observations , briefe and delightfull ; collected by the author in a voyage he made unto the east indies , of almost foure yeares continuance . written by c. f. eccles. 34. 11. when i travayled i saw many things , and i vnderstand more then i can expresse . london printed by b. a. and t. f. 1633. the booke to the reader . my author for his love , his cost , and vertuous 〈◊〉 , desires but love for love of you his cour●…eous reader ; whose nature bountifull , i need not , ( nor is 't my intent ) here t' unfold ; being knowne to all to be magnificent ; the smaller that i seeme in worth , the greater is the praise of love in him , whose bounteous deeds transcend desert alwayes . greatnesse will shew greatnesse ever , and what so great as love ? or what so much as guifts ( of grace ) doth this grand vertue prove ? if reading in me , any good ( perhaps ) you chance to find make use thereof , reteyne it well , and love him for 't in mind . to the reader . courteous reader . it is not so old as true , that truth seekes ( nay brooks ) no corners , though charity doth ; for ( in a word ) to prove them both legitimate , it is as bold ( with discretion ) as the other is modestly bashfull ; it may ( for a time ) be blamed , but never shamed ; suspected , but not quite deiected ; trodden on , but not destroyed ; eclipsed , but not extinguisht ; no , 't will rise , and shine foorth againe ; comparable it is , and alike effectuall to the glorious sunne , commanding his entrance ( vpon least advantage ) through the thickest clouds into the darkest dungeon ; where a good sight receives his light at a little hole , and reioyceth in it . this short treatise following ( in part ) expounds my meaning , being of a voyage i made vnto the eastindi●…s almost twenty yeares since , imployed by the honorable company ; prosperously begun , and as well continued ( notwithstanding some prime opposition ) with all good proceeding in grace and favor with the best ; which at length ( as hath hapned vnto many of best report ) vpon 〈◊〉 of government there , proved to my greater preiudice , but how ? is no par cell of this discourse ; yet notwithstanding , seeing that by one finger the whole hand may be proportioned , and by the foot the entyre body drawne out ; i held it requisite ( for good respects ) this way to declare my selfe , and at this time especially ; as high time ( among many other observations more generall & delightfull ) in such briefe passages as seemd to me most considerable , and ( without all offence or prolixity vnto any ) to my purpose materiall ; that the honourable company themselues , or any else of iudgment ( with content and pleasure in the sweete variety , and milde composure of matter ) might from thence ( accidently , or by the way onely ) make a neere coniecture at the true cause of my neglect there , & vntimely departure thence , to their preiudize as my own , which here ( in modesty ) i silence . hauing finished my travayles , i made bold ( in a plaine epistle ) to dedicate them vnto the honourable companie , as most convenient me thought ; but it pleased them not to accept thereof , for reasons to themselues best knowne ; which i suppose ( for i hope the best ) they might intend , ( or it may so fall out ) to my aduantage ; for looke how many courteous readers , both of themselues and others ( to whom in generall i make my dedi●…ation ) so many generous patrons ; not with sword and speare , but with faire speech to countenance , or excuse these my honest ( though not much profitable ) labours ; for gentle deeds and words ( more then staues or swords ) preuaile with men . it was so full of loue , my lost dedication i mean ( breifly preferd to all other graces , as holding the precedent roome in euery grace and vertue , morall and diuine ; compared likewise to fire , fine gold and siluer of the finest ; and made illustrious by pearles , diamonds , and pretious stones , ( yet all vndervallued as trifles vnto him or her , in whom this divine grace of graces dwelleth , as being richer then all riches , supplying all wants , healing all infirmities , and sweeter also ( in its blest effects ) then hony and the hony combe ) with a reason ( in a word or two ) for conclusion , of this my elevation , or improper digression ) that it grieues me ( gentle reader ) so rich an ingemination should be lost , rich ( at least ) in my owne conceite , and fondlings would faine have theyr fancies , though reason say nay ) lost , ( i say ) from publike vse , though with my selfe it shall remaine a perpetuall memoriall of my constant loue , and due respect towards them for euer , in whose honourable imployments i improued my slender partes to my low degree of a meane sufficiency . my history it selfe ( courteous reader ) , here at hand attends thy leasure , and craues thy patience , at most but an hower or two , to suruey her partes ; if perhaps ( at first report ) they answer not thy expectation , as thinges too common , and alreadie past the presse ; let not this diuert thee from that honest recreation which ( in one respect or other ) may please or prosit thee ; full furnisht tables ( like great volumes ) at their onely sight ( wee see ) ●…loy good stomackes , whereas a lesse quantity incites the appetite . lo vedado es desseado , things retired are the more desired ; and the same meates diuersly drest haue different effects , attract new desires ; what one likes not , another longs for ; and that which surfeits thee , may ( perhaps ) giue life to me ; lo que vno no come , otro se pierde por ello . let nothing therefore , ( gentle reader ) be despised in this my short varietie , whereunto i most lovingly invite thee ; taste and spare not , what likes thee best , and to others commend , or leaue the rest . vale. calling to minde my former travels , and the fit occasion offered me thereby , a little to communicate my selfe vnto the world , by a briefe relation of such short passages and observations therein taken , as may minister matter of some recreation to the vniuersall reader , from his more serious studies and affaires of importance , be they whatsoever ; variety or change ( though in the meanest of thinges not vnlawfull ) with some novelties especially , being that ( saith experience ) which in all , or in most men begets delight , aliuiates the mindes of the wisest , and prepares them ( vpon a returne ) with aduantage , to a better sufficiency in theyr weightiest negotiations ; not vnlike a bow that stands alwayes bent , becomes weake in it selfe , and vnserviceable to others : so fares it alike with the most ingenious minds to bee still engaged , without some intermissions , some steppings aside , though but after a slye , or a feather in the ayre , to breath , to reviue our oversad , our too intensiue spirits ; as once the riding of a hobby-horse with his little princely sonne , not ill beseem'd a king ; any sport for a spurt , ( if honest or harmelesse , though childish ) contradi●…ts not the reputation of a man ; it being a point of wisdome sometimes ( among the vnwise ) to seeme to play the foole , as to doe it vnderstandingly , requires ( they say ) the best wits ; of purpose to forget , improues the very art of memorie ; the way ( in some cases ) to aduance forward , is by a learned skill to retire backe ; and by a discreet retreat , no small advantage is gotten ; the day , the field is ofttimes wonne ; so the reading of a pamphlet , a shallow , a dispised worke of puft conceits , proues not onely not hurtfull , but beneficiall to the wise ( who suckes advantage from every thing ) a helpe in his progresse to his most serious intendments , bee it but for change , for recreation , for variety sake onely , as i have sayd . and what is there so meane ( if of any moment , in the iudgements of the best ) but in one respect or other , a man of a gracious wit will make some gracious or morall vse thereof to his owne behoofe and others , extracting iuyce out of a dry iuncke ; sweet out of sowre ; honey out of gall ; preservatiue out of poyson ; and documents of wisedome from examples of folly ; but this is a prerogatiue of vertue , and peculiar to the wise onely ; a taske too hard for all , and positions abhorred by men of honestie , such as are not to be expected in the little garden plot of my ensuing discourse , which shall beare no noysome weedes , but ( at least ) harmlesse , ( if not wholesome ) hearbes and flowers , though ( in comparison ) of all other the meanes●… ▪ for any that will , to make a nose-gay to smell to on a holiday ; a vacant houre , a festivall , a time of leasure . i have therefore made choise ( before the rest ) to write of my travels onely to the east indies , as well for brevity as for raritie ( for to speake of all i haue seene abroad would ( i know ) seeme no lesse tedious then common and ridiculous , things farre fot , and deare bought haue bin counted best and in most request ) wherein i shall not bee over-curious , or too remisse to satisfie the indifferent reader , nor yet to leaue the most iudicious ( i hope ) voyd of all content ; none that will not , would i willingly should ( as not to surfet ; so neither ) to goe fasting away , if short syppets in a forreyne feast , o●…an indian collation homely drest , and by an vnskilfull hand hastily set forth , may ( for a moment or so ) eyther entertaine their curious sight , or relish their iudicious taste . thus by a choyce pittance , a modicum , a spanish bocado , a bit and away , carefully purveying to recreate the best , and to prevent disorder in the rest ; however , be it gustfull or not , this benefit ( to the wise ) will surely follow , as to provoke the sooner to relinquish or leaue off , quicken an appetite vnto better things , and leaue the minde content to haue made a gainefull exchange by a refresht returne . vpon a time discoursing with my selfe about the fickle condition of worldly estates , presented daily , and almost every where to my observation ; some to rise and others to fall , the same men againe to fall , and in like sort to rise ( mans industry the subordinate , and gods over-ruling providence the prime cause , and superintendent agent in all ; wee vainely purposing , hee alone wisely ' disposing even of all things , making them worke together ( contrary to theyr owne natures , and the intentions both of men and devils ) for the best to them that loue him ( o thrice happy and blest estate of a resolute soule loving and beloved of god ) none so firmely standing but subiect to a declension , accidental or finall ; by a decay of wealth , or at longest an expiration of our breath . and having before bin well disciplin'd and confirm'd in these and other like points of faith. that who so lives vnto the lord shall dye in the lord ; and all such ( whether ( so ) living or dying ) are sure to bee the lords , securely sleeping and waking vnder his omnipotent , his mercifull , and ever-watchfull protection ; as also , that the way to heaven lay paralell by sea as by land , as neere from the east as from the west , from the north as from the south ; from whence i had read should be gathered all the elect of god in christ , which ( in effect ) i remember was my answer to sir thomas smith then governour , obiecting vnto mee the danger of the enterprise , with his cheerefull approbation following . hereupon it came into my thoughts , and thence ( by degrees ) grew into a resolution to attempt a voyage into those orientall or easterne parts of the world , aswell ( to speake after the manner of men ) in hope to raise my fortunes , as to better my experience , which doubtlesse i had obtayned to the full of my desires , had not god seene contrary things more expedient for mee ; for a fayre way ( as ever vnto any of a meane ranke that went that way ) was layd open to me , which some of good note observing , pronounced mee openly ( by their prognostication ) to be certainly some great rich man before i dyed ; which ( for theyr rash oathes sake , and the better expression of my bountifull mind , the onely portion ( to any purpose ) i ever yet possest , a large heart and an open hand to my friend , or foe in misery ) i could wish may yet come to passe , and why not ? ( without offence ) as well as others ? so it may stand with gods glory , and not to the wrong of any ; else welcome still ( bee it whatsoever ) the good pleasure of the almightie . for friends of neither kiffe nor kinne were raised vp vnto mee , ready to engage themselves by speaking and doing for me whatsoever might , and did procure me credit with the governour and committees , even vnto bonds ; whose loue and merit i shall bee ever prest ( to my power ) vpon all occasions , ( change they or change they not ) to requite and honour ; by whose meanes my parentage was honoured ; my parts commended ; and ( vpon tryall ) both in private conference , and in full courts openly approued ; my sallary was assigned me ; my place appoynted ; and in them both made equall ( at least ) with many of my betters . in fine , there was nothing wanting on the honourable companies part or my friends behalfe , that might aboad vnto me all wisht prosperity , but that ( in some others ) which ( for loue●… sake ) i am willing in silence to passe over , as also to shunne all impertinent , and supersluous matter , though the onely stumbling-blocke in the way of my so faire proceedings to my future preferments then ; and ( in effect , as originally ) ever since ; for loue , ( i am taught ) covers a multitude of infirmities , but vncovers none . briefly then , to shut vp my introduction , and to the matter it selfe ; all things being in readines●…e , and prepared for our intended voyage , the companies orders with our commission sealed vp and sent aboord ; yards a crosse , and a fayre winde , that now t is time to prosecute my purpose , and to lanch forth into the deepes . ovr fleet ( therefore ) consisted of foure good ships , viz. the newyeares guift , and the hector ; the marchants hope , and the salomon ; which together set sayle from the ●…ownes , about the ninth of march , 1613. of burthen from three hundred to 8. hundred tonnes , compleatly furnisht ( besides priuate prouisions ) with varieties for health and preseruation of life ; warlike appoynted though peaceably intended , in a faire and generous way of trading , howeuer report may wrong our reputation . our generall , or cheife commander , an vnderstanding gentleman , captaine nicolas downton , whose religious orders , ( besides the honorable companies ) both for diuine duties ▪ and ciuill societie , publisht and hung vp in euery shippe , with his owne good example ( no doubt ) preuented many grosse offences , which vsually happen in promiscuous multitudes . our marchants or factors were many , well nigh thirty , and most of them men of experience as euer the company imployed any ; linguists , and residents in forraigne countryes ; as turki●… , barbarie , spaine , and italy , with other places of best cōmerce , whereof foure were principals , and had each his seuerall charge and respect next vn●…o the generall , saue in marine affaires , wherein the masters onely commanded ; theyr names , master william edwards , master nicolas ensworth , master thomas elkington , and master edward dodsworth ; he alone more bred a gentleman then a marchant , and our gover●…ours kinsman . our ordinarie meanes to stirre vp mens affections to goodnesse , as prayer and diuine seruice twice a day , on the sabbaths especially , and choyce of good bookes ( in common ) of the companies prouiding to that end ( to the comfort of all ) were not wanting ; besides a preacher in his monthly visites , for instruction , and ministration of the sacrament . our places of refreshing were three , the first cape boon speranc●… , which affoorded vs plenty of booes and baas , or beeues and sheepe for small pieces of copper , whereof the saluages make themselues rings and bracelets ; they goe all naked , saue onely before , a little flappe ; and feed ( as they looke and smell ) most nastily ; subtill they are , theevish , and very treacherous ; their houses are like bee-hives , and many together make a towne , wherewith ( vpon occasion of changing theyr heards to fresh pastures , or the sight of two or three muskets , wherat they tremble ) away they skuddle ( euery one his castle on his back ) posting to a new plantation . from hence , hauing repayred our flee●…e , refresht our selues , and strecht our limbes ( he that listed ) to the verie tops of the highest mountaines and craggie rocks , which ( for our paines ) discouered vnto vs a goodly country , extending farre in length and breadth , in lower hils and greene vallies running on together , pleasant to behold ; yet alwayes in company more or fewer , and with our armes , ( least the baboones out of some thicket or bush should sodenly surprise vs ) at the end of three weekes or thereabouts wee set sayle agayne , and not long after came to an anker at saint lawrence iland , in the bay of saint augustine . here wee landed and traded three dayes with the people , and had large and fat oxen for fiue shillings an oxe , most curious darts and of diuers fashions as art could make , and bright as siluer , for halfe a ryall or three-pence , but without siluer wee could haue nothing , which they knew from counterfeit as well as any ; wee saw no towne nor house they had , though ( doubtlesse ) better then the soldanians prouided , by good coniectures , for theyr carriage had a glosse of humanity , a tincture of vnderstanding ; theyr persons full of proportion and comely feiture ; tall , straight , strong , and sturdy ; fierce of countenan●… ; admirable ma●…kesmen at the dart , and actiue ; verie faire and blacke as iett ( for the blackest they count the fairest ) and all naked as the former , ( perhaps but seruants to theyr lords and masters ; ) many were desirous to haue made some discouery into the country , but we durst not contradict our orders , nor hazard the danger of a thicke wood , whereof wee knew no end ; which of necessitie must haue bin past . our last touch was at socato●… , where wee found a king ; not a natiue , but of the royall blood of the antient kings of barbarie ; who got this small iland by conquest , and held the natiues in great seruitude , whome our generall presented , and would haue entertained aboord the shippes , but he refused it ; yet for three or foure dayes space , came downe daily to the water side from his castle , with his guard of soldiers borne in a palanquine , and after the moorish fashion ( crosse-legged ) sitting in state vnder a rich cannopie vppon turky carpets spread on the ground , and as richly clad in cloth of gold , conuerst in the arabeck and portugall tongues , with the generall , marchants , and masters both of marchandizing and nauigating affaires ( himselfe being a marchant , as likewise all the kings of those easterne parts , who trade by theyr agents and factors ) of whom wee bought a good quantity of aloes socatrina , euen his whole store ; and in the art of nauigation , astronomie , with other branches of the mathematickes ( by report of those that vnderstood ) verie iudicious ; hauing celestiall and terrestriall globes , his instruments and astralabe about him to shew vs , which he had gotten ( bought or presented ) of former fleets , and euery yeare increasing his stocke by english , dutch , portugals , and spanish that came that way ; a man of a liuely countenance and well fauored ; about fourtie yeeres of age ; as full of courtesie and affability as might stand with his maiestie , and as full of maiestie ( respecting his commodity ) as might be , for he was a kingly marchant , and a marchant-like king ; at parting he gaue amongst v●… ( to some in particuler ) abundance of dates in heapes & lumpes , which made our guisados , our brothes and dumplins so much the sweeter , whom agayne we gratified from the ships with our seamusicke , great gunnes and trumpets . and thus weying and setting sayle agayne ( with starbord and larboord ; port and helme al●…e ) we steered on our course , till with the helpe of god , and our constant monsoone , or westerly trade winde , we verie happily ( but hardly ) recouered the rendeuous to s●…rat , and came to an anker in the roade of swall●…e , about the tenth , of nouember , and of our great company ( thankes bee to god ) lost onely one man , who came sicke of an ague out of england , but here quickly they began to dye faster of fluxes and feauers . vpon aduise of our arriuall , by a dispatch to surat , some eight miles vp into the countrey , mr. thomas aldworth the companies chiefe agent there , an vnderstanding gentleman and once sheriffe of the citie of bristoll , came downe to vs a ioyfull man , and for many enterchangeable causes was as ioyfully receiued , and with him coach and horse for conuoy of the marchants to the city , for now the terme ( or vintage rather ) after our long vacation , approaching , wee must leaue the ships a a while , and apply our selues to land-seruice . in our short iourney vpon the way , euery thing almost seemed new vnto me , the people with theyr customes especially , not the moores ( for i had seene of them before in spaine and barbarie ) but the antient natiues of the country , called banians , who ( notwithstanding theyr different religions ) liue ciuillie , neighbour-like one among another , in cities , townes , and villages ( but not in houses ) together , whom ( in concourse ) wee first saw at swallie , the first myle from the water side , where the mocodam or constable receiued vs , profered vs his owne , with the townes seruice , and performed it in such necessaries and complements of prouision as wee required , or would accept off ; bread , wine , plantines , taddie , and such like regalos y ● scanty place affoorded ; wherewith more delighted thē refresht ( as with nouelty and variety ) we set onward through an euen and a solitary way till we came in sight of surat , and of a nauigable riuer which ran close under the towne walls , vpon which within , stood a castle ( a good ornament to the place ) and fortified with men and munition . this riuer wee past , and landed right before the alfondica , or custome house , and so along through many streets ( humming like bees in swarmes ) with multitudes of people in white coates , men and women ; ( close bodied , and full of gathering to the mid-leg ) with breeches and stockings in one , ruffling like bootes and all of one single callico ; this being their generall and most neate , or angelicall habite , which sparkles ( of their kinde of starching ) like siluer spangles ; vntill ( almost smothered with clouds of heat and dust ) wee c●…me to the english house a day or two after master aldworthes returne from the shippe●… with the prime marchants , where wee found our selues as at home , in all respects well accommodated saue lodging , which with breuity was very commodiously supplyed , by taking another house with an orchard and pleasant walkes vpon the roofe ( after the spanish and the moorish building ) to our rich content , hauing chambers , dyet , seruants , coach and horse with attendance of indians called peones , for the way , and all at our honourable masters charge except our apparell , wherein alone , and by our sallaries we differd from common prentises , onely ( yet ingeniously ) acknowledging a precedencie in our little common weale , for a kinde of representation to prevent confusion . but now , before i proceed ( being called upon by order ) i am willing ( for more variety ) to entertaine a while my courteous reader with a short discourse of my selfe and another , being not a whit impertinent , but r●…ther a good compliment , if not a comely ornament to the history it selfe , how that in few dayes i here suddenly fell sicke of a burning fever , and ( thankes be to god ) as sodainly recovered ; for fearing the extremi●…y of that raving and uncomfortable sick●…esse , ( against his will ) i prevayl●…d wi●…h our ch●…rurgion , to let me bleed till i fainted againe , as fore-seeing it to be my remedy ; appl●…ed all comfortable things to my h●…ad ; tooke my bed ; and ( full of perplexity to dve sencelesse ) i comme●…ded my selfe to god ; after some idle talke to my friends about me , i fell into a slumber , but quickely wakened by a desire to ease my stomacke , and had ( at least ) a dozen vomits , naturally , which gave mee a most comfortable night ; turned my great sorrowes into the greater reioycings , at the lively apprehension of gods infinite mercies ; made me forthwith an instrument of comfort to another that shortly after of a bloudy fluxe sickened and dyed ; by such words and warrants from the word of t●…uth and my own experience of inward coelestiall ioyes beyond expression , to honest hearts and heavenly mindes , that wonne me his earnest attention ( to his and my owne advantage , for i applyed him the closer ) which took so deepe an impression in him , that it left him not to his last breath . to mention all circumstances and passages of his sixe dayes sicknesse , would seeme a needlesse curiositie , which ( in comparison of some then languishing and repining under the same crosse ) he suffered with singular patience , and spent it most in abstinence , silence , and meditation ; the night before his death , in private conference , watching with him , he told me ( after his accustomed mildnesse ) he had thought of my former talke , and should finde my words true ; the next morning ( vpon my perswasion ) he r●…ceived the sacrament , after he had made his will in the presence of another marchant and my selfe ; one master edward hamden ; wherein ( in effect , having his memory perfect to the last ) he would ( more then once or twice ) have given me his whole e●…tate , being of some value i remember , but excusing my selfe ( with thankes for his love ) i refused it , as not expedient for my selfe ( me thought ) in regard of the worke in hand , though lawfull ( i knew ) for another , least religion should suffer , and my labor of love bee thought merc●…narie , whereof ( god knowes ) i was exceeding iealous , to prevent occasion , or the least preiudice in any , the sicke man especially . after all this , having tasted some comfortable broth i caused to bee made for him by our english cook , he presently fell into aswound , thinking all he had beene dead , but after a while reviving , raysed himselfe up , and looked earnestly round about the chamber , being full of good company , marchants and others , whereof our preacher was one , at least a dozen , with some strangers , as our indian doctor , &c. and fixing his eyes vpon me , beckened me to him with his hand ; i went and sate close by him on his bed ; hee presently caught me in his armes and hugg'd me ( not like a dying man ) with such strength and vnutterable expressions of ioy ( between ●…peech and speechlesse ) that moved passion in all , but my selfe especially to drowne him in teares ; as , ah my friend , my friend ; my true , my happy , my faithfull friend : and ah the ioyes ! the ioyes , the ioyes ; aah , aah , aah , and the like : flung away his things about him , wherein ( he sayd ) he had taken too much delight , in token how slightly hee now valued them or the whole world ; reached forth his hand to all the company , lifting his eyes on high with an overjoyed countenance , where his minde in silence had beene long before . and thus ( in a blessed peace ) about 9. of the clocke on a wednesday morning , being the 23. of november , 1614. he tooke his last farewell of this wretched life , and changed it ( no doubt ) for a better : his name master timothy wood , a yong man , and once a mercer ( i thinke ) in cheap-side , but then a factor for the honourable east india company : what i haue written i feare not to be censured , because god knowes this my relation ( in substance ) to bee true , and not for mine , but for his owne glory , ( the only blessed author of all goodnesse ) have i now at length penned it , and for the good of any that can make vse thereof . my sad storie ( of a ioy tryumphant ) being ended , and the funerals performed , i am called vpon to a further relation of our iourney up within the country , to make provision of goods for best and speediest returnes home unto our honorable masters , to which end , it was ordayned in consultation , that by a distributiō of our company into foure squadrons , the prime cities or marts for commoditie , trade , and commerce of that rich kingdome should be invested by us , as baroch and brodera ; amadavaz and cambaya , each in distance at least a dayes iourney one from another ; our commodities were divers , as sundry sorts of stones ; aggate cupps of curious art●… ; ▪ quilts , conserves , drugges , cotton wools , and ( for bulke or grosse lading ) indicoes and callicoes . our first iourney or place of rest from surat , was baroch , being three dayes on the way , much toyled with heate and dust , in regard of our slow proceedings with our heauy carriages , and the toylesome passage of two riuers with ladings and reladings of our goods ; ( interruptions and stayes being worse then a continuall progresse ) but here wee were well refresht at the english house , for master john oxwicke a spanish marchant being appointed chiefe for that place , and of a weekes antiquity before , had made good prouision for our comming , as well for our persons as the dispatch and clearing our charge of the custome-house . from hence within a day or two we●… set forth , and by slow iournies ( as before ) came to brodera , a dry●…r place ( by a great riuer ) but the greater citie , and all a plaine and pleasant country ( baro●…h esp●…cially ) for orchards , tankes or ponds , verie spacious , and artificially made , ( in forme , for worke and workemanshippe not vnlike our bathes ) for generall vse and vses ; tombes , and piramides many in open fields ( and priuate gardens ) about which are to be seene certaine penitentiaries , or votari●…s ( they say ) but lunatickes and men ( i thinke ) really possest with deuils , as in the gospell is mentioned ; theyr bodies naked , cut , and lanced with kniues or stones , staring and stalking , to and fro , no lesse wofull then dreadfull to behold ; as was also the sight of a pagot , or a cell of deuotion descending into a vault vnder ground , where ( being desirous of discoueries ) wee saw an vgly idoll against a wall , representing ( it seemes ) theyr god , or theyr feare , but a plaine deuill as wee call it , in like forme paynted or graven , whom a certaine sect of banians doe worship , whereof there are many sects , but of this no more , purchase pilgrimage from relation of exact travellers hath them lively set forth . in this city , as all others throughout both asia's and afrique wee were lodged in the ceragl●… , a spatious place made of purpose for all travellers , natives as else ( for they have not the vse of innes as in christendome ) with commodious ware-houses round about , of one story , foure square , in the manner of galleries ; and under them dry walkes and places to feed their coach-oxen , camels , elephants , and horses , but in the middle all open , like our exchange ; it being supposed that euery marchant , gentleman , or nobleman hath his tent or coach to sleepe in , if neyther , they make the best shi●…t they can , and for their provision they bring it with them , or buy it in the towne . here it was determined by a consultation , for causes or supposals moving them ( being before appointed for cambaya ) that my selfe should goe backe to bar●…ch to assist master oxwicke there , in that mayne investment of c●…licoes , having a commission given mee beyond my expectation or desire , that ( in case of the least cause by unequall carriage in our masters businesse , or in particular toward my selfe , being perswaded , ( as they told mee ) that if he would take the matter well , or live peaceably with any , i was the man ) a word from my hand should displace him ; such an opinion they all seemed to have of my integritie , and he no lesse on the other side , assured of me ; for ( concealing whatsoever might move passion , or incite him to iealousie , i applyed my selfe to him by complements of love and friendly 〈◊〉 , till he became so well possest of me both for iudgment and honesty , upon some experiences of them both , that ( in effect ) he made me his secretary , and would not write a letter of consequence in his owne affaires ( as occasions there were betweene him and some others of principall note ) without my advice and allowance for a passe ; wherein ( i thanke god ) i never fayl'd but pleasured him , by his owne often ingenious acknowledgements , with good reasons for his satisfaction . but yet all this while i am still in brodera , in the house of a rich banian well lodged and entertayned for three dayes , till he had procured me from the gouernour mosaph cha●… , or lord mosaph , a guard of souldiers vnder a captaine of tenne , both horse and foote , with shot and lance for my safe convoy to baroch , our english friends being all gone forward , and my selfe alone with a kinsman of his owne for my linguist and coachmate , and not without cause , for my coach on the way was sodenly stayed by a company of sl●…ues that thwarted vs , but speedily rescued by my guard , with knockes on both sides , yet no hurt on ours , and all with such celerity that i had scarce time to draw my sword and shew my selfe a party before they were quite vanisht ; then on againe we went merrily , ( my banian especially ) laughing and talking , giving and eating of our iunkets till we came neare to the citie ; there i dismist my valliant soldiers , gratified their desert with a small reward , yet to their rich content , and at parting had a generall salam of them , or congee to the ground , with a short vollie , and adieu . and now being come to baroch , to the english house , my friend bids me lovingly welcome , to whom i gave my letters from our cape marchants , and ( after colation ) shewed him my generall commission , who presently declared himselfe , that seeing the matter must be so , he was right glad of my company , as of one whom of all others , he would have made choyce of for his friend and associate ; and thus , well possest of each other , on we went together in our masters businesse , buying callicoes as fast as we could procure our brokers to bring vs in good bargaines , or direct us to them , spending our interims of vacation for about two moneths space as best liked vs ; sometimes in visites to the governour ; sometimes taking our coach to breath the country ayr●… ; sometimes walking vpon the citie walles , which from that stately scituation gave us a goodly prospect pregnant for delight and meditation ; and lastly , our owne house , having high and pleasant tarasses or walkes on the roofe , for domesticke recreation ; that in this pleasant place ( in number foure english ) we lived like lords , to the honour and profit of our honourable masters , and to our owne hearts content , save a little iarre that fell out at last , about a parcell of calicoes , but lovingly and honestly reconciled againe . by this time , our generall investments drawing to a period , and most of our goods from all parts sent aboord , marchantlike made up and marked as in the margent ; and understanding our dispersed companies and friends to be againe vnited , and on the way towards us ( save such as were appointed for the great mogores court ; namely , master edwards , our preacher , and some others ) we could no lesse ( having now leysure enough ) but set forth to meet them ; it beeing a pleasant observation ( at a distance ) to note the order of their coaches and carriages , drawne by two faire fat oxen a peece , with bells about theyr neckes , iinge , iinge , and softly iogging on ; extending all in length like a teeme , ( for the way admits no familiarity ) inveloped with a cloud of dust ( for a quita sol ) to shield them from the sunne ; and guarded on eyther side , with swords , halfe pikes and targets ; small shot , bowes and arrowes , &c. as if ( presented to a novelist ) it had bin the spoyles of a tryumph leading captive , or a preparation to some sad execution . being all met together , we generally salute one another , and each his friend in particular , with mutuall congratulations , for our good successe and safe returnes thus farre ; having lost but one ( as i remember ) a yong gentleman , master henry smith , nephew to sir thomas smith our governour , who dyed of a bloudy fluxe at amadavas , being a prime youth and much lamented ; and here unawares ( as many light on ill bargaines ) i over-hastily changed my horse for a coach , and tooke his place that left it , to conferre with my friend and familiar acquaintance , master ralph preston , a religious gentleman ; and quite forgetfull of his mishap out ward bound , i fell into the very same , by letting one legge hang out of the coach , and ( in talke ) moving it to and fro , the wheele caught it , which my friend perceiuing , he presently cryed out to stay the coach , racke racke , as master henry smith had done before for him , which saved both our legs from breaking , but did rend my heele , which for a weeke so tormented mee , that i could scarce take rest , yet ( thankes to god for a good flesh ) soone well againe , but could not travayle in a fortnight after , nor scarce then , save in a palanquine to surat . and thence aboord the ships againe , scarce cold yet of the portugals bloud , by meanes of a late cruell fight in our absence , occasioned by the portugals , who ( with sixe gallions , or great ships of warre , two gallyes , and sixty frigats ) sodainly surprised the marchants-hope , which was deepe and richly laden for england , not doubting to have taken her as shee lay at anker with the rest , in that unexpected manner cutting their cables by the halser , and with a strong current of the tide forcing in upon her ; but were soundly beaten for theyr haste ; for in laying her aboord on all parts with throngs of men and fresh supplyes , the master and company being vigilant and valiant , stoutly resisted ; gave them so hote entertainment that theyr legs and armes were sent flying into the ayre , and the ship pestered with their dead and dying bodyes , scorched and wounded with weapons and fire-workes , and theyr bloud issuing out the scupper holes into the sea , as not willing to abide theyr fury ; by this time the rest of our fleet had likewise cut their cables , and were under sayle , increasing the fight a long time ( by report with los●…e but of two or three of our men ) till they had made such a slaughter amongst them ( the frigates especially ) that theyr dismembred bodyes after they had breathed their last , with shrikes and cryes in the conflict , lay floting on the sea , and coveting the shore , were taken up dayly for many dayes , by the port●…gal inhabitants , and the indians for theyr spoyle ; and the r●…st unable to hold out , away they went with no l●…sse shame and losse of former reputation , then perpetuall honour to our english nation , through out the indies . the next tydings that i heard , ( being now againe in the fleet with the rest , expecting our further passage to the southward , according to the companies commission ) was a messenger from our generall , or chiefe commander , tha●… i must come to sp●…ake with him : aboord the admirall i went , a little limping of my late hurt , and being come , he receyved me with courtesie , tooke me apart into the gallery , and ( to be briefe ) told me that for such and such reasons , the councell had determined of me for surat , and therefore wisht mee to provide for the shore , namely ( with leave of modesty i speake it ) for the good opinion they had iustly conceyued of me , to be a friend of trust unto master aldworth , and an ayde unto our masters affaires , occasioned by some refractorie fugitives that not long before our arrivall ( to make a purchase ) had attempted his death , being forced into his chamber ( a weakly man ) to stand upon his guard to preserue his life . all which did not a little cheere me up , and quicken in me a noble resolution unto my charge , though incredibly thenceforth ( as from god to keepe me exercised i thinke ) from time to time opposed by some fire brand●… , some seditious malecontents or other , repi●…ing my respect , to my great discour●…gement , and no small sufferings , notwithstanding my best indeavours and dese●…t , which doubtles●…e stirred them the more , and increased my owne sorrowes ; for wrath is cruel , and anger is outragious , but w●…o is able to stand before envie ●… pro. 27. 4. few day●…s after this , ( at last parcing ) i went aboord againe to take my leaue of the generall , and ( not without open demonstrations of his loue , teares and embracements ) having commended him and his whole proceedings to the blessing of the the divine prouidence , i left him ; and with my good wishes to all the rest , in company with our factorie went ashore to surat ; having had but few nights before , a dreame , that in my passage for bantan , two sturdy knaves grapled with mee to have heaved me over-boord , but in the conflict ( to save my s●…lfe ) i awaked , and finding it but a dreame was glad . here for a moneth or two , wanting no leasure , we spent our time at surat , euery man as ( with approbation ) best liked him ; sometimes within doores , sometimes abroad ; now with our provision visiting this garden , now that orchard ; to day fresh riuers ; to morrow open feilds and faire monuments , whereof there are store , but alwaies ( after the countries custome ) in coach or on horse to preuent disgrace ; our recreation for the most part , bow and arrowes , and free from all molestation of the inhabitants ; a mixt people , quiet , pe●…ceable , very subtill ; civill , and vniuersallie gou●…rned vnder one king , but diuersly law'd and customed ; their grayne is wheat , for the better ; rice , and diuers kindes else for the common sort ; their prouision of other victuall is beeues and buffeloes ; sheepe & goates ; young kidde and hennes in aboundance , and of littl●… value for the great pl●…nty , and fewenesse of eaters ; for the banians of whatsoeuer sect ( being halfe the inhabitants , and the antient natiues of the kingdome ) by theyr lawes eate no kinde of flesh , nor any thing that hathlife in it ; nor dae they kill any thing ( for theyr liues ) though neuer so venemous or hurtfull , no not a mouse nor a louse , but will rather feed them ; their greatest cruelty is to lay it downe , and let it shift for it selfe ; ( o happy creatures that breede amongst the banians ) a kinde of rechabits also , for they neuer drinke wine , nor any strong drinke , but water only , yet so fat and sleeke that they shine agayne ; confectuaries of all sorts , as sugar-cakes , and march-panes ; suckets and marmelades ; rice , pulse , and other grayne stewed with butter and spices after theyr most savorie fashion , is there onely feeding ; but the moores and mahometanes , more at liberty , for they abstaine from nothing but swines flesh , which is a cause that many parts of the country , even whole fields doe swarme with them ; these drinke wine liberally , and strong waters , yet never drunke but in the night , and then theyr women , theyr wives and concubines ( whereof they are stored according to theyr states ) sing most melodiously , with such elevated and shrill voyces , strayned vnto the highest , yet sweet and tuneable , rising and falling according to their art and skill , ( for euery country hath his owne , and more or lesse excelling ) that i have been ravisht in those silent seasons with the sweet eccho , or reflection thereof from a faire distance , and kept waking houres together , listning to them ; anticipating ( in my desires ) the new moones , which they constantly thus celebrate ; for the heavenly representation thereof ( me thought ) where commonly my meditations had their end . for at like times especially ( though superstitiously ) they observe , ( or rather prophane ) these and the like ceremonies , sing aloud vnto god our strength , make a ioyfull noyse vnto the god of iacob , take a psalme and bring hither the timbrell , the pleasant harpe with the psalterie ; blow vp the trumpet in the new moone , in the time appointed on our solemn feast-day ; againe , praise the lord with harpe , sing vnto him with the psalterie , and an instrument of ten strings , sing vnto him a new song , play skilfully with a loud voice ; againe , o clap your hands all yee people , ( both men and women in their himnes & dances ) shout vnto god with the voice of triumph ; then they annoint their heads with oyle , and their cups runne over ; making their faces also to shine with costly oyntments and odoriferous , at first sight or newes of the new moone , which they congratulate with great ioy , the slaue to his lord , the seruant to his master , and one friend to another , a l●… espan̄ol●… erying albricias , albricias , a reward for our watchfulnesse or good tydings . their chiefe recreation is riding of horses swift and actiue , for discipline & seruice , with lance , bow , and target , whereof they abound , and haue very good , not inferiour to the spanish lennet ; but their princely sport is hunting the wilde bore and antelope , peculiar to the king , his nobles , and gentry ; a people throughout of mighty estate or wealth , yet all subiect ( in a moment ) to the spoile , or to be restored , at the pleasure of their prince ; full of maiestie in their port , and no lesse of expectation for respect ; sumpteous in their buildings ; curious in their orchards , and gardens , beautified with artificiall ponds , fountaines , and water-workes ; populous in their attendance ; rich in attire ; imperious lords over their servants ; and cruell in their corrections : having also both for state and war , aboundance of elephants , which likewise they use for theyr iourneyes as sumpter horses , and to carry their women and children , twenty ( perhaps ) in a frame of timber ( castle-like ) vpon his backe , with windowes and small pieces of ordnance planted forward and backward ( the country being full of theeves , and dangerous ) and vpon his brawny necke ( monkie-like , of same bignesse with his head , or bigger ) sits a man astride in full bredth with a hooke in his hand like a sickle , for a bridle , and a spurre to guide and stay him , which is done with the least touch of the sharpe poynt upon his noale , whereof hee is very tender ; hath a body like a house , but a tayle like a ratte , erecting it like a cedar ; little eyes but great sight ; very melancholly but wise ( they say ) and full of vnderstanding , ( or subtilty rather for a beast ) sometimes they become madd , ( of what i know not ) and breaking loose endanger multitudes ; is fed somewhat costly , as with good bread , muskmillious , sugar canes , sweete stalkes , and sower grasse , or sedge of the worst ; steeres like a hulke , stifnecked , almost all of one peice ; feeds himselfe with his trunck or snoute , ( that deadly instrument of his rage ) being of a iust length ●…o the ground ; taking his meat with the end thereof , and winding it vp , ( or vnder rather ) to his mouth , so eates it ; but drinkes therewith at length ; his stable is commonly the open ayre ; a massie yron chaine his halter ; a great tree his manger : and the shadie boughes his shelter ; and thus stands this monster by one of his legges ( of like proportion with a post or a beame ) all the day bound to the good bebauior , til occasion release him ; in whose descriptiō i haue bin somewhat the larger , because god himselfe calls him the cheife of his wayes , behemoth by name . job . 40. theyr drinke in generall ( for ordinary ) is water , made relishable by arte or nature ; by thirst or some preparatiue ; and wholsome by a naturall concoction , or a causuall preservatiue ; according to each constitution , and the countries prouision ; with a mans owne discretion in the vse of the creature ; euery one to himselfe herein , being ( as wee say ) either a foole or a physition , hauing sweete meates enough for the former ; remedies and receits ( or concei●…es ) for the latter . el borach●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mas el aguado ci . saith the spanish proverbe . a friend to sweet meates , sobriety may bee , yet so , a drinker of wine you shall never see , for wine and sweet meates sound palats doe loath , but sweet meates and water are gratefull both . all contraes in nature by skill reconcil'd , produce best effects both to man and child . as , drinke no longer water , but a little wine , to the temperate man is counsell divine ; so , drinke no longer wine , but a little water , to th' intemperate man , for it keepes him sober . the country affoords no wine but artificiall distillations of ●…ples , like our hot waters : very tastfull they are , and wholsome , but not so strong , so ful of spirit as ours , which makes the moores to prize them farre above theyr owne , and to esteeme them for the best present , or marchandize can be brought them ; onely the portugal inhabitants in their townes and cities ( being many and great ) doe make a kinde of wine of dryed grapes , or raysins of the sunne , for relish and operation the best ( i thinke ) in the world , not inferiour to the spanish nectar , el vino de san martin : being pleasant , strong , and cordiall , called raysin wine , almost of the colour of alicant , or steelebacke , which ( thankes to our honourable masters ) wee were seldome without , or some other , to concoct the crudity of our not so wholsome waters , at meales especially , and never did vs any hurt but good , though bought ( but not immediately ) of an enimy : for wee were wise , and warie enough in that . their habite ( as i have sayd ) is white , light , and thinne , fit for the countryes heate ; but thicker , and richer clad in the winter , with pintadoes , silke stuffes , sattins , and damasks dyed into all sorts of lively & good colers , cloth of gold , silver , & tyssue , of their own , whereof they haue plenty , being quilted with a cotton wooll between the outside , & the inner lining : for their seasons doe alter there with a sensible differ●…nce as here . their coynes in silver , ( as for gold i never sawe any that i remember ) are mamudes and ruppees ; the mamude in value about 10. pence halfe-penny english ; the ruppee , more or lesse as they differ in their names and valuations , of which there are foure or five sorts at least , and the least of them about two mamudes and a halfe , the ruppee ; stamped on both sides with moorish characters , and in forme very thicke and round ; their copper mony whereof they have such plenty , as ( if tollerable for exportation ) might prove a good returne ; being made into great churlish peeces ) they call pises , whereof 30. ( commonly ) make a mam●…dee , and of the rest proportionably ; but still after the inconstant current of the exchange , almost continually rising and falling , which is in the power of the sheraffs , bankers , or mony-changers to alter at their pleasure . their country for the most par●… ( being plaine from hils and mountaines ) is indifferently stored with mes●…ites or churches very fayre and sumptuous ; with 〈◊〉 also or villages ; townes and cities , pleasant , great , and populous : river ▪ d walled , castled , and munitioned ; and constantly watered at a certaine yearely season , to wit our summer : from towards the end of may , to the end of august , or thereabout , with frequont sober raines , scarce two faire dayes together , without some showers or other , and all the yeare after so cleere a firmament , as not a cloud to be seene , that i have beene weary of fayre weather : and this rayne-water by the better sort is received into vaults , made for the nonce , to serve them for theyr drinke all the yeare after , being wholsommer ( they fay ) then theyr other waters : as also , this raynie season is observed of all for the best times to travayle in . i could yet say more in 〈◊〉 particulars , but having sayd enough ( i thinke ) in proofe of my travels , and prayse of the countries goodnesse : it were superfluous , and beyond my intent to become cosmographicall , and therefore i will here confine my selfe , being now summoned to a consultation , determining a iourney to be made unto the foresayd city of a●…adavas , by master thomas aldworth the cōpanies chiefe agent ; my selfe his second ; for cashier and accountant ; with foure other english , whereof two were homebred marchants , and 〈◊〉 more : to provide goods in readinesse for our next fleet , that the ships ( to theyr great damage ) might not bee deteyned as before . and for more safety both of goods and lives , our charge wee had with us being of great importance , & the country ( as i have sayd ) very dangerous , by reason of theeves , which continually ( vpon intelligence ) ly●… arm'd in troupes on the way for booties ; wee held it best ( though otherwise inconvenient ) mocrob chan the gouernour of surat then trauelling toward court at the kings command ) to take the benefit of his lascar or campe ( as also diuers others , it being the countries custome in like sort to set forth , or with a cara●… , a caffala , a multitude of all sorts of people with theyr goods to that end gathered together , ) for our more safe convoy , which yet we enioyed not past one night aside of baroch , till wee met againe at cambaya , being both our worse and farther way ; for this great lord with his many hands and much helpe posting faster then wee could follow with our heauy and slow carriages , lef●…vs alone in the midst of danger , ( god onely protecting vs ) being three nights on the way , before wee could reach to cambaya , and spent two of them ( with their sunschorching dayes ) by the water side , having only our tent for shelter , expecting there a boate to passe vs ouer out of that purgatorie , and another of mischieuous minded men , and murmuring malecontents ; taddiepor marchants and heartlesse souldiers ; repining not onely my charge , but my precedency also ( or next respect vnto master aldworth , and that by his precise order , against my owne desire , enioynd me ) to their antient matrimony ; making me both his coach-mate and his right hand at table ; and the more i sought by gentlenesse ( for the present ) to appease theyr spight , or ( in continuance ) by some change of behauiour to confront their folly . pro. 26. 4. 5. the more ( like themselues ) they ( still conspiring ) in both respects mistooke , and traduced me ; declaring hereby the implacable disposition of envy ; but god alone did plead my cause , and ( by degrees ) put them to silence in theyr graues . here at sarode ( for so the place is called ) during , our aboad , worthy of obseruation , i tooke notice of some part of gods omnipotent workes of wonder , in the flux and reflux of that famous riuer of cambaya , for fury , not vnfitly called the boare , for the tyde from the maine sea twice a day , once beginning to flow ( contrary to common course of nature ) comes tumbling in amayne , with such a roaring noyse a farre off , of mighty foaming waues ( like white ruffes a bout their proud neckes ) that it strikes admiration and terrour to the beholder , in such sort that those high bankes , with theyr dry sands and oaes are sodenly couered and filled vp to the very toppes , for the space of many leagues in length together , yet neuer ouerflowen ; and vpon returne , with expedition leaves it ( for the most part ) emptie and dry againe ; being ( in absence of the tyde ) a firme passage for all that dare aduenture it ; which thousands having done ( and daylie doe , though some speed better ) not taking theyr times aright , or the vncertaine tydes deceiuing them , vpon credible report ( like pharoes host in thered sea ) haue been overwhelmed man and beast , horse and camels , elephants and all , with infinite treasures swept away into that rich ocean , before ( upon too short a warning ) they could recover ( backward or forward ) the shore againe , for the river is of a very spacious bredth in many places over . being here ( after much toyle in moving and removing our charge from place to place , for our best advantage against an assault , which we hourely expected , that wee durst not sleepe but by short snatches and turnes ; as also for our most commodious imbar quing ( the best being bad enough in that wild place , ) comes a barque , receives our selves and goods aboord , and in a late evening at a full water we set sayle , and ( thankes be to god , who is mighter then the mighty waves of the sea ) not without great danger , about midnight we came to an anker right before cambaya ; and the sabbath morning landed in that rich , fayre , and neat city , so famous throughout the world. being now on shore ( notwithstanding in good safety of life ) we found our selves little better then fallen out of the frying●… pan ( as they say ) into the fire , for all our goods were presently sequestred , and carried to the kings ●…lfondica●… till his customes of seaven per cent. were payd , viz. foure in , and three out : which ( according to the value ) would have come to a good summe of mony , whereat we were much dismayed , master aldworth especially , for his oversight , or too much confidence in mocrob chans favor , whom we often solicited there almost ●… fortnight , as an instrument to procure the release of our sayd goods ( the power ( in effect ) being in his owne hands ) but all in vaine , till at last , a few dayes before our departure thence , master aldworth and my felfe ( as at other times ) went againe to him , and sitting right before him very neere , he eyed me all over , talking meane while to his then small company , at length bids our broker aske me concerning the clothes i wore , what stuffe it was ? where made ? and other questions ; to which i answered him ; in conclusion we took our leave , and went home without a word of comfort ; a while after comes our broker , and tells master ald●…orth good tydings from mocrob c●…an , that if he could procure him my suite , wee should forthwith have our goods delivered us ; no sooner had master aldworth moved it unto me , as a favour which i may not deny him , i told him , what ere it were i would grant it ; the word being spoken , i presently brusht up my amiable suite , and sent it my lord mocro●… by the hand of our broker , who brought us the same evening a warrant under his signet for our goods , which the next morning ( to our much content ) i went and cleared , ( our charge being more precious then life , and our reputation above all . ) but what this humorous lord did with my suite , i cannot tell , save ( by our brokers coniecture ) to shew unto his women ; who for a novelty ( though a toy ) was observed to preferre his fancy to halfe a kingdome , for he had seene many as good before , and farre better , when ( in his greatest pompe ) our chiefe agent , with all his traine , in our best bravery presented his lordship from our honourable masters , the governour and company , at our first comming . during our abode here , we bought sundry commodities as best liked us , for our returnes , and ( to expell melancholy ) that it should not domineere ( being too much occasioned ) tooke our recreation off the city , orchards , and fields ; but above all , to observe the apes in that peaceable habitation of banians , did not a little stirre my blo●…d with their apish trickes on the houses , leaping from house to house in troupes , with their little ones in clusters clutching about them , making dayly worke for the tyler and mason , by pulling out here a tyle , and there a stone , till they had uncovered whole houses in quarters and halfe quarter●… ; and then through the roofe ( as ieering the inhabitants for their silly patience ) made such moppes and mowes at them ; such friscoes and carieres to and againe ; now and then letting fall a stone or a tyle upon their bombasted heads and thin shoulders , and watching in the fall what became of it , ( with twenty other trickes ) that it would make a thiefe ( as they say ) slip his halter and leape over the gallowes ( if he might ) to see the sport ; and if a stone ( unlook'd for ) chanced to come amongst them , that they tooke in so high a derision to bee disturb'd in their worke , that they would flye at a man with open mouth , as if they meant to swallow him ; this goodly sight being also to bee seene a great part of the country thereabout , whole fields alive , and the trees covered with over-growne apes and monkies ; parrats and paraquites chattering and leaping from bough to bough , till come to the top , and then shew their teeth and theyr tayles to passengers for a salutation . thus , and thus , to and fro , changing our wearied thoughts from sadder obiects , wee entertained the way in company of mocrob chan and his las●…ar , till the third day from cambaya , early in a morning wee entred amada●…az , that great and populous citie , the metropolis of all those parts of guizerat ; famous for nobility and gentry , as also for rich trade in variety , indicoes especially , by meanes of a generall confluence of most nations in the world e●…glish , dutch , portugals , iewes , armenians , arabians , medes and persians , turkes and tartarians : cum multis alijs : in whose streets ( through the multiplicity of people ) all enforce theyr passage by theyr p●…ones , or footmen , with their speares and other weapons running before the coach or horse , ( like absal●… & his fifty men . 2. sam. 15. 1. ) crying poyce , poyce , give way there , who serve as well for like necessities as for state , being in number more or fewer according to the qualitie and abilitie , or the pleasure of the person , which none of credit are ( or dare be ) without . here we tooke a house , and setled a factory , applyed our selves to our businesse as seasons and occasions were offered ; meane while for our better proceeding we visite the governour abdala ●…han , and present him ; signifie the cause of our comming ; desiring his leave and noble favour in whatsoever case of iustice we might have cause to use him ; for which we should be ready at all times ( most noble festus ) to shew our selves gratefull unto his lordship : our suit was accepted , together with our present ; our selves bid welcome , and a place appointed us where to sit ; being in a spacious and princely court , in the middest of a great multitude of chans and beagues , or lords and gentlemen , that twice a day morning and evening duely came to visite him ; this being th●…t ( i take it ) which is spoken of in scripture , as of iob in the east , and of other great men sitting in the gate , or in publike , to heare causes and do iustice , every one taking his place according to his degree , or at this great viceroyes appoyntment , having first given him a salam or low congee ; and all crosse-legged on turky carpets spread on the ground , curiously paved or playstered with playster of pallas ( as likewise theyr walles ) shining like alablaster , whereon they tread with their bare feet ( as also in their churches ) leaving their slip-shooes at the doore , or aloofe off at the edge of the entrance , like a shoomakers well furnisht shop or warehouse ; all rich , or brightly attyred ( as i have sayd ) according to the season ; himselfe with a few of the principals sitting somewhat apart , on a little higher ascent at his pallace doore , big enough for his corpulent body , and no more ; with no lesse maiesty ( me thought ) in all but that , and the capateria , or shoe-makers ware , then might well beseeme the greatest prince in the world ; drums beating ; souldiers guarding , noble & gentlemens servants aloofe off in troupes attending ; and coaches at the court gate in thicke heapes wayting the dissolution of this great assembly ; sitting sometimes heere , sometimes removing , but ever in a place presenting both state and delight , for magnificent buildings ; beautifull ponds and water-workes ; pleasant orchards and the like ; and in this honorable presēce euery new moone the common women of the city ( in their long sloppes and short coates ) present themselues , by turnes , with timbrels and dances , wanton songs , and antique gestures , for their sport and recreation , so continuing till the viceroy please to dismisse them ; & all this in generall , besides their particular solemnities , as i have sayd before , in the night seasons ; wherewith my story end●… , and welcome gentlemen to a short colation , with thanks for your gentle patience in taking penance at so homely a pittance , and my well-wishings of good refreshings to you all . finis . gentle reader . as i haue invited thee : so let me now aduise , or rather intreat thee that having read mee , thou wilt not rashly censure me ; my intent throughout was to giue content , not to some but all , which in one respect or other ( i hope ) answers my d●…sire ; onely herei●… lyes all my doubt , least offence might be taken heere and there at my seeming osten tation ; but leave that to god , whilest my heart ( i am sure ) condemnes me not ; perhaps there may be cause , and then to boast , is wisdome both in the opinion and practise of the wis●…st ; what i haue done , hath beene with as much respect to thy good as my owne , in removing my candle frō vnder a bushell , to set it fairly on a candlestick , to the end that with the light there of i may see , and be seene of all , for of all things i abhorre ●…o sit in darkenesse . great is the benefit of light ; by it confusion is banished , co●…trarieties are knowne and distinguisht , dangers declined , and good things embraced ; it is the eye-sight of knowledge from whence proceeds the due estimation we yeeld vnto men ( as all things else ) but chiefly for their proper , and most essentiall or intellectuall parts ) euen wisdome ( thereafter ) to use or refuse them . and now ( gentle reader ) for the writing of bookes so in generall , aword or two ( vnder correction ) in some defence thereof i hope will not f●…ll amisse ; prouided that neither church nor state be dishonoured , or any particular person thereby iustly offended . true it is , ( and none but the vnwise can den●…it ) that s●…ollers for their rare guists of 〈◊〉 are most sit to write for publike vse ( hauing a thousand times wisht my selfe a scholler for the singular benefits that haue their confluence to a man by academicall & well managed arts ; ) yet that all others should be excluded , or not any ( that will ) of vnderstanding and honest life ( vpon good occasion , the premisses considered ) should be allowed of , i know not yet one reason of many ( me thinkes ) to the contrary , to ratisie that opinion ; for if wee consider the many benefits for one inconvenience , thereupon ensuing that stand up to plead for a generall tolleration , not one of a hundred ( i suppose ) even of schollers themselues but will ioyne with them in theyr ready approbation . for first of all is not that noble science of printing made the more to flourish ? doe not the masters and artificers thereof become able , not onely for their private families , but also common-wealths men ? when their presses ( through a generall supply of coppies ) never want worke ? are not shops the better furnisht with bookes , and kept open by a frequent concourse of all sorts of buyers , through the variety and choyce of matter there to bee had for a small piece of mony , to profit themselves by other mens labours of an incomparable value ? doth not the reading of a few harmelesse lines entertayne divers from worse exercises , whom else ( perhaps ) better things would scarce content ? 〈◊〉 had it not beene profitable for many to have exercised themselves in writing of some manuscript , whilest idlenesse and ill-company have beene their utter bane and ruine ? and how many have improved theyr parts and vacant times unto a good sufficiency of doing service both in church and common-weale , wherein ( to the honor and profit of both ) they have lived , by applying themselves to vertuous studie●… , and writing their observations , that never ( perhap●… ) eate bread in a vniversitie ? or why doth our state at present ( in a sort ) allow of , or connive at this tolleration ( under the foresayd provisoes ) but for these or the like godly and civill policies no doubt ? besides other reasons which i leave to others ; but if none of these will passe for current , yet could i wish ( gentle reader ) that travellers ( in due honor to their travailes ) may have a place ( though the lowest ) in this honourable priviledge with schollers and poets , even for their experience ●…ake . a man that hath travelled ( sayth wise strach ) knoweth many things , and hee that hath much experience will declare wisedome ; he that hath no experience knoweth little , but he that hath travayled is ( or should be ) full of prudence ; to wit , a man of counsell and action ; of discourse and resolution ; eccles 34. 9. 10. for they commonly see and conceive more abroad the●… others sitting at home , as being deeper engaged upon strange occurrents ; having their senses exercised , their bodyes and minds hardened by sundry difficulties , and surviving many dangers ; diving into the different dispositions of m●…n , and observing ( from a selfe-knowing knowledge ) the good and the evill among all sorts of people ; wisedome also insinuating it selfe there , after a more familiar fashion then elsewhere , and thenceforth disposing them ( oft times ) ( with small helps , and due incouragements ) unto the weightiest aff●…res ; in whose short lines may b●…e read large observations of the divine power and providence , to the glory of god , and the publike good , by the right use which ingenuous minds make of all things , and to which ends onely they ought to be written ; when i travailed i saw many things , and i understand mo●…e then i can expresse ; i was oft times in danger of death , yet was i delivered because of these things . eccles. 34. 11. 12. to communicate experience ( therefore ) is as commendable as profitable , being that which in all ages hath ever been allowed of , required , and practised by the wisest . wis. 7. 13. eccles. 39. 8. psal. 40. 10. for experienc●… that is hid , and treasure that i●… hoarded up , what profit ( or not prejudice rather ) is in eyther ? and better is he that hideth his folly , then a man that hideth his wisedome or experience , be it never so little , upon least occasion of doing good therewith ; eccles. 20. 30. 31. as appeares by that slothfull servant , who hiding his talent ( instead of modesty ) incurr'd a censure of folly . mat. 25. 24. 25. 26. thus ( gentle reader ) hauing satisfied thee ( i hope ; ) in my best wishes i commend thee ( as my selfe ) to the protection of the almighty , and bid thee heartily fare-well in christ . chr. farewell . eccles. 6. 14. 15. a faithfull friend is a strong defen●…e , and he that hath found such a one , hath found a treasure . nothing doth countervaile a faythfull friend , for his ex●…ellency is v●…valuable . i. pet. 1. adde to your faith vertue , or industrie : and now , to shut up 〈◊〉 indian discourse with a word or two of spaine , being ( n●…xt unto 〈◊〉 in portugal ) on christian shore , my first and onely place of forraigne residence ; where ( if i may not seeme to praise my selfe , having little else to boast of in the short catalogue of my good workes there , save onely the releasing of an english marchant out of prison ) i would willingly entertaine anew my courteous reader with a short storie of an accident , wherein god made mee the instrument of much good unto another ; but the wise ( i hope ) will eyther discerne a cause of my boasting , or ●…t the worst will ascribe it to the common humour of travailers , who love to tell of things they have seene and done abroad in the world , and so at least to excuse me , ( for amidst all my extravagant delights , else ( i may truly speake it , and ( i hope ) without offence to charity ) my heart ( even then ) was ever prone to honesty ; to doe good freely ; on occasion ready to shew mercy ; more delighted to give then to receive ; and faithfull in my whole engagements ; with an inward ze●…le in the performance of all ; in a word , no mans foe ( as they say , even in those dayes ) but mine owne ; how much more then ( to silence all detraction ) shall ryper times ( on occasion ) affoord the same things at least , if not better : ill will it selfe ( if it please ) be iudge . deteyned upon some ●…mployment at the tower of velis malaga , about sales and returne of goods for england , there chanced into the roade ( among other ships , english and french ) ●…ertaine hollanders , that brought a great quantity of pic●…elingos , or counterfeyt copper mony of spaine , called 〈◊〉 , and quartillos , which by stealth at 〈◊〉 of opportunity they landed and disperced here and there , as they had dohe 〈◊〉 other ports : this in short space came to be suspected by the plentifull current of the money , ( the parties themselves being gone , left others in danger ) hereupon the shippes remaining in the roade were searched ; above all the rest , suspicion was had of certaine ●…hips belonging to the businesse whereon i lay for my master and others , whereof mr. john pit had the chiefe charge , being himselfe at grand malaga about other businesse , dispatching for england ; but they apprehended onely his servant or factor one mr. i ●…omas s●…edmer , whom they found aboord , ready to goe for malaga , and thence also for england ; him they carryed away prisoner to motril , about three leagues eastward , where hee was certaine weekes , rackt and hardly used ; how hee or the ships were released , i am not so punctuall in my remembrance as to relate , nor is it much materiall ( this being above twenty yeares since ) yet at length released they were , for the truth then came to light ; and whether by torture or else , i am not certaine , mr. pit himselfe as principall , was layd out for : officers of the inquisition , from motril were appointed and on the way toward grand malaga , to apprehend him : this by a happy chance ( being at the water side to heare newes ) i vnderstood ; i went presently to my almazen , or ware-house ; wrote him a word or two of advise , that as hee tendred his life ( upon receit thereof ) to retyre himselfe for such a cause , which i sent by the hand of a spaniard , a lustie sturdy companiero , of whose trustinesse i had observed something before , having imployed him about styving our fruit , and other reca●…dos of moment , with a charge to out runne the constable , corre juan , vete bolando por su vida , que yo 〈◊〉 lo pagare , bien pagado ; runne for thy life , and i le reward thee lib●…rally : ●…nd so he did , for over the rocke●… and high mountaines , ( like a goat ) h●… made such a nimble expedition that he overtooke , and out went the mule-men , and was there some three minutes before them , which gave my advised friend , the advantage of his absence , just as the alguazill and officers came at his heeles , that made his life of full value , which else upon any merchants ensurance there , ( by that time they had hāper'd him ) had not beene worth one marvedi . this newes ( till then pensive at heart in expectation of the event ) cheered me up no lesse then a cup of neat sparkeling wine , especially for the punctuality of the successe , and the applause of my diligent penne ; which procured me the love of those which had never seen me , with munchas mercedes , y beso las manos , for my good advise ; and afterward upon my returne to malaga , declared it by a generall bienvenido , or welcome . and how god did require this small myte of my ( not merit but ) good will ( for hee likes not ) to speake after the manner of men ) to be long in any mans debt ( but with more advantage to him ) though alwayes seeming so by the continuall lengthning out of his mercies ( if we observe them ) beyond our owne time , even to posterity , from generation to generatiō ; as if by this kind of acknowledgement of his ( for his owne word sake ) he were still indebted to us and ours , & could never su●…ficiently recompence our good endeavours , by the utmost of his infinite goodnesse freely promised thereunto in his best beloved , his soules delight ; to teach us that we should never be weary of doing him like acceptable seruice , even for the good and safety temporall and eternall , of our selves and ours ; but chiefly for his owne honour and glory . ) i could heere well declare in a cloud of particulers ever since , touching his wonderfull providence in my preserv●…tion , protection , and deliverance in , & out of most imminent dangers , straytes , and extremities , temptations and conflicts ; but for brevity sake ( leaving all the rest ) i will touch onely three , wherein gods power , and mercifull providence did plainely declare themselves unto my conscience , to whose praise alone i speake it , and to stirre up all to a consideration of his wonders . not long after this iubile of successe ( the brunt of businesse being ouerpast ) i went to grand malaga , whether indeed my desires lead me ( contrarie toreason ) from uelis malaga , where i was left ( vpon order of my master ) by mr. pitt . in the house of a regidor or alderman , senior pablos nunnies , for more conueniency to learne the language , rregalado , or respected as in their owne sonne ; and growing daily in acquaintance , i began to declare my selfe in the choyce of those pleasures wherevnto my nature most inclined ; amongst others , musicke and dancing were not the least , which thus occasioned the first of my proposed dangers . lying in the house of capt●…ine simon boureman , of best resort in the cittie by eng●…ish marchants , my first rendeuous in spaine ; and being well accommodated for all things , i fell into a consort-ship with other young men to entertaine an italian to teach vs to dance , who came once a day to our chambers ; and in taking our turnes of exercise , our tutor vnaduisedly commended my promptnesse , and the dexterity of my bodie ; whereat one of the company tooke pepper in the nose , and told me ( in the contrary tearmes ) i danced like a clowne ; knowing his malla●…ie , i brake it off with a iest , and a nippe withall , that made him halfe angry ; til frō iest to iest , it grew into plain earnest ( being both tender enough of our small reputations ) and sitting with our vsuall company at supper , he challenged me ( as not daring ) to fight with him ; i told him t' was then no time for such a businesse , but that ( perhaps ) he might shortly heare of me , as halfe determined to trie what mettle was in either ; the next morning ( i thinke vnexpected ) i went early to his chamber doore , wa●…like appointed with my rapier and dagger ( yet a daily ornament in those parts , as any part of our apparell , wherein ( be it knowne to all men ) for my owne particuler , i tooke no small glory ) and finding it open , in i went as at other times ( though illaduised in that poynt ) where i found him writing ; after salutation i told him what i came for , and that if he meant to acquite his honor ( i speake after y ● spanish phrase ) now was the onely time fresh and fasting to walke into the field , to preuent concourse or tumult ; my gallant foorthwith changed countenance , yet making wise to accept the offer went aside , and seemed to make choyce of his weapons ( hauing change of rapiers by him ) and taking a dagger in his hand ( mistrusting no treacherie ) sodenly offerd to haue stabbed me with it , but happily intercepting the thrust , with his hand that held it , i closed with him , and in strugling ( though his inferiour both in age and stature ) i gaue him the cleane fall backward , on his bed , and fell upon him , setting my knee on his brest , holding downe still his dagger , punching it vpward with all his might at my face , and at length i wrest it from him ; yet ( the onely poynt of manhood i obserued in him ) hee made no clamarous out-cry for the matter , as knowing ( belike ) with whom he had to deale ) wherewith ( as i told him , to requite his treachery ) i could haue slit his nose , or minced his face like a carbonado ; but mercie & manhood forbade me , as scor●…ing indeed the basenesse , though enough prouoakt ; nor would i for ten thousand pounds haue layne in like sort at his mercie ; at last taking my best oportunitie , i suddenly sprang off from him , and left him alone in his chamber , free from the least hurt done him , abiding without in an open court vnder a gallery walke , resting my selfe betweene a marble pillar and a packe of cloth , leaning on the pomell of my rapier , expecting euery moment ●…is comming forth for the field , but his intent was to haue finisht the combate there , with all safetie to himselfe , and sodaine ruine to me . for spying me through his doore standing at that disaduantage ( yet thankes be to god not walking , for then he had taken me napping ) he rusht out suddenly vpon me with a naked rapier making a main thrust at my face , which againe ( as happily as the ●…ormer ) i put by with my hand , yet not so , but that ( glancing my throate ) it toucht my beardlesse chinne , and made the bloud run downe ; but feeling my selfe alive , i instantly drew ( god forgive me all ) with a full resolution to have runne him through , as doubtlesse i had , up to the very 〈◊〉 , had not the spirit of wisdome or feare made him caper backward with a leape ( i still blesse god for it ) that i never saw the like . timor addit alas . feare gives wings . but considering the danger of that play ( for i had wit in my anger , though some that beheld us , sayd , i fought sa●…s feare or wit ) and changing my purpose , i followed him close with a double stroake two or three immediately succeeding , swift as lightning ; for though not slightly stirred , yet being too farre provoked , ( to the terrour of all proud , and commonly false-hearted provokers , i may iustly speake it ) my dreadlesse spirit would then haue borne me through the middest of an army . in which short conflict , i did so macerate his arme from the hand to the elbow , that it grieves me yet to thinke of it , ( so little doe i glory in the relation , save only in our mutuall preservation , mine owne especially from so imminent destruction ) and being gone to our chambers to be drest , to tell why certaine spaniards of my acquaintance , and strangers that came then to see me , did so wonder at my rapier , feeling the edge with theyr fingers , ( not considering the principall , that what is done couragiously and with expedition , is throughly done . bis dat gui cit●… dat , to fight couragiously is to fight victoriously ) crying ( after theyr fashion of admiration ) jhesus , al diablo , que espada es esta ? was , because ( besides his arme ) i had pared off the pappie flesh under his hand ; out in sunder a thicke gold ring from off his finger ; and withall ( i suppose ) his rapier , for at the last stroake , that also fell in a peece with the rest to the ground . at the sight whereof , mercy and manhood againe held my hand , without the least offer to prosecute him any further ; whereat ( with his owne ) there was a suddaine albarote , or out-cry of houshold servants newly up , murther , murther , and of our english cooke , that had done his best before to have parted vs ; that senior christoval , had slaine senior fulano : but ( a thousand thankes to god ) it was not so ; whereupon ( by advise of the best in the house ( in secret ) not a little approving the exployt , nor much lamenting ( but in shew ) the other , i know not why : ) to prevent further mischiefe , i absented my selfe at velis malaga , making of necessity a vertue ; for there in company of onely one english merchant , capt. lee by name , i improved my study , wrote them backe spanish epistles , and profited mightily ; having ever since beene a man of peace , conquering by suffering , and prevailing by yeelding , yet not basely neyther , but understandingly too : being minded henceforth ( for ought i know ) never more to draw sword , but against the enemies of god , my king , my country , and my friend : wherein god strengthen my resolution . amen . the second was , being in ireland ( a few yeares after my returne frō the indies , to weare out , or to weaken many discontents diversly occasioned me in england , by means of an imployment i had imposed on my selfe , begun long before , but there ( for causes ) intending to finish it , with some other respects joyntly procuring my absence , ) among others , of lesse profession , yet better condition , i chanced to be acquainted with a very rooke ( as some terme them ) yet so well clad in a religious habit of smooth discourse , that i durst have trusted him almost with my life ; so dangerous is a fayre shew without substance : the word of trust without truth , the name of a friend , without the fruits of friendship , or the inspection of wisedome to discerne the subtilties of hypocrisie , that the very best ( of which soever side ) are , and have bin subiect to be deceived , that none should be too credulous of faire shews or reports , as they tēder their owne good , in cherishing ( all they can against envie ) the due estimation of vertue in themselves or any . this man ( upon a proiect of some profit , probable enough had his intent been honest , or my serious studies in higher affaires permitted me to have frequēted or suspected him ; ( but oportunity not so much makes as takes a theefe , for an honest mind even scornes the temptation , no lesse then a lewd or a faigned suspicion ) by degrees had wound himselfe at least ten pounds deepe into my purse , being halfe way to the bottome , till fresh supplyes out of england ; and at last ( to make the shortest of a sharkes account ) was glad to accept of one halfe of my ●…cipall , with losse of the other halfe , yet not without great profit neyther , for a sharpe lesson proves a good instruction ; and our best wits are ( cōmonly ) the deerest bought ; but this is not the matter , rather ●…n introduction thereunto . for to get this mony i was forced to dispense with my study ( to wit k. davids psalmes , and st. 〈◊〉 epistles ; a word or two whereof in a short treatise touching theyr praise , since composed by me , i once purposed should have bin the period , or posterne unto these my travels ) and to make many a iourney to , and against him ; among others , taking the pleasure of a dainty frosty sunshine morning ( whilest my irish colt tooke his recreation at home ) i made a walke of sixe or 7. miles to speake with him at his house ( having chāged his dwelling from the town into the country ) and on the way from tullough , between ballye roberts , and castle-lyons , went aside out of a faire greene lancher , betwixt two great opē fields under a hedge , to cover my feet , not ●…eeing nor mistrusting any danger , yet ( in stooping downe ) had this thought in my minde ; good lord preserve me , this may be my last breathing : after a while looking up , right before me within twice my length stood a great grisly wolfe , bigger then a mastiffe , with a long bobbe taile , p●…ick-eard , and a lanke body , stocke still looking on me . though somewhat apàlled at this strange sight , yet to run ▪ conceived was danger ( for i had wit in my feare , as before in my anger ) and therefore quietly hasting to be ready for him , still fixing my eye on his ( wherein lyes a mystery ) till i had fastened my poynt ; and drawing my knife , with a sm●…l wand in my hand , i went on guardant , soft and faire , observing how the curre dogg'd me , ( for 't is a creature ( simply considered ) as full of craft and subtilty , as of greedinesse and cruelty , which meeting in men ( as commonly they lurke together , one being cause of the other ) doe make them more brutish and dangerous ( god defend me from them ) then wilde beasts ; such as st. paul had to fight withall at ephesus , ( unreasonable and absurd people ) as doubtlesse many good mē have elsewhere dayly , ) and then turning towards him , and standing still awhile , he would doe the like ( for i could haue bin content , on a fayre defence ) to haue tryed the combate with him , in assured hope to haue cut his throat , to enlarge my scutchion with a wolfe , or a wolfes head in a canton , for an addition of honor , as well to my ancestry , as happily to my heyres and posterity , for god onely makes and gives all . in this sort perusing one another , on we went in company about halfe a quarter of a mile together , till ( being market day at tullough ) people came riding by , away he went , but with admiration of all ( in such sort ) to have escaped his clutches ; affirming it to be the he●… or 〈◊〉 wolfe , that a long time had ranged thereabout ; done much mischiefe to man & beast ; and could never be taken . though now ridde of my rude companiō , i durst not be too secure , least on the sodaine we might meet againe ; but euer with an eye in my pole , on i went still guardant , till i came to kiel jannicke , aside off castle lyons , and there found my friend to little or no purpose ; but at my returne 〈◊〉 got a rusty sword for my better defence , in●… case of necessitie , which now & then i thought good to excercise against a bush or a thistle , with a thrust at the one , and a slash at the other , supposing the woolfe to haue bin either ; perhaps ( i am not sure ) like that valiant countrie travayler ( according to the common tale ) who going home late in an euening from worke , in like sort laying about him ( as he went ) with his trun●… , at the sodaine out-cry of a fewe duckes , quake , quake , being at his wits end , disclaimed all his former behauiour , with a fearefull protest as ( who should iudge him ) to be but a poore travayler , that neuer strook man in his life ▪ nor meant to doe ; and so more afraid then hurt ( hauing scaped a scowring ) he went soberly home to sleep : as i also being deliuered frō my so great a danger at retu●…ne to my lodging , on my knees gaue god thankes for my preseruation , and still doe ; for doubtles the same invisible hand of heauen that shut th●…●…mouthes of daniels lions , did likewise shut the mouth of this r●…uening wolfe , else rea●… to haue deuoured me my god ( sayth he ) hath sent his angel , and hath shut the lyons mouthes , that the●… haue not hu●… ▪ me , forasmuch as before him , innocency was found in me , and also before thee ( o king ) haue i done no hurt . dan. 6. 22. with the mercifull , ( saith ▪ 〈◊〉 ) thou wi●…t shew thy selfe ▪ mercifull , & with an vpright man , thou wilt shew thy selfe vpright . psal. 18. 25. the next and last never to be forgotten , was now of late the 29. of august 1632. passing from the exchange toward my lodging ; in lothbury from foure story high , there sodainly fell downe into the street ( by what meanes god knowes , but very strangely ) a whole window of glasse in a thicke frame of timber , all fast in a lumpe together , and in the fall strooke onely the brim of my hat , missing my head but two or three inches at most , by meanes i thinke ) of then mending my pace , ( not knowing why ) at the instant ( i remember ) when i sprang over into that side of the street , which else ( doubtlesse ) had strooke mee stone dead , so violent was f●…ll ; for which let my soule for ever 〈◊〉 thee ( o lord ) and all than is within meblesse his holy name , ●…s two or three of those that saw the manner thereof ( i thanke them ) put me in mind so to doe . the angell of the lord ( sayth david ) encampeth round about them that feare him , and delivereth them . tast therefore and consider that the lord is good , blessed is the man that trusteth in him ; for though his wisedome ( to exalt the glorious maiesty of his power ) leads them into temptations and dangers , yet his vigilant providence ( for his promise sake ) never leaves them ; i will never fayle thee nor forfake thee : joshua . 1. 5. affliction ( like pauls viper ) at first begets censure , but ( upon delivery ) it is the cause of honour . acts. 28. 3. 6. i will be with him in trouble ( sayth god ) i will 〈◊〉 him , and honour him . psal. 91. 15. and what honor comparable to that of gods deliverance ? or what promise so to be●… relyed on as his word ? what buckler or ca●…le of defence so safe as his protection ? what service so commodious and honorable as his faithfull seruice ? or whom ever better served , allyed counselled , or befriended ( may examples of truth and experience take place , malice with envi●… being banisht or put to silence ) then by such allyance , servants , counsellers or friends ? whose dwelling is in the secret place of the most high , and whose abode is under the shadow of the almighty , king of kings , & lord of creatures both in heaven & in earth , in the seas & all deepe places . i leave to the iudgment & consideratiō of all , with my hearty prayers as for my owne soule , that every one for their proper good ( touching the premisses in each particuler ) may rightly discern betweene things that differ , and impartially prefer those that excell . what have i now done ? is there not a cause ? 1. sam. 17. 29. finis . a perfect copy of a letter sent from dublin relating the true condition of ireland as it now stands with two proclamations published by the states there : brought over by the last post january 18, 1642. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a56531 of text r28767 in the english short title catalog (wing p63a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a56531 wing p63a estc r28767 10758767 ocm 10758767 45677 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a56531) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 45677) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1407:33) a perfect copy of a letter sent from dublin relating the true condition of ireland as it now stands with two proclamations published by the states there : brought over by the last post january 18, 1642. e. v. [6] p. printed by the printed copy ; re-printed by g.c., dublin : london : 1642. the letter (p. 4) is signed: e.v. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng ireland -politics and government -17th century -sources. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -sources. a56531 r28767 (wing p63a). civilwar no a perfect copy of a letter, sent from dublin, relating the true condition of ireland, as it now stands. with two proclamations, published by e. v 1642 1288 4 0 0 0 0 0 31 c the rate of 31 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a perfect copy of a letter sent from dublin relating the true condition of ireland as it now stands . with two proclamations published by the states there . brought over by the last post . january , 18. 1642. printed by the printed copy , first printed at dublin . and re-printed at london , by g. c. 1642. a true copy of a letter from dublin . mr. c. i have no time to write largely for this sodaine sending , for feare to lose the opportunity . by the next you shall heare further : i landed here upon thursday . fifteen hundred men landed on sunday under sir simon harcolts command ; and when they came neere land , the rebels did make fire on the top of hils and castles , to give the rest notice of the english comming . there is within three miles round about dublin above twenty thousand of rebels . a great many of the poore that were rob'd in the city , die for hunger , ten , fifteene , twenty in a day ; and god he knowes without wee have present help , what will become of us . these fifteene hundred that came over , went to the masse houses , and tooke thence there pictures and broke them al to pieces . the fryers priests , and many papists are gone out of the city , i beleeve to the rebels . soe in great haste , with my best wishes , i rest e. v. there are lawes , and ordinances of warre established for the good conduct of the souldiers by iames ormond and ossory , lord viscount thvrles , lord baron of arcle , lieutenant generall of his maiesties forces , and one of the lords of his maiesties privie councell in ireland . which lawes and orders every captaine in the armie is to cause to be read in the head of their severall companies forthwith , and the chief officers of every regiment must see to the carefull performance and observation aswell of the direction , as of those lawes and orders . by the lords iustices and councell . w. parsons . io. borlase . whereas by the frequent concourse of people to this city of dublin , the country is deprived of defence , and left open to the spoyle of the rebells now in armes in this kingdome , the poore of those parts are distitute of succour and reliefe , and divers other inconveniences doe and may thence arise , unlesse some timely remedy be applyed thereunto , we therefore doe hereby in his majesties name charge and command all and all manner of persons ( other then such as have necessary cause to dub in ) such as we the lords justices , or our very good lordl iames earle of ormond and ossory , lieutenant generall , of his majesties army in this kingdome , or sir charles coote knight and baronet , governour of the fortes in the city of dublin , shall approve , and other then such as shall bring corne , and other provisions of victualls to this city to be sold , that they forbeare comming to this city or suburbs upon paine of death . and whereas divers cornemasters within fifteene miles of dublin , taking advantage of these times of disorder doe raise the rates and prices of their corne to very excessive and unreasonable rates , for reformation whereof , and withall to provide so as those corne-masters may have a reasonable price for their corne , we doe hereby in his majesties name strictly charge and command them at their extreame perrils ▪ that they be carefull to send their corne to this city to be sold , at the rates , viz. wheat , pease and beanes at twentie shilings a dublin peck , and oats at six shillings eight pence a barrell , beyond which rates we require them not to sell , and above that rate we require all men not to buy , and according to that rate and proportion the bakers are required to make their size of bread , and in case the buyers or sellors of corne , or the bakers , or any of them shall transgresse herein , they shall receive such severe and exemplary punishment as is due to wilfull contemners of his majesties authority . and in case any corne-masters within the said limmit doe forbeare sending their corne hither to be sold , other then so much whereof as may be needfull for substenance of themselves and their familie , we , will take such a course as shall be fit as well for punishment of their neglects , as for preventing the rebells from making use of the said corne . given at his majesties castle of dublin . orm●nd ossory . r. dillon . ad doftus . cha. c●ote . rob. meredith . i. temple . god save the king . by the lords , iustices . a proclamation for the prorogation of the parliament . w. parsons . io. borlase . whereas the kings most excellent majesty by his commission under the great seale of england , bearing date at westminster the fourth day of january , in the sixteenth yeare of his majesties reigne , hath given full authoritie unto us the lords iustices joyntly , either to continue and hold the present parliament by prorogation , or otherwise for such longer time , or to determine the same as we should thinke meet . and whereas the said parliament is prorogued to the eleventh day of jannuary next , now we taking into our serious considerations the present estate and condition wherein this kingdome now stands , weighing the manifold dangers and inconveniences that might happen by so great a concourse of people to this citie of dublin from all the parts of this kingdome , as that assembly of parliament would necessarily draw together at that time , and also the great danger of his majesties loving subjects in travelling hither from many parts of this kingdome , whereby also they should be drawne from the defence of their habitations and estates , have thought fit and resolved to prorogue , and we doe hereby prorogue the said parliament from the said eleventh day of iannuary unto the one and twenty day of iune next following , and to the end that aswell the lords spirituall and temporall , as the knights , citizens and burgesses of parliament may spare and forbere their attendance accordingly , we the lords iustices for their case have thought fit by this proclamation according to the authority to us given by his majesties said commission , to publist and declare the same , so that they need not to appeare the said eleventh day of iannuary at the castle or city of dublin , but shall be discharged thereof against his majesty . neverthelesse we the lotds iustices doe will , charge and command them , and every of them , and all others to whom in this case it shall appertaine , that they and every of them doe personally appeare , and be present upon the said 21. day of iune next comming at his majesties castle of dublin , to treat , consult and conclude upon such matters , as in the said parliament shall then and there of the common councell of the realme ▪ by gods favour happen to be ordained . given at hls majesties castle of dublin . two famous and victorious battelis fovght in ireland the i. by sir william saintleger, lord president of munster against a great number of the rebels neer the city of cork and after a long and tedious fight lasting three dayes, put the rebels to flight, beating them out of their quarters slew neer upon 2000 april 20 : the second by the lord inchequid and colonel vavasour against the lord muskry, neer rochfort, april 22, with the number that were slain in this battle : also a challenge sent by the lord musgrave to the president of munster, with the manner of the sending it on the top of a pike likewise the names of the chief commanders of the protestant army in ireland : whereunto is annexed the copy of a letter sent from ireland and read in the house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a64009 of text r19547 in the english short title catalog (wing t3443). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a64009 wing t3443 estc r19547 12607504 ocm 12607504 64266 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64009) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64266) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 251:e145, no 9) two famous and victorious battelis fovght in ireland the i. by sir william saintleger, lord president of munster against a great number of the rebels neer the city of cork and after a long and tedious fight lasting three dayes, put the rebels to flight, beating them out of their quarters slew neer upon 2000 april 20 : the second by the lord inchequid and colonel vavasour against the lord muskry, neer rochfort, april 22, with the number that were slain in this battle : also a challenge sent by the lord musgrave to the president of munster, with the manner of the sending it on the top of a pike likewise the names of the chief commanders of the protestant army in ireland : whereunto is annexed the copy of a letter sent from ireland and read in the house of commons. w. s. foy, benjamin. england and wales. parliament. [8] p. printed for iohn wels, [london] : 1642. with votes of both houses concerning hull, etc. the first letter signed: benjamin foy. the second letter signed: w. s. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649. clancarty, donogh maccarty, -earl of, 1594-1665. inchiquin, murrough o'brien, -earl of, 1614-1674. musgrave, philip, -sir, 1607-1678. saintliger, w. -(william), -sir, d. 1642. vavasour, charles, -sir, d. 1644. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a64009 r19547 (wing t3443). civilwar no two famous and victorious battels fought in ireland the i. by sir william saintleger, lord president of munster, against a great number of t [no entry] 1642 1696 6 0 0 0 0 0 35 c the rate of 35 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-01 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion two famous , and victorious battelis fovght in ireland the i. by sir william saintleger , lord president of munster , against a great number of the rebels , neer the city of cork , and after a long and tedious fight , lasting three dayes , put the rebels to flight , beating them out of their quarters , slew neer upon 2000. april 20. the second , by the lord inchequid and colonel vavasour against the lord muskry , neer rochfort , april 22. with the number that were slain in this battle . also a challenge sent by the lord musgrave to the president of munster , with the manner of the sending it on the top of a pike . likewise , the names of the chief commanders of the protestant army in ireland . wherunto is annexed the copy of a letter sent from ireland , and read in the house of commons , it being ordered by them to be forthwith published in print . hen. elsing cler , parl. d. com. ordered by the lords and commons in 〈◊〉 , that the votes shall be printed , and sent to the sheriffs , and iustices , to be published in all the market towns , of the covnties of york and lincoln . john brown cler parliament . printed for iohn wels , 164● . it is declared by the lords and commons in parliament , that the stopping of the passages between hul & the parliam . & the intercepting of messengers imployed from the parliament to hull , or from any that are in the service of the parliament , or any letters whatsoever sent by any to , or from the parliament is a high breach of the priviledge of parliament , which by the laws of this kingdom , and the protestation , we are bound to defend with our lives and our fortunes , and to bring the violator therof to condigne punishment . and hereby all lords lieutenants , and their deputies authorised by the ordinance of both houses of parliament , all sheriffs , iustices , majors , bryliffs , constables , and other officers whatsoever , are required to give their uttermost aid and assistance to all that are imployed in the said service , for their better and more speedy free and safe passage : and to apprehend all such as by colour of any warrant or other authority whatsoever , shall endeavor or go about to hinder any that are imployed about the same , and them to apprehend and in safe custodie to send up to the parliament . resolved upon the question . that sir iohn hotham knight , according to this relation , hath done nothing but in obedience to the command of both houses of parliament . resolved upon the question . that this declaring of sir iohn hotham traitor , being a member of the house of commons , is a high breach of the priviledge of parliament . resolved upon the question . that this declaring of sir iohn hotham traitor without due processe of law , is against the liberty of the subject nad against the law of the land . ●● brown cler. parl exceeding joyfull , and comfortable newes from ireland . dear and loving mother . my duty remembred unto you , &c. it is the duty of a son to write unto parents ; wherby to give them to understand of the troubles in those dangerous times . god be thanked i have my helth , with my wife and child in the citie of cork , under the company of sir charles bannister , my very good friend . the enemy is here round about us , expecting every day a battle . this city of cork is strongly fortified with ammunition , so that the enemy dare not attempt against us , but making some flashes in matters of contempt . dungarven we took , with the losse of two men , and two more hurt , many were slain on their side ; but sithence our departure , the enemy have taken it again , the whole town was ours with the castle . to give you notice of the state of this kingdome of ireland sir richard boyls knight , lord barronet on yewf●ll , lord vicount of dangarve , earl of cork , lord high treasurer of ireland , and one of his majesties . privie counsell of england . the earl of l●●●●ster , lord deputie and generall . james earl of ormon lieutenant generall , sir william 〈◊〉 lord president of munster , and sergeant major generall of the kingdome of ireland . here is nothing expected but fire and sword , wee kill them and lay them in heaps . my lord president hath made choice of this city of cork for his abode , i beleeve that 10000 men are not able to take it , if here be no trecherie with the inhabitants ; which inhabitants are carefully looked unto : here is a fort sytuated upon a rock , with brasse ordnance ready mounted , with morter-pieces to send forth wild-fire , the fort and castle will command the country round , the main s●lyeth three or four miles off this 〈◊〉 , we have watched day and night , 300. souldiers within the city , and without the walls . vicount musgraue of musgraue is of late turned rebell against his maiesty , for he sent a letter presented vnto my lord president upon the top of a pike a challenge , but he and his company dare not attempt , though they be in number 40000. this musgrave is able to ride upon his own land 30. miles outright ; besides 25. miles of breadth : it is spoken he is the greatest monyed man in the whole land . my lord president will have about with him very suddenly . so with my kind love to my brothers , and sister my loving master and mistris , and all the rest of our neighbours and good friends , desiring god to blesse you all in prosperity in these our troubles , i conclude , your obedient , and dutifull son , till death , benjamin foy . from cork april 23. 1642. if you write or send to me , direct your letter to lieutenant coronel mym , sir charles bannister company . more true news from ireland . right honourable , since my last letter , my own indisposition and imbecility hath bin such , as in mine own person i have not bin able to attempt any thing , but have by my sicknesse bin confined to my chamber ; but the forward earnestnesse and zeal to the service in my lord of inchequid , collonel vavafor captain jerpson , and the rest of the officers of the small army here , hath accomplished some exploits wherof you may please to receive the ensuing relation , i being besieged on the north side of the city by my lord muskoy , m. carty lath , and all the rest of the western forces , and having notice that my lord roche , my lord of ikarn donbay , the baron of loghmy , m. richard butler , and all the tipperary forces were drawing uptobeleager me on the south , i dispatched away the two troops then newly landed , under the command of my lord inchequid and captaine jephon into the lord roches country , inexpectance to divert him from his intended course hitherwards , which sorted to so good purpose , as that i since understand the tipperary forces have forsaken him , and that he remains himself upon his keeping in his own country . during the stay of these troops there , they were desired to the relief of a castle called rathgogan by one m. mead . which m. iephson having performed with a squadron of each troop , and 80 musquetiers drawn out of his house and mine . in his retreat hee was encountered by two or three companies from mimeallock , onwhom he with a horse , and another officer with a foo● charged in severall places , and routed them , slaying above 150 beside 50 slain in relieving the castle . on the 13. of this instant my lord of muskry ( who hath kept this camp a long time at rochforts town 3. miles from this city ) caused a part of his army to chase home our scouts to the very suburbs where in a bravado they made a stand , wherat my lord inchequid , collonel vavasour , and the rest of the officers being much incensed , obtained my leave to issue forth immediatly with 300. musquetiers , and two troops of horse : upon the sallying out they found the enemy retreated , and pursued him to his quarters , where the main body consisting of 36 colours as they were numbred forthwith appeared , and after severall parties sent from the main body to skirmish with our men had bin beaten back , they began to pack up their baggage , and forsook their camp , after whom our men made all the speed they might : and having chased them two or three miles , charged upon the rear routed the whole army , which betook it self to flight , and took all their carriage and luggage , wherof the lord of muskeries own armour tent , and trunks were apart . slew about 200. of their men that took to firm ground , and retired without losse of a man , &c. your lordships most humble servant , w. s. it is this day ordered by the cammons now assembled in parliament , that this letter be forthwith publisheh in print . hen. elsing . cler. parl. d. com. finis . whereas the sins of prophane swearing and cursing are offenses forbidden by the word of god, and do highly provoke his wrath, not onely against the persons that are guilty thereof but also against the place where such crimes are permitted to pass unpunished ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) 1666 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46193 wing i941 estc r36952 16162492 ocm 16162492 104942 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46193) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104942) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:60) whereas the sins of prophane swearing and cursing are offenses forbidden by the word of god, and do highly provoke his wrath, not onely against the persons that are guilty thereof but also against the place where such crimes are permitted to pass unpunished ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1661-1669 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. printed by john crooke ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1665 [1666] title from first 6 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 8th day of february, 1665" [1666] reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng blasphemy -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense by the lord lieutenant and council . ormonde , whereas the sins of prophane swearing and cursing are offenses forbidden by the word of god , and do highly provoke his wrath , not onely against the persons that are guilty thereof , but also against the place where such crimes are permitted to pass unpunished ; and although there be a good provision made for punishing the said crimes , by an act of parliament made in this kingdom , in the tenth year of the reign of his late majesty king charles the first , entituled , an act to prevent , and reform prohane swearing and cursing ; which if it were duely put in execution would quickly suppress , and restrain the liberty that wicked persons take to themselves to transgress the said law , as now they do without fear of punishment ; & for that the justices of the peace , and such others as are intrusted with the punishment of these offenses , do in a manner totally neglect their duty herein , whereby the said offenses do daily increase to the offense of almightly god , and scandal of the government , and doth endanger the drawing down the wrath of god on this people , if speedy course be not taken for the punishing of so great and crying offenses : we therefore the lord lieutenant and council do by this our proclamation require and command all justices of the peace , mayors , bayliffs , head-officers , and all and every other person and persons intrusted by the said act , to see the same put in execution with all diligence and impartiality . and to the end the same may be the more duely effected , we the lord lieutenant will nominate such persons , as we shall think fit in every county of this kingdom to inform against , apprehend , and bring before the said justi●●s of peace , head-officers , and other persons by the said act authorized to see the same put in execution , the persons of all , and every such person and persons who shall offend contrary to the said act , and assign them such allowances out of the forfeitures as shall be fit . and whereas by the said act it is provided that the same shall be read in every parish church by the minister thereof upon the sunday after the evening prayer twice every year , which hath been of late neglected ; we do therefore by this proclamation require and command the ministers of all and every the respective parishes in this kingdom , that they cause the said act to be publicquely read as by the statute is required , on the first sunday after the publication hereof , and after publicquely to read the same yearly in such manner as by the said act is prescribed . given at the council chamber in dublin the 8th day of february , 1665 . ja. armachanus . mich. dublin . canc. donegall . arran . anglesey . kingston . jo. bysse . rob. byron . rob. forth . tho. pigott . god save the king . dvblin : printed by john crooke , printer to the kings most excellent majestie , and are to be sold by samuel dancer in castlestreet . 1665. the coppie of a letter written from the lo. viscount of gormanston unto sir phelim o' neale. which letter is all written by the lord gormanston's own hand, and was found in sir phelim o'neale's cloak-bag, when on the 16. of iune, 1642. the said sir phelim, rory mac gwyre, some of the mac mahownes, the mac genises, and mac cartan, the o' cahans, coll kittagh, mac donells sons, and the rest of the rebells gathered from the severall counties of tirone, antrim, armagh, downe, fermanagh and donegall. : and also some out of the english pale, being in all 6000. foot and 500. horse were defeated in battle by sir william stewart, and by sir robert stewart with part of their two regiments, 300. of colonell gore's regiment, foure companies from the derry, and capt. dudley phillips with his troope of 60. horse, in all not exceeding 2000. foot and 300. horse. : whereunto is added sir robert stewarts letter to the right honourable sir iohn borlase knight, one of the lords iustices for the kingdome of ireland. gormanston, nicholas preston, viscount, 1607 or 8-1643. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85459 of text r177552 in the english short title catalog (wing g1303i). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85459 wing g1303i estc r177552 45097804 ocm 45097804 171389 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85459) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171389) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2572:38) the coppie of a letter written from the lo. viscount of gormanston unto sir phelim o' neale. which letter is all written by the lord gormanston's own hand, and was found in sir phelim o'neale's cloak-bag, when on the 16. of iune, 1642. the said sir phelim, rory mac gwyre, some of the mac mahownes, the mac genises, and mac cartan, the o' cahans, coll kittagh, mac donells sons, and the rest of the rebells gathered from the severall counties of tirone, antrim, armagh, downe, fermanagh and donegall. : and also some out of the english pale, being in all 6000. foot and 500. horse were defeated in battle by sir william stewart, and by sir robert stewart with part of their two regiments, 300. of colonell gore's regiment, foure companies from the derry, and capt. dudley phillips with his troope of 60. horse, in all not exceeding 2000. foot and 300. horse. : whereunto is added sir robert stewarts letter to the right honourable sir iohn borlase knight, one of the lords iustices for the kingdome of ireland. gormanston, nicholas preston, viscount, 1607 or 8-1643. gormanston, jenico preston, viscount, d. 1691. stewart, robert, sir, d. 1670? [12] p. printed by vvilliam bladen., dvblin: : 1642. nuc attributes to nicholas preston, viscount gormanston; wing attributes to jenico preston, viscount gormanston. reproduction of original in the forster collection, victoria and albert museum. eng o'neill, phelim, -sir, 1604?-1653. stewart, william, -sir, d. 1647? ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. a85459 r177552 (wing g1303i). civilwar no the coppie of a letter written from the lo. viscount of gormanston unto sir phelim ô neale. which letter is all written by the lord gormans gormanston, nicholas preston, viscount 1642 1613 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-10 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the coppie of a letter written from the lo. viscount of gormanston unto sir phelim ô neale . which letter is all written by the lord gormanston's own hand , and was found in sir phelim ô neale's cloak-bag , when on the 16. of iune 1642. the said sir phelim , rory mac gwyre , some of the mac mahownes , the mac genises , and mac cartan , the ô cahans , coll kittagh , mac donells sons , and the rest of the rebells gathered from the severall counties of tirone , antrim , armagh , downe , fermanagh and donegall . and also some out of the english pale , being in all 6000. foot and 500. horse were defeated in battle by sir william stewart , and by sir robert stewart with part of their two regiments , 300. of colonell gore 's regiment , foure companies from the derry , and capt. dudly phillips with his troope of 60. horse , in all not exceeding 2000. foot and 300. horse . whereunto is added sir robert stewarts letter to the right honourable sir iohn borlase knight , one of the lords iustices for the government of the kingdome of ireland . dvblin : printed by vvilliam bladen . 1642. lo. viscount gormanston's letter to sir phelim ô neale . vvritten by his own hand , and was found in sir phelim ô neale's cloak-bagge on the 16. day of iune . 1642. noble sir , if i had received but the least notice or hope that you would have come to the meeting place ; i had stayed longer to expect you , though i did not part thence , till such time as i feared to be benighted by the way , and shall be ready upon all occasions to waite on you . i am very sorry to heare of the arrivall of more enemies , we having already more then we can suppresse , and doe presume to offer to your consideration what incouragement it will be to our disanimated enemies in those parts , and discouragement to ours ; if they shall overthrow your forces at the first encounter . wherefore you will doe well to meete them with as strong forces as you can , thereby to defeate them , which will make them the more fearefull thenceforth . i have conferr'd with your brother whom i have acquainted with what i know , to whose relation i referre you . our forces here shall be ready to assist you on the least notice , which may be don from hence , for all places about ardee are so consumed with fire , that there can be no meate had for the souldiers , for want whereof they will doubtlesse disperse , they are so prompt thereunto upon the least occasion . thus praying god to give us better successe then hitherto , i rest your assured loving kinsman and servant , gormanston . navan this 15. of aprill . 1642. i can write you no newes from about dublin , but that ours have burned a street in the suburbs , and have good store of forces about the english army that is gone forth , i pray spare me some powder , for i protest we have not ten shots a peece . directed thus on the backside , for his noble and much respected kinsman sir phelim ô neale , generall of the forces of vlster . these the coppie of a letter vvritten by sir robert stewart knight : and directed to the right honourable sir iohn borlase knight ; one of the lords iustices for the government of the kingdome of ireland . right honourble and my very good lord , ipresume i need not informe your lordship of the severall encounters these regiments have had with the rebells , how in a place of the greatest advantage for the rebells , of any in vlster , after relief of the castles of donegall , ballishanon and castlerachan , and bringing off sir ralph gore , his house being no place of strength , in our returne we were assaulted in the middle of a wood growing upon steep mountaines on every side , at a very strait passe , by neer two thousand rebells , our forces not exceeding much twelve hundred , we forced the passage , and so beate them in their own known choise groūd , brought off all , after a skirmish continued five houres , and made a safe retreate , with little or no losse at all , having killed above a hundred of the rebells . i presume also that your lordship hath heard of our marching to ô cahan's countrey , where with some eighteen hundred , my own , sir vvilliam stewart , and sir ralph gore 's regiments , assisted with some foure companies out of derry , we did encounter two thousand foure hundred rebells beat them , killing two hundred , took nine or ten colours , & took in the castle of dungiven , taking prisoner one of the chiefest of the sept of the ô cahans , releeved colrane , and victualled the two castles of limavaddy and ballicastell , yet defended by the brittish , and so having killed some three hundred more , which we found in scattered companies , by twenties and thirties at a place , called macgillegin , we retired home with very little or no losse at all , as also how sir phelim ô neale with some foure thousand coming strong to assault us the 25. of aprill , was beat , & put to the flight by some two thousand of ours , having lost one hundred men , we were stopt from prosecuting the victory , and pursuing the rebells , by reason of the boggs , impassable for our horses , that which now i would impart to your lordship , is a late conflict which befell on the 16. day of this moneth of june , the rebells being gathered from all quarters , chased by the english and scots forces , from the severall counties of tirone , antrim , armagh , downe , fermanagh and donegall , under the comand of sir phelim ô neale himself , collonell a caen , lately arrived from spain , after twenty yeers travells abroad , assisted by coll kittaghs sons two scots high-landers , with many high-landers more , making up in all six thousand foot and five hundred horse , the former night having stood in armes at a halfe a mile and lesse distance all the night , that morning about sun-rising our forces being drawn up in number not exceeding much two thousand foot and three hundred horse , after we had sent out some comanded musquettiers , and horse , to view the rebells more neere , who being drawn up very orderly , upon the approach of our commanded men from a hill opposite to us , where they lay the night preceding , and were then drawn up in two brigades , judging that our body should have faln down , to have seconded them , came on with a furious and swift march , making a terrible out-cry in their march according to their maner , but our men having received orders to retire to the body , if they were assaulted , did retire accordingly , and in retiring gave fire , the rebells apprehending that retreat to be a flight , marcht streight close together in two brigades towards ours , which after we had perceived , having obtained our end , in drawing them towards that litle hill , where we were scituat , we began to march slowly , they still advancing , coll kittaghs sons ( cryed up for their valor as invincible champions ) with their high-landers and some others assaulted my brigade fiercely , insomuch that they were not far from coming to push of pike but seeing the resolution and constancy of our men advancing still , and not loosing ground , galling them with continual shot , finding their reare to shrink back first , and then to flie at last , after a quarter of an houres stand , they turned faces , and so did all that brigade flie , which that which was opposite to sir william stewart seeing , did beare their countrey-men company , and so fled confusedly , their troops ( never so much as offering once to draw near , far lesse to charge ) took the same course the foot took , we had the chase and execution of them for six or seven miles , killed as is thought five hundred , tooke some colours , and gained divers armes and drums , besides the dead , many we heare are dangerously , if not mortally wounded , this is now the second time that the titular generall sir phelim , with his farre greater forces hath been beaten in the field by us , with an happy successe , which i pray the lord of hosts to continue to ours , and all other brittish forces in ireland , that at last we may see our desire upon our enemies , and the crown of this monarchy flourish upon our kings head in peace . culmore 21 iunij . 1642. your lo. ps most humble faithfull and obedient servant robert stewart . achitophel, or, the picture of a wicked politician diuided into three parts. carpenter, nathanael, 1589-1628? 1629 approx. 153 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 36 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a18021 stc 4669 estc s107539 99843238 99843238 7954 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a18021) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 7954) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 919:02) achitophel, or, the picture of a wicked politician diuided into three parts. carpenter, nathanael, 1589-1628? [8], 64 p. printed [by humphrey lownes and r. young] for m[ichael] s[parke], [london] : 1629. dedication signed: n.c., i.e. nathanael carpenter. a parable on irish politics of uncertain reference. imprint information from stc. the first leaf is blank. a4v is blank. variant 1: a4v contains verse from 2 samuel. variant 2: title page has "written by n.c. ..". reproduction of the original in the university of chicago. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books 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characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -politics and government -17th century -early works to 1800. 2003-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-12 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-12 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion achitophel , or , the pictvre of a wicked politician . diuided into three parts . 2. sam . chap. 17. verse 23. and when achitophel saw that his counsell was not followed , hee sadled his asse , and arose , and gate him home , and set his house in order , and hanged himselfe , and was buried in the sepulchre of his fathers . printed for m. s. 1629. to the most reuerend father in god , iames by the grace of god archbishop of ardmagh , and primate of all ireland . most reuerend father in god , my best endeauours , long since engaged to your graces seruice , haue neuer yet found themselues sopropitiously befriended by occasion , as to make the world the witnesse of their sinceritie : my deepe apprehension of your gracious fauour , which first inuited mee into those parts , seconded by my inbred disposition , more ambitious to expresse a thankefull heart than directed to priuate ends , could not sleep without some publicke acknowledgement . but it is the greatest vnhappinesse of thankefull industrie , to entreate no better orators to pleade in her behalfe than the tongue or penne ; both of which oftner subiect themselues to the command of sycophanticke parasites , than obseruant friends , and suffer themselues sooner to be armed against worth , than drawne in defence of ingenuitie . but with me the case stands otherwise ; as with one whose words or writings can neuer sufficiently enable themselues , eyther to commend the sinceritie of mine owne affection , or flatter the eminencie of your deseruing . the one beeing set aboue expression : the other of enuie or adulation . sorry i am , that this deformed childe of my industrie , presuming rather on the precedencie of birth than worth , should before others of his brethren ( worthier in my choyce ) aduenture to aske your graces patronage . but opportunity in this can challenge an aduantage before worth , in that shee can as well improue the worst as crown the best . could i haue proportioned this poor present eyther to your graces iudicious acceptance , or my affectionate obseruance , it had cast it selfe into another mould than the modell of this slender treatise , readier to shrinke from his patrons learned censure , than able to stand out in the authors approbation . but such as it is , i humbly present with my selfe vnto your gracious acceptance ; wishing it no other destinie than my selfe , whom you since my cōming hauing cherished in your fauour , haue confirmed your grateful votarie . the subiect i here offer to your view containes the pith and matter of three sermons , presented heretofore to my mother the uniuersity of oxford , in whose name they will no doubt find an easier passage into your graces protectiō . not that i hold these riuelets worthy so copious & sweet a fountain whence they sprung ; but that your grace hauing often honoured our ancient mother , as well with your acceptable presence as learned exercise ; cannot but cast an indulgent eye vpon her vnworthiest children . the scene , wherin i haue bounded my discourse , presents vnto your censure a sacred tragedy , consisting of four chief actors , viz. dauid an anointed king : absolon an ambitious prince : achitophel a wicked politician , & chushai a loyal subiect : a passage of history for variety pleasant , for instruction vseful , for euent admirable . if the pen-man climbe not the height of such a subiect , i shal not i hope fall below the measure of your gracious acceptance . in which confidence i shall find my ambition abundantly satisfied , and rest , your graces in all christian duty to be commanded n. c. the text. 2. sam . chap. 17. verse 23. and when achitophel saw that his counsell was not followed , hee sadled his asse , and arose , and gate him home , and set his house in order , and hanged himselfe , and was buried in the sepulchre of his fathers . achitophel , or the wicked politician . the chiefest obiects whereon treason sets it selfe a worke , are , ambition and discontent : whereof the former is wont to fashion the greatest hopes out of the least aduantages ; the other seemes like tinder to catch fire at the first touch , and turnes the least indignitie into the greatest indignation . this was well known to that grand polititian achitophel , who finding absolon dauids sonne affected with eyther maladie , determined to apprehend the least opportunitie to execute his own malice , and dauids ruine . dauid , he a long time hated ( as is probably coniectured by some interpreters ) for the murder of vrias his neere affine , yet subtilty and secrecy , the two hand-maides of humane policie , stood alwaies betwixt his hypocrisie , and the kings suspition . absolon he found , in the heat and pride of his youth , aboue measure ambitious of his fathers scepters , extreamely discontent with his foule disgrace , and long banishment : the one pointed him out the way to supremacie , the other to reuenge , easily perswading his erroneous iudgement , that it seemed too small a satisfaction for absolon , againe to be entertained as a subiect , too great a courtesie for dauid to liue a king. euery houre which addes to the length of his fathers reigne , seemes to borrow years from the threed of his expected royaltie , and iustice her selfe seemes to claime a part in his trayterous ambition : such is the prerogatiue of selfe-bred actions , to shut out preiudice , and promise to themselues as much successe as they find excuse . here policie taught achitophel to strike whilst the iron was hot , and ioyne issue with the first aduantage . time , the best moderator of hasty humors , might perhaps haue smoothed ouer absolons guile , or haue slacked dauids indignation : and occasions of this kinde at first let slip , are afterwards rather wisht than found . what he long plotted is now come to execution , and his expectation so long groaning with ambition and reuenge , at length rackt on the last extremitie . what his policie in proofe deserued , it promised it selfe in mens opinions , and himselfe , the first proiector , hee found entertained the chiefe actor in this conspiracie . nothing now seemes wanting to the proiect but an open attempt to inuade applause : and hostile preparations must show themselues in a readinesse , rather for formalitie than opposition ; as though hee had already wonne as much , as expectation , and victorie seemed already legible in absolons gracious presence , and the peoples forward acclamations . but such consultations neuer speed well , where god is excluded the counsell table , and hope , which vsually flatters the ambitious with the best successe , oftentimes betrayes them to the worst . dauid all this while lyes secure , as one who out of a fatherly ingenuitie might sooner expect the hostile inuasion of a forreine enemy , than the secret stratagems of so deare a friend : for what indulgent parent could feare his own ouerthrow to spring out of his owne bowels ? or there to finde the ruine of himselfe , where hee hoped to erect the trophee of his name and memory ? but treason at length earely knocking at his doores , awakes his sleeping iealousie ; and time it is to flye vnto forreine succours , where he findes his owne sonnes and subiects the forgers of seditious treason and vnnaturall rebellion . but that great counseller which turneth humane wisedome into folly , and directs all purposes to his own ends , is not wanting to his seruant dauid , making earnest intercession : chusay is secretly suborned by dauid , vnder the pretence of loue and seruice , as a supposed friend , but disguised enemie , to creepe into absolons bosome , and oppose achitophel that transcendent polititian : achitophel , who as an oracle of god had for his deep wisedome hitherto passed currant , is now shut out , and chusay this new counsellour admitted audience . here begins the dawning of dauids happy deliuerance , and achitophels deserued tragedie ; for as the distemper of our first concoction ( as naturalists obserue ) is seldome or neuer corrected in the second ; so the first ground-worke in state policie , ill layd or tempered , can afterwards scarce promise a reformation . but princes actions are commonly confin'd to no other lawes than their owne wils , and bootlesse it is for achitophel to giue further counsell where he wants perswasion : despair and indignation are at hand to second his repulse : and nothing now seemes left him for refuge ( so far as the eye of his worldly policie could discerne ) but the preuention of dauids officers in his shamelesse execution : and when achitophel saw that his counsell was not followed , &c. 2 this parcell of scripture , containing a briefe history of achitophels last actions and end , naturally shoots into these two branches : first his prouocation : secondly , his action : the prouocation was the neglect of his counsell , expressed in the former words of my text [ and when achitophel saw that his counsell was not followed ] his actions are deciphered in the latter clause [ hee sadled his asse , and arose , &c. ] in the prouocation or motiue wee may obserue these two circumstances . first , what achitophels counsell was , and wherein it consisted . secondly how , and which way it was defeated . to beginne with the first , wee may reduce his policie into two heads : for it consisted , either in his apt choyce , or wise direction : the former was euident , in that he took aduantage of such a subiect to countenance his rebellion , who amongst all the children of israel was the likeliest to go farthest . absolons birth , feature , plausabilitie , and high spirit seemed to speake him a king at first sight : as though ●…ature and industrie , policie and valour stood in competition which should challenge most in his aduancement . in the first place to examine his birth , we shall finde him a kings sonne : and although the second of his fathers race , yet the first in the peoples hope . of the eldest little mention is left vs saue the name , as of one by impotence of nature , or disasterous influence of the stars , halfe canceld out of the catalogue of dauids sonnes : besides the claime and title to his fathers kingdome , but newly began , and not yet establisht on succession , gave no small encouragement to his high ambition : where birth-right affords no certaine challenge to kingly dignitie , and the fathers choyse in designing out his successor is scarce reputed warrantable , what other obstacle can stand betwixt him and soueraigntie , but gods immediate will , or the peoples suffrage ? the former ( as it seemes ) hee little regarded , as one who eyther doubted of his prouidence , or shewed himselfe too confident of his conniuence : the latter as a matter out of question seemed sooner found than sought . as though opinion , which had so long fawned on his worth , could as easily perswade their suffrage , as command their seruice . had yet any sense of religion , or care of the publicke good inuaded the mindes eyther of yong absolon the prince , or achitophel the old counsellour , they might first of some prophet or other haue enquired gods secret purpose of depressing dauid , and exalting absolon : or at least haue esteemed hereditary succession the best challenge : well might gods almighty hand disdaine opposition , which neuer yet met resistance , and common equitie , haue stampt that currant which customary right , and the law of nature had already establisht amongst most nations . but their designe is not grounded vpon gods law , or natures priuiledge , but their owne seeming aduantage ; as though the diuine counsell ought to sloope to humane policie , and nature forsake the scene where worldly wisedome comes in action . behold here the first and chiefest character of a worldly wise politician , who cares little how great a rupture he make through god●… sacred lawes and common equitie to meet with his own aduantage , choosing rather to lose his soule than his wicked purpose ; as one by patent allowed to dispense with any obligation of conscience and religion . hence may easily be discouered the error of vulgar iudgments , who measuring inward sufficiences by the improuement of our outward fortunes , repute those men wisest which rise highest : but true wisedome in whose . scale consists the choyce of the best ends and fittest means , hath taught vs rather to entertaine than serue preferments ; and prize the quiet calme of a settled conscience , before the stormy 〈◊〉 of ambitious greatnesse . t is not the want of wit to proiect , but of wickednesse to practise , which keepes vertue poore , and desert vnregarded : neither are great aduancements the vsuall badges of great worth . 2 the second thing whereof achitophel tooke aduantage in absolons pers●…n , was his faire and comely feature . absolon amongst all the children of israel , was reputed the fairest : his louely visage , disheueld haire , the seemely symmetry and proportion of all his parts were as so many silent orators to be speake applause , and perswade affection . our friends and foes we seldome owe to choyce but nature , which stamps in euery mans face her especiall characters of beautie and deformitie , of loue and hatred , ordaining them rather commanders of our fancie , than seruants to our discretion . whence aristotle had good cause to make this comely feature of the body , one of the complements of humane happinesse ; as that which giues the habite of our vertues a more glorious lustre , and opens a more speedy passage to heroicke actions . what greater motiue could haue happened to a seditious multitude , whose affections , led rather by sense than reason , are better taught to fawne on shewes than substance , and swallow the most poysonous drugges in golden pilles . nothing more dangerous than painted sinne ; and vgly vice couched vnder the protection of a comely countenance , will lose the name , and seeme a vertue . so much is the bewitching power of a beauteous personage to inchant the wisest iudgement , that perswasion is oftner found in the orator than the argument , as though his lookes went as herbingers before his language , to prepare a roome , and entertaine attention . of these eminent gifts of nature , notwithstanding not granted to our free choyce , but rather trusted to our husbandry , no question but almighty god the lender , will expect an interest . hee that eyther hides his talent in the ground , or mis-spends his portion , shall finde the reward of a faithlesse seruant : much more such gracelesse tenants , who turne their endowments to their worst vses , and make gods munificent gifts the meanes and ground-worke of wicked and irreligeous actions . where god sowes hee expects his haruest in the same kinde : and no graine so meane in our estimation , out of which in proportion he requires not a timely crop . but where hee findes our industrie slacke in performance of this duty , or our malice opposite to his profit , he commonly workes his own ends out of our iniquities ; and what parts and endowments we abuse to sinne , he iustly directs vnto reuenge . 4 a third aduantage in absolons person suggested to achitophels obseruation , was his faire carriage and popular plausibilitie . a sweet and courteous deportment , seasoned with moralitie and religion , neuer wants deserued commendation ; as the surest character of an ingenuous disposition , and the most powerfull seruant of honest policie . for as in our most religious actions , wee should study rather to profit than to please our auditors : yet who neuer affects to please , shall seldome haue the happinesse to profit . so much more in ciuill affaires , the best improuement is popular estimation : and vertue , though neuer so eminent , shall scarce be reputed currant , if not stampt by applause , or crowned with common approbation . — non te quaesiueris extra seemes rather an axiome of a speculatiue and retired stoicke , than a practicke statist . an vpright and honest man ( i confesse ) would rather find himselfe at home in his owne conscience , than seeke himselfe abroade in other mens opinions : as one , whose first care ought to bee to forme himselfe to gods will , and his owne content , his second to husband his meanes to mens applause ; yet comes this farre short to disproue an affable and kinde behauiour , or countenance a harsh or cynicall disposition . had no other affection than this , possessed the soule of absolon , or in him presented it selfe to achitophels obseruation ; discretion might haue pleaded in the behalfe of the former , and honesty of the latter ; and neither haue wanted its deserued commendation : the one perhaps might haue been thought ambitious , to inherit as well the peoples loue , as his fathers vertues : the other , to haue applauded his princes happinesse in the peoples loue . neuerthelesse popularitie at the best is a fauour which wise and discreete subiects sooner winne than affect : beginning vsually with the princes ●…ealousie , and ending with the owners ruine . the defect might better become a subiect , the excesse a king : neither euer had those athenian ostracismes found place in iustice , had not popular greatnesse threatned the state with danger or dissolution : how much more dangerous shall wee esteeme this popularity of absolon , springing from a rotten and corrupted heart , managed by wicked meanes , and directed to a treacherous conspiracie ? three especiall stratagems were here put in practice , which might well seeme fashioned in achitophels forge . for the sending of absolon for achitophel to hebron , excludes not a former consultation ; neither is it probable , he would so far haue trusted him with his secret counsels , had he not first found him inclining to his faction . the first engine of his seditious purpose , was , his glossing , and fine complement , both in words and gesture , whereby hee was said to steale away the hearts of the people from his father dauid : he vsually stood in the palace gate , hee obserued the appproach of suiters , hee examined their particular grieuances , enquired the place of their abode : finally , he kissed and embraced them , o ( saith he ) that i were made iudge in the land , that i might heare euery mans cause , and do him iustice . what zealous subiect almost out of the seeming simplicitie of his words , would not swell with expectation , and become as prodigall in his hopes , as the other in his promises ? the distance between princes and priuate men , makes vs often ouervalue courtesies , and the indiscouery of such mens natures causeth diuers times their worst actions to carry the best construction : but great promises are cōmonly seconded by smal or slow performances ; and an easie matter it is to be ouer prodigall on the score , where we neuer intend a payment . to boast wisely of our actions and sufficiences , howsoeuer opposite to simple modestie or plaine-dealing honesty , was neuer accounted a solaecisme in the iudgling art of humane policie . but admit absolon in this case had promised to himselfe as much as the people , and suffered his confidence to spread her wings beyond his abilities : yet serues this little , to excuse his action from vnnaturall disobedience , or masked treacherie . it was the part of a shamelesse cham to bee an industrious spectator of his fathers nakednesse : of a rayling rabshakeh or cursing shimei , to diuorce him from his subiects hearts . nature would haue perswaded a gracious childe with noahs two modest sons , to haue lookt awry , or gone backward , no sooner to see ere hee could hide his fathers shame . allegeance might haue instructed a loyall subiect to prize his soueraignes credit before his owne , and drowne his greatest honours in his princes seruice . but setting aside these neere and high relations of a sonne to his father , or a subiect to his prince , the diuision and diuorce of friends to a generous temper , euen amongst the heathens themselues , hath alwayes seemed a wicked reuenge , or base ambition . honour seldome bestowes her fauours , but on such as win them in open fielde : and heroicke spirits haue alwayes chosen rather dearely to buy , than basely to steale a victorie . to steale away the hearts of our friends , sauours more of a fleering parasite than a wise politician ; and to seeke secret ambushes in case of open triall , argues rather the weakenesse of our cause , than the strength of our discretion . neuerthelesse this seemed a good ground for absolon to set , and achitophel to worke on : and little can true wisedome or religion perswade in the reare , where wicked policie commands the vant-guard . a second stratageme put in practice by absolon , and perhaps plotted by achitophel , to augment his owne plausabilitie , was , publickely to slander his fathers gouernment with iniustice and oppression . the same art which taught him to flatter his inferiours , instructed him the way to calumniat his superiours : so neere are these two opposite vices knit together in a wicked cause . see ( quoth absolon ) ( after examination of each sutour ) thy cause is iust and good , but there is no man deputed of the king to heare thee . dauid began now to decline , as well in strength as gouernment . age and disease commonly grow together : and where the master begins once to droope , the seruants proue eyther carelesly negligent , or lawlesly insolent . these inconueniences perhaps admitted by dauids officers , and obserued by absolon , rendred him obuious to exception . greatest places are commonly subiect to the greatest censures : but when almighty god was neuer wanting to dauid , i cannot imagine dauid to bee much wanting vnto his people . and although strength and valour , the darlings of his youth , began in him to faint , yet wisedome and experience , the children of his riper age , stept in to vndertake his quarrell . no otherwise then can we interpret this exception of absolon against his father , than a malitious slander , deuised for no other end , than to make him odious , and himselfe acceptable ; which hee by so much the more hoped easily to effect , by how much hee saw the giddy multitude ( as at all times , so ) especially in this declining age of dauid , as desirous of noueltie , as subiect to discontent . the best gouernours seldome please long , and the worst may for a time . worth is seldome so eminent as in the absence : and the best magistrates , like the images of brutus and cassius ( related by tacitus ) seeme then most glorious , when they are most wanting . enuie and detraction , like two venemous serpents , lurke alwayes in the path of iustice : and the best rulers seldome finde the freest passage . he that goes about to perswade a multitude they are not so well gouerned as they ought to bee , shall sooner want argument than attention . the reason wherof ( as a learned man hath obserued ) is , because the abuses and corruptions in euery state most incuitable , are ( for the most part ) sensible to vulgar capacities ; but the hinderances of reformation only apparant to men of experienced iudgements . as easie was it here for absolon to slander , as to speake : his eyes could no sooner open , but espie some obiect or other to animate his owne proiects , or the peoples discontent . such is the boundlesse malice of base informers , with the venome of their aspicke tongues , to poyson our sincerest actions , and present , as in a perspectiue , the least mites and mole-hils of our imperfections like huge and mighty mountaines . this found dauid in the midst of a calme and settled state , when mischiefe had scarce yet known her own strength , nor time as yet teemed with all the engines of gracelesse villany . what then shall wee now expect in these dogge-dayes of the worlds declining age , wherein malitious detraction is esteemed the quintessence of wit , and an inge●…uous acknowledgement of mens good deseruing , accounted too great a courtesie ? surely the best reuenge i can here inuent for innocence , can be no other than preces & lachrymae , the armour of a christian , and that constant resolution of the sweete psalmist , i will pray yet against their wickednesse . the third and greatest imposture absolon practised to make himselfe plausible , was the pretence of religion : a vow hee pretended at least , to haue made of his return to hebron , and there praising god after his safe returne to ierusalem . dauid is sollicited to consent vnto his iourney : neither could such a petition brooke a deniall , which comes vshered in vnder the shew of a religious office . hebron seemed to dauid a place fit for sacrifice , to absolon for conspiracie . ierusalem was too neere his fathers sight , or rather too farre from his treacherous purpose to admit of such a wicked conuenticle . the meeting of such conspirators so neere the court , might soon haue opened the eyes of sleeping iealousie , and betrayed the treason to discouerie : dauids countenance might perhaps haue daunted the courage of his friends , or haue wonne their loues . and lest the peoples affection to absolon should grow cold in his absence , he leaues behind him his parasites to sollicite his cause , and at his approach to giue the signall . moreouer to strengthen himselfe the better against publicke hostility , or priuate mistakes , hee carryes with him a garrison from ierusalem to defend his person , and sends for achitophel to hebron , to direct hi●… counsaile . nothing but the pretence of religion could be thought a fit vizzard to hide the face of this dangerous conspiracie , from the sight of suspition . deceit neuer thriues better , than when she least seemes her selfe : and vice seldome dares to shew her selfe in publicke , vnlesse she steale the robes of vertue , and actuate her malice with slye hypocrisie . satan transformes himselfe into an angell of light , when hee intends the greatest mischiefe , and instructs his disciples in the like policie . this hath beene the diuels shift and practice in all ages : neither euer comes wickednesse better armed than with the shew of seeming sanctitie . ieroboam the sonne of nebat who made israel to sinne , had no other pretence than religion to withdraw the ten tribes from ierusalem , by setting vp a new idolatry . the scribes and pharisees in the new testament , who vnder colour of fasting and long prayer , deuoured widowes houses , professed the most rigorous and strict obedience of the law. amongst the three sects in ierusalem in the time of the siege by titus and vespasian , iosephus obserued those to haue been the most notoriously wicked , who termed themselues the zealous . but alas pandora's boxe was not yet emptie : the most of euils was reserued to these last and worst times , wherin the greatest sinnes are accounted articles of faith , and a sincere profession stiled heresie . ignatius had not yet sent his broode into the world with the popes patent , as so many pedlers , to sell damnation : nor the tridentine councell concluded , that idolatry and superstition should passe for true religion . but since the approach of this medusa's head , the world seemes to haue suffered a fatall metamorphosis , and wonders to finde her selfe so grosse a changling . could our small scantling of time dispence so farre as the discouerie of the romane church , we should finde their whole religion to be little other than a politicke hypocrisie , directed to nothing else , but gaine or greatnesse ; pretending nothing but pietie , professing little else than malice or prophanenesse . what vulgar iudgement can interpret otherwise of their pedlers-packe of indulgences , and sundry other superstitious iuglings , but as of a meere merchandise of soul●…s , wherein euery gracelesse parricide , as in a common market , at the hands of a mercenarie priest , may cheapen and buy his own saluation ? had all the achitophels or absolons in the world lost their politicke inuentions , they might ( i suppose ) finde them againe improued in this state-religion . no dis-vnion of the church so small , which their rigorous constitutions pronounce not heresie : no sinne so haynous , for which their pope dares not grant a dispensation : as though sanctitie consisted not in the internall disposition of the man , but in the outward conformitie of the church , and pietie , were pinned on the sleeue of worldly policie . this politicke sinne of hypocrisie , i no sooner lose among the romanists , than i finde againe amongst our homebred scismaticks . a sect of men , i confesse , with whom i should hardly grapple , stood they not armed in my way . how much the odious name of a puritane hath abused many a sincere christian , wee may learne by the writings of becanus the iesuite , who hath paralleld our puritanes in england , with the huguenots of france , and the caluinists of germany : or not to go so far abroad , we may well see in some of our own mungrell diuines , who as it were betwixt hawke and buzzard , can see nicely to distinguish betwixt a puritane in opinion , and a puritane in discipline : and haue taught the name contrary to the first institution , so farre to enlarge it selfe , that a protestant must make a hard shift ( eyther by popery or arminianisme ) to saue himselfe harmelesse . but with such mens humors i neuer sided , to whom i professe my selfe as opposite in affection , as in opinion . neuerthelesse i haue obserued in the world a sort of people , of a malignant spirit , enuying in others what they want in themselues , hauing commonly neither will to learne , nor wit to teach ; neither humility to obey , nor discretion to command : yet ( forsooth ) will they seeme so precise and contemptuous of other men , as if religion might be quoted in their lookes , and sanctitie were onely engaged to their seruice . these can sooner espye a mote in other mens eyes , than a beame in their own : as though conscience were set to the height of their spleene , and zeale were neuer taught any language but detraction . sometimes , like those ancient andabates , they fight with their eyes shut , striking the man that stands next : or like vnskilfull gunners discharge their shot cre they approach the marke : other times perhaps they take their ayme ; yet so , as they seeme to mistake the man for the matter , as if they intended to spare the vice , and wound the person . hence are pulpits become like romane pasquils , stucke full of malitious slanders and infamous libels , apter to disturbe the passion than informe the conscience . but such fiery spirits i carelesly passe ouer scarce worth a schollers pen ; in whose greatest down-fall can scarce bee hoped the honour of a victory . but hauing dwelt so long on this last circumstance , i must ( leauing many matters behinde ) follow my first man achitophel obseruing absolon . 5 the fourth and last aduantage obserued by achitophel in absolons disposition , was , his stont courage , and manly resolution . what greater argument of valour , than to rouze a lion in open chase , and promise to himselfe a passage to victory through the iawes of danger , and deposition of a lawfull king ? dauids fortunate successe he might well haue read in goliahs ouerthrow , and the yoke imposed on the furious philistines . time had not yet razed the trophees of his triumphant youth , nor age cancelled from his countenance the characters of his vndaunted courage . the subuersion of a stately kingdome was neuer esteemed an easie conquest : and soueraigntie seemes a centre , vnto which prouidence hath chalked out the lines of few mens ambition . t is more than one hesperian dragon of difficultie and disaster , which is set to guard this golden tree : and what combate can be expected , but of such a captaine , whose least feare is his greatest danger ? yet absolon , engaged by achitophels aduice , vndertakes the combate . absolons stout heart giues sudden fire to his ambition , and achitophels counsell stands in readinesse to backe and strengthen his ambitious courage : the one to act , the other to proiect ; the meanes his aduancement . strength and policie , which seldome shake hands , are here accorded , or at least , for a time they will entertaine a truce . achitophel beeing confident enough of his counsell , required no fitter instrument to actuate his malice , than absolons couragious resolution ; knowing right well that nothing could proue more preiudicial to a state , than armed madnesse . this is no small worke of worldly policy , to stand aloofe , and giue ayme to wicked purposes , and abuse the hasty humours of hot spirits to their owne aduantage . which may bee well obserued in our latter machiuillians , who haue deliuered this precept as a principle ; make no difference betweene an euill seruant and a good , but vse them both to thy own ends . cateline , thirsting for nothing more than the ruine of his country , and expiation of his disgrace receiued from the senate , could make vse as well of the pride of leutulus , as the rash valour of cethogus : the high bloud of the one , and the fiery spirit of the other , serued him to good purpose : the one to countenance , the other to animate his wicked action . in like sort the persian nobilitie ( as we reade in zenophon ) enraged against artaxerxes their king , sought occasion to side with the valour of the grecians , and stirre vp the high spirit of cyrus the younger brother , to reuenge himselfe against the elder . the fairest colours are subiect to the deepest staines , and the most free and eminent dispositions are commonly obuious to the greatest alterations , and suffer themselues to be soonest poysoned , if once tempted with vaine-glory or discontent . no maruell then if the sonnes of achitophel , suruiuing in our times , instructed by their fathers counsell , take aduantage to worke their owne ends out of other mens discontented passions . if a search were made , some ( i feare ) would be found amongst vs as farre transcending achitophel in malice , as perchance they come short of him in wi●… and policie : who daily labour to fasten on their associates the badge of their own virulent disposition ; for which perhaps , besides the glory of their own shame , they cannot with achitophel , so much as pretend a cause , or deuise an end . but such men shall surely answer as well for their own seducements , as other mens transgression : neither shall our faults herein bee reputed lesse , than the interest we challenge in our brothers friendship . it is the part of the foulest spider out of the fairest flowers to sucke poyso●… ▪ of industrious bee●… out of stinking hemlocke to gather honey . and those who would rather bee accounted ●…tes than spiders , should rather labour to improue the worst humours to some good temper , than peruert the best vnto vngodly actions . in the former wee should follow gods owne example , who directs , and disposes wicked mens actions to his own good purposes : in the latter the diuels , who takes occasion out of the most sacred things to worke mischiefe . hitherto ( beloued ) haue wee taken a suruay of achitophels wicked policie in electing a fit subiect , and apprehending of his best opportunities for the treason . the next point left to our examination , is , his direction : the which while i , according to my small scantling of time , and your patience , ( i feare already tyred ) shall striue to open , my small in-sight in worldly policie , shall ( i hope ) excuse my errors , or at least the discourse of so great a mischiefe , deserue your best attention . 6 thus long haue wee beheld achitophel , as in his priuate study , designing out a fit subiect , whereby to work his reuenge on dauid . we are now to obserue him sitting in counsell , and instructing absolon . the aduice hee gaue , we find to be twofold : the first subordinate and preparatory to strengthen the faction : the second last and principall to execute the action , and secure the successe . in the former he counsels absolon to goe in , and abuse his fathers concubines : goe in ( quoth he ) to thy fathers coucubines ▪ whom hee hath left to keepe the house , and when all israel shall heare that thou art abhorred of thy father , the hands of all that are with thee , shall be strong . in which counsell we may obserue a double proiect : first in securing his own , and his friends estate : secondly , in vniting the people more firmely to absolons obedience . neither in this stept he besides his policie : he serued himselfe first , and his master no otherwise than for himselfe ; and thought that counsell lost , as ill bestowed on absolon , wherein hee could not promise himselfe either safety or aduancement . hee thought it ill siding with a doubtfull rebell , or inconstant friend . absolon , howsoeuer professedly hee had engaged himselfe to treason , might deceiue his opinion or faile his expectation . his pretended discontent towards his father , might ( for ought he knew ) bee onely personated , to make triall of their allegeance , or his resolution inconstant to forfeit them to danger . absolon , though a traytor , was yet a sonne . dauid , though prouoked , was yet a father . no gordian knot was euer so cunningly knit by policie , which nature cannot cut , or time dissolue . the priuiledge of youth , or prerogatiue of a sonne may make this action seeme rather a scape , than a sin . his faults , how great soeuer , will seeme rather achitophels , than his owne ▪ and that which iustice in others will tearme treason , indulgence in him will interpret weakenesse . dauid may remit , and absolon reconcile , what the one suffered , and the other acted : and then must achitophel and his associates eyther stand at stake to maintaine their masters action , or hazzard their liues on the brittle confidence of the kings mercy . the breach of a sonnes disloyaltie may perchance bee peeced vp with filiall submission : but achitophels reuolt seemes to expect no issue but death or victory . the middle way in policie is alwayes reiected as dangerous , and the extreame requires the most desperate , and extreame attempts . achitophel is not here wanting to himselfe ; absolon must yet be engaged to a more notorious action , vncapable of forgiuenesse , where in all israel may reade his absolute reuolt , and his fathers greatest indignation . absolon must be known neither to regard , or hope for his fathers reconcilement . dauids anger must bee thought inexorable , as that which iustice requires , and the honour of a king commands . if absolon hope to wedde the throne of israel , hee must first violate his fathers bed : and to this his notorious act of treason , let him further adde the sinne of incest . petty crimes are the effects of inferiour offenders ; absolon must bee thought as great as himselfe : as one , who would play the king as well in his sins , as his ambition . neither can this wickednesse bee safe or shamefull enough , if secret . secrecie , which in other matters commonly proues the mother of securitie , is here reputed the nurse of danger , and guilt , which vsually shunnes the light , is here desirous of discouerie . to sinne closely , argues either feare or modestie : neither of which can protect a rebell , or beseeme a king. set up a tent ( quoth achitophel ) on the house toppe , that all israel may witnesse thy sinne , and thy fathers shame , and make the world at once both blush and wonder . let thy brother ammon sinne in a corner to decline censure : sinne thou in publicke to strike censure speechlesse , and out-face the seuerest frownes of iustice. let ammon commit incest with his sister ▪ go thou in vnto thy fathers concubines . what was the weakenesse of lust in him , ought to be the strength of thy aspiring greatnesse . thy greatest safety consists in thy greatest villany : and the least blush seemes to betray thy cause to dissidence and danger . let ruben trespasse with one of his fathers wiues : go thou in vnto ten of thy fathers concubines ; that this thy fact at once may surmount both example and imitation . then the hands of all that are with thee shall be strong : they shall speede no worse than absolon , and therefore ought to feare no more . to fall with our captaine seemes the least duty : to rise with him the greatest honour : and who but a coward would feare to hazzard the life of a subiect , to make a king ? great dangers and great honours beginne and end in the same circle : neyther is the path strowed with violets and roses , but death and slaughter , which leades to the tents of victorie . this was achitophels first counsel , as dangerous to decline , as desperate to execute : but desperate and extreame purposes are engaged to the like meanes ; and sincere honesty in the course of policie , where she findes not her selfe admitted as the chiefe mistresse , will seldome proue a trusty seruant . 7 out of this counsell of achitophel , not onely plotted by himselfe , but acted by absolon , will arise two especiall obseruations : the first is , the fulfilling of gods iudgement , and nathans prophecie , threatned before to dauid for his sinning with bathsheba , and 〈◊〉 murder ▪ behold ( saith god through the mouth of nathan ) i will raise vp euill against thee out of thine owne house , and will take thy wiues before thine eyes , and will giue them vnto thy neighbour , and he shall lye with thy wiues in the sight of the sunne : for thou diddest it secretly , but i will doe this thing before all israel , and before the sunne . such is the wisedome of almighty god , which can worke his owne good out of our wickednesse , and make ourvniustest actions the instrumentall examples of his owne iustice . our very sinnes , though false traytors to the owners , proue trustie executioners of gods iudgements : and an easie matter it is for that wise disposer of all worldly actions , to turne mans greatest shame into his greatest glory . secondly , we may obserue it as a maxime in worldly policie , that a sinne can seldome secure it selfe , but by addition of greater . where the house is swept and garnished , and one deuill is too little to enter , seuen deuils greater than himselfe , are prest to giue a fresh assault : for there is no way left for sinne to propagate its power , but sinne ; nor can truth euer be entreated to aduenture her selfe as a pledge for falshood , or stake her credit for a professed enemy . religious prouidence , and worldly policie , may ( i confesse ) sometimes runne together , but seldome shake hands . the path of the one , as a strait line , we finde alway as one , and like it selfe : of the other , crooked , and various , and engaged to many difficulties . if euer they chance to meete , it is but as in a point , and so soone part the further then we runne in this maze of worldly policie , the further we estrange our selues from pietie : and the distance ▪ which at first seemed below the se●…se , will at length be found aboue the vnderstanding . euery ponderous substance ( as naturalists obserue ) the more it descends , the faster the motion : no moment of space or time , wherein we trauerse the way of wickednesse , which addes not some weight to the massie burthen of our originall impietie , and hastens not our passage to perdition . one sinne seekes to secure it selfe by many , and smaller crimes finde no safe protection , but in the shelter of the greater . treason and vsurpation cannot support themselues , but by the sword of tyrannie . malice i●…uokes reuenge to helpe her , assisted with her seruants , murther and detraction . ingratitude will soone breake into open defiance , and neglect of gods precepts is commonly seconded with contempt ; at the least when all others withdraw their forces , impudence and hypocrisie are sworne to backe their quarrell ; whereof the former can out-face the seuerest censure , the latter blinde the eies of the strictest inquisition . who cannot here obserue a great distance between christian and worldly policie ? the one counsailes vs to make vp the breach of our sinnes by a sincere repentance ; the other to enlarge it with greater villany . binde not two sinner together , for in one thou shalt not scape vnpunished , saith the wisest of kings . but these politicians holding themselues wiser than the wisest , hold repentance base , and perseuerance in sinne generous . nobler they suppose it to aduenture forward with danger , than retire backe with shame ; as though they meant to shew themselues industriously resolute to sell their part in heauen , and purchase their owne damnation . but these we must leaue a while to their owne resolutions , perhaps we shall find them againe , with achitophel hanging on the gallowes ; whose second and last counsaile , offers it selfe in the next place to our examination . 8 hitherto hath achitophels care bin to strengthen the faction , both to secure himselfe , and vnite the hearts of israel more firmely to absolon their leader . his second direction concernes the speeding of the execution ; let me now choose out ( quoth achitophel ) twelue thousand men , and i will arise , and pursue after dauid this night , and i will come vpon him while he is wearie and weake-handed , and make him affraid , and all the people which are with him shall flie , and i will smite the king onely , and i will bring back all the people vnto thee . the man whom thou seekest , is as if all returned : so all the people shall be in peace . in which politicke aduice of achitophels , three remarkeable circumstances offer themselues to our obseruation ; which by reason of the scantling of time , and your wronged patience , i shall be constrained rather to touch , than handle . in the first place , his desire was to haue as well as his head in the conspiracie , so his hand in the execution : perhaps because hee hated dauid , hee was ambitious to shew himselfe the executioner of his owne reuenge and dauids ruine ; perhaps out of vaine-glorie , that he might seeme as able to act , as wise to proiect a mischiefe ▪ perhaps out of an officious flattery to engage absolons thankfulnesse by a do●…ble seruice : but that which seemes to mee most probable , was his extreame iealousie , not daring to trust so young an experience with a matter of so great moment . absolons youth seemed perchance too shallow to entertaine the depth of his directions , his bloud too neare to out-face the frowns of a fathers anger , or the awe of filiall duety , could not be supposed a fit actor in dauids tragedie . the hardest iron at the first touch of the load ▪ stone is restored to its first temper , and conceiues a magneticke inclination . and why might not dauids fiery assault , or gracious countenance in his rebellious sonne absolon , enforce nature to return vnto herselfe , and kindle in him the sparkes of filiall duty and obedience ? here may a man reade the state and condition of wicked po●…icie , exposed to a thousand dangers , and subiect to a thousand i●…alousies . well may such men , as damocles at dionysius table , feed their hopes with the choisest dainties ; yet gods fearfull iudgements , as a sword pendulous ouer their heads , is alwaies ready to threaten a destruction . 't is not then a good , but an euill conscience which makes men cowards : onely hee , who wants guilt , wants feare ; and nothing but a cleare conscience can challenge true mother-hood in a couragious resolution . the second point we obserue in achitophels counsaile , was a stratagem of diuersion : his quarrell was not against the people , but dauid ; his purpose to preserue the kingdome , but destroy the king : and therefore thought it not so meete to hew out his passage to dauids ouerthrowe through the bloud of the subiects , as by the kings forfeit , to purchase them to absolons obedience . his first care was to strike at the roote it selfe , well knowing the branches would fall of their owne accord ; and the peoples alleageance once dead in dauid , would soone quicken againe in absolon . the strength of israel is shut vp in the princes palace ; and the same power which conquers the one , is soone master of the other . this counsaile seemes to partake as well of good as bad : with the death of one , to redeem the life of many , in the rigorous lawes of hostility , seemes not a duety , but a great courtesie : but to sell a king to buy a kingdome , and stake one prince for many subiects , is lesse than courtesie , and more than cruelty . neither was this course affected by achitophel to spare the liues of innocents , or auoide a greater mischiefe ; but that he found it an easier way to conquer dauid , and reduce the people vnder the yoake of absolons iurisdiction . the good which politicians vse to pretend , commonly swels in shew , but shrinkes in substance : as the ocean , they would seeme to flow in their kindnesses , and embrace vs with twining armes , as the waues the continent ; but seeking to lay hold on them , we find them commonly to ebbe into nothing , and snatch backe their owne with some aduantage . if they chance to be authors of any good , it serues only to flatter opinion , and deceiue simplicity ; not that they loue good , but that they may be the better armed to worke mischiefe . to commit euill for a good end , seemes to beare a better pretence before men , than excuse before god : but to suffer , or act some good for an euill end , is the height of mans wickednesse , and the diuels institution . the third and last circumstance in this achitophels counsaile , was , by a suddaine and vnexpected assault , to take the best aduantage of his owne strength and dauids weaknesse . i will ( saith he ) suddenly fall on dauid while he is wearie and weake-handed , and the people shall flie . to ioyne with mens misfortunes and adde to misery , serues rather basenesse of the man , than confidence of the cause ; and to second gods afflictions with our owne reuenge , is a marke of gods instrument , but the diuels seruant . the apprehension of an apt opportunity , is of it selfe ( i confesse ) a matter indifferent , as well to good as wicked policie : yet hasty and vnexpected actions commonly carry with them a greater suspicion of guilt , than discretion ; as that which seekes to preuent a tryall , and feares discouery . time , the father of truth , would ( questionlesse ) haue betrayed absolons cause to common examination , and reduced the discontented commons to their first temper . dauid might haue giuen satisfaction , & allegeance haue reuiued in his subiects hearts . necessity , which perhaps begat the effects of ill gouernment , might haue vrged the causes ; and reason , which at the first seemed to fawne on their discontent , might afterwards be taught to correct her errors and suppresse their insolence . all this achitophel knew right wel ; and therfore chose rather to take aduantage of the peoples sudden passion , than their maturer iudgements : as one who had good cause to shunne a legall ●…ury , where he could promise himselfe no other than losse in the fatall verdict . hitherto ( beloued ) haue we traced the foote-steps of our grand traytour achitophel through all his politicke counsailes , and vnnaturall rebellions . your expectation i know ( though almost tyred ) hath long ere this runne to the place of execution , and proclaimed his comming : but your wronged patience and my want of time , hath enforced mee to repriue him till another session . common censure hath stampt it for a currant prouerbe , that it is better for a man to bee fortunate than wise . for worldly wisedome , though she seeme alwaies to fawne on fortune , yet can neuer command , and seldome entreate her ser●…ice . it hath been thought the pride and priuiledge of that power which we call fortune , to bestow her best fauours where she findes least worth ; to crowne folly , and crosse wisedome ; to make fooles happy , and the wise vnfortunate : as a queen , she is supposed to shew her greatest maiesty in mans weaknesse ; to pity sloath , and enuie industry ; as most iealous , lest mans wit or endeauours should challenge any part in her prerogatiue . but he that knowes wisely to arbitrate betwixt the clouds of pagan ignorance , and the cleare sun-shine of christianite , betwixt poeticke fancies , and propheticall visions , shall finde vulgar opinion only mistaken in the name , ascribing that transcendent power of disposing worldly actions , to a deitie which they called fortune , which christian knowledge might have taught them more properly to haue termed prouidence . and howsoeuer they haue bounded her large empire beyond their owne reason ; yet christianity hath trauelled much farther , and yet can prescribe no limits : as that which transcends into an infinite , and out-reacheth the eye of all discouerie . and though no place hath beene found so base in the theater of nature or ciuill actions , wherein prouidence cannot shew the abundant trophees of her magnificence : yet there desires she to triumph most , where to men she seemes to haue least power . her chiefest glory is to set vp her ensignes on the gates of mans pride , and tread on the necke of worldly policy . no maruell then , that in the great politician achitophel , in whom neither loyalty could command restraint , or perswade duety ; whom neither vndoubted valour could checke , or danger terrifie : onely prouidence could challenge a iurisdiction . his politicke obseruation of absolons disposition and rare endowments , designing him out as a fit subiect for his treason , seconded by his craftie and irreligious counsell of abusing dauids concubines , ( through which in my former sermon in this place , i vshered forth your attention ) had hitherto passed currant , and found in euent as much as it promised in expectation . absolon had hitherto expressed himselfe no worse a learner than he a teacher ; that the world might well doubt , whether the one were more happy to proiect , or the other to put in practice . nothing now seemes remaining behinde , but to strike the last stroke , and giue the fatall on-set . dauids ouerthrowe , and absolons aduancement together appeare in sight ; and his long and tedious ambition , as it were within a league , arriued at the port of victory . let not absolon play the truant in his last lesson , and within a few houres the voice of israel shall salute him king. but the change of a good master , oftentimes makes a non proficient scholler : achitophels precepts must be corrected by chusay , his second tutor . two eyes are presumed to discerne more than one ; and the rugged and vneuen knots in our first inuention , ought to be filed by the second . though achitophel in counsell be a politician , yet absolon in ambition is a king : and therefore ought to arrogate to himselfe as well the honour of the conquest , as of the scepters . too much it might seeme for achitophel to haue both ; too little for absolon to haue no hand at all in this kingly proiect . if absolon dare not trust his owne aduice , yet let him shew his liberty of consent . wisedome consists as much in choice , as in inuention ; neither seemes it the least of absolons prerogatiue , amid diuers counsellors to declare himselfe a king. : achitophel shall be suffered to speak his minde as an assistant , not to determine causes as a iudge ; and therefore must pardon absolon , if approuing him in all the rest , he in this one dissent . but oftentimes he that can best act , can worst pen his owne part . and therefore no maruell , if absolon , vsurping the office of achitophel , beganne to faile in his last act . but to leaue absolon to his head-strong will , wee must here search more neerely into the neglect of achitophels counsell : which being the second part in the former subdiuision of my text , offers it selfe as a subiect for this dayes exercise . and when achitophel saw that his counsell was not followed , &c. 2 achitophels counsell thus defeated ( as you haue heard ) offers it selfe to our enquiry vnder the obseruation of the causes , and their concomitant circumstances . the causes preceding the fact , we may obserue to bee twofold : either primarie , or secondary . the primary we finde to be no other than almighty god , from whom all other inferiour agents deriue their strength and action . where nature begins and reason ends , there must we place that omnipotent and eternal power , as the centre from which all operations first spring , and the boundlesse circumference into which all discourses runne . betwixt this eternall and inferiour agents , as the distance knowes no proportion , so reason could neuer finde resistance or opposition : and easie was it for that omnipotent prouidence , to whom achitophels counsels were from all eternitie discouered , to decree as well the means , as the end of his defeate . for as in the vast frame of nature , bodies compared one with the other seeme heterogeneall , consisting of diuers and opposite operations : yet as so many wheeles in an artificiall engine , are by the same hand directed to the same common vse ; so the actions and counsels of men , howsoeuer casually they seeme to meete , and iustle one the other , are notwithstanding preordained by the same infinite counsell , to cooperate to the same vniuersall end . whence will naturally arise this obseruation , that howsoeuer men may propose to themselues , it is onely in the power of almighty god to dispose . a proposition better knowne as a prouerbe among men , than acknowledged in their practice . had yet the great polititians of this world as much logicke to iudge , as cunning to contriue their owne plots , they would questionlesse out of the combination of second causes , without respect vnto the first , rather suspect a fallacie , than promise a demonstration . had they as much acquaintance with gods word , as their owne wicked and prophane axiomes ; they would haue heard the lord often threatning in holy scriptures to stagger the counsell of the wicked , and turne the wisedome of the wisest into folly . had they rather desired to be instructed , than flattered by experience , they would haue found of their profession , in steed of a few crowned happy by euent , tenne thousand miscarry in the meanes . a good successe , like a slye parasite , rather soothes than commends our actions , and like a coy mistresse , prostitutes her selfe to mens neglect , but frownes on their ambition . but these are popular arguments , subiect almost to common sense ; wherein euery common obseruation may claime a share . should wee search with more subtiltie , either as sound diuines , or deep philosophers , into the mysterious manner of gods working ; wee shall finde no small argument to bee drawne from the disparitie betwixt diuine prouidence and worldly policie . the plots and counterplots of men are vsually grounded , either vpon open resistance , or slye diuersion . the one is taught vs in the booke of nature ; wherein wee may reade the interchangeable conquest of the elements in their mutuall conflicts and operations : the other is grounded on ciuill obseruation as well as nature , which in the shortest and easiest way commonly findes the safest victorie . but gods almighty hand , which neuer knew resistance , or needes diuersion , easily knows how to worke his own ends by his supernaturall concurrence with worldly agents , in their most affected proiects . the same meanes which wicked men propose to themselues , as the safest agents for their desired ends , hee makes the instruments of their owne ruine ; that the most exacteft plot , wherein policie could euer ▪ hug her own inuention , may seeme the most exquisite example of her owne shame . easie was it for that great king of heauen and earth , with thunder and lightning from heauen , to haue pashed absolon in pieces , and scorched vp his seditious army ; more easily could he haue broken the subtile nets of achitophels politicke inuention , than sampson the philistines bands , or an elephant a spiders webbe : but intending rather to make them their owne execution●…rs , hee suffers them to runne in their owne labyrinth , till they meet their owne ruine . what way in nature could pharaoh deuise more exquisite to increase the strength of israel , and make them populous , than to tye them to their daily burthens ? whence could moses haue better deriued his greatnesse in pharaoh's court , than from the bulrush cradle floating on the teares of the weeping riuer ? how could pharaoh haue feared or expected , euen in his own tyrannous decree , proiected for his owne safeguard , and israels extirpation , to haue found israel ransomed , and himselfe ruined ? that his owne daughter should preserue that as a cabinet of pleasure , which moses mother bestowed on him as a mournefull coffin ? little thought iosephs brethren in selling him to the egyptians , to haue purchased their own shame , and his future greatnesse . little thought those romane emperours , in their raging persecutions to haue sowne the seede of the church in the blood of the martyrs , and haue seene christianitie most triumphant in her greatest wounds . little thought pope leo the tenth , in sending his indulgences into germany , to haue met with such an opportunitie as the peoples discontent , and the heremite fryars defeat , to haue stirred vp the hot spirit of luther , to haue giuen such a fatall blow to his owne greatnesse , and see his tyrannous hierarchie in such a terrible combustion . such is the infinite wisedome of that prouidence , to ordaine worldly policie to afford not onely the aptest instruments , but the exactest opportunities to destroy it selfe ; and there to declare our greatest weakenesse , where we repose our greatest strength . whence by way of application wee may draw two other consectaries , expressing no lesse apparant footsteps of gods almighty prouidence in disposing the affaires of men . first , that in preuention of worldly plots & stratagems he commonly shewes not himselfe but at the last push , and seldome discouers our danger till wee suppose our selues most secure . had gods wisedome ranne the course of humane policie , he might haue preuented , as well as defeated achitophels designe ; he might haue stirred vp dauids iealousie , betime to haue shut vp absolon in prison ; or according to the preposterous rules of the ottonian iustice , haue rewarded his future treason with a present execution . absolon might haue failed as well in the first as last precept ; or at least achitophel might haue read in absolons disposition , his wilfull weakenesse or inconstancie . but god pursues not ours , but his owne glory , as one who is then most willing to shew his power , when our hopes or abilities can challenge least . 8 our second consectary drawne from gods omnipotent prouidence , is , that god sits not as an idle spectator , but interposeth himselfe as a chiefe actor on the theatre of worldly actions . it was not only an idle , but a wicked dreame of epicurus and his followers , that god , busied in the contemplation of heauenly matters , gaue ouer the gouernment of the world to chance , or nature : as if he supposed it a mill or water-worke , which once framed by an artificer , and animated by an actiue power , should worke of its owne accord , and preserue in it the principles both of motion and continuance . which opinion ( for ought that i know ) might bee fastned on our master aristotle , who not only in his physickes seemes to deny a prouidence ; but in the whole course of his phylosophy seemes to preferre nature as a deitie , whom god should rather serue than command : yet here , should i freely discouer mine opinion , i should thinke our philosopher mistaken , in diuiding one and the selfe same thing into diuers names . to separate god from nature is to diuorce nature from her selfe : which seemes of it selfe absurd ; but to ascribe act and motion vnto the latter , and appoint the former to sit idle as a spectator , or at least as a necessary agent to serue nature , is more absurd to thinke a finite more excellent than an infinite ; which is strange how so great a wit should once imagine . but we out of the principles of christian philosophy , may easily be taught a double concourse of the creator with the creature : the one generall , which i hold to bee no other than that wee vsually call nature : the other speciall , which humane ignorance or admiration hath tearmed miracle . neither can reason imagine the naturall generation of things to be any other than a continuate creation , wherein almighty god , according to the aptnesse and preparation of the subiect , daily ministers new formes , or conserues the same : which the diuines tearme preseruation . for to giue a creature , without gods immediate concurrence , an abilitie of producing the like or equall substance to it selfe , or by his owne power to deriue out of that first chaos a new forme or nature , seemes to me to trench too farre on gods prerogatiue ; i had almost said , to emulate god in the second part of his creation . but to leaue this common-wealth of nature to its first institution , and enter into the view of mens actions , we shall finde a more speciall concurrence of diuine prouidence , than in the former . to what other cause else should wee owe that miraculous preseruation of gods church , which through the violence of so many ages hath saued it selfe entire , with so small a number , and great an opposition . time , which hath seene the rise and fall of so many famous kingdomes ; the inuention and decay of so many learned labours ; the erection and defacing of so many stately trophees ; time , which in her vast gulfe hath not onely swallowed vp antiquitie , but for the greatest part enuied her historie ; hath yet cherished in her bosome this one darling , and kept a sure register of all her actions . should i descend to particular examples of gods concurrence in mans actions , i should sooner lose my selfe , than finde an end . the most irreligious heathen , through the thicke clouds of ignorance , haue often espied the glimpse of gods dreadfull lightning , and often quaked at his thunder : they haue felt his finger in their wounds , and acknowledged his strength in their weaknesse : yea , such hath beene the power of almighty god , to expose their owne wicked actions as a table of their confession , and extort an acknowledgement of his victorie out of their blasphemy . iulian , that wicked apostate , though as politicke to obscure , as malicious to oppose the truth of christ iesus ; was yet in the end constrained to shut vp his tyrannie with a vi●…isti gal●…leae . in like sort , we reade of mahomet the second , the first emperor of the turkes , that at the siege of scodra against the christians , in the defence of so small a citie against his mighty army , finding god his enemy , he blasphemously asked by way of exprobation , whether god had not enough to doe in heauen , that he should interpose himselfe in his affaires on earth ? he that will not deny a god , must of necessity grant a prouidence , and who knowes himselfe , and sifts into his owne will and actions , must needs acknowledge a supernall power , which determines them to good or euill . here , stood it with my time or your patience , could i proceed to taxe pelagius , and his latter spawne the iesuites and arminians : who imagining our will to be her owne mistresse , haue admitted god no otherwise than as a seruant or assistant ; as though that almighty power were not authorized to preordaine , but onely bound to second our conuersion their saluation they would rather owe vnto themselues than grace ; as though they sought the first cause in their own inclination , and expected nothing of god but a morall and strong perswasion . but although in deede they will deny a certaine and speciall predestination , yet in words they will grant a prescience . here would i willingly aske a question out of my text : whether god absolutely foresaw absolons inclination of reiecting achitophels counsell , or not ? if they grant the negatiue , they deny a prescience : if the affirmatiue , i demand againe , whether this fore-sight could imply a necessity of euent , or leaue absolon to his owne free choice ? if the former , they must deny him a free-will of declining to the other side , which they labour by all meanes to establish : if the latter ; they must eyther acknowledge gods prescience to bee vncertaine , against the ground they haue already granted ; or at least affirme , that a certaine knowledge may be of such things as shall neuer come to passe . here the iesuites are better prouided to shift than answer ; like the subtile sep●…s , to make an escape by troubling the water : and rather than they would be thought to know nothing , they will say any thing . where the scripture shewes no faire countenance , and reason faints , their recourse to schoole-subtilties must be their only refuge . but were there no smith in israel , yet might these philistins be entreated to sharpen our sword for our defence against their battery . god ( say they ) from all eternity foresaw the inclination of mans free-will , vpon which he grounded his decree of withholding or conferring farther grace . here i must aske againe , whether god foresaw it in his own decree , or the disposition of the second causes ? if they assent vnto the former , then must this foresight in the order of our vnderstanding , not preuent , but rather second the decree ; which they deny . if they sticke to the latter ( as indeede they doe ) i demand how second causes may be supposed to work , except they were predetermined and actuated by the first ? that second causes worke not in their owne , but their owners strength , is their owne principle ; and to grant them an operation , not depending on the first agent , were to set an instrument to worke without a hand . i would aske moreouer , whether god foreseeing achitophels counsell and absolons inclination , bad the power to hinder it or not . if so , then was it in his power to foresee what himselfe could hinder ; which checkes the certainty of gods knowledge , and inuolues an apparant contradiction . if not , how can we imagine him omnipotent , which cannot challenge so much power ouer second causes , as to turne and diuert them to his owne vses ? this argument vorstius and episcopius found so strong against them , that to backe their absurdity , they must adde apparant blasphemy ; allowing god eyther no prescience at all , or such as is onely vncertaine and 〈◊〉 ; which impious and grosse opinion i hold sufficiently confuted in the mention . but i haue stayed here too long , and haue farre to goe : wherefore hauing taken a generall suruey of the primary , or chiefe cause of achitophels defeate , let vs descend to the second causes , which in the next place offer themselues to obseruation . 4 gods power hath expressed it selfe legible as well in the book of nature as of grace : and naturall agents ( as you haue heard ) as they deriue their operations from his strength , so they are determined by his will , and directed to his glory . here we finde nature in second agents not set against her selfe , though raised a pitch beyond her priuate inclination ; and the first cause without eyther neede or violence , to entertaine the seruice of the second . whence , ere we descend to each particular inferiour agent , will arise one generall obseruation : that almighty god bringing to passe miraculous and great euents , commonly admits the cooperation of second causes . as easie was it questionlesse for that great architect of nature , who out of waste and emptinesse begat a world , to create , as to command , to cause , as to entertaine the operation of inferior agents . here might history shew her selfe prodigall of examples , but neuer bank-rupt : euery moment , in the ordinary course of humane actions , begets some instance or other to demonstrate gods gracious loue and fauour to the world ; who , able to dash both policy and nature out of countenance , is notwithstanding pleased to admit them as his obedient hand-maides . but to expresse the secret cooperation of god , working by second causes , is a matter which hath heretofore staggred philosophy , and puzled the apprehension of the sharpest and acutest diuines . neuerthelesse , so farre forth as the infinite power of god may dispense with mans enquiry , we may reduce the manner of his working to certaine heads ; to decline as much as we can the two enemies of vnderstanding , obscurity and confusion . the action then of gods concurring with second causes , concernes either the beginning , progresse , or end of the same act . in the beginning we may call it either positiue or negatiue . the positiue consists either in the furtherance or hinderance of humane actions ; both which may be either internall or externall . the internall promotion or hinderance is againe diuided into two acts : for eyther it concernes the supportance of the creature , which in the first moment is tearmed creation ; in continuance , preseruation ; or the preordination of the agent , which with our diuines , against the tenent of arminius , i dare to call predetermination . the externall , is the presentment of some externall and present obiect to the apprehension of the sense , will , or vnderstanding ; which latter acts , concurre as well in gods hinderance of humane actions : for the same almighty power , can at once both promote his owne , and hinder mens counsels . this hinderance is many waies brought to passe ; for either the impediment is cast on our authority , power , will , or state . our authority of free-working i●… curbed and restrained by the law , whereof the breach is a sinne : as that of adam in paradise , whose liberty could not dispense with the tasting of the forbidden tr●…e . our naturall power is checkt by many interuenient causes : first by cutting off the agent from life and being , as that of the siege of ierusalem by senna herib , by smiting in one night an hundred fourescore and fiue thousand ; or the bringing of 〈◊〉 the prophet to 〈◊〉 , by the consumption of 〈◊〉 men by ●…ire from heauen ▪ secondly , by detraction or diminution of the power ; as i●…roboam was res●…rained from apprehending the prophet , by the drying vp of his hand . thirdly , by opposition of equall or greater strength ; as vzziah was hindred by 〈◊〉 and his fourescore priests from offering in the temple . fourthly , by remouing or subtraction of the obiect , as our sauiour saued himselfe from the violence of the iewes , and the tribune paul from the conspiracie . an impediment may be cast on our will , either by gods predetermining power , which against arminius we haue formerly maintained , or by some outward perswasiue argument . the arguments , wherewith he vsually dis-swades our will from commencing any action , are commonly drawne either from the topickes of seeming impossibilitie , and apparant difficultie ; or vnpleasantnesse , losse , and dishonour . by the first , for a while the scribes and pharis●…es were restrained from offering violence vnto our sauiour , because they knew him of the people to be esteemed as a prophet . in like sort , god heretofore set a barre betwixt his owne people and the idolatrous israelites , lest they should trafficke as well sinnes as familiarity . by the second , iosephs brethren were diuerted from the murther of their brother , becouse a milder course seemed to serue their purpose . by the third and last , ioseph was disswaded from adultery with potiphars wife , and dauid from touching the lords ano●…nted . an obstacle may be cast on the act it self two maner of waies ; eyther by taking away the obiect , which with some we haue reduced to the impediment of the power , or by disabling the influxe and power of the agent , in regard of the patient : whereof we haue an example in the three children , vnconsumed in the fiery surnace . the negatiue act of gods concurring , is permission , & is cleane opposite to the other ; and therefore ought to be squared by the same distinction : for as logicians haue taught vs , opposites ought to suffer the same diuiston . onely from hence we must except the impediment caston our actions by the law or anthoritie ; for otherwise would there follow an apparant contradiction , that the same act should be a sinne , and yet no sinne : a sinne as it is by the law forbidden , and yet no sinne , as it is by the same power permitted . these acts forespoken of gods concurrence , seeme to pr●…uent and precede the action of an inferiour agent . in the action it selfe , we finde two speciall acts ; the one , an actuall determination of the agent to the obiect , the other , a direction to the end . an instance of the former wee haue in 〈◊〉 cruelty vpon the children , which was diuerted by our sauiour , by the substitution of another obiect . of this latter , in king ahasuerosh , who amidde the spoyles of so many virgin concu●…ines , lighted on hester , whom prouidence had marked out to be the preser●…er of the iewesh nation . the concourse of god , after , and in the end of humane actions , is no other than the direction of the euent to a further purpose : which we obserue in the iewes crueltie in crucifying our sauiour ; the execution of whose malice , was found to be the most exquisite meanes of our saluation . but i haue almost lost my selfe in this labyrinth , whereinto , though philosophy seemes to haue taught an entrance in , yet diuinitie neuer discouered a passage out ; as that which begins with mans smallest knowledge , and in his greatest ignorance . hence are we taught , not so far●…e to trust to gods prouidence , as to neglect the ordinary meanes which god offers to our industry or obseruation , hezekiab , though he had already receiued vnder gods owne hand and seale , a lease of fifteene yeares to the date of life almost expired , neglected neither the prophets counsell , nor the helpe of his physitians : and dauid in this place , a man after gods own heart , and confident enough of his protection , hath notwithstanding his present recourse to second causes , as preordained of god for achitophels defeate , and his deliuery . which second causes comming next in order particularly to be traced out , your fauourable attention will ( i hope ) a while longer hold the candle while i briefly reade them . 5 the inferiour agents concurring to the neglect of achitophels counsell , are reduced vnto two heads : the impulsiue , and instrumentall . the impulsiue cause which moued god to defeate achitophels counsell ( so farre as according to the language of men wee may speake of god ) was dauids prayer , whereby he besought him to confound the counsell of achitophel his profest enemy . the good vse of prayer amongst deuout and religious men , hath alwayes beene esteemed both the first and last remedie in our greatest dangers , as the surest key which opens and shuts the doore of gods secret closet . when our friends shrinke from vs , and all worldly stratagems are out of sight ; when dangers present their gorgon faces as hideous as our feares , and death stands at our elbowes to summon our appearance to the last arraignement ; only prayer is left to intercede as a gracious orator , and effectiue aduocate . though achitophel in wit and industry would shew himselfe a politician , yet dauid in sanctitie must expresse himselfe a prophet : and though absolons hopes are grounded on his worldly strength , yet dauids strength is erected on gods protection . neither in his sacred ●…iaculation , where in he addressed himselfe to gods will and mercie , was his desire vntutured , or his deuotion ignorant . hee kn●…w to whom he spake , and obserued a distance : as fearing lest his religious zeale might seeme vnmannerly if vnseasonable . the greatest offices are commonly subject to the greatest solaecismes , and prayer , deuotions must trusty messenger , if not well directed or acquainted with her embassage , may soone degenerate into superstition . but so well instructed was dauid in this religious courtship , as if the end of his suite had been others institution , and his example our rule . whether we respect the author , ●…nd , obiect , time , or forme of his earnest petition , wee shall obs●…rue him as discrecte as religious , as one which ow●…d his oraizons as much to knowledge as deuotion . first we find his prayer neyther to be ignorant , nor hypocriticall ; but as proceeding from a generous and vncorrupted heart , vsh●…red in by sinceritie , and accompanied with contrition . he measured his meditations rather by weight than number . hee was not taught , as a popish peniteutiary , to count his beads in stead of his prayers , and make his fingers the intellige●…cers to his faith . hee knew not so much complement as the diuels formall courtiers , who desire as little to bee beleeued of god , as vnderstood of men ; and esteeme praier rather as a decent formalitie , than a religious exercise . secondly , the end of his prayer , was , no other than the preseruation of his people , and his owne defence : neither in his own defence sought he reuenge but iustice ; his prayer was not directed against the person , but the sinne ; neither his desire ( for ought i see ) so much in the ruine of achitophel , as the diuersion of his policie . tur●…e ( saith hee ) the wisedome of achitophel into folly . we finde not in this forme the affected curses of the romish synagogue , which rauing 〈◊〉 at the time dogging him in his way , might as easily haue taught as dauid suffered . but the pope perhaps may command what dauid neuer durst to entreat of god : and what is a king and prophet to christs vniuersall vicar ? or dauids prerogatiue to his supremacie ? too much might it be thought for dauid to banne or excommunicate a gracelesse sonne , or a rebellious subiect : yet may it perhaps seeme too little for peters successor , in whose hands are the keyes of heauen , hell , and purgatory , to shut and open at his pleasure . loath i am ( beloued ) to ieast in earnest , or turne a serious blasphemy into a pleasant irony . but nothing workes vs more , than our shamefull actions : and the same power which turnes humane wisedome intofolly , makes it vnto men ridiculous . to bewaile folly with heraclitus , argues charitie ; and yet to laugh at it with democritus , can be interpreted no sinne but iustice . thirdly , the obiect to which dauids prayer was directed , was no other than god himselfe , as one best acquainted with his 〈◊〉 , and most able to relieue him . had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tought the complement of our romane courtiers , o●… the religious mysteries of 〈◊〉 , hee might haue prepared gods ●…ares before , by the meditation of some 〈◊〉 , or at least haue made pr●…nision of some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to 〈◊〉 him safe from danger . the holy legend ( had he liued in these riper times ) might questionlesse haue instructed him in the particular ●…ffices of each saint , as well as the ancient romane records in the prerogatiue of each inferiour de●…ie . a thousand to one but some humble s. francis would haue been singled out to deliuer his petition ; or some charitable s. thomas becket , who could not deny a parrat his assistance , would haue been m●…ued with the petition of a king. but dauid ( it seemeth , better kn●…w the king himselfe , than these his courtiers , and neglecting these inferiour officers , presents his suite to ●…o other than god himselfe , whom neuerthelesse hee found ( if wee beleeue scriptures ) facile enough both to heart his prayer , and grant his request . fourthly , the time and opportunitie of his prayer cannot but minister somewhat to obseruation . hee deferred not his petition , like a malefactor on the 〈◊〉 , or a prophane sea-man in perplexitie , to the last extremitie : but he begins where desperate and carelesse sinners would ( at least ) desire to end . no sooner had fame , as a swist pursiuant , euertaken achitophel in his renolt , but he makes his 〈◊〉 to almighty god , as one who knew well that it was his office rather to gouerne than obey destinie . the same hand of vengeance which by moses entreatie was restrained from the ouerthrow of the idolatrous israclites , and by a generall prayer and repentance from the desolation of niniuch , hee could not imagine either slacke or impotent in defeate of his enemies , or defence of his faithfull seruant . fifthly , wee obserue his prayer to bee short and pithy , not tedious and impertinent ; as thinking it meerer that his heart should dictate to his tongue , than his tongue interprete to his heart . his prayer was not crude and vnconcocted , abounding with as many tautologies as words , but seasonable and patheticke , expressing no lesse than his earnest desire , and directed no further than the present purpose . here , as our sauiour in the gospell heretofore taxed the pharisees of long and tedious babling , might i proceede to reprehend some pharisees of our time , were i sure to bee mine owne interpreter . but i am much affraid , lest , through the sides of a few factious and fantasticke spirits , i should be suspected to wound religion . the sixt and last circumstance in dauids prayer , was , that it proceeded from him extemporary , as best suting with an extemporary and sudden accident . hence our moderne masse-priests might haue beene taught a more profitable art of prayer , than the sale of set liturgies for all occasions . no inuention of man could euer proue so infinite as to sift the precise corners of euery mans conscience : neither is it in the wit of man , but god , to dictate a present forme for all future accidents , and prescribe a speciall antidote against all temptations . herein commonly the physitian shewes himself no sooner than the disease , as one who would haue vs depend rather on his present fauour , than our premeditated counsell . and in such cases i take that of our sauiour , [ dabitur in illà horâ ] to be vnderstood . neuerthelesse from this , or other the like eiaculatory prayers , warranted by scripture , and practised by holy men , little ground of argument can the brownists take for their opinion ; who admitting no distinction betwixt publicke and priuate prayer , would haue all to proceede from an extemporary and sudden meditation . as though god could not as well direct our studie , as strengthen our deliuerie ; and there were not a place as well for attention to follow , as inuention to dictate in our deuotion . for the confutation of which mens vnwarrantable industrie , we neede go no further than our sauiours own example , who prescribed vs a set form of prayer ; or dauid at least , of whom we now speake , who hath left behinde him so many sweet and diuine meditations , as a testimony of his sanctitie , and a patterne for our imitation . hitherto ( beloued ) haue i discoursed of the impulsiue second cause of achitophels defeate . the instrumentall causes , whereunto my method in the next place is engaged , concerne either the immediate preuention of achitophels designe , or discouery of it to dauid and his army . the former consisting of chushai's loyalty and absolons weaknesse , discouers vnto vs as well the character of a trusty subiect , preferring his kings safety before his owne ambition , as of an vnexperienced young prince , more willing to hearken to the voice of flattery , than wise direction . the latter , gods power in the weake simplicitie of a silly ma●…de , the instrument of this discouerie . in the briefe touching of which points , i hope to finde your patience a little more propitious than the time . 6 as much as the dignity of a king transcends the subiect , is the obligation of the subiect to his king : neyther is the duety lesse we owe to the safety of our soueraigne , than the safeguard wee challenge in his protection ; as the center , next vnder god , from which we deriue our honours , and to which we owe our seruices of this duety , chushai , dauids trusty seruant , was not ignorant , neyther was his knowledge better tutoured than his industry . the same hand of kingly munificence which dispensed him his honours , pointed him out the li●…es of his obliged loyaltie ; neither was hee more slacke to obey than dauid to command . returne into the citie ( quoth dauid to chushai ) and say vnto absolon , i will bee thy seruant , o king , as i haue beene thy fathers seruant ; so shalt thou defeate the counsell of achitophel . almighty god , who formerly heard dauids prayer , directed his aduice , and chushai's industrious loyalty . in vndertaking of which designe , wee shall finde dauid blessed in so good a seruant , as chushai worthy of so good a master ; whose carriage of so dangerous a businesse in so honest and discreet a fashion , seemes to coppy out vnto vs all the offices of an honest politician . in the first place , we finde his obedience and resolution , neither shrinking from the awfull lookes of danger , or forfeyting his masters trust . the apprehension of an vnexpected friend , or reconciled enemy , might haue betrayed his errand to watchfull iealousie : suspicion might haue called his very lookes to examination , and guilty feare , the childe of treason , might haue deliuered him ouer as a spie to present execution . achitophels deep in sight in state affaires , and absolons confidence in his oraculous aduice , might haue eyther sounded his disposition , or dasht his counsell out of countenance ; and then should he find his best seruice rewarded with death or torture : at least , had his message met the best successe , and ransomed his master dauid from so imminent a conspiracie , yet , according to the rules of worldly policy , he could not yet suppose absolons iealousie more dangerous than dauids obligation . princes , vnwillingly owe courtesies greater than themselues , and commonly preferre a bank-rupt debtor , before an ouer-deseruing creditor : as if the very sight or remembrance of a beneficiall friend , should seeme a perpetuall exprobation of ingratitude . a smaller disparagement it seems among worldly tyrants to want iustice , than power ; rather to bee thought willing to offend , than not to be thought able to requite . these obiections vrged to chushai's likely coniecture and politicke obseruation , might easily haue checkt his forwardnesse in dauids seruice , and strangled his resolution in the very birth . but he out of a cleare and couragious spirit , neither feares an enemy , nor suspects a friend , nor seekes his dutie abroad in other mens forecasts , which he might finde at home in his owne bosome . in the second place , we may obserue his trusty loue to his master dauid : occasion might here seeme to smile on his aduancement , and absolons growing fortunes , as the rising sunne , might haue tempted his ambition : dauid seemes ready to depart , and absolon to enter the scene of life and soueraignty : and who , in policie , would not rather chuse to haue his fortunes to liue in absolon , than dye in dauid ? to haue betrayed the fathers trust , might haue ingaged the sons affection ; and to raise himselfe a fortune out of his masters ruine , though the greatest breach in the lawes of loyalty , had seemed one of the chiefest maximes in the art of policie . but hee , as a faithfull subiect , respects not what he might , but what he ought ; not so much what occasion might seeme to offer , as what religion might be knowne to iustifie : as one who would rather owe his misfortunes to his trusty seruice , than his preferment to dishonest treachery . thirdly , we may note his secrecie and discretion in managing so dangerous and great a proiect . he inuaded not the young princes eares with a sudden and vnexpected on-set , or like an intruding polipragmon , shewed himselfe more officious than wise , to out-runne the goale , and let slip before occasion . he expected , not preuented his opportunity ; and suffered absolon to aske , before hee thought it conuenient to giue his counsell : that absolon might seeme more indebted to chushai's wisedome , than chushai to absolons approbation . neither in his aduice did chushai shew himselfe factious or vnmannerly ; hee seemed onely to dislike achitophels direction in this one designe , not without a silent acknowledgement of his former wisedome . the counsell ( saith he ) which achitophel hath giuen at this time is not good . the aduantage of achitophels reputation amongst those that had tryed his policy , & of the peoples preiudice of such as should contradict , taught chushai's discretion to disapproue rather the counsell , than the counseller , and mitigate his dissent with some colour of former approbation . this designe , inspired by god himselfe , directed by dauid , and practised by chushai , seemes to giue warrant to this obseruation , that there is as well a good as an euill policie ; as well an honest and discreet conueyance of our actions , grounded on religion , as an indirect proceeding ingaged to vnwarranted and vnlawfull actions . hee that would haue vs to be innocent as doues , hath taught vs also to be wise as serpents ; and he that dispenseth vs the means to atchieue our ends , permits vs also the proper and best direction . but how precisely to diuide betwixt an honest prouidence , and vnlawfull policie ▪ neither on the one side to violate gods precepts , nor on the other to neglect our own right , seems a matter as curious to determine , as necessary to vnderstand . to be gods seruant and the times , at once , seemes incomparable ; esp●…cially , in such a disorderly mixture of humane actions : in which ( as bodin would counsell vs ) it behooues a wise man to shew himselfe as various as the season . we cannot command , but obey occasion . the meanes and opportunities whereof statesmen take aduantage in defeating of their opposites , are rather found than chosen ; and the manner and direction of our proiects rather prescribed vs by chance than skill , as such whose causalitie depends not on our will , but obseruation . neuerthelesse between the iniquitie of our times , and the strictnesse of a good conscience , a space is le●…t wide enough to giue a passage for a religious & wise discretion : and by how much the plots of men , and changes of state seeme more dangerous to gods children , by so much is their care and prouidence , in declining the snares of the wicked , the better warranted . for god condemnes in vs as well the neglect of our care , as his prouidence ; as on●… whose wisedome workes seldome without , but with and in our industrie . 7 the second instrumentall cause which shewes it selfe in the priuation of achitophels counsell , was found in absolons inclination . achitophels proiects hauing long since past the first conception , are now come vnto the very birth : but absolons vnexperienced youth , as an vnskilfull midwife , made it abortiue in the deliuery . the ground of his errour i can interprete to be no other , than the vsuall disease of princes , who had rather bee soothed than aduised , and haue eares more facile to the tongue of flatterie , than the heart of loyaltie . flattery by tacitus , was well termed the old sicknesse of the romane common-wealth , as the loue of flatterie , the staine and blemish of the wisest emperours . those whom neither the sword could conquer , nor treason vndermine ; whom neither pleasure could allure , nor riches perswade , nor greatnesse tempt to the least dishonour , onely flatterie could bring into subiection . for as the obiect of flatterie , selfe-loue , is most vniuersall , and no where excluded humane nature : so adulation in it selfe , euery where , findes occasion to enter without resistance or impeachment . and whereas all other vices are countermanded and checkt by their contrary vertues , this one seemes to challenge a prerogatiue aboue vertue her selfe , in that she findes acceptance among her enemies , and growes stronger by opposition . no maruell then , if absolons youthful weakenesse , vnable to endure the siege of so puissant a beleaguer , reuolted from achitophels ( as i may say ) irreligious loyalty , and yeelded to chushai's pious flatterie . chushai's adulatory counsell wee may obserue to consist in three especiall circumstances . first , that he perswaded him to enter the field in his owne person , and make himselfe the owner as well of the victory as the soueraigntie ; as though it had seemed a matter not becomming the greatnesse of a king , to owe the honour of his scepters to the valour of a seruant . secondly , in that in his aduice hee seemed more firmely opinionated of the peoples loue , and absolons popular estimation . what wee desire , that wee easily beleeue : neither prize wee our periections dearer in themselues , than in other mens admiration . our vertues neuer please vs better , than when , by reflection , they seeme augmented in the false glasse of popular opinion . neither shall sophocles the tragedian , bee so well accepted in describing mens manners as they were , as eu ipides , who presented them as they should be . more honour found homer in expressing mens manners to the best , than hegemon to the worst . and howsoeuer the two famous painters , pauson in limming out the most deformed , and cleophon the most semblable and likely pictures , expressed in their worke as much art as industrie : yet who with polignotus , so cunningly can handle his pensill , as to paint out mens best parts beyond truth or existence , shall easily purchase the reputation of the rarest workemanship . thirdly , chushai's counsell seemed more to aymeat absolons honour and magnificence , in that he perswaded him to oppose his father dauid , rather by open strength than vndermining policie . for absolon to haue entrapped his father dauid by a secret ambush , had beene termed rather a treason than a victory : and by how much the field is more ample than the closet , seemes a clancular conspiracie , inferiour to an open hostile opposition . to scrue himselfe into his fathers kingdome by cunning engines , might derogate from his valour , and obscure the glory of the conquest . a pitcht field would be thought the best scene , whereon honour ought to display her ensignes , and the sword the most graceful actor . these adulatory suggestions of chushai , howsoeuer preiudiciall to absolons designe , had neuerthelesse the aduantage of achitophels well wayed policy . for as sicke and queafie stomackes had rather appetite should vmpire their desires , than iudgement ; affecting for the time , rather to be pleased than profited : so chushai's aduice tempered and seasoned , ( as it seemes ) to absolons vain-glorious and ambitious humour , was as soone swallowed as suggested . from which example , practised by chushai , and paralleld by the like in●…ances in all times and histories , will arise this obseruation : that flatterie is the most exquisite and dangerous policie . a proposition requiring no other confirmation , than common practice ; wherein we esteeme those ax●…omes established as the most vndoubted truth , which by ordinary experience are found most succesfull . a happy successe is that which crownes our actions ; neither is our naturall knowledge more indebted to sensible experiment , than our politicke to ciuill obseruation . hence an ordinary path , by policy , seemes to be troden out to all preferments , through the back-doore of adulation , through which , euery base and vndeseruing parasite shall finde an easie entrance , while desert , waiting for a turne at the fore-gate , shall freeze ere it obtaine admission , and pine away in fruitlesse expectation . no maruaile then , if flatterie , which some haue tearmed the eight liberall science , haue gotten the start of the other seuen , hauing beene tried to be most compendious and readie way to all aduancement ; at least one , to whom all other professions owe their grace , and direct their seruice . the curious workemanship of artificers , the subtile nets , and pleasant dreames of philosophers , the hyred voyces of lawyers , the sugred pils of physitians , the sett and formall grauitie of diuines , the oylie tongues of courtiers , the scraping legges of peasants , seeme all corriuals in courting this proud mistresse , and prostituting their seruice to adulation . here ( reuerend and beloued ) might i in modesty aske of you , as sometime the king of israel of elisha the prophet , father , shall i strike ? but your grauity checks my swelling passion , and seemes to answer me with the same prophet , thou shalt not strike . what , wouldst thou smite them whom the lord hath made already capti●…e ? i am no shamelesse cham , to discouer a fathers nakednesse , no remorselesse nero , to open and expose the entrailes of my mother . the vaile of charity is in my hand , to couer a multitude of sinnes , if i chanc●… to meet them in my passage ; yet had i rather euer to shut mine owne eyes , than behold mine owne sorrow , and my mothers shame . with noahs two modest sonnes , i purposely looke awry and goe backwards ; not so much as to see that , which i haue no hands to hide , no browe to iustifie . should i wander with acteon in so wide a forrest , my vnwarie eye-sight might vnhappily glance on diana naked , and make it selfe guilty , as well of danger as obseruation . but casting mine eyes on this learned and graue assembly , me thinkes i could promise my selfe as much liberty to speake , as truth prerogatiue to warrant . can any prescription pleade a stronger immunity from the yoake of flattery , than the charter of the muses ? or any nation vnder heauen vaunt of a larger freedome , than the children of the prophets ? and yet here i may well feare , lest my obseruation may betray flattery to discouery , and my language to exception . affraid i am almost to open mine eyes and looke abroad , lest i should espie flattery dispensing offices , conferring dignities , conniuing at offences , violating priuiledges , debasing worth , disgracing learning , and vndermining honesty . flattery is not alwayes clothed in the same weeds or colours ; she can put on blacke as well as white : in the seate of iustice she can shew her selfe in purple , in the court of princes shee can strut in gaudy silkes , and ( for ought i know ) in the chiefest place of learning and religion , can shrowd her selfe in scarlet . there was a false lucifer among the angels , a wicked saul among the prophets , a trayterous iudas among the apostles : and an easie inquiry , might heretofore , haue discouered a scycophanticke shaw among the doctors . — satis esse vid●…sse , reuertor . if adulation should bee now found to soiourne in our cloysters , i could wish , by chushai , shee should be taught her best office , which is the common good , and the princes preseruation : so should wee neuer feare that censure , which tacitus giues of the romane senators liuing vnder tyberius , that they ambitiously stood vp in senate , and stroue to out-vie one the ther in seruile basenesse : much lesse should we deserue to bee laught at with those thebans , who ( as we reade in iustine ) fawning too much on philips greatnesse , bought their new protection with the losse of their ancient libertie . but i haue too long intangled my selfe in this discourse of flatterie , wherein ( i feare ) i haue neither obserued the time , nor flattered your patience . i must now briefly descend to the instrument of the discouerie , which in the next place presents it selfe to examination . 8 almighty god , in bringing to passe matters of the greatest moment , rather makes than findes the fittest instruments ; as one who would rather haue the subiect indebted to his choyce , than his choyce to our estimation . hee , to whom it was as easie to create as suborne a creature , could as well giue as take occasion , and for his sacred purpose as soone fortifie the weakest , as single out the strongest . achitophels politicke aduice suggested to absolon , defeated by chushai , communicated to zadocke and abiathar the priests , is at length by dauids seruants , discouered by a woman , a silly maide , whose vnexperienced youth , vnable sexe , and meaner estate , could expresse no other character than weakenesse ; is notwithstanding design'd out by god as the choysest instrument of securing the state of israel , and a kings deliuerie . the rarest workemanship is commended as much by the worst , as the best instruments ; and it is gods frequent practice ( to speake with the apostle ) to make knowne the riches of his glorie on the vessels of his mercie . our sauiour christ , to whom all the kings and emperours of the earth owed obseruance , whose least alliance could haue royalized the basest familie , was pleased notwithhanding as an inmate to make himselfe a passage into this world through maries neglected wombe ; his cradle was no better than a cribbe , and his first entertainment no higher than iosephs fortunes . neither was his birth a better argument than his life and actions . he might haue breathed in the ayre of some princes court a kingly education , or committed the tuition of his youth to the institution of the learned doctors : rome was then in her pride , and set the foote of her magnificence on the necke of the proudest nations . athens , the mother of the grecian wisedome , had long ere this triumphed in her fruitfull and glorious off-spring : and the scribes and doctors at ierusalem , sitting in moses chaire , could haue challenged a right beyond the delphicke oracle : and yet we find neither his knowledge fathered by the most famous teachers , nor his manners indebted to the seuerest institution . the shop of a mechanitian seemed his first academie , the publicans and sinners his familiar hosts and friends , and the poore fishermen , returning from their broken nets , admitted into the number of his choice disciples . by which , wee christians may be taught , not to repose so much confidence in the strength of our mighty and great confederates , as to neglect the industry and good will of our weakest and meane associates . virgils silly gnat could awaken the sluggish shepheard from his improuident slumber , to decline the approching serpent ; and the impotent pismire hath bin taught to rouze vp the sleeping lion , to make an escape from the hunters snares . thus wee finde the chaine of god almighties prouidence linkt together by so many dependant causes , began in gods counsell , seconded by dauids prayer , continued in chushai's loyaltie , and absolons weaknesse , shut vp at length in the action of a silly maide : which as an introduction might leade our discourse a scene further , to the last catastrophe , and achitophels bloudy tragedie : to which , hauing so much at this time trespassed on your patience , i shall ( god willing ) engage my next exercise . hee must needes runne , whom desperation leades , and the deuill driues . that old serpent that first set mischiefe a worke , scornes as much to retire , as delights to perseuere , and neither slackes or stops his pace , till he finde the place of execution . how far his wicked industrie hath gone hand in hand with achitophels treacherous designes , your present memory may witnesse , in my former exercise , and your attention . the defeate of his pernicious counsell , with the causes presenting themselues to the horrour of a guilty conscience , seconded as well with outward disgrace as inward discontent , turnes his owne weapon against himselfe , and makes his policie ▪ the most exquisite instrument of his owne destruction . this great politician , whom ( as the oracle of god ) the people of israel had neuer suspected of inconstancie , or accused of indiscretion ; whose wise seruice had instructed absolon in all his parts , and so iudiciously ( as it were ) chalkt out vnto him the way to soueraigntie , might seeme to deserue more in the eyes of absolon than misprision . what lesse reward can our best industrie expect , or gratitude expresse , than acknowledgement or approbation ? what greater euidence of present abilitie can our vnderstandings minister , or our hopes promise , than the stampe and seale of our former actions ? had chushai euer shewed himselfe so wise , or achitophel so weake , that chushai in the scale should ouerpoize achitophel ? shall the fancie of a shallow courtier conquer the wit and experience of so great a states-man ; and the smooth tongue of flattery , ouer-reach the deepe grounds of a settled iudgement ? what then remaines for achitophel , than by his sudden flight to expresse his noble indignation , and foreshew absolons ruine in his owne ? he will hang himselfe first , to teach absolon the way to the same end ; and to out-strip him in the last act , rather politickly preuent , than basely feare the shamefull stroke of execution : and achitophel saw that his counsell was not followed , &c. 2. the scene whereon we now enter , containes the last actions of achitophel , whose catastrophe shuts vp all in his shamefull end , and honourable buriall . the actions preceding his death , are expressed in these foure circumstances . 1. that he sadled his asse , 2. that he went home , 3. that he put his house in order , 4. that he hanged himselfe . in the first , we may obserue his tyrannie , in imposing on his silly asse the burthen of his transgression . in the second , his treacherie , in leauing his master in his greatest extremity . in the third , his worldly prouidence , in preferring the preseruation of his temporall estate before the preseruation of his owne soule . in the fourth , his desperate execution of himselfe , in distrust of gods mercy , and daring his iustice to the last extremity . the latter clause concernes his ceremonious funerall ; which , howsoeuer in it selfe a passion , as we respect achitophel as the subiect : yet so farre as it may haue reference to his former testament and ordination , wherein this may seeme included , it may be termed an action , wherein he shewed himselfe ambitious , to file and furbish ouer the staine of his shamefull life and end , with an honourable buriall . these are the lists of my present meditations , wherein as god shall enable my discourse , and your christian patience second , i shall proceed in order , and first of the first [ he sadled his asse . ] 3. so contagious hath been the sinne of our first parents , that it not onely vsurped iurisdiction on mankinde , the spawne of our father adam , but inuaded , without resistance , natures vniuersall monarchy : in so much , as the heauens , elements , plants , and beasts themselues , by the diuine institution of their creation , as disdaining to serue ingratitude , are by the apostle , said to groane vnder their tedious burthen , and desire to bee at liberty . why the creature should desire this freedome , foure reasons are alleaged by peter martyr on the romans . first , because of his perpetuall turmoiles & labours , seruing onely for the vse of man. secondly , because they together suffer the same affliction . thirdly , out of the sympathy and fellow-feeling of one anothers aduersity . fourthly and lastly , which is the greatest of all , because they are constrained to become the seruile instrument of sinne , and by consequence , the subiect of gods fury . this wrath of god , though general ( as we haue said ) to all the creatures , we find no where more legible than the silly asse ; a beast created , as it might seeme , to torture it self , to supply the defect of mans industry : wherein , according to the egyptian hierogliphickes , nature seemes to haue patternd forth vnto vs the exact image of patience , fortitude , and frugalitie ; gifts not vnworthy the choice of the most generous temper , had not the sinne of man exposed them rather to scorne than imitation . such is the vnchristian censure of our supercilious times , who disdaine to salute vertue , except shee come accoutred in golden garments . of this poore creature notwithstanding , whereof they scorne the name , they cannot want the vse . the ignominie of a seruile disposition is the reward of his best seruice ; the profitable fruits of his painfull industrie , the glorie and improuement of his masters ambitious husbandrie . if such iniustice , offered by a man to a seruile beast , seeme opposite to the lawes common equitie , which commands euery thing his owne : how huge in the eyes of euery christian iudge swels their tyrannie , who command their seruants and inferiours to carry the burthen of their transgressions ; as though they meant to ride them on the spurre with themselues to hell ? the obedience of achitophels asse to serue him in this wicked action , was onely passiue , as of one to whom the law of nature had prescribed no other rule than his masters raines . but the sacred image of god , stampt in the reasonable soule of man , is to vs both law and libertie , as well to preserue the rights of magistrates , as our owne priuiledge . an obedience we iustly owe to our superiours both actiue and passiu●… , so farre forth as it may stand with the right of nature , and gods honour , as that which god expresly commands , and no communitie can want . but when the sword of the magistrate pretends a title to any part of diuine prerogatiue , it findes alwaies , in the way of resistance , the right of the cause , or sinceritie of a good conscience , whereon , as on a rocke of adamant , it may sooner hacke it selfe to pieces , than make a breach for entrie . hence wise magistrates may be taught to exact no more of their inferiours , than their commission from god dares to countenance , or their duty to him commands : much lesse in regard of their owne worth , to sleight the good offices of the meanest seruant . our consciences and opinions are seldome so flexible , as our ioynts to fawne on greatnesse : neither is the iudgement of the wisest gouernour able so much to challenge a monarchie in the weakest vnderstanding , as to command opinion . balaams asse could see the angell of the lord with his sword drawne against him , when his masters eyes were shut ; and therefore had good reason to leaue beating his poor beast , when he opened his mouth to preuent his danger . but if any wise christian desire the ministeriall offices of these seruile creatures , let them imitate the example of our sauiour christ , who came meekely on an asse riding into ierusalem , where the ensignes of gracious acceptance , and the shouts of h●…sanna's applauded his arriuall : not as achitophel , who arose in haste , and went home to his house ; not like our sauiour to saue , but like himselfe to betray his friend : which is the next circumstance which awaits our obseruation . [ and hee arose , and went home to his house . ] 4 the truest touch ▪ stone of friendship , is aduersity , which commonly vnmasketh our enemies to discouerie ; and singles out our best friends for triall . here achitophel , as an ill actor , fainted in the last scene , and chose rather to shew himselfe what he was , than what he ought . his master absolon , whom he had engaged to so great a danger , he left to greater . sinke he might or swimme for him , as the windie gu●…t of his new counsell , or the inconstant tyde of occasion pleased to befriend him . his great hopes , grounded on the rise of absolon , hauing promised so much in the bud , beganne to wither ere they saw the blossome : and a vaine proiect it seemed vnto him to venture with a banckrupt , and out of his masters blasted field to expect a haruest . if absolon will needes wed himselfe to his owne will , and his seducers counsell , let him runne his owne hazzard ; achitophel stands engaged no farther , than his owne direction . if absolon fall so short of his ambitious wishes , as achitophels wise augury , let him suffer alone himselfe , as not deseruing achitophels pitie or societie . hee was once warned , and therefore twice armed , to withstand so weake an assailant as chushai his fained friend . and why shall achitophel shew himselfe so superstitious to obserue him , who neglects himselfe , and sleights his friends ? two dangers here offered themselues at once ; the one the desertion of his young master , the other the neglect of his owne estate . but with a politician the choyce is easie ; and therefore it is time to hye him home , to order his owne house , which had left the common-wealth in a combustion . his master might as well finde him absent , as neglect him present , and sooner meet him in his death than counsell . from whose example , a good christian may be taught so much policie , to trye his friends in aduersitie , ere he trust them in prosperitie . those vermines which vndermine the house , are taught to runne from the ruine , and quit that mantion which preserued them , because they neuer loued it further than it serued their own purpose . but a true friend hides himselfe as a glow-worme , obscured in the day of prosperitie , to reserue his light for the obscure night of aduersitie . chushai , as wee haue formerly shewed , had lesse reason to suspect achitophels head to want absolons arme , than dauids arme to want direction : yet to preferre the loyaltie of a friend , hee chose rather to cast himselfe on rash aduenture , than knowne experience , and hazzard the shipwrack●… of himselfe to saue a friend . if any man should demand how farre friendship may challenge a iurisdiction in our conuersation ? god will answer , that he must first ioyne ere we shake hands . a true and iust amitie shines not so much in the subiect wherein it growes , as on the subiect whereon it workes ; as that which desires not so much to purchase , as to deserue applause . it was a poore shift of naaman , out of the sinceritie of his vnfained loue , to excuse his fained idolatrie in this sort : when i come into the temple of rimmon , and my master boweth downe to the image , and leaneth on my shoulder , and he leaneth down with me , the lord be mercifull vnto me in this thing . had his eye offended him , or his hand mistooke his message , he had not only sufficient warrant , but command to pluck out the one , and cut off the other : much more are we warranted to dissolue the strongest contract betwixt outward friends , where god shakes his rodde betweene a friends impietie and our affection . but neither of these motiues found footing in achitophels designe . had the distrust or dislike of his masters cause disswaded furtherance , he had not suffered him so farre to runne beyond preuention . had his motiue afterwards grounded it selfe on iustice , hee might haue turned his counsell another way , rather to his masters good than his own ruine ; at least , by his submission he might haue pieced vp this breach of treason , and haue cast his fortunes on so fauourable a calme as dauids attonement , with his deere , though rebellious , absolon . but absolons case was desperate , his owne treason euident , dauids remissiue pardon vnlikely , his own house vnsettled : and therefore out of the grounds of his own worldly policie , he thought it more expedient to arise and go home to his house , and set his house in order . which is the third , and comes next in order to be handled . 5 in setting of achitophels house in order , wee may by way of explication , obserue two points . first , what we ought to vnderstand by his house : secondly , wherein this ordering of his house consisted . a house so far as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the originall language renders it , signifies as much as an artificiall receptacle fitted for habitation : whence afterward by an apt metonomie , expressing the place containing for the persons contained , it was taken for a familie , as we finde in scripture mention made of the house of saul , and the house of dauid : in which sense 〈◊〉 or a house , is by aristotle , in the first of his politickes , defined to a daily ●…ocietie of people dwelling together . and howso●…ner the name of family among the ancients seeme to deriue his originall from the s●…cietie of diuers seruants , liuing vnder one roofe and regiment : yet vse hath taught it so far to enlarge it selfe , as to signifie a companie , consisting of three essentiall parts , to wit , of the husband and the wife , of the father and the sonne , of the master and the seruant ; the due administration of which , wherein euery member answers in harmonie to preserue the whole , we call oeconomie or good husbandrie . an institution founded on the law of nature , as the first and strongest band of humane societie , and the first ground-worke of a common-wealth . the setting of such a house in order , which is the next point to be scanned , is either the generall administration of a family , which wee may call husbandry ; or else a finall determination or ma●…ters , as we would they should stand at the time of our death , expressed in our last will and testament . herein achitophel , although a wicked caitiffe , scarce deseruing a good epithete , seemed to shew as much piety as policy , in settling his estate by prouidence while he liued , which after his death , might be shipwrackt by dissension or confusion . so much of the image of god he had left vndefaced in him , as to shew him some obscure glimpse of eternity , to seeke that being in posterity by propagation , which the times disasters were readier to cancell than preserue . a president surmounting the example of many christians of our times , who imagining all the world to be borne for them , and them for themselues , neglect former presidents , and stop the passage to all posterity , as if the line drawne out so many ages from their first father adam , should breake off with themselues , and attaine its highest pitch in their perfections . it was a noble , though arrogant reply of iphicrates to hermodius in plutarch , boasting too much of his continued line , and ancient nobility ; nobilitas mea in me inc●…pit , tua in te desijt : wherein hee vaunted himselfe by prouidence and vertue to haue so much improued , as the other to haue decocted his fortunes and an ancient family . to lend posterity a head , may to a wise man seeme a greater glorie , than to borrow from ancestry a taile ; and on the other side , to play away in sport our predecessors labours , a greater dishonour than to pisse on our parents ashes , or raze their monuments . amongst all the temporall blessings of almighty god , promised or deriued as rewards to his faithful seruants , i finde none greater in holy writ , than the multiplying of their seed , and spreading of their family . behold ( saith god to abraham ) i will make of thee a mighty people : and that which god in his especiall fauour prizes , as so great a guerdon to his best fauourites , shall vnworthy man esteeme a trifle , and value so farre below the rate ? he that prouides not for his famili●… , is worse than an infidell , saith the apostle . not ( i suppose ) that a prouident heathen was absolutely to be preferred before a negligent professor : but that in this comparison of settling a mans estate after him , in regard of posterity ; a wise infidell might challenge a precedency before a carelesse christian ; according to that of our sauiour in the gospell , the children of this world , are wiser in their generation than the children of light . herein achitophels policy shooke hands with honesty , which seldome met before in consort : but no sooner could they meete , but part ; as if they meant to meete no more . he settled his worldly estate on earth , but forgot his eternall hope in heauen . he reserued to himselfe out of all his legacies , the worme of a guilty conscience , which he could as well shake off as himselfe ; which leades our discourse to a second obseruation , arising from this point , that worldly wise politicians proue most vnprouident for future life , and preferre temporall blessings before eternall happinesse . 6. where a mans treasure is , there will his heart be also , saith our sauiour . whence a reason may be rendred , why achitophel , despairing of any portion among the saints in heauen , set his minde to dispose of his possessions here on earth . riches , which the wisest sort of philosophers , haue esteemed no other than the complement of temporall felicitie , are the maine of their ambition , while the fruition of the eternall ioyes in heauen , stands as doubtfull in their hopes , as vnsettled in their opinion . but this prouidence in disposing worldly affaires , at the best , can be reputed no other than the childe of nature , whose mole-eyes , through the glimmering light of humane reason , can hardly pierce so farre as its owne spheare ; much lesse through the clouds of humane ignorance , and the worlds contagious fogs , open to it selfe a passage to that eternall glory , to which none but the light of grace can direct or command an entrance . no maruaile then , if worldly men , hauing all their cares bounded in this world , runne alwayes in the same circle , and respect onely their owne center , disdaining ( as it were ) any interest in any superior orbe . this , they esteeme their highest heauen ; without the which , with aristotle , they can imagine neither locus nor tempus ; neither place to containe their treasure , nor time to adde to their mortality : if at any time , by the permissiue indulgence of almighty god , some sparkle of grace presents itselfe , it is but as the lightning , no sooner seene but lost ; enough to shew it selfe , but too little to giue direction ; enough for their curiosity to dispute , but too much for their faith to apprehend : and therefore rather resolue they to set vp their rest in this world , which they know , than to hazzard themselues on so dangerous a discouery , wherein they should shew themselues , at least diffident , if not desperate . this seemes to haue been the resolution of wicked cain , who , although shut out from gods presence , sought out a place in the land of nod to build a citie , which might beare his name , and preserue his family . himselfe , as it were , branded with the blacke coale of reprobation , he quickly submitted to perdition , in this desperate resolution , my sinne is greater than can be forgiuen me . his posterity , he committed rather to chance and policy , than to gods protection ; as though his owne care had been sufficient to vndermine the diuine prouidence : or at least he had proued so good a proficient in the schoole of policie , as to work his owne desperate fortunes to his sons aduantage . amongst many such examples of this kinde , which in this age of ours are too too frequent , i finde none more remarkable than of a certaine lawyer , whom bellarmine ( as himelfe reports ) in the time of his sicknesse comming to visite , and vrging vnto praier and confession , replyed , that he could wish , that prayer were made for his wife and children , whose welfare in this world he greatly tendred ; for himselfe , as lost and desperate , he gaue ouer to perdition : bellarmines obseruation of this desperate man , might , me thinkes , haue opened his eyes to haue seene that mysterie of iniquity , closed vp in their babylonish hierarchie . how many thousand soules , whom they ought to purchase vnto christ , sell they daily vnto sathan , to buy their owne gaine or greatnesse ? as if they conspired , all in one , to shipwracke their hopes of another life in heauen , to bolster vp a papall monarchie here on earth . their fire of purgatorie had long since been extinct , had it not maintained the popes kitchin . their indulgences had long since waxed stale , and laine vpon their hands , had not the costly marriages of the popes n●…eces , or rather daughters , set them out in a new edition , to make them vendible . the ●…doll of their pretended supremacie had wanted adoration , and peters imaginary chair●… been broken and hurled to the ground , had not couetousnesse on the one side , pompe and ambition on the other , as two supporters , laboured to keep it vpright : and little could st. paul himselfe effect by his powerfull preaching among such athenians , with whom there is neuer wanting a demetrius , a siluer smith ; who , lest his shrines should want sale , will stoutly stand vp for the honour of diana's temple . well may we call that a meere politick religion , or rather a masked atheisme , wherin , gods pretended seruice is set vp as a pillar to vnderprop an antichristian hierarchie ; and religion , which should command our best obseruance , becomes the slaue and seruant to ambition . herein achitophels designe seemes to fall short of their industry : he sets his house in order , ( for ought we find ) without any sense of religion , or preiudice to gods church . these men vse the sword of the church against religion , constraining her at once both to inflict , and smart at her owne wounds . achitophel left the common-wealth in a combustion to set his owne house in order : but these fire-brands of state , set their owne houses in order first , that they may the more easily disturbe the good temper of a settled common-wealth . achitophel , for ought we know , shut vp all his treacherous designes in his owne execution ; leauing as hereditary , rather the staine than the guilt of his odious treason to posterity . but these iesuiticke factours , vnwilling to cut off the entaile of their traiterous inclinations , either by despaire or repentance ; like a brood of vipers , bequeath a legacie of their venemous quality vnto their off-spring : in which , as out of a cockatrice●… egges , is hatched , preserued , and multiplied , the accursed spawne of treachery and sedition . which last clause , leades our discourse to a second point , to wit , the consideration of achitophels death , in that he hanged himselfe , which comes next in order to be handled . 7. in achitophels death , you may with me obserue two especiall points ; 1. the cause . 2. the manner . th●… cause , grounded on the motiue fore-mentioned in my former exercise , was despanre : the manner of his death , as shamefull and ignominious as his life and action . to begin with despaire , we shall finde it an infirmity of mans nature ; rather deseruing mens pitie than indignation . a childe it is , whom the guilt of sinne begets on an euill conscience ; which no sooner beholds the light , but couets darknesse , as if it made no more vse of life , than to instruct him the next way to death . in this bottomlesse pit of despaire , wherein no passenger could cast anchor , achitophel now finds himselfe plunged ; and therefore , as arrested by deaths immediate sergeant , prepares for his next appearance . better dye once , than feare alwaies ; and shut vp all mischiefes in one death , than spin out life in many mischiefes . those lofty scenes of state , wherein achitophel hath either hitherto acted himself or prompted others , must now shut vp in an ill catastrophe ; and who sitter to end , than hee who began this stately tragedy ? to liue at another mans beneuolence , seemes the smallest priuiledge of a subiect to dye at his owne command , the greatest prerogatiue of a king. a base headsman must not share so great a glory , as the chopping off a head enriched with so much policy , nor lustice seeme to entreate any other hands than his owne in his stately execution . behold here the last resolution of this matchlesse politician , proposed afterwards ( as it seemes ) as a patterne to many high spirits amongst the heathen ; whose iudgements infatuated with false principles , misconster the badge of cowardise , for the most honourable seale of courage : as if it were a point of valour to shake hands with death , & faintly giue themselues ouer to his mercy , with whom , as an enemy , they ought to combate . true honour neuer feares to stare death in the face , but seldome courts it as a friend ; often , as a corriuall , it struggles with it for victory : but neuer giues vp the hilts , or cryes quarter , till ouer-mastred by a greater and disproportioned strength , he finds them wrested from his hands . so great an impression not with standing got this wicked opinion of selfe-killing amongst the ancient romanes , that a speedy dispatch of our selues in case of extremity , seemed to challenge as much honour , as with a christian it deserueth shame ; as we find it not recorded only , but in a maner recómended , by that turn-coat lipfius out of the principles of his stoicall philosophy : whose broken rudiments he had ( as it seems ) better conned than christianity . but how far out of our voluntary disposition , we ought to entertain the stroke of death , is not easie to determine without distinction . a concurrence of our wils we may interpret two waies : either for a passi●…e obedience , indebted rather to constraint than choice , wherin nature submits her selfe to iustice or necessity : or an actiue violence , deriued for the most part from fear or rashnesse ; wherin reason suffers her self to be led captiue by boistrous frensie , arming the strength of vnwilling nature against her own bosome , & life , her sweet companion . the former concurrence of our assent , or at least submission to such extremities , we find warranted not only by permission but cómand , so far forth , as the iustice of the cause conspiring with a regulated conscience , imports necessity . those blessed martyrs of the church , whose glorious wounds & scars , shine as so many orient pearles in their white robes of sanctity , haue markt & seald them out to posterity , as examples of the highest imitation . those valiant champions in defence of their country & religion , exposed to the merciless iaws of death , or the bloudie phangs of vncertain hazzards in a christian warfare , what age so enuious which will not crown with present honour , & register to future admiration ? yea , wicked malefactors themselues , in whom iustice often preuents nature in an vntimely execution , may seem to cancell some part of their former guilt , in giuing by their submissiue patience , the strictnes of the law a iust satisfaction . and therfore without question , the sweetnes of life ought not to share so great a moyty in our affections , as to shut out our obedience , when either religion stands at stake , or our country craues our assistance , or iustice challengeth her prerogatiue . the other exposure of mens liues to certain death , where necessity on either hand threatens apparant ruine without repriuall , i could charitably interpret , as of sampsons designe in razing the house to his own & the philistins destruction , or of lucans and seneca's aduice in making choice of their owne death , by cutting their owne veines : but that gods almighty prouidence in our greatest designes , shewes it selfe most pregnant beyond mans expectation , & commands rather our patience than preuention . but for such vntimely and vnnaturall designes , where in the hands are made instrumentall executioners to the heart , as prickt on with the horrour of a guilty conscience , and distrust of gods fauours , neither christianitie gaue euer president , nor stoicall philosophy among all her strict axiomes a warranted precept ; as an action odious both to god & man , which begins with sin & ends with shame . which leads our discourse from the immediate cause of his death , to wit , his despaire , to the maner & qualitie of it , his shameful end . 8 shame is the sworne seruant vnto sinne , an odious but officious hagge ; whom life could neuer entertaine without sorrow , or death easily shake off , till memory forfeit her records to time , and time to obliuion . t is the misery of guilt with constraint to cherish in her bosome the childe she hates , and bequeath such a fatall issue to posteritie , whose browes shall carry the true stampe and character of her owne deformitie . and how great a soueraigntie soeuer sin might seeme to challenge in the spheare of humane nature , which our first parents by their disobedience forfeited to her iurisdiction ; yet shall in the end finde himselfe conquered , in that sinne liuing for the most part in darkenesse , shuts vp all her malice with death , while her vntoward babe shall suruiue to vpbraid her actions in the light , and arraigne her after death at the barre of iustice. had achitophel been as prouident to preuent an ill report after death , as ambitions to preserue reputation during life , he had measured his actions by a betterend , or at least in the euent directed his worst ends to a better purpose , than lose at the last cast which he was so long a winning , or haue stained the fame of his former actions with so base an execution . his eminent gifts of wisedome , howsoeuer sorded and wicked in themselues , as directed rather to his own priuate ends , than gods glorie , or the honour of the common-wealth ; might not with standing , out of a foreconceiued opinion of his worth , haue found in the common voyce , a fauourable construction . old vices commonly find welcome vnder new names ; and nothing so witty as sinne to inuent new epithets to shut out shame , and entertaine plausibilitie . luxuris and leacherie , the bane of nature , may passe currant vnder the title of good-fellowship . ignorant pride and supercilious contempt may call themselues retyred grauitie , or stout 〈◊〉 gr●…ping couetousnesse and base vsury , may finde entertainement vnder the shew of thrifty husbandry : 〈◊〉 and oppression shall be stiled seuere iustice and strict government . at least from each of these , common conniuence would make a shift to extract somewhat which might sauour of ingenuitie , to couer guilt from the strict inquisition of truth , and stoppe the harsh mouth of censure : wherein at least it should shew it selfe no lesse ingenious , than aristotle in his ethickes , who in painting out to the life his i doll 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is obserued to haue stolne the chiefest markes of many notorious vices to character one imaginary vertue . no worse , but rather better fauor , might achitophels life seeme to haue deserued , especially amongst the common rout of his inferiours , who valuing the worth of their superiours , imagine them as eminent in wisedome , as they transcend in greatnesse , as if they conceiued them fashioned in another mould , and wrought to another nature ; that the least slips or scapes which in ordinarie men wee can interprete no other than the effects of infirmitie , should in them bee thought to proceede from premeditated counsell , and mature deliberation , as critically directed to some especiall end or other in the state. but admit his sinnefull proiects had laine open to discouerie , yet sauouring of a reaching wit or seasoned with discretion , they might seeme rather amongst vulgar iudgments , the fruits of politicke preuention , than humane weaknes . our intellectuall gifts we commonly value aboue our morall vertues , and therefore hold it a smaller disparagement to be taxed of d●…shonesty than indiscretion : as if wee rather coueted an inheritance here amongst the children of this world , than to haue our names enrolled with the children of light . thus far achitophel had carried his matters in such fashion , as might speak his wisedome though not his honesty . had absolon through his aduice , aduanced himself to the throne of israel , his notorious treason had passed for profound policy ; neither could the world euer tearme that act treason , which is of a king , or for a kings promotion . had achitophels proiect falne below expectation ( as he did afterward ) it was absolons weaknesse to reiect aduice , not achitophels to suggest the best counsell . but shift the scene , and let the selfe same theater which euen now found him plotting absolons aduancement , contriuing the meanes and manner of his owne death ; and you would imagine him all this while but to haue personated a wise man , and now in the end to resume his proper habit : like a certain beast of scythia recorded by pliny in his naturall history , whom he reports to be able to change himself into all variety of shapes & colours , yet returning to his owne forme , expresses the resemblance of an asse . a good embleme of a wicked politician , who sitting as it were at the sterne of state , & holding the helme in his hands , must of necessity vary himself a thousand wayes to obey all winds , & second all tides . but nature , which is the worst dissembler of guilty actions , will one time or other betray it selfe to discouery , or atleast plain-dealing death wil strip him naked , & lay him open vnto shame , & leaue him as a fool to mens cōtempt & gods vengeance shame & reproach , the most vnwelcom guests to achitophel in his life , are here inuited as friends to bear him to his sepulchre ; & the kind & maner of death most odious to god & man , is thought the safest and sweetest in his foolish choice . among so many waies wherby euery man may make himself a passage to death , he must needs chuse the worst , to dye as a dogge on a tree , and make himself guilty aswel of his shamefull death , as the ignominious motiue . death is the cōmon destinie of mankind ; to feare or wish for death , is the mark of a coward & shame of a man. to end our course of life in a warm bed , is natures tribute , and the crown of siluer haires : to cancell cares in the field by the hand of an enemy , is the chance of war , & the honour of a souldier : to die by the sentence of iustice & stroke of the executioner , is a satisfaction of the law , & expiation of the guilt . but to die out of cowardise & despair , to die by the enforced violence of our own hands , to die as a theefe on a tree , not expiating the guilt of sin by giuing satisfaction to the law , or affording nature any right in expectation ; & , which is more than all the rest , to quit the vexations of this world , to incurre greater in the next , & to treade with vnresolued feet that vnknown path of death , whose cōmon entrance shuts vp in as doubtfull an end , as celestiall ioyes & infernall torments ; what settled iudgement will not brand with the odious blot of extreamest folly ? in sight and comparison of which , the greatest vanitie in the world should lose her name & seeme discretion . here may we see the weaknes of humane wisedom tutored by temptation , & directed by the cōmon enemy of mankind ; as the strength of sampson ouer mastred by the wiles of dalilah ; which cōmonly affords the owner no greater courtesie than confusion , & their names and memorie no other trophee , than a liuing shame , or a lying sepulchre . which by occasion directs our enquiry to the third & last action , preordained ( as it seemes ) by himselfe in his life , but executed by his friends after death , his pompous buriall : hee was buried in the sepulchre of his fathers . 9 whether this last action of achitophel bee rather to bee ascribed to achitophel himselfe , as prescribed by his last will & testament ; or to his children as their last duty & obligation to their dead parent , we will make no long dispute . it seemes an act of both , wherin either partie may share an interest , as commanded by the one , & executed by the other . from each obseruation may be copied out vnto vs some vseful doctrine for instruction . in achitophels prouidence in seeking to preserue his name & memorie , in so fleight a trophee as a stone or statue , we may reade the shallow reach of many politicians of our age , ambitiously setting vp their garnished sepulchres in churches & high places , as idols of admiration to bee worshipt by ignorant spectators : which , notwithstanding in a iudicious censure , liue only for a time to vpbraid their folly , and fall after a time into the dust & ashes , as the rotten bones they shrowd vp in obliuion . enuious time which hath eaten out the workemanship of so many famous architects , & left not so much as stones or ruines for antiquitie to boast , or posterity to admire by the mouth of history , his best secretary , might hane discouered the weaknesse of such considence , as grounds it self on such vncertainties . babel the greatest ambition of humane industry , vndertaken ( as it were ) by the ioynt handicraft of mankinde , neither by disparitie of religions , or difference of languages as yet diuided into factions ; wherein ( as philo iudaeus notes , and holy scriptures not obscurely intimate ) the chiefest men of ranke and estimation in engrauen stones sought to preserue their memory ; what other legacie in her fal hath shee bequeathed to our obseruation , than the want of discouery , the whetstone of diligent antiquaries , & tortures of the most curious inquisition ? how much better is the content of a quiet conscience , grounded on the assurance of gods promises for future happines , than such painted sepulchers , which present in a maner , nothing to posterity but their own ruines , and their founders weaknesse . neuerthelesse , from this officious care of achitophels children toward their deceased father , may christians bee taught the reuerend respect they owe to the ashes of their dead ancestors . the raising vp of monumentall statues to the memory of others , ought we rather to interpret the duety of posterity , than the ambition of our deceased parents : yet in such wise , that they ought rather to humble vs , with the thought of mortality , than puffe vs vp with glory of our parents nobility . neither can such monuments , besids shame & infamie , ( if erected to wicked men ) expresse any other than the common epithaph of mankinde . that he liued and died . the greatest tyrant in the world can command no more ; the poorest beggar can challenge to himselfe no lesse . hitherto , beloued , hath my discourse , seconded by your fauourable attention , followed achitophel through the by-paths and indirect passages of his life & actions , from the beginning of his conspiracy with absolon , to his shamefull death and pompous sepulchre : whose story deseruing a more able discouery than my poore discription , out of all these circumstances , will minister this one true and vndoubted corrolary : that honesty is the best policie . when worldly policy commonly hides her selfe in darknes , and proteus like , transformes her selfe into a thousand shapes , to auoide discouery ; this one only dares boldly aduenture in the light , and iustifie all her actions : this one , couets no other likenesse than her owne , as not ashamed to present her face to view and censure . finally , this alone , is sufficient to preserue a competent estate in this life , and after death aduance vs to christs glorious kingdome , where we shall raigne with him for euer amongst the saints in heauen . to which kingdome &c. deo triuni laus in aeternum . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a18021-e340 part●… ●… . part part 3. a plea for the bringing in of irish cattel, and keeping out of fish caught by foreigners together with an humble address to the honourable members of parliament of the countries of cornwal and devon, about the advancement of tin, fishery, and divers manufactures / by john collins. collins, john, 1625-1683. 1680 approx. 100 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 22 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34002 wing c5379 estc r18891 11751764 ocm 11751764 48596 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34002) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48596) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 486:35) a plea for the bringing in of irish cattel, and keeping out of fish caught by foreigners together with an humble address to the honourable members of parliament of the countries of cornwal and devon, about the advancement of tin, fishery, and divers manufactures / by john collins. collins, john, 1625-1683. [4], 38 p. printed by a. godbid and j. playford, london : 1680. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tariff -england. ireland -commerce. 2005-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-03 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a plea for the bringing in of irish cattel , and keeping out of fish caught by foreigners . together with an humble address to the honourable members of parliament of the counties of cornwal and devon , about the advancement of tin , fishery , and divers manufactures . by john collins , accomptant to the royal fishery company . e reg. soc. philomath . london , printed by a. godbid and j. playford , and are sold by langley curtis in goat-court on ludgate-hill , 1680. to the raeder . courteous reader , the royal fishery company having lost a stock of 11000 l. chiefly by reason six of their seven doggers , ( whereof three were new built ) together with their ladings , were taken in 1676 by the french , were forced in july last to sell their vessels and stores to one mr. benjamin watson merchant , with whom some others of the said company were induced to adventure , ( by reason of encouragements like to be obtained in the last long parliament , and yet hoped for ) to renew a small fishery ( as a basis to a greater ) to supply london with cod from about michaelmas to lady-day . now for as much as such little fishery is blasted in the bud with any fresh loss , and cannot thrive without keeping out foreign fish , which were prohibited by the irish act , and the said act is ceased , and now under consideration of the honourable house of commons to be renewed ; it was necessary to offer what concerns the fishery , yea and when the welfare of a nation is at stake , it is but seasonable for any one that wisheth its prosperity , especially one that hath been chief clerk in his majesty's late council of plantations , where arguments of like kind were winnowed , to propound his sentiments . these considerations begot the following discourse : which expects to meet with many opponents . but there 's an able pen in a treatise now at the press hath undertook to be an advocate for the importation of irish cattle : and i not knowing what arguments he insists on , nor consulting him , and hearing his book is large , and fearing it may come out too late , when the debate is over ; took the opportunity to offer some sudden thoughts about the same , to prevent ( if it may be ) the fatal subversion of the trade of england , which will thence ensue , as is herein shewed by a well-wisher to its prosperity , john collins . a plea for the bringing in of irish cattle , and keeping out of fish caught by foreigners , &c. foreign fish are kept out by an act for the encouragement of trade , of 15. reg. car. 2. the epitome whereof is , that after the first of august , 1664. no fresh herring , fresh cod or haddock , coal fish or gull fish , is to be imported , but in english-built ships or vessels , according to the certificate , the master and three fourths of the mariners to be english , and which hath been fished , caught , and taken in such ships or vessels , and not bought of strangers , on forfeiture of the vessel and fish , one moiety to his majesty , and the other moiety to the informer . foreign salt fish though is to pay as followeth : l. s. d. cod fish the barrel — 0 5 0 consequently the last of 12 barrels — 3 0 0 the hundred cont . 120 — 0 10 0 cole fish the hundred of 120 — 0 5 0 ling the hundred of 120 — 1 0 0 white herring the last — 1 16 0 haddock the barrel — 0 2 0 gull fish the barrel — 0 2 0 by the said act every head of great scotch cattle imported after the 24 th of august , and before the 20 th of december , in any year , is to pay 20 s. one moiety to the informer , and the other to the poor of the parish . this act is in force , and by vertue of it stock fish not being caught by our vessels , are barr'd out . and by the act against importing irish cattle , 18. reg. car. 2. no great cattle , sheep , or swine , or any beef , pork , or bacon , ( except sailing provisions ) are to be imported from beyond sea after the second of february , 1666. hence westphalia hams are barr'd out . by the said act no ling , herring , cod , or pilchard , fresh or salted , dried or bloated , or any salmon , eels , or congers ; taken by any foreigners , are to be imported or sold on penalty of losing the same , the one half to the informer , the other to the poor of the parish ; and the same penalty is on flesh before-mentioned . this act is expired , and is now endeavoured to be rendred perpetual . the query may be , what clauses ought to be renewed ? and with what exceptions ? and for what reason fish or other commodities ought to be kept out ? the reason we take to be this : those provisions or wares that england doth or may afford , enough , good , and to spare , ought not for our own expence to be imported or admitted from abroad . the argument thus limitted is granted , with two cautions : the first is , provided one part can supply another without great inconvenience . the other is , that there be some grains of allowance for delight or ornament , besides necessity . hence we having no stock-fish , which being never salted is of great use in east-india , and long voyages , that ought to come in : as to cavair or roes of sturgeon , and sturgeon it self from the sound ; potargoe's , or roes of mullets and anchova's from italy , they were never barr'd ; and westphalia hams being chiefly for the city treats , may be admitted under the exception of delight . to which i shall not add three vessels of eels that usually and yearly come laden from holland , but leave it to the parties concerned : and these being permitted , all other fish caught by strangers that were not by the former acts admitted , may be kept out though the irish act seems to be built upon the reason abovesaid , yet i have heard of another motive thereof ; to wit , after his majesty's restauration much money was raised to disband the army , to releive his majesty , and pay his debts , and vast sums brought out of the country in specie , to carry on the first dutch war. the country finding the want of money , the returns whereof were much obstructed by the plague in 1665. whence also the expence and price of provisions much fell , began to complain we wanted people , and to consider by what means it was possible to get the money to return again into the country . some alledged there was no better way of doing it than by keeping out all foreign flesh and fish , to the end london paying dear for their provisions , the same would not only rise in price , but hasten the return of the money : adding for reason , that as long as provisions were cheap , people would be lazy and forbear work ; and that the way to raise both land and provisions was to reduce interest of money to a low rate . and these reasons , with the first about england's plenty prevailing , an act passed , prohibiting god's blessings . others have undertaken to shew the ill consequences thereof , and therefore i shall not engage in it , farther than to add two or three arguments ( that perchance are not obvious to them ) as a means to occasion better measures to be taken , than to pass this act , at least for any long time or perpetual . the first argument . the right honourable the lord brereton lately deceased , lent me a paper to peruse , that was a copy of a report of the irish council of trade , intended to be presented to his excellency the lord lieutenant and council of ireland , dated march 26 , 1673. in obedience to an order of council of jan. 20 , 1672. concerning the trade and state of that kingdom ; what were its aggreivances , and the remedies . amongst other articles i find divers relating to england , which are inserted at large into this discourse , to wit , in article 15. it is alledged , that ireland pays a yearly debt to england of about 200000 l. in article 16. 't is said , that while the cattel-trade for live oxen and sheep was open , the value of all the cattel exported to england never exceeded 140000 l. per annum , whereof 60000 l. per annum was commodity , to wit , hides , tallow , wool , and freight , so we had but 80000 l. in flesh : in lieu whereof , they had goods from england to about three or four times the value , that is , 280000 l. and article 17. the customs between england and ireland in the freest trade , are said to come to 32000 l. per annum , as appears by their custom-house books . and therefore after a harangue of some hard measures in article 13. come to a result in these words article 17. that about one third of all the imported manufactures might be made in ireland , and that about two thirds of the remainder might be more conveniently had from foreign parts than out of england : and consequently it is scarce necessary at all for ireland to receive any goods out of england , and not convenient to receive above one fourth from thence of the whole which it needeth to import , the value whereof is under 100000 l. per annum . the case being thus , 't is highly our interest to admit not only irish cattel , but all their commodities , to keep them by agreement , on equitable terms ( hereafter propounded ) from furnishing foreigners ; their hides were formerly wrought into shoes , and exported to the plantations ; as also tallow . and as to their wool , if they are permitted to export it , either manufactured or unmanufactured , it will in time ruine all the wool and cloth trade of england , for now they feed on their lean cattel , export their fat , and increase their flocks of sheep . in sum , ireland can and doth sell to foreigners wool , hides , tallow , flesh , and fish , at about one moiety of what england can afford them at ; and seeing our lead and tin are also in a very declining condition , as is hereafter shewed , it follows , that this must be redressed , or our commodities lie on our hands : the merchants in their humble remonstrance in 1659. to the then pretended parliament , represented it as their judgment ; that for as much as the ground of ireland was of far less value than that of england , an acre there nor being worth 4 s. which is here worth 40 s. and provisions so much cheaper , and consequently the labours of men ; they might afford their commodities one half cheaper than the english can do : so that in time , if this were not redressed , ireland would get all the trade from england ; but if not , 't is better to trade with them on an over-ballance than not at all ; and better to lessen their markets abroad , than quite to obstruct our furnishing the same : whence the query resulting is this : have we , or is it fit we should have , a power over ireland , to hinder them from selling their commodities in foreign parts , when we will not have them our selves ? if we have , it is not well observed , of which take the following narrative . mr. euclid speidell a custom-house officer , informs , that in the year 1678. there were 40 ships lading of wool shipp'd off from ireland , that according to cockets ought to be unladen in england , but none of it arrived here ; the contents he certainly knew not : but according to a moderate supposition , mr. poyntz , his majesty's tapestry-maker , hath given the following calculation ; to wit , 40 ships or vessels at 40 tuns each is 1600 tuns , which will employ 29458 men , women , and children , for a year , allowing 3 persons to a pound of wool for a day ; in some of the faculties of carding , spinning , combing , weaving , dying , and dressing , which at 6 d. each per diem comes to 268804 l. per annum . and according to mr. poyntz all these faculties may be estimated to employ 96000 persons for a year , who may earn in that time at moderate rates 750000 l. which if wrought beyond sea , is not only so much loss to his majesty's native subjects , but as much gain to foreigners , besides the loss of navigation and money , if the same should come in upon us . the second argument . secondly , suppose that act pass , and irish cattel are barr'd out ; and this in favour to the western and northern parts , or breeding grounds : i say , his majesty and the eastern and southern parts are for the present the losers ; and in the event the nation shall have no fishery , nor by consequence be able to contest the dominion of the sea. of each severally . 1. his majesty loseth most of the customs of 32000 l. a year before-mentioned ; and also much by the over-dearness of provisions for his navy , which are twice as dear at home , as our neighbours over the water are furnished with them from ireland ( as followeth ) , in so much that if another war at sea should happen , the nation in this respect must soon groan under it as an unsupportable burthen . 2. the kingdom loseth the navigation between england and ireland and consequently the employment of three or four hundred sail of ships and vessels , and the breeding of mariners to manage them , whereof ( alas ! ) we have too few . 3. the eastern and southern parts have lost their victualling of the dutch , and of our own merchant-men , as may be plentifully proved from the searchers office at the custom-house , and 't is already asserted in print , that our ships for the most part , westerly or southerly bound , victual here but for six weeks , and take in the rest of their provisions in ireland , or irish provisions in spain , according to contract made for the same : whereupon i put this querie ? shall english ships be permitted to victual in ireland or not ? if yea , then our provisions are not spent at home , contrary to the hypothesis in keeping cattel out ; and our money must be returned to purchase them there . if the english shall not be allowed to victual there , i further enquire , shall the irish be permitted to carry their provisions abroad , or sell them to strangers at home , or both ? have we power to impose upon them . if they shall be permitted to carry them abroad , our provisions cannot obtain foreign vend , as being much dearer than theirs : and when they export their provisions they will also export their commodities , and furnish their returns . of this take the following instance ; to wit , a sea commander captain swaine informes , that for 5 years past there were seldom less than 20 irish ships frequently at dunkirk , laden with beef , tallow , hides and leather , much butter and some wool ; and that all the capers or privateers during that time were furnished with these provisions . that divers other irish ships furnisht ostend : and many of them he hath seen at nants , burnes , rochel . that at dunkirk , the irish sold their provisions at the following rates . tallow and butter the hundred weight , from 20 to 22 livers , that is , from 30 s. to 33 s. whereas 100 l. of butter cannot but cost dearer here , a liver may be reckoned at 18 pence , and 10 stivers to a shilling , there is no great disparity in weight , 100 l. there makes 104 l. here . a barrel of beef weighing about 2 hundred and a half , from 12 to 23 livers ; that is , from seven and six pence , to thirteen and eight pence the hundred weight . tann'd leather from 14 to 18 stivers a pound weight , that is , from 16 pence to 21 pence . that there was imported but little provisions besides corn from england , to wit butter ; by which there was no great gain . cod , salmon , and herrings , abound most plentifully on the irish coasts , insomuch that some years there hath been seen at wexford , no less than 200 sail of ships at a time , part english , part french , but most dutch , taking in herrings and other provisions , where a mesh of herrings containing about 500 is commonly sold for four shillings , often under , and sometimes higher , and about two mesh fill a barrel , moreover cod at other places are sold for 4 d. or 5 d. a peece . so that if this be permitted , and no redress found , it will be a folly to catch any herrings in the channel , in hopes of a profit by sending them to spain or into the streights , when at yarmouth the first cost of a barrel of herrings is above double the value they cost at wexford , one mr. jared hancock , and others will attest the assertion . the third argument . hence we must either allow ireland a free trade with others , to the subversion of the cloth trade of england , and the incredible prejudice of the fishery , and of trade and staple commodities in general ; or by agreement with them on equitable terms , ( hereafter propounded ) get so high a duty of customs laid on their commodities as may , if exported by foreigners or by themselves , unless to england , render them of equal or rather higher value than the like commodities in england , and then take off as many of them as we can , and furnish them to others ( after improvement here ) at the second hand , the latter ( if we will avoid our own destruction ) is the choice to be made . hence their cattel , &c. ought not to be refused ; and in what else can they pay england the debt before mentioned , and over ballance of trade . the fourth argument . the prime reason for barring foreign commodities holds not in this case . the irish cattel in question , with their hides , tallow and wool , are not so much imported for our expence , as to ship off , to furnish foreign markets withal , and are received in payment of an annual debt , which cannot be well otherwise returned from ireland . lastly , if we ought not for our own expence to be furnished with commodities from abroad , that we can supply our selves with at home , then ought we to have no foreign salt , iron , brass , paper , tapestry-hangings , canvas , linnen , earthen-wares , madders , safflore , smalt , hard soap , tinned plates , and divers other commodities of lesser moment imported , and no salt petre from the east indies , nor sugar from portugal , seeing our own plantations will afford it . and if we admit these great concerns from strangers , 't is more fit his majesties subjects should have a free trade with one another , for matters of far less moment : as to that straw , that unless provisions be dear the people will be lazy , and will not work . answer , 't is granted necessity begets industry , yet notwithstanding if some will be idle , it follows not that all or the major part will be so : poor people must either work , beg , or steal ; if the latter , besides saving the almes of the parish , there are houses of correction and punishment . moreover goodness and cheapness are the main inducements to put off any commodity : and it canot be well apprehended how labour shall be cheap and work plenty where provisions are dear , where the one riseth the other doth so likewise : as at london and in other places where provisions are dearest labor is dearest : and this assertion is contrary to experience in memory , to wit , before the year 1640. provisions were much cheaper than they are now , and labour likwise , and work more plentifull , for then we had a great trade ; and about 60 ships of about 400 or 500 tuns burthen employed in the streights , which afterwards in 1659. came to be reduced to 6 or thereabouts , as the city represented to olivers council : whereas on the contrary at present we have so little work that many thousands of families of salt-workers , rope-makers , weavers , dryers , potters , tanners , &c. have no employment . and to make provisions dear as a means to make the poor work , is the ready way to drive them into foreign plantations , where they may either have greater wages for their pains , or ground for plantations given them by the law of the country . those that are for grinding and made the objection , i suppose would not willingly undergo a mean comfortless drudgery themselves . as to that allegation about a low rate of interest , to the intent lands and provisions may rise in value : 't is granted and affirmed , that according to the laws of arithmetick for yearly purchases , if money be at 4 in the hundred , land should be at 25 years purchase ; and at 5 in the hundred at 20 years purchase : though the effect doth not always follow the supposed cause : as in the year 1640. when money was at 8 per centum , and land should have been worth but 12 and a half years purchase , yet it was commonly sold for 20 years purchase ; whence take this sorites . if land rises , the commodities the land yields must also rise , otherwise the tenant cannot pay his rent . this rising-price must be paid either at home or abroad , if neither , consequently a low rate of interest cannot advance the price of lands . cloth , lead , and tin , are our chief staple commodities : and whether these will bear a considerable rising price abroad or at home , is the querie : 1. as for cloth , i hear the merchants hazard is great and gain little ; and it was more formerly : this saith mr. baker , an eminent merchant in a book of the spanish and smyrna trade , printed in 1659. page 13. intituled the merchants petition and remonstrance . the clothiers and others complain against the merchants in general , that they take not off and buy their cloathes , and other their manufactures : nor give them such prices for them whereby they may make a livelyhood . but the turky merchants complaints are very great , because they are rather losers than gainers by the sales of their cloth , ( on which commodity i lately lost 10 per cent out of my principal on an hundred cloaths , well bought and sorted , that i sent to smyrna : ) and to put off our cloth we are now forced to remit quantities of monies to purchase the commodities of those countries ; which tendeth very much to the consumption of the english stock . at that time the turks besieging candy , in reason cloth should have sold dearer than now , when they are far in the inland country , and when turky is supplyed with the cloth of germany by the venetians . 2. as to lead , mr. baker page 8. saith , that during the late ( usurper's ) war with spain , the spaniards wanting lead employed those that had skill in mines , who presently found most excellent mines by xaen , and since they have needed little of ours from 1634 to 1646. saith capt. thomas bushell , that great miner , in his case printed in 1649. pag. 13.3 or 4 thousand tuns yearly raised , was and now is the trade and customs , both by transportation and importation . 3. concerning tin , i have heard divers merchants of late years affirm , they could not get the interest of their principal by it ; and when the debate about tin farthings happened , the pewterers affirmed , that there was 22000 l. worth of tin at smyrna remaining , that had been some years in the hands of one mr. pythorne , a factor there , that he could not sell to any advantage ; and it 's well known that tin was never so cheap at home , nor more of it lying on our hands than now , albeit his majesty ever since 1666. hath received no benefit by his prerogative of praeemption , nor is like to have any for the future ; whereas in former times it was farmed at 12000 l. per annum rent . the case being thus , give me leave to make a digression about the improvement of our native commodities . endeavours have been on foot to restore this fallen branch of the revenue by farming it of his majesty , and coming to a composition with the miners of cornwal to take off all the tin the mines yeild , or at least 1200 tuns per annum , but there were two rubs in the way ; the one was , the convocation could not well come to such an agreement , till an act of parliament was obtained to bind all particular miners to stand to such contract as the said convocation should make : the other was , the farmers would not undertake such bargain without covenanting with his majesty , to supply england , ireland , and the plantations , with tin farthings , a pound weight of them to be cut into 16 pence , that by the profit of these farthings the farmers might be enabled to pay their rent . this design was opposed by the mint as a gross cheat and an abuse to be put upon the nation . amongst many things alledged against tin farthings : i shall enumerate some of the most material , as 1. that a metal might be made whiter and harder than tin of poysonous ingredients , viz. spelter , arsenick , regulus of antimony , &c. 2. that such metal , when worn , would not yeild above two pence a pound , or little more , and no pewterer durst use it , as being contrary to law. 3. that tin farthings might be coyned with a hammer , cast in a mold , squeezed in a vice , and be counterfeited by any tinker , plummer , smith , glasier , tinman , watchmaker , &c. 4. hence a query was put to the farmers , whether they would change all that were brought them or not , good or bad , either made by themselves or others ? and if so , who should allow the country and city brewers their charges , in sending them up to london in drays and wagons , with tellers ? 5. they refusing , it was inferred , that if tin farthings were established , his majesty must receive his revenue of excise ( and the duke of york his postage ) in tin farthings , in regard a brewer cannot avoid the taking of much money in tin farthings at home of tub-women and firkin-men , and abroad of the ale-house-keepers that are his customers . these arguments ruined that wretched design , and i pray let it sleep in its rubbish . afterwards one mr. vane deceased , proposed a design to make tin the fundus of a bank ; to be managed for his majesty's advantage by commissioners that were able merchants , that could pay the miners by contract for the tin quarterly , and be reimbursed by sales , when it should bear a price , or by others that would have credit in the said bank : and his majesty to promote the same , bought up 60000 l. of tin when it was cheap , to wit , at 3 l. 8 s. 6. d. the hundred weight , of which this was the event : the plot breaking out , and the parliament not sitting , such contract could not be made with the miners ; and the said tin , after it had with warehouse room , and interest of stock , cost about 3 l. 16 s. the hundred weight , was sold at the african-house for about 3 l. the hundred weight , or little more ; and those that bought it so , shipp'd off most of it to holland , and are ruined by the bargain . and the cause is this : the east-indies abounds with tin , which the dutch buy there at about 5 d. a pound , and bring it home for ballast freight free ; and they have brought home so much in former years , as to bring down the price of ours . see a book of the east-india trade printed in 1667. where in pag. 9. you have this passage : as for tin , there is vast quantities in some parts of india , the dutch during the time of the late proeemption of tin having brought home in two years 4 or 500 tuns : and it might be more advantagious to the english company , not only to transport tin from one part of india to another , rather than to send it from england ; but also to bring tin from india to england , for ballast of their ships that come with pepper from bantam , did they not prefer the kingdoms interest before their private profit . the dutch , in august 1678. brought home , as a letter from holland mentions , above 150 tuns , which is said to be 5 s. a hundred weight better than ours ; and at first sold it at 3 l. 5 s. the hundred weight , then fell to 3 l. then to 2 l. 15 s. and ours would not sell for above 2 l. 10 s. the case being thus , to apply a remedy i must humbly address my self to the honourable the members of parliament that serve for the counties of devon and cornwal ; and propound , that whereas we now in england make salt the best yet known in the world , and are notwithstanding much oppressed by foreign salt ; to redress which , the salt-workers have for many years endeavoured to bring on a small excise on our own , to recompence his majesty for the loss of the customs of foreign , to be kept out by a high duty . 1. that you be pleased no longer to oppose such excise , upon pretence that our english salt will not cure your pilchards . i have a treatise of salt ready for the press , shewing the several ways of making of salt in england and other countries , and setting forth the excellency and manner of using our own in curing both flesh and fish , for the longest of voyages through the hottest of climates . 2. that you vouchsafe to make use of such opportunity to remove all burthens upon tin , as well sealing duty of 4 s. a hundred weight , which may come to 5000 l. per annum ( except a competent recompence to the officers for sealing such as is free from iron and dross , according to constitution ; ) as also exporting duty of 7 s. 4 d. a hundred , which may come to 7000 l. a year , or more . 3. that then a farm of all the tin the mines produce , be let to the turky and pewterer's company ; the one will so regulate the price abroad , and the other at home , that we shall not be undermined by the dutch. this done , the said companies may erect a safe bank , and not be damaged , albeit they have tin on their hands to a vast quantity and value . the advantages of banks are great , whereof i shall mention but one ; it enables the hollanders to trade with a dead stock : to wit , when a laden ship arrives , the goods are appraised , deposited in the bankers ware-houses and credit given at home or in foreign parts , for about three quarters of their value ; which is an incredible advantage in trade . i further humbly represent to you , that in the usurper's time an excise of a half peny a gallon brought in 26000 l. per annum when fishery-salt was excepted , and paid nothing , the which was observed to be a notable back door and a cloak to many fallacious pretences , whereas laying the duty universal , the revenue raised by fishery salt , being employed for the advantage of a fishery trade , shall much more advance the design , than the payment of such duty can hinder it , especially seeing our neighbours cannot be furnisht with salt for that purpose so good and cheap , as we by 12 or 15 per cent ; and in case the same be employed in the royal fishery company at london , out-parts may complain their fisheries are discouraged ; to which may be replied that at london a duty is paid upon ballast , but not the like in the out-ports or most of them , where a revenue may be levied on ballast to promote their respective fisheries ; and if such duty be laid universal and well managed it may produce 38000 or 40000 l. a year . and such a stock as that employed to encourage our manufactures , shall enrich the nation much above a million a year ; i offer how and most humbly move you to promote : 1. in setting up a fishery company , to have 10000 l. a year given them , to build ships and vessels to encourage adventurers to undertake the fishery trade , and the making of twine nets , canvas , and cordage , at clerkenwell work-house , not only for their own use , but also for his majesties stores ; as is hereafter propounded . and if they be rendred a council of trade , ( for which reasons are afterwards given , why they are or may be a most proper constitution , ) they will go far in earning such benevolence , and doubtless give such advice as followed shall redress the aggreivances of the nation about trade and manufactures . 2. there is a new art of preparing , whitening , and dressing both of hemp and flax , that shall render it of a silver colour , so fine that of one pound of it a thread may be made 20 miles long , and in value to 50 s. or 3 l. hence we want no foreign linnen nor canvas , which may be barr'd out by a high duty . of the refuse or tow thereof , of raggs , old fishery netts and sails , may be made paper ; whereof we spend in england in writing and printing , about 1000 reams a day , or to the value of 120000 l. per annum . good paper is made in germany and holland ; and the art thereof is attained in england ; but to encourage the same here , there wants a higher duty on foreign paper ; and a company with a good stock to undertake the same ; the which might be the stationers company , with other adventurers ; to whom for encouragement might be allowed the use of 5000 l. per annum gratis ; to be taken out in stationary wares for the supply of all his majesties offices . 3. by the like encouragement , the upholsterers with others might be induced to undertake the manufacture of tapistry hangings , the benefit of gaining such manufacture is great , viz. 1. it will save an expence of foreign wool , and beget an expence of our own , to the value of one hundred thousand pounds per annum , now imported in tapestry-hangings . 2. it will cause our cloaths to go off in turkey in barter , to procure raw silk to work up with the said hangings . 3. it will in the ballance of trade save the value of such hangings yearly to the nation , and in time become a staple commodity to ship off , in regard we can have wool , silk , and provisions , much cheaper here than in flanders , and brabant , the sole provinces where this manufacture was formerly made , the skill whereof is now well attained in england ; but encouragement in its infancy by keeping out foreign , and a stock to carry it on , is wanting . 4. it will employ many thousands of poor people in carding , combing , and spinning , besides dyers , weavers , worsted-workers , drawers , and d●signers . see the excellent proposal in print of mr. francis poyntz , his majesty's tapistry-maker . 5. the parliament having lately built 30 men of war , 't is hazardous to trust them and many more in the river of medway ; and besides , their moorage and attendance is very chargeable : a wet dock would add much to their safety , and prevent much of the constant charge a proposal may be drawn where to make such a dock , with a pool behind it wherein to keep masts sunk , and at what charge ; which might be defrayed out of the excise upon salt. lastly , if there be yet a surplus , the revenue of the mint craves it ; the said revenue was much too short for coyning any considerable quantity of our moneys into smaller pieces than shillings , even before the prohibition of french wines , ( which paid 10 s. a tun coynage-duty ) and became a notable abridgment of such revenue , namely , 6000 l a year . moreover to coyn more moneys small , is the best way to accommodate the people , and prevent its exportation . now , after a long digression , having shewed that our commodities will not yeild the intended rising price abroad , it seems ridiculous to suppose they should rise , lying on our hands at home . i proceed to shew the languishing condition of our foreign trade , and that in opposition to those gross ignorant flatterers , that say , england was never more thriving , our trade never greater , nor safer , and so endeavour to beget an enmity in the gentry , or country party , against the city , the merchants , and trading part of the nation . as to our ready money , if we have about 7000000 of people in england and wales , as mr. graunt , sir william petty , and others , on rational grounds suppose , and but 1000000 of ready money , as mr. mun , and others , guess ; these , if equally distributed , would not be 3 s. a piece . as to our foreign trade , i begin with that of the east-india , where the dutch have not less than 50 or 60 men of war , and such vast numbers of trading ships , that it 's ordinary to see 140 sail at a time in batavia road , from 300 tuns burthen to 1400 tuns , not to mention 37 magazines , and 20 considerable forts , as we read , asserted in the printed translations of two french treatises of the east-india trade . how small our number of trading ships thither is , ( to wit , 15 or 16 ) and how great our danger ▪ i need not to mention . as to the west-india trade , they have in a former war got surinam from us , which ( as the late lord brereion affirmed ) hath sometimes yeilded about 3000 tuns of sugar in a year , and will yeild as much of that commodity , tobacco , &c. as they can get hands to plant and manage , and being on the main , is more free from hurricanes , and more temperate , than the leeward islands ; amongst the westwardmost of which , they have one called curasao , the mart for their negro's ; amongst the eastwardmost they have tabago , and claim two little islands from us , to wit , sabia , and stacia aliàs eustachia , near st. christopher's , which the french took from us in 1666. and by the treaty of breda were to restore , but baffled us ▪ selling them to the dutch , from whom our governour collonel stapleton took them in 1673. and the dutch under everson retook them in 1674. he being gone , valiant stapleton retook them the same year ; and on the conclusion of the last peace with the dutch , it not being known ( as is presumed ) that they were in our hands , we agreed to restore what was taken from them , and they what was took from us ; accordingly they restored to us new york , and expect to have sabia and stacia from us , which , if we keep , will do us no good ; but if we restore much hurt , for whilst the dutch had them , they framed the timbers of sloops in holland , carried them thither in the holds of their ships , and there compleatly built them , a sloop being a vessel of about 25 or 30 tuns burthen , and with these they went a trading by stealth to replenish our almost-ruin'd islands with negro's in barter for commodities , to wit , cottons , sugar , tobacco , indigo , ginger , fustick , and other dying stuffs ; and by vertue of such trade with the french which they allow , and with us by stealth or connivance , they have some years laden home many ships , as 12 or more , of goods of the growth of those islands ▪ to his majesty's great loss in the customs , and carrying them home into holland , and thence exporting most of them to foreign markets almost custom free , were capacitated to under-sell us 12 or 15 per cent . and 't is their chiefest aim in getting islands there not so much to plant , as to drive on this kind of trade . how great our loss of negro's and inhabitants was in 1666. off the islands of st. christophers , montserat , and antego , is not so proper to mention as bewail , in regard the french have more islands full mann'd , and a considerable fleet commonly abroad in those parts . thus we see the danger of our west-india trade , except that of newfound-land , for poor jack in which we are undermined by the french , and new englanders by aid of 1000 of our own seamen that stay'd there on shoar in 1665. to avoid the service against the dutch , where in a following years expedition our damage was so much , that the town of dartmouth alone lost 8000 l. but of this more largely in my salt treatise . before i come to our streights trade , let us consider the dutch advantages over us at home , did they trade meerly not to export again , which are these : 1. their ships lying for the most part at or near their own doors or ware-houses , they save lighterage and cartage . 2. they save interest of money , not paying duties there 'till a sale , whereas here we pay customs upon entry . 3. their 7 provinces , switzerland and germany , spend more imported goods than england can spend ; these countreys are furnished by boats and vessels , some of 40 tuns , that go above 500 miles up the rhine , as far as franckfort , which is not now hard to do by aid of towing engins in boats. the late lord brereton affirmed , the french make way up the river rhodanus , one of the most rapid hitherto known , by a new invention , after the rate of 4 or 5 miles an hour . 4. down these rivers they are furnished with rhenish wines , and other german commodities , in large flat-bottom'd vessels built of great timber , never intended to return , out of which they build their doggers , busses , and fishery vessels , at about half the rate we can do the like in england . 5. their bank enables them to borrow money , and to trade with a dead stock , that is , goods there deposited : by aid of such bank , they in former years furnished about 80 sail of trading merchants ships in the streights of about 600 tun , and 30 guns each , with a stock of ready money to be let out at bottomree ; that is to say , the money is lent to jews , upon taking in a cargo of goods at one port , at the rate of 10 per cent . for interest and freight , less or more , according to agreement , the owners to run all hazards whatsoever of shipwrack , pirates , &c. and when the ship arrives at the port whereto she is bound , the money is received on board before the goods are delivered on shoar : in the mean while the owners ensure at a moderate rate at home , by this means sending out their ships with east-india , and northern commodities of russia , the sound , &c. they keep them in long employment abroad . i have seen 40 of these kind of ships at once employed as men of war in the venetian fleet , when the english have not had above two or three ; neither have we the like way of employing our ships abroad , or little practice it . 6. the dutch trade , as carriers , to supply all foreign markets with all sorts of commodities , the english trade chiefly to export their own goods , and furnish returns for their own expence : and this comes to pass by reason we pay customs , or a duty , when we import goods , and they excise , that is a duty not paid 'till the goods are sold for expence . the disparity is so great , that it hath been the prime cause of the greatness of the dutch trade , wealth , and power at sea. in 1641. mr. lewes roberts represented to the long parliament , in his book called the treasure of traffick , two examples thereof , to wit , suppose two ships of equal burthen of 300 tuns each , to come out of the river of bourdeaux laden with wine , the one arrives at london , and pays duties inward , the other at amsterdam , and then both export ; the charges at london come to about 1200 l. and at amsterdam 60 l. and in two ships of tobacco of 200 tuns each , the charges shall be here 1000 l. and in holland 120 l. and by reason hereof the hollanders use to employ about 300 sail of ships every winter to bring in french wine and brandy to ship off again , to the quantity of 40000 tuns , by which they could not get less than 2 or 300000 l. and 200 sail more for salt. i have twice seen fleets of theirs of about 500 sail at a time in the isle of wight , whereas the english only trade for 11 or 12000 tuns of wine yearly to spend . the case being thus , and our building and sailing with more hands more chargeable , it is no wonder we do not much thrive , albeit we drive on rather a great navigation , than a profitable trade . this inconvenience was long since represented to king james by sir walter rawleigh , as we find in his little book of observations upon trade , printed in 1653. pag. 10. in these words : of this their smalness of custom ( meaning in holland , hamburgh , &c. ) inward and outward , we have daily experience ; for if two english ships , or two of any other nation , be at bourdeaux , both laden with wine of 300 tuns a piece , the one bound for holland , or any other petit states , the other for england , the merchant shall pay above 900 l. here in duties , when the other in holland shall be cleared for 50 l. and so in all other wares and merchandizes accordingly . it ought to be an instruction to a council of trade , to state an accompt thereof on every commodity . he proceeds , and saith ▪ that this draws all nations to traffick with them , and although it seems but small duties which they receive , yet the multitudes of all kind of commodities and coyn that is brought there , and carried out by themselves and others , is so great , that they receive more customs and duties to the state ( besides excise ) by the greatness of their commerce in one year , than england doth in two years , for the hundredth part of the commodities are not spent in holland , but vended into other countreys , which makes all the country merchants to buy and sell , and increase ships and mariners to transport them . my travels and meaning is , neither hath been to diminish your majesty's revenues , but exceedingly to encrease them , &c. this might be remedied , by changing that part of the duty of customs that concerns foreign goods , into an excise , to be managed in the same places , and by the same offic●rs , and that without detriment to the revenue , laying the excise upon the expence , especially of goods we may want , or best spare , high , and yet hardly raise the price of them , for where goods are plenty they will be cheap , and people will be rather content with a small profit at home , than run the hazard of a greater abroad . if the advice of our renowned hero had been followed , the dominion of the sea had never been disputed , which if once gained by our adversaries , ( as an eminent peer in his speech , well observed ) is never to be lost , or recovered ; and if so ; we might possibly be at their mercy : whether the river of thames should be stopt from coals and trade or not . that we have lost the greenland , muscovia and fishery trades , is notorious . and all this digression , is but to render gentlemen that may possibly meet with this discourse , more kind in their measures towards the trading part of the nation : especially at such a time , when our staple commodities , and forreign trades are under such circumstances : and we not out of danger of our neighbours entring into a conjunction against us . the remedy we propounded in the third argument , will destroy the greatest part of the profit , the irish could or might have had , by trading with any but our selves . we must therefore propound equitable terms of amends , namely : that whereas we are now furnished with linnen , and canvas , from forreign parts , to the value of much above a milion a year : we ought to encourage the planting of hemp , and flax , and the manufactures thereof , by keeping out forreign , both in ireland and at home : and by taking off all that ireland can furnish ▪ allbeit , it be to the value of 400 thousand pounds a year : in that commodity , and in building and fitting out ( if the fishery trade be well encouraged ) ships and fishery vessels , cordage , twine , and nets , sails , and barrels : which may be done there at cheap rates , so by that means encourage their industry ; and receive payment for the debt , payable to england aforesaid ; and for that great value of goods that used to be exported hence into ireland . and withall allow them a trade to our american plantations . this was the advice of mr. baker , and many eminent merchants , given to oliver and his council ; in 1658. as we find it , in page 14 of his book , intituled , the merchants petition and remonstrance : consented to by the lord mayor , &c. how great prudence , and right state policy were it , that all encouragements , and immunities , should be given to those of ireland , that should sow , flax , and hemp , and that the same might be made into linnen ; whereby england might become dependant on ireland for the same . which would make that country to become very rich , and flourish ; and so the wealth of these nations would be kept within themselves . and for a mutual correspondency ; all the wools of ireland , shall be brought into england : and converted into manufactures . and these manufactures exported into ireland , to pay neither custome nor excise . whereby you will still keep ireland dependant on england ; according to the practice of the king of spain , in the west-indies : where vines for wines , olave trees , for oyles will grow better than in spain . yet none are suffered to be planted , upon pain of death ; because they may keep them dependant on spain , for the commodities of their own growth , and by which comes unto them most benefit . for if they should have permitted the planting of these in the west-indies : they would not have needed that assisttance from spain . the west-indies being large territories : and the ground of little value ; and the ground of ireland , being of : far less value , than that of england ; an acre there , not being worth 4 s. which is here worth 40 s. and provisions being so much cheaper , and consequently the labours of men , they may afford their wool cheap ; which being wrought into manufactures , and that countrey better situated than england , for forreign exportations , they might afford them the one half cheaper than the english should be able to do . so that ireland in time , would get all the trade from england ; and it will be no prejudice to them , to bring their wools into england . now the price of wool , will not therefore be the cheaper in england : rather they will have thereby a greater value , because the commodities that are made of the same , will be exported again into ireland ; and , forreign parts , where the prices of these manufactures would otherwise be lessen'd . and consequently the wools , by how much they should make , and export from ireland , &c. this occasions me to say , that carolina is a plantation that yields wines , oyles , silks : as sir peter colliton , and others proved before his majesties late council of plantations . the council of trade aforesaid , in the 12 article , are desirous of an accommodation ; and thus urge . if the titles of estates in ireland , be the more hazardous and expensive , for that england , and ireland , are not under one legislative power . if ireland till now , hath been a continued charge to england ; if the reducing the last rebellion did cost england three times more in men and money , than the substance of the whole country , when reduced was worth . if it be just that men of english birth , and estates , living in ireland , should be represented in the legislative power . and that the irish should not be judged by those , who they pretend usurp their estates : it then seems just and convenient , that both kingdomes should be united , and governed by one legislative power : nor is it hard to shew how this may be made practiable ; nor to satisfie , repair , or silence those who are interested , or affected to the contrary . article 13. articles of the council of trade before mentioned , at large . in the mean time , 't is wonderfull , that men born in england ; who have lands granted to them by the king , for service done in ireland ▪ to the crown of england , when they have occasion to reside , or negotiate in england , by their countrey men , kindred , and friends , should be debarred , to bring with them food , whereupon to live . nor suffered to carry money out of ireland : nor to bring such commodities as they fetch from america directly home , but round about by england : with extream hazard , and loss , and be forced to trade only with strangers . and become unacquainted with their own countrey ; especially when england gaineth more than it losses , by a free commerce , as exported hither , above 3 times more than it receiveth form hence . insomuch , as 95 l. in england , was worth about 100 l. of the like mony in ireland , in the free time of trade . article 15. the value of the estates in ireland , of such persons as do usually live in england ; the interest of the debts of ireland , due and prayable to england : the pay of the forces of ireland , now in england ; the expence and pensions of agents , and sollicitors , commonly residing in england , about irish affairs : the expence of irish and english youths : now upon their education , beyond the seas . and lastly , the supposed profit of the two great farmes now on foot , do altogether make up more than two hundred thousand pounds a year . as a debt payable to england , out of ireland . article 16. the value of the cattel , viz. ( live oxen and sheep ) beef , and mutton : carryed out of ireland into england ; was never more than 140 thousand pounds per an . the freight , hides , tallow , and wooll , of the said live cattel ; were worth about 60 thousand pounds , of the said 140 thousand : and the value of the goods imported out of england , into ireland , when the cattel trade was free . was between triple ▪ and quadruple : the net value of the oxen , and sheeps flesh ; transported from hence , into england . concerning the new art of preparing flax , and hemp , before mentioned ; it hath formerly been imparted to divers members of parliament , in the words following . ( the proposers name , being franciscus strick , a flemming ) 1. he hath an art , to dissolve it , and make it extraordinary fine , soft , and of a silver colour ; so that both the flax , and tow , may be spun to an extraordinary fineness , and even thread . 2. the flax dressers , that dresses flax the ordinary way in all places , cannot produce more than one pound , and a quarter , out of a stone of flemish flax , which stone ways six pounds . and the proposer can produce four pounds and a half fine , out of the said six pounds ; that shall spin as fine a thread as theirs , and shall bear a price currant with the same . 3. in the dissolving , he takes nothing from the flax , but the earthy ponderous and unprofitable substance : which they must of necessity take out at last , after the great charges , in the hackling and spinning of the said flax. 4. they must boyl , or scoure their thread , or twine , after it is spun , to take out that filthiness , which the proposer takes out before : and in so doing , they lose out of every pound of twine , one quarter of a pound ; which is more worth , than the whole stone of flax , before it was prepared . 5. the proposers twine or yarn , needs not to be boyled after it is spun , or any other thing done to it . onely given to the weaver , or throwster : to be woven , or twined , into fine thread . 6. it will be an evener thread , and the weaver needs not to stiffen it , ( with size , ) as they do their own thread , by which means it will be much easier and more speedily twined , and will be much stronger : thereby the stock will have more speedy returnes . the proposer's charge being but small , in the preparing of it . 7. the tow may be spun as well as the flax ; and the reason is , because of its extraordinary fineness , before it is hackled . for in the hackling , it is onely drawn together , and in the spinning , is easily drawn out again ; and it is appraised , or rated , according to the fineness thereof . 8. of three pounds , or less , of this yarne : there may be pieces of holland woven , cantaining 50 ells flemish , or 30 ells english measure : or fine sewing thread , from ten shillings a pound weight , to three or four pounds sterling the pound weight . 9. what is affirmed concerning flax , is common to hemp. it being prepared the same way ; and there may be made of it , all sorts of died thread ; fine tykes for beds , all sorts of fringes , may be , and commonly are woven of the hempen yarn : and thereof better linnen cloth may be made , than is generally made of flax in england : as hitherto practised . 10. also a way will be found , to draw the negotiation of the french sail cloth , and all kind of tackle , concerning ships , in as small or big cordage , as all other nations afford , a third part lighter , stronger , and lesser stowage ; to more profit to the english nation , and companies of merchants , as well as particular trades . thus far the proposer . others add , that the hurds , offall refuse , or tow , of flax , and hemp , will serve to make a weaker , or a worser sort of linnen , or a good printing and writing paper , here in england ; some tryals of all sorts whereof have been lately , ( and never before ) made , by mr. henry million , stationer in the old bayley ; who deserves well of the whole nation ; for his indefatigable pains , in promoting the paper , woollen , and linnen , manufactures ; and well understands the art of preparing of hemp , and flax. and whereas it is objected , that english hemp , even that which is dew wet , and not river wet , is not so long ; nor will not take tarr , to make cables of , as swedish hemp doth , and consequently , hath not that strength , or durability . to this 't is answered . that it hath been affirmed at the royal-society ; that the late earl of strafford , sent over an agent , to riga , to observe on what ground , hemp , and flax royal , as they call it , grew there : and to bring over some of the seed , &c. which being planted in ireland , grew very well . and that the hemp being fine drest , took tarr ; why may not the like be done in england ? and some say it is in york-shire : the reason our hemp will not take tarr , is conceived to be , either because it is not fine enough drest , or over hard ▪ i have heard of a rope maker , that having wetted our hemp in may dew , steeved the same for some time ; that it might somewhat swelter , moisten , or impair it self ; and then it took tarr but although our hemp should not be fit to make great cordage ; as cables , and halsers . yet it is much coveted , and used by forreigners , and our selves , for small rigging : and is affirmed to be much lighter , and stronger , than any forreign cordage of the same size . i believe , there only wants some good experiments to be made , to determine the matter , whether our english hemp , will take tarr : and hope some of the lords of the committee , of his majesties privy council for trade , will give order , to some of his majesties rope-makers , to try the experiments , before the royal-society . enquiry being made at the royal-society , what was known , concerning the aforesaid art of , preparing flax and hemp , answer was given , 1. that this art of preparing , and dressing of flax , and hemp , was long known , and practised , by mr. charles howard , brother to the duke of norfolk : who many years since , had shewed divers examples of hemp , and flax , so prepared ; as also to one mr. stephens . and that engines , or tools might be contrived , so far to facilitate the work , that one man therewith furnished , should dispatch as much , as divers could do without . 2. that there are divers marsh , sandy clay , and other grounds , on the coasts of england , and wales , belonging to the crown , that ly wast , or turn to little , or no benefit , that might properly be made use of , for planting of hemp , and flax , which admirably prepares for corne. 3. that mr. charles howard , lately imparted this new art of preparing , and whitening of flax , and hemp , to one mr. fermin , who before he knew it , is said to have spun thread so fine , out of flax , that one pound hath yielded 20 thousand ells , but now can produce much more . 4. how much the working of rough hemp , into cables , and wrought cordage , hath been discouraged ; may be taken from an instance at yarmouth , put in print , by one mr. bowers , a merchant of that place ; who presented his papers , to divers members of the house , setting forth . 1. that in anno 1653. four rope-makers of yarmouth , wrought up 208 tuns of hemp , for the then parliament , besides what they , and six master rope-makers , wrought up for private uses , a good part whereof , was english hemp. 2. that the whole town at present , doth not make 7 tuns of cordage in a year . whereas in those times , there was 4 or 500 stone , at 14 lib. the stone , of english hemp , ( besides forreign ) wrought up weekly into cordage , and now it falls short of 30 stone . mr. cooke , in a discourse of the norway trade , saith , that we have lost the making of 2800 tuns of cables , and cordage , yearly , in the county of norfolk . the cause thereof is : the customes of cordage , and cable yarn , being forreign wrought , and commonly bad , are but 8 pence the hundred weight , the same with the customes of rough , or unwrought hemp. the consequences hereof are . 1. the importation of hemp unwrought , is obstructed . 2. the marsh grounds on the coasts , and within lincoln-shire , norfolk , essex , kent , &c. formerly sown with hemp , either ly waste , or are now for want of a proportionable consumption sown with corn , to an incredible detriment . 3. the employment and skill , many poor people might attain unto , in sowing , planting and manufacturing such hemp , either for netts , twine , canvas , cordage , &c. is lost , and for want thereof , rents , and lands , are fallen , and the parishes are burthened with such poor . 4. the nation , if a warr breaks out , when his majesties stores are not thoroughly replenished , may ly under a surprize , and either be barr'd the sound , or be driven to great inconveniences . the remedy . is , to continue the present duty of 8 d. per. hundred weight on unwrought , or rough hemp , and to enlarge the duty of customes on cordage , and cable yarn , imported , 5 or 6 s. the hundred weight . the consequences will be . 1. if hemp be either imported or sown here , it will give imployment to the people . 2. if cordage , and cable yarn , be still imported ( as it is like , it will be for some years ) the duty is multiplied to his majesties advantage ; as for instance , the town of yarmouth , yearly spends , 2 thousand tuns of cordage , or thereabouts , which at 8 d. the hundred weight custome comes to 1333.6 s. 8 d. whereas , at 6 s. the hundred weight , the customes would come to 12000. l. the like is the case of other places . lastly , the expence of the nation in linnen , cordage , and canvas , cannot be less than a million a year . with which , it is fit we should supply our selves , as far as we can , by discouraging forreign , by an imposition , of a penny an ell , and possibly a higher duty on flax , and unwrought hemp , to encourage the planting of it here , in which case we must be wary , that it be not oppressed , with taxes , and tyths . now to encourage the manufacturing we offer , a proposal for the advancement of the fishery , and employment of the poor . forasmuch , as the fishery probably connot prosper , without good encouragements ; and in time of peace , cannot well employ their boys in summer time , and furthermore , a warr may happen , and prevent fishing ; and consequently , cause the adventurers to give over : to prevent such inconveniences , it is proposed . 1. that the royal-fishery company , undertake the making of canvas , at clerken-well workehouse , to supply his majesties stores with , it being well known , that our own canvas is as good , and as strong , yea , better than any forreign . 2. that his majesty be graciously pleased , to take off to the value of 10 thousand pounds per a● . paying for the same quarterly aforehand , allowing the company to gain half a crown in the pound , that in 10000 l. will come to 1250 l. 3. that the company pay his majesty 10 per cent . for the advance of the money , out of such bounty or benevolence , the parliament shall be pleased to give , which if but narrow : may be in this manner enlarged , by letting the company gain that in his majesties affaires , which otherwise must be got by others . courteous reader , thou mayest perceive the advantage i have taken from a report , agreed and drawn up by a council of trade in ireland , and if we had enjoyed a good one continually in england , with proper instructions , i believe the nation might have been twice as rich and much stronger at sea , than now it is . i my self about three years since , drew up a draught of instructions : such as do not interfere with the work of the present committee , of his majesties most honourable privy council , for trade , with a narrative of the losses of our english fisheries , in all making about 7 sheets of paper , and intend to publish the same : after it hath obtained license , from one of his majesties principal secretaries of state , for there are some things in it , of a private nature , and others that much concern the advancement of his majesties revenue , and prevention of frauds . the preamble is this . that as soon as such council shall be constituted , and their house agreed upon , that it be declared to all the nation , in the gazets , and upon the exchange : that his majesties gracious intentions , in erecting the same is to encourage the manufactures , and employ the poor of the nation . and that hereupon , all merchants , trades-men , corporations , counties , and places , be invited and desired , to send up their complaints , and aggreivances about trade , and manufactures , or any act relating thereto , to the secretary , who is to collect , and draw up out of all papers sent in , or otherwise procurable , all that can be pertinently said , on any argument of trade , by way of debitor and creditor : all that can be said , pro on one side or the left hand page ; and all contra on the right hand page , observing the like method , in replies , and duplies . the first of the inland instructions was about the irish act , to consider some laws in being , whether they hinder , or encourage trade , particularly the irish act about cattel . and to be the better satisfied about the same , to send to all counties , and corporations , for their sentiments therein , how much they conceive they are benefited , or damaged thereby , and to give an account of how much feeding , and breeding grounds they have , and thence accordingly , to state an accompt , and report in readiness , when called for , the like for the act of navigation ; and whether our trade to the sound be not obstructed thereby , and the building of ships , and vessels , for the norway and fishing trades hindred , and what the annual damage may be . and the first instruction about forreign affairs was . that whereas , suits of law , in chancery , about merchants accompts , depend long there , to the great trouble of the court , the vexation of the masters , to whom the same are referred , and in the event , to the ruine of the parties concerned ; to prevent which , the instruction is to obtain the constitution of the court of merchants in holland , for ending suits of that nature , and to consider whether the like may not without inconveniency be put in practice here , and what additional laws , constitutions , and instructions , will be necessary for the setling thereof . the reasons of such instruction mr. baker thus renders : that tedious law suits create great expence , ( which otherwise would go in trade to the benefit of the whole nation ) the makers of the law not understanding accompts , could not provide for the same ; and the councellors having their study by the law , and they and the judges having no experience in merchants affairs , or skilled in accompts , they cannot be so competent deciders and judges thereof , and great inconveniencies come unto all traders for want of such a court ( where rhe parties alone and their witnesses should be heard ) spending both their monies and their time in law , and after many years of contest , for the most part their business is referred out of chancery to merchants , or ended at law , as it were , at hit or miss , when very often both parties have spent more than double the value of the thing they contested for , being necessitated for every motion or tryal to have many lawyers on both sides : whereas in spain , and other parts , there can be admitted for each party but one lawyer , nor can there be more present in any of the courts where the causes are tryed , than one lawyer for the plaintiff , and another for the defendant ; and to the eminentest of them 20 s. is an extraordinary pay , when he shall attend purposely for the hearing of that one cause several days . to which may be added , that it discourages merchant-strangers to live and trade with us . being loth to omit mentioning such an aggreivance , i come now to give the reader a copy of a paper formerly drawn up to assert , that the royal-fishery company when well filled and constituted , are proper to be rendred a council of trade , but with this limitation : that it be not hence concluded that none but the fishery company , nor all of them ought to be concerned in such a council , nor that others shall be excluded ; the regulation and choice as to number and persons , is most humbly submitted to his majesty's grave prudence , who by adding some eminent persons to such a company , may have the more frequent informations how such affairs move on . the reasons are , 1. such company did of late , and 't is hoped will again consist of members enough , to wit , nobles , gentlemen , and merchants , where out at all times to have a sufficient choice . 2. such company connot thrive ( at least in its infancy ) without good encouragements from the crown or the nation , ( by its representative in parliament ) and therefore in lieu of such encouragements , may be put on duty to earn the same . 3. in regard of the capacity the members thereof are proposed to be in , to wit , of obtaining the honour of being of the number of such council , it will excite many who aim at his majesty's and the nation 's welfare , to become adventurers in such company , which in probability may in some time become as splendid as either the east-indian or african company , who thrive already without any such encouragements . 4. if such company ( at least for some years ) be allowed house-rent by his majesty , and salaries to their officers for doing the work of the fishery , and withall , that of the council , it is as good as so much given to the said fishery company ; whereas to settle it on any other constitution , were to put his majesty to a needless charge . 5. yea , and it may be suspected to almost a fruitless charge , for it is not reasonable to expect that eminent persons named to be members of such council shall be so diligent in attending an affair , whereby they have no profit , nor no particular concernment of their own , as wherein they have , especially if their house have an inconvenient situation . 6. if a war break forth and hinder fishery affairs , the company must then lose house-rent and officers salaries , which would be a discouragement to them , and may by this means be prevented . 7. the main work of such council , will be first to call for and receive the complaints , sense , and informations of the trading people of the nation about aggreivances concerning trade , and the improvements of manufactures , and the amendments of acts relating thereto , and thence to draw up all that can reasonably be said pro or con ▪ former councils have not prescribed this , which ought to be the main work of the officers , and such councils have been so slow or ill paid , that little of this kind could be expected ; whereas it is supposed the royal fishery will be so well paid by effects in their hands , that there will be no failure of the like kind hereafter : and doubtless it is very material to encourage the writing on arguments of trade as here propounded . 8. a royal fishery company well constituted with a good stock , may furnish the sound with herrings before the dutch , by using the islands of lewis and shetland ; yea also portugal , spain , and the streights , by fishing in the irish seas , where herrings and cod arrive six weeks sooner than in the channel ; yea also with cod and ling caught about anglesey : to which ( besides the advantage of time ) may be added , the propinquity of situation ; yea , such company may also have a trade to new england , for building of vessels , and returning with cod , salmon , and sturgeon , ( if it prove good and well-cured ) and with poor jack from newfound-land ; whence it may be reasonably presumed , such company , by reason of its foreign vent and returns , may have a greater insight in foreign trade , than any other constitution . 9. the planting of hemp and flax , and the manufactures thereof , as also the furnishing of materials for paper ( if not undertaking that manufacture ) and consequently employing the poor , and many trades will much depend upon the example and directions of this company , whence they may be judged a better constitution for inland affairs than any other , and are like to afford more parliament-men , to speak to matters of this nature . since the writing of this treatise , there came to my hands a printed paper of the learned and most renowned sir william pe●●y , of the royal society , about irish cattel : a copy of it followeth . some of the observations made by w.p. upon the trade of irish cattel . 1. that the value of the oxen and sheep ( their hides , tallow , and skins deducted ) which were ever imported in one year out of ireland into england , were never worth above 80000 l. nor above the hundredth part of the rents of land in england , nor above the hundredth part of the butchers meat yearly spent in england . 2. that ireland never yet did , nor could spare , as many sheep and oxen alive or dead , as would maintain a fifth part more people than now it hath , that is to say , than would maintain about 1300000 people , of which number there are about 1100000 now in ireland . 3. whereas ireland contains three quarters as much land as england and wales , and there be above 6000000 of people in england it follows , that if ireland can furnish flesh meat but unto 1300000 , that e●gland cannot with equal plenty furnish meat unto said 6000000. 4. the owners of breeding lands have since the prohibition not gotten above 10 s. per head more for their cattel than before it which the owners of the feeding lands have paid them and lost . moreover the mariners of england have lost the getting of 9 s. 6 d. per head for freight and primage , and the people of england have lost 4 s. 6 d. per head more for driving and grazing ; the king hath lost 3 s. 6 d. per head for custom on both sides , besides officers fees ; and the traders in hides and tallow have lost what they might have gained out of 15 s. per head ; and the merchants and artizans of england have lost yearly what they might have gained by 140000 l. worth of english manufactures ; the wool-growers of england have lost as much as their wool is fallen ; by reason of the extraordinary sheep-walks now in ireland ; the landlords of ireland resident in england , have lost 5 percent . extraordinary for exchange of money . lastly , the bulk of the people of england have losts one half-peny for every pound of flesh meat they have spent , amounting for all england unto about 2000000 per annum , of which great sum , the owners even of breeding lands have paid three times more in the enhansement of wages and manufactures , than they got by the raised price of their cattel above-mentioned . 5. since this prohibition , the papists in ireland ( who are 800000 in number ) have gotten a dispensation from rome to eat flesh five days in the week , whereas formerly they did but four , in which extraordinary day of indulgence , there is as much meat spent by the papists in a year , as ever was brought into england . 6. although a beast worth 40 s. might be brought out of ireland even to london for about 20 s. yet the land of england generally taken is worth five times as much , acre for acre , as the lands of ireland generally taken ; neither can the lands of ireland rise up to a level of value with those in england , without the mission of some millions of people more into ireland than now are there , nor without the expence of more millions in buildings and improvements , than all ireland now is worth ; nor can the lands of england fall down to a level with those in ireland , without vast depopulations and devastations preceding . every of the before-mentioned particulars can be readily proved from grounds of sense , known , granted , or authentique . here it is not improper to acquaint the reader , that ireland before the rebellion was planted with native irish , and the lands were in their possession ; but now after so great a desolation , and destruction as the wars made , most of the lands were planted and peopled by the english and scotch , who adventured their lives and fortunes in reducing it , who carried over with them the best cattel , horses , and sheep , england could afford , where they have raised such a breed , as will compare with the best in england for largeness and fatness , and the wool , butter , and cheese there raised , is not inferiour to what is made in england for goodness , and yet notwithstanding they have many lean cattel to spare , but their sheep need no fattening . the laws there are made by a parliament , consisting of most english and scotch , with aim especially to encourage the making of cloth and woollen manufactures , to the end , they may supply foreign markets , which they doubt not to effect ere long at half the price english cloth goes at : and they do by their laws discourage the bringing of their wool into england , and have laid a great custom upon all cloth , stuffs , stockings , and hats , that shall be imported out of england . this they do acknowledge in print , and that they have furnished holland , flanders , france , portugal , spain , and the streights : plentifully with provisions , namely , beef at 9 or 10 s. the hundred weight ; confessing , that not only english , but other nations have their factors residing in ireland , to buy up beef , fish , tallow , and hides , and that all their ports are well stored with shipping , whereby they supply all those parts with provision , and make their returns with those commodities the kingdom can vend , which they can have much cheaper than from england , and the surplus plus they return in money : this i take out of a sheet , printed with allowance by j.b. in 1677. the particulars following are taken out of a letter from ireland , printed in 1677. viz. pag. 8. we find more advantage by victualling foreigners , than we had formerly by a whole sale in england . pag. 9. you were provided by a sufficient act of parliament to be the only mart for wool , it being made felony to transport it into foreign parts , and confiscation to import it to you otherwise than crude and unmanufactured . pag. 20. this is not to be exported neither without license , paying both the king's duty , and that to the lord lieutenant , pag. 9. which is at least 2 s. a stone , besides freight , factorage , and market charges . pag. 20. all exported , must be first entred for england and pay these duties , though afterwards it loseth its way at sea. pag. 11. an account is given of their progress in setting up the woollen manufacture . much provisions also and goods they ship off to our plantations , from whence 't is probable in time we must export money for our own supply . against this whole discourse may be raised the following grand objection , to wit , an opponent may insist , that the admission of irish cattel causeth rents of breeding grounds exceedingly to fall , contrary to the interest of the owners and farmers thereof ; and this is the reason why cattel , in themselves a blessing , are called a nusance . answ . the objection is granted , and comes to pass , because we cannot victual our neighbours and their shipping , nor most of our own , nor is the sale of flesh much hindred by fish or izeland cod , for of late years little or none hath been spent in his majesty's navy-royal : but a remedy is propounded . on the other side , the owners of feeding grounds , the merchandizing and trading part of the nation , or corporations , who bear above two third parts of the charge of the government , sustain the greater wrong , which in the event will be very prejudicial , if not ruinous to the whole . i my self have my life in lands in marshland in the county of norfolk , which tell from 32 l. to 17 l. a year , but is of late risen to 21 l. a year . i know some gentlemen owners of feeding grounds in our midland counties , whose rents are fallen above one quarter of what they usually made before the irish act had a being , they know not to what other cause to impute it , and i have not liberty to mention particulars . also there is a london minister , who hath lands in gloucestershire which fell from 60 l. to 30 l. per annum , and both he and som● of the gentlemen aforesaid , are forced to stock their grounds , and keep them in their own hands , committing the management to bayliffs . the author of the irish letter , pag. 7. saith , that if the business were now to tell counties , he hath been lately assured from some in england , that those counties that find not themselves benefitted , and those that are really aggreived by this act , do by this time upon experiment , and second thoughts , make up the greatest party . and pag. 5. he saith , that when it passed , it was not without some repugnance at first in his majesty . the reason is obvious , his majesty could not but foresee some of the ill consequences thereof , as namely , that it would cause his duty of customs to fall , lessen our navigation , much increase the charge of victualling his navy , and disoblige all his british subjects in ireland , which might be of dangerous consequence . but to restore an union with them and at home , suppose they consent to the terms propounded in pag. 9 , 23. then there will be a considerable accession made to his majesty's revenue in ireland , to wit , near the value of all the commodities exported out of that kingdom that come not to us , and this will help to maintain a navy , there or in the channel ; and such help is but highly necessary , for one of the lords commissioners of the admiralty was pleased to inform me , that 300000 l. a year , supposing the same constantly allotted and paid to that use , would but defray the ordinary annual harbour charges of repairs , yards , moorage , the wages of workmen and labourers , the salaries of officers , and 14 men of war at sea. whereas to furnish stores , build a necessary supply of ships from time to time , and maintain a competent fleet abroad , will require a far greater sum , as hath been represented to the late long parliament . so that i hope if the irish act pass , it shall not be perpetual , and that in the interim , our grandees will propose , and receive terms of accommodation with ireland . if the former measures take , these must be the consequences . 1. the poor will obtain employment ; in other nations they have been their renown , wealth , and strength , but here on the contrary , our shame , improverishment , and burthen ; hence to employ the poor , and to render idle beggarly persons profitable members to the kingdom , to reclaim vice , and encourage industry by proper expedients , cannot but be subjects that may always deserve and expect due encouragement from authority , but more especially now , when too too long empoverishments make us groan for redress , which if obtained , will be a bitter potion to our too powerful neighbours abroad , 2 navigation and strength will encrease ; and if we can be either happy or safe without navigation , and maintain it without a fishery , and mannage it without pilots , 't is well ; but if not , the fishery is of an absolute and indispensible necessity to the welfare , both of king and people . 3. the merchants , and trading part of the nation , will be encouraged , and are they not as writers denominate them . the great revenue of the king , the honour of the kingdom , a noble profession , a school of skill , the supply of our wants , the source of employments , the improvement of our manufactures , and cause of our exportation , the nursery of our mariners , the walls of the kingdom , the means of our treasure , the sinew of our wars , and the terrour of our enemies . 4. i my self hope through divine bounty to obtain a good employment to sustain a numerous family , having met with great losses in publick affairs , however if not , i have cast in my mite , and i hope a person whose business and study hath been the argument of trade , may have as much , if not a greater , liberty as others , to propound how to remove the encumbrances thereof , to the advantage , i hope , of all interests . hence if his majesty and the nation , reap any benefit , i have in a great measure obtained my end postscript . this discourse hath been all penn'd and printed in great hast , to wit , in about a fortnight's time , and therefore could not be so well digested as were to be wished , some escapes we shall remark . pag. 1 line 25. for force , read force as to fish . p. 11 l. 29. for more , read worse , p. 15. l. 25. for not sell , read not then sell . i do not say our tin was sold for 2 l. 10 s. the hundred weight , i hear it was kept 'till theirs was gone and yeilded a better price , p. 20. l. 1. for these , read this . i am not of mr. man's opinion , but beleive the cash of the nation to be much more . p. 21. l. 25. for about 600 , read from 450 to 600. p. 23. l. 25. for this , read much of this . p. 27. l. 26. for yarn , read yarmouth . p. 30. l. 21. for councils , read courts . since the writing hereof , i met with a new ingenious discourse of the east-india trade , printed for robert boulter , stationer , at the turks-head in cornhill ; by which it appears , that the said trade and shipping is encreased since their last account of it by me mentioned in pag. 20. to wit , saith the author in pag. 23. the company have 25 ships and vessels trading in the east-indies from port to port , besides 11 great ships sent out last year . the author pag. 4. and 5. saith , he is of opinion we cannot cope with the dutch in white herrings , fish , salt droaging from st. vvals to the eastland , or the russia or greenland trade , 'till the interest of our money be as low as theirs , namely , 3 per cent . i add the remedy is unsufficient , we must also render provisions , and exporting duties ( of which see pag. 22. ) cheaper than theirs , in regard our building , and sailing with more hands is much dearer . as to an objection about want of people , pag. 3. 't is hoped sir william petty will be pleased to publish a discourse he dedicated to his majesty , entituled , political arithmetick , where in ch . 8. he asserts , there are spare hands enough amongst his majesty's english subjects , to earn above two millions a year more than we do , see p. 10. of this discourse . the contents . the reason of prohibiting foreign provisions or wares pag. 2 the value of the cattel from ireland 3 wools , great quantities carried from ireland to foreign parts 6 so of other provisions and fish 8 , 9 , 33 , 34 a proposal about trading to ireland for their provisions , wo●l . and manufactures , w●thout damage either to our selves or them , yea , to the great advantage of all 9 23 a low rate of interest will not raise lands , unless comm●ditie● rise in price accordingly 11 the declension of our staple commodities , to wit , of cloth , lead , and tin 12 , 13 tin farthings an abuse 14 tin how to become the ●undus of a bank 15 , 16 an address to the honourable members of parliament of cornwal and devon , about the same , and about salt 15 , 16 , 17 proposals for advancement of the fishery 17 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 and for encouraging and gaining the manufactures of paper and tapistry hangings 18 also about making a wet dock for the navy royal 19 and about a supply for coyning small money at the mint ibid. the danger and declining condition of our foreign trade 20 to 23 articles taken out of the report of the irish council of trade 24 a new art of preparing of flax and hemp 26 whether english hemp will take tar ibid. the manufacture of cordage how lost 27 the manufacture of cordage and canvas how to be restored 28 arguments to prove a royal-fishery company a proper constitution to be rendred a council of trade , and the benefits thereof 29 , 30 , 31 mr. baker's proposal about a court of merchants , for ending law-suits about accompts , &c. 30 some of sir william pettys's observations on the irish act 32 proofs of assertions taken out of printed papers about irish affairs 33 , 34 more arguments against the irish act may be met with at the end of a book new printed , entituled , the trade of england revived , with another answer to their grand objection about the fall of rents . a true and a kinde excuse vvritten in defence of that booke, intituled a newe description of irelande wherein is freely confessed 1 the cause of the writing of that booke. 2 how that booke was brought into obloquy and slander 3 a reuocation of all ouersightes that through ignorance were published in that booke. 4 a bulwarke or defence of all truthes contayned in that booke. pleasant and pleasing both to english, and irish. by barnabe rych, gent. seruant to the kinges most excellent maiestie. rich, barnabe, 1540?-1617. 1612 approx. 130 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 29 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a10723 stc 21003 estc s115925 99851142 99851142 16401 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10723) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 16401) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1185:7) a true and a kinde excuse vvritten in defence of that booke, intituled a newe description of irelande wherein is freely confessed 1 the cause of the writing of that booke. 2 how that booke was brought into obloquy and slander 3 a reuocation of all ouersightes that through ignorance were published in that booke. 4 a bulwarke or defence of all truthes contayned in that booke. pleasant and pleasing both to english, and irish. by barnabe rych, gent. seruant to the kinges most excellent maiestie. rich, barnabe, 1540?-1617. [3], 25 leaves printed [by thomas dawson] for thomas adams, london : 1612. a defense of the book also by rich. the imprint date has been cropped or defaced in several copies (stc). printer's name from stc. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng rich, barnabe, 1540?-1617. -new description of ireland. catholic church -controversial literature -early works to 1800. ireland -social life and customs -early works to 1800. ireland -religion -17th century -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-03 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a trve and a kinde excvse written in defence of that booke , intituled a newe description of irelande . wherein is freely confessed 1 the cause of the writing of that booke . 2 how that booke was brought into obloquy and slander 3 a reuocation of all ouersightes that through ignorance were published in that booke . 4 a bulwarke or defence of all truthes contayned in that booke . pleasant and pleasing both to english , and irish . by barnabe rych , gent. seruant to the kinges most excellent maiestie . the rebukes of a friend , are better then the kisses of an enemie . malui me diuitem esse quàm vocari . london printed for thomas adams . 1612. to the right honorable syr arthvr chychester , knight , lord deputy of ireland : and to the right honorable sir george carie knight , barron of clopton , together with the honorable syr thomas ridgevvay , knight barrone● viz-treasurer , and treasurer at wars in his maisties realme of irelande , and one of his maiesties pr●uie councell in that realme . most honorable lords , and most worthy to be honored knight . let it not seeme strang ( with all humblenes i beseech it ) that i haue thus presumed to couple you together in the patronizing of these lines that are neyther vnbeseeming your greatnes , nor vnbefitting your worthines . for to whom doth more properly belong the patronage of those things , that ( after a certaine manner ) doe appertaine to the seruice of his maiestie then to those that are well knowne to bee godly , wise , religious , and that are best affected to the seruice of his maiestie ? the matter that i haue taken in hand , ( as time and occasion serueth ) requireth to be graced and countenanced , not onely by those that are great , but likewise by those that are good , aswell by those that bee godly as by those that bee in greatest authority , and howe soeuer it may bee sayd , it hath past the hands of a silly workman , yet i am sure the stuffe is good : the which although i haue not graced and garnished with that gorgious imbrodery , that is looked after by curious eyes , yet i haue clothed it with truth and plainenes . i would be glad to arme these mine indeuours , with better deserts then to present them vnder the presidents of the widowes mite , or the smal pittance of water that was offered to alexander : the examples are stale , & too threedbare to bee presented to your viewe , ouer worne indeede by euery bastard poet : let mee then humbly offer them with a souldiers faithfull heart , that is still armed to the proofe to indeuour any thing that may tend to the glory of god , to the seruice of my soueraigne or to the good of this distressed country of irelande , wherein i liue and drawe my breath . might it please you nowe but to vouchsafe mee a fauourable acceptance , i shall number it amongst your many fauours towardes mee : and i will still rest my selfe at your commandementes . in all humble and dutifull affection barnabe rich to the vvhole nation of the irish , barnabe rich souldiour , sendeth all kinde and friendly salutations . deare friendes and countrymen ( for so i may speak in generall without offence to any mans greatnesse or exceptions taken at mine owne vnworthynes ) i haue yet once againe betaken me to my penne to giue satisfaction if it will be to those discontentmēts that haue bin wrested , and misconceiued against my booke . doe not thinke that i goe about to salue vpp matters with dissimulation for i confesse my selfe to bee the veryest bungler at this same flattery that ere putt penne to paper , i coulde neuer dissemble cleanly , and they say qui nesciet dissimulare , nesciet viuere , he shall be sure to get no friendes , and although friends in this age are but like to an after game at irishe that is both wone & lost with a cast yet these fewe that i haue i thank god are assured . men are beleeued as they are beloued , and good counsayles are accepted as the party is esteemed that aduiseth , whose meanesse many times doth wipe away beleefe . yet other whiles it hath pleased god , to vse meane persons for the setting forth of his glory . hystoryes doe make mention of a christian child named frumelius that being taken prisoner , and brought into the furthermost part of east india , as he grewe in yeares , won some of the indians to the christian faith , & calling to his assistance some fewe christian marchantes , that were in those partes , he erected a church , and brought many indians to beleeue in christ and to receiue christendome . we reade the like of the king of iberia , who by the instructions of a christian woman , beleued in christ himself & caused all his people to do the like . and what was your great saint patricke , that you holde in such veneration , if there be any credite to be giuen to your owne wryters , he kept hogges , and yet by gods grace , & ordinance he was the first instrumēt that drew the irish to the christiā faith . but if it might haue passed for paiment in those dayes , what you thinke to be currant now , that you wil beleeue nothing but what your fathers haue beleeued before you , saint patricke , had beene better to haue kept hogges still then to haue spent his breath , to such a froward generation . but your priests will beare you beleeue that you retayne the same faith now that saint patrick first planted . do not beleeue thē they haue mocked you long , & it would be ouer tedious in an epistle to set downe how rome it selfe is declined nay how it is defiled & poluted , & how the pope with his whole cleargy are fallen from the sincerity of true religion to maintaine their own traditiōs & to set vp superstition & idolatry , & that within these very few years & whereof there are whole volumes extat for breuityes sake i will here let slip to speake of fryer mantu an , of albertus magnus , of platina , of holcot and many other of the popes owne broode , that haue not onely exclaymed against the pope himselfe but in like manner against his whole cleargy . and palingenius , an excelent author & yet a papist , giueth this item let no fryer , monke , nor any priest come within thy doores ▪ i could wish that euery married man in ireland would be a little aduised by palingenius to shut this baudy broode out of there doores , for they haue euer more bine a leacherous generation . these be they that be your sounders , that haue had the guiding & gouerning of your faith . these be they that you beleeue and giue credite to , these be they that you are perswaded their prayers will helpe you . and these be they that do make deuotion a cloke for sedition that vnder the pretence of sowing religiō do hope indeed , to reape rebelliō . o that you could now but open your eyes to looke into this romish impietie : but i will no longer hold you with an epistle but will referre you to that which followeth . a trve and a kinde excvse written in defence of that booke intituled , a newe description of ireland . 1 the cause of the writing of that booke . it is a meere vanity to gather treasure , when a man knowes not who shall spende it , and no lesse folly for him that will spend his wittes in the writing of bookes , when there are so many malicious readers , that are still ready to woūd the best indeuours , with the poysoned speares of slaunderous tongues . i haue bin diuers times it cited by my friends , amongst the rest by some aldermen of dublin , to write an apology ( as they tearmed it ) wherby to satisfie some cittizens & others , that were much offended with my booke intituled . a new description of ireland . i thinke their meaning was , they would haue had me to haue written a reuocation , of some such thinges , which ( as they sayd ) were not so probable as reprehending . i haue at their requestes indeuoured both , i haue acknowledged a reuocation of such ouersightes as through ignorance haue passed my penne , which in their places shall be expressed , and i haue againe set down an apology in the defence of those truths that doe concerne the glory of god , and the seruice of the king . vpon the perusing whereof , i hope those that neuer sawe the booke , and yet were drawne to a disliking against it , by lying reportes , will hold themselues satisfied . for some other that will needes number themselues amongst those that haue guilty consciences , if i haue vnawares rubbed vpon any hidden sore , it is against my will , i haue done it but as the blindman shoots the crowe , & being but a matter of chance medly , i hope i shall obtaine a pardon of course , and so much the rather when i protest i meant them no harme . to come now to my purpose , & to speake truely , vpon what occasion i writ that book , if i should say , that i was drawn vnto it by commiseration , and through a compassionate loue : i know not how i should be beleeued , especially amongst them that will scarcely beleeue that god is a good man but as their ghostly fathers will please to giue them leaue . but thou that art vpright of iudgement , and hast wisedome to discerne of good and euill , to thee i appeale ( but giue the sequel leaue , to plead it owne defence ) then censure thou : for the lawe of wisedome is in thy mouth . pro. 22. it is now some 40. years ago ( or there abouts ) since i first came into ireland , since which time , it is not vnknown how many commotions , how many rebellions , how many murthers , how many massacres , how many treasōs , & how many reuolts , haue ther bin set on foot , & frō time to time cōspired plotted & put in excecutiō ▪ it is no nouelties to heare of wars , both forraine & ciuil sometimes of rebellions , sometimes of treasons . but to haue continuall vprores areared by subiects against their prince , to haue treason vpon treason , rebellion vpon rebelliō to be euery day in action stil in insurrections , on in others neck , it is more thē ordinary ▪ subiectes haue sometimes betaken themselues to armes , when they haue been oppressed by tyrannous princes , & although they haue no warrant in the worde of god so to doe , but are expresly commaunded to the contrary , yet to free themselues from oppression , wrong and iniury , they haue some colour to countenance their rebellion : but for the irish , what can they alledge for their traiterous demeanours against that late gratious queene of famous memory , that gouerned with such mercy and mildenes , that if loue and lenitie might haue mittigated the rigour of crueltie what did shee neglect , that might not haue won them to a dutifull obedience : if clemency might haue preuailed , with what affability did shee gouerne fourty and odd yeares : if mercy , pitty and compassion might haue moued them , what pardoning , what protecting and what tollerating with offences : if bounty and liberality might haue lenified their rebellious dispositions , what cōtributions , what stipends , what pencions , and what dayly payes out of her coffers , besides other giftes and prefermentes , bountifully bestowed vpon those that came begging and crauing to her court in england , and what was hee that was returned backe againe without some gracious rewarde ? from whence was it then that so many seditions , so many cōmotions , and so many rebellions were dayly set on foote , and euery day conspired , practised and put in execution , still one in anothers necke . why the world doth know it , they were the practises of papists , it is the poyson of the popes doctrine , that inciteth to seditions , to rebellions , and that setteth subiectes against their soueraignes . it is an axiome of theologie , holden and defended by iesuites to murther princes , and this is holden by their greatest doctors , as sanders , parsons , alline , stapleton , and diuers others : so that popish religion teacheth , alloweth and defendeth treasons , rebellions , and periuries . and looke into their great bellarmines writinges , that hath taken such paines in the behalfe of the pope : and you shall finde that his wholl doctrine consisteth in nothing , but that the pope may degrade emperours , kinges , princes , and potentates , that hee may abrogate their lawes , may dispence with their subiectes for their alleadgeance , that they may take armes against their soueraignes , and that they may rebell : see heere the iust iudgement of god , vpon that proude and wicked generation , whome hee hath giuen vp to the monstrous sinnes of murther and treason , the most hatefull offences , that the wickedest man can cōmit , and such sinnes , as aboue all other are most hated and detested , and yet they are maintained , admitted , and vpholden by the pope , and that viperous broode , that be of his generation . the papistes doe seeke to compell but they will not bee compelled , they grudge at easie penalties , and at sleight restraintes , when they themselues , doe exact most cruell , and vnchristian-like tragedies : what inquisiting , what burning , what murthering by hundreds , and by thousands , without any respect , eyther of innocency or of ignorance : but of what persecution can our papistes of ireland , charge that gratious queene , vnlesse because shee would not suffer the firebrand of rome to take her crowne from her head , and to giue her subiectes leaue by treason and rebellion , to depriue her of her estate in that kingdome : they can not say that shee euer inflicted any corporall punishment vppon them for their religion , nor yet exacted any paymentes ●ut of their purses , as shee did from the recusants in england . but papistes will say , there is neyther law nor reason whereby to compell men against their consciences : but those that are professors of the gospell , if they be caught within the iurisdiction of these ba●amites , they shall be compelled both against their consciences , and against the ve●●ty of gods worde , or they shall indure both torments , torture , and bitter death it selfe , if they will not de●e their faith , but although papistes are accustomed to borrow their precepts , from turkes and infidels , yet christian princes doe fetch no presidentes from tyrantes . how be it saint augustine , a father most reuerently receiued in the primatiue church giueth this memorandum : the donat●st●● rather then they would be forced from their vaine fantasies , slewe themselues , yet this did nothing fray the church of god from compelling them by the rigour of princes lawes , without any respect of their wilfull desperation . now whither a christian prince , is not aswell tyed in conscience to reduce his subiectes to the true knowledge of god , as to teach them their obedience towardes himselfe , i wil not dispute , though the holy scriptures doe furnish vs with sundry presidents making for that purpose , but 〈◊〉 refused to gouerne those that were not found in the christian faith : for ( sayth he ) i that am a christian , cannot become your emperour , that are the disciples of iulian a 〈◊〉 from christ . here might be a more ample addition concerning this matter the wich i will not take vpon me to medle with . but that princes haue power to commaund for truth , and to make lawes for christ , standeth not onely with probabilitie , possibility , reason and nature , but also with euident vtilitie , necessitie , religion and equitie , confirmed expressely by scriptures , and plainly warranted by the lawes , actions & examples of the most famously learned , and renowned . who maketh any doubt but that the almighty god in deliuering the sword into the hands of princes , giueth them a direct charge aswell to prouide that true religion be maintained in then realmes and dominions , as ciuil iustice ministred : and giueth them no lesse power to punish schysmes , heresies , & idolatries , and such other offences of the first table committed against god as to punish murthers , thei●es , and such like breaches of the second table , with such other sinnes of treason and rebellion as concerneth but themselues . but for this matter of conscience , so much pretended by our irish catholikes , i thinke there is neuer a papist in ireland , that is well able to distinguish truely of conscience what it is . they make a matter of conscience , of euery popish fantasie , of euery willfull opinion blindly conceiued , & obstinately maintained , without knowledge , wisedome , or vnderstanding ▪ euery hereticke , euery sectary doth stand vpon his conscience . the turke that denieth christ , and vpholdeth mahomet , will say as our papistes doe , his conscience doth leade him so to doe , & they can alledge , why thus did our fathers , they beleeued thus , & in this beleife they both liued and dyed . the popish priests doe teach the irish , to doe as their fathers haue done before them , and this doctrine is the right ready way to leade to hell : walke you not in the precepts of your fathers , neither obserue their wayes , nor defile your selues with their idols . ezec. 20. let them not bee as their fathers were , a disobedient , and a rebellious generation . psal . 78. poore ireland may rue the errours of their fathers , they haue felt the fruites of their fathers idolatries , of their rebellio●s , of their contemptes , and of their disobedience , both to god , and their prince , and they may say with hezekia : our fathers haue trespassed , and done euill in the sight of the lord our god , and haue forsaken him , and turned their backes , and lo● our fathers are slane by the sworde . 2. cron. ●9 . and therefore it is a strange doctrine that is taught by those shauelings , to teach the poore people to disobey god , and to followe their fathers : our papistes are taught by their ghostly fathers , as wee vse to teach parrats , that can say , bewar● the cat parrat , but knowes not what a cat is : so they be taught to speake of the catholicke church , and the catholike faith , and to pretende then consciences , when they lacke all vnderstanding of god and godlines : and yet the poore ignorant papistes will keepe such a st●●re with the catholicke church , the catholicke fayth , the catholicke religion , the catholicke seruice , and all must bee catholicke : but when their ghostly fathers shoulde come to an issue to make proofe in the matter , they are faine to returne a non est inuentus . thus the people of that countrey haue beene blinded and led astray since i haue knowne irelande , and those seducing spirites , their fryers , their iesuites , and their ignoraunt popish priestes , vnder a pretence of religion , seeke nothing else but to hatch vpp and to drawe in rebellion , colouring out all their impieties , vnder the showe of the catholicke faith . by these holy pretences , they haue peruerted and misledd a number of good people throughout all the partes of that kingdome , and that of all sortes and degrees , that without doubt would bee both tractable and conformable to the lawes of god and the obedience of the prince : their zeale in this religion wherein they are so blindly ledd , is an euidence what feruency they would showe , if their eyes were once opened to beholde the light of the gospell , now if the creatures of god are to bee pittied , if there bee any compassion to be had , one christian to an other , who would not commiserate this people that are thus carried away to their destruction , that are thus blindly ledd in darknes , by these instruments of sathan . these thinges considered ( though not affying in mine owne witt or learning ) yet nothing doubting but that there be many good people in ireland , to whom god hath giuen the spirite of iudgement and vnderstanding , for their sakes therefore , and further to expresse my good wil and the loue that i bare to that countrey , i indeuoured a booke , which i intituled , a short suruey of ireland . wherein i plainely discouered who it was that had not onely blinded the simple and ignorant sort , but also had seduced those that tooke vpon them to bee wise and learned : in which booke i laboured nothing else , but so to display the pope , in his perfect colours ( and but according to the scriptures and as the word of god had testified of him ) that i dare confidently auowe , there is no papist so simple , ( or at the least , if hee will not ioyne obstinacy with ignorance ) but that hee shall playnely see that idolatrous priest , that hath so bewitched the worlde with a showe of holinesse , to be that man of sinne , to be that instrument of the deuill , to bee indeede that antichrist , that hath beene so much prophesied of , and of whom wee haue beene so often forewarned by the holy scriptures . it is he that hath drawne the kingdomes of the world to drink of the cup of his abhominations : it is he that hath hardened the heartes of this poore people of ireland , aswell against their god , as against their prince : and it is he that i haue sought so to discouer to the irishe , that he might no longer deceiue : and this i did aswell for the glory of god , for the seruice of my prince , as for the loue that i doe beare to a number of that cou●try people , to whom i doe with , as i doe to my selfe . i was not ignorant , but that it would be obiected , that i being no churchman , nor had no cure of soules , it would therefore be thought a matter impertinent for me to meddle with . but i say , that the lawe of god and the law of nature both , doe binde euery christian , to haue care ( not onely of his friend ) but if hee shoulde see his enemie , in a dangerous path , that leadeth into that peryll that hee foreseeth not , i say hee that suffereth his brother so to perishe , and will not call vnto him , and giue him warning of the danger , hee is guiltie of his death , and his bloude will bee required at his hands that so suffereth him to perish . thus we are taught by the word of god , & thus i am sure we are bound euer , christian one to another . if my lines haue not taken that effect that i desired , i haue done my good will , and haue contented my selfe with the writing of them , knowing mine owne intent , that was onely desirous to intice but not to intrapp , and rather purposed to profitte many , then to offend any . the publishing of this booke , which ( as i haue sayd before ) concerned nothing but a discouery of the pope , became offensiue , but not so much to the lettered sort of papists ( i meane , to those that doe protes●e knowledge and learning ) as to those that were ignorant and vnlearned , that i am sure doe not vnderstand the grounds of their own religion , nor do scarsly vnderstād what thēselues doe read : but are better practised , in gesta romanorū , in the seuen wise masters , in beuis of hampto , & in the lying legend , then they be in the bible or testament , or in any other book that doth concerne true godlinesse : yet these were they that began to grudge and murmure against me ▪ avowing me to be a most malicious enemie to ireland , that neuer had any 〈◊〉 meaning to ireland but haue pittied a number of poore people in that country , that are capable of obedience and discipline , if they were not misse-led . from this i tooke occasion to write a seconde booke , the which i intituled , a new description of ireland : wherein i haue in a more ample manner inveyed agaynst popery in generall , but not agaynst any one papist in particular , sauing , that i haue a little glanced at a disgrace that was offered vnto me , by some one or two that to shew themselues to be others , stretched their authoritie a little beyonde their boundes , and whereof i coulde haue beene well reuenged , if i hadde beene but halfe so malycious towardes them , as they shewed themselues towardes me . i must confesse , this discourteous dealing with mee , whetted me so much the rather , to the writing of that booke , wherein i tooke occasion to make manifest the fruites of the popes religion , howe it not on●ly sequestereth from god , and all goodnesse , but it is so farre contrarie to that christian charitie , whiche our poplinges will so much bragge of , that beesides it ●●●teth to sedytion , and rebellion , it breedeth a contempte of those thynges appertayninge to that moralitie , that putteth a difference betweene ciuill people and 〈◊〉 beastes . wee see it here in ireland , where the very hat●ed they beare to the gospell professed by the english , 〈…〉 , that are not yet reduced to 〈◊〉 , rather to 〈◊〉 their accustomed vncleanelines , and to retayne themselues in their barbarous customes and inhumane l●athsomenes , rather then they woulde take any example from the english , either of 〈◊〉 , or any maner of decency . such malice is there in popery , that it 〈◊〉 and impugneth the rules and principles , aswell of christian p●et● , as of humane societie . to conclude , that poore booke intended for his maiesties seruice especially that is now so much exclaymed at , that they say is such a 〈◊〉 and slander to the whole realme of ireland : that hath beene so ●ifted , so ouer-lookt , and so narrowly searched into , to find eyther worde or syllable , that might be disproued or taken houlde on , is not yet taynted 〈◊〉 detected with any vntruth : a 〈…〉 of , what they are not ashamed to doe 〈…〉 mannes censure that 〈◊〉 a faithfull subiect to the king , that is not a papist , that is not a traytor in heart ▪ that hath not 〈…〉 conscience & findeth 〈…〉 to be 〈…〉 any man that is not 〈◊〉 , that is not blinde on the one side , and will see too much on the other , censure me in gods 〈◊〉 . and now to winde vp all , i woulde be ashamed , and confesse my selfe to be worthy of punishment , if i should write in the deprauation of a countrey , that is reple●●shed with so many honorable , with so many worshipfull , and with so many worthy personages , of all degrees of all estates , and of all professions : and as in that booke it selfe , i haue already acknowledged , and do yet againe reacknowledge by that which followeth . 2 〈…〉 i haue hitherto truely set downe 〈◊〉 very occasion 〈…〉 those two bookes ▪ the 〈◊〉 as i haue sayd a true discouery of the pope himselfe in particular ▪ the seconde a detection of popery in generall : wherein although i haue ●ypped vp the barbarous customes , the vnciuill demeanures , and the vncleanely behauiours that are vsed amongst the iry●he in the remote parts of the country : yet i haue not done it so much to vpbraid them with this their barbarisme , as to make them to 〈…〉 the popes doctrine , that is the author 〈…〉 , and hath so bewitched them with malice towards the 〈◊〉 , for ●elig●ons sake , that they will neither drawe example , nor president from them , that might either concerne the glory of god , or then owne good . but because i see i shall haue occasion hereafter , to speake of these matters in a more particular manner , i will 〈…〉 time deliuer , what hath beene the occasion that my 〈◊〉 was brought into that mislike as it was , amongst some of the irishe . there is nothing more distastfull in there double dealing dayes then the writing of bookes , especially if they be of a reprehending humour : for these galde 〈…〉 , that liue with corrupted consciences , are so afraide of rubbing , that they will both wynch and kicke at any man that they thinke woulde but touch their festered sores . i haue read an olde author , that speaking of the nature of the swine , will needes perswade that a hogge ( by a certaine instinct ) doth knowe himselfe to bee the most 〈◊〉 , the most vnprofitable , the most harmefull , and the most loathed beast amongst all others , and hauing this w●e●ing of himselfe , that hee is good for nothing , but as the prouerbe sayth , till 〈…〉 to the pot , he knoweth likewise that men doe neuer seeke to lay 〈◊〉 of him but eyther to hange a yoake about his necke , or other whiles to thrust ringes through his nostrelles , or more likely to kill him out right , and this is the cause ( sayth mine author ) that the swine doe so cry and yell ( as they are seene to doe ) more then any other cattell , when they are taken , or when a man doth but offer to lay handes vpon them . an excellent resemblance to a vicious man , that knowing his owne guilty conscience , to bee corrupt and wicked , and branded , perhaps with some loathed deformities , doe thinke that a man cannot write nor speake any thing against vice or villany , but he must rub him . some of these hoglinges ( as it should seeme ) haue had the pervsall of my lynes , and as i doe gather by some circumstances , haue not onely wrested out matter to their owne discontent , but haue sought to whet on others to be as angry as themselues : but amongst the rest of these find-faults , that are so displeased with my booke , what should i say to him , that in the presence and hearing of no lesse honorable then the lord deputy himselfe , would avowe , that booke to be no better then a libell , that was first intended for the glory of god , for the seruice of his maiestie : and that was licenced to the presse by authoritie , that the kinges maiestie himselfe hath pleased to pervse , that our gratious yong prince , vouchsafed the like , that was dedicated to the most honorable and worthy earle the lord high treasurer of englande , and to bee shorte , that was both seene and permitted by the most of the lords of his maiesties most honorable counsayle . now for him that in so saucy and malipert a manner , woulde tearme that to be a libell , that hadde beene thus surueied and ouerlookt , did rather argue a minde ouer loaden with malice , and a tongue fraughted with lying and slandering , then any token eyther of wit or modestie . but as wee are taught , wee must doe good against euill , and the rather to showe a charitable disposition : i will doe as i am taught , to pray for him , and in no worse language then we bee taught in the letany , to pray for his maiesties most honorable counsayle , that it woulde please god to indue him with grace , witte and vnderstanding . but that i am pressed in mine own defence to make it known howe my booke became to be so exclaimed at , i woulde omitte to speake of one occasion that was offered at an honest aldermans house at dublyne , who kindly feasting his neighbours and good friendes , where a woman ( if i may tearme her to bee a woman that hath forgotten to blush ) but such a creature there was that amongst the wholl assembly , beeganne to picke quarrelles both at me and my booke , belying and slaundering both it and me , with such false and vntrue reportes , that a number of those that had neuer seene the booke it selfe , beleeued all to bee true that shee reported : and being thus caryed from hand to hand i was brought into a generall obloquie throughout the whol citie of dublyne , but especially amongest the citizens wiues , amongst the which there bee a number of graue , wise , and sober women , that i haue euer esteemed and helde in reuerent regard but we see the malice of a wicked woman will seeke reuenge , if it bee but on a dogge , but what should ▪ i say to this womanne reporter , that in some respectes i coulde resemble to nothyng more like then to a pipe of tabacco : and let her goe for smoake , fortitude doth shew it selfe more worthy in suffering then in doing wrong . iason the thessalian , beeing assayled and wo●●ded by an enemie who hadde an intent to haue stabbed him , hadde an impostumation opened , which saued his life : so the stab of disgrace that is offered by an enemie , may serue to cure & heale our neglected and hidden infirmities . a wise manne may make great profite , by the reportes of his most malicious enemies , who discouering his imperfections , may learne thereby to mende his faults : but this argueth our vile corruption , when our best offices are performed by our worst acquaintance . but now to speake to the mayne poynt , howe my booke beecame to bee so contemptible to the irishe : it was the papist indeede that pyckt so manie quarrelles against it : and although they would not openly manifest the matter , but tooke other occasions whereat to be angry , yet that was the hidden griefe , that stirred vppe their choler , they cannot indure to heare their holy father so truely translated , from the vicar of christ , to bee indeed , the vicar of the deuill . it is truth , that in those two bookes , i haue made manifest aswell of the pope himselfe , what he is , as of his religion whereunto it draweth , but without any malice or ill intent to any particular man in ireland , but in pittie and commiseratiō of a great number . and although that the popes wholl broode of vermine , as fryers , iesuites , seminaries , and other popish priestes , haue vowed themselues agaynst the truth of god , yet there be a number of others , that are misse-ledd , and dayly seduced by these blinde guides , that it may please god to open their eyes in tyme , and to receiue the truth of the gospel with a sober mildnesse . he that beleeueth not to day , shall haue grace giuen him , and he may beleeue to morrow , in the meane time , i doe not despise him , but i doe both pittie him , and pray for him . these be the men to whom i haue adressed my lynes , and doe charitablie beseech them , not to respect who it is that hath written , but to consider what it is that is written , let them then iudge as it shall please god to put in their mindes . and although that at this tyme , my desire bee rather to take away offence , then to giue offence , yet i cannot dissemble with religion ; but that i must needes make manifest this holy catholicke broode of rome , that deceiueth the poore people of ireland and ( as our sauiour sayde by the pharises ) that oppresseth the poore widdow and fatherlesse , that lyueth in idlenesse , in whooredome , in practising of murther , treason , rebellion , and summa summarum , in all manner of mischiefe . they be the agents and factors , for the most insatiable marchant in the 〈◊〉 , i meane the pope that selleth gods lawes , his owne traditions , hee selleth sinne , hee selleth righteousnes , hee selleth christ , hee selleth the blessed sacramente of his fleshe and bloude : hee selleth the workes of saintes , hee selleth christes merites , hee selleth the people of god , he selleth holy orders , hee selleth pardon and remission of sinnes , hee selleth god and all his ordinances , and all for money . but is not this a monstrous hypocrisie , that the pope will be called the seruant of seruants , and yet will take vppon him to be the lord of lordes , and king of kinges ? the pope is a more detestable enemie to the true catholicke church then eyther turke or infidell , for those that seeke to vphoulde his abhominations , those hee maketh saintes , and those that doe impugne his doctrine by the scriptures , them hee persecuteth , and against those princes where hee cannot preuaile with those excommunications , his curses , and his bellowing bulles , them hee seeketh to confounde by poysonyng , by stabbing , or by murtheryng in one sorte or another . spoyles , massacres , and treasons , euen to the destruction , and murthering of princes , by their seruantes and subiectes ( if a pryest doe but say the worde ) are accounted iust , honorable , meritorious , holy , but for a prince to defende his owne right , or in executing iustice vppon such of the popes vagaboundes as are sent to seduce , to conspire , and to practise villanie , he is an hereticke , a schismaticke , a disobedient childe to the church , and he must be poysoned , stabbed , or blowne vp with gun-powder , there must be some thing exployted against him , hee must not liue , if god doe not defend him . this is the fruite of the popes religion , and these be the practises that are vsed by papistes , lette euery man therefore looke well to his leader , that he be not blinde , for both the guids that are blinde , and those that are blindly led , shall altogether , fall in the ditch , it shall be no excuse to say , i was thus taught by my ghostly father , or this is the fayth that our forefathers haue dyed in . when the worde of god is preached vnto men that be wicked vnto whom god hath giuen no grace to receiue it , then are they nothing thereby amended , but their heartes are the rather , the more obdured , and the more the word of god is preached vnto them , so much the more obstinate they become , and the more mischiefe they intend : after this manner the heart of pharao was hardened , when the woorde of god was deliuered him by moses , hee hauing no grace to receiue it , the more moses indeuoured to expresse it , the more sturdie was he to withstand it . but what neede we trauell into egypt to fetch presidents , when wee haue so many home examples heere in ireland , where the truth of gods gospell hath beene so long preached , and the people euery day growne more obstinate then other , that are rather giuen vppe to beeleeue lies , legendes , fables , dreames , visions , olde wyues tales , and a number of such other mockeries . the papistes haue euer more beene full of myracles , but in their legende of saintes , and in many other foolishe bookes , they haue fayned them so grossely , that they are ashamed to heare of them , but god sometymes , suffereth those that haue no loue to his trueth , to bee deceiued by lying myracles , for as the children of the trueth , shall naturally incline vnto the truth , so the children of the diuell whose heartes are full of lyes , shall naturally consent to bee ledde away with lyes . i might yet inlarge a great deale of other matter , but my conclusion is that the whole glory of the popes church is nothyng else but trash . 3 a reuocation of all ouer sightes that through ignorance were published in that booke . i am come to the matter that is most of all looked after , and that i am sure is especially wisht for , and that is a reuocation of my ouersightes : i know not how to behaue my selfe honestly in this businesse , for to square in out to there contentments that doe desire it , would wound mine owne credit , & to reitterate those things that might pleade my excuse , would sooner breede a newe warfare of words , then settle that quiet that i could wish : but they say , there is better safety in an vniust warre , then in a patcht peace . i confesse , that if i had but halfe so farre ouershot my selfe , as reportes were giuen out , a reuocation in wordes onely would bee too little to make amends , for i would acknowledge my selfe to be worthy of shame and punishment both . but because the booke is extant to be seene , & to answere for it selfe , i thinke my best course will be to set down those oppositions that haue beene obiected against me , aswell by those that were but misinformed by other mens reportes , as of those that made malitious collections , exhibiting those thinges against me for slaunders , that were shamefull for them to bring into question , if they had beene well aduised . me thinkes an easie perswasion might induce wisemen to beleeue , that he that will vndertake to inuey against poperie , eyther by word or writing shall want no enemies in ireland , that wil both rayle and rage against him , and will so ouer load him with lies and slaunders , that if they can not breake his backe , they will yet be sure to cracke his credit : amōgst the rest of those vntruths that were obiected against mee , one is howe i should affirme in my booke that there is neither ciuilitie nor humanity to be found amongst the irish , but that they are inclined to all maner of brutishnes . and although i neede no other answere to this but to turne them to my booke , that they haue so slaundered and belied , yet for better satisfaction i say , it is truth that i haue spoken of the manners and customes that are vsed amongst the irish in some partes of the country , that are not yet so conformed from there vnciuill demeaners , nor so perfected in the complements of humanity , but that they retayned still their accustomed vncleanelines : now if i should say that in some partes of england it selfe , there bee many people that are both rude , ignorant , and verie clownish , as it is well enough knowne there are so ( indeede ) could this be a disparagement to the whole realme ? but they will say i haue made no exceptions amongst the irish , but haue numbred them all to be in one predicament , let me intreate them but to ouerlooke my epistle to the reader in that booke where they shall finde these wordes . doe not thinke mee to be so generall , but that i doe make a great differnce betweene those that are rude , vnciuile , vnreuerent , vncleanely , and vntaught , and those other againe , that are milde , modest , kind , curteous , and that are euery way indued with wit , reason and vnderstanding . and i doe make the like exceptions betweene those that are irreligious , superstitious , idolatrous , seditious , rebellious , that do retayne iesuites , seminaries , and other traiterous priests , then of those that contrariwise are professors of the gospell , that doe imbrace the holy scriptures , and doe indeuoure themselues in the seruice of god , and in obedience to their prince . i hope i may reuoke this without any disgrace , i haue beene charged with a lie , and i renounce it . a second obiection was , that i had taxed the irish in generall to bee more sauage and cruell then the canibals . this is as true as the first , and needeth no other purgation , then what is contained in the booke it selfe , and first in the 36. page , i say that those of the irish that haue reduced themselues to ciuilitie ( were it not for their religion ) are otherwise of very good conuersation : and aswell in their manners as in the decency of their apparell , they are very modest and comely . and in the 17. page , although the vulgar sorte through their dull witts & their brutish education can not conceiue what is profitable for themselues and good for their countrey , yet there be some others , whose thoughts and minds are inriched with knowledge and vnderstanding , that haue done good in the country , and whose example heerafter may giue light to many others . for i thinke that if these people did once vnderstand the preciousnes of vertue , they woulde farre exceede vs , notwithstanding our long experience in the soueraigntie of vertue . you may see now , i haue no such conceite against the irish , in generall as they haue fabled , but that i thinke there be good amongst the bad , and bad amongst the good , i might therefore haue reuoked this accusation , as he that reuoked a long relying letter but with one word ment●ris : yet i will not doe so , but i will borrow a lawyers plea , non est factum . it is yet againe obiected against me , that i haue vpbraided the whole irish nation with their rebellious dispositions : with their cruelties , with their murthers , with their treasons , and that i doe make semblance as though there were neuer a sound subiect in ireland , neyther in life nor religion : if these reportes were but halfe of them true , i might be ashamed to drawe any breath in ireland . i would to god that neyther my selfe nor any other man besides could iustly reproue them for their rebellions , for then insurrections , and for their treasons and murthers both , but to thinke that there is neuer a sound subiect in ireland , it were pittie i should liue to haue such a thought in ireland , but let mee proceede as i haue begun , let mine owne lines pleade mine own excuse , in the 52. page , i haue set downe these wordes . i know there bee in ireland a number of worthy subiects , that cannot be detected , nor their fidelitie and trust to their prince by any meanes impeached , and in the 111. page , i know amongst the nobilitie of ireland , there hath beene , and there are still , many honorable personages , and so there are of many other gentlemen , that without all doubt are as foreward , as ready and as willing to serue their prince , as any other whosoeuer . and yet againe in the 54. page of my booke , i haue often sayd , that there be many good people in dubline , and so through all the partes of ireland besides , men of all sortes , of all professions , and of all degrees that are not to bee detected . what haue i omitted to commend in the irish , ( i meane of those that are worthy of any comendations indeede ) but i haue done them right , i haue giuen them their due , i haue not forgotten those that be fewest in number that are godly affected to religion as in the page , 91. god be thanked ireland was neuer so destitute , but there hath beene a number of good people natiues of that country , that hath zealously and religiously professed the gospell . and therfore those that could spie out the discommēdations i haue giuen of those that be bad , and could not see the prayses i haue giuen to those that be good , it should seeme they are not perfect sighted , but i would i could intreate them yet to put on their spectacles , and to looke into diuers parts of my booke that doe pleade my excuse , they should find in the 14. page , this honest protestation : i doe know neuer a man in ireland that i doe hate , or that i do wish any harme vnto , and therefore if i happen to glance at the abuses of those that be all , let not those that be good thinke themselues thereby to be detected , or so much as touched . they should find againe in my epistle to the reader : i would not haue it thought , that i make any difference betweene the english & the irish , in respect of their birth , for i know there be as worthy men in ireland , as in england . and in the last leafe of the booke againe , for a farwell : i hope there is no man that will accuse me of partiallity , to say i haue more forborne to speake against the follies of the english , then against the manners and customes of the irish , or that i doe otherwise distinguish betweene them , but value them both a like , the good to the good , and the bad to the bad . i knowe not yet therefore what reuocation i should make , but to say that eyther i haue beene wonderfully mistaken or shamefully belied . i might yet speake of other accusations , that haue beene greiuously inforced against mee , howe i haue mocked at their irish customes , scoffed at their holy welles , derided their irish saints , and one in sober sadnes tooke it very greiuously that i had termed , their fryers their iesuites & their priests to be the popes vermine . i warrant ye , they that could spie me out these faultes , they were not blinde they were none of these heritickes , that will say the pater noster in english : but they say open confession must haue open shame peccaui . i haue sinned , and here i doe make open reuocation for i reuoke welles saints fryers , iesuites , priests , pope , deuill and all : and i would all that knowes me in ireland would take example by me and do the like . thus much for ireland in generall that they say i haue so detected in my booke , & now for dubline in particuler that i hope i shall aswell satisfie and giue content . i haue written 3 seuerall chapters the 15. the 16. and the 17. that doe particularly concerne the cytty of dubline , the heade of the 15. chap , a true description both of the cytty and cittyzens of dubline . the head of the 16. of some defectes in the gouernment of dublin , the head of the 17. of the trade and trafficke that is vsed in dublin , in the first of the three , which is the 15. chap. i haue a little crossed maister stanihurst that in his description of the citty of dublin , doth so florish it out with such gorgious buildings ( as he termeth them ) that the world doth knowe , when hee writte his cronicle , made but a sorry showe , to what it is now . but stanihurst sought to please by flattery , and i by plaine dealing , he paintes it out more gorgiously then truely , but my description in these wordes following . to speake the truth of dublin as it deserueth first the towne it selfe , is conuenient enough , pleasantly seated aswell for the serenity of the ayre , as for the pleasing walkes , that are roūd about the citty on euery side : and this commendation , i thinke bee more properly true , then that sumptuous description that maister stanihurst hath made of it . now how i am conceited towardes the cittizens themselues let mine owne lines witnes : which doth like wise follow in these wordes . the cittizens themselues are wonderfully reformed , in manners , in ciuilitie , in curtesie , both themselues and their wiues , modest and decent in their apparell , and they are tractable enough in any thing , religion onely excepted . and the very latter words in the selfe same chapter are these : dubline is not yet so destitute , but that there are some , aswell learned diuines , as other graue and godly cittizens and townes-men that god hath blessed with the light of his word , that doe dayly indeuoure themselues to giue good example , seeking no lesse to aduance the glory of god , as the honour of their prince , and the good of their country . mee thinkes these words were enough for those that were wise to number themselues amongst those that bee good , and not to finde fault with the reprehensions of those that bee ill . but heere is a matter now obiected against mee , that in this chapter i haue taxed the cittizens of lacke of loue to his maiestie , for their receiuing and harbouring of the popes vermine , which ( they say ) lies not in the maior to redresse , but it belongeth to a more superiour authority , i protest i am sorry that ther should be a man found in dubline , that would take exceptions at this , and these thinges were better to be buried with silence , then to bee discoursed with diligence , but if it bee a fault to speake against the entertaining of popish priests in dubline , that are wel knowne to be his maiesties protested enemies , i haue committed that fault through ignorance : for i had thought , that the cittizens of dubline in generall , that haue receiued so many liberall giftes , such gracious grants , and large liberties , from diuers and sundry princes of england , and that are so bountifully cōfirmed , by our most gracious king that now is , i had thought the cittizens of dubline , in respect of their loue and duty to so good and gracious a king shoulde at the least haue restrayned ( though not punished ) that brood of vipers , that doth practise nothing but treason and contempt , both against his maiestie & his proceedinges . and i perswaded my selfe againe , that the mayor of dubline that is so great a magistrate within his owne precinct , that hath the managing of all affayres within the citty and that standeth vpon his prerogatiue within his liberties , and will haue no more to medle but himselfe , that may hang , that may draw , that may punish , and hath his maiesties sword committed vnto him for the same purpose , if all this be not sufficient warrāt for the maior of dubline , to hunt out of his iurisdictions , those sowers of sedition those peruerters of his maiesties good subiectes and those malitious enemies to their king , it is pitty that he hath not a new charter , wherein these seruices might be better warranted vnto him : i doe not speake of the mayor that is now of the time present , but i speake of all that are past , and of the rest that are to come : for if euery mayor within his liberties , and euery bishop within his diocesse throughout ireland , would doe their duties , god would be more honoured , the king better obeyed , and the people vnited in that loue and amitie , that now is dissipated , by this contrarietie in religion . in the 16. chap. speaking of some defects in the gouernmēt of dublin , the greatest fault that is ther armed at , is the prophanatiō of the sabboth day , that day which god hath cōmanded to bee kept holy , & should be dedicated to his honor , that day is most polluted in dublin , & euery alehouse frō morning till night is pestered , with drunkards with blasphemers , i will not speake of whore-hunters , but indeede with all kinde of disordered people . it is truth , that in england ( and else where that i know in christendome ) there are drunkards , there are blasphemers , & there are whore-hunters too many , but the rate penal lawes to restrain them , but especially on the sabboth day , and in england , there is not any one permitted to keepe a tippling house , but hee must from yeere to yeere enter into bond , and good sureties with him , to keepe good rule and order : and i thinke there is no man that professeth to bee a christian , be he protestant or papist , that will thinke i haue offended in this , and therefore i shal not neede to make any reuocation in the matter , because i hope there is no man agreiued at it . i would be sorry to reitterate the occasion that bred offence , betweene the two sheriues and my selfe : because my desire is rather to qualifie , then to reuiue matter of vnkindnes , but what soeuer hath formerly past betweene vs , i protest i am so free from malice towardes them , that i doe not know them frō other men , when i meete them in the streets , what meaning they haue towardes mee , i know not , if it be good i would be glad , if it be ill , i care not : the worst i doe wishe vnto them , is , that it would please god to inspire them with his spirite of truth , and as i wish it from my heart , so helpe me god. and although i must confesse , i haue euer hated popery , yet i protest i neuer hated papist for his religion , but pitted him , especially he or they that i know to be ignorantly led , and seduced by others , for i hate not the man , though i hate his religion . and let me now craue pardon of the cittizens of dubline in generall , but to lament that calamity pittifull to bee spoken of , that in the citty of dubline , where the word of god hath beene so plentifully preached in such continuance : & that should giue light & example to all the rest , both of citties and towns through out all ireland : and are not able to make a yearely choyce of a mayor and two sheriues , that will either goe to church , or willingly take the oath of alleadgeance to his maiesty , & that they haue no other to imploy for his maiesties seruice , but such as will impugne his maiesties lawes . but they will say a papist may bee a sound subiect , i will not denie but hee may bee so : but i will aske our papistes of dubline or else where , but this question , what they doe thinke , whither at rome or at remes , or where soeuer otherwise , where popopery beareth sway , whither they would put a knowne protestant in comission for the seruice of the pope : they would sooner put out both his eyes and carry him to a stake : but what a gracious king is this , that seeketh but an oath for his securitie : and of whom ? marry of those that haue such cunning to equiuocate and haue so many dispensatiōs in a readines , that what they sweare to day they may reuoke to morrow & y ● are taught by their priests , that when they are brought before such as they account for hereticks , they may both sophistically sweare & sophistically answere this i hope may suffice for a reuocation of all ouersightes that i haue cōmited against the cittizens of dublin in the 16. chap. of my booke . and now to speake somthing for the credit of that city , & to deliuer truely but what i haue receiued from some of the cittizens themselues , & not of the inferiour sort , but from some of the best aldermen of the citty of dubline , who foreseeing the partialitie that is vsed by officers of all sortes ( that bee papistes ) that doe execute there places not only to the great detriment of his maiesties seruice but also when any of his maiesties best affected subiectes , that are knowne to be religious , & haue conformed themselues to his maiesties proceedings , if any of these shal light into the laps either of a sergeant , a cōstable or a iayler that is a papist , he shall bee afflicted and exacted on with more rigour & cruelty then if hee were amongst turkes or iewes , where contrary wise , if a papist be brought in question although it be sometimes for his disobedience towardes his prince there is scarce an officer that wil do his duty to aprehend him , or being aprehēded there will hardly befound a iayler that will scantle him with any short alowance belonging to an offender , but will rather entertaine him as a friend , and the more repugnant he sheweth himselfe against his maiesties proceedings , so much the more fauour the iayler will shewe him . these officers that i speake of be such as are belonging to cities and townes corporat , yea to the citty of dubline it selfe , amongst the which there are some that on sunday mornings will first heare a masse , then after that they will attend the maior to christchurch , & hauing put him into his pue , they conuey themselues from out of the church into a tauerne where they sit til the sermon be done , that they must wait of the mayor backe againe to his house . i doe not speake this in any malicious humour , wherby to indignifie the city of dubline , amongst the inhabitantes whereof , although there be some few that be ill , yet i know there be a great nūber of most worthy citizēs that do shew no lesse zeale and feruency in the worshipping of god ▪ then loue and loyaltie to the seruice of the king , who for the better aduancement of those affaires that doe belong to his maiestie , do wish and desire , that not onely the mayor and sheryues in euery citie and towne corporate , throughout the realme of ireland , should receiue the oath of alleageance , but that there should not be a sergeant , a constable , a iayler , or any other pettie officer admited , but such as are tractable to his maiesties proceedings & submissiue to take vppon them , the oath of obedience . but some perhaps will say , that the citties in ireland ( no not dublyne it selfe ) is able yeare after yeare , to make choise of a mayor and two sheryues , that will willingly take the oath of obedience to his maiestie , the which if it should bee true , ( as god forbid it shoulde so bee ) what a gratious clemencie then in a prince , that will suffer a people to inioy so large liberties , as euery cittie throughout that realme is commonly infranchized , that are so repugnant , and opposite vnto him . to come now to the 17. speaking of the trade and trafficke that is vsed in dublyne : some of them doe exclaime against me , that i haue wonderfully wronged the cittie in speaking against their multitude of alehouses , which they call tauerns ; but as good lucke woulde haue it , there bee others beside my selfe that haue founde out that fault , and first a most reuerent and worthie magistrate , the lord chiefe barrone of his maiesties exchequer in ireland , who in his oration to the late mayor of dublyne , when he came to take his oath at the chequer barre , gaue him aduertisements , of that superabundance of alehouses , and of the abuses and inconueniences that did grow by the sufferance of them . there was a learned doctor likewise , that openly exclaimed at the abhomination that was vsed in those multitude of alehouses , in a sermon at christ-church , before the lord deputy and the state , and before maister mayor himselfe , and those fewe of his brethren , that doe vse to come to church . but if it be a fault in me more then in the rest to speake against these things , let it passe for one of my ouersights , for i see he that speakes against pride drunkennesse and lechery , shall want no enemies . there followeth now a grieuous quarrell , and aboue all the rest most bitterly agrauated against me , and there hath beene inquirie made in the matter whither i haue belyed the citie or no in saying , the aldermens wiues sould ale : my wordes are , the best sort of women , as aldermens wiues and the rest of the able sort , are those that doe brewe . now let it be vnderstood ( as without dissimulation i ment it ) that some aldermens wiues did brew ale to the intent to sell it againe by the dosins , by the barrell , or by the great ( as we call it ) is this such an indignity to all to say that some haue done so : or what discredite to her that shoulde so doe , any more to brew ale , then to make malte , or to indeuour any other thinges , that belonges to good huswifery , that euery wise womanne is to vnder take . it is not the brewing of ale , but the number of idle huswiues , that vnder the pretence of selling , do keepe filthy houses , shamefull to be spoken of , this is it that offendeth . but i can tell where this and worse matter too , was agravated agaynst me to some aldermens wiues , by a femall creature , and by such a one ( i warrant you ) that doth thinke her selfe to be in as good request as pudding tabacco . but let me say for mine owne excuse , for the aldermen of dublyne themselues , there be many of them my good friends , whom i dearely loue , there is not any one of them that i thinke to bee my foe , or that i doe hate , and therefore to slander them with matter of vntruth , i would be ill ashamed . now for their wiues in generall , and for all the rest of the citizens wiues of dublyne ( that be of the better sort ) i protest it confidently , and i speake it from my heart , i neuer heard women les infamed or misse-reported , in any citty or towne wheresoeuer i haue trauayled : so that if thucidides rule be true , that those women are to be accounted most honest , that are least spoken of , i say the citizens wyues of dublyne , may march in equall ranke with those women that are least steyned or misreputed . in a fewe wordes now to expresse mine owne meaning , first for this construction that is made against me about the brewing of ale : i doe confesse of mine owne knowledge , that there bee diuerse aldermens wyues , and many other women beesides that neuer vsed it : but if they hadd , it is not the brewing of ale that i find fault with , nor with the selling of it , by those women that are honest , but by those that are well knowne to be shameful liuers , it is agaynst them and against no other , that i do exclaime . i doe acknowledge likewise that alehouses , and victuallyng houses be both of them necessary , and therfore howsoeuer they interpret my words , those that be wise , can conceiue of my meaning : these typling houses by honest housholders , and not by these knowne strumpets , that vnder the colour of selling ale , doe liue in that loathsomnesse of life , too shamefull to bee spoken of . there is yet one other vnkindnesse conceiued agaynst me , for speaking of the extortion that is vsed by the bakers of dublyne , that will bee sure to make their breade after double the rate , that corne is sould for : a matter especially looked into in euery citty and towne . and as it appeareth in the englishe cronicle , the liberties of london , haue beene ceased into the handes of the king for this tollerating , with the inormity of bakers , and it hath euermore beene thought a matter most behouefull to punish ( and that with all extremity ) this extortion in bakers , because it onely pincheth the poorer sorte , that are worst able to beare it . i protest i cannot revoke this as an ouersight , that i haue spoken agaynst the bakers , but doe rather inforce it , that eyther they should be reformed or else that the country bakers , that wil make their bread according to a true assise might be suffered ( as they be in other wel gouerned cities ) to serue the market , which euery man doth admire , is not suffered in dublyne : and now to speake without dissimulation , there is nothing wherewith the city of dublyne is more wounded with disgrace , then in sufferyng so many filthie alehouses , and in this bearing with the extortion of bakers . thus you may see that although i haue glāced at abuses that are vsed by some that are ill , yet it is without any impeachment of those that be good , and therefore those fault-finders haue but discouered their malice , and done me no disgrace . the truth is , the wholl drift of my booke is against popery , how should it then be befriēded in ireland , where those that wil be afraid to reade it , will make no conscience at all to slander it . i know not whither i may tearme it to be blindnesse or obstinacie , or blindnes and obstinacie ioyned both together , in a people ( sencible and wise enough ) that yet are trayned to neglect the holy scriptures , to reuerence visions lyes and fantazies : that are led from the church of god , to the superstitious , and abhominable church of idolatry : that are wrested from the obedience of the princes wholsome lawes , that inciteth to vnitie and concorde , to the durtie decrees and ordinances of a superstitious priest , that leadeth to destruction : that doth so neglect the means of their saluation : that they will not search for the truth , but are so maliciously blinde , that they will not open their eyes to looke towardes the light : that with the iewes do throw stones at christ and will driue him away , when he commeth to preach , that with the nazarits , will thrust him out of their citie with violent hands when he commeth to offer himselfe vnto them . i know not what i should say of the people of ireland , whither it be through the confidence they haue in their priestes , or in the distrust that they haue of their owne iudgementes , or in the litle credite they haue in gods promises , that biddeth them seeke and they shall finde : but something there is that maketh them afraid for they dare not looke on a booke , that is either repugnant to their religion , or that doth contradict popery . i haue not spoken these thinges against the irishe , tauntingly , to vpbraide them , but i speake it louingly to admonish them : & as the preacher that seeing some of his parishioners to frequent his sermons , more for fashion sake , and to take a little nappe of sleepe in the time of his sermon , then for any zeale or deuotion to the doctrine hee taught , yet hee wished them still to come to church although but to take their accustomed nap , hoping in time to take some of them napping , and so to awaken them with the power of gods worde , to make them more attentiue to those thinges that did so nearely concerne their saluation : euen so say i , let those that haue read ouer my former booke , but to the end to picke quarrels against it , & to slander it with vntruthes , let thē do so ( in gods name ) with this that followeth , let them read it ouer i care not with what pretence , let them be angry still at mine honest meaning , it may happen to enlighten some of their eyes that haue beene long blindfold , and i care not to offend mame so i may please some . 4 a bulwarke or defence of all truthes contayned in my booke . the matter that i haue to defend is , that al that i haue written against poperie is true , and hee that defendeth truth is armed with authoritie , if all the world were against him , and hath law full power to pronounce the pope himselfe with al his cardinals to be hereticks , the brood of antichrist , and the ministers of hell and damnation . in my former booke , i haue slightly touched the fruits of the popes doctrine how it stirreth vp subiectes against their princes how it draweth to rebellions , treasons , murthers , mutinies , mischiefes , and to all manner of impieties . now to fortifie this , and to make it more manifest , i will further approue , how this poyson of the popes doctrine , inciteth the people , from that trust they shoulde haue in god , to affie themselues in saints , how it maketh men to flie from gods mercie , to other mens merits , howe it excludeth christ , and setteth vppe a pope-holy righteousnesse of workes and deseruings , and to conclude , howe it draweth from god to the deuill , and from that euerlasting life , which christ hath purchased for vs with the price of his bloude , to the fire of hell , and euerlasting damnation . it is popery , that maketh newe relickes , that setteth forth vnshamefast legendes , that deuiseth false myracles , whereby to deceiue the people , that giueth them pardons for money , for many thousand thousand yeares , that promiseth them helpe in their needes , and effect in all their desires , that maketh open ma●tes of the giftes and graces of god , that causeth men to runn from place to place , from saint to saint , from shryne to shryne to increase their offeringes , and to deceiue the people . they are papistes that bragge of reuelations , of visions , they walke in wonders aboue their reaches , they take away christ the mercie seate , and will needes comprehend god in his maiestie , by the iudgement of their reason , and pacific him with their workes . true christian diuinitie setteth not god forth vnto vs , neyther in his maiesty , nor in any manner of similitude , but streightly forbiddeth vs frō the curious searching of his maiestie , which is intollerable to the body of man , but much more to the mind , wee must not therefore , bee curious to search out the nature of god , but diligent to know his will , as it is set out to vs in christ : there is nothing more dangerous then to wander with curious speculation , to search out god , for as god in his owne nature is vnmeasurable , incomprehensible , and infinite , so he is to mans nature intollerable . let him then that would bee in safety and out of perill , brydle that clyming and presumptuous spirit , and seeke to knowe god but according as by the scriptures , he setteth himselfe forth to be knowne in his sonne our sauiour . then hee that hath to deale in the matter of his iustification , and desireth to knowe how god is to be found , that iustifieth and accepteth sinners , let him know , there is no other , but the man iesus christ , that hath sayd himselfe : no man commeth vnto the father , but by me iohn 14. he that seeketh any other way , doth but wander , and hee that searcheth any other knowledge , is as far astray . but to whom can we liken god , or what similitude canne wee fashion vp , that may resemble the brightnesse of his glory ? a most horrible idolatry to figure out the image of god the father , like an old man with a gray beard , with a tryple crowne on his head like a pope , the holy ghost , they figure like a doue , and the blessed trinitie with three faces . now for the image of christ , there be so many similitudes , as there be workemen to carue or to paint him , when euery one vseth his owne fancie to drawe him into what forme or ●auour he list , and therefore it was merily spoken by an irishe man , who beholding an image that had beene paynted for christ , swore that it looked so like an englishman , that he loued it the worse . zenophon would needes perswade that if beastes could paynt they would portray out the image of god in the liknes of a beast , when god spake vnto the children of israell , they sawe no similitude whereby they might fashion god into any shape or likenes , they onely heard a voyce , which voyce they were willed to obserue and keepe : it is enough that wee beeleeue gods promises , but not to portray him out in similitudes , nor to dispute of his wil , and for those that haue beene curious to search out the cause of predestination , they haue bin wrapped in intollerable doubts , the which saint paul concludeth to bee all onely the will of god , for the proofe whereof he brought in the evident example , how iacob was chosen , & esau reproued , both before they were borne and before they had committed eyther good or euill . the papist seeketh his iustification in his owne workes , the which being well considered , is lesse then himselfe , for the worke man is much more excellent then his worke : nowe if the article of iustification bee once subuerted , then is all christian doctrine ouerthrowne , for who are they that doe impugne this christian righteousnesse , but iewes , turkes , papistes and hereticks for he that hath once lost christ , must necessarily fall into the confidence of his owne workes . to forgiue sinnes , to make righteous , to quicken and deliuer from death , and the deuill , and to giue euerlasting life , these are not the works of any creature , no not of angels , but of the soueraigne maiestie the creator , and maker of all thinges . christ ( sayeth the apostle ) hath giuen himselfe : but for what hath he giuen himselfe , not for our good workes , not for our vowes , not for our pylgrimages , not for our mas●ing , not for our holinesse , nor for our righteousnesse , but for our sinnes , gala. 1. here is now a downe fall to the popes pardons , to purgatory it selfe , to vowes masses and other abhominations : this gunshot beateth downe popery , it layeth all works , merites , and all other superstitious ceremonies flat with the grounde , for if our sinnes might be taken away , by our owne workes , merites , and satisfaction , or whatsoeuer otherwise , what needed the sonne of god to be giuen for them . now if we did but consider of the greatnesse of the price , that the sonne of god must needes be giuen for it , & would yet thinke of any other satisfaction , whereby we might redeeme our selues we should be very iniurious , to the precious bloud of christ . wee might heere againe yet further consider , that sinne is a mightie tyrant , that is not to be vanquished by the power of any creature , but by the infinite power of iesus christ the son of god that gaue himselfe for it . then what doe the papistes , that doe thinke to ouercome sin , by their owne workes and merites , but in establishing their own righteousnesse , doe deface and plucke downe the glory of god , and most perniciously doe set at naught , the precious bloude of christ , which he so freely hath giuen vnto vs. but our papistes i thinke , are vtterly ignorant of the grieuousnes of sinne , & do dreame it to be of no great force nor power but that it may easily be put away , by good workes , by a popes bull or by a priests blessing . then they make certayne distinctions , between sinne & sinne some to be greater and some to be lesser , when there is no sinne , how sleightly so euer accounted of , but is rewarded with death , & dānation , if christ be excluded , neither is their any other meanes whereby to repayre it but by the sheading of his most precyous bloud . why then thou foolish holy pope , wilt thou beare me beleeue thou canst make mee righteous , with thy bulles , with thy pardons , with thy indulgencies , or with thy other tra●h , that am euery day , euery houre , euery minute and euery moment , a sinner committing sinne against the almighty himselfe , & that in grieuous and haynous maner , as contempt of god , blaspheming his holy name , despising his holy worde , prophaning the sabboth day , with a number of other like concerning the first table ? admit that i haue not committed murther , theft , whordome , and such other sinnes actuall agaynst the seconde table , yet in my heart what sinne haue i omitted , but that i am a sinner , and a continuall transgressor of all the commaundements : why then if my sinnes be so infinite , so horrible and detestable , who could repayre them , who could satisfie for them , but he that hath paid the price with his bloud ? but will you see now the subtiltie of sathan , to those that beegin , to lay holde on christ by faith , to them he seemeth feareful putting them in minde of the grieuousnesse of their sinnes , and of that which is a small fault , hee maketh a very hell , and dryueth them as much as he can to despayre of gods mercies , neuer ceasing to accuse their consciences , and all to make them to flie from their anchor holde : to them on the other side , that hee in snareth , to trust in their own works and merites , them he lulleth asleepe in securitie , they make sinne no sinne , they thinke to repayre it , but in going to a saints shryne , in setting vp a holy candle , or in forbearing to eate egges on friday . there is nothing more contrary to the nature of flesh & bloud then to be reprooued in those thinges , wherein they think themselues to deserue greatest prayse , to say they be sinners , vnrighteous , wicked , the children of wrath , when they thinke they haue made themselues righte us and holy by their good workes , by going on pylgrymage , by praying to saints . the wisedome and righteousnesse of the flesh is growne so proud and stately , that they cannot indure to heare of the righteousnesse of grace and faith : but that righteousnesse , which knoweth not the righteousnesse of christ , is double sinne : and therefore these holy sinnes that are committed , bearing the shew of righteousnesse , are farre more daungerous then those fleshly sinnes indeede , that all the world doth acknowledge to be monstrous , and the more wise , righteous and holy , menn are without christ , so much the more hurt they doe to the gospell . if wee shoulde compare blasphemers , publicans and harlots , to those holy hypocrites , we should finde them the more likely to obteyne grace , for they when they offende haue remorse of conscience and doe not iustifie their wicked doinges , but the other dare affirme their idolatries , their wicked worshippinges , & their other abhominations , to bee the workes of righteousnesse acceptable vnto god , and thinges auaileable to saluation . so long therefore , as the opinion of righteousnesse abideth in men , so long there is also abiding incomprehensible pride , presumption , securitie , contempt of the grace and mercy that is promised in christ . the doctrine of the gospell taketh from men , all glory , wisedome , righteousnesse , and giueth them to god alone , to whome they belong , the gospell is a doctrine , concerning christ , which is neyther law nor worke , but our righteousnes , sanctification & redemption , that he might be made an oblation for the sinnes of the whole world , that our sinnes might be forgiuen for his sake , and not for the workes of the law , nor our owne righteousnesse : we acknowledge and confesse that there is nothing in vs that is able to deserue grace and the forgiuenesse of sinnes : but that at wee obteyne it by the free mercy of god , onely for christes sake , whereby we doe not seeke to set forth mans worthinesse , but gods mercy offered vnto vs in christ . for christ and the law cannot agree together in the conscience , the one must giue place : and he that cannot beeleeue that god will forgiue him his sinnes , for christes sake , how can he be leeue that his sinnes shall be forgiuen , for the workes of the law , which no man yet was euer able to performe . they that doe mingle the law , and the gospell together , doe perueit both , for either christ must remayne and the lawe giue place or ▪ the law must remayne , and christ must giue place . for he that will needes couple the law with the gospell , doth not onely blemish and darken the knowledge of grace , which paul so often speaketh of , but also he taketh away christ with al his benefites . the law indeed was giuen to vtter sinne , death and damnation , whereby to driue vs to christ . the law is our schoolmaster to bring vs to christ saith the apostle gala. 3. and our sauiour himselfe in the sixt of iohn : do not thinke that i will accuse you to my father , there is another that accuseth you , euen moses in whome you trust . one place of scripture conteyning some threatening of the law , beateth downe all consolations besides , and so shaketh all our inward powers , that it maketh vs to forget iustification , grace the gospell and christ himselfe . the law no doubt is holy , righteous and good , & consequently , the workes of the law are holy righteous and good , yet notwithstanding a man is not therby iustified before god , but made the rather subiect to the curse . and although there be nothing more necessary then the lawe and the workes thereof , yet by the same a man may be brought to the deniall of christ , for of the lawe many times commeth a trust and affiance in workes , and where that is , there can bee no affiance in christ : the righteousnesse of the lawe is to fulfill the law according to this saying of the apostle , he that shall doe these thinges shall liue in them , but the righteousnesse of sayth is to beeleeue according to this saying : the righteous manne dooth lyue by fayth . now the papistes that doe so much indeuour to establish the righteousnesse of workes , doe thereby tread downe the righteousnesse of christ , for although it be true , that workes must followe faith , yet in the worke of our saluation , there must bee no medly , we must relye in the one or in the other : now faith worketh not but beleeueth in christ , who is our propytion , and remission of sinnes , but the effect of the law is not to make righteous and to giue life , but to shewe forth sinne , and to destroy , and although the lawe sayeth , hee that shall doe these thinges shall liue in them , yet i would but see a papist , that could poynt me out but one man , that had so performed the workes of the law , to merite eternall life by his owne deseruings : who so euer seeketh to make himselfe holy by the lawe , what canne he imagine , but that god beeing angry , must needes be pacified with good works , & what workes can he now performe wherin he findeth not some imperfections , his fasting , his praying , his worshipping , his sacrificing he thinketh still that he hath omitted somewhat , or that he ha●h not done them as hee ought , they cannot therefore quiet his conscience . if our reward should be according to our workes , there should no man be saued , when our best deedes ( compared to the law ) are damnable sinnes , neither by it is any flesh iustified as it appeareth in the 3. to the rom. for the fulfilling of the law , is onely to beleeue in christ : neyther is it written in the gospell , hee that worketh , but he that beleeueth shall be saued , and therfore they that doe seeke heauen by works , are such as doe not vnderstand the treasures that are layd vp for them in christ . there is no man so foolish to condemne good workes ( as the papist most slaunderously reporteth ) but wee condemne confidence in good workes , that should eyther iustifie or make righteous whereby the precious bloud of christ should be made altogether vnprofitable , for those that doe seeke their iustification by lawe , or workes , what is it else but a flat deniall of christ . but here commeth reason now to debate the matter , who hearing of iustification by fayth , beginneth to storme : what sayth it are all my good workes then nothing worth ? haue i fasted , haue i prayed , haue i bin charitable in bestowing my money to build chappels to builde chanteryes , to giue perpetuities to massing priestes , to buy coopes , vestments , crosses , and chalyces , & are all these nothing worth , haue i laboured in vaine ? in any case therefore when wee come to debate of these matters away with reason , which is an vtter enemie to fayth , and leaneth not to the righteousnesse of fayth , but to it owne righteousnesse , or at the least to the righteousnesse of the lawe : now wher law and reason are once linkt together , there fayth looseth her virginitie : for mans reason taketh more pleasure in measuring of god , by her owne imagination , then by his worde , and doth those with better will and greater zeale , that shee her selfe hath chosen , then those that god hath commaunded . and therefore if with the papist , we should goe about to measure the thinges appertaining to fayth and saluation , but according to the rule of reason , wee should finde both great absurditie and many impossibilities : for who can beleeue the articles of the christian fayth , that christ the sonne of god was conceiued , and borne in the wombe of the virgine mary , that he was borne and suffered , the most reprochfull death of the crosse : that the dead shall rise at the last day ? and howe absurde and foolish dooth it seeme to reason , that in the lordes supper , the body & bloude of christ , should spiritually be offered vnto vs , or that the sacrament of baptisme should be the receiuing of the holy ghost : or if we had no better speculation then to looke with the eyes of reason how could we see or beleeue the blessed trinitie ? but how foolish and impossible did it seeme in the iudgement of reason , when god sayde vnto abraham that he should haue a son of the withered and barren body of his wife sara ? we may therfore conclude and that vndoubtedly , that in the searching out of thinges that are diuine , there is nothing more vnreasonable , then that which we call naturall reason : the wisedome of the flesh ( saith saint paule ) is enmitie with god : and therefore when god speaketh , reason iudgeth his words to be heresie . the papist doth attribute the merit of grace , and the remissiof sinnes , to the worke wrought , for they say that a good worke before grace is auaileable to obteyne grace of congruence , beecause it is meete and conuenient that god shoulde rewarde such a worke , but when grace by this meanes is once obteyned , then the good workes following doe deserue euerlasting life as a due debt . for the first worke before grace god is no debter , but beecause he is iust and good , it therefore behoueth him to approue such a worke , and to giue grace for such a piece of seruice : but when grace is obtayned , god is become a debtor , and is constreyned of right and dutie to giue eternall life : for now it is a worke don in grace and therefore it maketh gratious . now if a man , of his own abilitie may performe a worke which is not onely acceptable in gods sight , but is also able to deserue grace of congruence , & get of right and duty eternall life , what neede is there then of the grace of god , of the forgiuenes of sins or of christ himselfe ? he might well haue spared his bloude and bitter passion : we are able to craue for our selues , and to worke our owne saluation by our owne deseruinges . but if the pope , with all his religious rable were not both blind and malicious , they could not choose but see , and would not let to confesse it to bee a most horrible blasphemy , to thinke that there is any worke whereby to pacifie god , when wee see there is nothing that could appease him , but that inestimable price , euen the death of his sonne : away then with these popish satisfactions of workes , of merits , of vowes , of ceremonies , both before grace & after grace , throw them altogether with their first founders , into the bottomeles pit of hell . whatsoeuer is not of faith , is sinne , sayeth the apostle rom. 14. and therefore he that would deserue grace by workes going beefore faith , goeth about to please god with sinnes by heaping one vppon an other , and therefore thou canst not deserue grace by thy workes . the pelagians doe grant asmuch of grace as the papistes do , for they say that menne may haue a good purpose , and a loue of grace , of their owne naturall strength , for ( say they ) god hath giuen good lawes : and a manne may keepe them of his owne naturall strength , or else the commandements were giuen in vayne . and may not infidelles and misbeleeuers attayne to this merite of congruence ? for the papistes doe grant that it commeth of naturall strength , and yet it should not follow of congruence that they shall receiue grace , nor yet attayne to the remission of sinnes , for howe should a man without a speciall grace abhor his sinnes : for if men may doe good before grace , then we may gather grapes of thornes , and figges of thistles : we see now , that the first parte of christianitie dooth consist in the knowledge of our selues , and of our owne vnworthinesse . the seconde part ( if thou wilt be saued ) thou must not seeke thy saluation in thy workes , but in christ that was crucified and dyed for thee , for god hath reuealed vnto vs , that hee will bee vnto vs , a mercifull father , and without our desertes ( seeing wee are able to deserue nothing ) will freely giue vnto vs remission of sinnes , righteousnesse and life euerlasting , for his sonne christes sake . this is our beliefe touching christian righteousnesse , against these horrible and monstrous blasphemies of papistes , concerning their merite of congruence , and worthines of works . christian righteousnesse is christ apprehended by faith , and dwelling in the hearte , but to giue a true rule of christianitie : first wee are to consider that a man must be taught by the lawe to know himselfe , and to vnderstande that all haue sinned , and haue need of the glory of god , rom. 3 and that there is not one righteous , no not one : psal . 14. when a man is thus humbled by the lawe , and brought to the knowledge of himselfe , then followeth true re entance , and heere hee beeginneth to sigh and to seeke out for succour , and vtterly dispayring of his owne strength , hee findeth this comfortable consolation : sonne , thy sinnes are forgiuen thee : beleeue in iesus christ , who hath taken thy sinnes vppon him , whose stripes haue made thee whole . this is the beginning of health and saluation , by these means we are deliuered from sinne , iustified and made the inheritors of life euerlasting , not for our owne workes and deserts , but for our fayth whereby we lay hold vppon christ . when we haue thus laide hold vpon christ by faith , through whom we are made righteous , nowe followe good workes ; and that is , to loue god aboue all thinges , call vpon him , giue thanks vnto him , prayse his holy name , confesse his goodnesse & mercie towardes thee , beginne nowe to loue thy neighbour as thy selfe , doe vnto him as thou wouldest bee done vnto , helpe the needy , comfort the afflicted , giue almes to the poore . these be good workes indeed , for this hearing of masses , this worshipping and offering to idols , this going on pylgrymage , to the holy crosse , to saint patrickes purgatory , this giuing to lasciuious priestes : leaue this to the papistes , the generation of antichrist , and the rest of that holy rable of the popes vermine , that dares take those priuiledges to themselues , that doe properly belong vnto christ alone , he onely forgiueth sinnes , hee onely giueth righteousnesse and euerlasting life . good workes are outwarde signes of true faith , which do not iustifie of themselues , but are as testimonialles to the worker , that he is already iustified , so that workes are out the fruites of fayth : good workes are all thinges that are done within the limites of the lawes of god , in which god is honored , and for which thankes are giuen to god. that faith that bringeth forth good workes doth iustifie , but the works doe not iustifie , and this iustifying fayth is the free gift of god without our deseruinges , for by this faith giuen vs thus by grace , we attayne the benefite of christes death , which onely iustifieth vs , so that good workes are the fruites of a good faith . fasting is a good worke , but howe ? not to absteyne , from the eating of fleshe , and to pamper the panch with all sortes of fish , till it be ready to surfeit , not to refraine from the eating of an egge , and to make no conscience at the killing of a man : not to make difference of dayes , and to forbeare from butter , cheese and milke , but neuer to absteyne ( neyther fasting day nor other ) to liue in drunkennesse in whordome , and in all manner of loath some sinne and wickednes : not to fast in the honor of a saynt , and to liue with bread and water one day , & the next day to glut our selues , and to ryot and reuell it out with all excesse . and what are these prayers that are deliuered in a strange tongue , that are tallied vpon a payre of beades , that are presensented to saintes , images and idoles , but the works of darknes , of sinne and of damnation ? all such religion where god is worshipped without his word , and commaundement , is idolatry , and the more holy it seemeth in outward showe , so much the more dangerous : this abstinency of the papistes in forbearing of flesh , and eating of fishe , their praying vpon beades , their worshipping of saints , their vowes , their pilgrimages are all idolatry . we doe not reiect fasting , and other good exercises as things vnnecessary , but we say that by these exercises , wee doe not obtayne remission of sinnes : and heerevpon , the papistes both ignorantly doe iudge , and slanderously doe reporte , that wee speake against good workes . whether thou eate or not eate , thou art neyther better nor worse saith the apostle , now if any man would say , if thou eate , thou sinnest or if thou abstaine , thou art righteous , hee should but shewe his ignorance : it is a small matter to eate or not to eate , but when a man doth beleeue , that in abstaining , hee meriteth heauen , or is thereby the more holy , heere god is denied , and christ is reiected , and the blessinges of god thereby abused , and to thinke that life or saluation , or death , and damnation , dependeth in the obseruation heereof , is a deuillish superstition , and full of blasphemy . it is truth the papistes doe fast , they pray , they watch , they do lay crosses on them selues , but by this they thinke to appease the wrath of god , to deserue grace , to worke their righteousnes , to make themselues holy : by this , they take from god his maiestie , his diuinity , his mercy : and doe attribute the worke of their saluation , to their owne merites and deseruings . our sauiour in the 6. of mathew , reproued those workes that are not performed by faith : but what workes bee those that hee there rebuketh ? euen such as are commaunded by the scriptures , and such as euery true christian must put in practise , namely fasting , praying , & deedes of almes : for the scriptures themselues being once corrupted with glosses ( as our papistes do accustome and as they haue made manifest in their remish testament ) is no more gods word : so those thinges that are commaunded by the scriptures , being once peruerted , and alienated from their true vses are neyther to be accoūted for good workes or godly deeds : now what are become of those merits of congruence , before faith when fasting , praying , and almes giuing are reprooued , christe heere destroyeth not fasting , praying , and almes deedes , but hee preacheth against the purpose and intent , howe they were peruerted , by the scribes and pharisees , so we that do seeke our saluation in christ onely , doe not seeke to destroy the deeds of good workes ( as the papistes vntruely doe report ) but wee say that those that doe seeke their iustification in them ( as the papist doth teach ) are most iniurious to the bloud of christ . turkes and iewes doe giue almes as plentifully as any christians doe , yet it is abhominable , for lacke of faith and knowledg of the true intent . in the offeringes that were made by abell and caine , wee see that though the workes that are performed by vngodly persons , doe make as glorious a show , as the deedes of the godly , yet in the sight of god which looketh on the heart , the deede is good because of the man , and not the man because of the deede . the wrath of god consumeth these holy and faithles workes , as it did nadab and abihu : and here if we did but turne our eies vnto the pharisees , which before the comming of christ in his flesh , had layed the foundatiō of freewill , wheron they built their holy workes : see what followed , vpon feruency and zeale , they thrust themselues out of the holy rest of forgiuenes of sinnes , by faith in the bloud of christ . mee thinkes the pharisees and our papistes doe drawe together in one line , for the pharisees persecuted christ , because hee reprooued their holy workes , and our papistes are as angry towards vs , because we renounce their superstitious merites , and seeke our iustification in the bloode of christ . abraham beleeued god and it was imputed to him for righteousnes then abraham obtained not this righteousnesse before god through the workes of the lawe , for at that time there was no law nor in foure hundred and odd yeares after , then if there were no law , there could be neither worke nor merit , what then , but the bare promise , which abraham beleeued , and it was accounted to him for righteousnes . abell and caine , they offered their oblations vnto the lord , but the lord had respect to the offering of abell : you see now sayth the papist , that god hath respect to offerings , and therefore works do iustifie : but what blindnes is this that will not suffer them to see , that god had first respect to the person of abell , which pleased the lord , because of his faith , their workes were both one , they both offered oblations : what was then the difference ? abell was faithfull , and caine an hypocrite , presuming on his owne merit , as our papistes doe . it is truth , faith and good workes are neere neighbours , for they still dwell together in a righteous man , but as touchinge their office , there is a great separation , for the lawe can haue no dominion but ouer the fleshe , and faith alone must dwell in the conscience , and sending moses away with his lawe , there shee planteth christ with his righteousnes : for the bleeuing conscience must know of no law . he that hath once receiued christ by faith , and knoweth that hee is his righteousnes and life , doubtles he will not be idle , but as a good tree he will bring foorth good fruite , for the beleeuing man , hath the holy ghost , and where the holy ghost dwelleth it will not suffer a man to be idle , but stirreth him vp to all exercises of piety and godlines , and of true religion , to the loue of god , to the patient suffering of afflictions , to prayer , to thankesgiuing , & to the exercise of charity towards all men : but these good works and this charity following faith , doe neither forme nor adorne my faith , but my faith both formeth and adorneth them . faith and workes therefore must be so taught , as the one hee not confounded by the other , for he that teacheth works onely , as the papistes are accustomed , then saith is lost , if faith onely be taught , then carnall men by and by begin to dreame , that workes are not needefull . faith is the beleeuing of gods promises , and a sure trust and confidence of goodnes and truth , and true faith is impossible to be had without the spirit of god , for it is aboue all naturall power , that a man in the time of affliction , when god scourgeth him should then beleeue , that god then loueth and prepareth for his good . faith giueth glory onely vnto god , which is the greatest seruice man can doe vnto him , for without faith god looseth his glory , his wisedome , his righteousnesse , his truth and his mercy : and to conclude , there is neyther maiestie , nor diuinity remaining vnto god , where faith is wanting . the papist will say , that we must beleeue in christ , and that faith is the foundation of our saluatiō , but it iustifieth not except it bee furnished with charity and good works : but faith of it selfe is gods gift , and gods worke in our heartes , which therefore iustifieth because it apprehendeth christ . mans reason can not comprehend this , but thinketh of charity and of workes , what i haue done , and what i haue not done , but faith hath no other obiect then iesus christ , the son of god deliuered to death for the sinnes of the whole world , saith looketh neyther to charitie , nor to workes : it saith not what haue i done , or what haue i deserued , but what hath christ done , what hath hee deserued : the gospell then truely answereth , that hee hath deliuered me from eternall death and damnation , & therefore a true and a stedfast faith must lay hold vppon nothing else but vpon christ alone . when i can feele and confesse my selfe to be a sinner through adams transgression , without my deseruings , why shoulde i not thinke my selfe to bee made righteous againe , through the righteousnesse of christ , without my deseruinges ? and therefore he that apprehendeth christ truely by faith , although he be neuer so much pressed downe with the waight of his sinnes , may yet take comfort , and accoūt himselfe to be righteous , by that onely meanes , that he possesseth christ by faith : if this faith faile , and that it must giue place to workes or charity , or to another helpe besides , then it is but a fable that christ is the sauiour of the world , and god also founde to bee but a lier , that hath not performed , what he hath so confidētly promised . let vs now acknowledge the lawe to be as it is , diuine and holy , and let vs learne of it , both how wee ought to loue god , and to demeane our selues towards our neighbour , & to aske counsaile how wee should be deliuered from sinne , the power of the deuill , and eternall damnation : let vs haue nothing to do with the lawe , which in that poynt doth rather terrifie , then minister comfort , heere let vs flie to the gospell which teacheth vs , that iesus christ the sonne of god hath payde the ransome , with his precious bloud and redeemed vs from our sinnes , and here faith alone willeth vs to receiue this , and to beleeue it : and therefore when the lawe accuseth and sinne terrifieth , let vs looke vppon christ , laying holde on him by fayth , wee haue then present with vs the conquerour of the lawe , sinne , death and the deuill himselfe . whosoeuer will diligently consider of the whole argument of that booke called the actes of the apostles , shall finde that it teacheth nothing else , but that the holy ghost is not giuen by the lawe , but by the hearing of the gospell : for when peter preached , the holy ghost forthwith fell vppon all that heard him : & in one day three thousand that were present at the preaching of peter , beleeued and receiued the holy ghost : cornelius receiued the holy ghost , but not by his almes giuing , but peter preaching the gospell of christ the holy ghost fell vppon him , and of all the rest that were present with him , so that the whole summe and argument of that booke is , that wee are iustified by fayth onely in christ , without our workes , and that the holy ghost is giuen , by the onely hearing of fayth at the preaching of the gospell , and not at the preaching or worke of the lawe . well sayth the papist , if the holy ghost may be obteyned , but by hearing of fayth and the gospell preached , and that there is nothing else required of vs : alas this is but an easie matter soone performed , but the giuing of the holy ghost , the forgiuenesse of sinnes , the deliuerance from death , are matters of greater moment then to be so easily attayned vnto : and therefore if thou wilt obteyne these inestimable benefits , there belongs more to it , then eyther hearing or beleeuing . thus argueth the papist , and this seemeth conformable to a mans owne reason , and this opinion is well liked , and the pope , and the deuill himselfe will approue it . thus the inestimable greatnesse of the gift , is the cause that wee cannot beleeue it , and because this incomparable treasure is freely offered , therefore wee despise it : but lette christians learne , that the forgiuenesse of sinnes , christ and the holy ghost are freely giuen vs by hearing of faith , and the gospell preached . and that wee must not so much thinke of the greatnes of the thing that is giuen , nor of our vnworthines that are to receiue it , as of the greatnes & gratiousnes of the giuer : we must thinke that it pleaseth god freely to giue vnto vs , that vnspeakeable gift as christ hath sayd luke 12. feare not litle flocke , for it is your fathers pleasure to giue vnto you a kingdome ▪ let foolish reason now be offended , let the papist neuer spare to rage and raile against vs , let them say we teach men to doe nothing at all for the obtaininge of so inestimable a gift but to heare the gospel preached , let them therfore refraine themselues frō going to church , that they might not partake with vs of this heauenly treasure but for those that will exercyse themselues in righteousnes indeede , let them first exercise themselues in the hearing of the gospell & hauinge once receiued that , let them giue thanks vnto god : and afterwardes , let them exercise themselues in those good workes whiche are commaunded in the lawe , so that the lawe and workes , may followe the hearing of fayth : but to seeke any iustification by the lawe or by workes we leaue the one to the iewes , the other to papistes : the papist teacheth that no man can haue any certayne knowledge whither hee bee the child of god or no , but he that doubteth of gods good will towardes him , that man cannot beleeue that he hath forgiuenes of sinnes , but imagineth the tenth article of the christian fayth , and maketh doubt of his own saluation , the papist indeede , hath not this feeling , for it belongeth to none but to him that hath the spirit of god : knowe ye not your selues , that christ is in you except ye be reprobate persons , sayth saint paule 2. corin. 13. and in the sixt to the rom. hee that hath not the spirit of god is none of his . now the spirit of god is the onely marke that is giuen to those that are elect , now the papist that hath not this feeling , if saint paules woordes bee true , is a reprobate , for he hath not the marke . if any man feele in himselfe a loue towardes the word of god and willingly heareth , talketh , and thinketh of christ , lette that man know that it is not the worke of mans wil or reason , but the gift of the holy ghost . so agayne where the loue of the word and gospel , is comtemned dispised , and vtterly set at naught , as we see at this day ( but especially heere in ireland ) let them assure themselues that it is the worke of the deuill , that so blindeth their eyes and hardeneth their hearts . then what are the papistes but the destroyers of the kyngdome of christ , and the builders vppe of the kingdome of the deuill : and as witch-craft couenanteth with the deuill , so idolatry couenanteth with god : for thus many prayers , for thus many paternosters , for thus many creedes , for thus many aues , for thus many dayes of fasting , for thus many masses , for these and many other matters the workes of the flesh , superstitious follies , and that idolatryes . the papistes doe imagine of god , to bee but a marchant to sell them his heauenly graces , for their stinking merits . if the doctrine of the papistes be true , god nowe receiueth no more to his mercie , but he receiueth vs to penance , which commonly they linke together with holy workes , but what holy workes ? such as feede them fat , and pampers them in idlenesse , and yet they would seeme to fayne that idoll their pope to be so mercifull that for a little money , there is neyther penance , nor payne of purgatory , nor fasting , nor absteyning from any filthy sin , eyther of whordome , treason , or murther , but he forgiueth all , and sendeth them to heauen and that with a trice : and as they deale with god himselfe , so they deale with the saintes , whom they woulde make as malicious and vengible , as the poets fayne their furies that tormentes the soules in hell , if their eues be not fasted , their images visited and worshipped with a candle , or some other offeringes , which must bee perfourmed in those places , that they themselues haue chosen to heare petitioners , and to receiue their supplications : so that there is no mercy remaining in god , nor in his saints , but all resteth in the pope alone . and the pope is not onely more mercifull then god , but if a manne may beeleeue our papistes , hee is more powerfull then god : for god ( say they ) if a manne committe a sinne , vppon due repentance , hee forgiueth the offence onely , but not the payne that is due to the offence , sauing that hee turneth an euerlasting payne , but to a temporall payne , and appoynteth seuen yeares plunging in purgatorie for euery deadly sinne , but the pope absolueth all , both a paena & culpa , aswell from the payne that is due to the faulte , as from the faulte it selfe . and whereas god forgiueth no sinne but vpon due repentance the pope neuer lookes after that , money is the matter that hee standes vppon , he that hath money shal haue a plenary remission for as many horrible sinnes as any man is able to commit , let him choose whether he will repent or no , he shall be forgiuen , & for a neede if a man be disposed to committe a horrible murther the pope will giue him absolution before hand . the whole doctrine of the pope tendeth to couetousnesse to robbe the simple and ignorant people , looke into their purgatory , that onely serueth but to purge mens purses , and wherefore serueth pardons but for the same purpose , their offeringes to sayntes but to fill their bellies , their treatales and all other trash , what are they but meere cosenages and flat robberies ? the infinite number of popish priestes that be in ireland doth make a great commoditie amongst the silly people , of this only conceit , that for a little money bestowed vppon them , they will not onely vndertake to doe good workes for them , but will also vndertake to stand between god and them , and to take all their sinnes vppon themselues . thus powerfull is the pope if our papists say true , that he can forgiue more then any can offend , but as for god , they make him but an hypocrite , to forgiue vs the fault , but not the payne that is due to the fault : but pau● sayes he gaue himselfe for our sinnes , if he gaue himselfe to death for our sinnes , without doubt hee is no tyrant , as the papistes woulde make him : hee that will giue himselfe to death for vs , will neyther condemne vs , nor take pleasure in our torment . what vnkindnesse in our papistes that without any authoritie of scripture , will yet seeke to dispoyle god of his honor , imagining that he hath not deliuered vs aswell from the paine as frō the sin : and what blasphemy to thinke that christs bloud , was not sufficient , to giue full remission to his faythfull , aswell for the one as for the other : or for what intent should the payne be reserued to satisfie towardes god , when all the paynes of hell are not able to purge one sinne or to satisfie for it , which if it were , in continuance of time , the damned soules should be deliuered from hell. for our better vnderstanding let vs heere consider the sinnes which we doe commit , if they should be measured by our selues that doe commit them , they could be but finite : for of men that are of themselues but finite , how should come that which is infinite ? but transgression is increased according to the proportion of him against whom it is committed : the sinnes which we commit then , are against the infinite maiestie of god , in regard of whom our sinnes are truely infinite : to an infinite offence , then doth belong an infinite punishment , which could neuer be borne nor remitted , but of that which was likewise infinite : god by his infinite grace hath giuen vs his sonne infinite as himselfe to beare it : our sauiour by his infinite power , hath borne and swallowed vpour infinite paine , and that further by his infinite obedience purchased for vs gods infinite grace : hee doth then forgiue vs that debt which another hath payd him , hee doth furthermore forgiue vs that punishment , which another hath borne for vs : thus as in the sinnes which wee committ , god had regard vnto himselfe against whom it was committed , so in the satisfaction for the sinne , he had the like respect to that which was done , by our lord and sauiour iesus christ , and thus against an infinite punishment hee hath opposed an infinite grace : the punishment was infinite in respect of god , grace was infinite for his sake that suffered , who was likewise god and man , but if christ hath redeemed vs from the sinne and not from the paine , as the papist would perswade , then grace should loose his grace , and we should still remaine in the state of damnation . me thinkes our papists should now be ashamed of their pope that dates thus presume to eclips the glory of gods mercy , and the worthines of christes satisfaction : but alas what shoulde i speake of shame vnto them that haue forgotten to blush ? christ hath chosen vs before the beginning of the world , that we might bee holy and without spot in his sight . ephe. 1. if through his chosing and election we be without spot in his sight , what buzzardly blindnes to suppose , that hee will yet haue vs to be tormented in purgatory , as these popelings do beleeue . but it will be sayde , why who is so righteous but that hee may say his pater noster of the which one part is forgiue vs our trespasses , as wee forgiue them that trespasse against vs ? and it is truth , there liueth no man vpon earth without sinne : notwithstanding , all those that were chosen in christ before the foundation of the world was layd , are without spot of sinne in the sight of god : so that they are both sinners and righteous : if wee consider our rebellious members , which as saint paul sayth , are solde vnder sinne rom. 7. then wee are greiuous sinners , but contrary , if wee beleeue that by the mercifull fauour of god , hee hath freely giuen vs his christ , and with him all things , so that we bee destitute of no gift , as paul doth testifie rom. 8. then are wee righteous in his sight , and our conscience at peace with god : and what haue we then to doe with purgatory ? but leauing a number of testimonies , that might be cited out of the holy scriptures witnessing the promises : let this suffice that is auouched by the prophet dauid , whom his 32 psalme sayth blessed is he whose iniquitie as forgiuen , and making exposition of his owne wordes , hee proceedeth , blessed hee whose sinnes are couered . nowe who can couer his sinnes from the sight of god , who setteth the most secret sinners that are , in the light of his countinance , that looketh into the very imginations of men , that are nothing else but euill continually ? or wherewith may a man so couer his sinnes , but that they will breake out ? for what can be hid from that peircing sight that seeth in man , that he discerneth not in himselfe , that did first knowe him before hee was created , and hath iustly calculated and cast vp all his sinnes , all his abhominations before they were euer acted or done ? but wherewith shall wee seeke to couer them , what with good workes , as adam did with figge leaues ? it is hypocrisie , and the holy hypocrit , & the proud pharisee , is more odible in the sight of god , then the publican or harlot . how then shall we couer our sinnes , for couered they must be , and we must appeare holy and without spot in his sight : how are they then to be couered they are then couered from god , when they be couered by god , then are they couered from his wrath , when they be couered by his mercy , and they shall bee couered by his mercy , when they bee couered by the precious bloode of our sauiour iesus christ , who is our propitiation & righteousnes : hee that seeketh any other couerture then this , seeketh but with adam to hide himselfe in the thicket of a bush , where the iustice of god will finde him out . it followeth in the next verse , blessed is the man , to whome god imputeth not his sinne , and in whose spirite there is no guile : but why is it not sayd heere , blessed is he that hath not sinned at all , or blessed is he that hath not offended or transgressed the law ? because it is sayd else where that all men are sinners , & the apostle sayth if any man say he hath no sinne , he is a lier , &c. or why is it not sayd blessed is he that can so conforme himselfe from a sinner , to become no sinner , that by his owne works and merites , can make himselfe holy . because the most righteous man sinneth seuen times a day , yea that great apostle paul himselfe was left with a pricke in his flesh wherewith to exercise him , the which when he prayed vnto god to haue it taken from him , he was answered : my grace is sufficient for thee . he therefore can not be blessed that stands of his owne righteousnes : but blessed is he to whome god imputeth not his sinne , in whose spirit there is no guile . but who is now this blessed one , or where is hee to bee found , for if there be none blessed , but he that hath a pure and a cleane spirit , where shall we seeke him ? but let vs compare the wordes as they stand , in the first verse it is sayd , blessed is he whose iniquitie is forgiuen , blessed is hee whose sinnes are couered : it followeth in the second verse , blessed is he to whom the lord imputeth not his sinne , in whose spirit there is no guile . why then to him whose iniquitie is forgiuen , to him the lord imputeth not his sinne : and to him againe whose sinne it hath pleased god to couer , that man is reputed to bee of an vpright heart : so that the wordes are expounded the one by the other : those then are not blessed that thinke to couer their sinnes themselues , but those whose sinnes are couered by the mercy of god : and who are those whose sinnes it pleaseth god so to couer ? euen those that doe discouer themselues freely vnto him : the man in whose heart there is found no guile . not him that doth make showe to be honest , and yet is full of deceit , as our merit-mongers , and iustitiaries , that will acknowledge no sinne , but doe iustifie themselues by their owne deseruinges : but blessed are those that will confesse their sinnes , and righteous by consequence , are those whome god hath iustified in forgiuing their sinnes , imputing vnto them the righteousnes , of his sonne : for seeing we haue lost our originall righteousnes , we haue not in vs any righteousnes greater , then to confesse our vnrighteousnes , neither can wee recouer any other righteousnesse to helpe vs , then that the father hath imputed vnto vs in his sonne . i haue hetherto prosecuted the impieties of popery , howe it secludeth christ , & burieth all the benefitts of his precious death and passion : i might yet speake of many other abhominations that are hatched vp in the romish chruch , as their adoring of images , their publicke seruice in an vnknowne tongue , not vnderstood by the people , their sacrificing of the sonne of god to his father for the sinnes of the world , their adoring the eliments of bread and wine , with diuine honour in stead of christ , their shrift , their releasing of soules out of purgatory by prayers and pardons , their inioyning of priests to single life , whereby they doe liue in whoredome , and in loathsome and filthy vncleanes . these , with many other superstitions , & errours in doctrine , might yet bee spoken of , the which for the present time i omitt : now what account god will exact , for his name blasphemed , his sonne refused , his sacramentes prophaned , and his worde thus despised , is much to be feared , in the meane time , let vs beseech the father of glory , to giue vs the spirit of wisedome , knowledge and vnderstanding , and so to inlighten the eyes of our minde , that wee may knowe his wayes , and bee led through faith vnto the knowledge of him that is all veritie . finis . an essay upon the advancement of trade in ireland temple, william, sir, 1628-1699. 1673 approx. 53 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a64307 wing t637 estc r34649 14535234 ocm 14535234 102555 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64307) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 102555) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1074:6) an essay upon the advancement of trade in ireland temple, william, sir, 1628-1699. 32 p. s.n., [dublin? : 1673?] caption title. attributed by wing to temple. imprint suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1660-1688. ireland -politics and government. 2004-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion dublin july 22 d 1673 an essay upon the advancement of trade in ireland . my lord , i know not what it was that fell into discourse t'other day , and gave your excellency the occasion of desiring me to digest into some method and upon paper , the means and ways i esteemed most proper for the advancing of trade in ireland : this i know very well , that you did it in a manner , and with expressions too obliging to be refused , and out of a design so publick and generous as ought not to be discouraged . i had therefore much rather obey your lordship in this point , how ill soever i do it , than excuse my self , though never so well , which were much easier than the other . for i might alledg that neither my birth nor my breeding has been at all in this country : that i have passed only one short period of my life here , and the greatest part thereof wholly out of business , and publick thoughts ; that i have since been ten years absent from it ; and am now here upon no other occasion than of a short visit to some of my friends : which are all circumstances that make me a very improper subject for such a command . but i suppose the vein i have had of running into speculations of this kind upon a greater scene of trade , and in a country where i was more a stranger ; and the too partial favour your lordship has exprest to another discourse of this nature , have cost me this present service ; and you have thought fit to punish me for one folly , by engaging me to commit another ; like the confessor , that prescribed a drunkard the penance of being drunk again . however it is , your lordship shall be obeyed , and therein i hope to be enough excused ; which is all i pretend to upon this occasion . before i enter upon the considerations of trade which are more general , and may be more lasting in this kingdom ; i will observe to your lordship some particular circumstances in the constitution and government , which have been hitherto , and may be long , the great discouragers of trade and riches here ; and some others in the present conjuncture , which are absolutely mortal to it ; that so you may not expect to find remedies where indeed there is none ; nor suffer men , like busie ignorant physicians , to apply such as are contrary to the disease , because they cannot find such as are proper for it . the true and natural ground of trade and riches , is number of people , in proportion to the compass of ground they inhabit . this makes all things necessary to life dear , and that forces men to industry and parsimony . these customs which grow first from necessity , come with time to be habitual in a country . and where-ever they are so , that place must grow great in traffick and riches , if not disturbed by some accidents or revolutions , as of wars , of plagues , or famines , by which the people come to be either scattered or destroyed . people are multiplied in a country by the temper of the climate favourable to generation , to health , and long life . or else by the circumstances of safety and ease under the government , the credit whereof invites men over to it , when they cannot be either safe or easie at home . when things are once in motion , trade begets trade , as fire does fire , and people go much where much people are already gone . so men run still to a crowd where they see it in the streets , or the fields , though it be only to do as others do , to see or to be entertained . the want of trade in ireland proceeds from the want of people , and this is not grown from any ill qualities of the climate or air , but chiefly from the frequent revolutions of so many wars and rebellions , so great slaughters and calamities of mankind as have at several intervals of time succeeded the first conquest of this kingdom in henry the seconds time , until the year 1653 ; two very great plagues followed the two great wars , those of queen elizabeth's reign , and the last ; which helped to drain the current stream of generation in the country . the discredit which is grown upon the constitutions or settlements of this kingdom , by so frequent and unhappy revolutions that for many ages have infested it , has been the great discouragement to other nations to transplant themselves hither , and prevailed further than all the invitations which the cheapness and plenty of the country has made them . so that had it not been for the numbers of the british , which the necessity of the late wars at first drew over , and of such who either as adventurers or soldiers seated themselves here upon account of the satisfaction made to them in land , the country had by the last war and plague been left in a manner desolate . besides , the subordinacy of the government changing hands so often , makes an unsteddiness in the pursuit of the publick interests of the kingdom , gives way to the emulations of the different factions , and draws the favour or countenance of the government sometimes to one party or interest , sometimes to another ; this makes different motions in mens minds , raising hopes and fears , and opinions of uncertainty in their possessions ; and thereby in the peace of the country . this subordinacy in the government , and emulation of parties , with the want sometimes of authority in the governour ( by the weakness of his credit and support at court ) occasions the perpetual agencies or journeys into england of all persons that have any considerable pretences in ireland , and money to pursue them ; which end many times in long abodes , and frequent habituating of families there , though they have no money to support them but what is drawn out of ireland . besides , the young gentlemen go of course for their breeding there , some seek their health , and others their entertainment in a better climate or scene ; by these means the country loses the expence of many of the richest persons or families at home , and mighty sums of money must needs go over from hence into england , which the great stock of rich native commodities here can make the only amends for . these circumstances so prejudicial to the encrease of trade and riches in a country , seem natural or at least have ever been incident to the government here , and without them the native fertility of the soil and seas in so many rich commodities improved by multitude of people and industry , with the advantage of so many excellent havens , and a scituation so commodious for all sorts of foreign trade , must needs have rendred this kingdom one of the richest in europe , and made a mighty encrease both of strength and revenue to the crown of england ; whereas it has hitherto been rather esteemed and found to be our weak side , and to have cost us more blood and treasure than 't is worth . since my late arrival in ireland , i have found a very unusual , but i doubt very just complaint concerning the scarcity of money , which occasioned many airy propositions for the remedy of it , and among the rest that of raising some , or all of the coyns here . this was chiefly grounded upon the experience made as they say about the duke of ormonds coming first over hither in 1663 , when the plate-pieces of eight were raised three pence in the piece , and a mighty plenty of money was observed to grow in ireland for a year or two after . but this seems to me a very mistaken account , and to have depended wholly upon other circumstances little taken notice of , and not at all upon the raising of the money to which it is by some great men attributed . for first , there was about that time a general peace and serenity which had newly succeeded a general trouble and cloud throughout all his majesties kingdoms ; then after two years attendance in england upon the settlement of ireland ( there on the forge ) by all persons and parties here that were considerably interested in it , the parliament being called here , and the main settlement of ireland wound up in england , and put into the duke of ormonds hands to pass here into an act ; all persons came over in a shoal either to attend their own concernments in the main , or more particularly to make their courte to the lord lieutenant upon whom his majesty had at that time in a manner wholly devolved the care and disposition of all affairs in this kingdom : this made a sudden and mighty stop of that issue of money which had for two years run perpetually out of ireland into england , and kept it all at home . nor is the very expence of the duke of ormonds own great patrimonial estate with that of several other families that came over at that time , of small consideration in the stock of this kingdom . besides , there was a great sum of money in ready coyn brought over out of england at the same time towards the arrears of the army : which are all circumstances that must needs have made a mighty change in the course of ready money here . all the effect that i conceive was made by crying up the pieces of eight , was to bring in much more of that species instead of others current here ( as indeed all the money brought from england was of that sort , and complained of in parliament to be of a worse allay ) , and to carry away much english money in exchange for plate-pieces , by which a trade was driven very beneficial to the traders , but of mighty loss to the kingdom in the intrinsick value of their money . the circumstances at this time seem to be just the reverse of what they were then ; the nations engaged in a war the most fatal to trade of any that could arise ; the settlement of ireland shaken at the court , and falling into new disquisitions ( whether in truth or in common opinion , is all a case ) : this draws continual agencies and journeys of people concerned into england , to watch the motions of the main wheel there . besides , the lieutenants of ireland since the duke of ormond's time , have had little in their disposition here , and only executed the resolutions daily taken at court in particular as well as general affairs , which has drawn thither the attendance of all private pretenders . the great estates of this kingdom have been four or five years constantly spent in england . money , instead of coming over hither for pay of the army , has since the war began , been transmitted thither for pay of those forces that were called from hence . and lastly , this war has had a more particular and mortal influence upon the trade of this country , than upon any other of his majesties kingdoms . for by the act against transportation of cattel into england , the trade of this country which run wholly thither before , was turned very much into foreign parts ; but by this war the last is stopped , and the other not being open'd , there is in a manner no vent for any commodity but of wool. this necessity has forced the kingdom to go on still with their foreign trade , but that has been with such mighty losses , by the great number of dutch privateers plying about the coasts , and the want of english fregats to secure them , that the stock of the kingdom must be extreamly diminished . yet by the continuance of the same expence and luxury in point of living , money goes over into england to fetch what must supply it , though little commodities goes either there or abroad to make any considerable ballance ; by all which it must happen , that with another years continuance of the war , there will not be money left in this kingdom to turn the common markets , or pay any rents , or leave any circulation further than the receipts of the customs and quit-rents , and the pays of the army , which in both kinds must be the last that fail . in such a conjuncture , the crying up of any species of money will but encrease the want of it in general ; for while there goes not out commodity to ballance that which is brought in , and no degree of gains by exportation will make amends for the venture ; what should money come in for , unless it be to carry out other money as it did before , and leave the stock that remains equal indeed in denomination , but lower in the intrinsique value than it was before ? in short , while this war lasts , and our seas are ill guarded , all that can be done towards preserving the small remainder of money in this kingdom , is , first , to introduce as far as can be , a vein of parsimony throughout the country in all things that are not perfectly the native growths and manufactures : then by severity and steediness of the government ( as far as will be permitted ) to keep up in some credit the present peace and settlement . and lastly , to force men to a degree of industry , by suffering none to hope that they shall be able to live by rapine or fraud . for in some diseases of a civil as well as natural body , all that can be done is to fast and to rest , to watch and to prevent accidents , to trust to methods rather than medicines or remedies ; and with patience to expect till the humours being spent , and the crisis past , way may be made for the natural returns of health and of strength . this being premised as peculiar either to the government in general , or to the present conjuncture ; i shall proceed to such observations as occur concerning the ways of advancing the common and standing trade of this kingdom . the trade of a country arises from the native growths of the soil , or seas , the manufactures , the commodiousness of ports , and the store of shipping which belong to it . the improvement therefore of trade in ireland , must be considered in the survey of all these particulars , the defects to which at present they are subject , and the encreases they are capable of receiving either from the course of time , the change of customs , or the conduct and application of the government . the native commodities or common easie manufactures which make up the exportation of this kingdom , and consequently furnish both the stock of foreign commodities consumed in the country , and that likewise of current money , by which all trade is turned ; are wool , butter , beef , cattel , fish , iron ; and by the improvement of these , either in the quantity , the credit , or the further manufacture , the trade of ireland seems chiefly to be advanced . in this survey one thing must be taken notice of as peculiar to this country , which is , that as in the nature of its government , so in the very improvement of its trade and riches , it ought to be considered not only in its own proper interest , but likewise in its relation to england , to which it is subordinate , and upon whose weal in the main , that of this kingdom depends ; and therefore a regard must be had of those points wherein the trade of ireland comes to interfere with any main branches of the trade of england , in which cases the encouragement of such trade ought to be either declined or moderated , and so give way to the interest of trade in england , upon the health and vigor whereof , the strength , riches , and glory of his majesties crowns seem chiefly to depend . but on the other side , some such branches of trade ought not wholly to be supprest , but rather so far admitted as may serve the general consumption of this kingdom , left by too great an importation of commodities , though out of england it self , the money of this kingdom happen to be drawn away in such a degree as not to leave a stock sufficient for turning the trade at home ; the effect hereof would be general discontents among the people , complaints , or at least ill impressions of the government , which in a country composed of three several nations different to a great degree in language , customs , and religion , as well as interest ( both of property and dependances ) may prove not only dangerous to this kingdom , but to england it self . since a sore in the leg may affect the whole body , and in time grow as difficult a cure as if it were in the head ; especially where humours abound . the wool of ireland seems not to be capable of any encrease , nor to suffer under any defect , the country being generally full stockt with sheep , cleared of wolves , the soil little subject to other rotts than of hunger ; and all the considerable flocks being of english breed , and the staple of wool generally equal with that of northampton or leicestershire , the improvement of this commodity by manufactures in this kingdom would give so great a damp to the trade of england ( of which cloths , stuffs , and stockins , make so mighty a part ) that it seems not fit to be encouraged here , at least no further than to such a quantity of one or two summer-stuffs , irish-freeze , and cloth from six shillings to fourteen , as may supply in some measure the ordinary consumption of the kingdom . that which seems most necessary in this branch is the careful and severe execution of the statutes provided to forbid the exportation of wool to any other parts but to england , which is the more to be watched and feared , since thereby the present riches of this kingdom would be mightily encreased , and great advantages might be made by the connivance of governours ; whereas on the other side this would prove a most sensible decay , if not destruction of manufactures both here and in england it self . yarn is a commodity very proper to this country , but made in no great quantities in any parts besides the north , nor any where into linnen to any great degree , or of sorts fit for the better uses at home , or exportation abroad ; though of all others this ought most to be encouraged , and was therefore chiefly designed by the earl of strafford . the soil produces flax kindly and well , and fine too , answerable to the care used in choice of seed and exercise of husbandry ; and much land is fit for it here , which is not so for corn. the manufacture of it in gathering or beating is of little toyl or application , and so the fitter for the natives of the country . besides , no women are apter to spin it well than the irish , who labouring little in any kind with their hands , have their fingers more supple and soft than other women of the poorer condition among us . and this may certainly be advanced and improved into a great manufacture of linnen , so as to beat down the trade both of france and holland , and draw much of the money which goes from england to those parts upon this occasion into the hands of his majesties subjects of ireland without crossing any interest of trade in england . for besides what has been said of flax and spinning , the soil and climate are proper for whitening both by the frequency of brooks , and also of winds in the country . much care was spent upon this design in an act of parliament past the last session , and something may have been advanced by it ; but the too great rigor imposed upon the sowing of certain quantities of flax , has caused ( and perhaps justly ) a general neglect in the execution ; and common guilt has made the penalties impracticable ; so as the main effect has been spoiled by too much diligence , and the child killed with kindness . for the money applyed by that act to the encouragement of making fine linnen , and broad ( which i think is twenty pounds every year in each county ) , though the institution was good , yet it has not reached the end , by encouraging any considerable application that way ; so that sometimes one share of that money is paid to a single pretender at the sizes , or sessions , and sometimes a share is saved for want of any pretender at all . this trade may be advanced by some amendments to the last act in another session , whereby the necessity of sowing flax may be so limited as to be made easily practicable , and so may be forced by the severity of levying the penalties enacted . and for the money allotted in the counties , no person ought to carry the first , second or third prize , without producing two pieces of linnen of each sort ( whereas one only now is necessary . ) and severe defences may be made against weaving any linnen under a certain breadth , such as may be of better use to the poorest people , and in the coarsest linnen than the narrow irish cloth ; and may bear some price abroad when ever more comes to be made than is consumed at home . but after all these or such like provisions , there are but two things which can make any extraordinary advance in this branch of trade , and those are : first , an encrease of people in the country to such a degree as may make things necessary to life dear , and thereby force general industry from each member of a family ( women as well as men ) , and in as many sorts as they can well turn to , which among others may in time come to run the vein this way . the second is a particular application in the government . and this must be made either by some governour upon his own private account , who has a great stock that he is content to turn that way , and is invited by the gains , or else by the honour of bringing to pass a work of so much publick utility both to england and ireland ( which circumstances i suppose concur'd both in the earl of strafford's design ; and when ever they meet again , can have no better copy to follow in all particulars ) than that begun at the naas in his time . or else by a considerable sum of money being laid aside either out of his majesties present revenue , or some future subsidy to be granted for this occasion : and this either to be imployed in setting up of some great linnen manufacture in some certain place , and to be managed by some certain hands both for making all sorts of fine clothes , and of those for sails too . the benefit or loss of such a trade accuring to the government until it comes to take root in the nation . or else if this seem too great an undertaking for the humour of our age , then such a sum of money to lie ready in hands appointed by the government , for taking off at common moderate prices all such pieces of cloth as shall be brought in by any persons at certain times to the chief town of each county ; and all such pieces of cloth as are fit for sails , to be carried into the stores of the navy . all that are fit for the use of the army , to be given the soldiers ( as clothes are ) in part of their pay : and all finer pieces to be sold , and the money still applied to the increase or constant supply of the main stock . the effect hereof would be , that people finding a certain market for this commodity , and that of others so uncertain as it is in this kingdom , would turn so much of their industry this way , as would serve to furnish a great part of that money which is most absolutely necessary for payment of taxes , rents , or subsistence of families . hide , tallow , butter , beef , arise all from one sort of cattel , and are subject to the same general defects , and capable of the same common improvements . the three first are certain commodities , and yield the readiest money of any that are turned in this kingdom , because they never fail of a price abroad . beef is a drug , finding no constant vent abroad , and therefore yielding no rate at home : for the consumption of the kingdom holds no proportion with the product that is usually made of cattel in it ; so that in many parts at this time an ox may be bought in the country-markets , and the hide and tallow sold at the next trading-town for as much as it cost . the defects of these commodities lie either in the age and feeding of the cattel that are killed , or in the manufacture and making them up for exportation abroad . until the transportation of cattel into england was forbidden by the late act of parliament , the quickest trade of ready money here was driven by the sale of young bullocks , which for four or five summer-months of the year were carried over in very great numbers , and this made all the breeders in the kingdom turn their lands and stocks chiefly to that sort of cattel . few cows were bred up for the dairy , more than served the consumption within ; and few oxen for draught , which was all performed by rascally small horses ; so as the cattel generally sold either for slaughter within , or exportation abroad were of two , three , or at best four years old , and those such as had never been either handled or wintered at hand-meat , but bred wholly upon the mountains in summer , and upon the withered long grass of the lower lands in the winter . the effect hereof was very pernicious to this kingdom in what concerned all these commodities : the hides were small , thin , and lank : the tallow much less in quantity , and of quicker consumption . little butter was exported abroad , and that discredited by the huswifery of the irish in making it up ; most of what was sent coming from their hands , who alone kept up the trade of dairies , because the breed of their cattel was not fit for the english-markets . but above all , the trade of beef for foreign exportation was prejudiced and almost sunk , for the flesh being young , and only grass-fed ( and that on a sudden by the sweetness of the summers pasture , after the cattel being almost starv'd in the winter ) was thin , light , and moist , and not of a substance to endure the salt , or be preserved by it , for long voyages , or a slow consumption . besides , either the unskilfulness or carlesness , or knavery of the traders , added much to the undervalue and discredit of these commodities abroad ; for the hides were often made up very dirty , which increased the weight by which that commodity is sold when it comes in quantities abroad . the butter would be better on the top and bottom of the barrels , than in the middle , which would be sometimes filled up , or mingled with tallow ; nay , sometimes with stones . the beef would be so ill chosen , or so ill cured , as to stink many times before it came so far as holland , or at least not prove a commodity that would defray the first charge of the merchant before it was shipt . nay , i have known merchants there , fain to throw away great quantities after having layn long in their hands without any market at all . after the act in england had wholly stopt the transportation of cattel , the trade of this kingdom was forced to find out a new channel , a great deal of land was turned to sheep , because wool gave ready money for the english markets , and by stealth for those abroad . the breeders of english cattel turn'd much to dairy , or else by keeping their cattel to six and seven year old , and wintering them dry , made them fit for the beef-trade abroad ; and some of the merchants fell into care and exactness in barrelling them up ; and hereby the improvements of this trade were grown so sensible in the course of a few years , that in the year 1669 , some merchants in holland assured me , that they had received parcels of beef out of ireland which sold current , and very near the english ; and of butter which sold beyond it ; and that they had observed it spent as if it came from the richer soil of the two . 't is most evident that if the dutch war had not broken out so soon after the improvements of all these trades ( forced at first by necessity , and growing afterwards habitual by use ) would in a few years have very much advanced the trade and riches of this kingdom , and made it a great gainer instead of losing by the act against transportation of their cattel : but the war gave a sudden damp to this and all other trade , which is sunk to nothing by the continuance of it . however having marked the defects that were even in time of peace , it may not be useless to set down the remedies , though little practicable while the war lasts . for that great one of killing cattel young , and only grass-fed , i know none so effectual as introducing a general custom of using oxen for all sorts of draught , which would be perhaps the greatest improvement that could be made in many kinds throughout the kingdom . by this means the great slaughter would be made of full-grown , large , and well-wintered cattel , which would double the income made by hide , tallow and beef , and raise their credit in all foreign markets , every man would be forced to provide winter-fodder for his teem ( whereas common garrans shift upon grass the year round ) ; and this would force men to the enclosing of grounds , and improving bog into meadows ; the race of garrans would decrease , and so make room for the countrys maintaining the greater number of cattel , which makes a foreign commodity , though they die by accident or age , whereas the other makes none at all . no great or useful thing is to be atchieved without difficulties , and therefore what may be raised against this proposal ought not to discourage the attempting it . first , the statutes against that barbarous custom of plowing by the tayl , ought to be renewed , and upon absolute forfeitures instead of penalties ; the constant and easie compositions whereof have proved rather an allowing than forbidding it . now if this were wholly disused , the harness for horses being dearer than for oxen , the irish would turn their draught to the last , where-ever they have hitherto used the plowing by the tayl. next a standard might be made , under which no horse should be used for draught ; this would not only enlarge the breed of horses , but make way for the use of oxen , because they would be cheaper kept than large good horses , which could not be wintered like garrans without housing or fodder . and lastly , a tax might be laid upon every horse of draught throughout the kingdom , which besides the main use here intended , would encrease the kings revenue by one of the easiest ways that is any where in use . for the miscarriages mentioned in the making up of those several commodities for foreign markets , they must likewise be remedied by severe laws , or else the improvements of the commodities themselves will not serve to bring them in credit , upon which all trade turns . first , the ports out of which such commodities shall be shipt , may be restrained to a certain number , such as lie most convenient for the vent of the inland provinces , and such as either are already or are capable of being made regular corporations . whatever of them shall be carried out of any other port , shall be penal both to the merchant that delivers , and to the master that receives them . in the ports allowed shall be published rules agreed on by the skilfullest merchants in those wares , to be observed in the making up of all such as are intended for foreign transportation , and declaring that what is not found agreeable to those rules shall not be suffered to go out . two officers may be appointed to be chosen every three years by the body of the corporation , whose business shall be to inspect all barrels of beef , tallow , butter , and all packs of hides , and put to them the seal or mark of the corporation , without which none shall be suffer'd to go abroad ; nor shall this mark be affixed to any parcels by those officers , but such as they have viewed and found agreeable to the rules set forth for that purpose . whereof one ought to be certain , that every barrel be of the same constant weight , or something over . if this were observed for a small course of time , under any certain marks , the credit of them both as to quality and weight would rise to that degree , that the barrels or packs would go off in the markets they used abroad , upon sight of the mark , like silver-plate upon sight of the cities mark where 't is made . the great difficulty will lie in the good execution of the offices ; but the interest of such corporations lying so deep in the credit of their mark , will make emulation among them , every one vying to raise their own as high as they can ; and this will make them careful in the choice of men fit for that turn . besides , the offices ought to be made beneficial to a good degree by a certain fee upon every seal ; and yet the office to be forfeited upon every miscarriage of the officer , which shall be judged so by the chief magistrates of the town , and thereupon a new election be made by the body of the corporation . cattel for exportation , are sheep , bullocks , horses , and of one or other of these kinds the country seems to be full stockt , no ground that i hear of being untenanted ; the two first seem sufficiently improved in the kinds as well as the number , most of both being of the english breed . and though it were better for the country if the number of horses being lessened made room for that of encreasing sheep , and great cattel ; yet it seems indifferent which of these two were most turn'd to , and that will be regulated by the liberty or restraint of carrying live cattel into england . when the passage is open , land will be turned most to great cattel ; when shut , to sheep , as it is at present , though i am not of opinion it can last , because that act seems to have been carried on rather by the interest of particular counties in england than by that of the whole , which in my opinion must be evidently a loser by it . for first , the fraight of all cattel that were brought over being in english vessels , was so much clear gain to england , and this was one with another near a third , or at least a fourth part of the price . then their coming over young and very cheap to the first market , made them double their price by one years feeding , which was the greatest improvement to be made of our dry pasture-land in england . the trade of hides , and tallow , or else of leather , was mightily advanced in england , which will be beaten down in foreign markets by ireland , if they come to kill all their cattel at home . the young irish cattel served for the common consumption in england , while their own large old fat cattel went into the barrel for the foreign trade , in which irish beef had in a manner no part , though by the continuance of this restraint it will be forced upon improvement , and come to share with england in the beef-trade abroad . grounds were turned much in england from breeding , either to feeding or dairy , and this advanced the trade of english butter , which will be extreamly beaten down when ireland turns to it too ( and in the way of english huswifry , as it has done a great deal since the restraint upon cattle . ) and lastly , whereas ireland had before very little trade but with england , and with the money for their cattel bought all the commodities there which they wanted : by this restraint they are forced to seek a foreign market , and where they sell , they will be sure to buy too ; and all the foreign merchandize which they had before from bristow , chester , and london , they will have in time from roan , amsterdam , lisbon , and the streights . as for the true causes of the decay of rents in england , which made the occasion of that act , they were to be found in the want of people , in the mighty consumption of foreign commodities among the better sort , and in a higher way of living among all , and not in this transportation of irish cattel , which would have been complained of in former times if it had been found a prejudice to england . besides , the rents have been far from encreasing since ; and though that may be by other accidents , yet as to what concerns ireland , it comes all to one , unless wool be forbidden as well as cattel ; for the less cattel comes over from thence , there comes the more wool , which goes as far as t'other towards beating down the price of pasture-lands in england , and yet the transportation of wool cannot be forbidden , since that would force the irish wool either by stealth into foreign markets , or else in cloth by the advance of that manufacture ; either of which would bring a sudden decay upon the principal branch of the english trade . horses in ireland are a drug , but might be improved to a commodity , not only of greater use at home , but also fit for exportation into other countrys . the soil is of a sweet and plentiful grass , which will raise a large breed ; and the hills , especially near the sea-coasts , are hard and rough , and so fit to give them shape and breath , and sound feet . the present defects in them are breeding without choice of stallions either in shape or size , and trusting so far to the gentleness of the climate as to winter them abroad , without ever handling colts till they are four year old : this both checks the growth of the common breeds , and gives them an incurable shyness , which is the general vice of irish horses , and is hardly ever seen in flanders , because the hardness of the winters in those parts forces the breeders there to house and handle their colts for at least six months every year . in the studds of persons of quality in ireland where care is taken , and cost is not spared , we see horses bred of excellent shape and vigor , and size , so as to reach great prices at home , and encourage strangers to find the market here ; among whom i met with one this summer that came over on that errand , and bought about twenty horses to carry over into the french army from twenty to threescore pounds price at the first hand . the improvement of horses here may be made by a standard prescribed to all stallions , and all horses that shall be used for draught , the main point being to make the common breed large , for then whether they have shape or no , they have ever some reasonable price both at home and abroad . and besides , being not to be raised without wintering , they will help to force men into improvement of land by a necessity of fodder . but for encouragement of finer breed , and in the better hands , some other institutions may be invented by which emulation may be raised among the breeders by a prospect both of particular honour and profit to those who succeed best , and of good ordinary gains and ready vent to such as by aiming at the best though they fail , yet go beyond the common sorts . to this purpose there may be set up both a horse-fair , and races to be held at a certain time every year for the space of a week ; the first in the fairest green near the city of dublin , the latter in that place designed by your lordship in the park for some such purpose . during this week , the monday , wednesday , and friday , may be the races ; the tuesday , thursday , and saturday , the fairs may be held . at each race may be two plates given by the king , one of thirty pounds , and the other of twenty ( besides the fashion , ) as the prizes for the first and second horse ; the first engraven with a horse crowned with a crown ; the second with a coronet , and under it the day of the month , and the year . besides these plates , the wagers may be as the persons please among themselves , but the horses must be evidenced by good testimonies to have been bred in ireland . for honour , the lord lieutenant may ever be present himself , or at least name a deputy in his room , and two judges of the field , who shall decide all controversies , and with sound of trumpet declare the two victors . the masters of these two horses may be admitted to ride from the field to the castle with the lord lieutenant , or his deputy , and to dine with him that day , and there receive all the honour of the table . this to be done , what quality soever the persons are of ; for the lower that is , the more will be the honour ; and perhaps the more the sport : and the encouragement of breeding will by that means extend to all sorts of men . for the fairs , the lord lieutenant may likewise be present every day in the heighth of them , by himself or deputy , and may with the advice of the two chief officers of the army then present , chuse out one of the best horses , and two of the best geldings that appear in the fair , not under four , nor above seven years old . for which shall be paid to the owners of them , after sufficient testimony of their being bred in ireland , one hundred pounds for the horse , and fifty pounds a piece for the geldings . these sums , as that for the plates , to issue out of the revenue of ireland , and without trouble or fee ; and the three horses to be sent over every year to the kings stables . both those that won the plate , and those which are thus fold ought immediately to be marked so as they may never return a second time , either to the race or to the sale. the benefit by such an institution as this , will be very great and various : for besides the encouragement to breed the best horses , from the honour and gain already mentioned ; there will be a sort of publick entertainment for one whole week , during which the lord lieutenant , the lord mayor of the city , and the great officers both civil and military , ought to keep open tables for all strangers . this will draw a confluence of people from all parts of the country . many perhaps from the nearer parts of england may come , not only as to a publick kind of solemnity , but as to a great mart of the best horses . this will enrich the city by the expence of such a concourse , and the country by the sale of many horses into england , and in time ( or from thence ) into foreign parts . this will make general acquaintances among the gentry of the kingdom , and bring the lord lieutenant to be more personally known , and more honoured by his appearing in more greatness , and with more solemnity than usual upon these occasions . and all this with expence only of three hundred and fifty pounds a year to the crown , for which the king shall have three the best horses bred that year in ireland . the fishing of ireland might prove a mine under water , as rich as any under ground , if it were improved to those vast advantages it is capable of , and that we see it raised to in other countrys . but this is impossible under so great a want of people , and cheapness of all things necessary to life throughout the country , which are in all places invincible enemies of industry and improvements . while these continue , i know no way of advancing this trade to any considerable degree , unless it be the erecting four companies of fishery , one in each province of ireland , into which every man that enters shall bring a certain capital , and receive a proportionable share of the gain or loss , and have a proportional voice in the election of a president and council , by whom the whole business in each province shall be managed . if into each of these companies the king or lord lieutenant would enter for a considerable share at the first , towards building such a number of boats and busses as each company could easily manage , it would be an encouragement both of honour and advantage . certain priviledges likewise , or immunities , might be granted from charges of trouble or expence , nay from taxes , and all unusual payments to the publick , in favour of such as brought in a proportion to a certain heighth into the stock of the fishery . nay , it seems a matter of so great importance to his majesties crowns , both as to the improving the riches of this kingdom , and impairing the mighty gains of his neighbours by this trade ; that perhaps there were no hurt if an act were made , by which none should be capable of being either chosen into a parliament , or the commission of the peace , who had not manifested his desires of advancing the publick good by entring in some certain proportion into the stock and companies of the fishery , since the greatness of one , and application of the other , seem the only present means of improving so rich and so important a trade . it will afterwards be the business of the companies themselves , or their directors , to fall into the best methods and rules for the curing and barreling up all their fish , and to see them so exactly observed , as may bring all those quantities of them that shall be sent abroad , or spent at home , into the highest and most general credit ; which with advancing the seasons , all that can be so as to find the first foreign markets , will be a way to the greatest and surest gains . in holland there have been above thirty placaerts or acts of state concerning the curing , salting , and barrelling of herrings alone , with such severity in the imposition and execution of penalties , that the business is now grown to an habitual skill , and care , and honesty , so as hardly any example is seen of failing in that matter , or thereby impairing the general credit of that commodity among them , or in the foreign markets they use . iron seems to me the manufacture that of all others ought the least to be encouraged in ireland ; or if it be , which requires the most restriction to certain places and rules . for i do not remember to have heard that there is any oare in ireland , at least i am sure the greatest part is fetched from england ; so that all this country affords of its own growth towards this manufacture , is but the wood , which has met but with too great consumptions already , in most parts of this kingdom , and needs not this to destroy what is left . so that iron-works ought to be confined to certain places , where either the woods continue vast , and make the country savage , or where they are not at all fit for timber , or likely to grow to it , or where there is no conveyance for timber to places of vent so as to quit the cost of the carriage . having run through the commodities of ireland , with their defects and improvements , i will only touch the other two points mentioned at first , as the grounds likewise of trade in a country ; those are the commodiousness of ports , and the store of shipping ; in one of which this kingdom as much abounds , as it fails in the other . the haven of dublin is barr'd to that degree , as very much to obstruct the trade of the city ; the clearing or opening of it were a great work , and proper either for the city , or the whole province of lemster to undertake . but whether it be feasible , or at such charges as will quit cost , i will not judg , especially considering the many good havens that are scattered upon that whole eastern coast of ireland . besides this , i know not what to propose upon this head , unless it be the making of two free ports , one in kerry , and t'other upon the northwest coast , which may thereby grow to be magazines for the west-indy trade , and from thence those commodities may be dispersed into all other parts of europe , after having paid the customs which they ought to pay in england , where this must be concerted . for the last point , i doubt there is hardly any other country lying upon the sea-coast , and not wholly out of the way of trade , which has so little shipping of its own as ireland , and which might be capable of imploying more . the reason of this must be in part the scarcity of timber proper for this built ; but more , the want of merchants , and uncertainty of trade in the country . for preventing the further destruction of timber , a law may be made , forbidding any man to cut down any oak that is of a certain heighth , unless it be of a certain scantling , as twelve inches diameter , or some such measure as usually makes a tree useful timber . and further , the severest penalties ought to be put upon barking any tree that is not felled ; a custom barbarous and peculiar to this country , and by which infinite quantities of timber have been destroyed . all traders in these parts , at least of ireland , are but factors ; nor do i hear of any number of merchants in the kingdom . the cause of this must be rather an ill opinion of security , than of gain ; for those are the two baits which draw merchants to a place : the last intices the poorer traders , or the young beginners , or those of passage ; but without the first , the substantial and the rich will never settle in a country . this opinion can be attained only by a course of time , of good conduct , and good government , and thereby of justice , and of peace , which lye out of the compass of this discourse . but to make some amends for this want at present , encouragement may be given to any merchants that shall come over and turn a certain stock of their own here , as naturallization upon any terms ; freedom from customs the two first years , and from any offices of trouble or expence the first seven years . i see no hurt if the king should give leave to the merchants in eight or ten of the chief trading ports of ireland , to name for each town one of their number , out of which the lord lieutenant should chuse two to be of the privy council of ireland , with a certain salary from the king to defray their attendance : this would be an honour and encouragement to so worthy a calling , and would introduce an interest of trade into the council , which being now composed wholly of the nobility or gentry , the civil or military officers ; the traders seem to be lest without patrons in the government , and thereby without favour to the particular concernments of a chief member in the politick body ; and upon whose prospering , the wealth of the whole kingdom seems chiefly to depend . but this is enough for your excellencies trouble , and for the discharge of my promise , and too much i doubt for the humour of our age to bring into practice , or so much as to admit into consideration . your lordship i know has generous thoughts , and turned to such disinteressed speculations as these , and a mind framed for the exercise of those virtues which can most advance the publick weal of the country where your station is . but that is not enough towards the raising such buildings as i have drawn you here the lines of , unless the direction of all affairs here were wholly in your hands , or at least the opinion lost of other mens being able to contest with you those points of publick utility which you ought best to know and most to be believ'd in , while you deserve or discharge so great a trust as the government of this kingdom . for i think a prince cannot too much consider whom to chuse for such imployments ; but when he has chosen , cannot trust them too far , or thereby give them too much authority ; no more than end it too soon , when ever he finds it abused . in short , 't is left only to princes to mend the world , whose commands find general obedience ; and examples , imitation . for all other men , they must take it as they find it ; and good men enter into commerce with it , rather upon cautions of not being spoiled themselves , than upon hopes of mending the world. at least , this opinion becomes men of my level , amongst whom i have observed all set quarrels with the age , and pretences of reforming it by their own models , to end commonly like the pains of a man in a little boat , who tugs at a rope that 's fast to a ship , it looks as if he resolved to draw the ship to him , but the truth and his meaning is , to draw himself to the ship , where he gets in when he can , and does like the rest of the crew when he is there . when i have such designs , i will begin such contentions ; in the mean time the bent of my thoughts shall be rather to mend my self than the world , which i reckon upon leaving much what i found it . nor should i have reason in complaining too far of an age , which does your lordship so much justice by the honour of so great an imployment , and so universal an esteem ; in both which , as i know no man deserves greater successes and encreases than you do , so i am sure no man wishes you greater than i do . finis . a proclamation for a thanksgiving for the late victory by his majesties naval forces by the lord deputy and council, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. 1665 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46068 wing i616 estc r36843 16141405 ocm 16141405 104827 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46068) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104827) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:37) a proclamation for a thanksgiving for the late victory by his majesties naval forces by the lord deputy and council, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. ossory, thomas butler, earl of, 1634-1680. 1 broadside. printed by john crook ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1665. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin, the two and twentieth day of june, 1665." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord deputy and council . a proclamation for a thanksgiving for the late victory by his majesties naval forces . ossory . whereas it hath pleased almighty god in his late providence towards his majestie and his people , to manifest at once the glory both of his power and mercy , in giving his majestie a happy victory over his adversaries at sea , filling the hearts of his maiestie and his people as full of joy and thankfulness , as becomes so transcendent a mercy : we cannot upon due consideration thereof , but with all humility admire and adore the mercy and goodness of god in this his signal manifestation thereof . and we look upon it as an invitation from heaven to his majestie and all his people unto most intire thankfulness for the same . and to the end some solemn time may be set apart for the publick performance of this duty ; and that we and all his majesties subjects throughout this kingdom , may pay our just tribute of praise and thanksgiving to almighty god ; we do hereby publish and declare , and also strictly charge and command , that tuesday the fourth day of july next , be set apart and observed as a day of publick thanksgiving , in and throughout this his majesties kingdom of ireland . and we do also direct and appoint , that this our proclamation be publickly read in all churches and chappels on the lords day precedent to the said day of thanksgiving hereby appointed ; to the end that notice may be taken thereof , and due thanks and praise may upon the said day be offered unto almighty god. and that humble supplications be poured out before him , for his continual assistance and improvement of this , and all his mercies to the honour of his great name , and the peace and benefit of his majestie and his people , willing and strictly commanding all persons within this his majesties kingdom of ireland , with all sobriety , reverence and thankfulness to observe that day , as becomes so solemn an occasion . given at the council chamber in dublin ; the two and twentieth day of june , 1665. ja. armachanus . mich. dublin . arran . dungannon . hen. midensis . massareene . santry . jo. bysse . paul davis . robert byron . g. wentworth . ja. ware. robert meredith . god save the king . dvblin : printed by john crook , printer to the kings most excellent majestie , and are to be sold by samuel dancer , bookseller in castlestreet . 1665. a catalogue of the nobility of england, scotland, and ireland with an addition of the baronets of england, the dates of their patents, the seuerall creations of the knights of the bath, from the coronation of king iames, to this present. collected by t.w. most exact catalogue of the nobilitie of england, scotland, and ireland walkley, thomas, d. 1658? 1630 approx. 84 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a14671 stc 24974 estc s101308 99837124 99837124 1434 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a14671) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 1434) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 979:08) a catalogue of the nobility of england, scotland, and ireland with an addition of the baronets of england, the dates of their patents, the seuerall creations of the knights of the bath, from the coronation of king iames, to this present. collected by t.w. most exact catalogue of the nobilitie of england, scotland, and ireland walkley, thomas, d. 1658? [2], 14, [28] p. printed [by eliz. allde] for t. walkley, london : 1630. t.w. = thomas walkley. printer's name from stc. printer's device (mckerrow 310) on title page. another edition of stc 24973.5, published in 1628 with title: a most exact catalogue of the nobilitie of england, scotland, and ireland. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english 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limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng heraldry -great britain -early works to 1800. england -nobility -registers -early works to 1800. scotland -nobility -registers -early works to 1800. ireland -nobility -registers -early works to 1800. great britain -nobility -early works to 1800. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-04 tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread 2002-04 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a catalogve of the nobility of england , scotland , and ireland . vvith an addition of the baronets of england , the dates of their patents , the seuerall creations of the knights of the bath , from the coronation of king iames , to this present . collected by t. w. london , printed for thomas walkley , and are to be sold at his shop at the signe of the eagle and child at brittaines bursse . 1630. a catalogue of the nobiliti● of england . duk●s . george villers duke , marque●se , and earle of buckingham , and couentry , viscount villers , baro● of whadden , i●fra atatem . marquesses . iohn pawlet marquesse of winchester , earle of wiltshire , and lord st. iohn of basing . earles . thomas howard earle of arundell and surrey , earle marshall of england , and knight of the garter . robert vere earle of oxford , viscount bulbec , lord samford , and vadilsmere . henry percy earle of northumberland , lord poy●ings , fitz-payne , and brian , knight of the garter . george talbot earle of shrewesbury , lord talbot● furniuall , verdon , and strange of blakemere . henry gray earle of kent , lord ruthin . william stanley earle of derby , lord stanley , strange of knoking , and of the i le of man , knight of the garter . henry somerset earle of worcester , lord herbert of chepstow , ragland , and gower . francis mannors earle of rutland , lord ros of hamelake , beluoir , and trusbut , knight of the garter . francis clifford earle of cumberland , lord clifford● westmerland , and vesey . edward radcliffe earle of sussex , viscount fitz-wal●er , lord egremont , and burnell . henry hastings earle of huntington , lord hastings hungerford , botreaux , moeles , and molyns , edward bourchier earle of bath , and lord fitz-warin . thomas wriothesley , earle of southampton , and baron wrioth●sley of titchfield . francis russell earle of bedford , and lord russell . philip herbert earle of pembroke and montgomery● baron ●erbert of cardiffe and shirland , lord parre and roos , of kenda● , marmion , and st. quintin , lord cham●erlaine of his maiesties houshold , and knight of the gar●er . william seymour earle of hartford , and baron beauchamp . rob●rt deuereux earle of essex , viscount hereford , and bourchier , lord ferrers of chartly , bourchier , and louayne . theophilus fynes earle of lincolne , and lord clinton . charles howard earle of nottingham , and lord howard of e●●ingham . earles made by king iames . theophilus howard earle of suffolke , lord howard of walden , and knight of the garter . edward sackuile earle of dorset , and baron buckhurst , knight of the garter , and lord chamberlaine to the queenes maiestie . william cecill earle of salisbury , viscount cramborne , and baron cecill of essinden , knight of the garter . william cecill earle of exceter , baron burghley , knight of the garter . robert carr earle of somerset , viscount rochester , and baron of branspath , knight of the garter . iohn egerton earle bridgewater , viscount brackley , and baron ellesmere . robert sidney earle of leicester , viscount lifle , and baron sidney of penshurst . spencer compton earle of northampton , baron compton of compton . robert rich earle of warwicke , and lord rich of leeze . william cauendish earle of deuonshire , and baron cauendish of hardwicke , infra aetatem . iames hamilton earle of cambridge , marquesse of hamilton , earle of arran , baron of euen , and aberbroth , master of the horse to his maiestie . iames stuart earle of march , duke of lenox , lord aubigny , baron of leighton , bromeswold , lord darnley , mertiuen , and st. andrews . iames hay earle of carlile , viscount doncaster , lord hay of sauley , and knight of the garter . william fielding earle of denbigh , viscount fielding , and baron of newenham-padox . iohn digby earle of bristoll , and baron digby of shirborne . leonell cranfield earle of middlesex , and baron cranfield of cranfield . charles villers earle of anglesey , lord dauentrey . henry rich earle of holland , baron kensington , of kensington , capt. of the gard , and knight of the garter . iohn hollis earle of clare , lord houghton of houghton . oliuer st. iohn earle of bullingbroke , lord st. iohn of bletso . mildmay fane earle of westmerland , lord le de-spencer , and burghwash . earles made by king charies . william knowles earle of banbery , viscount wallingford , and lord knowles of grayes , knight of the garter . henry montague earle of manchester , viscount mandeuile , and lord kymbolton , lord priuy seale . thomas howard earle of barkeshire , viscount ando●ner , and lord charlton , knight of the garter . thomas wentworth earle of cleueland , lord wentworth of nettelsted . edmond she●●ield , earle of mulgraue , lord she●field of butterwick , and knight of the garter . henry danuers earle of danby , lord danuers of dantzy . robert cary earle of monmouth , lord cary of lepington . henry ley earle of marleburgh , and lord ley of ley. edward denny earle of norwich , and lord den●y of waltham . thomas darcie earle riuers , viscount colchester , and lord darcie of chich. robert bartu earle of lindsey , and lord willoughby of eresby , lord great chamberlaine , knight of the garter . william cauendish earle of new-ca●tell , viscount mansfield , lord boulfouer , and ogle . henry cary earle of douer , viscount rochford , and lord hunsdon . iohn mordant earle of peterborough , lord mordant of turuey . henry gray earle of standford , lord gray of groby , bonuille , and harington . elizabeth finch countesse of winchelsey , and viscountesse maidstone . robert perpoint earle of kingston vpon hull , viscount newarke vpon trent , and lord perpoint of hobnes perpoint . robert dormere earle of carna●uan , viscount asco● , and lord dormere of wing . mount-ioy blount earle of newport , lord mount-ioy of thurueston . philip stanhop earle of chesterfield , and lord stanhop of shelford . nicholas tufton earle of the i le of thanet , and lord tufton of tufton . richard de burgh earle of st. albons● and clanrickard , viscount tunbridge , and galloway , baron of somerhill , and imanuey . viscounts . anthony browne viscount montague of cowdrey . viscounts made by king iames . iohn villers viscount purbecke , lord of stoke . william ●ines viscount say and seale , lord say , and seale . viscounts made by king charles . edward cecill viscount wimbleton , and baron cecill of putney . thomas sauage viscount rock sauage . edward conway viscount conway , and killultagh , and baron conway of ragley , lord president of his maiesties priuie councell . paul baynening viscount baynening of sudbury , and lord baynening of hookesley . edward noell viscount camden , baron noell of ridlington . dudley carleton viscount dorchester , and lord carleton of imbercourt , principall secretarie . thomas wentworth viscount wentworth , baron wentworth of wentworth , wood-house , new-march , and ouer●ley . bishops . george abbot , archbishop of canterbury . samuel harsnet , archbishop of yorke . william laude , bishop of london . iohn howson bishop of durham . richard neile , bishop of winchester . thomas doue , bishop of peterborough . francis godwine , bishop of hereford . iohn thorneburgh , bishop of worcester . iohn buckridge , bishop of ely. thomas morton , bishop of couentry and lichfi●ld . lewes baily , bishop of bangor . iohn bridgeman , bishop of chester . theophilus field , bishop of st. dauids . iohn williams , bishop of lincolne . iohn dauenant , bishop of salisbury . robert wright , bishop of bristoll . godfrey goodman , bishop of gloucester . f●ancis white , bishop of norwich . io●uah hall , bishop of exeter . william murray , bishop of landaffe . richard mountagu , bishop of chichester . walter curle , bishop of bath and wells . richard corbet , bishop of oxford . barnabas potter , bishop of carlile . iohn owen , bishop of st. ashaph . iohn bowle , bishop of rochester . barons . henry clifford , lord clifford elde●t sonne of francis earle of cumberland . henry neuill lord abergauenny . maruin touchet lord awdeley of highleigh . algernon percie , lord percie , eldest sonne of henry earle of northumberland . iames stanley , lord strange , eldest sonne of william earle of derby . charles west lord delaware , infra aetatem . g●orge barkeley , lord barkeley of barkeley castle . henry parker , lord morley and montegle . richard lennard , lord dacres of hurst-monseux . henry stafford , lord stafford of stafford , infra ●tat●● . edward sutton , lord dudley of dudley castle . edward stourton , lord stourton of stourton . iohn darcie , lord darcie , and mennell . edward vaux , lord vaux of of harrowden . thomas windsor , lord windsor of bradenham . thomas cromwell , lord cromwell of ockha● . william eure , lord eure of whitton . philip wharton , lord wharton of wharton . william willoughby , lord willoughby of parham● william paget , lord paget of beaudesert . dudley north , lord north of carthlage . george bridges , lord shandos of sudley , infra ●ta●●● . barons made by king iam●s . william peter , lord peter of writtell . dutton gerard , lord gerard of gerards bro●ley . william spencer , lord spencer of wormleighto● . charles stanhop , lord stanhop of harrington . thomas arundell , lord arundell of wardour . christopher roper , lord tenham of tenham , infra aetatem . edward montagu , lord montagu of kimbolton , eldest sonne of henry earle of manchester . basell fielding , lord newnham paddocks , eldest so● of william earle of denbigh . robert greuill , lord brooke of bea●champ court. edward montagu lord montagu of boughto● . william gray , lord gray of warke . francis leake , lord denicourt of s●tton . richard roberts , lord roberts of truro . edward conway , lord conway of rag●ey , eldest sonne of edward visco●nt conway . barons made by king charles . horace v●re , lord vere of ti●bury , master of the ordnance . oliuer st. iohn , lord tregoze of highworth . william crauen , lord crauen of hamsteed marsh●ll . thomas bellassise , lord falconbridge of yarom . richard louelace , lord louelace of hurley . iohn pawlet , lord pawlet of hinton st. george . william h●rny , lord herny of kidbrooke . thomas brudenell , lord brudenell of stouton . william maynard , lord maynard of estaines . thomas couentry , lord couentry of alesborough , lord keeper of the great seale of england . edward howard , lord howard of est●ricke . richard weston , lord weston of ●eyla●d , lord high treasur●r of england , knight of the garter . ●eorge gor●ing , lord goreing of hurstperpoint . iohn mohun● lord mohun of o●●hampton . iohn sa●ill● lord sauill of pomfret . iohn bu●ler , lord butler of bram●ield . f●ancis l●igh , lord dunsemore . william h●rbert , lord powys of powys . edward herbert , lord herbert of chierbury . a catalogue of the dukes , marquesses , e●rles , viscounts , and barons of scotland . dukes . iames stuart duke of lennox , earle of march , lord da●ley● methuen , st. andrews , and aubigny , and ad●irall and chamberla●ne of scotland by inheritance . marqu●sses . iames hamiltone marquesse hamilton , earle of arran , and cambridge , lord auen , inordaill , and aberbroth , master of the horse to his maiestie . george gordoun marquesse huntley , earle of enzy , and lord strathbolgie . earles . william douglas earle of angus , lord douglas , and t●ntallon . archbald campbell earle of argyle , lord lorne , and kintine . george lindesey earle of crauford , lord glenesh , and fineuin . francis hay earle of erroll , lord hay of slains , con●table of scotland by inheritance . william keith earle mar●hall , lord dunoter , and marshall of scotland by inh●ritance . iohn gordon earle of sutherland , lord strathn●uer , and dunrobin . iohn erskeine earle of ma●r , and carioch , lord erskeine● and breichin , trea●u●er of scotland . iohn grahame earle of menteeth , lord , &c. iohn lesley earle of rothes , lord lesley , and ba●breigh . william douglas earle of morton , lord dalkeith , and aberdour . iames grahame earle of montros , lord kincairne , and mugdock . alexander seton earle of eglenton , lord mountgomery . iohn keneday earle of cassils , lord keneday . george st. claire earle ca●teynes , lord b●rredaill . alexander cunnighame earle of glencarne , lord kilmauris . iames erskeine earle of buchan , lord aughter●ous . iames stuart earle of murray , lord donne , and st. columb●inch . iohn mu●ray earle of athole , lord , &c. earles made by king iames . robert maxwell earle of ni●hisdale , lord maxwell , and cartauerock . george setone earle of wintoun , and lord setone . alexander leuinstone earle of linlithgou , lord kalendar . iames hume earle of hume , lord dungals . iohn drumond earle of perth , lord drumond , and hobhall . charles setone earle of dunfermeline , lord fyuie , and vrquarte . fl●iming earle of vigtoune , lord cumber●●rd . iohn layon earle of kingorne . iames hamilton earle of abercorne , lord dasley , iames kere earle of louthian , lord heubotill . patrick murray earle of tullibardine , lord murray . robert kere earle of roxbrugh , lord c●ssfing . thomas erskeine earle of kelly , viscount fentone , lord diriltone . walter scot earle of buckcleuch , lord , &c. thomas hamilton earle of hadingtoune , lord byning , and byris , lord priuy seale . alexander stuart earle of galloway , lord garleis . collen mac-enzie earle of seafort , lord kintaill . iohn murray earle of anandill , viscount anan , lord lochmabine . iohn maitland earle of lauderdale , viscount maitland , and lord thirilstone , and lethingtone . iames stuart earle of carrick , lord kincleuine . viscounts . henry carey , viscount falkland . henry cunstable , viscount dunbar . dauid murray , viscount stormouth , lord scone . william crightone , viscount aire , lord sanquhair . george hay , viscount dupleine , lord hay of kinfauns , lord high chamberlaine of scotland . iohn gordon , viscount melgum , lord aboyne . william douglas , viscount drumlanrick , &c. barons . lindesay , lord lindesay . iohn forbes , lord forbes . ab●rnete , lord saltoun . andrew gray , lord gray of fouils . iames stuart , lord vchiltrie . ca●hcarte , lord cathc●rte . lord caruill● iohn hay lord yester . iames semple , lord s●mple . henry st. clair , lord st. clair of rauensheogh . maxewell , lord heries . alexander elphingstone , lord elphingstone . lawrence oliphant , lord oliphant . simon foaser , lord lo●at . iames ogiluey , lord ogiluey . borthwick , lord borthwick● robert rosse , lord rosse . thomas boyde , lord boyde . sandelius , lord torphichen . alexander lindesay , lord spynnie . patrick lesley , lord londoers . cambell , lord loudon . thomas bruce , baron kinlosse . iohn elphingstone , lord balmerinoch . iames colueill , lord colueill . iames stuart , lord blantyre . robert balfour , lord burleigh . adam bothuell , lord holyrudehouse . iohn drumund , lord madertie . iames elphingstone , lord cooper . iohn cranstone , lord cranstone . ogiluey , lord deskford . robert melueill , lord melueill . dauid carnagay , lord carnagay . iohn ramsay , lord ramsay . carr , lord iedbrough . campbell , lord kintyir . naiper , lord naiper of marcheston . thomas fairfax , lord cameron . edward barret , lord newbrough . walter aston , lord forfare . iohn weymes , lord weymes . elizabeth richardson , baronesse of craumond , wife to sir thomas richardson , chiefe iustice of his maiesties court of common pl●●s . iohn stuart , lord traquair . donald macky , lord rae . robert dalzell , lord dalzell . a catalogue of the earles , viscounts , & barons of ireland● george fitz-gerald earle of kildare . walt●r butler earle of ormond . henry obri●n earle of thomond . richard burgh earle of clanricard . mernen to●chet earle of castell-hauen . richard boyle earle of corke . randall mac-donell earle of antrim . richard nugent earle of westmeath . iames dillon earle of roscomman . thomas ridgway earle of london derry . william brabazen earle of eastmeath . dauid barry earle of barrymore , & viscount ●o●teuant . gorge fielding earle of desmond & viscount callon . iohn vaughan earle of carbury , and lord vaughan of mol●ingar . william pope earle of downe , and baron bealterbert . luc●s plunket earle of ●inga●le , & lord of killene . viscounts . i●●ico p●eston viscount of gormanston . d●●id ●●che viscount of fermoy . richard ●●tler● viscount mo●ntgarret . richa●d wing●ield viscount powerscourt . o●●●er st. iohn viscount grandison . charles wilmot viscount wilmot of athlone . henry poore viscount of valentia . garret moore viscount of drogh●da . chris●opher dillon viscount dillon of costellagh-galni● nicholas netteruill viscount netteruill of dowthe . hugh montgomery viscount montgomery of the ardes . iames hamilton viscount clanhughboy . adam loftus viscount loftus of ely. thomas beaumont viscount beaumont of swords . anth. mac-enos alias magennis , visc. magennis of euagh . thomas cromwell viscount l●cale . edward chichester viscount chichester of carigfergus . dominick sarsfield viscount sarsfield of roscarbery . robert neede●am viscount kilmurry . thomas somerset viscount somerset of cassell . edward conway viscount of killultagh . nicholas sanderson vis●ount of castl●towne . thomas roper viscount of baltinglas . theobald burgh viscoun● of maio. lewes boyle viscount boyle of kynalmeaky . roger iones viscount of rannelagh . george chaworth viscount chaworth of ardmagh . barnham swift visco●●t carlingford . thomas sauile viscount sauile of castle-bar . iohn scudamore , baron scudamore of dromore , and viscount scudamore of sligo . robert cholmundeley visco . cholmundeley of kellis . thomas smith viscount strangford . richard lumley viscount lumley of waterford . richard wenman viscount wenman of tuan , and baron wenman of kilmanham . iohn taffe viscount corine , and baron of ballimote . william mounson viscount mounson of castle-mayne , and baron mounson of bellinguard . charles mac-carty viscount of muskry . richard mulenux viscount mulenux of mariburgh . thomas fairfax viscount fairfax of emmely . thomas fitz-william viscount fitz-william of meryung , and baron fitz-william of thorne-castle . perce butler viscount kerine . barons . richard bermingham , lord bermingham of athenry . iohn courcy , lord courcy of kinsale . thomas fitz-morrice , lord of kerry , and lixnawr . thomas fleming , lord of slane . nicholas st. lawrence , lord of hothe . patrick plunket , lord of dunsany . robert barnwell , lord of trimleston . edmund butler , lord of dunboyne . teige mac-gilpatrik , lord of vpper o●sery . oliuer plunket , lord of lough . iohn power , lord corraghmore . morrogh obrien , lord of inchequin . edmund burgh , lord burgh of castle-connell . thomas butler , lord of cahir . mont-ioy blunt , lord mont-ioy of mont-ioy fort. oliuer lambert , lord lambert of cauan . theobald burgh , lord burgh of britas . andrew steward , lord of castle-steward . iames balfoure , lord balfoure of clan-awley . henry folliet , lord folliet of ballishenam . william maynard , lord maynard of wicklogh . edward gorges , lord gorges of dundalke . robert digby , lord digby of geshell . william heruy , lord heruy of rosse . william fitz-william , lord fitz-william of liffer . william caufield , lord caufield of charlemont . henry docwray , lord docwray of culmore . edward blany , lord blany of monagham . francis aungier , lord aungier , of long-ford . lawrence esmond , lord esmond of lymerick . dermond omallum , lord omallum of glan omallum . william br●rton , lord brerton of laghlin . edward herbert lord herbert of castle-iland . george caluert , lord baltimore . hugh hare , lord colerane of colerane . william sherard , lord sherard of letrim . roger boyle , lord boyle , baron of broghill . brian mac-guier , baron of iniskillin . francis ansley , lord mount-norris . the names of baronets made by king iames and king charles , at seuerall times ; as followeth . anno 9. & 44. iacobi regis , 1611. sir nicholas bacon of redgraue , in the county of ●●●●folke knight , created baronet the 22. day of may , anno praedicto . sir richard molineux of se●ton in the county of lancaster knight , created baronet the 22. day of may , anno praedicto . sir thomas maunsell of morgan , in the county of clamorgan knight , created baronet the 22. day of may anno praedicto . george shyrley of staunton , in the county of leicester esquire , created baronet the 22. day of may , vt supra . sir iohn stradling of st. donates , in the county of glamorgan knight , teste vt supra . thomas pe●ham of lawghton , in the county of sussex esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir francis leake of sutton , in the county of derby knight , teste vt supra . sir richard houghton of houghton-tower , in the county of lancaster knight , teste vt supra . sir henry hobart of intwood , in the county of norfolke knight , teste vt supra . sir george booth of dunham massie in the county of chester knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir iohn peyton of hisman , in the county of cambridge knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . lionell talmache of h●mingham , in the county of suffolke esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir i●ruis clifton of clif●on , in the county of derby knight , created baronet , teste v● supra . sir thomas gerrard of brim in the county of lancaster knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir walter aston of titfall , in the county of stafford kn●ght , created baronet , teste vt supra . philip kneuet of bucknam esquire , in the county of norfolke , teste vt supra . sir iohn s● . iohn of lediard tregos , in the couty of wilts knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . iohn shelly of michelgroue , in the county of sussex esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir iohn sauage of rock-sauage , in the county of chester knight , created baronet the 29. day of iune , anno 9. & 44. iacobi regis , anno praedicte . sir francis barington of barington-hall , in the county of essex knight , created baronet the 29. day of iune , v● supra anno praedicto . henry berkley of wymondham , in the county of l●icester esquire , created baronet the 29. day of iune , anno praedicte . william wentworth of wentworth woodhouse , in the county of yorke esquire , created baronet the 29. day of iune , vt ante an . praed . sir richard musgraue of hartley-castle , in the county of vvestmerland knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . edward seimoure of bury-castle , in the county of deuon esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir miles finch of eastwell , in the county of kent knig. created baronet , teste vt supra . sir anthony cope of harwell , in the county of oxford knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir thomas mounson of carleton , in the county of lincolne knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . george griesley of drakelow , in the county of derby esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . paul tracy of stanway , in the county of glocester esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir iohn wentworth of g●ffield , in the county of essex knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir henry bellassis of newbrough , in the county of yorke knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . william constable of flambrough , in the county of yorke esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir thomas legh of stoneley , in the county of vvarwicke knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir edward noell of brooke , in the county of rutland knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir robert cotton of connington , in the county of lincolne knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . robert cholmondeleigh of cholmondeleigh , in the county of chester esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . iohn molineux of teuershalt , in the county of notting●am esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir francis wortley of vvortley , in the county of yorke knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir george sauile the elder of thornehill , in the county of yorke knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . william kniueton of mircaston , in the county of derby esquire , created baronet , ●este vt supra . sir philip woodhouse of ●imberley-hall , in the county of norfolke knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir william pope of vvilcot , in the county of of oxford knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir iames harrington of ridlington , in the county of rutland knight , created baronet the 29. day of iune , anno praed . sir henry sauile of metheley , in the county of yorke knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . henry willoughby of risley , in the county of derby esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . lewis tresham of rushton , in the county of northhampton esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . thomas brudenell of de●ne , in the county of northampton esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir george st. paul of snarford , in the county of lincolne knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir philip tirwhit of s●amefield , in the county of lincolne kight , created baro●et , t●ste vt supra . sir rog●r da●lison o● laughton , in the county of lincolne knight , created baronet the 29. day of iune , anno pred . sir edward carre of sleford , in the county of lincolne knight , creat●d baro●et , teste vt supra . sir edward h●ssey of henington , in the county of lincolne knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . le strange mord●nt of massi●gham parua , in the county of nor●●lke esquire , created baronet the 29. day of iun● . anno pred . thomas bendish of steeple bumsteed , in the county of essex esquire , creat●d baronet the 29. day of iune , anno predicto vt supra . sir iohn winne of gwidder , in the county of carnaruon knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir william throckmorton of t●rtworth , in the county of gloucester knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir richard worsley of appledorecombe , in the county of southampton knight created baronet , teste vt supra . richard fleet-wood of cakewish , in the county of stafford e●quire , created baronet , teste vt supra . thomas spencer of yardington , in the county of oxford esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir iohn tufton of hothfield , in the county of k●nt knight , created baronet the 29. day of iune , anno praedictae . sir samuel peyton of knowlton , in the county of kent knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir charles morrison of cashiobury , in the county of hertford , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir henry baker of sissinghurst , in the county of kent knight , created baronet , teste v● supra ● roger appleton of southbemsteet , in the county of essex esquire , created baronet , teste vt sup . sir william sedley of ailesford , in the county of kent knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir william twisden of east-peckham , in the county of kent knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir edward hales of woodchurch , in the county of kent knight , created baronet the 29. day of iune , vt william monyus of walwa●sher , in the county of kent esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . thomas milemay of mulsham , in the county of essex esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir william maynard of easton parua , in the county of essex knight , created baronet the 29. day of iune , anno praedicto . henry lee of quarrendon , in the county of buckingham esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . these last baronets which be in number 52. beare date all 29. day of iune , anno supradicto . and the other 18. which be first , doe all beare date 22. day of may , an. supradicto . anno 10. & 45. iacobi regis , 1612. sir iohn portman of orchard , in the county of somerset knight , created baronet the 25. day of nouember , anno pred . sir nicholas saunderson of saxby , in the county of lincolne , created baroned the 25. day of nouember the an. praed . sir miles sandes of wilberton within the i le of ely knight , created baronet , teste vt surra . william gostwicke of willington , in the county of bedford esquire , created baronet the 25. day of nouember anno praedicto . thomas puckering of weston , in the county of hertford esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir william wray of glentworth , in the county of lincolne knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir william ailoffe of braxted magna , in the county of essex knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir marmaduke wiuell of custable-burton , in the county of yorke knight , created baronet , the 25. day of nouember , anno pred . iohn peshall of horsley , in the county of stafford esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . francis englefield of wotton basset , in the county of wilts esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir thomas ridgway of torre , in the county of deuon knight , created baronet , teste vt supra william essex of bewcot , in the county of berkeshire esquire , created baronet the 25. day of nouember , anno praed . sir edward gorges of langford , in the county of wilts knight , created baronet the 25. day of nouember , anno praed . edward deuereux of castle bramwitch , in the county of warwicke , esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . reginald mohun of buckonnock , in the county of cornwall esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir harbottle grimstone of bradfield , in the county of essex knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir thomas holt of aston iuxta byrmingham , in the county of warwicke knight , created baronet the 25. day of nouember , anno praed . sir robert napar alias sandy of lewton-how , in the county of bedford knight , created baronet , teste 24● day of september , anno pred . paul bayning of in the county of essex esquire , created baronet the sir thomas temple of in the county of buckingham knight , created baronet the day of thomas peneystone of in the county of sussex esquire , created baronet the anno 13. & 48. iacobi regis 1615. thomas blackston of blackston , in the county and bishopiicke of durham , created baronet the 8. day of iune , anno praed . sir robert dormer of wing , in the county of buckingham knight , created baronet the 10. day of iune , anno praed . and created baron dormer of wing , the thirty of iune , anno praed . anno 15. & 50. iacobi regis , 1616. sir rowland egerton of egerton , in the county of chester knight , created baronet the 5. day of aprill an pred . roger towneshend of rainham , in the county of norffo●ke esquire , created baronet the 16. day of aprill , anno praed . simon clerke of sulford , in the county of warwicke esquire , created baronet the first day of may , anno pred . anno 15. & 51. iacobi regis , 1617. sir richard lucy of broxborne , in the county of hertford knight , created baronet the 11. day of march , anno praed . anno 16. & 51. iacobi regis , 1618. sir mathew boynton bramston in the county of yorke knight , created baronet the 25. day of may. an . praed . thomas littleton of fr●nkley , in the county of worcester esquire , created baronet the 25. day of iuly , anno praed . anno 16. & 52. iacobi regis , 1618. sir francis leigh of newneham , in the county of warwicke knight , created baronet , the 24. day of december , anno praed . george morton of st. andrewes milborne , in the county of dorset esquire , created baronet the first day of march , an . praed . anno 17. & 52. iacobi regis , 1619. sir william heruy knight , created baronet the 31. day of may , an . praed . thomas mackworth of normanton , in the county of rutland esquire , created baronet the 4. day of iune , an . prad . william grey esquire , sonne and heire of sir ralph grey of chillingham in the county of northumberland knight , created baronet the 15. day of iune , an . praed . william villiers of brookesby , in the county of leicester esquire , created baronet the 19. day of iuly , an . praed . sir iames ley of westbury , in the county of vvilts knight , created baronet the 20. day of iuly , an . pred . william hicks of beuerston , in the county of leicester esquire , created baronet the 21. day of iuly , an . pred . anno 17. & 53. iacobi regis . sir thomas beamont of coleauerton , in the county of leicester knight , created baronet the 17. day of september , an . pred . henry salisbury of leweny , in the county of denbigh esquire , created baronet the 10. day of nouember , an . pred . erasmus driden of canons ashby , in the county of northampton esquire , created baronet the 16. day of nouember , an . pred . william armine esquire , sonne of sir william armine of osgodby , in the county of lincolne knight , created baronet the 28. of nouember , an . pred . sir william bamburgh of howson , in the county of yorke knight , created baronet the first day of december , an . pred . edward hartoppe of freathby , in the county of leicester esquire , created baronet the 2. day of december , an . pred . iohn mill of camons-court , in the county of sussex esquire , created baronet the 31. day of december , anno pred . francis radcliffe of darentwater , in the county of cumberland esquire , created baronet the 31. day of ianuary , an . pred . sir dauid foulis of ingleby , in the county of of yorke knight , created baronet the 6. day of february , an . pred . thomas philips of barrington , in the county of somerset esquire , created baronet the 16. day of february , an . pred . sir claudius forster of bambrough-castle , in the county of northumberland knight , created baronet the 7. day of march , an . praed . anthony chester of chicheley , in the county of buckingham esquire , created baronet the 23. day of march , an . praed . sir samuel tryon or layre-marney , in the county of essex knight , created baronet the 28. day of ma●ch , an . praed . anno 18. & 53. iacobi regis , 1620. adam newton of charleton , in the county of kent , esquire , created baronet the 2. day of aprill , an . pr. sir iohn boteler of hatfield-woodhall , in the county of hertford knight , created baronet the 12. day of aprill , an . pred . gilbert gerrard of harrow super montem , in the county of middlesex esquire , created baronet the 13. day of aprill , an . praed . humfrey lee of langley , in the county of salop esquire , created baronet the 3. day of may , an . praed . richard berney of park-hall in redham , in the county of norffolke esquire , created baronet the 5. day of may , an . praed . humfrey forster of aldermaston , in the county of berke esquire , created baronet the 20. day of may , anno praed . thomas biggs of lenchwicke , in the county of vvorcester esquire , created baron●t the 29. day of may , anno praed . henry bellingham of helsington , in the county of westmerland e●quire , created baronet the 30. day of may , an . praed . william yeluerton of rougham , in the county of norfolke esquire , cr●ated baronet the 31. day of may , anno praed . iohn scudamore of home lacy ● in the county of hereford esquire , created baronet the first day of iune , anno praed . sir thomas gore of stitman , in the county of yorke knight , created baronet the 2. day of iune , an . praed . iohn packington of alesbury , in the county of buckingham esquire , created baronet the 22. day of iune , an . praed . raphe ashton of leuer , in the county of lancaster esquire , created baronet the 28. of iune , an . praed . sir baptist hicks of campden , in the county of glocester knight , created baronet the first day of iuly , anno praed . sir thomas roberts of glassenbury , in the county of kent knight , created baronet the 3. day of iuly , anno praed . iohn hamner of hamner , in the county of flint esquire , creat●d baronet the 8. day of iuly , anno praedicto . edward osborne of keeton , in the county of yorke , esquire , created baronet the 13. day of iuly , anno praedicto . henry felton of playford , in the county of suffolke esquire , created baronet , the 20. day of iuly , an . praed . william chaloner of ginsborough , in the county of york● esquire , created baronet , the 21. day of iuly , an . praedicto . edward fryer of water-eaton , in the county of oxford esquire , created baronet the 22. day of iuly● an . praed . sir thomas bishop of parham , in the county of sussex knight , created baronet the 24. day of iuly , an . praed . sir francis vincent of stockdawe-barton , in the county of surrey knight , created baronet the 26. day of iuly , anno praed . anno 18. & 54. iacobi regis , 1620. henry clere of ormesby , in the county of norfolke esquire , created baronet the 27. day of february , an . praed . sir baniamin titchbourne of titchbourne , in the county of southampton knight , created baronet , the 8. day of march , an . praed . anno 19. & 54. iacobi regis , 1621. sir richard wilbraham of woodhey , in the county of chester knight , created baronet the 5. day of may , anno praed . sir thomas delues of duddington in the county of chester knight , created baronet , the 8. day of may , an. praed . sir lewis watson of rockingham castle , in the county of northampton knight , created baronet , the 23. day of iune , an. praed . sir thomas palmer of wingham , in the county of kent knight , created baronet the 29. day of iune , anno praed . sir richard roberts of trewro , in the county of cornwall knight , created baronet the 3. of iuly , an . praed . iohn riuers of chafford , in the county of kent esquire , created baronet the 19. day of iuly , an . praed . anno 19. & 55. iacobi regis , 1621. henry iernegan of cossey , alias cossese in the county of norfolke esquire , created baronet the 16. day of august , anno praed . thomas darnell of heyling , in the county of lincolne esquire , created baronet the 6. day of september , an . praed . sir isaack sidley of great charte , in the county of kent knight , created baronet the 14. day of september , anno praed . robert browne of walcot , in the county of northampton esquire , created baronet the 21. day of september , an . praed . iohn hewet of headley-hall , in the county of yorke esquire , created baronet , the 11. day of october , an . praed . sir nicholas hide of albury , in the county of hertford knight , created baronet the 8. day of nouember , an . praed . iohn philips of picton , in the county of pembroke esquire , created baronet the 9. day of nouember , an . praed . sir iohn stepney of pr●ndergast , in the county of pembroke knight , created baronet the 24. day of nouember , an . prad . baldwin wake of cleuedon , in the county of somerset esquire , created baronet the 5. day of december , anno praed . william masham of high-lauer , in the county of essex , created baronet the 19. day of december , anno praed . iohn colbrond of borham , in the county of sussex esquire , created baronet the 21. day of december , an . praed . sir iohn hotham of scorborough , in the county of yorke knight , created baronet the 4. day of ianuary , an . praed . francis mansell of mudlescombe , in the county of carmarthen esquire , created baronet the 14. day of ianuary , anno pred . edward powell of penkelley , in the county of hereford esquire , created baronet the 18. day of ianuary , an . praed . sir iohn garrard of lamer , in the county of hertford knight , created baronet the 16. day of february , an . praed . sir richard groseuenor of eaton , in the county of chester knight , created baronet the 23. day of february , an . praed . sir henry mody of garesdon , in ●he county of welts knight , created baronet the 11. day of march , anno praed . iohn barker of grimston-hall in trimley , in the county of suffolke esquire , created baronet the 17. day of march , an . praed . sir william button of alton , in the county of wilts knight , created baronet , the 18. day of of march , anno praed . anno 20. & 52. iacobi regis 1622. iohn gage of ferle , in the county of sussex esquire , ●reated baronet the 26. day of march , anno praedicto . william goring esquire , son and heire of sir henry goring of burton , in the county of sussex knight , created baronet the 14. day of may , anno pred . peter courten of aldington alias aun●on , in the county of worcester esquire , created baronet the 18. day of may , an . praed . sir richard norton of rotherfield , in the county of southampton knight , created baronet the 23. day of may , anno praed . sir iohn leuenthorpe of shinglehall , in the county of hertford knight , created baronet the 30. day of may , anno praed . capell bedell of hamerton , in the county of huntington esquire , created baronet the 3. day of iune , anno praed . iohn darell of westwoodhey , in the county of berke esquire , created baronet the 13. day of iune , an . praed . william williams of veynoll , in the county of carnaruon esq. created baronet , the 15. day of iune , an . praed . sir francis ashley of hartfield , in the county of midlesex , knight created baronet the 18. day of iune , an . praed . sir anthony ashley of st. giles wimborne , in the county of dorset knight , created baronet , the 3. day of iuly , anno pred . iohn couper of rocbourne , in the county of southampton , created baronet the 4. day of iuly , an . praed . edmund prideaux of netherton , in the county of deuon esquire , created baronet the 17. of iuly , an . praed . sir thomas heselrigge of noseley , in the county of leicester knight , created baronet the 21. day of iuly , an . praed . sir thomas burton of stockerston , in the county of leicester kni. created baronet the 22. day of iuly , anno praed . francis foliambe of walton , in the county of derby esquire , created baronet the 24. day of iuly , an . praed . edward yate of buckland in the county of berke esquire , created baronet the 30. day of iuly , an . praed . anno vicesimo & 56. iacob regis . george chudleigh of ashton , in the county of deuon esquire , created baronet the first day of august , anno praed . francis drake of buckland , in the county of deuon esquire , created baronet the 20. day of august , anno praed . william meredith of stanstie , in the county of denbigh esquire , created baronet the 13. day of august , anno praed . hugh middleton of ruthyn , in the county of denbigh esquire , created baronet the 22. day of october , anno praed . gifford thornehurst of ague-court , in the county of kent esquire , created baronet the 12. day of nouember , anno praed . percy herbert sonne and heire of sir william herbert of red-castle , in the county of montgomery knight , created baronet the 16. day nouember , an . praed . sir robert fisher of packington , in the county of warwicke knight , created baronet the 7. day of december , anno praed . hardolph wastneys of headon , in the county of nottingham , created baronet the 18. day of december . anno praed . sir henry skippwith of prestwould , in the county of leicester knight , created baronet the 20. day of december , anno praed . thomas harris of boreatton , in the county of salop esquir● , created baronet the 22. day of december , anno pred . nicholas tempest of stella , in the bishopricke of durham esquire , created baronet the 23. day of december , anno pred . francis cottington esquire , secretary to the prince charles , created baronet , the 16. day of february , anno praed . anno vicesimo primo & 56. iacobi regis . thomas harris of tong castle , in the county of salop , serieant at law , created baronet the 12. day of aprill , anno praedicto . edward barkham of southacre , in the county of norfolke esquire , created baronet the 28. day of iune , anno praedicto . iohn corbet of sprowston , in the county of norfolke esquire , created baronet the 4. day of iuly , anno praed . sir thomas playters of sotterley , in the county of suffolke knight , created baronet , the 13. day of august , anno praedicto . anno secundo caroli regis . sir iohn ashfield of nether-hall , in the county of suffolke knight , created baronet the 27. day of iuly , an . praed . henry harper of calke , in the county of derby esquire , created baronet the 8. day of september , anno praed . edward seabright of besford , in the county of worcester esquire , created baronet the 20. day of december , an . praed . iohn beaumount of gracedieu , in the county of chester esquire , created baronet the 29. day of ianuary , anno praed . sir edward dering of surrenden , in the county of kent knight , created baronet the first day of february , anno praed . george kempe of pentlone , in the county of essex , esquire , created baronet the 5. day of february , an . praed . william brereton of hanford , in the county of chester esquire , created baronet the 10. day of march , anno praed . patrick curwen of workington , in the county of cumberland esquire , created baronet the 12. day of march , an . praed . william russell of witley , in the country of worcester esquire , created baronet the 12. day of march , an . praed . iohn spencer of offley , in the county of hertford esquire , created baronet the 14. day of march , an . pred . sir giles escourt of newton , in the county of vvil●s knight , created baronet the 17. day of march , an . pred . anno t●rtio caroli regis . thomas aylesbury esquire , one of the masters of the court of request , created baroned the 19. day of aprill , an . pred . thomas style esquire , of wateringbury , in the county of kent , created baronet the 21. day of aprill , an . pred . frederick cornwallis● in the county of suffolke esquire , created baronet the day of an . pred . william skeuington , in the county of stafford created baronet the anno pred . drue drury , in the county of norfolke esquire , created baronet the an . praed . sir robert crane of chilton , in the county of suffolke knight , created baronet the day of may , an . pred . anthony wingfield of goodwins , in the county of suffolke esquire , created baronet the 17. day of may , an . praed . william culpepper of preston-hall , in the county of kent esquire , created baronet the 17. day of may , vt supra . iohn kirle of much marcle , in the county of hereford esquire , created baronet the 17. day of may , vt supra . giles bridges of wilton , in the county of hereford esquire , created baronet the 17. day of may , vt supra . sir humphrey stiles of becknam , in the county of kent knight , created baronet the 20. day of may , an . pred . henry moore of falley , in the county of berke esquire , created baronet the 21. day of may , anno praed . thomas heale of fleet , in the county of deuon esquire , created baronet the 28. day of may , anno pred . iohn carleton of holcum , in the county of oxford esquire , created baronet the 28. day of may , anno praed● thomas maples of stowe , in the county of huntingdon esquire , created baronet the 30. day of may , anno praedicto . sir iohn isham of lamport , in the county of northhampton knight , created baronet the 30. day of may , an . praed . her●y bagot of blithfield , in the county of stafford esquire , created baronet the 30. day of may , anno praed . lewis pellard of kings nimpton , in the county of deuon esquire , created baronet the 31. day of may , anno praed . francis mannock of giffordes-hall , in stoke neere neyland in the county of suffolke esquire , created baronet the first day of iune , an. praed . henry griffith of agnes burton , in the county of yorke esquire , created baronet the 7. day iune , an . praed . lodowick deyer of staughton , in the county of huntingdon esquire , created baronet the 8. day of iune , anno praed . sir hugh stewkley of hinton , in the county of northhampton knight , created baronet the 9. day of iune , an . praed . edward stanley of biggarstaffe , in the county of lancaster esquire , created baronet the 26. of iune , an . praed . edward littleton of pileton-hall , in the county of stafford esquire , created baronet the 28. day of iune , an . praed . ambrose browne of bestworth-castle , in the county of surrey esquire , created baronet the 7. day of iuly , an . praed . sackuile crowe of lanherme , in the county of carmarthen esquire , created baronet the 8. day of iuly , anno praed . michael liuesey of eastchurch , in the i le of sheppey , in the county of kent esquire , created baronet the 11. day of iuly , an . praed . simon bennet of beuhampton , in the county of buckingham esquire , created baronet the 17. day of iuly , anno praed . sir thomas fisher of the parish of st. giles , in the county of middlesex knight , created baronet the 19. day of iuly , an . praed . thomas bowyer of leghtborne , in the county of sussex esquire , created baronet the 23. day of iuly , anno praed . buts bacon of milden-hall , in the county of suffolke esquire , created baronet the 29. day of iuly , an . praed . iohn corbet of stoke , in the county of salop esquire , created baronet the 19. day of september , an . praed . sir edward tirrell of thorneton , in the county of buckingham knight , created baronet the 31. day of october , an . praed . basill dixwell of terlingham , alias gerelingham , in the county of kent esquire , created baronet the 28. day of february , anno praed . sir richard young knight , one of the gentlemen of his maiesties priuy chamber , created baronet the 10. day of march , an . prae . anno quarto caroli regis . william pennyman the younger of maske , alias marske , in the county of yorke esquire , created baronet the 6. day of may , an . praed . william stonehouse of radley , in the county of berke esquire , created baronet the 7. day of may , an . praed . sir thomas fowler of islington , in the county of middlesex knight , created baronet the 21. day of may , anno praed . sir iohn fenwick of fenwick , in the county of northumberland knight , created baronet the 9. day of iune , an . praed . sir william wray of trebitch , in the county of cornwall knight , created baronet the 30. day of iune , an . pr. iohn trelawney of trelawney , in the county of cornwall esquire , created baronet the 1. day of iuly , an . pr. iohn conyers of norden , in the bishopricke of durham gentleman , created baronet the 14. day of iuly , an . praed . iohn bolles of scampton , in the county of lincolne esquire , created baronet the 24. day of iuly , an . pr. thomas aston of aston , in the county of chester esquire , created baronet the 25. day of iuly , an . pr. kenelme ienoure of much dunmore , in the county of essex esquire , created baronet the 30. day of iuly , anno praed . iohn price of newtowne , in the county of montgomery knight , created baronet , the 15. day of august , an . praed . sir richard beaumont of whitley , in the county of yorke knight , created baronet the 15. day of august , an . pr●d . william wiseman of canfield-hall , in the county of essex esquire , created baronet the 29. day of august , an . praedicto . thomas nightingale of newport pond , in the county of essex esquire , created baronet the first day of september , an . praed . iohn iaques of in the county of middlesex , one of his maiesties gentlemen pentioners esquire , created baronet the 2. day of september , an . praed . anno quarto caroli regis . robert dillington of the i le of wight , in the county of sout●ampton esquire , created baronet the 6. day of sept●mber , anno praed . francis pile of compton , in the county of berk● esquire , created baronet the 12. day of september , anno praed . iohn pole of shut , in the county of deuon esquire , created baronet the 12. day of september , vt supra . william lewis of lang●rs , in the county of brecknock esquire , created baronet the 14. day of september , anno praed . william culpepper of wakehurst , in the county of sussex esquire , created baronet the 20. day of september , anno praed . peter van loor of tylehurst , in the county of berke esquire , created baronet the 3. day of october , anno praedicto . sir iohn lawrence of iuer , in the county of buckingham knight , created baronet the 9. day of october , an . praed . anthony slinges by of screuin , in the county of yorke esquire , created baronet the 23. day of october , anno praed . thomas vauasor of hesskewood , in the county of yorke esquire , created baronet the 24. day of october , anno praed . robert wolseley of morton , in the county of stafford esquire , created baronet the 24. day of nouember , an . praed . rice rudd of abersline , in the county of carmarthen esquire , created baronet the 8. day of december , an . praed . richard wiseman of thundersley , in the county of essex esquire , created baronet the 18. day of december , anno praed . henry ferrers of skellingthorpe , in the county of lincolne esquire , created baronet the 19. day of december , an . praed . iohn anderson of st. iues , in the county of huntingdon esquire , created baronet the 3. day of ianuary , anno praed . sir william russell of chippenham , in the county of cambridge knight , created baronet the 19. day of ianuary , anno praedicto . richard euerard of much waltham , in the county of essex esquire , created baronet the 29. day of ianuary , an . praed . thomas powell of berkenhead , in the county of chester esquire , created baronet the day of ianuary , an . praed . william luckin of waltham , in the county of essex esquire , created baronet the 2. day of march , an . praed . anno quinto caroli regis . richard graham of eske , in the county of cumberland esquire , created baronet the 29. day of march , an . praed . george twisleton of barlie , in the county of yorke esquire , created baronet the 2. day of aprill , an . praed . william acton of the city of london esquire , created baronet the 30. day of may , anno praed . nicholas le strange of hunstanton , in the county of norfolke esquire , created baronet the 1. day of iune , anno praed . edward aleyn of hatfield , in the county of essex esquire , created baronet the 28. day of inne , an. praed . richard earle of craglethorpe , in the county of lincolne esquire , created baronet the 2. day of iuly , anno praed . iohn holland of quidenham , in the county of norfolke esquire , created baronet the 15. day of iuly , an. praed . robert ducy alderman of london , created baronet the 28. day of nouember , an . praed . anno sexto caroli regis . sir richard grenuile knight and colonell , created baronet , teste apud westmonasterium , decimo nono die aprilis , anno regni nostri sexto . knights of the bath , made at the coronation of king iames . sir philip herbert now earle of montgomery . thomas barkley , lord barkley . sir william euers , now lord euers . sir george wharton , after lord wharton . sir robert rich , now earle of warwicke . sir robert carre , of the bed-chamber of his maiesty . sir iohn egerton , now earle of bridgewater . sir henry compton , third brother to william earle of northampton . sir iames erskine , sonne to the earle of marre . sir william austuddur . sir patricke murray . sir iames hay lord yster . sir iohn lynsey . sir richard preston , after earle of desmond . sir oliuer cromwell of huntingtonshire . sir edward stanley of lancashire . sir william herbert of montgomery , now lord powys . sir foulke griuell , after lord brooke . sir francis fanne , after earle of westmerland . sir robert chichester , of deuonshire . sir robert knowles of bershire . sir william clifton of nottinghamshire . sir francis fortescue of deuonshire . sir richard corbet of shropshire . sir edward herbert , now lord of castle-iland in ireland , and baron chirbury . sir thomas langton of lancashire . sir william pope of oxfordshire . sir arthur hopton of somersetshire . sir charles morison knight & baronet of hartfordshire . sir francis leigh of warwickeshire . sir edward mountagu , now lord mountagu of boughton in northamptonshire . sir edward stanhop of yorkeshire . sir peter manwood of kent . sir robert harley of herefordshire . sir thomas strickland of yorkeshire . sir christopher hatton of northamptonshire . sir edward gri●fin of northamptonshire . sir robert beuill of huntingtonshire . sir edward harwell of wostershire . sir iohn mallet of somersetshire . sir walter aston of staffordshire , knight and baronet . sir henry gawdy of essex . sir richard musgraue of westmerland , kni. & baronet . sir iohn stowell of somersetshire . sir richard amcots of lincolneshire . sir thomas leedes of suffolke . sir thomas iermyn of norfolke . sir ralph harre of hartford . sir william forster of buckinghamshire . sir george speake of somersetshire . sir george hide of barkeshire . sir anthony felton of suffolke . sir william browne of northamptonshire . sir thomas wise of essex . sir robert chamberlaine of oxfordshire . sir anthony palmer of suffolke . sir edward heron of lincolneshire . sir henry burton of leicestershire . sir robert barker of suffolke . sir william norris of lancashire . sir roger bodenham of herefordshire . knights of the bath made at the creation of henry prince of wales . henry vere earle of oxford . george lord gordon , son to marquesse huntley . henry lord clifford , son to francis earle of cumberland . henry ratcliffe , lord fitz-water , sonne to the earle of sussex . edward bourcher , now earle of bath . iames lord hay , now earle of carlile . iames lord erskin , sonne to the earle of marre in scotland . thomas windsor , now lord windsor . thomas lord wentworth , now earle of cleueland . sir charles somerset , son to edward earle of worster . sir edward somerset , son to the said earle of worster . sir francis stuart , son to the earle of murray . sir ferdinando sutton , eldest son to the lord dudley . sir henry carey , now earle of douer . sir oliuer st. iohn lord st. iohn , now earle of bullingbrooke . sir gilbert gerrard , after lord gerrard of gerrard bromley . sir charles stanhop , lord stanhop of harington . sir william steward . sir edward bruce , after lord kinlosse . sir robert sidney , lord sidney , now earle of leicester . sir ferdinando touchet , eldest sonne to george lord audley , earle of castle-hauen in ireland . sir peregrine bartey , brother to the now earle of lindsey . sir henry rich , second brother to the earle of warwicke , and now earle of holland . sir edward sheffeild , son to the lord sheffeild , now earle of mulgraue . sir william cauendish , after made viscount mansfield , and now earle of newcastle . knights of the bath made at the creation of charles duke of yorke . charles duke of yorke . sir robert barty lord willoughby of eresby , now earle of lindesey . si● william compton , lord compton , after earle of northampton . sir grey bridges , lord shandos . sir francis norris , lord norris of rycot , after earle of barkeshire . sir william cecill , now earle of salisbury . sir allan percy , brother to henry earle of northumberland . sir francis mannors , now earle of rut●and . sir francis clifford , son to th● earle of cumberland . sir thomas somerset , now viscount somerset of castile in ireland . sir thomas howard , second son to the earle of suffolke , now earle of ●arkeshire . sir iohn harrington , sonne to iohn lord harrington of exton . knights of the bath , made at the creation of charles prince of wales . iames lord matrauers , eldest son to thomas earle of arundell . alg●rnon lord p●rcy , eldest son to the earle of northumb●rland . iames lord w●iothesley , eldest son to henry earle of southampton . theophilus lord clinton , now earle of lincolne , eldest son of thomas earle of lincolne . edward seim●r , l●rd b●a●●hamp , grand child to edward earle of h●r●fo●d . george lord barkley , now lord barkeley . h●nry lord mordant , now earle of peterborough . the master of f●nton , now lord fenton . sir henry howard now lord matrauers . sir robert howard , fift sonne to thomas earle of suffolke . sir edward sackuill , now earle of dorset . sir william howard , sixth son to thomas earle of suffolke● sir edward howard seuenth sonne to thomas ea●●●●f suffolke , now lord howard of est●ricke in y●●● of shire . sir montagu bartu , sonne and heire to robert earle of lindsey , now lord willoughby . sir william stourton● sonne to the lord stourton . sir william parker , after lord mor●ey and montea●le . sir dudley north , now lord north. sir spencer compton , now earle of northampton . sir william spencer , now lord spencer . sir rowland st. iohn , brother to oliuer e●rle of bullingbrooke . sir iohn cauendish , second sonne to william earle of deuonshire . sir thomas neuill , son to henry now lord abergaueney . sir iohn roper , after lord tenham . sir iohn north , brother to dudley , now lor● north. sir henry cary now viscount faulkland . knights of the bath , made at the c●ronation of king charles . george fielding , viscount callon second sonne to william earle of denbigh , now earle of desmond . iames stanley , lord strange , eldest son to william earle of derby . charles cecill , lord cranborne , eldest sonne to william earle of salisbury . charles herbert , lord herbert of shurland , eldest sonne to philip earle of montgomery . robert rich , lord rich , eldest sonne to robert earle of warwicke . iames hay , lord hay , eldest sonne to iames earle of carlile● bazell fielding , lord fielding , eldest sonne to william earle of denbigh . o●iuer st. iohn , lord st. iohn , eldest son to oliuer earle of bullingbrooke . mildmay fane , now earle of westmerland . lord henry pawlet , younger son to william marquesse of winchester . sir edwa●d montagu , eldest sonne to henry viscount m●ndeuill , now earle of manchester . sir iohn cary , eldest sonne to henry viscount rochford , now earle of douer . sir charles howard , eldest son to thomas viscount andouer , now earle of barkshire . sir william howard , second sonne to thomas earle of arundell . sir robert stanley , second son to william ea. of derby . sir pawl●t st. iohn , second sonne to oliuer earle of bulling●rooke . sir francis fane , second son to francis earle of westm●rland . sir iames howard , eldest son to theophilus lord walden , now earle of suffolke . sir william cauendish , eldest sonne to william lord cauendish , earle of deuonshire . sir thomas wentworth , eldest sonne to thomas lord wentworth , now earle of cleueland . sir william paget , son to william lord paget of bewdesert , now lord paget . sir william russell , eldest son to francis lord russell , now earle of bedford . sir henry stanhope , eldest son to philip lord stanhope of shelford , now earle of chesterfield . sir richard vaughan , eldest son to iohn lord vaughan of molengar in ireland . sir christopher neuill , second sonne to edward lord abergaueney . sir roger bartu , second son to robert lord willoughby , now earle of lindsey . sir thomas wharton , second sonne to thomas lord wharton . sir saint iohn blunt , brother to mountioy blunt , lord mountioy , now earle of newport . sir ralphe clare of worcestershire . sir iohn maynard of essex , second brother to the lord maynard . sir francis carew of deuonshire . sir iohn byron of nottinghamshire . sir roger palmer of sussex , master of the kings household . sir henry edmonds , sonne to sir thomas edmonds , treasurer of the house-hold . sir ralph hopton of somersetshire . sir william brooke of kent . sir alexander ratcliffe of lancashire . sir edward scot of kent . sir christopher hatton of northamptonshire . sir thomas sackuill of sussex . sir iohn munson of lincolneshire , sonne to sir thomas munson . sir peter wentworth of oxfordshire . sir iohn butler of hartfordshire . sir edward hung●rford , of wiltshire . sir richard lewson of kent . sir nathaniel bacon of calford in suffolke . sir robert poyntz of glocestershire . sir robert beuill of huntingtonshire . sir george sands of kent . sir thomas smith of weston-hanger in kent . sir thomas fanshaw of warparke in hartfordshire . sir miles hobard of plomsted in norfolke . sir henry hart of kent , son to sir perciuall hart. sir francis carew , alias throgmorton , of bedington in surrey . sir iohn backhouse of berkshire . sir mathew mynnes of kent . sir iohn stowell of somersetshire , sir iohn iennings of hartfordshire . sir stephen ha●uey of northamptonshire , son to iudge haruey . finis . essays on trade and navigation in five parts / by sir francis brewster, kt. brewster, francis, sir, d. 1704. 1695 approx. 217 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 76 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a29354 wing b4434 estc r1968 12014133 ocm 12014133 52493 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29354) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52493) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 84:6) essays on trade and navigation in five parts / by sir francis brewster, kt. brewster, francis, sir, d. 1704. [2], xi, [2], 126, [2] p. printed for tho. cockerill ..., london : 1695. "the first part only was published"--dnb. advertisements ([2] p.) at end. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -commerce. ireland -commerce. great britain -economic conditions -17th century. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-02 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion essays on trade and navigation . in five parts . the first part. by sir francis brewster , kt. licensed , january 3. 1694 / 5 ; . london : printed for tho. cockerill , at the three legs in the poultrey , over-against the stocks-market . mdcxcv . the preface . i know no subject that hath been more writ on , and worse handled , than that of trade ; nor is it to be wondred at , since it is the misfortune of that mystery not to be in the hands of philosophers , or men bred to the liberal sciences ; but such whose education hath been more in the cantore , than schools : and when men of finer heads and studies engage in it , they commonly make flights as far above the genuine meaning and nature of trade , as others that are better versed in it do cover and deface it with incoherence and lumber . there is also another disadvantage that treatises of trade and navigation lye under , which other studies and employments are not liable unto ; and that is , trade being universal in its nature , but particular in the practice , one merchant dealing for one part of the world , and perhaps a stranger to another , yet if he writes of trade , cannot be confined unto his own province , for that would be too narrow for a discourse of trade ; and if he should keep within his bounds , he may not be a proper judge of that where he is a party ; and in discourse of his own trade may interfere with that of his neighbour , either by being ignorant of another's , or partial in his own concern : but it is not thus in other professions ; the divine is within his limits , not intermixt with the lawyer , nor is he with the physician ; yet each learned and qualified to expatiate on their own studies ; and there being no part in any of the foregoing arts practicable in matters of trade , it seems to me a prejudice to commerce , that so many trouble the world with their crude and undigested notions in that which they understand not themselves ; nor can have any other effect , but disturbing men that are in their own track and beaten road of traffick ; which is better for the nation to have followed , than any particular model of private men : and therefore i conceive a council of trade absolutely needful , where every man's observation may be brought under a thorough scrutiny , and out of all a body of trade composed . having said this , i may be thought to condemn my self in what i arraign in others ; nor do i undertake to be quit of all i blame in others , my best defence being to claim the privilege of being in the crowd with the same impunity others have allowed them ; and perhaps have something more to plead in my excuse than most men have , my education and practice in trade having been for thirty years at home and abroad in a universal trade . i know of but four trades that i have not some way been concern'd in , the east-india , turk , muscovy , and green-land : and i must further say for my self , that in all i here treat of , it is with submission to better judgments , not asserting my opinion in opposition to any other ; tho i confess i cannot approve of many of those prints on trade which i have seen , except what sir josiah child hath with great judgment and more perspicuity set forth , than any i ever saw . what i design by the following discourse , is not much more than an introduction to the other parts that shall succeed ; nor had this come forth alone , but that i have seen some things lately publish'd , that in my humble opinion are no better than libels on trade ; and tho i affect not controversies , and therefore do not name them , yet believe it may be useful to write another sense on the same things ; submitting both to the censure of better understandings . i think it a mortal distemper in trade ( nor to be cured because in the first concoction ) , that we have so few men of university-learning conversant in true mercantine employments : if there were as much care to have men of the best heads and education in it , as there is in the laws , the nation would fetch more from abroad , and spend less in law-suits at home . we have it reckoned up by the infallible author , as the glory of a city , that her merchants were princes and nobles ; their business and transactions in the world with such , is more than belongs to any other set of men : would it not then be the honour of a nation , as well as profit , to have men of the best sense and learning in the foreign negoce of a kingdom ? if such had been in the trade of these kingdoms , it seems reasonable to believe we had not lost the most considerable navigating trade and employment of our seamen . it would be an astonishing observation to men of any countrey but our own , to see more heads employed in westminster-hall to divide the gain of the nation , than there are hands on the exchange to gather it together . i have sometimes thought , that if these kingdoms lay not under the confusion and unintelligibleness of understanding in trade , as the builders of babel did in languages , we might without the sin of those arrogant architects , erect such towers in trade as might overtop the universe in that mystery . we see how all arts and sciences have been improved in this kingdom within the compass of one century , but amongst them all , the merchants part the least ; and the reason is plain , men of small learning and moderare understanding , are generally put in it : for tho there are some of excellent parts and clean heads among them , yet the major part are not so polished : i speak not this to abate the respect that i shall always think is due to the profession , and all men in it ; but we know it is the vanity of the nation : scarce a tradesman but if he have a son that a countrey schoolmaster tells him would make a scholar , because he learns his grammar well , but immediately passes the approbation of his kindred , who judge it pity so hopeful a youth should be lost in trade ; the university is the only soil fit for him to be planted in . by such disposition of the youth of our nation , many a good tradesman is lost , and poor scholars in every respect made ; and if this humour prevail in mechanicks , and men of ordinary quality ; much more , and with better pretensions , it affects our gentry ; to be sure the eldest son is above trade , and if the younger be of a quaint and studious temper , they are thought fit for the law , not many for the pulpit , which i confess i likewise think a mistake in our gentry : had we more of them in the clergy , we should have fewer to despise , that might be better builders of houses than of the church . but to return to what i observe of the improvement in all the employments in the kingdom , i see none that have arrived to that vast increase as those in the law : this perhaps is accounted an evil ; but i will not quarrel with that long-robe ; i hope it will be no offence to wish them among us , but not with their bar-gowns ; they would in my opinion look better in a counting-house than in the temple ; and had the humour of our ancestors run that way , as much as it did for the law , there might have been as great an enlargement in maritime traffick and navigation , as there is now of the laws : i presume none will say , that they began with equal numbers ; trade had the primogeniture , and set forth with the employment of the people , before there could be work for lawyers ; and i believe those of best value amongst them do not think their growth and gain contributes to either in the advantage of the nation ; tho without the profession there can be no securing property ; but perhaps the numbers make more work than there would be if they were less . hamburgh , tho a place of great trade , allows but two : and tho our foreign plantations are fill'd with men of no better principles than they leave behind them , yet they have few among them who raise their fortunes by the law ; for which no reason can be given , but that there is not a foundation and nursery for that profession to breed up men of learning and ingenuity in . i have been the longer on this subject , because there seems to me an expedient in this matter ; and that is , to make such provision for noblemen and gentlemens children , as may be equally reputable with the inns of court , for young gentlemen to come to from the universities , and with less charge than their expence in seven years studying the law , become expert in trade . to be thus managed : in each maritime city and considerable port of the kingdom , to have a college built , in which there may be some persons of experience in trade , to teach and direct in the mystery of it , to all parts of the world : and that they may have the practick , as well as theory , that every person entring himself into the society , may be obliged to bring in a thousand pounds stock , which will make a capital perhaps of 20 or 30000 l. sterl . to traffick with in thirty cities , &c. in the kingdom : they to be obliged to spend five years in this society , and at the end of that term to receive the principal they brought , allowing the casualty of profit and loss , as it happens : going thus out , they will be entred in trade , and probably have a fund to begin with ; and by this means trade will fall into the hands of gentlemen , persons of learning and consideration in the nation ; and likewise preserve from misfortunes numbers that now miscarry in their studies of the law , thorough ill conversation , and having no employments . to this project ( a word now traduced to contempt , tho in its self of good signification both for peace and war ) i foresee two objections that will be made against it ; and they are these : first , this will make too many merchans . secondly , that this will leave no room for younger brothers , that have nothing to prefer them in the world , but a small sum to put them prentice to a merchant , by which they often raise their fortunes in the world. to the first i answer , that the evil of having too many merchants , is in the numbers that are bred up from apprentices ; many of which coming into business without funds , strain their credit , which to keep above water they are forced to venture at all ways that have but a probability of success , to keep themselves in business ; and then to comply with their credit often sell to loss , which in the end brings them to misfortune , and that begets an opinion that there are too many traders ; whereas the true reason is the want of stock , not number of merchants . the second objection , that this will hinder merchants from taking apprentices , is in part answered in the first , that their number prejudice trade : but there is a farther consideration in this matter , and that is , two sort of youths stand candidate for a mercantine education , gentlemen with a capital , others of less quality with none . i think it will admit of no question which shall be preferr'd ; and that the other may be more profitably employ'd for the nation and themselves , in trades that require more labour and less stock . but after all i have said , my wishes are greater than my expectation , to see trade thus courted in a kingdom that treats it as some do their wives , considering them no farther than to the production of a legitimate posterity , reserving their caresses and delights for a miss ; so the humour of this age seems to incline , whilst foreign commerce is neglected , and mens thoughts and designs run after offices and employments in the state ; to pay which , spider-like , the nation spins out her bowels to catch flies ; and the simile goes farther , such food turns into poison , where it feeds men faulty in their morals ; and such too often supplant better men , or find ways to be preferr'd before them : to say this , will be no offence to deserving men ; and for others , i shall only desire them to snspend their resentments until the second part comes forth , and then they will have more reason , because it will come in my way to be more particular , when i come to speak of the trade of ireland ; in which there hath of late been such notorious demonstrations how ill men in offices and places of trust may ruin and destroy a kingdom , as admits of no defence . i have for this , the authority of both houses of parliament in their addresses to the king : and the infallible author tells us , that he who saith to the wicked , thou art righteous , the people will curse , nations shall abhor him . what i have said in the following discourse , relating to trade and navigation we have lost , is not with prejudice to our neighbours , who by their industry and better conduct have gained what we by supine negligence and destructive impositions on merchandise have lost ; nor do i think it christian or human by club-law to take that from another nation which god hath made common for every nation to participate of , as they can entitle themselves by the most early and beneficial methods in commerce . the dutch lye most in our way in this controversy ; but the sea is wide enough for us both if we agree , but too narrow if we quarrel , for then we shall be apt to jostle . how malicious it looks , i will not say , but to me it seems scandalous , to quarrel with men for their industry ; envy is the offspring of ignorance and sloth , and is an evil quality in a people , tho it carries them not so far as to do others hurt , if it prevails with themselves to do nothing ; but as i am not for beating a traveller for being better mounted than my self , and so making his journey easier and sooner than i can , yet i should stop his career if he broke through my fence , or grazed on my ground , or made it his road. in some cases it is so with trade and navigation ; among others , that of new-found-land is the property of the imperial crown of england ; and the french have no more right to fish there , than in the river of thames : this nation was the first that ever threw a hook and line in those seas ; and tho there is no land-marks above water for the bank of new-found-land , ( it lying out of sight of the shore ) yet there is under water , from the first soundings , and so far this nation hath a property ; and we may now , if ever , hope to have it asserted , since we have a king who hath put a stop to that towering monarch who knew no bounds before : and there seems good grounds to believe , that if we are not wanting to him who exposeth his royal person so far for us , that the french king must soon retire into his own limits . but upon discourse of this nature i have been answered , when it was so , and the war over , then , and not before , was a proper time to treat of trade : i have mentioned something of this in the following sheets , and therefore shall say the less now ; yet cannot omit that which stares us in the face , the neglect of trade in time of war drives many out of the kingdom who will never return : it is observed so at this time of ireland ; thousands are come away since the reduction of that unfortunate kingdom , that endured the whole brunt of the war , and are not now in fear of the irish , but are reduced to beggary by idleness , for want of trade and employment that they formerly had ; the consequence of which is easy to be read , and how it will reach us at last ; but we are a people that neither fire , sword , plague , or famine can work upon . he that silently laments , doats ; and he that complains of our impendent misfortunes , is mad ; a character now more in use than ever in this nation , and found very useful for covering some mens actions : i speak not this as having a talent for , or desire to be in publick employment ; i never was in any : that which i believe would satisfy all men of trade and commerce , i am sure it would me , is the motion of a parliament-man of leverpoole , which we find in story ; that a bill being brought into the house which bore hard on the commons , in trials for life and death of the lords , the honest man of leverpoole stood up and said , since he saw the house were for passing that bill , he gave his assent also ; provided there might be this exception in the act , that no lord should kill either him , his wife joan , son tom , or any of the good town of leverpoole for which he served . so say i , since the nation are contented that the publick treasure should be shared among offices and employments , merchants and seamen , &c. are content , so that they in the management will give security and encouragement for trade , which pays them all ; but they are not wise to themselves that let trade run from them , whilst they are warring to secure it ; our neighbours do not so . our improvidence in this matter is to our great reproach , since we are under the blessing of such a government as this nation never had but once before : and it is not to be forgotten , that in that reign , tho encompassed with wars , there was more done in the advancement ef trade and navigation than ever was done before : we have taken care to lose much of it since ; but we have now a king that denies us nothing we ask for the good of the nation ; and where any thing is entire in himself ( and it is well some things are so ) we find it , there never was better or greater men in the church and on the bench ; which is sufficient demonstration , that where we are unhappy , it is by our own recommendation and parties . the filth of the last reign still sticks about us ; from which time will , i hope , relieve the king and us. the contents . of trade in general , page 1. of naturalizing and encouraging foreign protestants , 7. of providing for foreign protestants , 11. of the manufactory and dispose of sheeps-wool , 22. of free ports , 29. of exports of foreign importations , 32. of a council of trade , 37. of prohibiting forreign commodities , 41. of sumptuary laws , 49. of working-schools and hospitals , 57. reasons humbly offered for establishing by charter hospitals and working-schools , 65. of the new-found-land fishing , 68. of navigation and seamen , 75. of building ships , 84. of the act of navigation , 92. of banks and lumbers , 109. of agriculture and rural employments , 116. on trade in general . these kingdoms of great brittain and ireland , differ from most parts of the world , in that of their strength , as they do in that of their scituation , and aptness for trade . their scituation gives them the preferrance of the most valuable trade in the world , which must pass their doors before it comes to their neighbours ; and as they are happy in their scituation , so are they as superiour to other countreys in their native growth and production for commerce ; as rich soyl is to that which is barren ; these kingdoms producing trade as some land doth fruit , without art or labour , when other countries like forced ground raise their trade by assiduity in both : and such a people are more to be feared , than those that abound with the blessings of nature , but want that of industry ; we need go no further than the dutch and spaniards for demonstrarion . the danger that hath been impendent over us for more than thirty years in this of our trade , is from the french ; and in truth no nation in the world can so well contest it with england as they can ; and therefore it seems reasonable to consider them in this as much as we do in that of their armes ; and perhaps they may be found laying a foundation in war to enlarge their trade and navigation , and we at the same time declining in both . that these kingdoms cannot be safe under the growth of france none will deny , and that it is safer for england to meet them in flanders than here ; but if the advance guards should be only consider'd , and the main body neglected , the consequence might be fear'd . our naval force is thought the main body and strength of the nation : now though large supplies in parliament are absolutely necessary for that use , yet there is something else wanting to make us formidable at sea , and that is marine trade and navigation , which like food to the body must be dayly renewed , or else our naval strength will decay . and although perhaps it is not consider'd , yet the want of seamen for our navigation and trade in time of naval war , impoverisheth the nation more than the charge of the war. there goes many threads to make up the webb of trade , too fine for every eye to see ; and among others the cheap navigating ships is one : now our want of seamen obligeth merchants to advance their wages , and that gives advantage to our neighbours in carrying commodities cheaper to a market than we can , and consequently makes them the carriers of our produce and manufactory ; which is the only certain gain in trade . merchants often loose when a ship arrives safe in port , but seamen have their full wages . there is also another prejudice and loss to the nation , and that is carrying money out by foreign seamen that are imployed in our merchant-men , ¼ ▪ being allowed by the act of navigation ; which might have been thought the only mistake in that act , if the consideration of our not having sufficient for our ships had not produced that liberty . as naval war abates the number of our seamen , so it increaseth those of the french ; for that they imploy more seamen in their privateers , than they do in time of peace in merchant-men : and as this affects us in war , so it may reasonably be fear'd it will in time of peace ; for having so many seamen made to their hands , will naturally put them upon inlarging their navigation ; to which they will be the more incouraged by our want of men to supply ours , which they will soon fall into . and the abating of our marine imployments hath a worse consequence than the loss of our trade ; for that it seems the most effectual way to lay us open to the invasion of the french , which we are no longer secure from , than whilst we command the sea ; and if we find the french alone able to contend with us and the dutch united , what might they not do if they should be assisted with other helps , and we left single to oppose them , there are more ways than one to bring such a revolution in europe : and therefore it seems of the greatest moment for this nation , to provide in their naval force , as if they were left to their own defence against the power of more than the french at sea : it is , no doubt , the interest of england to support the dutch , and it is hoped we shall never be divided . but that kingdom is in an ill condition that cannot secure its self without the force of its allies such reflections as these may not be improper in this age , they were thought necessary in the reign of queen elizabeth , when she question'd the french of building a ship of war but of fourteen guns . and since they are now above such demands , and that we cannot restrain them , it seems necessary for us to increase our own ; and that is not possible to be done any other way than by improving our navigation , and inlarging our trade , without which we may fight for the sovereignty of the sea until we have lost the use of it . if account were taken of those several trades that this nation hath in a manner totally lost since the reign of james the first , it might open those eyes that are alwayes shut to that which is the strength and riches of this nation , as navigation is . there were many thousand seamen formerly imployed , where for late years we have few or none , as the greenland , and muscovy trade lost ; that of the north-seas , and newfound-land , little better ; most of our eastland-trades managed by foreign ships ; and so the trade of ireland ; the neglect of which in that point , as well as some others , may be found when it is too late of pernicious consequence to england . these are trades we lost to the french , and northern navigation , in time of peace ; and this war hath brought on the stage the portugese , a nation we least fear'd ; yet under this cover , we may very well loose great part of our southern trade . we formerly imployed our ships in their braziel and other trades , and now we are forced to imploy theirs ; not only because of their being free ships , but also because we cannot get seamen to navigate our own ships . by accidents of war , trade often shifts from one nation to another , and some will stick behind after the war is ended ; for that seamen and merchants rest where they find most incouragement ; and wherever they come they are made wellcom , and when the benefit they bring to the countrey they trade in is observed , they will not want incouragement to stay there : there never was a fairer opportunity , if the portugueze make use of the introduction this war hath given them ; to make lisbon the mart for trade , and navigation in the western and levant trade : it is a mistake to think that navigation and marine imployments can have no growth where the natives are not numerous and apt for the sea. trade is best improved by good laws , and incouragement for strangers ; where such are together with a scituation for trade , that place will be crowded ; and so would lisbon and the portugueze ports if it were not for the inquisition ; but it is believed the rigour of that will be abated now they have tasted the sweets of trade . all these things make against us , and though little consider'd , bodes ill for these kingdoms ; if some extraordinary , and speedy resolutions be not taken to regain our navigation and sea-imployments , this nation will fall under some foreign power . it is easie to read our destiny , nor will it be like a conquest on a continent ; one day at sea may determine the fate of these kingdoms ; and if we have no fund or nursery for seamen in proportion to the french , and others about us , what can be expected . that which i humbly conceive the most visible means to preserve these kingdoms in their trade and navigation , and nothing but that can provide for their naval force , is the setting up a national bank : this now on foot is too little , and yet too bigg ; the first because it promotes nothing of our navigation , but on the contrary may be fear'd to destroy it , by that tax on shipping ; but i have left my bank ; which as i conceive too little for the reason i mention'd , so i think it too big because it will ingross the money , and consequently the trade of the nation , into one city ; and will draw from all parts of the kingdom those little sums that do now in great measure support the manufactoryes of the nation . when there was no place where money could be lodg'd at interest for a day ; it was easie for industrious men to borrow from their neighbours ; and by that means our manufactories were made plenty and cheap ; but now a little time will shew they can be neither : but of this i have writ my thoughts a part . the bank that i conceive would be useful in this nation , must be of such universal extent , that every person in the kingdom may be concern'd in it , and that every corner in the kingdom shall partake of the streams that run from it : that out of this bank there may be provision for ships and seamen . that those trades before-mentioned , that we have lost may be retrieved ; and such methods laid down as may incourage that navigation which imploys most seamen , as the fishing , &c. to establish this bank will require great consideration , for that as it may be constituted , the trade and treasure of this nation will be very much increas'd ; all the poor and now useless hands imployed , not a beggar in the streets : and since england wants nothing so much as people , one way to supply that defect , is to increase your work for them you have : and so one man may be better than two , as to the riches of the nation . and the full imployments of the hands we have is the only way to get more ; but to invite strangers into a kingdom , where the taxes for the poor amount to more than the revenue of some of the neighbouring countreys , shews we consider trade as wise men do play , for diversion , not business ; and in that delusion may be read the ruine of these nations . of naturalizing and incouraging foreign protestants . it is observed that though there is no part in the universe so streightned , and filled with inhabitants as the vnited provinces , yet there is no government that gives such incouragement to invite in more : they make their country as god hath the air , every mans property that breathes in it ; and equally in the power of a man to be a denison , or a tenant , a burger as a parishioner ; the good effect it hath in that commonwealth needs no illustration . it may be supposed this provident oeconomy happen'd in that state , above any government in europe , by reason of their being of latter date in their establishment , and so saw the mistakes of their neighbours ; and on the other hand our government deriving from antiquated laws , and prescriptions , which according to the experience of those times made bullwarks against strangers and foreigners ; believing they could never be secure of what they had in possession , or at liberty to inlarge their fortunes , if strangers were allow ▪ d the freedom of natives : but in the reign of hen 3. there was large immunities given to the easterlins , then so called , to settle trade in the kingdom , which the steel-yard yet bears the memory of , but that was but a particular and limited thing ; the old laws and prohibition of naturalization still continued , and by it this kingdom deprived of such numbers as might have in some proportion fill'd those wastes that this fruitful island hath now in it , for that it cannot be said to be one half peopled there now seems a greater tendency in the nation to remove those bars that lie in the way of new-comers by that charitable law for liberty of conscience , and as we owe great part of our woollen manufactories to the blessed memory of queen elizabeth receiving in the persecuted protestants from flanders , whose posterity are now become natives , so may we the inlarging of our navigation , fishing , and numbers of our inhabitants to this reign , if incouragement were given to invite protestants of all nations to settle here with the same security and priviledge as natives ▪ i will not determine whither the limitation of offices and imployments of profit , may not be necessary to such as are not born in that kingdom , but i think that would be no obstacle to such as are worth receiving for that trade , and purchasing in that kingdom must be the business of those as are supposed to be invited in , and there posterity will be capable of preferments in the common-wealth , and the fewer there is of such , ( i mean places and offices of profit amongst us , ) the better ; we see it so in the vnited provinces , where perchance there is not by civil imployments so many men inriched as we have in one parish . where there is most trade there is fewest offices . but to return to the advantage of bringing in foreigners , i presume men of real estates do believe that it will advance the rates of lands by a greater consumption of the native product . and however some of our artizans may mistake it , yet the most considerable of them allow that the increase of hands in labour improves and increases manufactory , even in the very expence of them that are added ; one man that works may have five or six that only eats and wears . and it is undeniable that if the increase of hands abates the price of manufactoryes , it will inlarge their exports and expence at home ; the cheap making of manufactories abroad is known to be the chief cause of abating our rent . the next consideration is that of seamen , to increase them by foreigners admits of no objection since we are forced to make use of them at dear rates , and they carry out our money for their wages . if merchants will not complain at the bringing in and naturalizing foreign seamen , for the reasons before ; so neither will our seamen complain , for that the increase of them will ease ours from the press , when foreigners are made as liable to it as they ; whereas now they do our seamen a double injury , take their imployment in merchant-men , and leave them no way of getting their bread , but by sailing in men of war. there remains then only to be question'd the prejudice foreign merchants may do to ours ; for none deny but that they are an advantage to all other societies and persons in the nation by their trade and expence ; but to our merchants , some may say they are a hindrance ; though i do not think any merchant , that is truly so , will say it , they are not found so in amsterdam ; but merchants there are pleased with their numbers , and it is alwayes accounted a misfortune , even by them that slay , to have merchants quitt a place . there might be much more said , if it were wanting , to shew , that naturalising foreign merchants can be no prejudice to natives ; but since it concerns men of the best sence and knowledge in business , it is but waste of time : they know foreign merchants abate not their trade for want of naturalization , but it is our advantage to have them brought under the taxes and offices of charge in the nation , as well as to have their estates fixed in it . upon the whole i submit to better judgment , whither the treasure of the nation in the bodies of men , which i take to be of the greatest value . the wealth of the nation by their estates and their support of the government by bearing part of the charge of it , will not be advanced by the bringing foreign protestants into all the priviledges and immunity of english men , which it in time will make so . if we reflect on the numbers lost in five years past , there may seem as much reason to recruit the nation as the army ▪ laws and property hath always been the language of our nation , and much talk of securing them ; this ought to be done , but there is something of greater value that ought not to be left undone , which we hear not off ; and that is , provision for the increase of posterity , and wayes to invite in present supplies . if this came once under consideration of parliament , i cannot but believe it would produce the best statute this nation ever saw . of providing for foreign protestants . as i believe an act of naturalization would inlarge the trade of this nation , so would the planting foreign protestants in ireland : and it seems but reasonable that this nation should make some advantage by that sink of their blood and treasure , which they never yet have done , but every forty years at most are put to the expence of a new war : it is astonishing to reflect on the story of that kingdom ; in which it is said there hath been above fifteen hundred thousand english murdered in fifty two rebellions : it would be but a reasonable and provident consideration how to prevent such continual bleeding in that kingdom for the future ; but matters of state is not the design of this discourse ; only where trade must call to it for aid , as in this case it seems to do , for the government to give a hand to the planting that kingdom , by which it may be profitable to this ; and it can never be by lying waste , or being kept poor , which is a general opinion amongst us ; and i fear one of our most pernitious mistakes in trade , as it is point of our security , we should allow some thoughts and value for the bodies of men ; and if we did so , there would not be such continued slaughter in that kingdom without producing one good statute to secure that countrey , as in reason it should be intirely to the obedience and disposition of this ; the greatest part of the land of that kingdom is , or ought to be in the hands of our brethren , and they sure will not be unwilling to give us the priviledge of governing it , especially when by it we preserve them , as by sending foreign protestants among them we should do : in private management we should think him lunatick that would pursue one method a thousand times over , though he had as constantly miscarried in it ; that seems the case of ireland ; it is vain to imagine that british , so i think they call the english and scotch of ireland , can ever ballance the irish ; it is said , the irish are now above twenty to one at this time , notwithstanding much more of the irish perished in this last war , than of the british . that then which i conceive would be the best management this nation ever made of ireland , would be to dispose the forfeitures of that kingdom to strangers of all sorts that are not of the church of rome ; and having made that exception , it will be necessary to give my reasons for it . my principles ( i must confess ) are against force in religion ; but in this case of ireland there is a necessity to exclude as much as may be , those that have any relation or dependance on the church ; because the irish are a bigotted people , and own a foreign jurisdiction , which is a principle against the government and laws of the land ; and where those of that opinion are superiour in number to them that are in the interest of government , it seems absolutely incumbent on the government to provide against such men as believe themselves under the most sacred tyes of religion and conscience , to obey and promote the edicts and injunctions of a foreign prince , for so the pope is . but to return to that of bringing protestants to ireland ; i conceive there must be more than making them denizons , because at this time ireland differs very little from a new plantation , and to plant such , there is always given larger incouragement to new comers , than in setled and planted countreys . if therefore such methods were thought on , as might make those that would settle in that kingdom freeholders of small proportions of lands at very easie rents , that might be a great inducement to foreigners to go and fill that countrey , and they would soon by intermixture in marriages with the english and scotch become british ; and so those of the interest of england would be superiour to that of the irish and interest of rome ; and until it be so , england can never be sure of ireland . all that this nation ever yet had by it , was a breathing time of thirty or forty years , and then had a new conquest to make . but such a disposition as this would prevent future rebellions , and also greatly improve the trade and navigation of this kingdom ; for it is to be noted , that the chief consumption of ireland is of the product and manufactory of this kingdom : and by an account i have seen , ireland takes off more from us than virginia and new england ; and if we take it into our care , would imploy more of our ships ; but of that i intend in the second part of my essayes to treat at large , and in the mean time shall here insert verbatim part of a discourse i find in a pamphlet , intituled , the linnen and woollen manufactories : a discourse printed in the year 1691 : the whole was rational ; but that which i think applicable to what i am now upon , was as followeth : he begins the paragraff thus , as i said before , ireland is no more than one of our foreign plantations , only i think it will be allowed the first place , and more than any other in nearness of blood ; and that of our nobles there being many families in that kingdom descended from the antient families of this ; and most of the estates in ireland held by the decent from our brethren , who purchas'd it with their blood : these reflections may prevail for our care of them , at least to any collony abroad ; and we never think it our prejudice to have them thrive , nor would the growth of ireland , if rightly disposed or understood : and here give me leave to make a digression , if it may be call'd so , but you may think it not foreign to the discourse . i find it generally believed that ireland is as mischievous to our trade in time of peace , as it is destructive to our men and treasure in time of war ; and though this opinion never went far with me , yet something i did doubt was in it , until i met with something that gave plain demonstration to the contrary , and it was this : i fell into an intire acquaintance with a gentleman of ireland , whose experience and long continuance in all the foreign trade of that kingdom furnished him with arguments i could not answer , to prove that england was a great gainer by the trade of ireland . when i could not confute him , nor he prevail with me ; he told me he would shew me that which carried authority with it ; and so he did , being as he assur'd me , the work of some years , as he could spare time to compose it : the whole discourse takes up many sheets upon the trade of ireland to all parts , and particular remarks upon every commodity exported and imported into that kingdom ; and where , and how it affects england . some other things he reserv'd as secrets from me , as he doth the rest from others ; for it was never seen by any but one beside my self . out of the whole , he hath extracted an account of the exports and imports for one year in a medium out of six ; and then distinguish'd what related to england , by what ships brought in and out ; then computed the value of each commodity , and to what they were improved , being manufactor'd in england , and then what money in specie , or bills of exchange , which is the same , was returned from foreign parts to england , out of the proceed of goods sent from ireland ; all which appear'd , ( being brought up to a sum ) that england gained by ireland two millions sterling per annum : it seem'd to me an incredible thing ; but being ( as he affirms ) matter of fact , for which he hath the account of the customs , it is not to be denyed ; the breviate is drawn in so plain and intelligible a method , as renders it easie to any understanding , and therefore to mine : i would fain have prevailed with him to print the whole matter , but he thinks it may be made use of a better way ; and affirms that as great as this looks , yet it might be improved to much more , if the trade of ireland were dispos'd as it might be to the advantage of england : but he said that kingdom was in no reign since the first conquest of ireland consulted in its trade , but left to its self , or treated like an enemy : all the use made of it was for courtiers men of projection and necessity to traffick , and dispose it into grants , imployments , and offices and so made it rather a forest for game , than a plantation for trade and commerce ; and that which continued it so in the reign of charles the second , was the jealousies and mistakes of england , believing it grew too fast , and incroached on their trade , though it is demonstrable ireland doth us no hurt , but where we by our own laws force it ; and that act ( pardon the expression ) like lunaticks , that strive to suppress their shadows for fear they should assault them . none will say , england would be the worse if it were double the acres it now is ; and though the sea part us from ireland , may not laws make us one in our interest and trade ; and so that ireland may be more profitable to england in general , than wales , or any county in england is to the whole in its proportion . there never was so fair an opportunity for inriching this nation by ireland , as now it is by divine providence once put a blank in our hands , in which his majesty may stamp what he pleases : and we have reason to believe , that he who ventures his royal person so freely for the preservation of these kingdoms , will not deny us any thing that can contribute to our growth in trade and treasure . one thing i must not omit , which i had from this gentleman of ireland , that to me seems valid for confirmation of all he asserts , that ireland neither interferes with , nor gains on england ; for that in the last twenty years of irelands greatest prosperity , not one man in england purchased in ireland ; but numbers of ireland have in that time purchased in england , as they of that kingdom , i mean the english always do , as they increase their fortunes . this being so , ireland is to england a mine of treasure , and affects us , though in a much larger proportion ; as hudson's bay , whatever is gained in them , terminates in england . here i end with the pamphlet , of which i shall only say , if the matter of fact be truly related , as by the authority he gives , we have reason to believe it is , then there is plain demonstration that ireland hath been , and may be made much more profitable to this kingdom , then most of our foreign plantations : of them we take great care ; and why not more of this , since it lies so near , and costs us so dear , seems unaccountable : the truth is , our ancestours had never such a happy juncture to do it , as we have now to secure it : if therefore we lay not hold on the opportunity put into our hands , we cannot answer it so well as they might . the numbers of refugees here , and in other countreys near us , are objects in this case , both for our charity to them , and advantage to our selves . there hath been for several sessions of parliament much talk of the forfeitures of ireland ; and that it was reasonable they should be sold , and made a fund to raise money towards the carrying on the present war ; which might be thought reasonable for us of england to press , because it would ease us of so much in our taxes : but why the gentlemen of ireland were so busie to promote it , was at first to me a question , and set me on the inquiry ; and from some of themselves i had this answer , that though they could not deny but the benefit of those forfeitures were justly due to us of england , yet the justice of the thing was not all the motive they had to promote it ; but their own future security was at least as much consider'd by them , for that they hoped the sale of those forfeited lands would put them in protestant hands , and by that , strengthen the british interest in ireland , which could never be secure , whilst the irish held so great a proportion in the kingdom ; and that whilst the land lay undisposed , they fear'd the irish would find wayes to be restor'd , they having got enough by their robberies and plunder of the english to purchase them , though they cost them ten years purchase : and that they were in fear also of the irish buying from such as had great grants of forfeited lands ; but if there was a publick sale , they would come into so many hands , that most of them would stick with the purchaser , and not come to the irish . they further said , it was not the interest of england to let the forfeitures come again into the irish hands ; for that they never improved , nor traded , and so were no wayes profitable to england . if this apprehension of the protestants be valid , either to them , or us , it seems that a disposition of these forfeitures of ireland to protestant strangers would answer all objections , and be a more certain way to keep such lands of ireland out of irish hands , then by selling them to the english ; for by that they would be to greater value in one mans hand , and the english would for advantage sell them to the irish proprietors ; for that few purchasers would go to settle on their lands , nor could they find tenants in the countrey , since there is so much land waste ; but if foreigners had it in small proportions , they would be able to manage it themselves , and so keep it from returning to the irish . i have been longer on this of the forfeitures , then perhaps will be thought proper , since my subject is trade : but since it hath relation to the improvement of ireland in the way of trade , this digression i hope will be excus'd . i return then to shew , how the bringing in refugees to ireland will advance the trade of england , and that may appear in three particulars . the increase of people in ireland will occasion the expence of manufactories and product of england ; for that they have from england , or would , if the laws of that kingdom in relation to the customs were duely executed , most of the fine draperies , silk , iron manufactory , haberdashers-wares , hats , sadlers wares , tapes , pins , and other small manufactories . also from england they have all the hopes , white salt , coals , brass commodities , tobacco , sugars , and groceryes . they also imploy , or should so , if due care was taken in the act of navigation , the ships of england ; all which would be considerably advanced , if that kingdom were improved by foreigners . 2. foreigners would inlarge the linnen manufactory in ireland , to which no part of europe is most proper : and there is already a beginning and aptness in the irish to that manufactory ; and however , it is not the interest of england , that ireland should grow in the woollen manufactory ; yet it is that , that they should in the linnen and cordage : but of this i shall in the second part , when i come to discourse at large of the trade of ireland , say more . 3. the bringing foreign protestants into ireland will inlarge the fishings there : great part of which will be to the advantage of england , as would the general improvement of ireland be , if it were dispos'd to such trade and navigation as might be subservient and helpful to ours : but to make laws with design to keep them poor , is not unlike him that set his own house on fire , that his neighbours might be burnt ; keeping ireland poor , and discouraging the protestant interest there , puts that kingdom in the hands of the irish , and that renders it not only unprofitable to england , but dangerous the management of ireland . since the first conquest will not be credited in future ages , and although we must own , of a nation that hath the best constitution in government , we have alwayes been unhappy in the administration ; yet i think in nothing so much , as in the neglect of trade , and in that of ireland ; which any nation but we , would make a treasure of ; and we imploy all our skill to make it an aceldama : it hath been so to this poor kingdom ; and if relation be true , is in a ready way to be so again . they in whose province it is , will consider the politick part , my business is trade ; and in that i will venture to say , ireland might be made more profitable to england than all the foreign plantations have ever yet been . i confess new-england , and newfound-land may be made more than altogether ; but that which makes ireland of more consideration to england than all the rest , is , because without keeping that , we can enjoy none of the rest . it is every days refuge for our merchant-men , and not to be forgotten , how soon after this reduction it saved our smirna and levant fleet. of the manufactory and dispose of sheeps-wooll . this is the great staple of the kingdom , and in truth , of the world ; which by divine providence is so put into our hands , as that without a turn in nature , we cannot totally loose it ; yet all that is possible for an unthinking people , ( as we are call'd abroad , ) we have done to the prejudice of those commodities , by which means we have transferr'd great part of our woollen manufactoryes to other countreys , to germany , and venice our coarse draperies , to holland and france our fine and new draperies ; and that which is remarkable , is , that we laid the foundation for loosing them , the same way by which we first got them ; that is , by persecuting men for their religion . abel's acceptable sacrifice seems still to follow the fleece : no society of men in the kingdom are so generally affected with the strictest injunctions of our religion , as our people bred up in the woollen manufactories ; and these men first fell under the rod after the restauration ; an excellent reform to drive men out of the kingdom for having too much religion , but not question such as had none at all . this driving our clothiers into germany and holland , put them and their friends upon inventions to send our wooll after them ; and in that their friends that stay'd behind were , and still are assisting them , though to the prejudice of the trades they are in themselves ; there being nothing that draws compassion more from one man to another , than seeing men of honest and unblameable conversation us'd worse than thieves and robbers for serving god according to their conscience . this severity banish'd many thousands out of england soon after the restauration of charles the second : one tilham carried in the year 1665 , three thousand into the prince palatine of the rhyne , and divers others did the same into other parts ; insomuch , that account was taken of twenty thousand sacks of wooll carried into one port of france in less than two years from england , and more went from ireland ; and besides , the quantities that went for holland is incredible : all this is evidently fallen upon the nation by the fury of those that would make a trade of religion , and banish those that had religion with their trades : but blessed be god we have now a king of a more comprehensive perswasion , and our church better supply'd with men of learning and charity , which the infallible authour tells us , is above all the arts , sciences , and acts of devotion whatsoever . such numbers of men being gone out of the kingdom for want of that liberty they may now injoy , it is a wonder they do not return ; and a greater , that they are not sent for , and invited back : we do not consider what the loss of a man is in a kingdom not half peopled : we want nothing so much as bodies of men ; and it is said , we have above thirty thousand in foreign countreys , and they are not of the raff , but sober , industrious people ; such as these should not be lost . but from the hands to work wooll , i come to the wooll it self ; how useful , and in some cases of such absolute use in their manufactories , that they can make none of their best without our wooll : this is no secret , nor the severe laws that are made to prevent escapes of wooll , but none have proved effectual ; some of them being too easie , and others severe to loss of life to them all . i have seen a proposal of a gentleman that hath been a great dealer in that commodity to foreign parts , which he affirms would be infallible to prevent exports of wooll to foreign parts , from england , it seems probable enough ; but he is positive , and reserves part of the secret ; which he saith , when told , will make every one that hears it as positive as himself . i would have perswaded him to offer it to the house , but he expects a great gratification , and that he thinks at this time will not be given ; though i am of another mind , and believe he deserves more than he can either ask or expect , if his project takes . it is indeed to be lamented , that solid proposals for the trade and manufactory of the nation should not meet with so much incouragement as a lottery ; but to the contrary should be suppressed : and i know a great minister , who once disputed on that with warmth against a care for wooll , and that it was a burthen to the nation ; it may not be foreign to this discourse to give the heads of the dispute , which i the rather do , that so it may shew the need there is for the great council of the nation to take it under their consideration . the discourse rose on a proposition that was brought to him , for stopping a vast quantity of wooll that was then going to france ; it was brought him in writing , and demonstrated , that that very wooll was enough to work up all the coarse wooll of france for seven years ; and that the consequence would be the loss of great part of our manufactories to spain and portugal . the minister made little return to that , but brought his discourse to the great loss it was to men of estates ; that there was not a way for selling twice the wooll that now they did ; that there was three years wooll then in england , and what should men do upon this topick of the want of a consumption for the wooll of england , the gentleman laid down these positions . first , that the war was one reason of the decay of the woollen manufactories . secondly , that the extraordinary escapes of wooll to foreign parts , put them upon making more woollen manufactories than ever they did before , and that abated our trade abroad . thirdly , that our wooll going to foreign parts made it so cheap at home ; this i remember put the minister into a ●aughter ; and laying the two first aside , he desir'd him to make out the last position , that the escapes of wooll to foreign parts made the wooll fall in price : that the sending so great quantities of wooll out of the kingdom should fall the price of that which was left , was a mistery he could not understand , but seem'd to him , the only way to make it rise : but the gentleman undertook to make out his assertion , that every pound of english wooll worked up three pound of foreign wooll ; and that as much as they manufactur'd , so much was abated in our exports ; for that they made such manufactoryes with our wooll , as they could not make without it ; and consequently by that means , one pound of our wooll with theirs , made four times as much cloaths and stuffs as we could have made with it , if we had kept it at home : from which he inferred , that if one fourth of the wooll of england went to foreign parts , there would be as much manufactoryes made abroad for foreign markets , as we could make , if we had wrought all our own wooll ; and so much being made abroad , we could not have use for half our own wooll that was left : this he affirmed was the reason that there lay so much wooll unwrought in england ; and he being brought for proof of what he said , that which was matter of fact i thought undeniable , though it would not be allowed so by the minister : the thing was this , the year after the restauration , there was a gentleman that got a grant from the king , with a non obstante to any statute , for liberty to export a certain quantity of wooll to foreign parts from ireland ; upon which , some merchants in london buying the grant , sent over to ireland , and bought most of the wooll , and sent it to foreign parts ; this at first rais'd the price of wooll both there and in england ; but in so short a time as five moneths , it fell fifty per cent. and though not one fourth of what formerly came from ireland into england , came then to england , yet there was no vent for the wooll of england ; and in ireland it fell from seven shillings to three shillings and six pence , their stone of sixteen pounds all the time they shipped it for foreign parts . this he affirm'd he could prove by the merchants books that were concern d , to be litterally true ; and that the year after the shipping for foreign parts was over , that wooll rise to its former price both here and in ireland . and he farther added , that the great quantities which by stealth go from england and ireland , makes wooll in both kingdoms fall in price , according to the quantities that are sent out . this part of the dispute being over , the next question was , whither the wooll of ireland did not abate the price of the wooll in england , and hinder sheep masters from inlarging their flocks , and consequently keep down the rents of land. this was answered in the negative to all the three , that it did not abate the price of english wooll , nor hinder the increase of sheep , or abate the rents of land : that the irish wooll coming into england helped the working up of some wooll that could not be made the most of without it . that the wooll of ireland was a larger staple than that of england , and most proper for bayes and serges : that it was not the wooll of ireland that came to england that made the price fall , but it was that which went to foreign parts that did the mischief ; and for the reasons before given , he concluded , that if there went no wooll from england or ireland to foreign parts , all the wooll of both kingdoms would not be half enough to supply the manufactories that england would have markets for abroad ; for that there is now made twice as much manufactories with the help of our wooll abroad , as is made in england ; so that if there were an effectual stop upon the wooll of both kingdoms , the flocks of both might be trebled , and yet not be sufficient for the manufactories england might vent . this in few words was the best account i ever heard of the nature and improvement of the wooll of these kingdoms , and is such demonstration of the mischief the exports of wooll doth to the nation , that i cannot but think him a worse enemy to his country than a common pyrate ; for that he robs but a small number , but he that sends out wooll , destroys thousands , weakens the strength of the nation both at land and sea ; and if we believe the lord coke's assertion , that nine parts of the trade of england comes from the sheeps back , there cannot be enough done to secure it ; but it hath ever been the misfortune of our nation , neither to punish or reward impunity in the first , makes us abound in criminals ; and the neglect in the latter makes us barren of great actions for our countrey ; i mean , in that which makes a nation rich and wise : our ancestours shewed more of their good will to it in the dark of trade and navigation , than we do at noon-day . i have often thought that it was possible for a monarch of these kingdoms to make all europe tributaries to him in trade , by a true management of the natureal and artificial product and navigation of these kingdoms ; without being oblig'd to any help , but what ariseth from his own dominions , of which wooll is the chief . of free ports . there is nothing more talked of , and yet in my opinion less understood than the use of free ports . the great success that of leghorn hath met with , giving the name a greater reputation in the world than perhaps the thing in it self deserves , for that it seems the effect of a bad cause ; and though it is a good expedient that hath neither natural or artificial provision for trade and navigation , yet it may be prejudicial to a nation that hath both : to make this intelligible , give me leave to say something of the first establishing leghorn a free port ; because i take that in all its circumstances to be the first compleat president in europe . the grand duke of tuscany's territories are not of extent to produce natural or artificial commodities for the loading ten ships of burthen a year ; nor is his countrey able to consume , except it be of fish , half the loading of that number ; and having not room for trade of his own , it was no doubt his interest to incourage that of strangers ; which the ignorance of all his neighbours in trade gave him opportunity to do : so stupid was the genoees , as to believe , because they had then the money-trade and navigation of the levant , that therefore they could set laws and bounds to other nations , and make them pay customs as they saw fit ; this exaction on trade had the same effect as oppression in government , and drove merchants to seek out better entertainment , and the duke had early provided for all that would come . he was despotick , and wherever that is , a general excise raises the surest revenue ; and freedom of importation advanceth it , by the expence of those that commerce brings into the country ; but these reasons hold not in all places , particularly in england : and though perchance no part of the world in general speaking , is thought better placed for free ports ; and no doubt it is so , if the consideration be had on foreigners ; but i cannot think it so , for either king or people ▪ i expect but few with me in this , therefore must not pass it over without giving those inducements that prevail with me to this belief : i begin with that relating to the crown , free ports will give opportunity for running goods , nor is it possible to prevent the arts of merchants when they have such a handle as free ports will give them . there is no one kingdom , not france it self , that consumes so much of foreign commodities as england ; the duties on which are very considerable ; but if these foreign commodities were ●odg'd in free ports , the customs would sink , and the expence of them increase ; which is a double mischief , the loss of the revenue on one hand , wasting the treasure of the nation upon foreign commodities on the other . there is another prejudice which free ports would bring to the nation in general ; and that is , they would lessen and discourage our own navigation , which by all means we have reason to promote . now if there was free ports in england which lyes in the center of the trade of europe , all nations would make our harbours their docks and harbours for wintering and laying up their ships ; and this they might do with advantage , by selling part of their cargoes , which variety and choice will tempt so luxurious and expensive a people as we are to consume ; and allowing that , which perhaps will seldom be , that they carry off our commodities , yet that is no compensation for these reasons . first , it is no gain to the nation to eat up their own product , as that would be , if foreign commodities was spent in return of our own . then foreign ships carrying of the product of the nation , will abate the imployment of our own ships and men , and insensibly introduce them into our carriage , which is the certain profit of trade . and that which may not be less considerable than all before-mentioned , free ports would make our loss of the northern and sound trade irrecoverable , by transferring it unto the french and portugueze , as well as the dutch ; for that out of our free ports they will be supply'd with sorts of commodities besides their own , which is the advantage the dutch now have over us in that trade . upon the whole it appears to me , that free ports would only be an improvement for foreigners in their trade , without the least advantage to us , not so much as the increasing the revenue , as it doth where there is a general excise ; which i think is an inseparable companion of free ports , and they of countreys that cannot of themselves make a trade . i presume none believes the dutch to be properly free ports ; or if they were , can they be a president for us ? greatest part of their consumption being in germany and flanders , &c. which is within themselves , and no other nation can interfere with them . i have done with free ports , and shall come in the next chapter to that which i think the interest of the nation , to establish in room of them . of exports of foreign importations . having said so much against free ports , which is with good reason , accounted to be the only way those countreys have to make a trade that want funds , men , and ships of their own . i now come to that which i conceive may supply the want of free ports in these kingdoms ; and that is , liberty for exports of such commodities as have payd customs inwards : that i call liberty , is to have all the duty repay'd upon such exports . this at first sight may be thought making the whole kingdom a free port , after i have been declaiming against having any ; i confess that i shall here propose , will do the work of a free port for the benefit of our own trade , but not for those that have too much advantage of us already . that then i humbly offer in this matter is , that whereas now there is by law repayments of part of customs upon exporting of commodities that payd inwards ; that for the future , the whole money payd inwards be repayd upon exporting , without any defaliation upon these tearms following . 1. that no repayments shall be made , but on such goods as were imported in english ships and men. 2. that no repayments be made , but on such goods as shall be exported by english ships and men. 3. that no repayments be made , but on such goods that have been more than twelve moneths landed 4. that no repayments be made on any goods damnified , or decayed . with these reservations , i think it is the interest of the nation to admit any foreigners the same priviledge , so that our own ships have the carriage in and out . to this i foresee the common custom-house-objections , what will become of the kings customs ? merchants will find wayes to make their exports pay for most of their imports . to this i answer , no doubt there will be arts used by some ; but it is as certain , that ways may be laid down to prevent them , and much easier on the exports , than was at first upon the importation : let that be well looked to , and frauds upon exports cannot easily be committed ; for the trick will lye as it doth in some cases at this time : the merchant saves suppose one third of his duty , and then ships out one third of what he payd duty for , and by that means payes but half dutyes , two thirds being sold ; and he paying duty but for one , and to drive this trade , it may be worth a merchants while to import , with design at least , one third more than he intends to sell in the kingdom : but though this is an inconveniency , and may be some prejudice to the revenue , yet i do not think it is of that value , as to obstruct a much greater advantage to the publick : but it will be further objected , that to repay all the duty payd inwards upon the exports , is unreasonable ; something at least to defray the charge of the officers should be allow'd , and that is allowed where there is the greatest freedom : to this i answer , that the design here is to incourage our own navigation , and to retrieve our lost trades in russia and the sound : to effect which , there may perhaps be more incouragement than this given . the parliament upon other occasions have thought fit to give money to incourage the exports of the kingdom , as that of corn : and though i shall not presume to direct , yet perhaps there may be found necessity to do something of that nature , to lay hold of trades we have lost : i have often thought there was the same reason for a nation to lay out a stock of money to introduce some trades , as there is for a particular person ; and though that objection which some make , that publick funds are alwayes imbezled , be true ; and that no private person will receive any return for what he pays towards a publick benefit ; yet if the money be imployed in manufactoryes , or navigation , though the original money be sunk , yet every individual man in the nation is the better for it , even to the cobler in his stall . i might inlarge on the many advantages these repayments on exports would bring to the nation , but i shall summ them all up in , 1. it will increase the customs , if that be a profit to the nation in general , which to me is a question ; but however , it is that which is acceptable to the government ; and that a liberty of exporting , without any charge , what merchants cannot dispose of , will certainly incourage to greater imports , than when men are liable to loose both goods and customs , as now they in many cases are . 2. it will bring a very considerable advance to our ships and seamen ; and in this there is more than at first sight appears . by the act of navigation , it is wisely provided , that every nation might import into england the commodities of their own countrey in their own ships : this liberty was fair and equal dealing in matter of trade ; that every countrey should have the command of their own trade , and so gave no offence ; nor could we advance our own navigation by it more , than what each countrey had not ships of their own to carry their commodities ; but this liberty of foreigners bringing their commodities to seek a market , and if they do not meet it , may ship out what they cannot sell , and have all the duty repayd , so it be imported and exported in english ships ; this will put them upon imploying our ships , that so they may be intitled to make our harbours free ports , and it will be a very great incouragement to them in their trade , and as great to us to have the carriage there , being more clear and certain gain by the navigation part of trade , than by the merchantine part of it . these bill repayments upon exports , will not only supply us with all sorts of foreign commodities on easie tearms to compleat cargoes for the northern trades we have now lost , but also be a means to increase the exports of our woollen manufactoryes ; of which we shall send quantities abroad to places we cannot now , for want of other commodities , to make up cargoes for several markets . upon the whole , i conceive this freedom will ●n all respect the benefit of free ports , with this advantage of terminating in the increase of our ships and seamen . of a counsell of trade . this hath been the common theam of men of all understandings , on which so much is said and writ , that it looks like remonstrating against the government , to print more on that subject , since there seem'd not a tendency towards it : for this reason i thought to have passed ●t by , but hearing such a thing is now under consideration , and having lately seen a print prescribing the modus of a counsel of trade , i venture to put my oar in the boat , though i cannot keep stroak with any i ever yet met in this matter , differing both in the men and numbers of a counsel of trade . 1. as to the qualification of the men that is generally thought proper , some there be that would have a counsel of trade compos'd of men of all qualities in trade and manufactoryes , such as was in the reign of k. james the first , that sat in haberdashers-hall , and were more like a parliament than counsel of trade . others there are that are not for such a promiscuous multitude , but yet would have a great number of merchants , as believing them the best judges of trade , and so i think them to be ; yet whilst they are in trade , not the properest directors of it : against both these qualifications of men for composing a counsel of trade , i submit these reasons : first , that mechanicks are generally strangers to any trades but their own , and consequently can be no judges and advisers in other mens . secondly , bringing artizans and mechanicks into a counsel of trade would raise discontents thorough the kingdom among them of differing trades ; nothing being more common than men of one trade to interfere with another : and where any such complaint shall come to the counsel of trade , as they being in it , will incourage them to bring , they will be judges of their own complaints ; for that many trades have dependance one upon another , and so these men will naturally have parties , as interest leads them ; which they acquainting their friends and brethren of in their respective countreys , will create dissentions among artizans , who are good judges among themselves in their respective companies of one another in their own trades , but seldom determine disputes in other mens trades , but with a club and broken head : now as for the foregoing reasons , i think mechanicks not proper for a counsel of trade ; so neither do i believe merchants in trade proper ; for though they are superiour to understanding and conversation with the former , yet they are under the same temptations and difficulties of making parties , and interfering with one another in their trades ; and therefore not proper judges whilst they are parties , though they may be the best when they are not . a counsel of trade , if rightly established , will be a member in the government ; and in such the venetian policy , which seems a good constitution , allows none that are merchants , that hath not been at least seven years out of all trade and commerce : i have been educated a merchant , and therefore cannot be thought to lessen the profession , though i believe no man in the actual part and converse of trade can be equal and different in the determination of controverted matters in traffick : i have often had the like reflections on our publick justice , in which , at this time , i believe we are the most happy people in the world , with great and just men on the bench ; yet there hath been times when they were fill'd with men that smelt too much of barr ; might it not then add to the honour of that robe , if there was another step besides that from the bar to the bench ? but this is not my province : i return to the second consideration , that of the number in which most agree ; one of a county , and one of every city in the kingdom ; besides some of the ministry : this would be a huddle in my opinion of no signification , unless they had competent salaryes : for men would not loose their time , and spend their money for nothing ; and the charge would be too great for the king to pay without a fund given by parliament , so then i apprehend this large committee is lodged here . it may now be expected that i should propose , and that i think a better part than controversies , though as i alwayes use them where there is least offence ; for i do not pretend to more than giving my opinion to be determined by better judgments , and so i shall offer my thoughts , how a counsel of trade may be established for the benefit of the nation . the number not to exceed nine ; of which three to be such as haue been bread merchants formerly , and of the most universal trades used in these kingdoms , and the rest of the counsel to be compos'd of the ministry , admiralty , and customs ; the whole counsel to sit three times a week , and three of them every day , to receive , examine , and prepare matters for the general meeting . and because no man will spend his time for nothing ; and time so dispos'd , is generally valued as nothing ; that therefore such sallaryes be given them , as may pay for their whole time , and give a reputation to the commission equal to the great work to be done by it ; for so it is , if it be rightly understood ; it is a wonder that in a kingdom so fruitful in offices , that which payes them all ( as trade doth ) should be allowed none ; but it is an untoward . reason that is given for it , which therefore i omit ; and shall only say that by such men set apart for the care of trade . france and sweedland have to a wonder inlarged their trade and navigation ; and it is apparent , that for want of such a counsel , we have lost great part of ours . the several parts , uses , and manage , i shall at large set forth in the second part. of prohibiting foreign commodities . it is the policy of all civilized and trading countreys to make such goods counterband as are thought unnecessary and expensive to the inhabitants , or hinder their own manufactories or native growth ; but in doing this , they sometimes bring a worse mischief on themselves than that they design to remove ; for as soon as a government find any of their growth or manufactory prohibited by any other , they return it with laying a greater duty or prohibition on some commodity that countrey supplyed them with before . to prevent this , consideration should be first had of all their exports to that countrey they intend any prohibition against ; and if they find that countrey can any other wayes be supply'd with the same commodities they us'd to send them , then they should forbear any prohibition , because it is more prejudicial to lessen their own product and labour , than to consume that of their neighbours ; for that time may abate , but the loss of their own trade and manufactoryes may never be recovered , if the place that us'd them be either fallen into a trade with another people for that commodity , or the want of them brings them out of use ; and they are never retrieved : i think therefore , prohibition ought never to be made , but on some extraordinary occasion , or where there cannot be the like done to them : i will instance but one for all in this kingdom , and that is flanders-lace ; though this prohibition be of absolute necessity , because of of the great value this kingdom spends in that commodity ; yet if a due estimate was made of what this extravagancy carryes out of the kingdom , it would appear , that the prohibition is the original and present cause of our excess in that commodity : there is indeed another accidental help to it , and that is our army in flanders , the continual passing and repassing of our men gives opportunity of smugling the duty , and they also coming over with the fashion about their necks , our apish humours soon follows it ; but yet the prohibition is that which first established the fashion among onr boas and boasses ; for it is not persons of the first magnitude , as in former ages that now introduce a fashion , but such who carry their fortunes about them , and are alwayes in the midst of their estates , these have no wayes to distinguish themselves , but by despising our own manufactory , and the nasty dress , as they term it , of a countrey lady or a citizen ; though the latter is too apt to follow them in expence ; and because they can better pay for extravagancies , therefore they believe themselves equally intituled to them : and thus the vanity runs round to the great loss of the nation . now that which to me seems the most effectual way to prohibit a commodity that the nation finds so injurious , as to make a law against , as in this of flanders-lace , or any other : for i name that commodity , because it stands most in the way : i say then , to make that , or any other prohibition effectual , would be , to lay an imposition on any that uses them : if that were done , the mischief would be at an end . but to make it forfeiture of them , to bring them , or placing a high duty , which some think the best expedient , is all allurements , and perswasive to those whose vanity , and ( in some cases ) unhappy way of living , cannot be without them , to covet and purchase them , because they believe difficulty , and hazard the merchant runs in bringing them , will make them too dear for common wear : but to this it may be objected , that in many cases prohibitions are made to the end some commodity of our own of the same nature might be used ; and then the laying a duty on the consumer would be troublesome or impracticable , since perchance the commodities might not be distinguish'd , as it is in this of flanders-lace ; which cannot be distinguish'd , but in some of the highest prizes . this objection must be allowed good in some cases , and may be answer'd in others ; where it is the first placing a high duty upon the importation , is a better way than an absolute prohibition , but in the latter , where it may be answer'd , as in the case of flanders-lace , that the commodities cannot be distinguish'd , there appears a difficulty ; and that will oblige the government to some other expedient , and i see none , but to consider whether a total abolishing the use of lace may be enjoyn'd : and here two things are to be inquired into . 1. whether such a law might not produce from those abroad some such effect on some of our commodities ? 2. whether it will not be injurious to our selves in turning a number of our own people out of their trades and way of living ? to the first , that of provoking our neighbours , i think it can do us no hurt , because there is no trade in the world ( as i take it ) that we use , which vends less of our commodities than flanders doth ; but such as they cannot be without ; so that if we did abate the use of more of their product and manufactoryes , it were but just , and the interest of the nation ; nor can they do us more hurt than they do . but to the second objection , 2. that of hindring our own people , that looks ill ; and therefore , as well as i can , shall answer it ; and to that end think it necessary to inquire first , into the hands that are imployed in this work , and then whether they are capable of any other imployment that they may get their living by : for the first , those that make lace , are of the female sex , women and children ; and such i think can turn their hands to another work that would be profitable to the nation , and save money from going out ; whereas this of making lace is the occasion of carrying money out two wayes ; one for fine thread to make it , and the other by importing flanders lace of greater value , and finer then can be made here . that which our people might be imployed in , is spinning fine thread ; which may be done , though not the finest sort , yet to eight shillings a pound , which would hinder the importation of many sorts of thread to a considerable value in the year : this i presume cannot be denied ; but then it may be said , this will require time to bring them that are bred up to other work before they can earn their bread ; so that these people must be provided for , until they are brought into the methods of spinning finer thread than is now made for linnen ; which in another place i shall shew is not for the interest of the nation to promote . the way then that i conceive provision may be made to maintain these people for one year , which will be time sufficient for their learning to spin , is to place a small mulct by the quarter on all such as wear any sort of thread lace , and that there will be enough rais'd on such , to me seems reasonable to believe , because that the poorer sort of people that now wear lace , to avoid the tax , will leave it off ; and that will make it look like a discriminating character of poverty and meanness in such as formerly wore it , and upon this tax to leave it off ; and those that have points and lace of value , will not for a small matter throw them away , as they must do , if they wear them not ; for that year there will be liberty : but supposing , which there seems no reason to believe , that there should be no money rais ▪ d this way , is there not as much reason to find out some other way on the excise or customs for one year , as there is for incouragement of the exports of corn ? the french king payes money to incourage the exports of provisions , and some other things ; and there seems as much reason for this , which hath a greater prospect of improvement , than what he aims at in exports of provisions , which is neither proper , nor possible for this kingdom to do , whilst ireland is above water ; nor if he had all that export which ireland had in the best condition of that countrey , which was in the reign of charles the second , would it amount to that yearly value as our vanity of lace amounts to in the imports from flanders ? it is not possible to give a certain estimate of it , because it comes not through the custom-house ; nor can there be a near estimate by the quantities sold , since there is such numbers that bring it from flanders and holland ; not a ship , or scarce a man , but brings over some in his pocket , or about his neck ; and there are those that tell us of some thousands in the year , that do thus : but giving all this into the account , i will only mention what i have pick't up from observations made in yarmouth , hull , new-castle , and london : in yarmouth it is said there are five persous that get near a thousand pounds a year apiece by what they import and sent to norwich ▪ from hall as much ; at newcastle more : in london it is said , one man hath in few years got forty thousand pounds ; and above eight more that altogether get twice his sum ; all these may make up at a moderate computation forty thousand pounds per annum ; that is , so much got by what they import , allowing the total to arise by twenty per cent. gain , which is an extravagant profit , when merchants deal for five per cent. profit in other commodities ; but allowing at twenty , the import is two hundred thousand pounds per annum , besides smaller men and passengers , which is believed to be as much : this is a computation at random , yet with as much probability as it can bear ; and in the whole , cannot be less than four hundred thousand pounds per annum ; they that see our churches , where perchance there may be of men , women , and children , five hundred in a church , that have less or more of this finery about them , will not think four hundred thousand pounds worth more than is wore in this kingdom in a day : now though this be a guess , yet what i bring against it in the exports of provisions from ireland is a certainty from account of the entries at the custom-house ; and there was never shipped out in one year to the value of three hundred thousand pound sterling : i mention this , to shew how little we consider the interest and trade of the nation , and how mistaken in our account when we quarrel at a part of our selves , for so we ought to make it , for living on their product ; and at the same time see not a far greater value than all that poor countrey produceth , carried away in specie from us by foreigners , so is this commodity purchas'd , or with bills of exchange , which is the same thing , and so allowed by all that understnad trade . i have been the longer on this commodity , because i name it for all that come under the head of prohibitions ; which i think not to be sufficiently consider'd or understood , were it so , but in this one triffle ; it deserves no better a name , if relation be had to the use of it : there is plain demonstration , that what with the turn of our hands to a commodity , as we now purchase with money from abroad , and with the preventing the imports of lace , the whole would add more than six hundred thousand pounds per annum so the treasure of the nation ; and this might in my humble opinion be easier done , than regulating the east-india-company : i will not make comparisons as to the gain , but wish i knew any one trade , though that of the foreign plantations were one , that brings in six hundred thousand pounds sterling clear gain to the nation , as this might do , if the old proverb be allowed , that a penny sav'd , is a penny got . but that i might not lye under a vulgar censure in this matter , though i take it to be as much an error ( that extravagancies in cloaths is an advantage to the artizans , manufactoryes , and poor of the nation ) what is here propos'd doth not bar the gayety and expence of such as delight in fine cloaths , for that there may be other inventions found out for ornament as costly as lace : i remember when band-strings were come to such curiosity in work , that they were wore from five shillings to five pound a pair , and made in england ; and have my self , when i could not write man , had ribbons to one suit to more than fifteen pounds value : if these extravagancies must be used , were it not better to have them of our own fabrick , than from them that eat not our bread , nor wear our wooll , though they work too much of it ? i have done on this head , when i say , that as the wisdom of the nation makes laws of prohibition , i wish there was effectual means to have them observ'd . of sumptuary lawes . i think laws to restrain excess in apparel and food , may properly be brought into a treatise of trade ; and that sumptuary lawes are , or should be , a guide in it . that before i engage in this matter , there is a receiv'd opinion to be removed ; and that is , that expence of the labour and product of a countrey , is the support of the artizans , and beings riches to men of real estates : if this was in truth so , then there is not only an end of sumptuary lawes , but some other statutes and customs that yet hinder abuses , which perchance might otherwise grow amongst us as artizans and tradesmen wearing swords , that would increase that manufactory ; yet in well-governed places , the justices and magistrates of towns would bind to the good behaviour such as did , if servants and apprentices were allowed playing at cards and dice , it would occasion the consumption of great quantities , and so inlarge those manufactories ; yet the laws and custom of the nation prohibits it ; and it is a covenant in the indentures of apprentices to this day , that they forfeit their indentures , if they do use them in play. if then there be reason for these smaller expences , there seems reason for care in greater . how the old sumptuary laws of the nation comes to be out of use , i could never understand ; nor can i think that it is that , because they were found injurious to our tradesmen and manufactoryes , but rather the vanity and levity of the nation in following the modes of france ; which taking first in our courts , descended to lower ranks of people ; and merchants and tradesmen making a gain by curiosities in apparel , that soon begat a party to support them , until the livelyhood of numbers depended on the manufactoryes of them : and that brings me to inquire into the opinion , that it is a benefit of the nation to be expensive in diet and apparel . the reason that is given for it is , because it imploys the poor , and supports the farmer to pay greater rents . to this i answer , first , that whatever artizans and farmers get by consumption in the kingdom , is no profit to the nation . no private gentleman is accounted rich , if he spends all his rents in cloaths and house-keeping , though it be all layd out among his own tenants ; but he is accounted rich , in that he saves over above his expence : and it holds so in a kingdom , the riches of a countrey is accoun●ed and made out of nothing , but their exports that is common to every understanding , and needs no explanation ; and being allowed , what a miserable people should we be , if we supported the common people by our home consumption ; it would terminate in paying rents , as they do in scotland , in kind , that is , as they call it , victual , corn , &c. for if we spend all in the countrey , we shall have no exports , and consequently no money . 2. what is spent in the kingdom lessens the gain of the artizan and country-man , for that exports would raise the price of our native commodities , by increasing chapmen , and bringing strangers and trade into the kingdom . we need not go farther than the isle of man for demonstration ; perchance those people eat and drink better , wear as warm and decent cloths as our yeomen in kent , and yet one thousand of them make not so great a purse as one of our yeomen before-mentioned ; and the reason is , because they live upon their own product . if what is here said be sufficient to prove that the nation is no gainer by what is spent , if we then come to that of sumptuary laws , how the observance of them would increase the trade and treasure of the nation . i begin with that of apparel , and that i must crave leave to differ with a fam'd author , montaigne ; who gave his opinion on this subject , that it would be for the profit of the kingdom , and take off all from wearing rich cloaths , if the king and court did not wear such ; though no doubt it would have that effect of taking off the people from sumptuous cloaths , if the court wore plain , and so far do good as it reached the common people ; yet it would have an ill consequence where it effected the court and nobility , for that their expence is a gain to the nation , and incouragement to industry : not that i think it imploys the poor more than they would be , if they worked for exportation ; but that i conceive in this matter , is that frugality in the court and nobility , would bring all the money of the nation into their coffers ; for they seldom trade ; and so there would want running cash to drive the trade of the nation , and then there would need no laws to restrain the middle people in their cloths , for they would soon come to raggs : i think it therefore distructive to the nation for men of great estates to be parcimonious , as i do for others to be extravagant . montaigne writ his opinion as a lord , and i as a commoner : if lords lived as commoners , commoners would never be lords : and perhaps if there was no room for ambition , there might not be so much industry . having past the throne , and such as attend it , among which i account gentlemen of real estates , i come to those which i think sumptuary laws should reach , and they are merchants , artizans and countrey-men . i leave out divines and lawyers ; the first lye under no temptation , the latter i hope they will pardon me , if i say it is the best return they could make to disperse their great gains among the poor . but to return to those , i think properly under sumptuary laws , merchants , tradesmen , &c. and for them there seems a double reason , one because they know how to imploy their money in trade and manufactoryes ; and therefore should as much as is practicable , be kept from wasting their stock on unnecessary expences ; for that their stock is the seed corn of trade ; and all men are careful that they want not seed for their ground , because it is common , therefore not regarded ; but it is certainly true , that the endless expence of our artizans and poor is the greatest cause of the decay of our manufactoryes : there is a train of mischiefs that attend one another in the excess of people that depend on labour ; twenty shillings may find materials to keep a family a moneth at work ; and the want of it not only hinders them , but puts them upon farther expence , and perhaps gaming or debauchery . shop-keepers arrive to a higher excess before it effects them , but yet they are often dip'd before they see their danger ; and so it is with merchants that are a degree above them , usually so in every respect , by means of their education and converse ; yet these men are oftner undone by an insensible way of expence , than by losses at sea ; no men know how to live better than they ; i mean , that we call fine eating , and good equipage ; and there are those among our merchants can afford it ; but then it is such as are come into estates that were not got by men that understood fine living . i have often reflected on the gain of countrey-farmers that may have a free-hold of forty or fifty pounds per annum : these men we see , out of their small income , with their industry in rural matters , shall be able to give good portions to their children , have money alwayes at command ; when a merchant of ten times his fund and appearance of gain shall hardly be able to keep afloat ; and for this i can assign no cause but the difference in expence ; and yet the merchant not accounted extravagant ; but the difference lyes in this , the custom of the countrey where the countrey-man lives is to wear plain warm cloaths ; his wife perhaps with good searge , himself with kersey ; twice or thrice a weak the pot boyls , and the spit us'd on sundays . the merchant he lives in a city , where rich cloaths , lace , &c. is common wear , and a sett table every day , and to be but in the common road with his neighbours , he spends five times as much as the countrey-man ; this at a moderate computation amounts to a great sum in twenty or thirty years . i might inlarge on this subject , but i submit to better understandings what i have said ; and my opinion that sumptuary laws duely executed would inrich and strengthen these kingdoms : we see it doth so among our neighbours , the dutch and hamburgers ; where you seldom hear of a middle sort of dealer , and perhaps never of a handioraft man to fail : it is certain they sell for less profit than we do ; that they loose more in proportion at sea than we do , occasioned by the under-manning their ships : yet notwithstanding these disadvantages , their merchants , and all sorts of tradesmen are much richer than ours ; for which no reason can be given , but their frugal living , which to me is an undeniable confutation of the opinion , that the larger our expence in cloaths and food is , the better our artizans and poor are maintained . the true way for increasing the riches of the nation in general , and the artizan in particular , is to imploy them in commodities exported , not consumed in the kingdom . if what i have said gain any acceptation , the modus for putting something in practice like sumptuary-laws may be admitted , and it shall be in few words . first , negatively , i do not think making laws to prohibit or limit any sort of people in their diet or apparel practicable , it would set the nation in a ferment , and heralds must become judges of others food and rayment ; as lawyers are of their freeholds and properties : those were happy times , when pulling off a shoe was a good conveyance , and a prince was his own caterour , his lady the cook : we have an infallible authour for it . but to return the method for bringing what hath been discours'd on this head into practice , i conceive may be to lay a mulct by the quarter on all persons that are artizans , handicrafts-men , farmers , victuallers , inn keepers , that shall wear any silk , gold , or silver : this would restrain the extravagancy of such as expence doth most hurt unto ; and be a means to enable them to enlarge their trades and manufactoryes : as i have said before , their money is the seed of trade ; and if we suppose there may be but five hundred thousand such families in the kingdom , and that by frugal living they may lay up but forty shillings a year of their needless expence in cloaths , it would put a million a year more in the trade and manufactory of the nation ; which besides other advantages , in humane probability might save parishes from the charge of many poor : but of that the next chapter will treat . of working-schools and hospitals . there seems nothing that would be a more universal good , than a provision for the infant poor of the nation ; whose misfortunes seems not greater in their being , than in the provision that is made for them by the parishes where they were born . the common practice in the dispose of them , is to pay a poor woman by the year for keeping a child ; and as soon , or before they are capable of the meanest service , they are turn'd off , and seldom put to a trade ; by which means , as their entrance into the world is a charge to the parish , so is their going out in old age , if they come not to a worse end ; it being observed that most of the pilfering and vagrant people that fill the streets , are such that are not bred to trades in their youth : this evil , like original sin , comes into the world with these miserable people : i mean , when they are sent out of the parish , without education , in a habit of idleness , which produceth every day worse conversation , and less shame . and if from these slips comes the greatest part of the most unfortunate poor , ( such i mean as come to untimely ends ; ) may not this then deserve the consideration of the most pious and politique heads in the nation ? it is strange to see how provident we are to keep off little troubles when they are near , and how careless we are of greater mischiefs if they be at a distance ; we hunt a strange beggar out of our parishes ; and if in time of scarcity numbers come into a city from the country , a common-council is call'd , and their grave wisdom set at work , how to get rid of their new comers ; and yet at the same time , perhaps , that very city is breeding up a greater number of poor children than they hunt out , to act the same part in the common-wealth ; that is , of stealing , begging , and idleness , as mankind naturally would do , if education improved not nature . the worst of men would keep , if they could , that part of primitive innocence , eating without labour ; and are true believers of that part in divine writ , that it is a curse to eat their bred by the sweat of their brow : there needs no other evidence of this truth , than that of the o●● bayly , where numbers are every sessions of both sexes made victims for the sins of the parish where they were born : had they been bred up in trades , they might probably not come to untimely ends. there is no nation i ever read of , who by a compulsary law , raiseth so much money for the poor as england doth : that of holland is voluntary , and turns to a revenue to the common-wealth , as they manage it ; but our charity is become a nusance , and may be thought the greatest mistake of that blessed reign , in which that law passed , which is the idle and improvident mans charter ; for if shame or fear of punishment makes him earn his dayly bread , he will do no more ; his children are the charge of the parish , and his old age his recess from labour or care ; he makes no provision for it in the time of his youth and strength , because he hath better security for his maintenance than money of his own laying up : but of this sort of poor , i design a discourse in the second part of essayes on trade , &c. i am now on that of infant-poor ; and besides , that of the parish there is another provision ; which for as much as it takes up , makes a fine shew ; but yet in my opinion that charity might be better disposed , than to keep children till they are thirteen or fourteen years of age without any labour ; and then often taken away by gentlemen , that perhaps keep them to wait on them ; or some other imployment that is more proper for one that hath been by misfortune fallen from a competency , and is too far grown to beg in a manual education : for this reason i think there should not be one taken out of an hospital , but to some mechanick art , or navigation . i know there are some that tell us , it is pity , where an ingenious boy shall be found , but that he should be advanced according to his genious in learning . if our nation did want such men , there might be some pretence for this opinion , though perhaps i should be still against it ; but when we see such excess of studients , that there is not preferment for them ; we have not to the degree of clerks for some , that perhaps , if they had according to their learning and parts might deserve preferment in church and state ; but the stock is too many for the pasture , and that brings many young gentlemen to misfortune , who have been well educated , that being all their fathers could give them ; and being born gentlemen , not so agreeable to set to mechanical labour , as it is for the most ingenious boy an hospital can produce , his original must be derived from thence : and so a handicraft trade cannot be too mean for him ; and if he be of extraordinary understanding , let him lay it out in curious arts and manufactoryes ; such would be of more use to the nation ; and of such we cannot have too many : and if there were the same conduct in the great community of a nation , as there is in private families : ( and i see no reason why there may not ) there would not be so many thousands in this kingdom sent out of their hives without a sting , and so become drones , living on the labour of the industrious bee , so i think them that are not bred up in some imployment . now to make a lasting reformation in this thing , i conceive it must be to begin at the root ; manure and improve the first sprouts as they come into the world : and that brings me to a proposition that was brought to some of the greatest ministers in church and state , where it met with so good a reception , that some of them were pleased to say , that though they had for several years been labouring for such a thing , and had made some progress in it , yet they could never frame a scheme , but there was some objection to it ; but in this they saw none ; and therefore resolved upon the kings return from flanders , to lay it before his majesty . the late arch bishop of canterbury few dayes before his death expressed his earnest desires and intentions to promote so good a work , as he was pleased to call it , and said , he would loose no time , for fear it might be lost , if he that was master of it should die before it was established ; there being some things reserved by the proposer , until he had assurance of his majesties approbation . as far as i have liberty to make it publick , i shall shall here set down the proposition ; that so if better heads can correct or improve it , the nation may have the advantage , by inlarging a thing which may be of so publick a benefit . the proposition was as followeth , that a charter be granted to such as shall be willing to erect hospitals and working-schools through the kingdom for poor children , on the terms following . 1. that they shall be obliged to receive from all the parishes in england , if the parish think fit , such children as they have at the charge of the parish : the parish paying ten pound , and sending them with two suits of cloaths . 2. the schools and hospitals taking them in at seven years of age , and to teach them to read and write ; and imploy them chiefly in the linnen manufactory and cordage ; the boys to be discharg'd at the years of twenty one , and the girls at eighteen ; by which time they may be made perfect in the art of spinning and weaving linnen ; neither of which are improved to the height in this nation . 3. that forasmuch as it is hoped many charitable and well-disposed people will extend their bounty to the poor this way ; if they might set out a poor child , so as it may be put in a good way of subsistance for its whole life . 4. that these hospitals and schools be obliged to take in from all persons , children upon reasonable tearms . and forasmuch as it may be of a more universal benefit to the kingdom to leave a latitude to the governours of these working schools , to breed up such of the boys as shall have a genius to any other mechanical art , that then they may be so instructed . and also for the better incouragement of youth , and such as may be the children of parents , by misfortune brought to decay , that they may be so at the liberty of the governours to dispose of , as shall be found capable , and desir'd by merchants , navigators , or others , to take apprentice , and breed them up in some trade , so that it be for their preferment , and at the desire of the youth . 5. that who'ere shall be put out to apprentice , shall not withstanding receive the sum paid with them , when he comes to age of twenty one years , provided he faithfully serves his time. 6. that there be a liberty for the governours , &c. to receive the charity of all such as shall at any time give , or bequeath money or land to this good work. 7. that they may have power to purchase lands in every county of england and wales , which may be a fund for payment of the sum that was payd in with each child to such as behave themselves well , and go out at the years before-mentioned . 8. that these schools shall be alwayes free from any tax , either for their land or stock that must be imployed in the work. 9. that there be in each hospital a minister to instruct the children , and officiate in ecclesiastical affairs . 10. that for the better government of these hospitals , and to the intent that the work proposed be duely pursu'd , that all bishops and peers , and members of the house of commons in their respective countys for the time being , and so for ever , succeed visitors of those hospitals ; and that they may have power upon just complaint to remove and displace any inferiour officer or overseers that shall misbehave themselves . 11. to compleat the whole design , and make these hospitals and schools the greatest work of charity and universal good that ever was bestowed on this nation , is to establish a fund for stock and portions of such as go out of these hospitals ; that is , to pay as much as is paid in with the child , and that they shall be free to set up the linnen manufactory in any corporation of the kingdom . this will require an act of parliament , and the fund for portions and stock may be rais'd out of that which no one will refuse , nor yet shall any be obliged to pay . reasons humbly offered for establishing by charter , hospitals and working-schools . 1. they will ease the nation of a charge and burthen : the charge is upon the parish in breeding up the children , and the burthen is having streets fill'd with beggars in their old age ; for such usually are so , that are bred to no trades in their youth . 2. these schools will add to the nation in their trade and manufactories , more than twenty thousand persons a year , allowing but two out of a parish , with such as may be supposed will be put in by particular persons , that may think a child well disposed of , for a small sum to be taught a trade , and have a stock at going out to set up with . they will not only add to the nation so many as come from the parishes , but they will produce another generation by marriages : whereas the poor bred to no employment , seldom do more than waste away their life in a single condition . 3. these hospitals and schools breeding up numbers in the linnen-manufactory , will invite over foreigners to settle in the same employment ; for that it is a maxim in trade and manufactory , that where there are but few employ'd , they will be found too many ; and where there are great numbers , they may be thought too few . 4. these hospitals and schools for linnen will by themselves and their increase settle such a manufactory of linnen as will not only prevent the great sums of money that go out of the nation , but also bring in money for several sorts of linnen ; they will soon arrive to that perfection which can never be introduc'd by the methods now taken . 5. there seems not a more certain way for raising the rents of lands and houses , than advancing the poor , and increasing of people and trade ; both which will certainly arise from these schools and hospitals . 6. these hospitals and working-schools will exceed not only all the charitable works of this kingdom , but may be thought above any in europe . former charities seldom exceed present provision for the poor , and that only to keep them so ; but by this there will be raised of them which are now the disease of the nation , a useful and industrious people : it is reasonable to believe they will be in their spreading forth in the kingdom , examples of sobriety and industry ; for that they will be strangers to the common vices of this age , and know nothing but what they are bred up to in their schools . and that this great work may not miscarry , as publick stocks and manufactories always do , it is humbly proposed , that a charter may be given to such as will undertake so good a work ; and that they may have such encouragement as may give them a prospect of advantage , without which the undertaking cannot succeed ; for that it is a mixt undertaking , a manufactory and an hospital ; the first to support the latter , and that with such benefit to the nation as might be wish'd , tho at the purchase of a national fund : but here is nothing desired for the maintenance of all the poor children of the nation , for that the ten pounds to be paid by the parish will not answer the charge of building and furnishing the houses ; and that for a fund to raise so much apiece when they go out , will not come to any proportion of what must be paid in fourteen years . so that in truth the entire success of this affair rests on the management and stock of the undertakers . thus far went the propositions and reasons for it , which to me appear'd without exception , tho perhaps according to the unhappy humour of this age some may be against it , if there appears any advantage to the undertakers ; which is in my opinion a pernicious principle , that hath been no small prejudice to our trade and manufactories , discourages ingenuity , and hath driven many profitable inventions out of the kingdom into other countries , where they meet with better entertainment : but of this i shall at large discourse in the second part , and here only say , that i conceive one of the greatest mistakes in our provision for the poor , is , that they are not put under the charge of some that may be gainers by their work. i never saw publick undertakings in labour and manufactory turn to any advantage ; nor do i see any reason to expect it , whilst it is so difficult for private undertakers to defend themselves against the frauds of artisans and labourers in employments their masters are bred in ; and if it be so where men have both understanding and self-interest united for their own advantage , the success cannot reasonably be so great . suppose managers ever so honest , there are some difficulties that publick ministers lye under , which men in their own concerns are free from ; that is , set rules and methods which they must observe , and by that means lose some advantages which private men can take or leave , as they find them for their purpose . but that which seems unanswerable in this undertaking , is , that the proposition is to breed up children in manufactories , so as to ease the nation of a charge , and replenish the countrey with people ; and this cannot be done without great expence of money , and industry of the undertakers . and why they should not have the benefit of both , since it is not at the publick charge , none i believe can give a reason , but those wise men that would have no good done that any man gets by . of the new-found-land fishing . the name of a joint-stock and company in trade , is in general terms thought injurious to the several interests of the nation , but in some cases it is allowed by all , that companies are absolutely necessary ; and if in any , it seems to be so for the fishing of new-found-land , which was once the most considerable trade and nursery for seamen of this nation . how it came to be lost by us , and taken up by the french , is visible , and chiefly since the restoration of charles the second , in whose reign it was complained of , and petitions from the west-countrey-men to retrieve it , and secure them from the growing encroachments of the french , daily made upon the fishing of this nation ; but no care was taken , the french interest being then prevalent at court. the island of new-found-land is as much the right of the crown , as any foreign plantation ; nor have the french the least pretence to it . but since they have got footing in it , no private undertakers are able to contest it with them ; nor if the government should dispossess them , would private undertakers be able to secure and maintain the place and trade . the french have now forts there , and send such numbers of ships yearly , as is little less than a warlike effort added to their trade ; and by the fishing they have raised their seamen , and so became formidable at sea , all their other navigation not employing one fourth of the seamen their fishing of new-found-land and canady doth . and as the french have grown great in their trade and navigation by this fishing , so hath england by the loss of it abated in both , to the weakning and poverty of the nation . if the strength and security of this nation lies in the naval force , it may be thought that which makes and employs seamen cannot be bought too dear , but deserves the greatest encouragement ; and then the fishing of new-found-land would be as much consider'd , and as well preserved from foreign encroachment as our other plantations , where none are admitted to trade but the subjects of england . it cannot be denied , however some may apprehend , but the foreign plantations add to the strength and treasure of the nation , even in that of people , which is generally thought our plantations abroad consume ; but if it were considered , that by taking off one useless person , for such generally go abroad , we add twenty blacks in the labour and manufactories of this nation , that mistake would be removed . but whatever the advantages of our foreign plantations are to england , this of new-found-land fishing will be much more , for that by it there will be riches gain'd out of the sea , without the expence of any foreign commodities ; but it is not so in the foreign plantations . by this fishing there will be no person , only some few to keep the forts , taken out of the kingdom ; nor any fed or cloathed with the product of other parts , but all they consume will be of the growth and manufactory of the nation . and this fishing of new-found-land will be supported entirely with the product of the nation , which no other trade is ; so will the product of this fishing bring in more bullion than any other trade can : whereas the product of our foreign plantations is greatest part consumed in the kingdom , and that adds nothing to the riches of the nation . and that which is not the least considerable in this undertaking , is , that whereas in all our other plantations abroad our men are employed in labour on shore , and so of no use in time of naval war , this plantation of new-found-land will be all seamen , and most of them at home once a year , and may soon be to the number of 10000 men ; which may be thought a greater strength to the nation than a land-army of thrice the number ; with this advantage , that seamen are always readier for service , and yet of no charge to the government until they are in it . and to sum up all in that which is the security as well as treasure of england , by this fishing there may be added thirty sail of men of war always ready for the service of the nation . it may perhaps be expected , that after telling what mighty things may be done by this fishing , i should lay down a scheme how it may be made practicable : but as what i have here said is no more than hints , on which better heads may enlarge , so i must own my want of assurance to prescribe rules and methods for so great an undertaking , especially at a time when the supreme council of the nation are sitting , before whom i lay these essays , as suppliants do their petitions , to be consider'd of . in that nature i shall also further submit some particulars , which i humbly conceive necessary for the establishing this fishery . i conceive that out of the national bank before propos'd , must arise a fund for this undertaking , and such as to build and purchase a hundred sail of ships , from 100 to 300 tun , and to carry guns according to their burthen , for every ten tun a gun. that there be at the company 's charge ten third rates , ten fourth rates , five fifth rates , and five sixth rates , mann'd and gunn'd as ships of war. the use of these ships , and charge of maintaining them to the advantage of the company , shall be made out , if demanded . that tho these ships shall be built by english carpenters , yet not by english timber ; it being too evident that there will be want of that for the navy . that there be forts and plantations established in new-found-land , for defence and security of the place . that no spanish or french salt be used in saving their fish , there being a way to save that expence . the design and advantage of this trade being singular from any trade yet in this nation , that there shall be no use or consumption of any thing , but the product and manufactory of the nation . that in regard there will be 20000 persons one way or other employed in this trade , and considering the want of people already in this kingdom ; that a statute may be made to take out of prisons such persons as are kept for small debts , fees , &c. of which sort thousands perish in goals . and that the same provision be made for criminals not guilty of murther . a shaved head and a chain would be a greater terror than a gallows , and be a more lasting example than the execution of an hour . it seems also a punishment to the innocent for the nocent , that a man should be lost to the nation for an offence done to a private person , and the sufferer have no reparation for what he hath lost ; whereas if the offender were kept to work during his life , some reparation might be made to the person injured , and a certain gain made to the nation by the work of a man ; and this way of punishing felons would bring more to punishment than death doth , for that many chuse rather to let felons escape , than prosecute where their life is in danger . that all such offenders as are now transported , or have license to go for foreign parts from ireland , of the irish nation , be sent to new-found-land , by which means they would be made useful and of profit to this nation ; whereas by their going to foreign parts they are enabled to do mischief , and so it hath been found in all rebellions of that people , they returning back experienced commanders and soldiers , which hath not been the least encouragement to them in all their rebellions . this disposition of the faulty irish , will not only be a gain to this nation , but also a security in taking away one handle for future rebellions , and make them , in some measure , hostages for their brethren in ireland . it may be thought a mistake in those who think it a good expedient to send the irish to serve foreign princes , rather than venture them at home ; great part of the common people are said to be peaceable and easily led into discipline , and nothing but want forceth them to disorder ; such are to be valued as a stock in a kingdom , where the country is almost waste for want of inhabitants ; and for such as are faulty , they being sent where labourers are wanting , and methods taken to keep them at work , they will be of good use ; the banishing of the moors out of spain is a lasting monument of ill conduct , sufficient to warn us of the like mistake ; if a living dog be better than a dead lyon , it may be thought the worst of men are better than none ; good laws and discipline may make bad men useful in a commonwealth , but no human law can create them . there are many other things that attend this undertaking , which in time and place may be offered . of navigation and seamen . i find more difficulty to say any thing on this subject , than on any thing relating to trade ; because it is a common theme on which men of divers understandings have wrote , and few conversant in business , but cry it up as the diana of the england's guardian angel , and needs no advocate ; but yet though all agree in adoration , yet some differ in the form , and others believe we are safe enough in the possession of it , when more fear we were never so near losing it ; among the crowd i shall bring in my observations , and leave to better judgments the determination . that our shipping and navigation hath been declining for many years , is evident by the loss of that part of our navigation which employed most of our seamen ; so it appears if we look into the account that was taken of all the seamen and ships in england in the year 1615 ; the navigation of europe was not then one third of what it is now ; the number of seamen then taken , that were employed in the ships of trade , were but 11000 , and of them 3000 in the newcastle and coal trade ; 1900 in the streights , portugal , and southern trade ; 800 in the french trade ; 4400 in the greenland , iceland , and new-found-land fishing ; 400 in the sound ; and 500 in the muscovy trade ; this is demonstration how we have declined the most laborious part of our navigation , since near one half of the employment of our seamen in that age , were in those trades and navigation which we have now in a manner lost , as that of the new-found-land , greenland , muscovy , and the sound ; this shews the want of a council of trade , not only of merchants , but of the greatest ministers of state. had our forefathers understood foreign trade as well as they did their native , it is probable they would have made as good laws for the first , as they did for the latter : they did consider and provide , as far as the experience of the age allowed , for the improvement of trade and employment of the people ; we see what care they took against monopolizers and forestallers , what exactness in provision for the poor , the assize of their bread ; and at the same time care taken that they should not exact in their wages ; what penalties they laid on such as did vend or make defective manufactories ; and had they known the much greater mischiefs that attend the foreign trade of the nation , they would have provided against them . for as merchants are above the rank of of artizans , so is their skill and opportunity to do good or harm in their negotiations : there can be no assize set upon their commodities , nor essay to the curiosity of the indies , or luxury of the levant , but they may be limited and prescribed in their trade , and it seems of the greatest consequence that they should be so ; for they often gain by that which is the nation 's greatest loss ; and not only merchants , but seamen will chuse , as all men naturally do , that employment which brings profit with least toil and labour ; and that is one cause of the loss of the new-found-land fishing , and northern trades ; they were laborious and of small gain ; and therefore as soon as we found out the southern , and plantation-trades , we left them ; and the french , who followed us in trade , began where we left off , and by that means have made themselves so considerable at sea ; and although their navigation hath not hitherto been so profitable as ours to the merchant , yet is more considerable to their monarchy , than the effeminate navigation of the east and southern trades ; for that 1000 l. in the northern and fishing trade employs more men than 20000 l. in the eastern and southern trades . this consideration may be thought to affect england more than any part of the world ; for that we are nothing on shore longer than we command the seas ; and our neglect and loss of the rougher part of the navigation in the fishing and northern trades , abates near one half of the seamen that might be employed in these kingdoms ; and nothing but the hand of the government can retrieve this loss by encouraging the poorest part of navigation , though most considerable as to increase of seamen , which is the strength of the nation ; and this cannot be done but by such banks as will interest all the men of estates in the kingdom one way or other in the navigation and trade of the nation . but of banks i shall say something apart , and therefore now return to that of our navigation and seamen , in which , i believe , we cannot exceed , though upon occasion of proposing a way to increase the number of seamen it was said , and for that reason rejected , that the methods proposed would make too many seamen ; that which then , and still prevails with me to believe that we cannot have too many seamen , though that should happen which was objected , and to me seems very remote , that there would be want of labouring men for rural employments , is , because that if we had more than our own navigation could employ , yet they would not want employment in foreign ships , and what they get abroad would be most of it brought home , as now what foreign seamen get here , they carry home into their own country , and our englishmen are not so apt to quit their own country as foreigners are , who change for the better , and ours must for a worse , if they did at all : but to answer what was said , that we must hire plowmen from abroad , if we take up our countrymen for the sea ; allowing the assertion ( which perchance few will ) yet i conceive it were the interest of the nation to make the change , for that every seaman abroad might reasonably be supposed to return 10 l. sterling of his wages per ann. into his own country ; for home , generally speaking , they will come , and the plowmen we fetch from other countries whatever they get must be spent where they earn it , their wages being seldom more than feeds and cloaths them , whereas a seaman's is more than double , for he spends nothing at sea. if what i have said be allowed answer sufficient to the objection , that we may have too many seamen , i shall proceed to shew , that we now want at least as many more as we have . the measure i make for our seamen is in two particulars . the first is the numbers we employ in the navy . the other is in those employed in our merchantmen . for the first ; it is too evident that there is great part in the fleet are land-men , and others that have nothing more to nominate them seamen , than the rowing in a wherry ; and however shift is made with them , yet i presume it would be more pleasing to any commander to have men that could top and yard , and able to take his trick at helm , and perchance there may not be above one half in most ships . for merchantmen there need no greater demonstration of their want , than the lying of so many ships by the walls , and such difficulty to keep men from press that go to sea , and so many portugal , genoese , and other free ships employed by our merchants ; which is not only occasioned by the advantage of their being free ships , but also by the want of seamen to sail our own ships . now there is a third inducement for the increase of the numbers of seamen we want , or at least navigation and trade to employ them , and in this we have different reasons from any part of europe ; other countries may encourage seamen for their advantage in traffick , but we must enlarge and encourage numbers for our security , and should seek out places for trade and navigation that might give constant employment for as many seamen as might at least balance the numbers of the french , if we cannot arrive to that of the dutch ; it will be no offence to walk with as good a sword by my side as my neighbour . to clear this matter , let us look into a calculation that was as exactly made as private correspondency with merchants could do it , in the year 1687. of the numbers of seamen then in england , france , and holland , and it was thus : that in england there were not more than forty thousand able foremast men ; in france more than sixty thousand ; in the united provinces more than one hundred and twenty thousand . if this compute be true , as we may suppose it near the matter , it may be thought there hath been no consideration of late years of the most important affair of the nation , and therefore the more reason to mind it now ; and if the french were then superiour to us in their numbers of seamen , they are much more now , for that naval war increaseth their numbers by privateers , and abates ours who depend only on trade , and that fails in time of war ; privateers we have not many , and those few we had , it is said , have met with great discouragements , of which there are many instances given , which i dare not persume to mention , since that matter hath been under the consideration of the parliament ; but the blame hath been laid on the commissioners of the prises , who , if we believe those concerned in privateers , and others conversant in maritime affairs , are no great masters in that of trade and navigation . if then what is here said be tanto , may it not deserve a thought how to enlarge , or at least retrieve that part of the navigation we have lost in the trades beforementioned , which if regained will employ twenty thousand seamen , and beside the profit they may bring to the nation , would be a sea-militia for the security of these kingdoms , beyond any we can have on land. and one man employed at sea adds more to the treasure and employments of the poor , than five on shore , besides replenishing the kingdom , seamen being like decoy-ducks , going abroad in better circumstances than most people in other parts of the world do , invite others to return with them to a place where they are better fed and cloathed than they are in their own countries ; and it is reasonable to believe , were our laws for naturalization and freedom for strangers but correspondent to the other advantages this kingdom allows to any that are industrious , we should soon increase our numbers . it now remains i should say something of ways and methods how to make seamen ; for i think it presumption to propose encouragement for them we have , since his majesty hath been gracionsly pleased to recommend that to the parliament . but how to encrease our numbers may not be offensive or officious , if reflections on the pains some have taken to publish their prescriptions in that matter renders not this impertinent ; but it s not being so voluminous may , 't is hoped , prevail for its excuse . what i shall then offer is : first ; agreeable to what i have said before , that our lost fishings and northern trade be resumed , and that being national will have such encouragement as shall in some measure force men to come into it , i mean by the advantage of gain and profit to seamen ; for that no human policy and law can bring men into arts with success , and the increase of them , but by gain , and security of enjoying it ; and therefore i cannot understand how pulling men out of their dwellings to bring them into the fleet can make seamen ; i would gladly hear a reason why we may not with as much ease man our fleet without force , as the dutch ? or whether ever they used such methods as these gentlemen propose for getting seamen ? it is true we cannot expect men to come in voluntary for the king's pay , whilst the scarcity of seamen obligeth merchants to give double the wages of the king's pay ; but if we had double the seamen , that would abate ; and the way to have them , i conceive , is to put in practice something like that proposed three years since , which was , that there should be publickly assurance given , that whoever entred himself into sea-service , that was never at sea before , should be free from press for three years , by which means there would be numbers of lusty young men that want employment , enter themselves in merchant-men ; and bind themselves to masters of ships , who would soon make them foremast-men for their own profit : and more would come in time of war , when they want work at many trades , than in time of peace ; it being great encouragement for them to be secure from press for three years , in which time they might hope for a peace . nor would this obstruct manning the fleet , for that it exempts none that are now seamen , nor would be if this encouragement made them not so ; and this bringing in new men would daily add to the fleet ; for that as new men increased , those that were seamen before employed in merchantmen , might be spared out of merchant ships , who with one fourth foreigners , as the act allows , and these new men , might with one third of old seamen be navigated . and the way to prevent collering old seamen under the notion of new , is easie and infallible , as was beyond objection , even to them that encouraged not this proposal , demonstrated . if this expedient be not approv'd , it may perchance set better heads on more proper means , for that there seems a necessity to provide for trade against times of peace , as well as now for the navy in time of war ; and in my humble opinion , there can be no encouragement so effectual to make seamen , as exemption from men of war for some time. inventions to find out concealed seamen , seems to me an antidote against making new ; force and projects may be useful to make an ignorant servile people slaves , but can have no good effect with those that know better , and will not be so ; there needs no trick to promote the true interest of a nation , every man will run into it ; and he would be a states-man worthy of honour that did advance the interest of his country above that of their neighbours . of building ships . having in few words , for so they are if regard be had to the subject , done with navigation and seamen , i come to that of building ships ; and some think we are in danger of wanting them for merchantmen . for the fleet none doubts but to an extremity we do , and that lies before those who can only supply it ; but that we want merchant ships sufficient for our trade , i am afraid we don't , i wish we did ; but whilst so many ships lye by the walls , it is no great sign we do ; and this was our case before the war , more than now , which may be answered by the loss of our ships this war ; but that seems not sufficient , there being allowance for all , and yet too plain that we want not ships for the trade of england if we had a peace to morrow , which is a misfortune that the nation hath not so much trade left them as to employ one half the seamen their neighbours do ; and until we have at least always in employment as many as the french , there seems no security to these kingdoms ; but it is hoped there will be ways found to employ them , as there soon will be when those trades we have lost are retrieved ; and if the great councel of the nation thinks it necessary , no human hand or policy can hinder them , either in that , or any other trade of the nation , if it be taken in hand in time . what can withstand a people that outdoth all kingdoms in europe in taxes , without complaints and famine , as they have in other countries ? a fifth part of one years tax might be so laid out , as to conquer and secure that we most want : but to come to the proposition of building ships , there are two difficulties started in this matter ; one is , that the timber of the kingdom is much wasted , and cannot hold out long . the other is , that timber from norway is not to be purchased by us at such easy rates as the dutch have , and consequently cannot build so cheap as they do ; now though there is truth in both these objections , yet are raised on another occasion , that of the act of navigation ; yet i see no great weight in it as to the use they would make of it , that is to shew the necessity for the nation to buy ships of the dutch ; i confess to my understanding the reasons they give , turn upon them ; and were there nothing more but what they offer against the act of navigation in that point , it is enough to shew the good of that act ; but of this i shall speak apart , and return to the building of ships . that there is nothing of greater consequence to a people that live by trade , than to be makers of their own tools by which they work , none will deny ; now shipping are the tools and utensils of the nation ; to fetch them from abroad is to trade by licence ; whenever our northern neighbours please , we must lye still , or pay such rates as they please , that shall be equal to a tax on our trade ; for this reason i conceive it worth a consideration how to find out an expedient ; and that , with submission to better judgments , i shall propose , is either or both of these ways . 1. that the act of navagation , for that part of it relating to timber and naval stores , be dispenced with for three years , and that all customs , port and town duties be taken off for that time on timber , &c. relating to building and fitting ships to sea ; this will tumble in materials fast enough , perchance to a glut , if the following proposition be effectually pursued ; that is , 2. to give such encouragement for raising naval commodities , as pitch , tar , hemp , &c. in our foreign plantations , as may advance that trade to more than our own consumption ; if this were done , it would make the northern princes abate their impositions they have lately laid on their commodities , and set them upon all ways of furnishing us so cheap , as might render our attempts of raising them our selves unprofitable ; and let it succeed to their expectation or not , the effect would be to our advantage ; and the success to either , time will shew . the next thing then that is to be enquired into , in this matter , is , how our plantations stand as to the natural product of these commodities , and how provided with hands to manufacture them . as to the first , i can say something upon my own observations in america , that new england is superior to any of the northern crowns for timber and masts , pines and firr , to make pitch and tarr , for soil to raise hemp , and well enough for making iron . but there seems some difficulties in the want of hands to work and supply , that is the only objection i see in this affair ; and altho that hath been too great for particular men to undertake , yet may not , tho if undertook by a publick fund ; which perchance upon a thorough consideration may be found necessary to be done upon some such inducements as these . it would make new england , of the most useless and unprofitable plantation of this nation , the best and most advantageous to this nation . i might enumerate many particulars , but i presume this will come into hands that need no more than to put them in mind of the place and product . that new england lies better for a market to spain , portugal , and the levant , than the northern crowns , who now furnish that part of europe with those commodities new england can furnish . that establishing this trade will employ many ship-carpenters and seamen , which i cannot omit , whereever it comes in my way , to say , is the treasure and strength of these kingdoms . that this trade will occasion the consumption of more woollen manufactories than all our foreign plantations , it being a cold climate , and men with hard labour wear out much cloaths . that there will be room and reason to give great encouragement for foreigners to settle in this plantation and undertaking , which next to our seamen , seems of moment to advance , which even those that are against at home , will not be when they are abroad . and to sum up all : as this plantation may save the nation the expence they are now at in purchasing naval stores , so it will bring in considerable returns in bullion for what they send into the levant , spain , &c. and that this may not appear as a chimera , it is to be noted , that there hath been many years since several ships loaden in new-england , with masts , &c. for the streights ; but for the reasons before given , ( the want of hands , and publick encouragement ) that trade did not prosper . merchants do not affect a trade that takes up much time and little stock , as the lumber-trade doth , which is more profitable to the ship and men than the merchant ; and it is a mistake in those that think merchants are always owners ; perhaps they have least share in the ships of england . having thus given some sew hints , for they are no more , if compar'd with what is to be said on this copious subject , it may be expected that i should say something of the modus for setting up this manufactory , and building ships in new-england : to set down an exact scheme , would take up more sheets than i design lines in this place ; but something i shall mention . 1. to carry on this work , it will be necessary that extraordinary privileges be given to foreign protestants that will inhabit there , as having land given them , free liberty of conscience , greater wages than they can have in their own countries , houses for some time rent-free from all manner of impositions , &c. 2. that such encouragement be given , as may invite the natives to work : they are very ingenious and docible , but naturally averse to labour ; yet i have seen some of them take great pains in working curiosities ; and that which induceth me to believe they would work if they were sure of good wages , is the great labour they take in making their wampompeeg , of which the most skilful and laborious amongst them cannot make above two shillings a day : now if these men could have so much a day for any other work , it is reasonable to believe they might be brought to it , and by that means they would be better cloath'd than those that are idle , and that would tempt them in also . but to this may be objected , that this dear wages would make those commodities dear : to which i answer , that there is some works in falling , floating , and drawing timber , that cannot be had cheaper ; and that there are no men will sooner learn the best labour than they ; and as the countrey fills , and the indians are brought to work , wages will fall . 3. there may be negroes brought , whose labour will come cheap ; and their very little children will be very useful in peeling hemp , picking oacum , and other things about pitch and tar. this undertaking being thoroughly managed , will be such a staple for shipping and naval stores , as no part of europe can exceed , and put these kingdoms out of the power of their neighbours , in that of their naval provisions ; and our ships may be cheaper built than in any part of europe , with the advantage of preserving the timber of england for the royal fleet. i have often wondred that such a disposition as this hath not been thought on for that unprofitable plantation , which now brings nothing to this nation , but to the contrary buries numbers of industrious people in a wilderness , that produceth nothing but provisions to feed them ; and yet the most useful commodities in it for the nation , being that which makes our walls and bulwarks . this neglect is such as was in this kingdom in exporting our wool ; which was consider'd by that wise prince edward the third , who thereupon pass'd a law for encouraging foreign clothiers , and that they should settle in what part of the kingdom they pleas'd : a good president for giving all the encouragement and immunities imaginable , to invite foreign carpenters and others into a plantation , that might raise such commodities as are the foundation of our wealth and security . of the act of navigation . to write upon this , is to enter upon controversy in trade , which i think doth as little good as that in religion , and is commonly undertook , or at least started by those that have least share in the practice . i have never been so attach'd to my own understanding , as to conclude those in the wrong that differ with me ; but i must own my self a great votary to the act of navigation , believing it the sea magna charta , and the only law that ever past in england for the securing our trade and navigation ; and i had like to have said , with it our religion , laws , and properties too ; for that no men in the government are more averse to popery and arbitrary power than they are : and altho i believe we can never add too many to our number on shore , yet perhaps it may be the interest of the nation to keep as many english in our sea-employments as we can ; for that they are in truth our guards ; and tho when naturaliz'd , and inhabitants , foreign seamen may be useful , yet so as that they may be but a small proportion to the whole number of seamen in our trade and navigation . it is observable , that notwithstanding the states in italy are inseparably united in their force at sea against the turks , yet they are so jealous of each others growth in that strength , that they are oblig'd to each other not to exceed the number of galleys they are by compact allowed to have . this provident care of theirs might put us in mind of our neighbours , and that we have no reason to declaim against the act of navigation , that doth only encourage our own seamen , and that we have reason to do , since we have no compact with those about us to restrain their growth at sea , but every government enlarge as much as they can . and whatever reason they have for it , we have more both as to our trade and safety . one reason that is given why there are no beggars in the united provinces , is because of the multitude of seamen ; none gives more employment to the poor than seamen , their own consumption of the ordinary manufactory , besides the small adventures of them they carry abroad ; but i think it needless to enter upon the benefits we receive by the act of navigation ; we are in possession of it , and therefore have only to answer the charge laid against it , and i take them all to be comprehended under four heads . 1. that by the act of navigation we have lost several trades , as the muscovy , greenland , norway , and in great measure the trade into the sound . 2. that the act of navigation hath raised the wages of seamen to the great discouragement of all merchants . 3. that by the act of navigation we have very much lessened the building of ships . 4. that by the act of navigation we have totally lost some trades , because they of that countrey have no shipping , and strangers of other countries cannot bring their commodities . these are the several topicks upon which all is said that i can find against the act of navigation . i shall begin with the first : that by it we have lost the muscovy trade . this is said , but no reason or instance given to evince how , as there is for some of the following ; and since they can give no reason , i can find none our of the act of navigation ; but other reasons there are how we come to lose that trade . one is the heavy customs plac'd on commodities brought from foreign parts , which is in consequence a prohibition to their exports from us to any other countrey : the dutch , who court trade as their mistress , lay their customs so that they can export them again with little charge ; and the muscovite trade requires variety of commodities in a cargo which we have not proper for that countrey of our own product , and our customs hinder shipping out any : this put that trade with advantage into the hands of the dutch in the reign of charles . the first , and they taking the advantage of the civil wars in england , represented us under such characters to that court , that no english for some time durst appear there . these are the true causes of our lofs of the mascovy trade ▪ not the act of navigation , which was made some years after . it is further said , by it we have lost the greenland trade , but appears not by any thing that is offered , but that the dutch-built ships are cheaper , and sail'd with fewer men : it is true , dutch-built ships are cheaper , but as true that an english-built ship will last twice as long ▪ so then i cannot find the odds , but that the sailing with fewer men is an argument for the greenland trade , shews their being strangers to that trade , who bring it for a reason , because the greenland fishing obligeth the ships to carry five times the number that would sail her , to be employed in their shalops when they come to the fishing . so then there is no advantage by the number of seamen to sail a ship to greenland , when they are forc'd to carry so many for their fishing . but for discourse sake , to see if any thing could be made of this argument , allowing it was as they mistake , that a dutch ship and men can fish cheaper than we ; yet where is the argument , that therefore englishmen go not at all ? it is equally alike to the english , whether they manage it dearer or no ; for they set their rates accordingly ; since by the act of navigation the dutch nor any other nation can bring into england the product of that fishing , but upon paying double , aliens duty . so that i can see nothing in this matter ; but believe we have lost that , with other northern navigations , by our southern and levant trade , being more pleasant and profitable voyages for seamen , and so wanted men for our less profitable trade ; and we should for some other trades we yet hold ▪ as that of virginia , and the little we have left of the new-found-land fishing , if the act of navigation did not secure them . there seem'd for these reasons , no doubt , grounds for the act of navigation , to confine this trade to our ships and seamen , as much as they could ; otherwise it would certainly have fallen into foreign hands : and according to my sense of trade , it were better for the nation to have neither whale , nor oyl , nor whalefin , than to have them by purchase from foreigners . i make this distinction , that there is no gain to the nation by what is consumed in it ; and neither of these commodities are exported . the next objection is , the loss of the norway trade ; and in this there is something ; but i cannot see so great a mischief in it , as is represented , but that which may be remedied by a dispensation for employing dutch ships in that trade , so they be sail'd by english men ; for that i conceive is the great design , and of more value than all the rest in the act of navigation ; for that in most of our trades , english-built ships are used , and dutch not proper ; so there needs no force when it is done of choice : but that which may put an end to this exception in the act of navigation , and most of the northern trade is propos'd in the foregoing essay of building ships . that which is objected of hindring our trade in the sound , hath nothing in it , when at the same time it appears , that of seven ships a year sent there , five goes in there ballast . that we have lost our trade into the sound , is plain from the variety of commodities the dutch carry in one ship ; and we commonly carry the product of england , which is one of our mistakes in trade , that for fear of a small loss in the customs , we lose so considerable a trade as we do in the sound , and northern kindoms : but of this , something shall be said apart . and so i have done with the first head in relation to the act of navigation , which better judgments may determine , but in mine there is nothing appears to the prejudice of the act. the second objection against the act is , that it hath raised sea-mens wages , so that merchants are now at the mercy of seamen , who raise their wages at pleasure , and so impose upon trade , to the discouragement of merchants : all this i know to be literally true ; and allowing the matter of fact , we will see what inferences are made from it : they that are against the act of navigation , bring it for demonstration , and it is so , that seamen have since raised their wages , and that is a prejudice to trade : now to make this matter clear to every understanding , it may be needful to shew , that in this there is two handles , both to be laid hold on in argument , one is the profit of the merchant , the other is that of the publick and national interest . the complaint lies thus ; before the act of navigation , merchants had seamen at easy and low wages ; this was their gain , and the foreign seamens profit , who carried their wages out of the kingdom , and most commonly in money . the act of navigation bars these foreign seamen from sailing entirely in our ships , that is , from being the whole crew ; for one fourth of foreign seamen the act allows ; which i think is the only mistake in that statute , to give foreign seamen any room in our ships : but thus it stands , by excluding foreign seamen , ours have rais'd their wages , and that is a loss to the merchants , i mean it is said so ; but that is equally a mistake with the rest ; for merchants will rate their goods according to their charge ; and it is the consumer , not importer , that pays it : but allowing the matter as it is said , the merchant he gets by having foreign seamen , the nation gets by employing our own seamen ; which of those is to be encouraged , i think can be no question among english-men . i confess , amongst all the arguments that i have heard made use of , this of seamen was most surprizing , because i always thought it the greatest authority , and invincible argument for the act of navigation . it shews the necessity for a law to make seamen , when you have not three fourths to sail your merchant-men ; for as before is said , the act allows of making use of one fourth foreigners ; and yet we see the merchants complain for want of more . if these gentlemen that are displeased with the act of navigation , would but consider the condition of the nation in all parts of its trade and navigation , i persuade my self they would be advocates on the other side , for their discourse shews them men of ingenuity , and well-affected to their countrey ; and tho i will not pretend to convince them by dint of words , yet i do not despair of doing it , by laying before them the state of the nation in this particular , when this act was , and was first thought on , in the time of the rump-parliament , thus , as i find it by story and relation of some that were merchants and commanders at sea in that time : the rump-parliament quarrelling with the dutch , took the opportunity of making trade the chiefest pretence for it , believing that would be popular , and affect england ; and the truth is , there was ground enough for quarrel in matters of trade ; the dutch grew very fast upon us all the reign of charles the first ; and it is a mistake to say that we lost our trade into the sound and muscovy since the act of navigation ; for it was stealing from us the year 1634 , and was in a manner quite lost by the year 1652 : but that which most affected , and gave offence to the nation , was , the dutch had got such a trade to our plantations in the west-indies , that we could scarce get so much sugars home , as the nation consum'd ; they supplied our plantations with wines and brandies , linnen , and almost every thing they spent in the islands . this being so notorious , the then government thought upon the act of navigation , which had good effect in preserving that part of our trade and navigation that was left ; and perhaps we owe at this day the preservation of these kingdoms to it ; for that upon the restoration of charles the second , had not this act lain in the way , there might not have been such course taken as there was in our trade and navigation : the disposition of those times seem'd to tend another way , for pleasure more than trade ; but this act stood as a centinel for the traffick of the nation , and put them in mind of other things . i have now brought this act to the year 1660. and let us see how the trade of the nation stood then . upon the restoration of charles ii. there was a set of people in trade , that had been bred up in it in the time of the parliament , and these men having the money , as well as the trade of the kingdom in their hands , were at that time easier heard than they have been since . they not knowing what force foreign money might have at court , thought themselves never safe until they got the act of navigation confirm'd ; and being early in their application , they succeeded to their own satisfaction , with some advantages more than was in the former act. for it is to be observed , that under oliver's government , the act of navigation had little force ; both the government , and the merchants , were willing to let it sleep ; for that during the war with spain , to avoid their privateers , which were so numerous , that scarce a ship could stir without a convoy , most of our trade was managed in dutch bottoms , they being at peace with spain ; this management had almost stifled the act of navigation , and merchants finding their present gain by the cheapness of dutch-sailing , did not consider the future consequence , immediate gain was what they minded : but upon the restoration , the same men that under the usurp'd government were content with the general scramble of the nation , and to come in for a share , were now for securing trade to posterity , which they were careless of , whilst they had no foundation of law or government . i have been the larger in this account , because i find it generally believ'd , that this act of navigation was originally brought forth in prejudice to the dutch , and for the same reason renew'd in the reign of charles the ii. whereas in truth it was at first made with as much reason and necessity as our laws against exportation of wooll ; for neither that nor any thing else can with reason be thought our own , longer than our ships and seamen have the guard of it , and that they cannot have , unless they have the carriage ; and if that be allow'd , which i submit , then the second objection against this act , that it raises the wages of seamen , will not be found material , but rather be , as indeed i think it , the best argument that can be given for the act of navigation ; if seamen be our guards , as well as labourers ; and foreign seamen by their cheap sailing have so beaten out ours , that we have not ¾ to sail our ships in time of peace , sure it was time to consider of a way to increase and incourage our seamen . the third objection made against the act of navigation , is , that it hinders the building of ships ; this i confess would have weight in it , if it were possible to be true , which to me it doth not appear , no more than because i cannot get brown bread , i will starve rather than eat white : dutch ships are cheaper , and fail'd with fewer men , and consequently can bring lumber for building ships cheaper than englishmen can ; and because we cannot fetch these materials at so easy rates , therefore we will be sullen , and neither fetch nor buy of the danes or sweeds , who by the way , methinks , should be able to bring their own commodities as cheap as the dutch , and so leave off building ships , trade , and navigation . this would be a surly dogged humour indeed , exceeding any thing in story , that a nation should make a law that should be so injurious to their own trade , as that with one consent they would set down and starve ; for so it must be , if we build not ships since we cannot use foreigners ; it seems more reasonable to believe , let the charge be what it will , ships would be built the faster . for that , in short , then there would be no trade , nor will the raising price of ships or freight be a loss to merchants or owners , because it will be charged on the commodities , and that is paid by the consumers . but to make it yet more plain , that after all this pretence , there can be no prejudice either to the merchant or consumer by employing our own ships ; we will examine further , what trade requires our own built ships and seamen , and then how much our ships will be the dearer , by buying naval provisions from the danes or sweeds , or by fetching them in our ships , than if we bought them from the dutch ; for it is they that are pretended to bring materials cheapest . for the first part of the enquiry , what trade requires our own ships and men ? there remains then nothing but some part of the european trade , and greatest part of that before the act of navigation was manag'd by our own ships ; and all that foreign ships were employ'd in , was the northern trade ; the consequence of which was , the dutch by degrees taking it all out of our hands . the second inquiry is , how much our building will be dearer by the sweeds and danes , and our own fetching of materials ? i cannot find either by my own experience , ( and i have traded considerably in all three ) or any others , that the dutch could bring timber , &c. cheaper than the danes or sweeds , and all the difference i could ever find betwixt our ships and theirs , was not above 5 s. in a tun , tho we loaded english-built ships ; and how that affects our building , is easily computed , when in building a ship of 200 tun , all that is needful to import for her building and rigging , will be little more than 50 tun stowidge ; for it is to be noted , we use most of our own timber and plank for every part of the ship , but her decks and finishing within board , with some other slight ornamental part of the ship ; but this difference in the carriage is so inconsiderable , that it will not serve for a dispute . i shall therefore allow the difference of freight to be 10 s. per tun , which no man that is conversant in that trade will say ; and the quantum to be double , that is , 100 tun , which would make the difference 50 l. in building a ship , that fitted to sea might cost 2000 l. this being a large calculation for them that bring in the objection , yet makes the difference so small , that it is of little consideration among private men , and will be of less to the publick , especially where our own ships are employed ; and it is also to be remembred , that we make not building of a ship as a manufactory for sale , but for our own use ; and whether it would be more profit for the nation to buy ships , though they could be had 30 per cent. cheaper than we could build for , i leave to judgment : i know the common topick , cheapness of carriage will be brought , as often it is , where it is foreign to the thing controverted , as it is here ; dutch ships being cheaper built then ours , can afford cheaper freight than we ; and so we lose the profitable part of trade , as carriage no doubt is : this at first sight looks formidable , as if it would stand its ground ; but enquiring into the matter , we shall find nothing in it ; i have before shewed that to more than three parts of the world , our ships are allowed , more desirable than any foreign ships , especially than such as are slight and cheaper built ; so then there is three parts in four that we stand at least on the level with other ships . that which remains is part of the european and home-trade ; let us see how we could get a share of that carriage , if we had as cheap sea-waggens as our neighbours ; for no better are most of the ships us'd in the lumber-trade . for that part relating to the dutch importation into their country and rivers , none will pretend unto ; and for that of the northern crowns , i mean their importations , the dutch will have the advantage , until we can perswade them to two things . first , that they will eat no bread , and then follow our example , place such duties on all goods imported into holland , that there may be no possibility of shipping them out again ; until these two particulars happen , we roul a stone up hill , to imagine we can upon equal terms deal with them in the northern trade ; for that they can send ships loaden with commodities of all countries , where we must send them light ; and they can bring back corn in barter , and returns for what they carry there ; but we have seldom need of corn in this northern trade ; we can then at most aim at no more than navigating our own expence in it ; so here is no freight for us . we then come to the french trade ; and they are wiser than to let any carry for them , but from them you may ; they wisely laid 5 s. per tun upon foreign ships , but none upon their own , as we have done : all this being matter of fact , i cannot find if we had ships as cheap as eggshells , where we should employ one more on freight to foreigners than we do , and they are very few to the southward , and in the levant , in neither of which cheap sailing is in demand , but ships of strength and force ; and for that reason the english have been in most esteem there . i think there needs no more to answer the objection , that the act of navigation hinders the building of ships , or that we want slight ships , since we have little use for them , and none at all if they any ways interfere with the act of navigation . we now come to the last exception against the act : that by it we have totally lost several trades ; for that by the act none but english-built ships can import the commodities of any foreign country , or the ships and men of that country , and perhaps they have none ; and we trading not there at all , the trade is lost . this had i only heard in discourse , and not seen in print , i should not have mentioned it , left it might have been thought a wisp of straw of my own lighting ; but i place it as i find it ; for i leave nothing out of all i could ever hear objected against the act , and therefore bring in this , though , i think , there needs no answer more than to say , there are no ships to bring away the product of a country , and we send none to fetch them ; it is a strange indication that we have no use of their commodities , or our ships are better employed , and that we want ships and men for such poor trades , which nothing will force us to increase , but the act of navigation ; it being a certain maxim in trade and navigation , that whilst there is room in the easie and most profitable part , none will run into the poor and more laborious . and we not having seamen enough to manage our profitable and easie navigation , as i have before mentioned , is one reason of the decay of our rougher and poor navigation ; which was wisely provided for in this act , that all foreign import , of fish , oyl , whale , finn , &c. should pay double allience duty . this was intended to give us advantage above foreigners ; and would , no doubt , be a good encouragement , if we had our other trades supplied , to bring seamen into the fishing trade ; but having lost the trades for want of ships and seamen , that therefore we should sit down with the loss , and take no course to retrieve it , because at first we cannot bring in these commodities as cheap as foreigners can , is with the sloathful to say , a lyon is in the way . but we had , when this act was made , better resolutions , and knew then , and so may now , that it is better for the kingdom to pay twenty shillings to their own men , than fifteen to strangers ; and by doing that for a time , we may regain those trades , and manage them on as good terms as any other . this i believe will be thought sufficient cause for the supporting the act , as it was for making it . i shall add no more , but set down in few words the tenor and force of the act of navigation , and leave every man to his own judgment of it . the act in the preamble tells us , the necessity for increase of our ships and seamen . that for encouragement to so good a work , that after a time limited , no foreign-built ship , or men , shall import any commodities , but of the product of their own country . the consequence of which is , that no other nation should have the benefit of carriage to us , but each country their own ; and if they could not do it so cheap as we , then our ships would have the carriage , and not foreigners ; by which our ships and seamen would be increased . the other part of the act is for encouraging our fishing , and that is by placing double allience-duty upon all fish , oyl , &c. caught and imported by foreigners . this sure cannot be a fault , to give our own men encouragement above strangers ; since the navigation and trade of the kingdom gives them better livelihood than the fishing would ; if foreigners , who live hardly , might import fish as free from duty as they , the consequence of which would be , that we should lose the fishing , as we have some other employments of our seamen . of banks and lumbers . presuming the usefulness of banks in england is not now controverted , i submit to better judgments how banks and lumbers may be set up in all parts of this kingdom for the encouragement of the manufactories and navigation thereof . i conceive there is nothing so destructive to the trade and employments of the nation , as engrossing the money and business of the kingdom in great and few hands ; that would bring the kingdom into the rickets , draw all the nourishment to the head , london would swell beyond its natural growth , and the other parts of the kingdom waste and dwindle to nothing . the banks then that i should humbly propose , may be thus established ; 1. that in every shire there be a bank erected by act of parliament . 2. that the fund for these banks be land and money : and because there may be no difficulty in point of title of such lands as shall be put in bank , that a law may pass in parliament , that whoever is in quiet possession of an estate , and shall place it in the bank as part of the original fund , that land shall be perpetually in the bank , whatever title may afterwards appear ; and shall only be transferr'd to him that shall recover the same : for it is to be understood , that whoever puts land in bank , is never to receive more out than his proportionable part of the gain arising from the general stock : so that land remains the same , whoever makes a title to it . but for the better credit of land in the bank , a proviso may be in the act , that no title of land put into the bank shall be question'd after years : this will give a reputation to any particular person's title of lands in the bank , if he should have occasion to sell his interest , which otherwise will not be of equal value with those that put their original fund into the bank in money . the fund of banks being thus established by land and money in each county , the next thing will be to appoint the quantum , and who shall come in ; for it is not to be doubted , but there will be more than enough , and every shire will strive to bring in as much as they will be permitted . for the general fund of the whole kingdom , i suppose four millions may be sufficient to begin with , half land , and half money ; and for the particular proportions of each shire , their proportion in the land-tax may be a good rule . the manage of these banks in each shire may be by men chosen among themselves . that twice a year a general meeting may be in london , two being sent out of every shire , there to settle accounts , and make dividends of the profit ; which would be great satisfaction to all persons concerned , and would quicken the trade and business of the nation . for the dispose , putting out , and receiving money in bank , there can be no set rules , and therefore will depend upon the accidents of war and trade ; but some standing rules may be thought on for the rates of exchange through the kingdom ; upon which there will arise great part of the gain , and will be considerable in the advantage and ease of the nation , in quick circulating of the money , and the most effectual way for suppressing highway-men , for that no man need travel with more than pocket-money for his expence , when he may have bank-tickets to any part of the kingdom where he goes . there seems a difficulty , whether these banks should pay any interest-money , having so great a fund , with which , and their credit , they may supply all the wants and employments of the nation , for that it will be impossible to hinder these banks from having an unlimited credit ; so that perchance two millions of ready money may answer ten millions in the currant payment of the nation ; for that few will take money out , but transfer from one account to another . and it is reasonable to suppose , that most men will lodge their money in bank , for the greatness of security , and saving the trouble and hazard of telling money . for these reasons it may be thought a bank will pay no interest ; and that may be injurious to the nation in two respects : first , it may necessitate many people to carry their money out of the kingdom , where they may make some benefit by it , when they are debarr'd from any advantage at home . the other mischief it may do , reaches widows and orphans , whose support often depends upon the interest of their money ; and if banks pay none , they will be able to set out at very low interest , more than the wants of the kingdom will require . but that which i conceive may be an expedient in this case , may be a proviso in the act of parliament , that these banks shall set out no money at interest upon real estates ; by which means there will be room for private persons to set out money upon mortgages . these banks being national , may be so constituted as to retrieve that most considerable part of the navigation of the greenland and new-found-land fishing : but because that may be discouraging to some persons that understand not trade , and only depend on their money at interest , it will be necessary to shew , that notwithstanding the trade propos'd , there shall be a certain fund or dividend of at least five per cent . per ann. besides the profit of trade , and that may be done thus ; supposing the fund of land to be valued at 20 years purchase , the rent will be five per cent. for two millions ; then for the other two millions in cash , allowing but five per cent. more for the gain of exchange , that compleats the five per cent. upon the whole fund . this is a certainty , without reckoning any advantage to be made by the credit of the bank , and putting out money to interest . there will not be here room to mention the modus or advantages that will attend that most important undertaking of the new-found-land fishing : i shall only say , it would employ all the loose and unprofitable hands in the nation ; it would add ten thousand seamen to the strength of it ; it would bring a treasure into the nation taken out of the sea ; it would occasion the consumption of great quantities of manufactories ; it would advance the price , and consume great quantities of provisions of this kingdom ; for that new-found-land is no place for either tillage or cattel , and we shall employ many foreign hands in that trade . the advantages that will arise to the nation by these banks , need no explanation , for that they are easy to every understanding ; among the rest , that of supplying the king with money upon any publick funds , as shall be appointed by parliament , is not the least . lumbers for poor artizans and others , is an appendix to banks , and may by funds out of them in each county be supplied so , as that the poor may have money to carry on their trades and employments on pawns , that may be so easy , and with the advantage of selling in publick sales what they leave in pledge , and that what they borrow shall be of more advantage and ease to them than if the money were lent them gratis ; and may be of great use in the improvement and enlarging the manufactories of the nation , which are much discouraged by the necessities and hardships that are put on the poor for want of sales , which these lumbers will supply , and the best and readiest means for the poor to sell their goods every month ; whereas now they are often forced to sell their labour to shop-keepers at such rates , as gives them little more than what their materials cost them ; which hath the worse effect , in that it encourages a set of idle men in the kingdom , with folded arms in a shop , to live upon the ruins of handicrafts-men ; their numbers are increased even to a nusance , by their easy way of living on the oppression of the poor . if we took presidents from abroad , this evil would not have grown thus amongst us . it is observed , that there is not so many retailers in amsterdam , as there is in some market-towns in england ; and this evil is the more to be condemn'd , since we want not a statute to prevent it ; for in the 5 th . year of queen elizabeth a statute pass'd , that artizans sons should not be apprentices to shopkeepers : there was then none turn'd from mechanical arts to be retailers , as now there are numbers that do , and greatest part quakers , a people that for many reasons may be thought as unprofitable to the nation as jews ; and so i take the greatest part of retailers and hawkers to be ; they ought as much to be restrained and kept to a quantum , as hackney-coachmen and coffee-houses ; for tho both , if confin'd to numbers , are useful , yet in their excess are nurseries of idleness , and such as i am of opinion would have been provided against by our ancestors , had they sprung up in their days : but on this subject , among other enormities , i have writ at large in another discourse , which when the disposition of the times will admit , may come forth . of agriculture and rural imployments . before i enter upon the subject , i must apologize for my self , that i am to the last degree ignorant of the practick part of husbandry ; the whole course of my life having been spent in maritine-towns , or on the sea. i beg pardon , contrary to custom , before i commit the error , giving an instance of my ignorance in country matters ; which i should not trouble the reader with , if i did not think it divertive . it was in the 32 year of my age , that i first had a thought of acres ; and being importun'd by friends to fix something on the land , and not have all on the sea , i made a purchase before i saw it , for that i might do with as much judgment , as if had ; some time after i went to see the purchase i had made , and on the road gave as much diversion to my friends , in declaring my want of understanding the distinction and names of every thing the field produced , as i did trouble to them to inform me ; tho it was near harvest , i knew not barly from wheat in the ear ; and when i came to the estate , and riding thorow the woods ( of which there were great quantities on the land ) ; i was yet more troublesome in asking the names of trees , not being able to distinguish an oak from an ash , or that from wich-hazel , which made a merry fellow , a ranger in the woods , say , he had a master he was sure would not question his care or honesty , since he knew not a tree from a weed . after this account of my self , i hope to be excused , if i mistake in any point of country and land-improvement ; nor shall i attempt to prescribe rules , or give my opinion in these matters , as i may venture to do in that of trade ; and therefore as rural matters have relation to that , so i shall here treat of the plow , and of the pruning-hook ; the field , and the orchard . how land may be improved , there cannot be a truer or greater president , than that of the land of canaan , a spot of ground not so large , as one third part of england , yet maintained double the people england doth . that the fertility of the soil did not make the difference in their great increase above ours , is observed by such as travel there ; that at this time under the manage of the lazy turk , that land is much worse , and brings forth less increase than ours . so then it is apparent , labour and industry makes the difference . now , if the foregoing computation be right , that there were near double the people in that little spot than there are in england , ( as there is reason to believe ) for that in david's reign the number of fighting-men was 1510000 , besides the two tribes not brought into the account ; this being allowed , it will follow , that there is not one sixth part made of the land of england , as might be : but to this , might be said , the want of hands is the cause of our scant production ; and that nothing but crouds forceth labour ; this is true as to matter of fact , but not so as to be without a remedy : nmbers of people make laws for industry out of necessity , and good laws may do the same with this advantage , that enlarging the labour in rural affairs , will produce more than is consumed in the nation ; and that adds to the treasure of it : whereas numbers of hands that only work to feed themselves , adds nothing to the riches of the kingdom . now as riches increase , so will the bodies of men ( which is indeed the best treasure ) ; we see this in the united provinces , where all nations flock as fowl where they find best feeding ; money is so to men , and where that abounds , labour and industry is encouraged ; but to sit down with an opinion , that england cannot be improved for want of people , is too mean and abject for englishmen . there is a visible prospect how great improvements may be made in this kingdom by the hands we have ; and if that were done , we should soon have more . there are thousands of persons in this kingdom that beg , who might be serviceable in many things relating to the plow ; if lame in their feet , yet they may weed corn , that perchance now takes up the time of a lusty man. a blind man may carry burthens in company with other ; a man without hands may look to cattle , &c. there are numbers of men of no employment , that we have laws that might oblige to work , and if they are not full enough to reach them , they may be made to do it . there is also another set of men that are lost in the nation under the cover of being serving-men and footmen . now this might be restrained , and men confined to the numbers they keep according to their quality , which if done , might add to the plow , and other country employments , many thousands in this nation . i differ with them , who complain of our gentries humour of taking french valets de chambres . i wish there were a law that none but such should be taken into such employments , or at least that no gentleman should have above one englishman in his family in service , as a waiter or foot-man ; this would drive young men into the country to labour , when they had no expectation of a lazy life and maintenance , as now they have . tho this is a general complaint thorow the kingdom , of the want of men for the plow , and that the wages of a plow-man is risen from 5 to 10 l. per annum , no man will say , it is because there are not men in the kingdom , but it is because there are easier ways to get a living ; tho at the same time , if those that chuse that idle life of waiting on gentlemen , did but consider their hazard of begging their bread in their old age , or sooner , if sickness , or any other accident befal them : whereas there are few instances of labouring-men in the country that come to such misfortunes ; many from the plow or orchard , arrive to a decent living and competency , but few from holding a plate . i have often lamented the sight of four or five lusty young fellows hanging at the tail of a coach , when they are wanted at the plow ; and since it is not practicable to get plow-men from france , but is to get foot-men and valets de chambres , to me it would seem a good law to prohibit englishmen from such employments , and that would bring in french and other foreigners enough to supply their places . thus i have laid down my thoughts of adding hands to our country employments , which may be improved by better judgments . all i shall further say , is , that to me it seems plain , that there might be 40000 persons added to those we now have in country employments , and they would so advance , and enlarge rural production , as would invite numbers , both at home and from abroad , into the country , which hath been for some ages so much neglected ; the humor of this nation running too much after the french , i mean those of them that come abroad ; for their peasantry never do ; those we have from them are artizans or lacquies , and such too many of our nation affect to be , and so quit their country employments ; i mean not by this , any discouragement to manufactories , they cannot exceed ; but some have too many that attend them , especially such as are consumed in the kingdom , which advanceth the vanity of the nation , whilst the most solid improvements and employments of it are neglected for want of hands ; and if what is here proposed may produce and bring numbers into country labours , the next enquiry will be , how to employ them , so as to make plowing and land-improvements as much a trade and manufactory as other manual arts ; for that which hath always discouraged tillage in this kingdom , hath been the practice of making provision for no more than the expence of the nation ; whereas if such quantities of grain was sowed as might make it a commodity for exports , that would soon invite merchants to exportation . the statute which was made for encouragement of tillage , was for that part of allowance at the custom-house of good use ; but something more must be done to make corn a commodity for exportation , and that must be to have quantities yearly sowed beyond the expence of the nation , that so merchants may be sure of a constant trade , as they have in the sound ; where the country depend as much on their harvest , as france doth on its vintage ; and merchants being sure of a constant supply , make provision for the trade ; whereas ours is only a chance market , when the harvest proves beyond expectation , and often failing , puts us upon importing corn from other parts : this in a country so natural for grain , and that lies so near holland , which fetcheth such quantities from abroad , may be thought not the least of our mistakes in trade and commerce : to me , i confess , it seems a great neglect , to see so many acres set for five or ten shillings an acre , and the tenants scarce able to pay that , which under corn might yeild to the farmer five pounds ; and though part of that goes in labour , yet the whole is so much added to the treasure of the nation ; and would be the greatest advantage to the rent of lands that ever was , or can be by any other means raised in the kingdom . now that what i here propose may appear practicable , something shall be offer'd that , i conceive may shew what i here set down to be more than meerly notional . 1. first then as to the grain , which is most in demand in foreign markets , and they are rye for holland , horse-beans for bilboa , and barly for portugal ; i mention not wheat , because that we have most of , but the other three is least propagated in england , though the most proper for exportation , and seems possible , considering how much nearer we lye to a market than dantzick , to be exported from england as cheap as from any part ; and as quantities in other commodities enables the seller of them to abate in price of what they can when they are scarce ; so it would be in this of corn ; when a farmer is more sure of a market for twenty acres of corn , than he is now of five ; he may abate of his price , and yet be a greater gainer than when he hath but a little , and a greater price ; we account it so in all other commodities . 2. for encouragement of making corn an export , it is to be remembred , that we send most of our ships light to bilboa and lisbon ; so that will help our navigation that loads our ships ; then it is to be considered , that our exports to lisbon , do not answer our imports from thence , since we fetch so much wine from portugal ; and it is hoped since we have fallen into it , we shall never exceed in french wine : they neither can , nor will take off our commodities ; corn they never did , as portugal will. the difficulty that appears to the introduction of this so profitable a disposition of the lands of england , is how to bring the nation to it ; for all new things are hardly propagated . three things i submit , that to me seem of strength to bring the nation into it : and they are these , 1. that a statute be made to oblige all persons to a certain proportion of plowing , according to what they keep in grazing . 2. that all land under tillage shall be free from any manner of tax . 3. that some ease may be given as to the tythe for what is exported ; it is a heavy load and discouragement , one tenth for that which goes out ; care should be taken to make what goes out as cheap as possible , that so no other country might undersel us ; i would not be thought to lessen the income of the clergy ; to the contrary , i think , they ought to partake of all the increase of the kingdom ; and what i here propose , would be for their advantage , by encouraging the greater exports ; and ways might be found to give some encouragement from them to the plow-man , that might be easy to both . but to all that hath been said for encouragement of tillage , there appears a seeming objection , and that is , we often see corn so cheap , that the farmers are broke by it , and what would they do with double the quantities , as it is hoped this law and encouragement might produce ? this is partly answered before , that the reason why we want a market for our corn , is because we have not always store , and so merchants make no provision for the trade , nor will quit a place where they are sure of supply ; so if once it were known that england set upon the trade of corn , there would not be want of buyers ; it is not to be imagined how soon the plenty of a commodity makes a trade ; i remember when we imported quantities of silk stockins from the levant , but as soon as we had the invention of looms , the stream turned , and we send them there . plenty makes cheapness , and that increaseth trade . but there is another answer to be given for the want of a market for our corn , and that is , we run most on wheat , and neglect those sorts before-mentioned , which are most in demand abroad , and of which we could never exceed , but the more we provide , the greater will the price be ; for quantities , as is before said , brings numbers of buyers ; whereas where there are not stores of a commodity , buyers are but few , and then they set the market , and have the commodity at their own rate . i shall end this first part of my essays as i began them , truth may be allowed repetition ; that as this nation never more wanted thoughts and endeavours to enlarge and improve their navigation and commerce than now ( having so potent a neighbour as the french that grow upon us ) so , blessed be god , england never had a greater monarch that lays out himself to make us a great and flourishing people : if we are wanting to our selves , it is our fault , and will be our misfortune ; measures for trade must arise from the subject , grants and concessions from the king. finis . books printed for , and sold by thomas cockeril , at the three leggs in the poultrey , london . the instrumentality of faith , asserted , proved , explained , compared with , and preferred to a conditional relation thereof , in order to pardon and happiness , when seriously taken in a legal or foederal sence , by w. cross . m. a. good deeds done for god's house : a sermon preached on the occasion of the death of dr. jeremiah butt , one of the physitians appointed for his majesties fleet. by ed veal . infant-baptism god's ordinance : or a clear proof , that all the children of believing parents are in the covenant of grace , and have as much right to baptism , the now seal of the covenant , as the infant-seed of the jews had to circumsion , the then seal of the covenant . by michael harrison . a remedy against trouble , in a discourse on john 14. 1. wherein something is also briefly attempted , for clearing the nature of faith ; of justification ; of the covenant of grace , assurance , the witness , seal and earnest of the spirit ; and preparation for conversion , or the necessity of holiness . by henry lukin . a discourse of schism . by edward polhill esq ; of burwash in sussex . eutropii historiae romanae breviarium ab urbe conditum usque ad valentianum & valentem augustos . ex recensione & cum notulis tanquilli fabri ut & sexti aurelii victoris de vires illustribus . liber in usum scholarum . phaedri augusti caesaris liberti fabularum aesopiarum ▪ libri quinque . in usum serenissimi delphini . notis illustravit petrus danet . geography rectified ; or a description of the world in all its kingdoms , provinces , countreys , islands , cities , towns , seas , rivers , bayes , capes , names , inhabitants , scituations , histories , customs , commodities , government . illustrated with about 80 maps . third edition . by robert morden . instructions about heart-work , what is to be done on god's part and ours , for the cure and keeping of the heart , &c. by that eminent gospel-minister , mr. richard alleyn . with a preface by dr. annesley . the 2d edition . the evidence of things not seen : or divers spiritual and philosophical discourses , concerning the state of holy men after death . by that eminently learned divine , moses amyraldus . translated out of the french tongue , by a minister of the church of england . poems on several occasions , with a pastoral : to which is added , a discourse of life . by john ●utchin . a succinct and seasonable discourse of the occasions , causes , natures , rise , growth and remedies of mental errors . to which is added , ( 1. ) an answer to mr. cary against infant-baptism . ( 2. ) an answer to some antinomian errors . ( 3 ) a sermon about union . by john flavel . mr. flavel's remains , being two sermons . the one preached at dartmouth in devon , on the day of the coronation of their majesties . the latter intended to be preached at a meeting of the united ministers of several counties . with some account of his life . a discourse of regeneration , faith and repentance , preached at the merchants lecture in broad-street . by the cole , minister of the gospel . a discourse of christian religion in sundry points , viz. christ the hope of glory ; what it is to know god in christ ; christ the only saviour , the only mediator , foundation of our adoption , &c. preached at the merchants lecture . by tho cole . geography anatomized : or a compleat geographical grammar ; being a short and exact analysis of the whole body of modern geography , after a new , plain , and easy method , whereby any person may in a short time attain to the knowledge of that most noble and useful science , &c. to which is subjoined the present state of the european plantations in the east and west-indies , with a reasonable proposal for the propagation of the gospel in all pagan countries . illustrated with divers maps . by patrick gordon , m. a. the author and case of transplanting the irish into connaught vindicated, from the unjust aspersions of col. richard laurence. by vincent gookin esquire. gookin, vincent, 1616?-1659. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85445 of text r205067 in the english short title catalog (thomason e838_7). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 144 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85445 wing g1272 thomason e838_7 estc r205067 99864508 99864508 116738 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85445) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 116738) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 127:e838[7]) the author and case of transplanting the irish into connaught vindicated, from the unjust aspersions of col. richard laurence. by vincent gookin esquire. gookin, vincent, 1616?-1659. [4], 59, [1] p. printed by a.m. for simon miller at the signe of the starre in st pauls church-yard, london, : 1655. a reply to: lawrence, richard. the interest of england in the irish transplantation, stated. annotation on thomason copy: "may. 12". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng gookin, vincent, 1616?-1659. -great case of transplantation in ireland discussed -early works to 1800. lawrence, richard, d. 1684. -interest of england in the irish transplantation, stated -early works to 1800. ireland -economic conditions -early works to 1800. ireland -commerce -early works to 1800. ireland -politics and government -17th century -early works to 1800. a85445 r205067 (thomason e838_7). civilwar no the author and case of transplanting the irish into connaught vindicated, from the unjust aspersions of col. richard laurence.: by vincent gookin, vincent 1655 27443 19 0 0 0 0 0 7 b the rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-10 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the author and case of transplanting the irish into connaught vindicated , from the unjust aspersions of col. richard lavrence . by vincent gookin esquire . london , printed by a. m. for simon miller at the signe of the starre in st pauls church-yard , 1653. to his excellency the lord deputy general of ireland . my lord , it is not any high opinion that i have of my self , or these following papers , that makes them ambitious of a dedication , much lesse so high an one : but that which i have of your lordship : your great humility not to disdain the meanest present , patience to attend the most impertinent addresse , and justice to right the lowest person injured , all which virtues i seem at present to need , and your lordship does more then seem alwayes really to have . besides , my lord , i carry a constant reason for it within me , so great and particular an honour for your lordship , that if i could do any thing worthy a handsome account , i must professe a resolution to expiate this fault by greater presumptions ; not to give credit to what worth the world takes ●●…tice to be in you by my testimony , but rather to gain credit to my testimony from your worth ; my lord , there are more conside●●●●… that have created in me this confidence ; the thing mane●●●●… this controversie has fallen under your lordships action , the ●●●…te it self therefore craves your consideration ; you are the person imagined , given cut by some to be chiefliest reflected on by me in the case of transplantation : at your feet therefore i particularly cast my self with this tender of satisfaction . all come to you for justice , i among the rest , whom you have often sent away with favour : my heart tels me i am innocent , and ever was in this kinde , yet though i am innocent , i am not clear till absolved by your mouth ; my lord , i was happy once ( and rejoyced in being so ) for some little reputation which your own goodnes had given me with you , for i had nothing in my self to deserve it : but if i have nothing in my self to forfeit it neither , i beseech your lordship that i may preserve it still , that it may preserve me still ; your goodnesse has seldom denied me in my intercessions for others , i hope i shall not be only unhappy when i plead for my self ; i doubt not but divers have taken the advantage of my absence as well as of my actions , to lessen your esteem of me : and 't is not only that one thing of the case of transplantation , i hear they have misrepresented me in ; i dare say it is misrepresentation , if any thing therein has displeased your lordship , who can be no more offended with any thing that 's just , then they can be pleas'd with any thing then what 's otherwise : my lord , it is your favour i crave , not theirs ; before you to appear blamelesse , not them , which i shall never do whilest i oppose their interest and desires of arbitrary power , which i esteem my self bound in duty to do , whilest i have either power or interest , so far as it shall seem to me to oppose the common-wealths good . my lord , there are some things in this treatise less fit for your excellencies view , but they are fit for coll. laurence , who hath sometimes drawn expressions from me i am not used to , by having always fastened characters upon me which were wont heretofore as little to be used to me : they are so frequent , and so grosse , that they might have gained some little credit with strangers who think bashfulnesse proceeds still from guilt , if i had not sometimes refuted them in as loud a style as he writ them ; i likewise confesse , my lord , his accusation of my reflecting on you , so much reflected on me , that the anger of it lent my arm strength sometimes to strike hard ; for he loudly cals me out to be his enemy that shall but whisper that i am not , my lord , your excellencies most faithfull , and most obedient servant vincent gookin . a just vindication of the author and case of transplantation , from the unjust aspersions and censures of richard lavrence . whilst any thing of reputation might have been the effect of writing the case of transplantation , i was content to take the labour to my self , and leave the good to others : this was the reason of silencing my name at first ; and indeed the thing it self had never invaded the press , if a diffidence of my own judgement had not made me willing to expose it to better , and the request of some of the members of the parliament that it might be throughly perused by them all . but now what i intended for good , is come to be thought so ill , i must leave that resolution , and assert my own act to try if i can assert my innocence : yet i could have wisht that he who undertook to confute me had used more of reason and less of passion ; it being unlikely that should make me see , which it self had first blinded him . but though i did not think fit then to put my name in print , yet did not that trifle steal out in so clandestine a way , as that the parent was hid from all : but being laid at my door , i owned it ( when challenged ) and the rumour spread like a train , so that i beleeve even col. laurence had a jealousie , if not certainty who writ it ; which i am the more confirmd in by p. 17. line 10. of his book . the more i wonder , how not having ( that i know ) any personall spleen against me , or ( i hope ) not being lead by such things , if he hath , he should fall into such foul defamations of me , as to go about to perswade others such things to be true of me , as he himself must believe most of them to be false : as that i am an abettor of the irish rebels , a malignant , an incendiary , an opposer of the authority , &c. to which i shall say little now , because they were fixt on a chimera before ( my name being concealed . ) but hereafter , if he shall think fit to continue that wrong , the way will be more open to do my self right : surely from the former actings of my life he could not have charged me with all this guilt ; and if in this last i happened to tread awry ( because i was not so sharp sighted as he ) my ignorance ought rather to have been pitied , then my maliciousness censured ; i am not the first that hath done ill ( once ) if i had done so , and first faults do not use to be so rigidly treated , especially by friends . i am not offended with col. laurence because he is not of my minde , why should he be that i was not of his ? the unhappiness is great enough that i was not so , he might have spared the attending severities . i believe there is no person but would think it easie for me to make him lose that pleasure in ill hearing , that he hath taken in ill speaking : but i am both a christian to pardon , and a man not to scold ; my aim is at truth , not victory ; to have the best , not the last word ; and this resolution will shrink what of his book is fit afterward to be answered , into a very little room , the carkass being but small , when the guts and garbadge are thrown away : my civility obligeth me to wait upon him in the way , but not to tumble with him into the kennell . the first piece of justice that i owe to my self , is to wipe off an aspersion cast on me by the prologue , that ushered col. laurence book on the stage ; which though i shall not at random make him the author of , i may prove my self not to have deserved . and this is no ill place for it now i am at the bar , to answer ( if i can ) altogether . letters in the diurnall come from ireland , which tell us , that there are certain summes of money raising for irish agents in england , among whom the author of the case of transplantation is believed to have a considerable summe , a reward propor●ionable unto the greatness of his deserts from them . first , the author presents his most deserved thanks to the kinde gentleman ( if he be one ) for his gratefull intelligence , which he professeth else he had been a stranger still unto ( notwithstanding so nearly concerning him ) unless his civility had thus informed him . secondly , he is bold upon the account of his former unprovoked goodness to a stranger , to request a new favour for one whom he now knows ; namely , that he would be pleased to enquire more fully after that report ( doubting it may be too good news to be true ) and if he be so happy to finde it out , and please but to give the author of the case of transplantation an assurance of the truth of it from himself , and please but to take off his vizard and shew who himself is , the author of the case doth hereby engage himself to call that gentleman to an account for the slander , if he will not him for the bribery ; and this he hopes may provoke him either to make good his impeachment , or by his silence to ascertain others of his malice : but it is to be doubted that person hath got more by [ lying ] there , then i ever have or shall by staying here . and i do here not only challenge him , but all persons in the world to prove that since ever i served the state , i was corrupted by the value of a penny , but have for their service expended many pounds of my own . i return now to col. laurence , whose resolution i cannot but admire in the beginning of his book , or rather his irresolution , in receding from the title to his book ; there he promises an answer to that scandalous , seditious pamphlet ( as he is pleased modestly to call the case of transplantation penned by me . ) and indeed i must confess , if it were a scandalous , seditious pamphlet , he hath answered it in some sense , that is , as the image in the glass answers the face out of it ; or the echo the voice , by composing a rhapsody , as like a scandalous , seditious pamphlet , as possibly may be ; nay i will grant him more , he hath really made most of my book appear false ; that is , he hath represented very many things not truly : but if he be serious , then he did well in his title to say he intended it as an answer ; but ill to change his intentions before he had disengaged his word pawnd : for here he tels you on the contrary , p. 1 , & 2. that he will not give an orderly answer to the discussors arguments and objections as they stand ( and it seems for him are like to do so still ) in his book ; but for brevities sake pass them by as impertinencies : and that he may not take notice of the aspersions and reflexions cast by me on authority . 1. i desire the reader to reflect on the heads of my arguments , what they were , before he do on his censure of their impertinency : they are considerations drawn , 1. from religion , p. 1. 2 from publique profit , p. 15. 3. from publique safety , p. 20. is religion publiquely disclaimed as an impertinency by col. laurence ? is the interest of the state , adventurer , souldier , planter , inhabitant , a trifle fit to be husht up ( by him ) who pretends to be their champion against me ? must the security of all be laid by too , to swell his ●ardle of impertinencies ? strange ! what a wilderness will he make of ireland , which hath been all this while his land of promise , and waded to , through a red sea of blood ? a land where neither religion shall be regarded by them as christians , nor advantage thought on as men , nor security respected as creatures : this is a new modell of a church and state beyond either plato or sr thomas moores conceptions ; sure the world in the moon have this government among them , which is the cause of her so frequent changes : but i believe the godly that intend for ireland , will look on religion with another eye ; and the estated man will think profit a very pertinent argument to promote his journey ; and safety , i suppose , when they come there will not be lookt on as so loose a thing by any . in the mean time 't is but a sad consideration that follows col. laurence's ho yes for ireland , that he is of such a judgement that invites them thither , that he regards neither arguments drawn from religion , interest , or safety , by what arguments shall they move him when he has them there ? 2. surely this was a good brief way indeed , a short method of answering all the books in the world in a moment , to wave their arguments as impertinencies for brevity sake : but it is only orderly answering that he avoids : this sure is a stratagem from warre , the stoutest souldiers love alwayes to charge scattered troops ; but ( sir ) you should have first routed my arguments ; why what needs that ? he has disordered them without that : o that the weakest armies could be but used as the strongest reasons ; then collonel laurences sword might be as famous as his pen , what victories should we have , which now we must rest our selves content to want ? surely i expected , where so much was promised , some performances ; the reader will not be converted without better demonstrations from you ; and if you carry the transplantation , he 'll think 't was by reason of your force , not by the force of your reason ; but you do it to be courteous to me , to passe by my reflections on authority , &c. surely , if your kindenesse , have observed so many of my defects in this kinde ( for every leaf almost is dapled with malicious , scandalous , slanderous , weak , malignant , impudent incendiary , &c. ) 't was well for me your cruelty was asleep ; you have hidden this fault , as a lady does a little pimple , by placing over it a great spot , which makes her more remark't , how ill or deservedly that will hereafter appear . leaving reason therefore he descends to write a history , 1. of the authority by which this was done . 2. the reasons of it . 3. the manner in it . 4. my mistakes ; and then with a single argument he pickeers on the states behalf , and attempts the answering some objections . and surely the first three of these ( to so mean an understanding as mine ) might have been put into the rank of impertinencies , and not insisted on by him ; for i think no body questions but there was authority for this result , and i never thought , nor any save their enemies , but that they did it upon grounds and motives , and with good intentions : and what has been in pursuance thereof hitherto acted in ireland , was not examined by the case of transplantation , nor censured ; but only what might happen if transplanting should be concluded on ( generally ) in probability pointed at , according to my judgement . i reasoned concerning the good or bad effects of transplantation , and produced arguments to prove the latter ; to answer all which , he tels us great wonders , 't was resolved on by authority , and that for some reasons too , and has been pursued in ireland , things which all men know , but how they need to be inserted here , i know not . object . but that 's my ignorance , for this was caused by my self ; who blame the authority in ireland for its obedience to the authority in england , and accuse both for cruelty and weaknesse , pag. 2. & 3. of his book , and many wayes in mine reflect on both : to which i answer . 1. unlesse i will be so ingenuous to confess all those crimes , mr laurence is so indulgent , as not to press me with the proof of any of them ; his assertions therefore i shall confront with my actions , and leave the reader to judge the truth of the first , and the honesty of the second . having had the honour to be chosen a member of the last parliament , among many other things , the great affair of transplanting the irish , came to be the matter of some discourse : being imployed thither ( for ireland ) i did not foresee , i confesse , that it would be a sinne of so deep a die , as it seems it is , nay be a complication of so many grosse enormities , if i did happen to speak my minde in that affair ; and not dictate magisterially , but summon the best reason that i had to back it ; this i did , and at the request of some members , that it might passe the test of the rest , cast it into that paper wherein it was publisht , with as honest an intention ( i dare say ) as collonel laurence prints the defiance to it , though ( it may be ) not with so good successe : they that have so much time to waste , in reading my folly and his wisdom in our papers , will without being bribed by either of us , quickly passe sentence who abounds most in abuse . was there such an hidra of mischiefs ( as he cha●ges on me ) in venturing to debate a resolution not yet commenc't into action ? this was the parliaments fault with me . why did not the parliament understand the horridness of this fact ? and if wise to understand it , why not just to punish it ? it was their authority enacted it ( according to collonel laurence ) and so ( if any ) theirs was opposed , censured , &c. and not that in ireland ; now what the parliaments thoughts were of this , the gentleman that ushered in collonel laurence's book with his letter , tell us , that the irish had great hopes in that parliament , but god be thanked they were blasted by their happy dissolution ; thus parliaments are made by some men to go with screws to be set higher or lower , as may please their fancies or serve their humours . but is this the reverence this respondent has for the parliament likewise ( whom he pretends in some places so much for ) thus to abuse the members of it , as he hath me ? besides , by the respondents law , nothing ( though never so ill done ) should be reverst , though on grounds never so well spoken , when even things but in motion may not be ventilated ? how long has authority been such a tender eye with this person , that it might not be toucht ? sure 't is but since he has got to be in a little himself ; and all others but so far regarded , as they may exalt his , else mr laurence ( probably ) may finde arguments of another nature ; they are but men like others , the servants of the people , god respects not persons , nor must we make an idol of man , not many mighty , but god hath chosen the foolish to confound the wise ; christ must rule , &c. i desire to know of the respondent , if he hath never interposed his reasons in publick state affairs of ireland , to which he was not call'd , as the discussor was to the parliament ? you see what the authority is that he does so revere ( himself and his contrivances and interests ) and the opposing this , is to be an incendiary , malignant , &c. and you must take this for a general rule in the affairs of ireland ; that if in the least thing you happen not point-vice to close with collonel laurence , but o if you should have the unhappinesse and the impudence both to oppose what comes from this tripos ! if you displease but a landprizado that is in his livery , that very day you commence an enemy to the state , and the sad influence will sit closer to you then if you were born under a three-peny planet ; you are blasted for ever , and your infamy fires in a train ; he that never-saw you shall rail at you for a malignant upon publick faith ; and you are slain with the white pouder of secret whispers , you cannot tell by whom ▪ but now on the contrary , how all things are lawfull for some men , nay are virtues , nay a duty , and the more exorbitant you are , the more excellent ( as not fearing the persons of men ) so farre is it from contemning authority ? can you hardly reade english , and so not likely to understand the language of the law in french or latine ? or are you a fool , and do not understand the reason of the law ? or have you a minde to rule arbitrarily your self ? why then you may rail and petition against the law according to the judgement of some to have it pull'd down : yet this is not malignity , though so long ( and by so much authority ) setled , though it be an ax to cut off the neck of all authority at one blow ? have the dominions of england and ireland a minde to reward the services of their principal commander ▪ with the honour of protector ; why you may , nay you are bound , say some , to bear their testimony against it , and yet i never heard that collonel laurence was so offended as to vindicate authority against these in print ; if the least crum go but awry with him , he may have petitions framed , remonstrate , consult , complain , and yet be no incendiary ; o that achilles mother had dipt us all , that so we might have become invulnerable ! but alas we are of adams image , sinfull and naked like him . indeed if collonel laurence has suffer'd for his obedience , by the author of the case of transplantation , he may glory in it , as being the first martyr of his judgement upon the fyle for such a cause . 2. though ( collonel laurence , having accused me only in general terms , without shewing in particular wherein this great malignancy lies , or what my reflections on authority are ) i might content my self with this general answer , yet because , though it is the safest way , for a slanderer to make his charge general as he hath done ; yet it is not so for him that can fully manifest his innocence , and answers : i shall take leave ( not to answer him , but others whom he may have infected with this opinion of me , because it may be they are strangers to me , and that authority that is in ireland , both civil and martial , whom he intimates to have resented such a dealing from me ) to annex these ensuing lines in order to their satisfaction , and my own fuller vindication . 1. that i have not the least sinister opinion of the civil government of ireland , or the army , but on the contrary did , and do justly honour the wisdom and justice of the lord deputy and councel , and the godlinesse , courage and patience of the officers and souldiers in general ; and therefore had no secret embers in my breast from whence any flames against them might break forth , and no contrivements or designs against them , but rather their profit and highest reputation in my eye , and to set it up and advance it in my place , and according to my mean abilities , knowing those persons to have been the instruments of many glorious things for the time past in ireland , and my desires are they may be so in their posterities there for many generations to come . the greater have their slanders been , who taking the advantage of my being in england , have made it their businesse to stir up animosities in the army of ireland against me , as if in my being here , i had negotiated divers things prejudicial to their interest , and in particular that by my means relief was obstructed from being sent unto them ; my innocency in which , as i must here plead to them , and to all moderate persons , not already ingaged as my enemies ; so i do here publickly disavow all acts of the like kinde against them , as horrible calumnies spread abroad to my danger and defamation by malicious persons privately , who dare not offer themselves to justifie the least part of their libels in publick . but on the contrary , i do hereby promise to make it appear before any persons of piety and honour , either of the army or out of it , that all that ever i propounded in england did exceedingly tend to advance the interest of the army in ireland , of which had i been the most eminent member , i could not have told for my life how to have studied the good of it more ; the truth of which i do not doubt but a little time will manifest . yet i shall not deny but when i was in a civil imploiment for the state in ireland , i had some sharp conflicts with some particular officers for dealing unjustly with the countrey , which i did and can make appear , and i thought i was bound not to fear a man with a sword , but defend the oppressed , according to the trust reposed in me ; i confesse i did not flatter such men , nor never shall vail to any dishonest course , but yet what i did i did openly , and maintained legally , and am so far from repenting , that on the like occasions i should repeat the like actions ; this gained me those enemies , who never having any thing that they durst defend against me openly , have laboured to taint my reputation with private whispers . i desire such secret murderers of my fame may finde no credit , whose very private way of slandering , will among judicious persons beget a greater jealousie of themselves then me : if they speak truth , why do they not justifie it publickly ? if a lie , why do they attempt to sneak it into mens thoughts privately ? why do they not oppose my plainnesse with plainnesse , and urge me publickly , as i have done them ? these are the persons , and these the wayes whereby i am endeavoured to be made an enemy to the state and army ; the english of which is , because they hate me , but cannot hurt me , they will entitle the state to the cause when it is their own private , believing then , men will condemn me , who else would condemn them ; supposing them to defend the states innocence , when indeed they only vent their own malice ; for collonel laurence , though no juster , yet he has been a nobler enemy , he has spoken loudly ; i would he had plainly ( nay sometimes ) truly ; he sayes , i reflect much on authority ! but , 1. reflect is a hard word , and of a wide significancy , who can write thing but so good a wit as his joyned with some disgust against the person may draw it to reflect on any thing ? 2. reflecting is the obscurest way of injuring ; and if collonel laurence had not been too nice a critick on the behalf of authority , plain men , who only see down right abuses ▪ it may be might not have seen those reflections . and lastly , if they be but reflections , they are the immutest injuries that may be ; but i am sure he hath not ( reflected ) but fallen down right outragiously on me for that which himself confesses is but a reflection , without proof that it is , or naming what it is ; and i believe upon examination will be found not to be my reflection , but his misinterpretation ; he would have helpt me mightily , if he had named any particulars , but his negligence has awakened my diligence both to reperuse that trifle of the case of transplantation , and to enquire diligently after what others might think or have heard these reflections were ; for i can avow my heart to have been so clear from intending any thing of this nature , that i am assured it must be either mistaking my meaning , or my own unhappy expressing of it , or my enemies wilfull perverting of it , that can engage my words to a sense ( not only so different from , but ) abhor'd by my very thoughts . 2. all therefore that i have heard from others , or can imagine my self in the least degree to be in those papers mistaken or perverted to a reflection on authority , i shall set down here faithfully , with the meaning i intended them , that so ( which is of highest consequence ) authority may be cleared by me , and ( which is as much my desires as hopes , that ) i may not be esteemed guilty by authority . 1. pag. 3. of the case of transplantation ( in the answers to the objection there ) some things i am enform'd want an explanation to keep them from reflecting on authority : as object . 1. the grinding of the irish ( spoken of there ) with heavy pressures , to the destruction of more families among them , under our protection , then out of it . to which i answer . that this was a narration of what has happened to them , not a complaint that it has befallen them , nor an accusation of those instruments by whom it has befallen , but brought in here to shew they are hardned in their superstition by it , whatever cause it sprung from : here is nothing spoken , that the cause of this arose not from themselves , or not from necessity and justice in us , but the contraay is often expressed in that book , in these vindicating phrases , the states wants , the armies necessities , pag. 23. now it is not the doing of a thing , but the grounds on which it is done , that makes most actions unwarrantable , which grounds are so far from being condemned on the part of authority in ireland , that they are not questioned , but supposed as clear to all ; for it is obvious to common understandings , that the warre against those rebels was just , and therefore justly to be prosecuted ; and this could not be done without money ; and for england to defray the whole charge of a numerous army so long to attend that war , could not be expected , especially its own warre with holland , and many other great additional expences intervening : who then should suffer , the english army , or the irish inhabitant ? the last sure , suppose him in the capacity of a rebel it was lawfull to destroy him ; and suppose him in the condition of a subject , it was just for him to preserve us ; the english were large contributers there , why should not the irish ? the irish begun the rebellion , they were the fittest to help to end it ; now that this went so close with them , as to undo them , arose from our necessity , not will ; and from their precedent poverty in maintaining the irish army against england . that more families were undone among us then them , arose hence , that single men became souldiers among them , and fought against us , generally those that had families came in , and so fell among these pressures ; and therefore , i said , more families of the irish were undone under our protection then out of it . now that i did not set down all these things punctually in that treatise , was not because they were not true , but because they were not pertinent ; my businesse was not there to write a panegyrick for the state , and accumulate all their praise-worthy actions , nor to write any thing in their defence , whom i saw no honest man accuse , but to give a short account of the matter of transplantation , and an historical report of fact where it was necessary in order thereto , without putting in my censures or approbations of every single act , or rendring the reasons of each particular , which would have swell'd it to a volume ; i was not aware , i confesse , of a malicious interpreter , who would take my words absolutely , and not consider the account they were brought in upon , for thus we may make what we will of any thing , loyalty may be treason , and orthodox divinity heresie . object . 2. in p. 3. i speak of great divisions among the protestants , and bitterness of those so divided in matters of religion against each other . answ. surely , if my not speaking of those things ( which i so much bewail ) would have contributed to their not being , my tongue should first cleave to the roof of my mouth , ere i would publish the divisions of reuben ; nay , if it would but smother it from being spoken of in gath , or published in ascalon ; but who does not speak of it ? we to upbraid one another , and the papist to scorn us all ; i wish the coyning new names to be the liveries of divided parties did not more loudly proclaim our rents , then my words , as of old protestants , &c. and i believe collonel laurence possibly may give some account of the mintage of this , or who continue still to make it current to foment divisions still ; i have heard himself complain of these sad differences ; i think all pious , moderate christians do the like ; religion ( like infects ) running out thus into joynts and bendings , has lost much of its bloud and vigour ; these things then ( though 't is deplorable with tears of bloud ) being so , and known by our enemies to be so , it is to no purpose to go about to hide the sunne with a mans palm , or to keep them from them ( and among our selves ) at one time . but rather it seems to be a duty call'd for at the hands of all sober christians ( who desire not like salamanders to live in fire ) to take notice of these things themselves for proof that they disown them , and that these are not general but particular affections , not inherent in our religion , but adherent to some persons that professe it . object . 3. i seem ( at the foot of the same page , ) to tax the neglect of sending ministers to convert the irish , as if our businesse were to set up our interests , not christs . answ. this is no other thing then what hath been publickly spoken and preacht in england and ireland before his highnesse , yet without any ill resentment till now , that i have heard of ; nor was it an accusation but an incentive , to quicken the parliament here to supply those necessities there ; and if intrenching on the neglect of any , it was theirs certainly , who had power to have sent over ministers , and could not touch the governours of ireland , who had no ministers to send . ii. pag. 4. of the case of transplantation , i accuse the ignorance and heresies of divers , who were allowed maintenance under the notion of preachers . answ. here is indeed a crime taxed , but it is only in those persons that are ignorant , heretical , none in authority ; they intended piously to maintain good preaching : those impiously to maintain bad doctrine , whom they could not know till they should discover themselves ; besides having no great choise of ministers in ireland , they were constrained to accept whom they could , not choose whom they would ; to hope well till they found ill ; they may be wise men to conjecture prudently from externals , but god only searcheth the heart ; none can deceive him , many may us , who indeed deceive our selves ; it could not then be a fault in the authority to admit such , but to continue them whom they knew to be such , which was as farre from being asserted by me , as my thoughts were of injuring them ; for the governours did clear themselves in rejecting divers of these after upon complaint , yet might the irish be scandalized that they were admitted before . iii. page 5. line 6. some may be offended , that i seem to glance upon gifted men , and to speak slightly of their mission . answ. i did ( and shall i hope ) alwayes highly value and love the gifts and graces of god , whereever i found them , so farre am i from contemning even the meanest of christs little ones ; it will be plain to him that views the place without prejudice , that i spoke not of all gifted men , but those only under the character i there give of them , viz. who are ignorant , scandalous , hereticall , not builders up , but pullers down ; nor of gifted men in all places , but only in ireland , where we have too many that make the forementioned things their work ; i spoke not against godly , sober , approved christians sent forth by congregations , but rash , fanatick persons , who runne of their own heads ; who are not gifted truly , but ( swoln up with winde , and the applause of others as ignorant as themselves ) only pretend to be so ; those that rail against ministers , ordinances , scripture , are the men i describ'd there ; and he that would extend this any further then i intended it , may suppose me guilty of one injury , but is himself certainly of two ; one against me , in corrupting my meaning ; and another against those that are gifted , in traducing their manners . iv. pag. 13. lin. 26. the irish are described to be under a miserable condition , and tied to impossible laws , and reserved only for slaughter , and ( pag. 14. ) those frown'd upon that dispence any equity to them ; does not this accuse the state of injustice and rigour ? answ. it may do so , but it must be only with those that are resolved pertinaciously to cleave to mistakes after they have read what i write , whatever they did before ; for this consider , what is it that i am proving there ? 't is , that after justice is done on a community , mercy may take place ; which mercy that the irish may taste of , i shew justice is done on them ; to make which appear , i instance all these particulars . is not this to shew the state hath done justly , and what they have suffer'd , they have suffer'd justly ? where 's the accusation against our governors and government ? is it that they have done justly ? do i not there prove , that justice must necessarily precede mercy ; and then prove , that it hath done so ? and is the proving of justice done , the proving a thing done unjustly ? if any be condemned there 't is the irish ; be absolved , 't is authority ; who uses to suffer justice ? the guilty : to do it ? the innocent ; and yet ( by this mistake ) to say , the state has done justice , is to make them guilty , and the irish has suffer'd it , to make them innocent : this is to make the judge the thief , and the thief the judge ; pray put but the word justice to every part of the irish suffering there mentioned , and then see what you can charge me for charging the state with ; the frowns there mentioned are restrained ( by the word some ) to particular persons , and such , i say , still there are , though they frown more on me . nor have their disgusts herein terminated in me , but moderate , equitable persons even of eminency in the army it self , have born their part with me , in particular the governor of cork for his ( in tendernesse of the states honour ) defending from injury such poor irish , as put themselves under their shelter , has suffer'd many unjust defamations , because he labour'd to preserve others from injustice . v. pag. 24. line 6 i write of the incredible oppression of the souldiers , and seem to intimate the like of the officers , by saying , the people have just causes to fear to complain . answ. i do believe that the army in ireland is the best disciplin'd army in the world , except that in england , whereof it is a part : yet i believe likewise , that there never was an army ( except of angels , where the lord of hosts was captain ) that had not some that swerv'd from the integrity of the rest . i said no more ( but some ) and i believe themselves will say no lesse , i do not accuse all , neither will they excuse all ; and for these things going unpunished for their just fear to complain , it touches not the most subordinate , much lesse the supream officer : for the officers not knowing it , keeps him just ; and yet the private souldiers power over the peasant , may make his fear just too ; for though it lie in the irish mans power to complain of a first injury , yet it lies in the poorest souldiers power to do him another , that shall put him ( it may be ) ▪ past complaining , or put such a specious colour on it , as may give it the face of justice , and then who will not believe an english souldier , rather then an irish teige , if the matter should come to dispute ; so then , though the cause be unjust in the souldier , yet it may be just in the labourer , who may fear justly to complain of injury , least he be injur'd more by complaining . these were all the things subject to scruple in that treatise ( which i could either conjecture or learn from others ) save what is referrible to the same heads , and so being the same objections , the same answers will assoyl them ; if i could have met any others , i should as easily have untied them , as these , but not able to divine what they are , must leave them to the readers wisdom and charity , who from what i have answered already may reason to what i might to the rest , and will perceive how unjust those multiplications were of my traducing authority , which are scatter'd every where in collonel laurence his book , and his unworthy censures on me , supposing me so to have done . i reverence authority as highly , as i prize col. laurence slightly , who has discovered but his own weaknesse or malice , whilest he attempted to blast my innocence ; and surely he is more beholding to his buckler then sword ; the states cause ( which he pretends to maintain ) then his own , which he is not able ; for had he not interwoven his so many abuses of me with the colourable pretext of righting them , so that 't is a hard matter to touch him but he will cry they are wounded , i should not have spared the unripping of a multitude more of his observable indiscretions then i have done in this book ; which were stuft in by him without any reason , and are overpast by me for this reason . thus i hope i have evidenc't that i have not injured authority in general ; this may satisfie them ; but i cannot my self , unlesse i do right eminently unto one eminent particular person in it , who has no lesse merited from me , then he deserves to do from all others ; i mean his excellency the lord deputy that now is of ireland , who as he had the chiefest power in managing this businesse of transplantation , ( as of all other things transacted in that land ) so if any thing were said by me that intrencht on authority , it might seem more directly to reflect on him ; and therefore i hold my self obliged particularly to give some account of my self in this thing , as of his integrity in that ; not so much that he needs my doing him right , as to shew how much i abhorre the doing him wrong ; and all men must see this now to arise from necessity not flattery . he is certainly a fountain of much good to ireland , and stands in the gap between that poor people , and much ill ; a person made rich with those excellent endowments that inable men to command , and prepare others to obey ; one of whom i should say more , but for fear to injure his modesty , and of whom i could say no lesse to defend my own innocency . i must as a perclose to this , keep the reader from being mislead by some errata's in this his history , which are not reserved ( as in other books for the latter end ) but enter at the beginning , and disperse themselves throughout . 1. he here begins with a solemn tale of the authority by which this was enacted , a parliament . 2. nay several parliaments . 3. on mature deliberation , and on this ground loads me with calumnies , that i should despise so great power , so much wisdom . but the reader must know , that this is all otherwise , to speak modestly of it ; for , transplantation was given out in orders by the councel of state . 2. ratified only by the little parliament . 3. not long by them debated , for it was never so much as once read . 4. but it was not yet put in execution . 5. that it might not , the addresse was to the parliament by a member call'd lawfully to speak his minde , only his reasons given for his apprehensions ; where is the malignancy , singularity , slander ( in all this ) that he every where belcheth out against me ? but i perceive by what he writes at the bottom of p. 3. that 't is not my writing so much as my self , that he quarrels with ; for before , laying to my charge , that i asperst authority , he is here offended with me for acquitting authority , and is resolved neither to be pleased with my doing one or the other ; i must lament my hard fate , and admire his dexterity , that can manage a cause both for and against the commonwealth , and yet be still champion for authority ; and on the contrary , whether i argue against , or for it , i must still continue an enemy to authority . he is so eager on transplantation , that he transplants my very book , the latter end here to the beginning , and my beginning ( or arguments ) to the latter end , pag. 3. of his , where his intention is to take away the force of those reasons , which i produce in the behalf of authority , to justifie their enacting the law of transplantation , though i apprehended inconveniencies in the executing of it , and this is the first essay of his defence of authority , the endeavouring to disprove my justification of them , and the proof he gives them of my malignancy : but to view it more particularly . 1. he is offended pag. 4. ( who pleaded for authority all this while ) that i did not lay the ill consequents of transplantation on them directly and solely , but force in others to take off the envy from them , he hugely magnifies the parliaments wisdome above being so hoodwinkt by others , and mislead by strangers ( as i seem to say ) whom floutingly ( he continues ) they needed not send for into ireland to consult with , having had enough in england to advise with that were strangers to that land . answ. 1. he takes it for granted , that the parliament gave life to the order for transplantation , which is a mistake , for 't was the councel of state , as was shewn before . but 2. it was approved by the parliament , nay several : that is another mistake , for we have had but one since , and they approved it not . 3. not rashly , but upon a twelve moneths deliberation , he saith , which is a third mistake : for how long they would have sa●e , i know not , but all england knows the little parliament did not sit a year , and when they did sit , did they deliberate on nothing but the irish transplantation . 4. this gentlemans memory or intelligence has much failed him , for the instructions for transplantation never were read in parliament , but only confirm'd in another act by the small parliament . 5. he tels you ( i say ) there were some sent for out of ireland to advise with , before orders were given for the transplantation ; but i say not any such thing ; and this in so little ( but fertile ground you see ) is his fifth ( but i believe will not be the last mistake . ) and now i conceive you may guesse the reason , why in the entrance of his history ( pag. 2. ) he invokes memory and understanding ( as the poets do their muse ) 't is surely that whenever his mistakes were detected , he might escape through these back-doors , though with the disreputation of losse of understanding and memory both . 6. in pag. 4. of his book , he threatens me with some thing no lesse dire , and as obscure as the influence of a comet , if the irish happen to rebel by my means , who yet shall be quel'd by his , and have their rebellious bloud let out . but i shall neither be disturb'd at his railing ( pag. 5. ) nor terrified with his threatning ( pag. 4. ) of letting bloud , though i know him to have been one of the engines of death ; in the mean time , let others be cautioned by my misery , how they prognosticate any effect , though never so clear in the cause , left they be made the cause themselves : as here he would feign me to instigate a people to rebell ( pag. 4. ) because i say such a course is likely to provoke them to it . indeed i should intreat collonel laurence out of his great charity , to help the people of england , to have justice done ( who did suffer much this winter from inundations ) upon the almanack-makers , for they fore-told there would be great rain , and thereof certainly must be as much the authors , as i , if the irish rebel , of their insurrection ; but i pray god in such evil likelihoods , that i may ever be mistaken . i desire not to have a countrey ruined , to have prophecies verified . secondly , at pag. 5. he is offended , that i say , the face of things , is much differed in ireland ( it may be i said differed , but is differed is non-sense , and his own term ) but tell him not whether to the better or the worse : yet he tels you my meaning , i must mean to the worse . and surely , 1. then he hath shewed himself a charitable man , ( a thing hanging doubtfull between two constructions ) to interpret it to the worse part : but a horse-flie will only settle on a gall . 2. had i been thus impertinent , so much as to debate , whether ireland could be in other then a better estate , then before , after an army had quite subjected it , in which so warlike and busie an officer as collonel laurence was , i might deservedly have incurred so terrible a thing as his displeasure ; but what my meaning was , might in likelihood be best collected from the end for which that sentence was produc't , and that was , as he tels you , that the transplantation need not be urg'd , because the face of things in ireland was much altered ; now was it a rational collection ( or rather like one of his ) to say , the irish are as much , or more rebellious then ever , as high , as numerous , as powerfull , therefore have pity on them , do not transplant them : or rather thus , their courage is exhausted , their numbers decay'd , their souldiers ( most of them ) sent beyond sea , their priests banisht , the remainder lie at your feet , therefore do not transplant them ( though heretofore you thought on that course ) since now there is not the same necessity which made it then fit , but many expedients which make it now unfit ; this discourse he might have found more at large pag. 13. of the case of transplantation , which would sufficiently have acquainted him with my meaning . but 't is a hard matter to make one that stops his ears hear , or him that shuts his eyes see . he ends this paragraph like the moneth of march , which comes in like a lamb , and goes out like a lion : he roars against incendiaries and their impudence in the conclusion , till he become all on fire himself , nay and an incendiary too , labouring to kindle the fire of discord in the pacifick hearts of those in england . but ( though i do , yet ) i hope the commonwealth shall not suffer by any flames of my kindling ; for if i carry fire collonel laurence can bring water . but i would intreat him to make use of it to allay the heat himself is in , and i will undertake to satisfie for whatsoever detriment the commonwealth sustains by those papers . but his opposition to that which he cals my third argument , in the behalf of authority ( for it seems i am become defendant , and he is plaintiff in their suit ) presses in for room to be heard , pag. 5. of his , wherein mark his rhetorick now , by a fiction of the person , he introduces me speaking thus , that because authority did not in their goodnesse execute , what in their wisdoms they order'd , therefore they have studied to make the people miserable , that they might have an opportunity of shewing them mercy ; and this is the summe of my defence so farre as he can make it ( hang ) together . me thinks my arguments repriev'd from the amazement unto which it may be his threatning of hanging them together puts them , speaks more recollectedly then that distracted sense which he takes as their confession from the gallows ; to shew him this in the mysteries of his own science ; when he that is now collonel laurence was a marshal , had he never a condemn'd person under his jurisdiction , whom gracious authority rescued from execution by a mercifull reprieve , hoping afterward they might have cause to increase it to pardon ? o , but this sayes he , is to bring the man into misery to have an opportunity to shew mercy ? no , sir , but it is to intend mercy to a man that brought himself into misery ; the irish case seem'd to me thus , they by an imparalell'd crime , merit an unparallel'd punishment , and are for a long time so high in their obstinacy , that nothing but extreams can work on them . this i said might put authority on those resolutions which was just in them to do ( indeed ) and for the other to suffer ; but yet they loved mercy to , and will shew it if they may ( without cruelty to themselves ) even to the irish ; nay , when not only the good of the irish , but of the english , their peace , plenty and safety is combined with it , as was endeavoured to be shewn in the case of transplantation ; but as impertinencies these arguments were not vouchsafed an answer by this gentleman ; they respite therefore the execution of this , to see if any other way will bring about their ends , to shew , that nothing but necessity puts them on so rigid a one as this ; to say then authority is clement and deliberative , is to expose them to laughter , as he thinks , with whom these are ridiculous things ; as religion , interest and security before were impertinencies ; but if that person that writ the case of transplantation ( after so much cause of pensivenesse , as he hath from the tyranny collonel laurence wit has exercised over him , and the fear his power will execute his threatnings ) if he could be still so sanguine as to recreate himself with a sportive humour , he professes he should quit authority , and labour to make the collonel ridiculous rather , as being the safer , and by farre the easier task ; but he needs not , he can make himself so . this is the summe of pag. 3 , 4 , 5. from the 6. to the 9 he goes on in telling a story what was acted in ireland , in order to transplantation ; which being a tale , and not reason ; a matter of fact related , but no argument produced for the necessity or expediency of transplantation , is to be put upon the syle of things without this question , which is not what was done , or not done ; but upon a supposition of the transplantation to be done , what is likely to follow ? from which consideration , he argues very remotely , who tels you , what is past , when i speak of what 's to come . the gentleman is much mistaken , i had nothing to say against what was done in ireland , but i had something to say against what was concluded in england at that time when i might speak , and before them to whom it was proper to speak : my design was to prevent what might be done , not censure what was done : which things , if this person had not confounded but kept separate in his understanding , he had not fallen so often desperately upon me , and foully in his own undertaking . but it seems he must politiquely make the commonwealth an enemy , to shew himself a friend ; and feign some body to accuse authority , that he might write an apology in their defence . and now how faithfull has collonel laurence been to his first ingagement ( to wave impertinencies ) when we have hitherto had nothing at all else from him ? which that it may appear evidently , i shall joyn his premisses as farre as we have gone , and his conclusion together , and see how strong influence the one has upon the other . all the inconveniences urged by the author against general transplantation ( sayes he ) are vain terrors and panick fears , that 's the conclusion : and why ? for it was not the authority of ireland , but in england that projected it ( pag. 1. ) and doubtlesse they intended it for the englishs good ( pag. 3. ) and the authority in ireland has proceeded slowly in it ( pag. 7 , 8. ) these are his premisses , the connexion is excellent . well , but this is but the forlorn hope of his book , the main body is reserved for pag 9 where he intends to make strange discoveries of nothing but mistakes in the author of the case of transplantation ; to which i have only thus much to say in general . 1. that it seems he hath only shewed his own mistakes all this while . 2. granting mine himself but mistakes , he should rather have pitied a poor mans weaknesse , then have laid so much malice and mischief to his charge as he does . but suppose 3. the mistakes should rest on his part still . what a gulf of errour has he plung'd himself into ? let us see where to fix them right . my first mistake is ( sayes he , pag. 16. ) the supposing a general transplantation , when but a particular was intended , and is to be practised . 1. if this be so , i wonder how the collonel came so to fall out with me ; he intends only a particular transplantation , and i write only against a general one ; and yet he writes against me , and rails at me sufficiently for writing for it ; and now we are friends again ; and he tels me , he intends to put in practice what i desire ; o aedipus unfold this mystery : tell where the difference lies ; this is like a drunken quarrel , which none can trace to the occasion ; or like the feud between martin luthers scholars , because one was the disciple of martin , and the other of luther ; and yet you see how zealously he maintains the scuffle ; surely people will take us for a couple of dissembling atturneys , who squabble at the barre in the court , and are agreed at the barre in the tavern ; or conclude , that if there was one mistake , there were two mistakes : if i was mistaken in the question , then he must be mistaken in the quarrel . but secondly , the perfect way for his evidencing my mistake in this ; had been to have cited the acts and orders for transplantation , in which the reader might have seen either his mistake or mine , by the general or particular current of them ; but since you may refuse to believe him , if you will not take it on his credit , i shall desire your assent no further then my witnesse compels ; thus then runs the order of the councel of state , in their instructions , entituled , further instructions , &c. that all persons who have right to articles or mercy , held forth by any qualifications in the act of parliament , transplant themselves , &c. except only such as did not adhere to the rebels at any time before september 1643. and have ever since professed the protestant religion ; and women who married english protestants since the second of december 1650. and themselves become protestants . i would now desire collonel laurence to speak ingenuously and roundly , how many irish he believes in the whole land fals within the compasse of the exception from transplantation , and whether upon serious consideration , he will defend ( that ) for a measured truth ( which it may be come unweighed from him , pag. 17. lin. 19. of his book ) that the twentieth man was not by order to be transplanted , besides souldiers , of which many are gone beyond seas ? i appeal to those who knew the condition of ireland in those times , whether those instructions adhered to , would not transplant almost every man ? how is it possible to be otherwise , when the english were hem'd in to their very gates , and the whole land became a wilde rode for the rebels , if it were possible for any considerable number to be innocent , it must be those who inhabited with the english in their towns ? and yet ( to take the irish inhabitants of kinsale for example ) these were judged so clearly transplantable , that in order thereto their whole estates had been dispos'd of , had not the timely clemency of his excellency the lord deputy stept in for their relief . 3. the authority there makes but two distinctions of men , 1. those that are to die . 2. those to be transplanted ; from whence is it not rational to say , all those are to be transplanted that are to live ; and do they not name expresly plowmen , labourers , &c. when they say they shall not die ? there is no medium in that article between dying and transplanting . but fourthly , i shall make him , who has been my accuser all this while my judge now ( and if you judge of what 's to come by what 's past , you may think he will not be partial on my side ; ) if you please to look into pag. 11. of his book , there you shall see in a different character these words , that all persons who have right to articles , or any favour or mercy held forth , &c. all and every the persons afore-said , shall before the 1 of may , 1654. transplant themselves into connaught , &c. i wonder what restriction or limitation is here to deny a general transplantation ; all pardoned for life and estate are to go ; what can be more general , unlesse he will suppose those that lost their lives might go too by a more then pythagorick transmigration ? nay , what he here denies , and makes the root of all my errour , what will you say if himself grant , and say the self-same thing elswhere ? view pag. 7. of his book , lin. 10. for though the parliament in their ( instructions ) included all persons within any the qualifications in the act of settlement , &c. is not this to grant what i say , to conclude the parliament included all ? they are their words , as he quotes them himself . object . but it may be said , this is foul play to dismember a sentence ; hear what he sayes after ( yet in their declarations thereon , they confine it to propriators of land or persons , who had been in actual rebellion , &c. ) this turns the currant against me again . answ. i believe he intended it should do so , but yet it does not ; you may see by his glosse he had a good minde to have corrupted the text , for these last are his words , not authorities , as you may see by his next words ( or to use their own words ) i. e. the parliaments ; now what are the parliaments words ( according as he was feign to cite them ? ) reade on there , and they say thus , that all persons that had contrived , advised , promoted , acted , or voluntarily aided , assisted or abetted the rebellion , &c. or have been in actual arms ; good collonel laurence are none but propriators of lands or persons in actual rebellion intended here to transplant ? pray first of all tell us , what you mean by actual rebellion , for i perceive you intend this fig ▪ leaf to hide your nakednesse withall ; you seem to mean those that were actually in arms ? but then if propriators of land and souldiers were only intended , what 's the meaning of these additions ( advised , promoted , assisted , or abetted ) do they signifie something , or are they the tautologies of authority ? they may be insignificant now they are urged against you ; but i warrant them recover their vigor , when you come to lay the law to the irish ; or do you mean a third sort , beside the propriator and souldier ( by being in actual rebellion ? ) indeed this is the true sense of the word ; there is no middle between loyalty and rebellion ; to advise , promote , assist , abet , &c. ) is rebellion ( if it be intentionally only , it comes not under mans cognizance ) and if actual , 't is actual rebellion ? the collonels meaning then is this , that though the instructions of authority include all , yet in their declarations they confine it ( to all ) this is a strange opposition , a pretty universal restriction : 't is strange authority would let their instructions and declarations run so at odds , and interfere so mightily : sure i am he must mean one of these two senses , unlesse perhaps to evade me he 'll say he means non sense : if the first ; then he becomes an advocate for the irish , and excuses them all from actual rebellion , except landedmen and souldiers ; if the second , then ( which he dreads more ) he pleads for me , and against himself , excusing none from transplantation ; if the first , he abuses authority , if the second , his reader ; into these difficulties has he ingaged himself , to ingage me ; sir , how much reason have we here to invoke your truth and modesty , as in the beginning you did your memory and understanding ; i beseech you hereafter learn to speak lesse confidently , or resolve to speak more truly ; though your passion may prompt you to contradict me , yet let your reason curb you from ( thus grosly ) contradicting your self . 5. observe , that though you may perceive collonel laurence to be a very learned man by the many books he quotes in his tract ( as the act of settlement , further instructions , orders , &c. ) yet he has been very unhappy in his apprehension of them ( as many times great readers have small judgements ) for the truth is , authority in that act of settlement in the part cited by him , speaks not of transplanting those that were in rebellion , or had advised , assisted , abetted , &c. into connaught , but somewhat further even out of the world ; as you may see the words in the close of the act of settlement , artic. 1. all those before , nay those who have contributed money or victuals ( which they cannot make appear to have been taken away from them by meer force ) shall be excepted from pardon of life and estate ; how shall we salve this cruell capital mistake for collonel laurence ( truly i know no way but this ) that though this be not an account of collonel laurence's reason , it is of his faith ; that he is no sadducee , he holds there are spirits , and that they can walk , and may be transplanted , and possesse estates : yet i believe , because they are spirits , they need not such bodily provisions as we doe , and therefore are to be sent into connaught . 6. there has been lately a petition by some in several counties in ireland , preferr'd to the authority there , that the irish might be generally transplanted , because the orders of the councel of state did so require . it seems i am not single in the construction of those orders . i have the longer insisted on this , for that it is the hinge of the whole controversie between the respondent and me , who fals vehemently upon me , that i should abuse authority with an act they never intended ; inforcing this every where into his book , and imposing it upon the reader with such ardour and frequency , that he is almost afraid not to think it to be true ; yet upon examination of records it appears false , his own testimonies make him give up the bucklers ; and upon those proofs i crave the sentence of all unprejudicated persons , whether i had not reason ( being a member of the parliament , and for ireland ) to represent my sense to them of such an order ( as collonel laurence will not abuse them with once intending to act in ? ) or whether he had just provocation so to abuse me , and himself too ? this then which he cals my mistake proves to be his ; and he cals it my first ( which acknowledgement from an opponent is worthy of thanks ) but he must excuse me from making him the like civil return , for it is not his first by a great many . there is one objection against me from pag. 9. and 10. of his book , that supposing the orders to be general ; however there is no such thing in preparation or practice in ireland , but rather that they have admitted conscientious and prudent debates concerning it ; to which i answer , 1. then it seems they condemned general transplanting , and i desired ( and endeavoured ) only against that . i hope then authority there , will not own col. laurence's clamours against me , who moved in their own sphere ; nor censure my subserviency to themselves . 2. collonel laurence told you , they had orders out of england for doing this , and i do not understand what place is left for the consultation of inferiours , after the determination of superiours , especially who cry up their own obedience so much as he . let him answer this objection , i cannot for him . 3. but now he speaks more broadly , and sayes , they are resolved on a particular transplantation , and you saw england resolved on a general ; which is to say , he resolves not to obey ; some men may say any thing , but i tremblingly now repeat it after him . 4. if this be the resolution , i know not , that i deserved such rude thanks for endeavouring to obtain an order for it ; but however i shall be glad of the event ( being possest of my poor design in it ) and leave it to some more turbulent humour , to dispute whether it be by order or not . 5. 't is his resolution , and 't is not his resolution : it is his resolution for the present ; but it may be not for the time to come ; the transplantation may be but particular now , but it may be general hereafter ; hear his intimation of it , pag. 10. of his book . when ( sayes he ) there shall as much reason appear for transplanting the whole as a part , then the discusser may offer his arguments , and the actors their answers , but ( for the present ) no such preparation . he tels you only then what is resolved at the present , not what may be acted for the future , when any man starts new reasons , but p. 17. he speaks more plainly ; whether all shall go at one time or not ( sayes he ) is disputable . 6. consider if this be likely ( whatever may be done at present ) from these two propositions put together ; he tels you , pag. 17. lin. 19. the irish to be transplanted are not the 20th part of the nation , nay so inconsiderable they cannot be mist , but as one friend may misse another ; and yet almost all connaught is laid out for them . let us proceed to what he cals my second mistake , which is ( as he saith ) my arguments against a promiscuous transplantation without respect to merit or behaviour , and that ( sayes he ) is not so . in answer to which consider first , i think it had been a mistake to have written for a transplantation without respect to merit , &c. but i conceive none to oppose it . secondly , if it was a mistake in me to write for it , it will be a greater in him to act for it , which yet he professes to do ; and i am glad he complies with me in his deeds , though he seems to be at variance by his words . thirdly , if the orders ran for a generall transplantation , then for a promiscuous one doubtlesse , for non-promiscuous makes a difference , and general supposes none ; but the first was proved before , and therefore the second needs no proof now . fourthly , as the resolution is pious in the authority there to make a distinction , so i wish the obedience may ▪ be cheerfull in the executioners to perform it ; the merit is so small on the irish part , that their rewards will be more just then costly ; but unlesse this rule be better kept ( generally ) for the time to come , then it has been in some particulars ( that i could name ) for the time past ( but i am confident ) without the fault , or so much as knowledge of authority , we shall have no cause to boast of our signall recompences , nor the possessors to rejoyce in them : but i have better hopes for the time to come ; to resolve well is to begin to do well ; and this the gentleman professes , and i shall in charity believe him till his actions disingage me . fifthly , then it appears that this is no poisoned arrow shot by me at authority , as he sayes ( pag. 10. of his book ) but rather that his censure is a bolt of his , too soon let flie at me . my third mistake ( he tels you ) is , that i think transplantation was principally proposed as a punishment for murther , and thereupon grounds a large discourse , &c. answ. 1. i was not so foolish to think my self so wise , as to pretend to know the reason of transplantation , which ( though i have since heard the respondent speak , 't is my dulnesse ) i do not even now conceive ; but then , though i believe the state has reason for it above my apprehension , or if they had not , i should yet in duty submit , looking upon it as a work ( to my poor capacity ) of very threatning consequence , i thought ( if it were done ) it must be on very constringent motives ; and i thought there were none more binding then religion , profit and safety ; the first of which i prosecuted from pag. 1. to the 15. under which head comes the passage that he assaults here . 2. collonel laurence will be but an ill souldier if he cannot discern his friends from his enemies ; what confusion may he bring upon an army ? 1. it cannot be my ground ( for he confesses ) i reason against it : 2. but it is one that i have heard from those of his judgement often inculcated , and i believe he that denies this to be the reason , will not suddenly be prepar'd to assign a better . 3. he is again mistaken , for this , that transplantation was done on the account of punishment , was not a position , but a supposition , not an assertion fastned on authority , or any one else , but an indefinite objection which might have been used by any body , and ( it may be ) was by some body , or if not , yet might have been , or may be , and it shews only his care that writ the case of transplantation , not to pretermit any thing that might possibly be said against him , so farre was he from his antagonists humour , to slide by all the arguments against him as impertinencies ; which different proceeding ( it may be ) was that which most offended this gentleman , looking on it as his own reproach . 4. he sayes , this was not the reason of transplantation ; then it seems there is one reason lesse for it then i thought there had been . 5. if it was not , it might have been ; it may be the respondent did not perceive its force , and so ( not knowing how it could serve his turn ) disbanded it ; for certainly he has either not much reason to spare in this controversie , or it lies in ambush for us ; and indeed i should be much surpriz'd to see it . 6. i have only his bare word , that punishment was not a principle of transplantation ; and so first i am left to my good nature , whether i will believe him or no . 2. i have no temptation to believe him , for then i must believe my self a malignant , incendiary , &c. having the same author for both . 3. i have reason not to believe him ; for , 1. he was in irelan ( and this order came from england , and therefore ) was not at the debates , and so could not know the motives further then it should expresse them it self , which it does not ; and yet in the confidence of this negative argument , he is ready to cry victoria , pag. 11. where having cited the words of the act of settlement , he triumphs thus , is there in all this one word of tending to ground-transplantation upon principles of punishment ? just as if i should argue , is there in all this one word of reason given for transplantation ( as indeed there is not ) therefore authority had not one reason for their action ? or as if i should say , there is scarcely a line of sense in col. laurences book , from whence another should collect , there is scarce any sense in col. laurence ? what a desperate conclusion would this be ? but , 2. though it was not exprest that it was their reason , yet he could not tell that it was not ; for as they do not affirm it , so they do not deny it ; they might disclose some of their reasons , and conceal others . 3. i would know if the irish had not thus trespassed , whether they should have been transplanted ? if he say , no ( as he must and does , pag. 11. ) then their transplantation was the effect of their rebellion ; and what is punishment but the effect of sinne ? but he saith , it was to preserve the english ; and might it not be for to punish the irish too ? may not one cause have many effects ? were not the english preserv'd by the slaughter of the irish armies , and yet they punisht for their rebellion too ? o wonderfull acutenesse of judgement , that can thus divide a hair , that can oppose things subordinate , nay inseparable ! for could the english be safe without the punishment of the irish ? why then was not so much bloud and treasure saved ? am i now mistaken ? or am i not rather taken amisse ? 7. after all this bustling , which was onely to shew his strength , and that he will be compell'd to nothing ; yet to shew he is master of good nature to , and can be flexible , he meekly resigns up the conclusion at the foot of pag. 11. admitting this in some degree to be done upon the account of punishment ; but his inducement is remarkable , for the further clearing up the justice and rationality of this work ( i. e. ) transplantation , admit , &c. he confesses he cannot fully clear up the justice and rationality of this work without admitting it to have been done on a principle of punishment ; and yet was displeased with my saying it was done on this principle , that is , because i did not say , this work was unjust and irrational ; and now in meer compassion to my credit , and his own ease , he resolves to discover no more of my mistakes ; i would he would be equally courteous to himself , and discover no more of his own neither . but now , tam marti , quam mercurio ; the historian throws away his gown , and the collonel draws his sword ; he is polemical as well as practical . like a plaintane leaf , as he heals on one side , so he draws on t'other ; as he has smiles for his favourites , so he has frowns for his enemies : among whom he has the greatest antipathy against the author of the case of transplantation ( that is ) anger , of which there can be assigned no reason . with whom he is resolved to dispute pro and con , 1. introducing his arguments against me . and secondly , resolving to answer most of my swaying reasons , that is , i suppose those , that he can best make answer to , and are least swaying . in the pursuing this design of his , i must here premise this one thing ; that i do not condemn authority , but acquit my felf ; that i am not opposing what they shall do , but maintaining what i have formerly said ; that i censure not their actions , ( which are good ) but collonel laurence's reason's , which are bad ; that though transplantation be fit to be proceeded in , yet doubtles they do it on better grounds and reasons then those maimed ones that he produces for them ; 't is him , not them i dispute against . that he may do the first , he is feign to beg my lately so despised principle , that this transplantation was grounded on punishment , which now it serves his turn , he tricks very fine and gay , and enlarges its base at pag. 12. and 13. of his treatise , that so it may uphold the figure of transplantation to be set on it . but his order is full of very fine confusion and mazes ; it is sport to see how he is lost in his own labyrinth ; i will but repeat his own words ; at the end of pag. 11. there are five or six lines of most incomprehensible seraphical sense ; thus they enter , for the further cleaning up the justice and rationality of this work , admit it in some degree to have been done upon the account of punishment , which in a sense may be admitted , for had they never offended , they had never been liable thereto ; therefore consider what punishment it was they did incurre by their offence , which will be the better done , 1. by , &c. is not here a fine civil wildernesse with exquisite art contrived , for a man to lose himself thus many times in poor five lines , as you shall see . first , here 's peleon tumbled upon ossa ; all the degrees of comparison jumbled together ; he will clear up the justice and rationality of this work , which that he may do , he will admit it to have been done on the account of punishment ; which that he may do , he will enquire what punishment it was they incurr'd ; which that he may do , he will consider first the offence , &c. cannot a ready master now cut out presently work enough for nine journeymen ? why here 's a circuit taken in , as if the pyramides were to be reedified , rise up transplantation , and go to your consideration , for your considerations consideration has a consideration : o for a midwife ! what a thing it is for a man to have a costive brain ; but secondly , as we have seen this masterpiece of art shew so well together , so no lesse curiosity is in every limb , if you view it asunder . 1. he admits the transplantation in some degree to be done on the account of punishment ; pray to what is in ( some degree ) referred , to transplantation ? there are no degrees in that , it is a continued act , and of one kinde : unto ( to be done ) the action i hope will be perfect , and not admit degrees ; to punishment , it is very remote from that ; besides , are there future sufferings prophesied ( besides it self ) which is some degree of punishment , but not all . 2. having thus begun his sentence , and brought it , to a colon , he makes one parenthesis ride in the neck of another ( which in a sense may be admitted ) ( for had they never offended , they had never been liable thereto ) and so sweetly and most melodiously concludes the period . did ever two parenthesis's finish a sentence before ? this is just like a horse , that ( running full speed ) stops on a sudden , and throws his rider over his neck . 3. therefore ( sayes he ) consider what punishment it was they did incurre by their offence ; wherefore ? what did just now precede ? because if they had never offended , they had never been liable thereto ; therefore consider what punishment they did incurre by their offence ; and very good reason too ; an excellent connexion ! just like such an introduction as this , because if the angels never had sinned , they had never fallen , therefore let us consider the nature of hell : a sublime preface ! o that the masters of rhetorique wanted so fine a platform to commend to their boyes for the patern of an exordium ; me thinks a speech would begin most gracefully and heroically in such a flow spondee pace as this ; because most noble hearers , if paris had not taken helen away from menelaus , hector had never been kill'd by achilles ; therefore be pleas'd to hear the tragedy of the warres of troy ; this is a marriage between east and west ; just as if this gentleman should desire one to peruse his late elaborate piece , for this reason , because if i had not writ against transplantation , he had not writ for it ; who will despair but that the poles may meet and hang about one anothers neck , since they see as unlikely conjunctions ? 4. to consider their punishment , he must first consider their offence ; and after the first , the reader will look for a second ; but his passionate discourse , quite drowned his memory : so that he forgets to introduce that ever after ; though this were a fault in the literal sense , yet it may be in the mystery 't is not ; which doubtlesse was to shew , that the irish offence was so great , that there could be never another found to second it . 5. after he has painted out their offence in good and true colours ( to give every thing its due ) he tels you not , but leaves you to your own guesses concerning their punishment , though this discourse was begun for that end , tumbling again , pag. 13. into the consideration of transplantation ; this cannot it self be the punishment he intended , 1. because he will hardly yield it a punishment : and secondly , were it one , it is not sure commensurate to the offence treated of universally ; of this preface , i shall onely adde this one thing more , that as he very feelingly deplores the sufferings of the english dead , so that he would exercise some of his compassion towards those that are living , is my desire , and may it be his practice ; god will require it , if any shall so farre mock him , as to punish the irish for being cruel to the english and themselves be so too ; there were pharisees that abhorr'd their fathers killing the prophets in old time , and yet themselves slew them in their own time ; what mean those words , that the old protestants are as bad , nay worse then the irish ? yet they are too common in the mouths of some in ireland . and thus , if from good beginnings we may flatter our selves with a fair issue , then sure collonel laurence may not despair , who in five lines has fallen but five times , as he was entring on what was material ; but it may be he does this as a souldier likewise , who having now drawn down his artillery to play on me , threw up this blinde work before , for their security . but now , arm , arm ; the alarm is given , the enemy is near ; long lookt for comes at length ; now near half of his book is done , he will prove ( that which he should have done at the beginning ) that the transplantation is necessary ; for which end he produces but a brace of reasons , pag. 13. 1. it is the most probable means to secure the present english interest . 2. to maintain one for the future without charging england either in men or money . to prove the first , his argument runs thus , that which was the ruine of the english chiefly in the last rebellion , ought for the future to be avoided : but the living mixedly with the irish was so ; on the shewing of which he dilates , pag. 14 , 15 , 16. therefore they ought now to be separated . to which i answer , 1. that i do answer , and not call his argument an impertinency ( which doubtlesse i might ) as he does mine , so in safety to escape him . 2. that here he fights against no enemy ( at least of me ) for i was not against a particular transplantation ( rightly ordered ) though it may be i thought it not so absolutely necessary ; my whole book runs against , what the order ran far , a general transplantation . 3. but yet i think the reason on which he affirms it , weak , viz. 1. that the mixtion of the irish with the english , was the cause ; and secondly , though it was a cause heretofore , that it should be a cause now , is a non sequitur : for the first consider , first , it is irrational , that the scattering of the irish among the english , was the cause of the english ruine ; for whilest they continued scattered , they wrong'd them not , but when they became imbodied , they did the mischief ; which is the design this gentleman pursues ; and therefore provides doubtily for the english safety , from that which was the cause of their destruction . object . but it was their numbers and power which was the cause , and the cohabitation with the english gave them opportunity to make use of these by way of surprize , which transplanted they cannot do , p. 14. answ. that is not prevented by the method which the respondent propounds neither ; hear himself speak , pag. 17. lin. 19. the proprietors , and all relating to them , cannot be rationally judged to be ( near ) the twentieth part of the people of ireland , and there are none to go besides ( according to him ) but those that have been in arms ; more then 19 parts then of the people are to remain among us , and cohabit with the english ; there 's no great danger of them ; but if the twentieth stay , we are all undone : look to lin. 29. of pag. 17. and he puts it out of all question , where he musters all to be ( in his opinion ) transplanted , both proprietors and men in arms , and his rolls give us this account of them ; any man that knows ( sayes he ) the state of ireland , must acknowledge they ( i. e. ) all to be removed , are so inconsiderable , that they will not be missed or discerned as to the numbers in the countreys from which they remove , further then one friend , may want another . is not here great ingenuity , and rare wisdom ? ingenuity , to tell you the irish must be transplanted , because mixing with them ruined the english , and yet afterwards to tell you the number transplanted will not be so considerable as to be mist . prudence , to foresee the cause of a mischief , and to remove it by letting what produc't it remained still : yet these contrary resolutions served him in their proper starions , the first to oppose me , that numbers in ireland must be transplanted , least they ruine the english for the time future : the second , to mollifie the reader , and take off his hard conceptions of transplantation , that the number would be so inconsiderable , as could not be mist . indeed it was uncivilly done of me to be peeping further into a mans meaning then he expected , and unkindely to bring his witnesses thus to confront one another face to face , which he as little desired . 2. but on the contrary , cohabiting with the english was a means probably to have quasht the rebellion , if other wholsome concurrents ( appointed by law ) had been duly executed ; as , 1. care taken for spreading the protestant religion , the neglect of which left them to their own , the strongest incentive to rebellion , and tie to unanimity in it , and this would do well to be heeded for the time to come , which would work a change in their mindes , for changing of place will never make them honest . 2. educating their gentry in civility and religion , for which the court of wards was erected , and doubtlesse was then convenient there for that nation . 3. suppressing their language , manners , laws , septs , &c. many more are observed by historians . these and such like things neglected , next ( the provocation of the divine majesty by the sins of the english ) were the causes of that horrid bloudy rebellion , and not their dwelling among english , which if helpt with the assistance of such provisions as the law did make , might probably have produced the contrary ; that i am not singular in my opinion , but the gentleman in his : hear our historians themselves , sr joh. davis , of the causes of former rebellions in ireland , 1. the intollerable oppression of the armies ( p. 28. ) 2. too large proportions of land given to the souldiers , though they warred at their own charge ( p. 133. ) contrary to the practice of other generals , as scipio , pompey , caesar ( pag. 156. ) 3. the english seating themselves in the rich plains , and driving the irish to mountains and barren lands ( pag. 160. ) 4. the irish being together , making their conspiracies undiscoverable ( pag. 161. ) 5. their cohabitation gave them power to rise ( pag. 173. ) 6. a discretionary way of governing them , more martial then civil ( p. 253. ) 3. though this should in likelihood prevent surprizes to come , and that collonel laurence should not be taken napping , yet it prevents not rebellion , and so is too narrow a plaister to cover the sore of ireland ; nay it seemed to me to lay the seeds of an everlasting feud , 1. by perpetuating the distinctions of english and irish , protestant and papist . 2. by joyning irish forces , to make them considerable . 3. by sequestring them , to give them the advantage of privacy in all their conspiracies . 4. if he had nothing but safety before his eyes , without either considering any thing else ( which i believe was farre from authority ) then he might have thought on a safen way yet , which was to knock them all on the head , that will make them sure , and us safe for certain . 5. if we will believe those that write the history of ireland , they tell us , this gentlemans remedy of severing the english and irish wholly , wrought not that safety for the english which he fore-tels ; the account they give of it , is ; in the time of hen. 2. the irish were wholly subdued , and all or the greatest part of them , saith spencer , shut out by the conquerour into the mountain part of the land ; but in the division of york and lancaster , the great english lords and gentlemen repaired to the assistance of their friends , which advantage the banisht irish taking , came down , and vanquishing the remaining english , repossest themselves of the land again : we cannot alwayes promise our selves the guard of an english army , of which we see some are drawn into england already , nor assure our selves against such changes as have been . his instance of the british preservation of themselves by being imbodied , is causa pro non causa , and a false allegation of story besides : for , 1. it arose not from thence , but from the dissimulation of the irish , who fearing to deal with both parties , gave out at first , that their quarrel was only against the english , whom whilst they were worrying , the others contrived their own preservation . 2. sir john davis sayes expresly , that vlster was a mixt plantation of british and irish . 3. what he sayes of fact is false too , for 100000 were murther'd in vlster in three dayes , and this he cals preservation . 6. yet this does not conclude so great a necessity of this course as he layes upon it ; that it is essential to their safety , as necessary as the stopping a leak in a ship to its preservation ( that is , without which it cannot be ) for the bare compassing his end by this , does not exclude the attainment of it by other means ; now it may be , all the considerations in the world that conduce to safety , may not one time come into his memory , if some of them be not above his understanding : but i am sure he has not been pleased to think one of them worth the mention , and so they cannot be justly condemned before they are heard : the safety of the english may be compassed by the transplanting of the irish ; therefore by no other way , is just such an argument as this , richard laurence is a collonel in ireland ; therefore there 's never another collonel but he : i am sure the argument is as pitifull , as that land would be , if it were so ; our old doting ancestours thought communion one of these wayes ; where had been our empire ( sayes seneca ) if wholsom providence had not mixed the conquered with the conquerours ? and livy , the state of rome was advanc't by receiving their enemies into them . but i must proceed to the other head i proposed , which was to shew the infirmnes of his consequence ( as well as the errour of his proposition ) that though the irish mixing with the english were the cause of their easie perpetrating their bloudy resolutions , yet there is no such danger of the like in time to come , and so his reason is no reason ; this will appear by considering how the case is changed with the irish from what it was then , in a double respect . first of all , their inability to do us harm ; they were strong , they are weak ; they were numerous , they are consumed by sword , pestilence and famine ; they were hearty , they are out of courage ; they were rich , they are poor and beggarly ; they had souldiers , they are left naked ; they had cities , strong-holds , they have now but cottages to put their heads in ; they had civil power , they have lost it ; they had priests to harden them , they are banished ; the tables are just turned ; the english are what the irish were ; rich , high , powerfull , &c. the irish what the english were , poor , few , &c. the english never had so great a strength in ireland since the conquest of it , the irish never so small ; now the conditions are changed , mens expectations may be likewise ; what can they do ? what may not they be made suffer ? what fear is left for us , or hopes for them ? our condition is not so desperate , as that we need run to extreams to guard it ; we may safely taste the good of the irish without fearing the ill ; they have more reason now to fear us , then we had to fear them . but secondly , advantages we have of doing them good ; they are few , the english many ; we may overspread them , and incorporate them into our selves , and so by an onenesse take away the foundation of difference and fear together ; we may breed up their youth , habituate them to our customs , cause a disuse of their language : we have opportunities of communicating better things unto them , and probabilities they may be received , the priests being gone that did harden , and affliction on them which may soften : i had no temptation to say these things , other then proceeded from a prompting reason , and a convinced conscience ; i have lost as good an estate almost , as collonel laurence has got by them ; they could neither serve me by their power or riches : the lord knows i spoke only from the bowels of a man towards men , and the charity of a christian to miserable blinded christians , and one who had read a little what has happened to others by this practice , and therefore would that we should avoid their rocks : my end was good , if i had been mistaken in the means . if i had thought it would have brought the least damage upon the interest in england , i would have abhorr'd what i writ with my heart , and burrt it with my own hand : but if collonel laurence and i were not of one judgement , i know no reason but we might have preserved one affection . i expected now to have untied his second argument he proposed for transplantation , viz. from the future interest of the english ; but either he had a horrible treacherous memory , ( and 't was a strange carelesnesse , that having but two arguments in a cause , wherein he is so violent , and was opposed with above twenty , he should lose one of them by the way ) or a great obstinacy , that he will neither shew his reasons , nor change his minde : well it seems ( though i finde him a bitter enemy , yet ) he can be as good a friend , for he never forsakes where he once takes ; if he carry not a cause 't is not his fault but his evidences ( whom he has summon'd ) but they refuse to appear ; he will not forsake his one trusty argument , which was faithfull to him when all the rest forsook him , but in his great humility marches up ( though a collonel ) but with one after him , which is a command too small for a corporal . well , having offered his service to his cause , with this one melancholy stray argument , pag. 17. scorning to tread all rodes and beaten paths , he findes out a new way of reasoning , altogether unknown either in the schools or at the bar ; for they , fond men as they are ( which of it self is a sufficient quarrel against universities and innes of court ) first tell you a long tale , which they call opening the case , or stating the question , and then they offer their reasons , or ( as they call them ) arguments for or against ; but he skirmishes with his single argument first , and then after begins to state the question : just as if collonel laurence should in a quarrel draw his sword , and then looking about him , ask , what 's the matter ? or as if a man should aim at nothing , or go to no place , or a dog should hunt no game ; or lastly , an argument ( as his does ) conclude nothing ; but it was but one , and not very considerable , he may hazard it as he please , for the losse cannot be great . yet let us do our selves so great a courtesie , as to hear him reade his thesis , and first his distinctions are many , sharp and new . the question is confined ( sayes he ) to the extent and manner , that 's sharp ; by extent he means persons ( as you may see ) and by manner time and place , as if time and place cannot be extended , and persons could be transplanted , and it be done in no manner ; his branches are apposite , but not opposite : 2. confined to extent , it is universal or partial : this is new ; to be confined to a universality : 't is just as if a man were a prisoner to the universe . 3. partial transplantation is two-fold , 1. what part . 2. which part : this is high again , so high , i confesse , that i am not able to reach the meaning , i wonder if himself can finde a difference between what part , or which part . secondly , i would fain know , what 's the meaning of his asking questions , and disputing now ? if the manner be resolved on , 't is past dispute ; if it be still disputable , why has he so often asserted , that authority resolved on such a particular transplantation ? even in this very page he sayes , 't is out of question , and yet dashes it with a proviso : so farre as i or he know , who are not acquainted with the mysteries of state ; what does the state publish one thing , and intend secretly another ? this is a mystery indeed ; yet this gentleman takes the boldnesse to publish it : but i will not too believe it . thirdly , so farre as i or he knows , who ( he addes ) are but private men ; if he knew the author of the case of transplantation , then he knew whom he so often called malignant , incendiary , and so must know himself mistaken ; if he did not , why does he here so positively say , he is but a private man ? fourthly , if authority have resolved on the manner , how comes he to offer his opinion here ? if they have , 't is needlesse ; if not , why was it so criminal in the author of that case , to offer his ? how comes the same thing to be a virtue in the respondent , and a vice in me ? fifthly , he sayes , 't is disputable whether all shall remove at one time ; it seems then , that though a part only be transplanted now , yet the residue may happen to follow hereafter ; and so he contradicts himself , who sayes elswhere , a general transplantation is resolved against ; and so i had reason to write against general transplantation , which may happen ( it seems ) if not at this time , yet at some other . sixthly , he is unsatisfied with the orders of authority , as well as he thinks i am ; for if i doubted of the excesse , he scruples at the defect ; he judges a lesse number then what is intended is not safe ( if so little . ) nay , in another place , it is not safe to let above the fifth part stay , and yet , he sayes , it is resolved , that not above the twentieth part shall go ; from whence the result will be this easie conclusion , that authority have given out orders , which in col. laurences judgement are not safe . seventhly , he contradicts himself again , when in pag. 17. ( he sayes , ) the twentieth part of the irish are not to remove ; and yet ( so near as pag. 16. ) sayes , it is not safe to admit above the fifth part of irish papists to stay . but since he is able to say nothing for himself , he is resolved to answer what can be said against himself ; to which purpose he propounds four objections . object . 1. that putting them together , may inable them to make a war . he answers , pag. 18. first , that the english are not afraid of armies , but tories ; but i reply , that is not the question , whether the english fear them ? but whether it would not inable the irish to warre , to put them all together ? he said himself before , that the english imbodied need not fear the irish , and why should the irish imbodied fear the english ? does union strengthen one , and weaken t'other ? 2. he answers , that united they will require lesse forces to subdue them , then turning tories to pursue them ; i reply , 1. either they have a minde to turn tories or not ; if they have , then besides our forces to defend connaught , we must have others to attend the tories out of it , and so the charge will not be lessened but doubled ; if they have not a minde to turn tories , then an unnecessary charge will be upheld still , to attend them with an army , lest they should raise a warre ; transplantation cannot hinder those that will be tories ; nontransplanting cannot further those that would not . 2. does not this oppose all the reason in the world , that a power united should require lesse force to oppose it ? yet this is the gentlemans paradox ; we use to say , vnited force is strongest ; and does that which is strongest require only that which is weak to overcome it ? divide and reign , said the seven wise-men ; but the eight , vnite your enemies , if you would reign . 3. i would intreat this gentleman to submit the trial to sense ; are a few sparks of fire hardlier quencht then a flame ? is a bank against the sea easier made then against a puddle ? is a river weaker in the unparted channel , then in the rivol●●s ? let him try if he can break a faggot quicklier bound , or untied ; what shall we say to him , that bids battel to all the topicks together ? and yet he that cannot pretend to sense , offers to nibble at wit in the close of this answer , thus by bringing them into a body ( sayes he ) we play our game in english with them , but by leaving them dispersed , we play our game in irish with them ; playing in irish , and playing in english ; do men use ●o play in games , or at games ? you may know by his terms of art , that he is but a bungler , and that if the irish had not met with shreuder gamesters then himself , they had never in likelihood been so soundly beaten , as they have been . 2. the next objection he answers , is only these two words of mine ( 't is strange ) he names the tories indeed , but having devoured them in the last , he will not chew the cud in this , pag. 19. answ. 't is strange ! so 't is indeed a strange objection , who made it ? he assails a poor parenthesis in its trenches , o valiant , the fortification about it was not able to resist him ! but he relinquishes the objection that it will make tories : it seems the collonel likes not that sport : that 's above his strength ; nor sayes a word to the objection , that 's above his reason : so i have seen a young spaniel solemnly pursuing his game with the rest of the dogs , when on a sudden , a bird springing out of a bush diverts him from the company , and he runs barking and staring after that : if the tories do rise , who can help it ? let others look to that : he 's resolved to run down the poor parenthesis . 3. but the collonel foresees his credit is ingaged , and therefore back again he turns , and will not let those tories go so ; he will venture to speak with them at least ; thus he shuffles and cuts , run backwards and forwards : this is neither good pace , nor good trot ; well , what sayes he at length ? what if they will not go but turn tories ? he answers to this pag. 20. that he should be loath to force them , if it be impossible or hazardous ; but if from a rebellious spirit they refuse , he judges it best to put it to the tryall , before the army disband . rep. 1. he is kind , he will not force men upon impossibilities ; but by his good leave i think he offers a little force to sense ; for if a man be forc't on 't 't is possible ; if it be impossible , the force is so likewise . 2. if it be a desperate hazard , he will not force them ; this is kinder yet , he deals as he would be dealt with ; he loves not desperate hazards . 3. but the condition of this present obligation is , that the above bounden richard laurence be convinc't of these things , otherwise this act and deed of his to be null , and of no force : this will i fear rescind his former concessions . there are but two wayes of convincing a man , by reason or experiment ; the first has been used , and though he cannot answer it , yet he can reject it ; i can advise him no other way then the second ; that he vouchsafe the persons transplanted his company in a sutable equipage to them , and that will better inform him of the hazards . 4. but if they will turn tories , he saith , 't is best put it quickly to the tryal ; his answer ought to have been , that this is not a way to make them tories : but it seems his reason can dictate no such thing to him , and therefore he must try it before he can answer you ; till when he grants the conclusion . but sir , some trials are dangerous ( as if fire will burn ) and such things it is better to keep from tryal ; you have forgot you said before , that tories have been so destructive to our armies ; now you will have our army be as destructive to them ; but yet i perceive you are wise for your self ; it is enough for you to give counsel , the executing of it as a legacy you kindely bequeath to others ; the army must try before more be dissbanded ; but why may not collonel laurence try it after , who fears not disbanding ? no , the ape will have coals out of the fire , but she will pull them out with the cats foot ; this gentleman is like a cypher , joyned with an army , he adds much to them , but take him by himself , and he signifies just nothing . 5. in stead of answering , he wonders ( pag. 20 ) that the businesse of transplantation should engage them to a new war ; so slight a thing , and yet pag. 19. he sayes , it is not strange that they should resent it more then death it self , and gives many reasons for it ; strange that they should ( fight ) against it , and yet not strange that they should ( die ) against it : apollo reconcile me these two ; thus 't is done in a word , collonel laurence had rather die then fight it seems . the respondent affects confusion as much in word as deed , and therefore has suffered two objections to straggle from their company , to the rear of his book , pag. 26. which i shall desire to march up into their proper place , that so i may take a view of them with the rest here , and the reader see the whole strength he musters at one view . 1. the last and great objection ( he sayes ) is the impossibility of transplantation , which i prove not ( he thinks ) but impliedly , 1. in saying , they may have still a dram of rebellious bloud left : and secondly , that the power and strength of england is but a scare-crow , and hat on a stick , fit to drive geese ; to the first he answers , it may shew it difficult , but not impossible , because they can let that out ; and for the second , his answer is to the same ( or no ) purpose . reply 1. i must take off the calumny the respondent layes on me , that i resemble the power of england to a scare-crow , or a hat on a stick , fit to drive geese ; is it not enough that he feigns me to abuse authority in ireland ? but he will compell my words to an abuse of the authority of england : strange ignorance never to understand me , or malice alwayes to pervert me ! when will he leave wronging himself , for me he cannot ? 1. scare-crow is a word of his own foisting in . 2. there is not a word spoken there ( in that passage ) of authority , either in england or ireland . to any person of an uncraz'd brain , my meaning was very obvious , that the irish would not go according to orders , nor drive by force , for so that innocent proverb only signifies , and is as harmlesse as those creatures i used in the comparison : i have too high an esteem of the army to give them such language , i know their worth , and the greatnesse of their actions and sufferings in ireland ; of which i wish they may be near an end , to enjoy rewards proportionable to their very great deserts . 2. he had no reason to be offended that i did suppose a dram of rebellious bloud to lie still in the irish ; i would there were no more : but he is hard to be pleased ; if i speak charitably of them , then i am a friend to the irish , and if i speak ill of them , then i am an enemy to the english , and incite the irish to rebell ; and as he uses me , just so he does them : for when he must justifie transplantation , then they are the wickedest people in the world ; but at another time pretty honest . there are two passages which brought together make him a good advocate for the irish , pag. 11. of his book , he sayes , all persons that had contrived , advised , promoted , assisted , or abetted the rebellion , must transplant : yet pag. 19. he sayes , those to go will hardly be mist being not near the twentieth part of the people ( besides souldiers . ) now surely we have done the good honest people wrong all this while , for we slandered them , as if few of them were honest ; and it seems not above the twentieth part were otherwise ; well but all their honesty shall not save them from going to connaught , and so he makes us amends for the commendations he gave them . 3. i said , 't is impossible to make them go if they would not ; to which he answers , 't is not impossible , for he can let out this dram of rebellious bloud in them : what then ? and will that make them go , or not ? they will not go when they are alive , and can they go after they are dead ? he cannot make them when 't is possible , but he will make them go when 't is impossible . he does ill sure ! this is the third time ( as i remember ) that he has frightned us with these stories of dead folks walking . 4. did not i prove this ( and he approves it likewise ) when i shew'd they abhor'd this more then death it self ; can you compell a man to an act that prefers death before it ? compell him before you cannot , he will die or you can but kill him , compell him after you cannot , he is dead . i have given a single answer to both his , because they shrink into one likewise , and for his making me the encourager of a second rebellion , i think that worth none ; like a hedge-hog 't is his nature to roll up and down , and to prick . you might imagine that i had now put in my final answer , having untied his to the last , and great objection , as he terms it ; but he that ( you may remember ) before makes a first without a second , findes out something here after the last , which is this ; it may be objected , he sayes , that yet this transplantation will be the destruction of the irish nation , having nothing to subsist on , either in their journey , or when they come thither . this he answers , 1. with examples of transplanting in others . 2. with the tender care of authority for the irish in this , pag. 27 , 28. to the first answer i reply , 1. if the respondent had pleased he might have taken notice of my proofs , where i lay down this proposition , but those had fore-stall'd his answer ; he loves to use bare affirmations himself without proof ; and if others will not do so too , it had been as good they would ; for he 'll deny their affirmations , but not trouble himself to answer their arguments . 2. unlesse it were ( upon so fair an occasion offered ) to give us an account of his reading in history , he need not have travell'd so farre for examples to confute me withall , but proved this by his own example , since he could not by his reason ; might he not too have opprest us with instances of all sorts , whereas he only culs a few that are select ? do not flowers recover their lost colours by removing ? fruits and berries come to their gratefull taste : is not collonel laurence fortune much bettered , since he was transplanted ? and does not change of pastures make fat — secondly , is the gentleman in jest or serious ? if the first , and it be only to shew his wit , he maintains paradoxes , good leave have he , since these occasions return not often upon him ; but if he does not shew his wit in it ( as i believe indeed he does not much ) then i wonder how he could be deceived himself , or deceive others with such examples as he produces , which do as much illustrate the things they are brought for to prove , as a dark lanthorn does the candle that is in it ; nay are so extreamly different , as light and darknesse are not remov'd further asunder ; view but these few parallels , and that will shew their agreement : 1. sayes he , the english are to remove into ireland , the english , dutch , french have transplanted themselves into america ; which are greater journeys , then from one part of ireland to another , yet these were not undone by it , those we hope will not be : this indeed has a shadow of reason to strangers , but cannot delude those that look thorowly into it . for 1. does he make no difference between those that go out of a place , and those that are driven out ( as the irish ) between those that hope for gain by it , as those nations , and those that receive punishment in it ( which is the irish condition ) why does he not let the irish stay till the same invitations that drew other nations to transplant , invite them also ? did he not confesse heretofore , that the irish were as willing to imbrace death as going into connaught ? and proves , that they had good reason so to do : yet here ( having forgot what he said there , and it being for his behoof to say the contrary ) he scruples not at the contradiction , but would make you believe , that transplantation is so facil a thing , that 't is but like going out of england into ireland , nay lesse ; thus occasion is the winde , and his invention the sail , and as that veres , so he hands and shifts this without any dread at all of doing violence to truth , or injury to his reader ; going is but going with him , 't is no matter how or where . but secondly , those nations that transplanted themselves into forreign parts , did not thereby lose those estates they left behinde them , but get those they found before them , nor change one for another , but adde one to another : do the irish thus ? 3. they had all necessary provisions and accommodations along with them , else they might have refused to have gone , but the irish must go , whether they have them or not ; does not this make a difference ? 4. the dutch and french that made forreign transplantations were rich and full of treasure , commencing their actions either on their kings account , or the stocks of united merchants , so to improve their new possessions ; but the irish are beggars ▪ an und one people , they have nothing to begin with ; the english that are to come are men that have bought estates , the irish that go are men that have sold or forfeited them : does not this vary the case somewhat ? 5. those that you say transplanted themselves , went into places where either none were to oppose them , or they had power ( at least as they conceived ) to force their possessions : but the irish go naked and unarmed to be setled upon other mens lands , in connaught ; who ( to their encouragement i believe the collonel speaks it , pag. 19. of his book ) will bid them ( he sayes ) such welcome , as they will bid the souldiers and adventurers upon their land . 6. those planters he speaks of , went with a commission as large as their power could write for them , to take what they would , do what they could , but the irish go with chains at their heels , as prisoners at large ; when they are there , they must not on such a penalty come near the sea , or a garison , or cut a stick of wood to build a house without particular licence , &c. i write not this as if the commonwealth injured them in putting such conditions on them , but to shew the collonel abuses his readers in producing such comparisons to them . 7. these planters did only subdue , not turn out the nations where they came ; what would the spaniards indies be worth him else ? the romans mixed their colonies with the natives ( sayes rosinus ) nor did the english pale in ireland insinuate any of this practice ( as his pitifull ignorance in history makes him say , pag. 26. ) for campion tels us , 't was the english necessities not will made that distinction : his words are , when the irish had raised tumults continually against the english planted here with the conquest : at last they coursed the english into a narrow circuit of ground , out of which they durst not peep , whereupon it was called their pale : 't is wonder he did not tell us of a like design of the english in france ; for the french history tels us , ( but he wanders not so far i hope in his reading ) that in the time of our henry the 3d , there was an english pale in france , which reacht from the river charent in xantoirgue to the pyrenaees ; and yet i hope the french were not transplanted , but it shewed how farre the english had dominion over the french . and now , who would believe that a man in such eminent place as collonel laurence is , should be so weak to hope to convince any body with such childish sophisms as these ? therefore what he begins his answer withall , pag. 27. that if this were the true state of the case , there were much in it ; i shall conclude mine , since it appears that this is the truer ▪ state of the case , by his own confession it remains , that there is much in it ; and so i passe to the second branch of his answer , which is 2. the authority in ireland has a tenden regard of them ; to which i answer , 1. that his excellency the present lord deputy in ireland , has had a tender regard unto them , as he has unto all persons , and of all actions ; and 't was well for the natives he was there , for else i doubt the fingers of some had been heavier on them then his loins . 2. but yet he must exercise this kindenesse to them in what he may , not in what he will , he must do according to orders , not his own intentions , unlesse he have a secret unlimited power , which this gentleman has taught me to say , he and i being private men are not in a capacity of knowing . 3. the bending of transplantation so hard on the irish does not altogether so much rest on the persons that are to execute it , as on the nature of the thing it self , and the persons to undergo it , and the place to which , and the condition how they must abide there : the lord deputy may make some alleviations ( and will i am sure as many as he can ) but cannot take off the burden ; he may delay their going but not hinder it ; he may ( like a good physician ) give them some ease . and thus i have been patient to attend particularly upon all collonel laurence hath said that respects me in his book , a short scheme of which i shall here offer to the readers eye for the confirmation of his memory ; he hath attempted to bring one argument for transplantation , and answer four objections against it , and a poor parenthesis ; with what successe the reader may judge , if any shall be so much at leisure , and will be so friendly as to hear the cause of this difference ; this modicum is the meat he hath invited his friends to , the rest are feathers to choke me , railings , threatnings , falsities , mistakes , and self-contradictions ; these swell the volume ▪ else his iliads might have been put into a nutshell ; these arguments of mine he throws by as impertinencies ; some drawn from religion , some for profit , and some for safety , which branch into above twenty several heads ; if he have satisfied himself with this kinde of dealing , i believe he has not others , i am sure he has not me ; his friends may cling to his person , mine to me , but persons uninterested in both , or interested in the transplantation will be swayed by reason , and will not be satisfied without it . but the thing is now beyond consideration , being put into action ; which i shall submit unto as freely as collonel laurence ; and what i here write is not to condem it , but to justifie my self . states and governours have grounds and reasons for their actions better then , and above ordinary comprehensions ; such i doubt not theirs are that establish this , which as they are not bound to give an account to any of , so 't were insolence to demand it , and impudence not to obey them ; i binde up my reason in theirs , and shall condemn my own rather then theirs ; i wish them all happinesse in this , as well as their other counsels , and doubt not but to finde from them better reception , or at least a milder interpretation of that which was aim'd only at their service , then from collonel laurence , if i happened to transgresse in some particulars through frailty , not malice . besides , that authority as it is more benign and powerfull then commonly private persons are , so there are two things i here present them that may invite them to it : the first is , that when that first paper of transplantation was penned by me , it was intended not in opposition , but alwayes in subordination to the pleasures of his excellency the lord deputy , and councel of ireland , not by way of prescription , but submission to their wisdoms ; nor in retrenchment of what they had done , but to be presented to them for approbation and liking , in case they should judge it expedient ; it was not an appeal from , but to them , which in case it had been further considered of here in england , would have been remitted to them for their censure or approbation . the second is , that that paper being a draught only of reasons , and briefly , made some things to appear in a rougher hue , then if attended with those qualifications that i promised in that book , and was ready to have presented to the parliament in case they had required them ; which qualifications it was not seasonable to publish with the book it self , because it might have given too timely a notice of what would have been acted by them : and after their dissolution it was too late , the thing being past all debate : but is not too late for me to alledge to manifest my own innocency , nor for his excellency the lord deputy and counsel to consider of , to shew the just respect had by me to their authority , however others have labour'd to suggest unto them the contrary ; i suppose i have hitherto served the commonwealth of england , above being now liable to the just censure of malignity against them ; and although my actions have not been so considerable , as myself desired they should be ; yet neither can i think they ought to be so slighted in comparison of collonel laurence and his adherents , as if they were the only men , the pillars whose strength upheld all : so i have seen at the entrance of some magnificent building , a carved antick groan with bowed shoulders , as if he sustain'd the whole weight , as if he upheld the house , whereas the house upholds him ; this i take to be their case . the rest of his work ( not yet taken notice of ) is only a short catechism composed by him from pag. 20. to pag. 26. for the irish to learn as they travel unto connaught , having little else to do , put ( but not digested ) into questions and answers ; or cases of conscience to satisfie the scruples of the irish , who are somewhat troubled in minde at their being transplanted ; where himself asking the questions , and giving the answers , it may be thought he will be more discreet then to pose himself ( whatever another robustiously may do : ) and yet i have heard some young novice conjurers , have rashly rais'd spirits , which after they could not lay ; and it may be this may be his case , i shall examine it , and ( that he may not complain of any part of his book being rejected , as impertinent , for he that had taken up that resolution , had discarded the whole ) set down some short observations on it . quest . 1. why the landlord must go , not the tenant ; he answers , he is not transplanted quâ landlord . rep. 1. he tels you of his not transplanting , when the question was moved of his transplanting . 2. the question asks ( why ) he is transplanted ; he answers ( how ) he is not ; i. e. quâ landlord . 3. he answers , he is not transplanted quâ landlord , but tels you not whether he be transplanted quâ tenant , or quâ man , or quâ rebell ; well though the quâ may be doubtfull , yet the best on 't is , the transplanting will be certain . 4. 't is strange that he is not transplanted quâ landlord , when most of the landlords are to be transplanted ; if it be a lot , the dice runs shrewly against them . 5. they are not to be transplanted quâ landlords , and yet the tenants go not though they are men and rebels as well as the landlords ; this is a likely story . 6. he forgets himself , for afterward p. 22. he there tels you the reasons why the landlords go , they had more means , and more influence , and therefore are to be transplanted ; and had they not this as they were landlords ? and as having this he grants they shall be transplanted , and yet denies they are as landlords transplanted . he has a notable metaphysical head ( it seems ) thus to be able to abstract things ; if he were a chymist he would either finde out the philosophers stone , or knock out his brains against it , he 's so good at separation . 7. as a landlord he is not to be transplanted : that is it may be , if he had not been a rebel ; and so he starts a curious new notion , that all men that have lands in ireland shall not go to connaught ; and that this is the subtilty he springs , his own words assure us pag. 22. lin. 21. it is not their having land is the fault , but mis-improving the ability it gave them . 8. he goes not away as a landlord ; i am confident now i have hit on his sense , and this is it ; for he has lost his estate by forfeiture before he goes , and so is none . his second question , whether the tenants have not been equally guilty , and yet are not transplanted ; and then this is with childe of another young question ; if this be not partiality ; to the first he answers nothing : to the second , no . reply 1. this question seems to be to the former , like one of hopkins or sternholds psalms , another of the same . 2. yet now i rub my eyes , methinks i spy a glimering difference ; for his first question was before , why the landlord should be transplanted , and not the tenant ? but his second is , why the tenant is not transplanted , but the landlord ? and between these two you know there 's a vast difference ; just as much as was between collonel laurence and the marshal-general , though not so much as between a horse-mill , and a mill-horse ; though they are terms convertible . 3. his second answer is true , if he can prove his supposition , that transplantation is a free meer act of grace , but that 's not true . for 1. he must remember that ( before ) he granted it ( in some sense ) a punishment ; and if so , 't will then come to be ( in some sense ) injustice , where an offence is equal to make the suffering unequal according to his own resolution . 2. is this now an act of grace , which himself sayes pag. 19. the irish have reason to accept of death rather ? is not this to make the state ridiculous , to tell men they hold forth great acts of grace to the irish , such as they have reason rather to die then accept of ? his third question ; what are the reasons the landlord is transplanted , not the tenant ? i shall speak to this , 1. in general ; and then , 2. in particular to his answers , which ( as the legion said of himself ) are many , and yet there was never a good one . 1. i observe this is the the third concoction of this question , whereby you may perceive ( though his book shews his stomack 's very great ) his digestion is not very good ; what has an ignis fatuus met him , that he strayes thus up and down ? nothing but the same question ? 't is a conjecturers circle , and he cannot get out on 't . but it may be i have the mystery on 't ; 't is a knotty question this , and fit to be search't into ; but his invention is obstinate , and will confesse nothing directly , and therefore he resolves to circumvent her with multiplying and varying the forms of the same question ; it may be thus he may pump out something out of her at length ; well howsoever , what he cannot furnish you with in answers , he supplies in questions . 2. he now answers what the reasons are of this act ; and yet before he askt the same question twice , and pretended to give answers ; what 's the reason of this act of his ? why you must understand that now he is come to his answers with reason , and those before are his answers without reason . his reasons are , reas. 1. the landlords maintain'd the rebels ; therefore merit to be transplanted most . reply . and the tenants maintained the landlord , and the rebels too ; the first , immediately , the second , mediately . reas. 2. the landlords , maintaining the army should have had an equal share in the booty ; and to justifie this he brings scripture to confirm the irish dividing the goods after they had plundered the english . answ. but how know you they should ? have the english landlords that maintained the english army had an equal share in the booty they got ? or are the rebels acts which were lookt on as inhumane , now become sacred , and parallel to davids actings in the scripture ? the plundered english will hardly believe the preacher that brings this divinity . reas. 3. it will break their septs , which i confesse to be necessary , pag. 22. of the case of transplantation . answ. 1. i did , and do so still , by which he may see i was for the good of the english , and therefore needed not have been in such choler with me . 2. yet it does not infer his conclusion ; for the septs will be broke if the tenants be transplanted , and the landlords stay . 3. yet are not the septs broke by this , for only proprietors going , their eldest sons and other stay , who when their fathers die will still head their septs of parties . 4. the law has provided for this ( without transplanting ) an. 5. ed. 4. as by taking sirnames , &c. and for breaking their dependencies , an. 11. eliz. but this gentleman studies only martial law . 5. the septs may be broke by removing the landlords mutually out of their own into remoter counties , which was the way of transplantations our historians speak of , and former statesmen advis'd to . 3. but if it be only this he intends to put in execution , i shall not quarrel with him . but how to salve this proceeding with publick orders already given out , i confesse i know not ; those being general , if i have either eyes or ears ; and for private orders ( if there were any ) they were only to be taken notice of , by those to whom they were no secrets , and so could not by me ; collonel laurence then being resolved to condescend to me in the thing , i shall not quarrel with him for differing from me in words ; for what he knows i writ for him before ; and i am sure he acts for me now , if his sayings and doings differ not . choler in him began the quarrel , or a worse principle ; necessity made me take it up ; i must either submit to those crimes he charges me with , or by a reply discharge my self ; if he had used fewer ill words , he had not received so many ; which though perhapssharp , are neither scolding nor lies . if he had stayed to right authority , till i had wronged them , he had never been an apologist ; nay , it may be he has wrong'd them more ( in scribling so weakly for them ) then another could in writing strongly against them . if a conceited injury done to others made him thrust himself into print , a reall one done me speaks my excuse : let no poor sufferer by the irish betray his reason or religion to his passion here , to think no evils can be too great to be brought on the irish . it was their being cruel makes thee hate them so much ; to punish them , do no not run into their sin , least god punish thee ; do not think that he that writes this , and the case of transplantation pleads for them , but thy cause ; 't is safe , profitable for thee , that some be removed , not all ; this collonel laurence sayes shall be done , this i desired might be done ; where is my offence against authority more then his , my love to the irish more then his , or my care of thee lesse then his ; i was far from being moved by them to do what i have done , but by the english interest , as i apprehended ; i was by the english of kinsale and bandon chosen a member of the last parliament , and though their generosity was such , as by their own disbursments to offer to defray my journey for england , yet i accepted it not ; 't is unlikely the irish should corrupt me , and 't is a lie whoever shall say it , because he wants something else to say ; but i have tired my self to refute slanders , and am glad i shall now end . finis . [the bleeding iphigenia or an excellent preface of a work unfinished, published by the authors frind, [sic] with the reasons of publishing it.] french, nicholas, 1604-1678. 1675 approx. 108 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 53 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a40452 wing f2177 estc r215791 99827560 99827560 31982 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a40452) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 31982) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1847:23) [the bleeding iphigenia or an excellent preface of a work unfinished, published by the authors frind, [sic] with the reasons of publishing it.] french, nicholas, 1604-1678. [106] p. s.n., [london : 1675] leaf [cross]6 verso signed: n.n. = nicholas french. cf. dnb entry on french. title from leaf [cross]1; this work consists entirely of prefaces, without title page, in all copies known. imprint from wing. signatures: [cross]⁶ [chi]¹ *² 3*-7* 8*⁴. iphigenia = ireland. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng sall, andrew, 1612-1682 -early works to 1800. catholics -england -early works to 1800. catholics -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -church history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-02 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the bleeding iphigenia or an excellent preface of a work unfinished , published by the authors frind , with the reasons of publishing it . the picture of iphigenia ( one of the rarest peeces of antiquity ) goeing to be sacrifised for appeasing the anger of diana offended with her father king agamemnon for killing a stagg consecrated to that goddess , made timanthes the author therof very famous . hee placed in lively cullors , round about this faire princes , her kinsmen , frinds , allyes , and suite in great consternation , all drown'd in lamentations and teares ; but the gallant lady ( nothing in nature appear'd more comly ) smiled , bearing in her countenance a majesty , and contempt of death : soe charming was the art of this picture , that few could view it without teares . courteous reader , the author of this preface hath drawne another iphigenia of the body of a noble , ancient catholick nation cla'd all in redd robes , not to bee now offered up as victime ; but already sacrific'd , not to a profane deity , but to the living god for holy religion : look but on this our bleeding iphigenia , and i dare say you will lament her tragedy . 1. in the first place the author sets downe his owne feare and care about long eternity ( which should be the chiefest care of a christian ) confessing with griefe and compunction of hart , that hee had walk'd in daunger , even to the age of 71. years , and at length found himselfe touch't with that dreadfull theme : aut paenitendum aut ardendum . that is : either wee must doe pennance , or burne . this drove him to a resolution of laying aside all wordly intanglements , and conversations , for obtaining the kingdome of heaven and taking order with the house of his soule , for that hee was sure to dye , and could not live longe . 2. hee expresses a godly anger against his frind sall an apostata . sanctè irascitur qui pro deo irascitur . hat is : thee is justly angry , that is angry for gods cause . 3. hee delivers in sencible language the slavery ▪ ruine , and distruction of his deare country . 4. hee presents to the view of our gratious king charles the second a catholick people , his faithfull subjects wounded by theeves , and left halfe dead , like the miserable man , that went from hierusalem to ierico ; desiring his majesty with prayres , and teares to com neare and binde up rhe wounds of the afflicted , powring in oyle and wine , as did de godly semaritane . his language to the king is with submissive duty , and yet with a priestly freedome iudging with saint ambrose . neque imperiale est libertatem dicendi denegare , neque sacerdotale , quod sentiat , non dicere . that is : it is neyther kingly to deny the freedome of speaking , nor priestly , not to speake what hee thinks . 5. hee names in particulare certaine capitall , implacable , blooddy enemyes of his country , and gives them the caracters , they deserve : and to justify this , says with tertuliane , in hostem patriae , omnis homo miles est . that is : every man is a souldier against the enemy of his country . the subject of his writing was to reprove sall a iesuit of the fourth vow , for abjuring the catholick faith , and leauing his holy order : in the work hee proceeded to 8. or 9. chapters , and went noe further ; but i hope some zealous israelite will build upon the foundation hee hath laid , a handsome structure . you will perhaps inquire who hee is that began , and did not finish a good work ; hee is a learned worthy priest , of whome , all that know him , will say , ( his modesty may not be offended with the trueth's i utter ) hee hath beene all his life tyme , sincere in all his writings , ways , and conversation ; ( hee is truly one of those can say with seneca : quod sentimus loquimur , & quod loquimur sentimus . that is : i thinke what i speake , and speake what i thinke . ) ever loyall to his prince , faithfull to his country , and true to his frind ; and soe harty a lover of peace , with all kinde of men ; that hee neuer ingag'd in any contention , but what was pious for defending religion , and the jurisdection of the holy sea : in quarrells of this nature hee was still fervent , and feared noe man , and used to say with great ambrose in such incounters . nemini facio injuriam , si omnibus deum praefero . that is : i injure noe man by praeferring god before all . having considered with attention this sound preface , and finding the contents sollid , well ordered , and such as may be usefull to my poore country , i thought it my duty to make all publick to the world ; hoping that pious christians beholding the grievous wounds wee have received for god , and religion , from the enemys of both , will open the bowells of mercy to us soe sorely oppressed . i conclude with a word or two to my deare countrymen , recommending seriously to them all , at home and a broad , to humble themselves under the iudgments of god , and powre forth theire harts like water upon the earth , in contrition , teares , and prayrs ; which is the only way left for asswaging the anger of god , come upon us , for our owne sinns , and those of our forefathers ; initium salutis ( saith holy hierome ) est nostra intelligere , & flere peccata . that is : to understand and deplore our sinnes is the beginning of salvation ; and because a disease deeply rooted ( as ours ) needs a strong and long cure , it is fitting wee calle to minde that saying of saint ambrose . grandi plagae , alta , & problixa est opus medicina ; and apply the same . i beseech you , gentle reader , pray to god for my afflicted country , and for the catholick religion therin persecuted , that it be not wholy extinguished , and soe commending you to the tuition of the almighty , i remaine your humble servant in christ iesus n. n. amicus anonimus ad authorem anonimum . qvam bene magnates stringis : tibi dicere verum innatum est : aliis dissimurare placet . fallacias mundi , scriptor venerande , nec artes ; tu curas , ut mundum falsa docere probes . errata .   faults . corrected . pag. 5. discere dicere ▪   scilentio silentio pag. 7. syrus cyrus pag. 27. indigint indigent pag. 40. repelere repellere pag. 46. defensiones defensionis pag. 52. contumiles contumelies pag. 55. tili tell pag. 60. extorpated extirpated pag. 70. place peace pag. 76. weddower widdow 's pag. 79. erat erant pag. 83. furoro furore pag. 85. dissoluite dissolute . the censurs of a venerable and learned prelate , and three professors of divinity given of the bleeding iphigenia , in theire letters written to the publisher therof . the first . as for the bleeding iphigenia i perus'd it sencibly , and according to my sentiment , it is the best i perus'd yet upon that subject , and i am sure the fittest for the gaine of the nation , and therfore the more welcome that ever since theire misery i have seen . i would all our writers had contained themselves intra istos limites for the greater satisfaction of poore soules , qui persecutionem patiuntur propter justitiam . if i had the tree of life in my custody , i would give of the fruite to the author , vt deponeret senectam , aeternumque patriae viveret . i have noe more to say , but remaine your owne for ever . tertio februarii , 1675. the second . gratias humillimè ago pro iphigenia mihi nuper transmissa , quae verè sanguinolentam hiberniae faciem vivis coloribus adumbrat : opus est peridoneum , ut afflictis catholicis non parum suppeditet solatii , atque animorum , ut laeto vultu tristes casus , & erecta fronte iniqua persequentium tela excipiant . scenam quoque sat apertam adversantium oculis proponit , in qua sua delicta sine fuco agnoscant , agnita plangant , ac laesam aequitatem resarciant , nisi velint supremi tribunalis feralem catastrophen experiri ; quando scilicet in scenam prodibit laesa metanaea , ac mucronem iphigeniae cervicibus incumbentem ipsa arripiet , ad sumendam de iniquis ultionem . gratulor ego hujus operis authori , in quo agnosco singularem eruditionem , cum sincero patriae a more decertantem , utraque apud aequum lectorem palmam feret . utinam in aliis tantum valeat religio & aequitas , quantum in authore scientia & charitas . 27 februarii , 1675. the third . i have exacttly perused the preface or bleeding iphigenia , and read it twise over , it is full of sollid truths , excellently well expressed . for my owne part i never took it into my hands , but i found my selfe mou'd to a tender compassion upon the account of those distressed fuffering catholicks in ireland . our good god the father of mercy , be to them a mercifull comforter , i think morouer that those , who shall read this preface and feel not themselves moved to pitty the affliction of those distressed , and now violently oppressed servants of almighty god , have harts harder then stones , and that god will show his iust iudgment upon them , even in this world . much more i could say in commendation of this little book , but am loath togive you the trouble of soe long a letter . the prefiged title pleases mee extreamly . and shall not the bleeding iphigenia make the most obdurate to relent ? i am sure the whole learned , and well pondered discourse will draw teares from innumerable . my cordiall wish is that it draw compassion from those that have massacred iphigenia , and should before all others shed teares with repentance . 13'th februarii 1675. the bleeding iphigenia deserves a virgil or homer to commend it . no such poets now living , be pleased to receive my judgment of that discourse in the ensuing vers. i am ever your owne . 23'th ian. 1675. iphigenia sanguinans . sanguinat ante aras hoc iphigenia libello , quis nisi praedurus temperet a lacrimis ? magnates , duros magnetes innuit esse , quos non confringit , non movet iste cruor . transit levites plangens ; quid samaritanus ? durus percussam morte perire sinit : sic gentem superis fidam , & te semper amantem rex das mactandam ? regis an iste amor est ? insontem perimunt amente furore rebelles ; te regem ostende , & ne patiare mori : lex naturalis , lex hoc divina reposcit , sunt jura haec regi non violanda pio . parcito subjectis , & debellato superbos ; in te ne justi saeviat ira dei. tandem levites vinumque oleumque puellae infundit plagis , & ducit in stabulum . est medicus levita pius ; nec dicere verum principibus trepidat ; totus amat patriam . vive diu levita precor , quo fcribere possis , omnes ô mecum dicite , vive diu . the preface to the studious reader . after a toylsome peregrination for the space of full seaventy years in this babilon of confusion and miseryes , ( wherin men are soe strangely tormoyl'd , that the pleasures they enjoy , often become theire greatest torments . ) i began at length with a sencible care to consider of long eternity , purposing , to lay aside all false contentment , deceiving illusions , and prophaine conversations , heavy chains i haue carry'd to long with small pleasure , and great feare ▪ and although i found great danger in carrying them , yet i had not courage enough to shake them of for good and all . vere trahebam catenam meam ( to use s. augustins language ) solui timens . my declining age forewarning mee the downfall of my decaying body would be soon , and perhaps suddaine , bid mee prepare for a surer , and a more durable habitation ; and it seemed to mee my guardian angell whispered to my disquieted soule even the same words the prophet isaie uttered to king ezechias when dangerously sick . thus saith our lord : take order with thy house , for thou shalt dye , and shalt not live . this inevitable alarme of dying raysing a high storme within mee , i concluded without further fluctuation to spend the short remnant of tyme i haue to live , in pennance , holy contemplation , prayers , and mortification for schanselling with tears ( if god would be soe pleased ) the sinns and vanitys of my former life . i had hardly begun to settle my minde in this devine meditation , when behold a printed paper from london came to hand , of a publick abjuration of the roman catholick faith made by andrew sall a iesuit of the fourth vow . this paper indeed gave mee a great heaviness of hart , for i loved the man dearly for his amiable nature , and excellent parts , and esteemed him both a pious person and learned , and soe did all that knew him , but i see wee were all deceiu'd in him . however this suddaine change of him made mee say with a sad attention those words of saint paul. hee that thinketh himselfe to stand , let him take heed least hee fall . for god knowes i noe way feared this man would have falen into herisy . as i was reading with great attention sall's abjuration i call'd to minde that great read dragon , whose tayle drew the third part of the starrs of heauen , and cast them to the earth . and then said to my selfe , the tayle of an infernall beast had cast this sall to the earth out of a little heaven : ( the state of religion ) wherin for a tyme , hee shined like a small starr in vertue , and learning . after deserting the socitey of iesus and running away with infamy and shame , out of the whole house of god i could not endure him , and therfore resolued to give him a sharp reprehension : at which if hee shall repine , and fall into choller for my indevouring to doe him good , i shall hould that for an ill symptome of his disease qui corripientem eum contemnit ( saith salomon ) non sequetur eum sanitas . some sick men there are , that now and then think themselves sound and well , when they are most sick , all those can not abide the sight of a doctor , which is a kinde of madness : if sall be one of those , his cure will be the harder ; however for charity-sake , and for the ancient amity wee had , i will imploy all paynes , and dilligence for healing him , but the cure must come from aboue , ab illo medico in caelis , qui spargit medicamentae in terris . farre it is ( god knowes ) from my minde to add affliction to his afflictions , sufficiat diei malitia sua : nec unquam fuit mea consuetudo lacerato animo discere vitia amicorum , talem zelum ( ut cum s. augustino loquar ) semper fensui magis impetum punientis , quam caritatem corrigentis . the same saint tells mee how to handle sall. dilige , ( saith hee ) & dic quod voles . but what shall i doe to a man , that hath stained his soule with the spott of herisy ? with what waters shall i wash him for wyping away the staine , with those of siloe , quae fluunt cum scilentio , or those of rasin quae transeunt cum tumultu ? the last seem the more naturall for purifying him ▪ though my inclination is more for the soft running waters of siloe . had sall's sinn beene noe more then a slipp of ignorance , or frailty , wee could have covered him with a mantle of charity ; but the abominable abjuration of faith being a sinn of a high nature , and full of impiety against god , against christ and his unspotted spouse , against charity and the holy ghost , i can not be silent , but must openly rebuke his wickedness , and maintaine truth against him before all the world : can i see aman deare to mee , vaunting and soe desperatly defying the hostes of the living god , and say nothing ? that cannot be : silence here were a great sinne being the true tyme of taking up davids sling and stone and throwing at this gyant dominering and vaporing against the camp of israell . i am not to powre oyle upon the head of such a sinner , flattery will not cure him , i must then in charity chide him and exprobrat his deserting the catholick faith ; and if hee is wise and penitent , hee will say with repenting david . the just shall rebuke mee in mercy , and shall reprehend mee : but let not the oyle of a sinner fatte my head . after lamenting sall's woefull perversion , i begin to think of my deare contry's affliction , and with feare , and amazement to inquire the ground and cause of persecution there and in enland . nothing was less feared ( i am confident ) by the catholicks of both kingdoms then a tempest of this nature to come upon them , lying safe ( as they conceived ) under the wings of soe great and mercyfull a monarck , as charles the second , a king of pardons . how then say men came this about ? how could soe clement a king be induced to afflict soe loyall a people , as the catholicks of england , and ireland ? i see noe mistery in this business , all is cleare : theire affliction , and cause therof is well knowne over all europ , and is ( as i may say ) even the same with that of innocent daniell , whose loyall fidelity to syrus king of babylon , was soe cleare , as his malignant enemys said expressly of him , wee shall not finde against this daniell any occasion unless perhaps in the law of his god ; the crime then against daniell and all the jews was theire religion : upon this ground the counsellers and great men of the kingdome gott the king to sett forth an edict against the jewes for professing theire religion , and by this means daniell was cast into the lake of the lyons by a king that lou'd him . the king lou'd daniell but hee feared the great men , who pressed the law to be executed against daniell , and this feare more strong in the king then love , made poore daniell companion to the lyons . your religion noble contry-men , your religion is the sole cryme , for which you suffer : ( blessed for ever be the name of god for this ) your religion hath stirred up this tempest , which ought not to terrifye you over much , seeing the apostles our first captains and leaders in this holy cause , those darlings of god , endured hard things for religion : prisons , whippings , contumilies , and all sorts of vexations were to them delights , and consolations : they after being scurged went from the sight of the councell rejoycing , because they were accounted worthy to suffer reproach for the name of jesus . doe not therfore feare all that men can doe against you , while with tears and patience you march under the purple standart of crucify'd jesus , for in the end , the day , and victory will be yours : feare not the power of men in this glorious tryall , there be more with you , then against you , ( legions of angells though you see them not ) those heavenly hostes are pitching theire tents round about you . hee that led the children of israell out of egypt in wonders through the redd sea , neuer wants power to deliver you : waite for his good tyme , for hee will come . a table of sage counsells , that hung by the bed of ptolomeus arsacides king of egypt , ( by him religiously obserued all the tyme of his raigne , ) was delivered by a priest of the idols to the wise emperour marcus aurelius , whoe dying gave it to his sonn with this short speech . my sonn leaving you emperour of many kingdoms , i presume you will with that great power be feared of all , and if you wil faithfully keep the godly counsells in this table , you shall be infalibly beloved of all . the table of counsells . 1. i neuer deny'd ( said the vertuous king ptolomeus ) justice to a poore man , for being poore ; nor pardoned a rich man for being rich . 2. i neuer loved a rich wicked man ; nor hated a poore just man. 3. i neuer granted favours to men for affection ; nor distroy'd men to satisfy my passion . 4. i neuer deny'd justice to any demanding iustice ; nor mercy to the afflicted and miserable . 5. i neuer passed by evill without punishing it ; nor good withovt rewarding it . 6. i neuer did evill to any man out of malice ; nor villany for avarice , 7. i was neuer without feare in prosperity ; nor without courage in adversity . 8. my dore was neuer open to a flatterer ; nor my eare to a murmuring detractor . 9. i indeavoured still to make my selfe beloved of the good ; and feared of the evill . 10. i ever favoured the poore that were able to doe little for themselves ; and i was evermore favoured by the gods , that were able to doe much for all . those rare counsells should be exposed in the houses of kings and all puplick places to the view of men , to be knowne of all in theire respective dignitys and callings : and it would be a pious and noble action , if our gratious souveraigne would be pleased to consider seriously with himselfe , how farre these just and laudable counsells haue been regarded during the tyme of his raigne , especially in conferring of estates and lands from one part of his subjects , to another part of them contrary to all due course of law , and without hearing of the partys oppressed , which hath been procured to be done by the undue information , and perswation of certaine of his councellers , and ministers of state , and chiefly of the chancellor the earl of clarindon . if his majesty shall doe this grace , and justice to his catholick subjects of ireland , thousands of widow's and orphans will be eased and relieved , who now sitt downe in great poverty , lamenting extreamly their lands , houses and all they had wrongfully taken from them , and this day possessed and injoy'd by those invaders . god bindes all kings , and iudges by this commandement : thou shalt not doe that which is uniust nor iudg uniustly . consider not the person of a poore man , neither honour thou the countenance of him that is mighty . judg justly to thy neighbour . god alsoe forbids to give away one subjects bread to another ; reason , vertue , and the lawes of god , nature and nations are the rules that ought to guid all princes and magistrats in the goverment of the people under them . did not god himselfe complaine of evell iudges in this kinde . how is the faithfull cittie , full of iudgment , becom an harlott ? iustice hath dwelled in it , but now man-killers . the princes are unfaithfull , companions of thieves ▪ al love guifts , follow rewards . they iudge not for the pupil : and the widowes cause goeth not in to them . and againe our lord saith . they are made grosse and fatt : and haue tranegressed my words most wickedly . the cause of the widow they have not iudged ; the cause of the pupil they have not directed , and the iudgment of the poore they have not iudged . shall i not vissite upon these things , saith our lord ? or upon such a nation shall not my soule take revenge ? certainly it is against gods just iudgment to omitt such things , and crimes unpunished . there are thousands of distressed catholick pupils , and wedowes ( his majesty cannot chuse but know it ) that have not gott iustice ; whose cause and complaint had noe entrance into his courtes ; they cry'd out for iustice , and were not heard , they cry'd for mercy , and found it not ; and such as live of those oppressed soules are still crying to heaven , and the king for remedy ; poore desolate and dejected , they are waiting at the doore of the kings pallace and noe regard is had of theire tears , prayres , and petitions . wee are indeed becom the reproach of all nations round about us , by the craft and iniquity of states men , that have poysoned the fountaine of iustice , it is said of some of those that theire vices have farre exceeded theire vertues , and that in all theire proccedings against our nation , there was found in them noe truth , noe integrity , noe religion , noe shame ; but an insatiable covetousness , and a flameing ambition of making themselves great and powerfull : and are not such men say you able to poysen the fountaine of iustice ( and mercy toe ) in a kingdome . this sore oppression , and our necessitys every day growing greater , forceth us to implore iustice and mercy , and to minde the king of what the apostle saith to a king. non enim sine causa gladium portat . if the law of god will alow of soe many thousands of innocents to be destroy'd , is a maxim , that toucheth much his royall wisdome , and to be distroy'd and sacrificed to augment the estates of men , that were great and rich enough before : can iustice suffer this ? can the mercifull brest of a clement king endure to see soe many sad spectacles of woes , and miserys without all relief ? will not god at long running look downe , and examin these cruell proceedings ? it hath been a principall care , and study of some statesmen neare the king , to oppress and overthrow the catholicks of ireland , and at the same tyme to perswade his majesty , that wee ought to be destroy'd by iustice and law. theire malice they have evidenced in theire language , and viperous writings . of this stuff you have enough in the earle of orerys answer to peter welsh his letter to the then marquis , now duke of ormond desiring ajust and mercifull regard of the reman catholicks of ireland : what could be more rationall then such a demaund ? yet orery must quarrell with the contents of said letter , and beleh out poyson against the whole ▪ nation and theire religion . to this answer p. w. replyed and solidly confuted orery : lett the indifferent reader after deliberation iudge of which side truth , sollid reason , and learning is in the writings of both . it vexed orery above all measure that p. w. advanced these two propositions . 1. that the worst of the irish papists were no regicids , 2. that the irish papists fought against such men , when england , scotland , and the protestants of ireland deserted the royall cause . to the first orery makes this pittifull answer . that the irish papists are no regicids ; let it be considered , that the doctrin of regicids is common in romish schools , and the practice in theire courts . this is a false calamny , tell us orery in what romish university or school is this doctrin common ? in what catholick court is this practice ? you can not tell us , and therfore you are convinced of calumniating catholick schools , and courts , which is no creditt for you . in the meane tyme wee demaund orery in what school was the doctrin had , by which crumwell and the rabble of blooddy rebells murthered the good king charles the first , in the school of geneve or rome ? speak freely your minde , and tell us on what side were you when the king was murthered , of crumwells party or the kings ? of crumwells party you were then , and had you been then in london likely ( this is the opinion of many ) you had been a high man in that blooddy jury ; and after that kings death noe man desired more ( as was generally spoken of you ) to king crumwell , and unking our present soveraigne then you . to p. w. his second proposition you answer thus . that to touch the annoynting , is virtually to touch the annoynted , take away the regalia , and in effect you take away the king. orery all this is true , but what illation make you of this ? who i pray are those that touched the annoyntings , and the annoynted , the catholicks of ireland ; or cromwells party ? ( whose faithfull ianniser you haue been . ) the annoyntings you haue touch'd formally , all the regalia , the kings cittys , townes , forts , militia , and for addition to your treason you made open warre against the crowne and king , ( it was crumwell and you all touched then the annoynted virtually ) and here you stayd not , but touch'd the annoynted formally , when you put him to death by an unheard and most blooddy solemnity , and as it were by iustice or course of law , an asacinate , that hath contaminated the glory of the english nation , though the best and most of the peers and good people of england abhorr'd it . your answer to this second proposition you conclude thus . had the devill had leave to touch jobs person , hee would not haue spar'd him , when hee touch'd all that was his . you say right orery ; but what say you to this ; that you and your companions after touching all that was the kings , have touched his sacred person , and barbarously kill'd him . see and recken among your selves , what kinde of divells you were then , and if you haue not gon a stepp farther against your owne king , then the divell did against job . orery you might take us for men of short memory , if wee should forgett , how you by a way of rallery said of 54. catholick gentlemen nominees , that were to be restored , ( and made account they should be soe ) to theire chief houses , and 2000. akers of ground , that it was intended by the act , they should be only nominees , nomine restorable , but not re . you have play'd the prophett orery ( though you spake in a leering way ) for as yet none of them have been restored , ( as wee are informed ) nor likely shall ; yett at that tyme you abused the kings goodness and credulity , assuring his majesty , there was a sufficient stock of reprisalls to satisfy all . after taking some paines , in reading over the hott ( papering ) contention between the earl of orery , and father peter welsh frier minor lector of divinity , i found orery's answer to p. w. his letter to the then marquis now duke of ormond , to be an eloquent , pollished , elaborated piece , but full of cavills , artifice , fallacies , untruths , and sophistry ; all his study and paynes tend to render the catholicks of ireland odious , and infamous , and theire peace of 1648. voyd : ( rem non bonam facis orere , ultra vires tuas est negotium ) hee showes in his writings a bitter soule , and a great pride and presumption , ( i owe not soe much to his degree as to spare telling him truth , nor want i confidence to defend truth , and my country , against a person of higher quality then hee is . ) neuer came in my way an author , that writes of a whole nation , and theire religion , less christianly , less nobly , and less truly ; and for his paynes hee is worthy of the praise s. angustin gives to such aman , as this : ingenium in malo venenum in auro . upon a bull of vrbanus 8. to the confederate catholicks of ireland anno 1643. he makes a mocking malicious coment . this bull imports noe more then an exhortation to the catholicks to free themselves from the oppressions , and grivous injuries , theire fellow subjects the protestants did them , who had designed to pull them up roote and bransh , ( as was evidently made appeare ) hee alsoe praised the catholicks for indevouring to defend themselves , and theire religion , and gave them indulgences in soe just and good a quarrell ; his holliness speaks not a word in all against the king , nor obedience due to the king ; richard belings esquire agent to that pope from the confederate catholicks hath atested , that his holliness commaunded him to tell his children the catholick confederats , that hee would have them in defending themselves , and religion , to continue constantly obedient to theire king , and after his holliness sent an excellent and pious letter to the suprem councell of the confederate catholicks , of which i shall speak more hierafter . will not the world rather believe his holliness owne letters , and the messenger wee sent him , in declaring his sence in the aforsaid bull , then orery the popes enemy ? what i pray is contained in that bull , that an honest man can reprehend ? would orery have the pope be soe madd , as to forbid his children to defend themselves and religion against him , and his companions ? good god how this man doth abuse this popes pious and good meaning expressed in foresaid bull , which orery tells the world was a cherishing of the catholicks in rebellion , as if our taking up armes for our necessary defence of lives , and religion against the protestants our fellow subjects could haue been a rebellion , as hee would faine perswade his reader , and that the popes aforsaid bull was a cherishing of the catholicks in a rebellion : to which purpose hee speaks thus . if the popes power over the irish be soe great , theire obedience to the king must be little : as if the religion of the catholicks had an inconsistency with theire duty and obedience to the king , which is most false . the popes power over the people is in spiritualibus ; the kings power in temporalibus ; and those powers doe wel agree ( as is evidently knowne over all the world ) in the power of catholick princes over theire subjects , and in the popes power over the same people ; those powers , and juridictions in catholick tymes in england did not clash , nor doe they now in theire nature , the catholick people paying theire duty to both ; it is true the luminare majus ( the pope ) catholicks venerate more , then luminare minus ( the king ) because luminare majus hath the greater light and influence ; yet they doe not therfore omitt to pay due veneration to the king. orery brings noe proofe , or sound argument , to prove what hee assumed , ( that the pope's bull was sent for cherishing a rebellion , ) but his owne authority , which with us hath little creditt , and will soe with any , that shall know his ways and dealings . i pray orery to make this reflection , whether there have ever been in the world more execrable and blooddy rebells then himselfe and companions ▪ who had noe dependence upon the pope , but quite contemned his authority , and his person hated . hee will not ( i hope ) say the pope cheris'd theire rebellion . the man hath much strained his brains in impugning the mentioned bull ; and as if hee had done a great bussiness , says thus of the irish catholicks . if they succeed , heaven and ireland is theirs ; if they succeed not , heaven is theirs . orery by the quarrell , wee intended to hold what of ireland was ours , against invaders ; who can blame us for this ? and fighting for religion , wee had a good claime to heaven ; and though wee succeeded not in fighting , our claime to heaven is still good by our faith and good works ; this claime all our enemys , with the protestant parlaments of england , and ireland are not able to take from us . orery and all of his band , and combination hath dealt with us as the divill did with iob ; the divill touch't all that was job's , except his life ; orery and his people have touched all that was ours except our soules , which wee hope in his devine mercy god will preserve for his owne worship and glory , soe as wee have still title to say , heaven is ours : but hee and his cannot say for themselves , heaven is ours , untill they shall change , theire religion into a true faith , doe good worcks , and restore what they haue uniustly taken from us . i will here sett downe a few of orerys propossitions , let the reader after perusing them , iudge of them . in his auswere to p. w. his letter to the marquis of ormond hee calls the irish nation a beast , the country a very pest-house , and the religion of the catholicks somthing that pinns them upon the sleeve of the pope . was ever such a diffinition given of religion ? s. paul defines faith thus . est fides sperendarum substantia rerum , argumentum non apparentium . the apostle speaks nothing here of pinning , or of the popes sleeve . orery this kind of scoffing rallery in holy things is ignoble , and better becoming comedians then counsellors . wee owe the pope and his sacred dignity due obedience , which wee will with gods blessing religiously pay all our lives , fremant , frendeant , rumpantur invidia oreri & mille impij nugatores ; and this obedience did neuer take away , obedience due to our king , nor ever will. who but a beast would call a noble and ancient nation a beaest ? sum will tell him he kicks against the whole nation , because hee is a beast , highly pampered , and fed with honours , lands , and riches . did ever any call the faire country of ireland a pest-house but this man ? why came soe many poore indigint men out of england this age into this pesthouse to make theire fortunes ? why came his father thither ( likely hee hath herd , in what state , and plight his father then was ) hee found himselfe very well for many yeares in this pest-house . in his answer to p. w. hee speaks these godly words . let it not seem strange or hard , at least to p. w. and his country-men , if a continued series of covenant-breaches , rapines , murthers , massacres , crueltys , perfidies , treasons , and rebellions , exercised against the crowne , and protestant religion , raise jealousies in the harts of all iudicious protestants . is not this a pious gloss of a geneua presbiterian upon a wicked theme ? doth not hee show the spleen , and rancor of a cankered hart , in this high tone , and storme of language against a whole catholick nation ? orery it is a great callumnie , that the body of the confederat catholicks exercised , rapins , murthers and those other abominations , or acted any thing against king and crowne . to the contrary in theire oath of association you will finde an express branch of defending the crowne , king , and royall family . wee are not accountable for what murthers , some of the common people at the first rising in the north , committed against poore protestants , with the taking away of theire cattel and goods ; which wee pittied with all our harts : the body of the catholicks were not , as yet com into the quarrell ( but awhile after were forced to take arms to avoyd theire owne destruction which could not be otherwise avoyded ) and since taking arms they have done all a long what the lawes of a just warr allow'd . but when you have your selfe commaunded a part of the parlaments rebellious army have you contained your common soldiers from murthering , and robbing the innocent common people ? wee found the contrary by experience . orery pagina 28. of his answer to p. w. plays the hypocrite with a great show of holiness . however ( saith hee ) the once seduced protestants of ireland are willing to take shame to themselves , and give glory to god in confessing their guilt such , ( though not by causing , yet by complying wtth the late usurpation , though to a good end ) that they redily acknowledg , they owe theire lives and estates to his majesty's grace and indulgence . this is humble and dutifull language , and such as should be spoken to a king , but all is spoken to a king coming home with tryumph , and entring , into ierusalem with osanna in excelsis , benedictus qui venit in nomine domine : but to this kings father , a king and the fountaine of iustice , as well as the royall sonne , sorely afflicted , what were the salutations , and cry's of orerys companions ? tolle , tolle , crucifige : some men have witt to change theire dialect of speaking according to the change of tymes , and fortune , orery is said to be one of these . i pray you heare the scurrill impudency of this people in tyme of theire rebellion , sending in a derisory manner huae and cry after his majesty , when they could not light on his royall person . if any man can bring any tale , or tydings of a wilfull king , who had gon a stray these foure years from his parlament , with a guilty conscience , bloody hands , a hart full of brooken vowes , and protestations : if these marcks be not sufficient , there is another in the * mouth , for bid him speak and you will soone know him : then give notice to britanicus , and you shall be well payd for your paines . god saue the parlament . who may not doubt but these kinde of men are those crept in unawarrs , who ( as the apostle jude tells us ) despise dominion , and speak evill of dignities : did not the same apostle foretell , that there should be such mockers in the last tyme , whoe should walke after theire owne ungodly lustes . i hope orery will not say the great rebells , the irish catholicks ( such hee would haue them be ) did ever revile afflicted majesty in such a scoffing way : truly they did not , but at all tymes , and upon all occations in theire pulpitts , theire congregrations , and publick assemblyes they spake of the king with all veneration , and compassion . now his majesty coming home in prosperity , those mockers of his father are all becom purify'd musaellmans and speake nothing but magnalia of the king. for all this , there are thousands of good true protestants , royallists in england that still feare , those new penitents , for abusing royall autority ( or at least faigne themselves soe to be ) would be glad to heare once more that millitary word as you were , and if this shall com about , the king will not have soe dutifull language from them . that orery says hee and other protestants complyed with the usurpation to a good end , is a strange expression , hee needs explaine himselfe . they invaded all the regalia , that is , they took away the kings navy , forts , townes , militia , and in the end they murther'd the king himselfe . does orery call this a good end of complying with the usurpation . the truth is , orery and his companions in ireland came home , when they could noe longer stand of ; the king may thank generall muncks ingenious stratagem for theire coming in , theire intention and ways were well knowne . now the kings worke being don by munck with all wished success ( soe as those in ireland had noe power to hinder it ) then orery and the rest thought fitt to cry out let the king live ; and as hee and his trusty comrades syding with the usurpation , had goverment and places of trust and profitt ( they then all danced to crumwells pype ) soe now they court the king returning home , and show themselves great penitents , taking shame to themselves of theire guilt , and giving glory to god. is not this a great glory to god , to confess a rebellion , they could noe more deny , then wee can deny its day when the sonne is shining and scorching the earth . that which much troubles orery , is , that the irish catholicks doe not acknowledg themselves guilty of a rebellion with him , and give glory to god that way , but they being , not guilty of such rebellion and treason against the crowne answer with s. augustine , praestat magis innocentem esse quam poenitentem . orery ingag'd ( as aboue was said ) in a horrid rebellion , if hee could make the catholicks confess themselves to have been rebells , if this hee could compass , hee would indeed triumph , and say in a leering way : behold the irish catholicks confess they have been rebells as well as wee ; but wee have obtain'd pardon , which was denyed them , and have gott theire estates and lands to boot ; let them now walk through out the world like poor and naked rebells . but of our side some will say , that at the tyme orery and his people had pardon , and the catholicks not : non erat rex iupiter omnibus idem . and that his majesty's censure in the case between us was that the poet speaks of . dat veniam coruis , vexai censura columbas . certainly his majesty , in our , and your case , orery , hath not walk't according to plato his excellent rule : non infaelix , sed malus semper castigandus est , ut fiat melior . not the unlucky , but the wicked man , is allways to be chastysed , that hee may be amended . the royall iudgment went quite another way , for the unfortunate irish catholicks were severly punished , and the wicked crumwelian people have bin pardoned , and rewarded with the estates of the irish catholicks . kingdoms a broad can hardly believe matters were soe carryed . likely these people are now contented , having theire harts desire in this world , soe as they may say without feare ireland is ours . but theire memory will perish , and themselves , or theire posterity will be distroyd by as wicked men as themselves that distroy'd us . salomon sayd well : the memory of the just is with praises : and the name of the impious shall rott . i will give orery and his frinds a good counsell out of the wise man ▪ stuppa collecta synagoga potententium , & consumatio illorum flamma ignis . the sinagog of sinners is as tow gathered together , and theire consummation a flame of fire . this man for wounding catholicks makes arrows of all wood , and frequently brings out this expression of the king against them . wee doe extreamly detest the odious rebellion , which the recusants of ireland have without ground or cullour , raised against us , our crowne , and dignity . hee further says : these words of the king were not spoken in a corner but under the great seal , and were worthy to be written with a beame of the sonne . all this is but an exaggeration to render us more odious . but will orery tell us , with what beame would hee have the blooddy rebellion of crumwell , of himselfe and the rest written ? if there be any brighter then that of the sonne wee are to seek out for it . orery knows well there is noe fouler staine , ( except heresy which is a spirituall rebellion ) then that of rebellion , and therfore leaves noe stone unmou'd to make our warre such : the name is execrable and ignominious , and the marks of reproach inflicted upon rebells , are full of disgrace . the civilians speak much of them , as thus . rebellis , incurrit , ipso jure paenam mortis . rebellis , perdit ipso jure dominium bonorum rebellis , potest a quolibet impuné occidi . rebelli , nec jus reddi debet . rebelles , subditi , tanquam piratae & latrones tractari solebant . rebellium domus solo aequari debent & sale spargi . rebellium legati possunt occidi . rebelles perdunt privilegia , & pro mortuis habentur , non habent civitatum beneficia , non jus azili , neque servanda est eijs fides . rebelles non debent in iudicium citari , sed celeri vindicta puniri ; & rebellionis factum fufficit absque sententia declaratoria . seing rebells are soe odious and execrable persons , orery is to make in this place a dubble reflection ; the first , how infamous and wicked men they have been , whose guilt was a confessed rebellion ; secondly they are for ever to praise the kings clemency , who pardoned soe wicked a crime . the iudgment of civilians , of rebells being as above specifyed noe greater injury can be done to the irish catholicks , who have beene still loyall to the king , then to tell the world , theire just warre was a rebellion . however it imports not much , that our enemys call us soe , for an enemys testimony against another enemy , is of small force : my possitive denyall of what hee affirmes is a iustification good enough ; if hee brings not against mee , tabulas , testes and great evidences , hee does nothing . my present subject of writing is not to iustify the irish warre of 1641. which , i heare , is already don by a learned penn ; yet somthing i will say for confuting orery's ill affected iudgment of us and our quarrell . that a defenfive warre can be raised without the consent and authority of any prince is a common doctrin of divines , canonistes , and civilians , and that it may somtymes extend it selfe in effect to the nature of an offensive warre . this doctrin is warranted by the law of nature , ( a more binding law then are the possitive law 's of men , ( which if repugne to that of nature are noe law ' s ; ) for by this law , aman can defend himselfe against violence with out recurring to the prince . the law of god is alsoe for the like defence . si effringens vir domum sive effodiens fuerit inventus , & accepto vulnere mortutus fuerit , percussor non erit reus sanguinis . if the tbiefe be found breaking up the house or undermining , and receiuing a wound dye , the stricker shall not be guilty of blood . by this divine precept , as alsoe by the law of nature , it is cleare and evident a private man may kill another in defence of his houshold goods . sed multo magis ( says s. thomas ) licitum est defendere propriam vitam , quam propriam domum . that is to say ' it is much more lawfull for aman to defend his life then his house . ergo if aman kills another in defence of his owne life , hee shall not be guilty of murther : which case is to be understood , that hee intends not to kill t'other man but in defence of his owne life ; and though some hould ; the man defending himselfe may not intend the killing of that other man , but only the preservation of his owne life , yet the more common opinion is , hee can , and any other thing else that tends , to the preservation of his life . the sacred canons alsoe subscribe to this doctrin in this dialect . sine principis authoritate per aliquod particulare bellum licitum est alicui injuriam repelere . that is : it is lawfull without the authority of the prince , for any man by a particular warre to repell injuries . if you question by what authority is such a warre legitimated , answer is given out of the cannons . authoritate iuris : which warranteth all men to prosecute theire right , and defend themselves ; see the divines . by the lawes of the kingdom of ireland , if a private man kills another se defendendo , hee is quitt , because the action is judged lawfull , and yet to legitemat such an act the princes authority interuenes not , the reason is evident , because : id licitum est jure naturali , divino , & civili , & canonico : by the law of nature , devine , civill , and cannon , it is lawfull by force , to repell force . azor. it is here to be obserued that this inculpable defence hath soe large an extent , that it reacheth to the defence not only of every privat mans life , but alsoe of his goods , chastity , honour , if such things can not be otherways preserued . soe s. thomas . now if such defense is lawfull for privat men , how much more for a common wealth or nation ? bonum enim commune excellentius , universalius ac subendé divinius est . bannez . for that a common good is more exellent , more universal , and somtymes more devine then a private good . and if it be lawfull to wage warre upon such inferiour motives , as is the preservation , or recovery of temporall goods , honour and the like , how much more lawfull is it to manage warre upon that supreme motive of defending , and preseruing , the catholick faith , without which there is noe salvation . this was the iudgment the pious and valiant machabees made of the warre they undertook , and nobly persued for theire religion and laws , which they preferd before theire wives and children , and all temporall things most deare unto them . the machabees being exhorted with the words of iudas exceeding good , &c. they resolued to fight and to encounter manfully : because the holy citty , and the temple were in-danger . for there was less care for theire wives , and children , and alsoe for theire bretheren , and kindsmen : but the greatest and principall feare was for the holiness of the temple . how farre a defensive warre may extend , the schoolmen tell us , and say that by accident , it may be somtyms lawfull for the common wealth to doe , and offer all such damages and evill , as may be done and offered in a just offensive warre . aliqnando ( saith bannez ) contingere potest , ut liceat illis , inferre hostibus omnia illa mala , que possunt in bello justo aggresivo . it may happen somtymes , to bee lawfull for those ingaded in a defensive warr , to doe all evills and damages which can be offered or don in a just offensive warr . which happeneth when the agressors are publick enemys , and when there is noe recourse to the prince , and that those defending themselves can noe otherwise avoyd the violence offered by the assailants . this was truly the case of the confederate catholicks as will clearly appeare to such as will be pleasd to examin it . moreover the case then stood soe with his majesty that hee was not able to redress the injuries don us , nor did our enemys then obay his commaunds , ( i mean a little after the warr begunn ) but the parlament , that fell from the king. for the better and clearer understanding the nature of a defenfive warr , those therin ingaged hould not themselves passively , but actively , soe doe the words repell or beat back signify : if the end it be lawfull , then are the necessary means to compasse that end alsoe lawfull : if the defence of on 's selfe be lawfull , then is the killing of the invader ( without which the life of the invaded cannot be preserued ) lawfull , soe as to kill is involued in the act of defence , and the lawfullness of the one inferrs the lawfullness of the other . si vis ( saith the civill law ) fiat personae , tunc licitum est se defend●re , & defendendo percutere , imo etiam occidere , si aliter non potest quis evadere manus ejus . if violence is don to a person , it is then lawfnll for him to defend himselfe , and defending himselfe to strick , and alsoe to kill , if hee cannot otherwise escape the hands , of his enemys . thus stood the case with the irish catholicks , that they must have kill'd , or have beene killed . yea soe great is the iustice of a defensive warr , that devines teach , it is lawfull for the sonne to defend himselfe against his father , the wife against her husband , the servant against his master , the subjest against his superiour , and the vassall against his prince or king. soe azor : nempe , licitum esse filio contra patrem , uxori contra maritum , subdito contra superiorem , vassallo contra principem sive regem se desendere . if it be lawfull for the subject or vassall in a just cause to defend himselfe against the prince , it must be lawfull to defend himselfe against his fellow subject , here i meet with an objection in which our adversarys put great force . the irish catholicks ( say they ) were the first aggressors . the objection is easily answered , as thus . it is a common doctrin of the devines , that it is lawfull to prevent an evill that can not be otherways avoyded then by preventing it , e. g. i see you take your pistoll in your hand cocking it to shoote at mee , in that case it is lawfull for mee to discharge my pistoll and kill you , otherwise i should be kill'd by you : will any law punish mee for killing you soe , would the law of god or nature have mee stay my hand untill i am kill'd by you . tannerus a good devine teacheth soe . licitum est etiam praevinire injustum aggressorem , si alia via commodae defensiones non supetat , & is jam aliqualiter est in culpae , sive in proposito aggressionis injustae versetur . it is lawfull to prevent an uniust invader , if there is noe other way of defence , and that astually the invavader is in fault or in a purpose of an uniust invation . becanus doth declare ( examining this question ) an aliquando liceat invasorem praevenire & illum occidere antequam nos actu invadat ? hee answers . licere in his casibus , primo , si accedat ad invadendum , nec evadere possum , nisi illum preveniam : secuudo , si nondum accedat , tamen instructus sit ad invadendum , nec possum effugere nisi priveniam . whether somtyms it is lawfull for us to prevent the invader , and kill him , afore he actually invad's us ? hee answers that it is , in these cases : first if hee coms to invade mee , and that i cannot escape but by preventing ; secondly if hee does not as yet invade mee , but is ready and prepared for that invation , and that i cannot avoyd him but by preventing : in this case if i kill him i doe it me defendendo , and consequently ( though i struck first ) i am the defender , and hee the aggressor . sotus navar corduba covar : and many houlds this doctrin , and navar gives this example , of a married man who has a dagger under his pillow , to kill his wife withall , which shee discovering and knowing may prevent by killing her husband , if there is noe other remedy ; the reason is , though actually hee has not done the execution , however hee is in a radiness to perform it , for which end hee kept her soe boulted up , and inuironed , as shee cannot otherwise escape . this was truly the case of the confederate catholicks at the beginning of the warr , they were boulted up in an iland , as that woeman in the chamber ; there was noe doore open for them , then by preventing the presbiterians blooddy designe ; if this they had not done , there had beene an end of them all . richard bealings esquire to vrbanus 8s ; from the body of the irish catholicks , and the lord bishop of fernes , and sir nicholas pluncket sent to innocentius x. did not tell those popes they came from a body of rebells , but from a people catholick the king of england's subjects , and for such they were respected , and vissited by the greatest princes , and cardinalls in the citty : and foure of the gravest cardinaells were deputed by pope innocentius to heare the two last , as caponi , spada , carassa , and pansirolli cardinall secretari , and the afforsaid bishop and noble gentlemen , were esteemed over all the citty for good catholicks , good subjects , and able men ; and with other instructions received commaunds from theire holliness to the people of ireland , to continue constant in the catholick religion , and loyalty to theire king. thus much i thought fitt to say by way of digression for iustifying our warr that it was noe rebellion , and that this argument of orery , the king call'd the warr of the irish catholicks a rebellion , ergo it is a rebellion doth not hould ; it is true , it is a received maxim , that the king can wrong noe man. the reason is , because the king is the fountain of iustice , and must be supposed not to have a will to wrong or offend any of his people . but there is noe maxim that the king may not be informed by evill men or counsells , to the distruction of his people , which hath been often done by statesmen , and counsellors , who seek after theire owne interest more then the preservation of the people , which is and ought to be the kings principal care : in this kinde the lord iustices in ireland , persons and burlase with a malignant part of the kings counsellors in the yeare 1641. informed his majesty that the catholicks of ireland without discrimination had entred into a rebellion , when only some discontented men began a revolution in the north , and those ( as was generally spoken ) men of small estates , and broken fortunes , the lords and gentlemen of the other three provinces , and all the catholick townes , and corporations having not taken arms , untill forced thereunto for the necessary defence of theire estates , and religion , ( as aboue hath been said . ) i doe not heere accuse , or excuse the first rysing in the north , but i confidently affirme , the nobles , and catholick gentlemen in the other three provinces ( and some of those in the north to , that did not joyn with the first rysing in that province ) and all the catholick townes , and corporations , lived in soe happy a state and soe opulent and rich , that they would neuer abett a revolution for gaining other mens estates ; it is alsoe well knowne , that all those have bin still faithfull to the crowne , and theire fathers before them , as was well try'd in the warrs of desmon , tyron , and other smaller revolutions . thus it happend , that his majesty grounded his opinion upon the information of foresaid parsons bnrlays , and a mallignant part of the counsell , corrupt men , ( who after fell from the king and adhered to the kings enemys , the rebellious parlament . ) those represented the body of the irish catholick rebells ; and the king deceived , and deluded by this information , call'd us rebells , and our just warr a rebellion , and to this day wee were not heard to speak for our selves , and being unheard ▪ ought to be reputed innocent . it is to be obserued , that the first flame of the rising in the noth , had beene soon quenched , had parsons and those of the councell given a commission to the marquis of ormond now duke , to raise five thousand men , as hee demanded for that effect , with him had gon alonge , the catholick nobility and gentlemen , and soe they had made a speedy work of it : but the plott of those crooked ministers of state was to involue all the catholicks in the bussiness , and there by to finde a cullor of confiscating theire estates . orery stays not here , but puffed up with his great fortune and a gall in pupe tells the world in a supersilious manner . that the birds of the ayre ; noe , nor the flyes contributed less to his majestys restauration , then the roman catholicks in ireland . orery this is to much , this great contempt of the catholicks , coms from a great pride in you , and what you say is very false , for the harty prayres of the catholicks ( though with steel they could contribute nothing , being then unarmed , and closed up in prisons by you and your companions , ) have more contributed to the kings restauration then birds and fly's that want reason could . are wee bound to suffer this and other great contumiles from a man soe lowly discended , as to tell us , the whole nation is a beast , our country a pest-house , and our religion somthing that pinns us upon the popes sleeve ? shall wee indure all this from a man that hath bin esteemed one of crumwells spyes , ( to be a spy , is an infamous office . ) orery if you are an englishman ( as you would have your selfe to be , and likwise the duke of ormond , ) it is true the duke was born in england , and of an english lady ( som say , had hee bin born in ireland , hee had been kinder to the nation and favoured them more then hee did upon the last settlement ) but his forefathers have all of them beene borne in ireland about four hundred and sixty years , and the house had the creation of earle in king edward the third's tyme anno domini 1332. orery you cannot say soe much for your selfe in the ranck of nobility but be what you will , english or irish , i will tell you what an english gentlemen writes of you , ( i have my selfe seen the man ) disguised under the name of william allen , in a most excellent piece , stiled killing is noe murther , speaking therin of the quality's of a tyrant applying all to crumwell , of the fift quality hee speaks thus . in all places they have theire spyes , and delators , that is , they haue fleetwoods ; theire broughalls , theire s. iohns , ( besides innumerable small spyes ) to appeare discontented , and not to side with them ; that under that guise , they may gett trust , and make discoverys , orery in crumwells tyme was lord broughalls . this noble man hath used still against us , his sword and penn ; but the latter hath made the deeper wound , if men creditt his writings : cannot hee live contented with a good patrimony , his father provided for him , and agreat lump of catholicks lands the king conferr'd upon him , at once with the place of lord president of the faire and goodly province of munster ( a dignity his fathers child did little think to obtaine , and a reward his perfidy against the crowne did not meritt ) cannot all these great honours , estates , and riches satisfy the man , unless hee see 's innocent maerdochaeus hang'd on a high gibbet ? the goodness of god ( wee hope ) will not allow , what hee desires , the exterpation of a nation . noble mindes ordinarily esteem the place where they , or theire parents have gain'd agreat fortune and settlement : orery's father ( it is well knowne ) from a lowstate came to one of the greatest estates in the three kingdoms , hee was neither sword-man , nor gown-man , nor favoritt in court , and yet purchased a prodigious estate , came to the dignity of an earl , high treasurer , of the kingdom of ireland , marcht two of his daughters , one to great geraldin earl of killdare ( first earl of ireland , ) another to the lord barry viscount of barremore ; hee used for his motto in this his great prosperity . gods providence is my in heritance , a christian , and modest one , which for all that signifyed hee had nothing left him by his parents . these things i utter not by way of reproach , for wee are all the children of adam , but to minde orery a little of the low and small nest , in which his father was hatched , that hee should not soe farr forgett himselfe , as to contemne and trample under foote a whole nation , wherin are soe many antient and noble familyes : and let him give mee leave to till him , it is agreat and an unwary impertinency for guilty and contaminated men to reproach the innocent . hee that says much , or displeaseth others , must heare somthing will displease himselfe , as alsoe hee that goes armed against many , expects many armed against him . in tyme of usurpation those that commaunded were very insolent ; it was then indeed men could say of england , what was said of athens : that there only small theeves were hang'd , but the great ones were free , and condemn'd the rest ; wee hope it is not now soe in england : however orery for one man hath had the good fortune to escape in all tymes , and on all sides , and to have a good post and place in every goverment . it is commonly said , that against a mischief , badd parents doe to theire children , there is noe other cure then patience , but orery being noe parent , but an enemy to our nation , is not to be borne with , and it is more reasonable his owne confusion should be his cure , then our patience . the catholicks of ireland , look upon him as a great beast makeing a prey of all that 's weaker , and realy hee hath soe dealt with us , wherfore wee may deal with him in the same way according to our strength , and if hee is soe strong and in court soe much favoured as wee may not have him cited to make answer , the court will give us leave to expose his vertues or vices as wee finde them written by others . in what i have writt , i have but done my duty , in strycking him that stryck's my country , for as tertulean says . in hostem patriae omnis homo miles est . i will here take my leave of count orery , minding him of what p. w. in his little book stiled the irish cullours foulded , printed at london anno domini 1662. in pag. 20. therof hee speaks of orery to the duke of ormond as followeth . for indeed my lord hee appears to mee all a long his writings , of the number of those , who see heaven , and all the hopes of the other life , as mathematitians make us behold in a darke chamber , what soever passeth a broad , through a little crany , in such a manner , that all things wee see , appeare like shaddows and landsckips turned topsceturvy , verily , i take this gentleman to be abused soe by himselfe . and that after hee hath stopped up all the windows and accesses to heavenly ray's , hee hath made a little hole for the moone , and all the blessings of the other life have seemed very slender to his distrustfull spiritt : and that hee hath put on a resolution to make a fortune at what price soever , and to build on earth like caine , after hee hath allmost renounced the hopes of heaven . if orery be such a man as p. w. discribes him ; if hee hath not a trembling in the head , as old cain the murtherer had , hee cannot chuse but have a trembling and great heavenisse at the hart . after ending with orery i sinde a nother kinde of snake in the grass latet anguis in herba full of poyson , this man conceals his name , wherfore i know not ( for hee needed not feare to write any thing against the catholicks , when all things runn against them . ) likely his fancy was to throw the stone , and hide his hand . hee writt at london anno 1664. a book full of vennime with this title , horae subcesiva . in pag. 83. hee affirmeth that charles the second is not obliged in the least by any law of god or man , of warr or nations to keep any one particle of the irish articles made or granted by king charles his father in the yeare 1648. to this purpose hee setts downe formally these words in pag. 81. king charles the second , may iure belli & gentium , & lege talionis , without breatch of faith or articles ( not excepting those of 1648. soe much insisted on , and soe mightily pleaded for by p. w. by that just law ( soe often used , and prescribed by god himselfe ) take the lives , and fortunes of all bloodd-thirsty popish rebells , and theire confederats , and assotiats . m this godly man doth not cite in what code or book this law often used and prescribed by god himselfe is to be had , nor can hee , nor doth hee give any other reason or proofe for his assertion then his owne authority ; which can be of noe vallue with any pious man. i appeal to all the noble-men and the worthy protestant people of england if this is not rather the proposition of a murtherer then of a christian gentleman , this mans book ( hor● subcesivae ) p. w. did learnedly confute in an appendix hee added to his reply to orerys answer , and soe confounded him , that hee neuer writt word after in his owne defence . i remitt the reader to what hee shall finde in said appendix of this matter , and after reading all let him iudge as hee shall finde fitting and reasonable . can wee forgit to list in the number of our enemys the earle of clarendon chancellor of england , ( hee deserves to head the first ranck of them ) a man of ruine and distruction , a pest to catholicks , and ireland . was not this clarendon , this blooddy and covetous statesmaen heard oft to say with a fierce countenanc and passionat tone , the irish deserve to be exterpated , and then hee would after his usuall manner com out with a great oath , and swear they shall be extirpated . good god what a heathnish expression is this in the mouth of a christian statesman , a chancellor of engelland . ( is not a christian king well counselled in having neare him for chiefe minister of state such a blooddy man voyd of all iustice and mercy . ) but did this athist ( soe great an enemy to godliness can not be a christian ) think that god , that hath appoynted an angell for the guard of every indivtduall person , would take noe care to preserve the body of an intyre nation , but let them all be destroy'd to satisfy the minde and anger of a blooddy man. clarendon was in this bussiness like that astronomer , or philosopher , who look't upon the starrs , and fell into a well before his feet : hee had then designed in his owne minde the ruine of the catholicks of ireland , and very soon after , hee stole out of england , with a guilty conscience and baggs of gold in great feare , and left behind him his stately buildings , places of pleasure , great riches , and the veneration of many that adored this man like an idoll , ( the glory of the man is gon away like smooke and his name rotten , and hated in england ) and flying into france , walked over some provinces of that kingdome in trembling , like another cain before any settlement of himselfe . iustum o domine est iudicium tuum . and wee are poore soules as yet living as wee can , and hopeing for gods mercy . i am here to advertise my reader of an abominable ingagment agree'd upon in the tyme of usurpation against the royall family ; the contents will teach you how good frinds they were to the king that conceived this ingagement . p. w. hath this oath page 74. of his reply to orery's answer , and aptly tearms it one of the oathes taken by the saints themselves the fautors of crumwells tyranny , and the wellwishers of his kings-ship . which ruuneth thus . i. a. b. doe hereby declare that i renounce the pretended title of charles stuart , and the whole line of late king iames , and of every other person pretending to the goverment of the nations of england , scotland , and ireland , and the dominions , and territorys therunto belonging , and that iwill by the grace and assistance of the allmighty , be true and faithfull to this common wealth against any king , single person , and house of peers , and every of them , and here unto i subscribe my name . can any oath be more horrid , or can any written wickedness ascend higher ? and consequently can any mercy be greater then the pardon his majesty hath granted to the men that hartily took this oath ? this ingagment was forced upon the irish catholicks in soe high a nature , that those who would not take it , were debarred not only from the benefitt of law , but alsoe expos'd to an inevitable danger of death , the soldiers of crumwells army , being commanded by publick proclamation , to kill any man they met on the high-way , who carryed not a certificate about him of having taken that ingagment : commaunds which were cruelly executed on silly pesants , who out of ignorance , or want of care , having left theire ticketts at home , were barbarously murthered by the mercyless souldiers . make now a serious reflextion upon said ingagment out of the same author . it is very remarkable , ( saith hee ) that they who devised this ingagment , who hartily subscribed , and forced others to take it , shall not be questioned , or held criminall , and that those , who neuer saw it , before it was administrated to them , who abbor'd it in theire harts , and were forc't to signe it to avoyd a blooddy , and violent death , shall be declared nocents and an irecoverable sentence of loosing theire estates given against them , and theire estates soe forfeted , to be confirm'd on those very persons , who compell'd the proprietors to that forfeitur . obstupescite caeli super hoc & portae ejus desolamini vehementer . i defy all the annalls , and the histories , of tartars , turcks , scithians , or of what people soever to produce soe horrible an injustice as this , or a more wicked , and barbarous pranck of knavery , then those our enemys have contrived . king charles our soveraigne your royall authority in england maintains the peer in his splendor and dignity , the commoner in his birth right and liberty , you protect the weak from the oppression of the mighty , secure the nobility from the insolence of the people , and by this equall , and impartiall iustice is indifferrently distributed to all the inhabitants of that great and flourishing realme : and at the same tyme use is made of the same royall authority in your kingdom of ireland , to condemne innocents , before they are heard ; to destroy soe many hundred widdow's and orphans ; to confirme soe many unlawfull usurped possessions ; to violate the publick faith , to punish vertue , to countenance vice , to hold loyalty a crime , and treason worthy of reward . these are verities not to be doubted of in our days , wee feel them by sore tryall : but after-ages will hardly admitt them , and it must be avery difficult matter to perswade those now , that have not been eye-wittnesses , that the fact ever happened . now things being carryed in this nature , let your majesty seriously consider , of whome shall god take account of our distruction ; of those wicked states-men who abused your authority ; or of your royall person , for not bringing those men ( after our humble and publick prayres and petitions to your majesty for redress ) to the test and tryall of iustice for having opprest us . consider great king the prayer of king david to god. o god give the iudgment to the king : and the iustice to the sonne of the king. why soe king david ? to iudge ( saith david ) thy people in iustice , and thy poore in iudgment . the royall prophet here gives the reason , wherfore the power of iudging , and sword of justice is given to a king : to witt , that hee judge the people in justice , and the poor in iudgment . which was not done ; soe complains , the widdow's and orphans in ireland perishing in poverty and famin , and the world abroad is in amazement , that this was not done , wonders ( they say ) were done after his majestys restauration , rebells made honest men , and honest men made rebells by the kings royall pleasure , and all this brought about , by the cunning and wickedness of certaine statsmen , wherby the king was cheated , and betrayd , the innocent people ruin'd and impious statsmen enricht and magnify'd . soe that thee . poore catholcck people have nothing left them , but to cry to thee o lord. tibi deretictus est pauper orphano tu eris adjutor . contere brachium peccatoris & maligni . to thee is the poor left , to the orphan thou wilt bee a helper . break the arme of the sinner and malignant . our eyes and harts o god are turn'd upon thee , seing men have abandon'd us ; o lord when will the day come of our happiness ? when shall wee with thankfullness say to all the world . our lord hath heard the desire of the poore , and iudged for the people , and the humble . kings are more oblig'd to commiserat the calamity's of the afflicted rhen privat men , because they are the fathers of the people : iob a holy prince in the land of hus ( some hold hee was an absolute king ) did this . heare him speak king charls . i was an eye to the blinde , and a foot to the lame . i was the father of the poore ; i brake the iawes of the wicked man , and out of his teeth i took away the prey . this is it the poore catholicks most need to have done for them , that the royall hand will break the jawes of wicked men , and take the prey out of theire teeth . iob says further . the eare hearing counted mee blessed , for that i had delivered the poore man crying out , and the people that had noe helpe . the blessing sf him that was ready to perrish came upon mee , and i comforted the hart of the widdow . there are thousands of these wedows and people crying out , comfort theire harts for they are perrishing , and let it be done ( as god would have it to be done ) by your majesty , that the blessings of the poore may fale upon you as they did upon iob , and all the blessings of heaven . but why great king ( give mee pardon for speaking to you ) why have wee , your catholick subjects of ireland been neglected , even to ruine and distruction ? what did your majesty see in us , that could render us in capable of the pardon granted to the rebells in generall ? if our rising in arms ( which was against our fellow-subjects , for our owne defence , and not against the crowne ) hath bin iudged a rebellion by your royall father and your selfe , i hope you hould us farre smaller rebbels then those that made open warre against the crowne and your majest'ys , and in fine murther'd your father ; why then are they pardon'd , and wee not ? but incase our revolution hath bin iudg'd a rebellion ( and in case it had bine truly soe ) upon the place made and concluded anno 1648. ( the marquis of ormond hauing bin your royall fathers commissioner to that effest . ) wee had an act of oblivion from your father of blessed memory for all that had passed , and after confirmed by your majesty : this act of oblivion hath wyp't away the rebellion , ergo it can not rise , againe in iudgment against us , nor can wee be punished for a crime already forgiven : this being soe , why are wee cast of ? why left under a staine of rebellion , the true rebells being forgiven ? why being innocent doe wee suffer this contumely ? why are wee strucken downe as dead men by your royall hand , lands , houses , estates , and all wee had , being conferr'd on men , which have noe right to them , our enemy's , and one tyme your owne : they pretend noe claime to our estates and livings , noe pack't , stipulation or convieance : by your majesty's pleasure only ( that 's theire sole tytle ) they hold all , and wee have lost all . by what law are wee thus treated , and destroy'd , by that of god , or nature , or nations ? all done against us , is against all those lawes , and against the law of englaend , to , a good law , by which noe man is to be deprived of his lands and goods , but by a due course of law , the benefitt of this law was denied us . wither then shall wee turne , what are wee able to doe for our selves : the father is not able to helpe the child , nor the child the father , mothers are weeping over theire little ones languishing in want and hunger . if wee are innocent , ( the act of oblivion hath made us soe , though wee had bin guilty before ) why are wee cast out of our houses , despoyl'd of our lands , and estates , that our forefathers have possessed soe many ages ? if wee have committed any crime or treason against the crowne , your royall father , or your selfe , ( that was not remitted ) it were a greater mercy , to hasten us into the other world , by a short and violent death , then to condemne us to a lingering one , to be consumed , in coldness , hungar , and nakedness , and a shamefull slavery at home and in all the regions of europ . your majesty hath been pleased to tell publickly the peers , and people of england . that wee abroad have followed your majesty from kingdom , to kingdome , and that with all cheerfullness and obedience ; that wee received and submitted to your royall orders , and betook our selves to what fervice your majesty directed , at that tyme most convenient , and behooffull to your majesty , though attended with inconveniences enough to our felves , and your majesty iudged this our demeaniour very worthy of protection , iustice , and favour . your kingly language the 27. iuly 1660. to the house of peers touching the act of indemnity , was this . i hope i need say nothing of irelande and that they alone shall not want the benefitt of my mercy : they have shew'd much affection to mee a broad , and you will have a care of my honour , and what i have promised to them . these veritys uttered by your majesty are owned by our greatest enemys ; for such , and that wee sacrifised our selves and all wee had faithfully , and hartily in your majestys service . let mee demaund here , where then have been braghall , coot , cloathworthy , and others of that band , those grandees your majesty hath been pleased to honour with great titles ; the two first were made earls of orery , and montrath and the last ( cloathworthy , that knowne plunderer of the queens chappell , and summersett house an infamous man ) created viscount massaren ? where i say againe , have these men been in the dark day of your callamitys , and adversitys ? what were they then doeing ? they were then stiffly struggling against your crowne and person , and laying about them with maine indeavours , that the royall family of the stuarts should neuer returne to theire owne dominions ; ( to which purpose they contrived the forementioned horrid ingagement . ) in those days they stiled your majesty only charles stuart , to call you king was a treason among them . and what is don in the end ? after all theire villanys , contempt of royall family , open rebellion and warr against the crowne , and after putting the good king to death : after our fidelity , obedience , and harty affection to your majesty , and after your owne kingly testimonys , and expressions of the same : the matter hath been strangly carryed . how ? the knowne rebells had your majestys pardon , they were magnify'd , had places of trust and profitt in the cammon wealth , and to boot they carryed away our houses , lands , and estates , by your majestys graunt under the great seal . o tempora ! o mores ! o laceratam iustitiam ! and what is our lott , and share of this tragicall play , after your royall promisees of all favour and protection ? wee are left naked and desolate , crying to god as those of jerusalem did distroyed by theire enemys . remember o lord what is fallne unto us , behold and regard our reproath : our inheritance is turned to aliens , and our houses to strangers . wee are pupills without fathers , the joy of our hart hath failed , our quire is turned to mourning . this is our deplorable state : what your majesty will doe with us , or for us , is only knowne to god aud your selfe , and wee are to pray that god will be pleased to incline your hart to such a resolution , as may bring us some comfort , which wee much need ; cor regis in manu domini , quocunque voluerit , inclinubit illud . give freedom great king to a poore priest , to speak truth to your majesty , it is noe new thing that good priests speak to kings , and god himselfe saith , hee will curse the blessings of those priestes , that will not speak truth , and give glory to his holy name ; and the prophet malachias tells your majesty , that regard is to be had of what the priest says . for the lipps of the priest ( saith that prophet ) shall keep knowledg , and the law they shall require out of his mouth : because hee is the angell of the lord of hostes . the truth i presume to speak to you my king with all submission and sincerity is this . that your majesty hath great cause to feare the heavy iudgments god for soe many thousands of wedow's and orphans perrishing for want in the view of the world , by that fatall sentence called the bill of settlement . iob tells us god hath , and doth somtyme punnish kings . balteum regum dissoluit , & cinget fune renes eorum . hee looseth the belt of kings , and girdeth theire reynes with a cord . hee loosed the belt from your fathers side , and girded his reynes with a cord of sore affliction : and yet hee was esteemed a sober , just , chast king. god , is a god of iustice holding an iron rod in his hand stretched over the heads of all kings , emperours , and popes , and tells them . potentes , potenter tormenta patientur ▪ ezechias , the holy king , when the prophet told him hee should dy , turning his face to the temple said . quis est qui sic humiliat sublimes reges terrae ? examen my soveraigne , and ponderwell the words of that good king , and how hee was frighted , hearing from the prophet that hee should dy . dy you must great king , when that shall be god alone knowes , et post mortem sequiter iuditium . those men that abused your authority on earth will make noe answer for you ; your selfe must before that tribunall , receive ( as the meanest of your subjects ) according to what you have done in this life . many men use to speak to kings . omnia placentia . but those will be found in the end flatterers , and false prophets ; i speake to your majesty as a priest of god should speak , ) naked truth , & sic liberavi animam meam . your majesty will doe well to sitt downe , and deeply meditate upon this weighty poynt , and theme , of eternall damnation , or salvation . having exposed to my soveraigne our calamity's , ruine and miserys , and offered humble prayers , for ease and mercy . i now turne my speech to you my most deare and honourable countrimen , for your sake i have spoken noe way minding redress , for what i my selve have lost , which was somthing . if iustice shall be don you , and cause of joy come from the kings good pleasure and determination , prays god and the king for that happiness , and pray to god for his long and prosperous raigne . but if this shall not be done ( god permitting things to goe on as they doe , either for punnishing ours , and our fathers sinns , or for trying our patience in this world . ) let his holy name be ever blessed : beare patiently your poverty , and you shall finde poverty a great blessing , s. iohn chrisostome compares it with martyrdome . egestas ( saith the saint ) bene tollerata facit martirium . i doe not think there can hardly be any found in the world , that have come to a greater distress , and poverty , then that you endure , suffer all willingly for god's sake and you are sure of a crowne : minde often that excellent sentence of s. augustin . saeculi homines , infaeliciter faelices sunt , martyres autem faeliciter infaelices erat . the men of this world , are unhappily happy , but the martyrs have been happily unhappy . this is your case , or very like it , soe as in your nakedness , your are happier , then those that have all that was yours , living in pleasurs , and plenty , let this alsoe be some comfort to you , that you have but lost , those things you could not long hould , nor shall the present possessors long enjoy them . though they think theire fortuns in that land surely settled , they are but pilgrims in the way as you are , and must part as you shall ( and with more greef , and feare , for having more then you have ) and then they shall know and feel gods iudgment for what they have done to you . in all your afflictions , i shall pray and conjure you , to demean your selves like good christians , paying faithfully to god his due , and to the king his ; to the king fidelity and obedience in civilibus , and that for conscience sake ; to god veneration and highest worship , which can not be performed without professing a true rcligion , the same you are of : wherfore let noe wordly preferments , or comodity's , that men can conferr on you ; nor punishments they can inflict , shake your religion , but hould the same constantly in all tempests and stormes , for of it depends eternall salvation . and to speak at the present tyme of your great afflictions , imitate i pray you , the three isralites cast into the furnase of babilon , and you shall finde , as they did , an angell to comfort you . they in the fyre blessed the name of god , when azarias standing in the flame said . blessed art thou o lord , the god of our fathers , and laudable and glorious is thy name for ever , because thou art just in all things which thou hast don to us , and all thy works are true and thy ways righteous , and thy iudgments true , for wee have sinned , and done unjustly , revolting from thee , and and now wee follow in all our harts ; and feare thee , and seek thy face , confound us not , but doe with us according thy meekness , and according to the multitude of thy mercy deliver us in thy mervells , and give glory to thy name o lord. none of you have suffered soe much as innocent iob , set him before your eyes , invironed with the messingers of all his disasters . one of them said to him . the sabean● tooke away the oxes and asses , and kill'd thy servants . a nother said , a fyre from heaven struck thy sheep , and thy servants , and consum'd them all . the third ; the chaldeans made three troups and invaded the cammels . the last told him . a vehement winde came from the country of the desert , and shook the foure corners of the house , wherin thy children were feasting , and falling oppressed them , and they are all dead . iob hearing all this sad newes , blamed not the sabeans , chaldeans , fire from heaven , or winde coming from the country of the desert , nor did soe much as mention them . but hee rose up , and faling on the ground adored , and said . naked i came out of my mothers wombe , and naked shall i returne thither , our lord gave , our lord hath taken away , as it pleased our lord , soe it is done , the name of our lord he blessed . bless you likewise the the name of our lord for all that hath befalen you , offering all up purely to his holy will. one thing my honoured deare country-men i seriously commend to your pious considerations , the ensuing weighty golden sentence of s. cyprian . deus unus est , ( saith hee ) christus unus est , & una ecclesia , & cathedra una , supra petrum domini voce fundata : aliud altare constitui , aut sacerdotium novum fieri prater unum altare , & unum sacerdotium , non potest . qnisquis alibi collegerit , spargit . adulterum est , impium est , sacrilegum est , quodcunque humano fur●ro institutitur , ut dispositio divina violetur . let the words of this most holy bishop and martyre goe to the hart of every one of you . this one god hath created you . this one christ hath redeemed you . this one church hath baptized you , and imbued you with the elements of faith , and christian rules of living well : this one and holy chaire ( of peter ) hath governed you , and all the christian world in verity , and sanctity all a long from the apostles tyme. there is but one altar , and one priesthood ( and this only in the roman catholick church : ) hee that gathereth out of this congregation , disperseth . this church only hath the keyes of heaven , and true commission to save soules ; any power on earth , that seeks to pull downe this altar , to abolish this priesthood , to distroy this church , is impious , adulterous , prophane , and sacrilegious . the holy doctour gives another devine counsell to his people . nemo vos fratres errare a domini viis faciat ; nemo filios ecciesiae de ecclesia tollat ; pereant sibi soli qui perire voluerint . that is to say , let noe man bring you into error from the pathes of our lord ; let none take out of the church , children of the church ; those that have a minde to perrish and be lost , let them be lost alone . let egan ( a lost dissolaite fryer that latly fell ) and this sall , and all such prophane men , that will not remaine in gods house , let them perrish alone , seeing they will haue it soe : doe not you follow theire evill example , impiety and maddness , but wisely stay within the ribbs of the ark , the holy roman catholick church ( ad quam ( teste cypriano ) perfidia non habet accessum , and out of which great augustin assures us there is noe hopes of salvation : ) and be constantly , and religiously obedient to the apostolick sea , and to the man , that stands upon the rock clement the x. conspicuous for his zeal and piety , on earth the prime lord of the house of god , with full power to guide and governe all soules in the way of salvation . praying god of his infinit goodness to graunt you in your great afflictions fortitude ; patience , and comfort ; to his holy protection i commend hartely you and my selfe , this 23th . december , 1674. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a40452-e1940 isa . cap. 38 , 1. cor. cap. 10. apoc. cap. 12. dictum s. ambrosy . isa . cap. 8. psal . 140. act. apl. cap. 5. levit. cap. 19. isa . cap. ● . ierem. cap. 6. ad rom cap. 13. ad hebr. cap. 11. in merc. britanicus . * bos in lingua . iudae epist . plato legum 2. lib. prov. cap. 10. eccles . cap. 21. exod. cap. 22. s. to. 2a . 2ae . q. 6. a. 7. de grafys ex cap. significasti , desce : 36. m. 35 , in 2a . 2ae . q. 40. & q. 64. and the interpriters of holy writt in rom. 13. 3a . part . lib. 2. cap , 1. in 2a . 2ae . q. 64. a 7. in 2a . 2ae . q. 40. a 1. dub : 2. con . 1. mac. l. 2. cap. 15. 2a . 2ae . q. 40. a. 1. d. 10 , con . 1. §§ . ad l aquill : l scientiam §§ . qui cum aliter . instit : moral : p. 3. l. 3. q. 6. q. 6. n. 7. de iustitia & iure . out of the narrative of the earl of clarindons settlement and sale of ireland out of clarendons settleement and sale of ireland pag. 8. psal . 71. psal . non●●… . iob. cap. 29. ierem. thren● cap. 5. malac. cap. 2. iob. cap. 12. dan. cap. 3. iob. cap. 1. s. cyprianus epist . 40. brief reflections on the earl of castlehaven's memoirs of his engagements and carriage in the wars of ireland by which the government at that time, and the justice of the crown since, are vindicated from aspersions cast on both. borlase, edmund, d. 1682? 1682 approx. 73 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 39 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28826) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98070) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 446:21) brief reflections on the earl of castlehaven's memoirs of his engagements and carriage in the wars of ireland by which the government at that time, and the justice of the crown since, are vindicated from aspersions cast on both. borlase, edmund, d. 1682? [10], 67 p. printed for george west, london : 1682. epistle to the king signed e. b. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng castlehaven, james touchet, -earl of, 1617?-1684. ireland -history -17th century -sources. 2004-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-09 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2004-09 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion brief reflections on the earl of castlehaven's memoirs of his engagements and carriage in the wars of ireland . by which , the government at that time , and the justice of the crown since , are vindicated from aspersions cast on both. vero quid verius ? london , printed for george west . 1682 to the king . sir , had it not been long observed that nothing is more resented by great and generous princes , than the least affronts to their ministers , i should not have adventured to have addressed these reflections ( on the earl of castlehaven's memoirs ) to your sacred majesty ; committed to the press with an introduction little expected : but he having before invited you to what neither contains ( to his knowledge ) a lie or mistake , i dare not but presume so far on your justice , as to be confident , that what bespeaks the integrity of your ministers , and supports the honour of your crown , ( severely reflected on by his lordship ) shall never receive other than an acceptance , how meanly soever it be cloathed , by your majesties most dutiful and obedient subject e. b. to the reader . reader , i have so much charity for the earl of castlehaven , that if he had seriously read , as well as ( amongst the stationers in saint paul's church-yard , ) took into his hands the histories of the execrable irish rebellion , begun the 23. of octob. 1641. he would not ( afterwards ) have exposed his memoirs ; all the imputations , which he lays on the state , being in them clearly vindicated . yet since ( to draw from the world some compassion ) he hath adventured his memoirs abroad , i am willing the world ( to whom his lordship appeals ) should judge whether his case was singular ? or being so premeditated , not more notorious ? and this i thought sit to publish , resolving never to desert the english interest , as often as it is invaded , lest the confident piece of calumny fixed on the state , might wander secure and unexamined ; there being at this day more , who , under a disguise , are willing to palliate , rather than detect the villany of that age ; though if you discourse on this subject , they whisper intrigues , and if there be an opportunity offered , they write they will verifie them to the world. another being set on the tragical conclusion of the long parliament ( to make that junto detestable ) spends the viij . chapter of his short view of the late troubles in england , wholly on the pretence the irish had to their barbarous insurrection : wherein he re-assumes the rebels plea , with greater confidence , than they give it in at trym march 17. 1642. but yet considers not the answers that have been written on that rhapsodie of fictions and untruths ; thereby betraying the innocence of the state , and the honour of the english. however there is a letter from a person of honour in the country , to the earl of castlehaven , full of candor , as well as reproof , which hath incomparably well replied to the earl's memoirs , and might well abate my edge in this case . but upon the encouragement of that person of honour ( rather to quicken than slacken my intentions ) i could not well defer ( what hath been long writ ) the publishing my reflections , ( though with great disadvantage , after so excellent a pen ) they being meerly an epitome of the irish scene . in which i have not ( to my knowledge ) discovered the least emotion against the gallantry and worth of that noble peer who hath raised this contest , his extraction and personal courage being remarkable . but the reasons ( for the cause ) he pretends to , are ( by what he would justifie himself in ) not sufferable ; ou il n'ya point de pechè , il n'ya point de honte , his not be-being convinced ( at first ) of the crime , made him conscious of no guilt . but i shall set the things in order before him , and if conviction arise not thence , i shall blush at my mistake . reflections on the earl of castlehaven's memoirs concerning the wars of ireland . amongst some books i lately received from my stationer i had the earl of castlehaven's memoirs . i little expected , after 28 years , to have seen any thing of his lordship's proceedings in ireland , in taking part with the rebels , before the cessation 1643. considering his , and his ancestors obligations to the crown of england . nor am i convinced why ( at this time ) it should come forth , unless thereby it s hoped that some reflections may be fixed on the ministers then to extenuate the general insurrection , when as we know no artifice is more usual than to clamour the people with calumnies on the state , whilest others alarm them to rebellion . i rather expected , since he imbarqued in that business ( in behalf of which his late majesties heart so often bled , ) that the act of oblivion should have sealed up those encounters : especially since his majesty had been prevailed with by the intercession of his friends in parliament , to repair the breaches time and misfortune had made upon so ancient and honourable a family as his lordships . but since he hath published his memoirs of his engagements and carriage in the wars of ireland , as something in them new , which if his majesties time may permit him to read , contain neither lie nor mistake . i conceive him so ingenuous ( having admitted others to mind him of some passages which possibly may be more in their knowledge than his lordships , ) he will not interpret it amiss , to be informed of some concerns nearer the truth . it is not my intention to arraign what ( as a person of honour and good conduct ) he managed in that war , having his lordships test for what he affirms . but that i may take his memoirs as they stand , he is pleased to write , ( sect. 1. p. 3. ) that it may seem a wonder how he came to engage with the irish , being a peer of england , and an english man both by birth and descent , not speaking a word of their language , and having little in their kingdom . whereas the wonder easily unriddles it self , his lordship being a strong asserter of the romish persuasion , to advance which , no artifice or attempt , hath ever been condemned ( by the father of it ) as disloyal or inhumane . and as to his lordships coming into ireland not long before the rebellion ' ( p. 5. ) i cannot so far shrive his conscience , as not to allow what he affirms , that it was to settle his affairs there , as he had done in england , ere he ventured further on the trade of war , to which his genius led him : yet i find the parliament ( to whom the king had left the affairs of ireland ) complain in an order 29 of jan. 1641. that immediately before , and during the barbarous and bloudy rebellion , many having estates in england , went thither , amongst whom his lordship was one especially taken notice of ( in a declaration of the commons concerning the rise of the rebellion 25 of july 1643. ) having sate as a peer in parliament in england immediately before the irish rebellion ; at which time mr. porter , sir basil brook ( the queens treasurer ) mr. andrew brown , and others went over . and though his lordships bare repairing thither may be more favourably censured , than to conclude , he resolved to center in that conspiracy ; yet since he afterwards espoused that quarrel , when many ( who having observed the bloudy effects thereof ) were ashamed ( at least prudently deterred ) to own its progress , all cannot acquit him of that taint , for that as an honourable person in his letter from the country writes , ( p. 50. ) that he could not have been engaged in that conspiracy unless he had been resolved in the justice of their cause from the beginning ; though he is put in mind ( by the letter he inserts ) ( p. 5. ) that immediately upon the breaking forth of the rebellion in the north , he ( being in munster ) repaired to the lords justices , and ( as his ancestors ) offered to serve against the rebels , but was told his religion was an obstacle . nor can i say but the state returned him this answer , and how could they well say less ? when it was apparent that it was a popish conspiracy , and those of that profession were generally engaged in that defection . though he must give me leave to put him in mind that the lords justices ( how ill soever his party would present them to the world ) were so far from owning a publick jealousie of all of his lordships persuasion , that it is well known they put arms into the hands of divers noblemen of the pale of that religion , who , ( as his lordship ) made professions to his majesties service , and desired the same . nor was this concession of the lords justices disapproved by the parliament in england , they also granted commissions of government , as likewise of martial law to several of the same persuasion , not in the pale onely , but in other parts of the kingdom ; inserting a power to spare or destroy the rebels according to their discretion ; hoping those of the pale might prove good instruments to oppose the threatning incursions of the northern rebels : whilest they a few days after deserted their houses , and openly declared themselves in actual rebellion ; as did several of the principal towns , wexford , waterford , dundalk , trym , and others , to whom the state had sent arms and commissions of trust. and this not through the least force put on them by the state : no , they yielded to whatsoever they thought might argue an assurance of them , but they of the pale centered with the other through their natural inclination , and ( as we may believe from the lords mac-guire , mac-mahon , mac-arts , and others confessions ) a designed insurrection through the whole kingdom of the popish persuasion , cherished by an inveterate detestation of the english , what pretext soever else his lordship ( in an appendix ) promises we shall find the true original causes of the late rebellion throughly discovered : a piece speedily desired , that the fallacy he presumes to cast before the king might be detected . so that something more than ordinary ( though the particulars be lost with the time ) was either known or suspected ( by the state ) of his lordship , which at that time ( were it onely abundance of caution ) might well excuse the l. justices reply to him , ( p. 6. ) as their not furnishing him with money , who by the suddenness of that rebellion , were reduced to an extreme exigence . nor by the sequel doth it appear that his lordship had any need of their supply , had he really intended a remove for england : when for so many months after he could freely and splendidly entertain the dutchess of buckingham and the earl of antrim at maidenstown . as to their denying him a pass for england , ( p. 6. ) which afterwards his brother's letter tells him the king ( being to that end petition'd at york ) denied , referring him to the parliament , who without the king , could do nothing . so that the lords justices advice to make fair weather at home , was not justly to be blamed ; nor ( considering the circumstances they were then under ) was his resentment thereof so often to have been angerly exprest as a villainous proceeding against him . ( p. 14. ) an expression unfit for such , ( and not otherwise than with scorn to be resented ) on whom his majesty had impressed his authority . what his lordship did at home , besides spending his provision on the noble and excellent company he had there , the dutchess of buckingham and earl of antrim ( who afterwards sate chairman at kilkenny , and if he had not been supported by his majesties mercy , had never been able to have supported himself by his own innocence ) i never had an itch to enquire ; but i find ( in the states letter to the lord lieutenant , december 14. 1641. ) that on the tenth of the same , he presented ( at the council-board ) the oath of the confederate roman catholicks of ireland , which had been tendred to him ; but ( as he then said ) he refused to swear to , and it was not then justified to the contrary , though his intent of producing it there , was suspected to be in favour of them , that their proceedings might be the easier palliated , though the oath was so weav'd , as disloyalty and contradiction spun every thred . yet hitherto the state was loath to cherish any heats against his lordship , leaving him to return to his house at maidenstown , ( p. 11. ) where he continued quiet 5 or 6 months , till having some disturbance by a rabble driving away part of his stock ( which was soon recovered , ) he sent his brother to dublin , and with him all the poor english he had thitherto protected , ( p. 7 ) part of which , near rathcool , the rebels barbarously killed ; the others that escaped ( through dungan's rescue ) being sorely wounded , and as it was suspected , either through the treachery of their convoy , or a laid design ; as a boy serving his lordship , sometime after betrayed a sadler , servant to the earl of antrim . upon which , or other suggestions ( as that he had prepared great entertainment for the l. mountgarret , had he defeated the king's forces , ) his lordship was indicted of high treason , ( the most publick way of accusing , and an act rather of the grand jury than the state ) upon which he came to dublin . ( p. 9. ) the state ( at the mercy of his brother ) however being taxed with clandestine proceedings , for not calling him before the council e're that he was committed to sheriff woodcock 's house . ( p. 10. ) whereas this was done , that a severer course might not be commenced against him , till the matter might have been favourably heard , business at that time ( thronging on the state ) not admitting a speedy release : grains and scruples are not to be stuck at when a state is on its ruine . and that his lordship might have very well been sensible of , for that the lieutenant general let him live quietly till then ; whereas in justice he might have brought him prisoner to dublin , who could find sufficient force to rescue his own people and cattle , but none to assist the king's lieut. general , when he fought ( near his house ) the battel of kilrush . yet this lord being impatient of his commitment , and suspecting ( for which there was no proof ) that he should be ordered to the castle , he made an escape the 27. of september 1642. being ( as sir james ware hath registred it ) committed for high treason . the earl of strafford's case coming fresh to his thoughts , that innocency was a scurvy plea in an angry time ; ( p. 15. ) whereas the earl of strafford's case was much different from his . his majesty being never convinced of any such criminousness in him , as willingly to expose his life to the stroke of justice and malice of his enemies . but the cause which his lordship solemnly owned , his majesty condemned with the greatest indignation imaginable , expressing in his eicon basil. that the sea of bloud which hath in ireland been cruelly and barbarously shed , is enough to drown any man in eternal , both infamy and misery , whom god shall find the malicious author or instigator of its effusion . and here it is not to be passed over ( since he hath mentioned this noble earl ) that some of those who were witnesses against him at his trial , appeared afterwards to be leading men in the rebellion the earl of castlehaven joined in , and many more of that faction , whose kindness ( in admitting his lordship ) he says he must never forget , being then members of parliament in ireland , had there voted him a traitor , before his hearing in westminster hall. further the earl of castlehaven says , that the states officers and souldiers not taking care enough to distinguish between rebels and subjects , killing many , promiscuously forced him to take up arms. considering besides , that the whole nation had took up arms for their own defence , particularly the lords of the pale , who yet ( at the same time ) desired the justices ( be sure weight enough be laid on them ) to send their petition to the king , which was refused , and ( as a further discouragement ) sir john read ( who was prevailed with to carry their remonstrance to the king , with their grievances , not concealing his message ) was put to the rack for his good will. in brief his lordship charges his siding with the rebels ( whether inclined thereto in anger or revenge . p. 21. ) on these motives . 1. to his not being received by the state. 2. to his being clandestinely indicted of high treason . 3. to the states officers and souldiers promiscuous killing rebels and subjects . 4. to the states refusal to send the rebels petition to the king. 5. to the racking of sir john read , entrusted with the rebels remonstrance of grievances to the king. upon consideration of all which , he conceived there was no safety but in * arms. ( p. 17. ) the two first of these being answered in the third and fourth paragraphs , we reply as to the third , touching the promiscuous killing of rebels and subjects . that the conspiracy was so general , and there had been such unheard of villanies ( not in any age before ) committed by the irish e're his majesties forces could be imbodied , to assert his power ; that the infection seemed to have polluted the whole kingdom , so as an enraged army , justly incensed by many ( who at first had suffered by the rebels ) could hardly distinguish betwixt the nocent and innocent . as at santry decemb. 5. 1641. ( strongly insisted on by nettervile ) the action there being not commenced till divers of the pale , many in connaught , and all the irish inhabitants of ulster had confederated , and committed open rebellious acts and cruelties against his majesties protestant subjects . nor was this which they call murther of innocent husbandmen , any other than ( upon examination ) found to be justice on rebels from whom the active rebels had daily relief , amongst which there were two protestants . the sword once drawn , legal pleas are seldom heard , though i think his lordship can hardly produce one example where the state ( being seasonably informed ) did not ( as far as the time permitted ) exert their interest to acquit the innocent . the discipline too of his majesties army was so well known , under the conduct of so honourable a person ( no enemy to them further than their disloyalty justly enforced him ) and such worthy officers , as few ( who knew ' them ) will ever give credit to a report that shall blast them in that particular . besides , it must be considered , that what cruel acts soever were done beyond the course of ordinary justice , the objectors must be put in mind that they were primi in culpa ; and that the bloud in drogheda and elsewhere shed in ireland , lies at their doors ; for had they not raised and continued the rebellion through his lordships access ( and other officers from abroad ) to their party , in all probability a sword to this day had not been drawn ( at least continued ) in that kingdom ; and the assurance of what force that united kingdom would ▪ have contributed to his majesty , might have prevented all the effusion of bloud in england . nay , so tender was the state of giving the least offence to any that under that pretence might skreen their villany , as some exceptions being taken by divers lords and gentlemen of the pale , as if they should be involved in these words , that some evil affected irish papists had conspired . &c. the lords justices and council ( to shew they intended thereby onely such of the old mere irish in the province of ulster , as were then actors in that treason , and others who adhered to them ) published the 29. of october , 1641. their sense thereof ; which these discontented gentlemen seemed then to be satisfied with . yet their hearts being bound up with the rebels , it was not long before they suffered ( or rather caused ) the recruit going for drogheda the 29. of november , to be defeated at gellingston bridge , and within a few days after , the lord gormanston ( with many more of the lords and prime gentry of the pale ) struck up an agreement with the rebels at the hill of crofty , meeting afterwards at the hill of tarragh , where they produced an answer to the lords justices summons decemb. 3. to consult with them for the safety of the kingdom ; and that before ever the northern rebels ( as they afterwards alledged ) forced them to a compliance , for want of a sufficient supply from the state to resist them ; pretending they had no security for their safety . which the l. justices and counc . dec. 13. gave them assurance of , upon the word of the state , safely to repair thither without danger of any trouble or stay whatsoever , positively then affirming , that the lords justices and council did never hear sir charles coot ( whom they suggested to have devised a general massacre upon those of their religion ) ever to have counselled so impious or detestable a thing . and to the same intent , advised the 9. of december , luke nettervile esq and others , met at swords , immediately to separate . however they feigned several fears , which the state descended to clear , though to no purpose ; so as the torrent of the pale ran still to make up that deluge . yet that the clearness of the states intentions might further appear to wean all from any apprehensions of suspicion of them , the lords justices at that time imbraced the seeming application of the e. of westmeath , sir morgan cavenagh's feigned protestations , and permitted sir luke fitz gerald , robert harpool esquire , and others , ( against whom they had more than ordinary proofs of their taking part with the first conspirators ) peaceably to return to their habitations ; as they did james warren , and friar paul oneil ( both examined at the council board ) and were not without reason suspected of the rebels party ; which indulgence they soon improved to the defiance of the state , which ( of 60 persons apprehended as justly suspected to be in the plot ) caused onely one of fermanagh to suffer death , whom the lord mac-guire confessed to be privy to the plot. fourthly , as to the keeping back of petitions from the king , by which his lordship will have it , that the whole nation took up arms for their defence ; he must be put in mind ( he taking pleasure to be minded of what is more in others knowledge than his , ) that in the beginning of the rebellion , the irish had never less reason to complain that their grievances were not presented ; for the commissioners of parliament of ireland , ( * by whom the rebellion was hatch'd ) who had attended his majesty with a collection of all grievances , were returned with such high and unexpected condescensions , and those especially relating to the roman catholicks , that it was but in august 1641. ( being the last sessions ) thought that the next sessions of parliament would be principally to return his majesty their acknowledgment , that ( by taking off all discriminations and incapacities ) he had laid a most sure foundation of unity and peace amongst his subjects . though there is a new piece come forth , entituled , a short view of the late troubles in england , which would abuse the world , as if the committee from the parliament of ireland , after nine months attendance , were , at his majesties going for scotland , referred to the parliament of england , and afterwards constrained to return without any redress . besides , the lords justices and council did not conceal or debar any thing that ever came to them from the confederates , though warrantably they might have done it ; some things being so peremptory , that it was not for them to admit of ( being the presentative of his majesty ) and others of that ill consequence to the injured protestants as ( without a comment ) could not ( with their trust ) be presented to his majesty . all or most of which addresses ( however accompanied with undutiful and irreverend expressions or overtures ) were with the first opportunity presented to his majesties view or knowledge . about the 6. of november 1641. the rebels of the county of cavan sent their presumptuous propositions to the lords justices and council , which with their answer , they forthwith certified to the l. lieutenant the e. of leicester , to whom ( by his majesties express command ) the dispatches relating to ireland , were to be directed . about the tenth of the same month the longford letter to the lord dillon of costiloe , full of pretended grievances and unreasonable demands , as freedom of religion , a repeal of all laws made to the contrary , and the like ; was presented to the state in behalf of the rebels of longford ; which having an answerable return , his lordship and the lord taaff , went into england , promoting that which afterwards centered in a cessation . about the midst of december 1641. sir thomas carey and dr. cale a sorbonist , offered to the council board several propositions from the rebels , presuming ( upon the straits that the state was brought to ) that their insolent demands would not have been denied , which they were ; but not without representing them to his majesty . the 23. of december 1641. seven lords of the pale ( who had declared by former letters . that they would stand on their guard , after that they had joined with the northern rebels , in the siege of drogheda ) sent letters to the lords justices , to which ( though without prejudice to his majesties honour ) they could not answer , yet they certified them to the lord lieutenant . and about the 16. of march 1641. there was an overture made to the lords justices by a letter to the earl of castlehaven , ( who by his memoirs gives us occasion to reflect on these things ) in the name of the united lords of the pale , signed by gormanston , nettervile and slane , for a cessation of arms ; after that ( by his majesties forces transmitted out of england , and 10000 compleat fresh men in ulster , besides the scotch ten regiments then in the field ) the irish were beaten from drogheda by sir henry tichborn ; and that his 〈◊〉 ies army was full master of the field in all parts of the pale . to which the lords justices and council thought not fit to hearken ; yet certified it to the lord lieutenant , and did not as some maliciously suggest upon this cause merely make his lordship prisoner . such another paper from the lord mountgarret the 23. of march 1642. came to the earl of ormond , lieutenant general of his majesties army , containing grievances done in england as well as ireland , to shew to the lords justices , which lay not in their power to redress ; which was also sent to the lord lieutenant to be shewn to his majesty . and in august the confederates sent to the lieutenant general a petition directed to his majesty , which his lordship presented to the lords justices , who forthwith sent it to his majesties principal secretary ; and thereupon a commission was sent to the marquess of ormond to meet and hear what the rebels could say or propound for themselves ; by virtue of which , his majesties commissioners received the rebels remonstrance at trym , march 17. 1642. a mere rhapsody of scandalous criminations upon the government , and a justification of their rebellion ; since ( 1644. ) fully answered by a person then at the helm , in a book entituled , the false and scandalous remonstrance of the inhumane and bloudy rebels of ireland , worthy the earl of castlehaven's further information . this remonstrance , at length , brought forth a cessation , in hope ( as david routh , titular bishop of ossory insinuated ) that it would at length prove the ruine of heresie , and the firmer establishment of the catholick faith and interest . and in truth , whatsoever pretension there was for it , it proved a snare to the english , and no advantage to his majesty . after which , their agents were heard by his majesty in oxford , who at their departure ( amongst many excellent admonitions , worthy so intelligent a prince ) were advised , that if they made haste to assist to suppress the english rebellion , they might confidently believe he would never forget to whose merit he owed his preservation and restauration , and then it would be in his absolute power to vouchsafe such graces to them as would not leave them disappointed of their just and full expectations . words sufficiently august . by which it is apparent , that nothing that ever the rebels pretended should come to his majesties ears , was obstructed by the lords justices or state : notwithstanding his lordship is somewhat positive , that the rebels petitions ( particularly those of the pale ) were never sent to the king. wherein he assumes the bleeding iphigenia's language , that the irish to this day were never heard to speak for themselves , which ( by what is before cited ) is fully disproved . though their addresses ( i must again say ) were bold capitulations , rather than dutiful submissions , or acknowledgments of their guilts ; which father peter walsh ( this earls ghostly father , p. 127. ) takes an especial notice of , with a resentment worthy himself that ( in the * congregation at dublin 1666. admitted with an unusual favour ) not one moved for a general petition to be exhibited to his majesty , imploring his gracious pardon ; notwithstanding the rebellion 1641. or the behaviour of the clergy regular or secular at waterford under the nuncio , 1646. or at jamestown 1650. even after the nuncio's departure ; or that they fought against both laws , and those who had not onely the laws , but the king 's special commission , and brake both cessations 1643 , 1647. both peaces , 1646 , 1648. treated for a foreign protector , for the alienation of the crown , stood for mac-mahon's book , that an irish native might be chosen for their king. yet that nothing on the states part ( which might induce the rebels to a submission ) might be omitted , they published the 30. of october 1641. a proclamation , tendering his majesties grace to all seduced rebels , but none tendered themselves . and the first of november following they set forth another proclamation , drawn up by mr. plunket the lawyer , ( afterwards one of their party ) respecting those of the pale , who lay next to the northern rebels , that in 10 days they might submit , but they joined in the same rebellion . and the 12. of the same , the lords justices and council reprinted an order of the lords and commons of the parliament of england , whereby they had power to bestow his majesties gracious pardon to all such as within a convenient time ( to be declared by the governours of that kingdom ) should return to their due obedience , which effected nothing on the rebels . no more did his majesties gracious proclamation of the first of january 1641. under his royal signature and privy signet , commanding them to lay down arms. and when the parliament met the 16. of november 1641. and there was a necessity to prorogue it after two days , by reason of the present state and condition wherein the kingdom stood . the lords justices and council were so careful , that no jealousies or pretence should arise thence , as if his majesty would withdraw any of his acts of grace , that they , by his majesties directions , did make known to the parliament , that his majesty would not depart from any his former favours promised to them for setling their estates , to such as should remain faithful and loyal . nay so desirous were the lords justices and council to draw off from that combination the lords and gentry of the pale , that feb. 8. 1641. when they set prices on the rebels heads ( to which they were authorized , ) they never named the lords of the pale , and but few of the gentry amongst the conspirators , though in an insolent and most prodigious manner they had acted with them . and when the lords justices imployed a committee of parliament to them , they scornfully rejected them , tearing the order of parliament , and the letter that accompanied them . using no better the lord moore , and others appointed to treat with them afterwards ; nor ( at another time ) some of their own clergy , that if it had been possible they might have won them to obedience . yet further , so desirous was the state to compose all difference betwixt them and the rebels , that after sir richard barnewell and patrick barnewell esq , both of the county of meath , had joined with the northern rebels , the state ( upon their pretence , that if they might have a commission to parley with the rebels , they hoped to doe some good for the quiet of the kingdom ) granted them commissions to that end ; although it after appeared ( by a very frivolous and scornful return ) that this was sought by them onely to gain some colour of security for their rebellious complying with the rebels , dealing thence most deceitfully in all things expected from the lords justices and council . could there be greater evidence than these of his majesties governours inclination to peace and mercy ? it is no wonder that the confederates , to effect their empire , should make their way through any calumny they can defame the state withall ; that palliating their own treachery , they might colourably charge the state. whereas the irish were so far from being provoked by the state , that no less a testimony than the word of that great , just and wise prince , king charles i. is extant to posterity . that he did extremely detest the odious rebellion which the recusants of ireland had , without ground or colour , raised against him , his crown and dignity . and as for the lords justices and most of the councils being of the parliaments persuasion , it is an imputation so unjust , that the world may be defied to evidence wherein they further agreed than to manage the war as it was left to the parliament , taking their best measures from the king himself . and thus much i may add , that if exceptions were particularly taken against one of the lords justices , the times being ticklish and apt ( on misconstructions ) to disgust some , the other ( more than that he was his collegue ) was so far from being excepted against , maugre whosoever hath the countenance to face his majesty with the contrary ; that he was instituted again with sir henry tichborn in the government . nor to this day did ever any , save some bigot in popery and rebellion , blast his memory or actions ; unless being reduced to little , for being a perfect englishman , he may be taxed with too much credulity to trust to acts and promises , when he might have secured his arrears out of the publick revenues , then at his disposure , and yet not have tripled his estate to what it was before the rebellion . fifthly , as to the racking of sir john read : it doth not appear by whose order it was done ; nor consequently who was obliged to answer this objection . but it is well known the said read faltered much in the pretence of his business . nor is it a thing to be wondered at , that one , suspicious , and a stranger , should be strictly examined in a time of general conspiracy , the course being often used for discovery , though not for evidence . but the lord castlehaven puts us in mind , ( p. 12. ) he was his majesties sworn servant , a stranger to the country , unengaged , and an eye-witness of the remonstrants proceedings : that he was his majesties sworn servant , may be likely by the impost he had upon butter , procured for him from the king by some chief men of the society as a * reward for his detestable service in perverting a minister and his family to the popish religion ; in whose house in long-acre the jesuits plot ( discovered by andreas ab habernfield , a nobleman of bohemia ) was contrived against the king and kingdoms . by nation he was a scot , in office a secular jesuite , lieutenant colonel to sir henry bruce a papist , in the earl of strafford's new raised army of 8000 in ireland , and ( as his lordship says ) happily an eye-witness of the remonstrants proceedings , therefore the more to be suspected being like to palliate that to the king , which he was privy to in so treacherous a manner . but we cannot allow that he was unengaged , for that ( as we have shewn ) he was formerly interessed in an abominable plot , and we never heard that he detested it since , and was of the same faith with the conspirators , a * substitute of the jesuites . all that could be wrung from him ( though his lordship will have it , that he carried a remonstrance to the king to beg his pardon for what the confederates had done ) was that he had a petition from a few particular persons about their own concern , not one word of a remonstrance of grievances . so as hence it is clear , the state ought not to be taxed for keeping back any petitions from the king. neither could that , or his lordships other pretences be any just motive to desert the state. it being more rational to have adhered to the king's justice than ( in defiance thereof ) to fly to his declared enemies . but the earl of castlehaven having taken his way towards the mountains of wickloe , he cared little for the justices ; that is , for his majesties authority . nor was it a wonder , he intending to associate himself with those who had renounced god and the king ; and so hastning to kilkenny in two or three days he joined with the supreme council of the confederate catholicks , entering into their oath of association , by which all were bound to obey them , being persuaded thereto through the love the country bore him , and his relation , in reference to his three sisters married amongst them . notwithstanding his majesties proclamation jan. 1. 1641. declaring all adhering to those leud and wicked persons then in rebellion in his kingdom of ireland , to be rebels and traitors against his royal person , and enemies to his royal crown of england and ireland ; ordering them to be prosecuted with fire and sword , as persons who ( by their high disloyalty against him their lawful and undoubted king and sovereign ) had made themselves unworthy of any mercy or favour . and notwithstanding his late majesties and his parliaments difference at that time , whereby the siding of such a person of quality as his lordship with the rebels , brought in question his majesties countenancing of them , when in prosecuting of them , the royal army every where succeeded to their chastizement . yet in despite of this success , his majesties proclamations , and the horrid examples of cruelty the rebels had committed on the english in that kingdom in a time of setled peace , without the least occasion given , as his lordship words it in his epistle to the reader , he swore to the hazard of his life and estate , to assist ▪ prosecute and maintain their association . as to which oath i shall not say much , it being elsewhere answered , and particularly well commented on in the letter to the earl of castlehaven . ( p. 50. ) but i shall mind him of what the act of settlement ( somewhat slightly spoken of by his lordship ) says , that the confederates disowned and rejected his , and his royal father's undoubted right to ireland , even while they ( in the outward form of their proceedings ) treacherously used their majesties names ; withall , impiously seeming by words and shews to swear unto that , which by the whole series of their deeds they denied . so as whatsoever satisfaction his lordship took in the model of their government , or the pretence of their oath ( with which he was much pleased ) this act of settlement must brand their proceedings to posterity . and since the e. of castlehav . is so often pleased to bring in the marq. of ormond as consulting with him , i cannot omit how his excellency takes notice in his letter to loughreogh , that notwithstanding the confederates continual declarations of loyalty to his majesty , and their sincerity and earnestness to advance his service and interest ; they have continually by themselves and their known instruments , practised the direct contrary . which considered i cannot think his being one of the supreme council , and general of the horse under preston ( before the cessation ) could ever sublimate his birth or loyalty . for in imitation of good the president is prefer'd , so is imitation in evil worse than the president , and that yet worse , where there is more time for deliberation . his lordship joined not with the consederates in many months after their rebellion , when he saw a design of setting up a supreme council , in opposition to his majesties authority ; and was not ignorant of the unpunish'd villanies and murthers by the confederates . and now being seated in the supreme council , where he made up the 25. with relation to no province , but the kingdom in general ; he observes : first , that if a letter came to them written in irish , it would be wondered at , and hardly could one be found to read it . ( p. 23. ) thereby implying that the council was composed meerly of english , the worse to be liked , not having english spirits . but it is evident few or none ( except himself ) were other than excellently skill'd in the irish. what else did darcy , martin , the lords mountgarret and muskery , the rest of the commissioners , their archbishops of dublin and tuam , with tirlogh o neil do there ? every of which ( besides all their covents , of which there were several in kilkenny ) used it frequently as their native speech , ordering several of their acts , sometimes in irish as well as english , to be printed at waterford by thomas bowrke , printer to the confederate catholicks of ireland . secondly , that they were not in case to bring to justice those that begun the rebellion . what justice he means , is not for me to divine ▪ but it is apparent that what those did , the supreme council countenanced ; else they would not have moved by joint council , lived on one publick stock of maintenance ; nor had the victory of one been the victory of the other , which through the scene was equally acknowledged . thirdly , his lordship observes , that he never saw any of them esteemed or advanced . i know not what he esteems advancement , but i find in the general assembly sir phelim o neil , tirlogh o neil , philip mac mulmore o relie , hubert fox , pierce fitz-gerald ▪ john bellew , john stanley , james flemming , roger moor , &c. all men at first proscribed . and his lordship tells us of owen o neil in the great and notable assembly at waterford . and were i well acquainted with the list of the supreme council , no question but i might find some that appeared first in rebellion brooding there , as others to the end entertained as generals and supreme officers in their army ; than which , what can be more of esteem , or of greater advancement ? in the next place his lordship takes notice of his good fortune at birrh , to begin with an action of charity . ( p. 23. ) and certainly the effect was good , but whether from a principle of right charity ( which proceeds from a love of god to his creatures ) or policy , i shall not busie my self to conclude . but as the case stood , his majesties army was so prosperous in all parts , as had any less been done ( than what he undertook ) the return would have certainly been very severe ; though when the best he can pretend to is summed up at birrh , it must be concluded he was fortunate in disloyalty . it is not my intention to speak any thing of his lordships encounters ( they are under consideration ) his * success in appeasing mutinies , his ⸫ counsels , and the † mercy he shewed to any , ( with which he seems to be much satisfied ; ) no man doubts but his inbred gallantry , education and experience ( p. 115. 119. ) in this and other wars ( in which he had been long trained ) led him to many attempts , all could not be unfortunate , policy as well as arms being often prevalent . though for that ( p. 33. ) wherein he succeeded against sr. charles vauafor , so many miscarriages fell out to impede sir charles's success , as the encounter there rather resembled an incursion than a battel ; and may parallel the great generals parties attempt at fienagh , where the horse being sent over to skirmish , the english mingling with them on a sudden , the foot could do nothing , but through fear to kill their own , left the bridge , castle ▪ and all free to the enemy , ( p. 46. ) and for those who were killed after quarter given at cloghlea castle , the act was so much resented by sir charles as ( had he come off at the pass his lordship encountered him ) the manager of that unsaithfulness had been no less severely punished than those his lordship mentions ( p. 67. ) who ( contrary to the conditions given by his men to the castle , he hath forgotten the name of ) were sadly used by his souldiers , rifled , wounded , slain . not long after this , it seems the marquess of ormond's letter came by a trumpeter to the supreme council then at ross , who was quickly dispatched with a slight answer , ( p. 35. ) which the earl of castlehaven resenting ( on consultation with others ) returned from the supreme council a letter to his excellency , that they had summoned a general assembly , in order to acknowledge the king 's gracious favour in naming him his commissioner to hear their grievances and redress them . which may be well looked on as a reflection , how far he had deviated , and a respect to his excellency ; whilest it cannot but lay a foul aspersion on the supreme council , who could be so insolent as to dispatch a slight answer to his majesties condescentions . though the 8. of july afterwards his lordship joining with the said supreme council ▪ in returning the insufferable answer they sent to the states * warrant for the release of synnot , can hardly be wiped off with a tolerable excuse . this letter soon after brought on a treaty , which ended in the cessation at sigginstown , septemb. 15. 1643. till which was effected , all parties ( writes his lordship , p. 36. ) laboured to get into possession of what they could . this in the king's party was very tolerable , but as to his ( intending thereby to retain by force his majesties castles , to out his good subjects of their inheritance , and to keep up their usurped authority ) was looked on as very unjust and insolent . especially when his majesties commission of grace ( for a cessation of arms ) was in execution , and his prime commissioner ( near the place his lordship besieged ) imploying his officers to procure necessary provisions for him . however the earl of castlehaven proceeded in that manner to a cessation , which in truth proved but a stratagem to draw the english forces out of ireland , that the confederates might reign alone . after which his lordship was chosen ( by the general assembly ) generalissimo , ( owen o neil being thereof disappointed ) of which and his proceeding afterwards ( being that they seemed more to respect the king's affairs ) i shall not say much , his memoirs having spoken sufficiently . and as to the lord inchiquin's changing parties , ( which he often reflects on ) his lordship hath exprest his sense , though in justification of the lord inchiquin more need not be said than what he in his letter to colonel jones june 23. 1649. there says for himself , that he had changed the party , not the cause , bidding him make all things the same they were pretended , and he was the same he ever was . but to proceed , the lord castlehaven writes , ( p. 54 , 56. ) that he served not the confederate catholicks after the service he had done them in his expedition in munster . though he accounts it a kindness to have been consided in by them , whom we are able to make good , did first assume , usurp and exercise the power of life and death , make peace and war , levy and coin money , and did many other acts of sovereign authority ; concluding in that excellent model of government ( p. 22. ) he takes the freedom to commend , that no temporal government or jurisdiction should be assumed , kept or exercised within that kingdom , or any province thereof , than what is approved or instituted by their general assembly . considering which , how his lordship should account it a kindness to be entertained by such a consederacy , being a peer of england , and descended thence from an ancient stock of worth and honour , i must confess i have not yet arrived at that morality to understand it such . though to complete this government the popish lawyers were principal instruments , making use of their learning and skill for subversion of government and good order , seasonably observed by the person of honour in his letter to the e. of castlehaven , and may ( i hope ) for the future be an item in the states admittance of such to the bar. and his lordship must pardon the shrewd memory of the ▪ english , if they call to mind how ( in so bloudy a cause ) he could join with the confederates against such detestations of that rebellion , as his late majesty signified almost in every declaration and message ; and is ( in his present majesties declaration novemb. 5. ) remembred as a hainous rebellion , and unnatural insurrection . which since the receipt of the letter from the person of honour , the earl of castlehaven is convinced , or ( at least is content ) to acknowledge in his epistle to the reader ( added since he published his memoirs ) that it was a rebellion all the water of the sea cannot wash off that nation . but to help that , his lordship is acquainted ( in the col. letter p. 10. ) that he was ordered to go to him , and use his endeavours to persuade him to hasten a peace , for which ( from the beginning of the war ▪ ) his lordship had always laboured : with respect doubtless to his oath of association , by which he was obliged not directly nor indirectly to do any act prejudicial to the cause he had undertook to maintain , ( viz. ) the exercise of the roman catholick faith and religion , &c. throughout the kingdom , and all that should engage therein . an oath absolutely destructive to the english and their interest . certainly there is not any thing that bespeaks a christian more than a mind conciled to truth and union . but how those ends should meet in the peace he designed , was very unlikely , considering his majesties concessions to the adventurers , the inestimable loss the english protestants had suffered , and the enquiry there ought to have been for the innocent bloud poured forth like water , in ireland ; the least of which never came under consideration . in as much as it is notably observed by the person of honour , ( p. 58. ) that the irish did the english more hurt , and advantaged themselves more by the cessation and two first peaces , than ever they did or could do by open force after the first massacre ; nothing ( writes colonel jones in his letter to the marquess of ormond , march 31. 1649. ) being to the english interest in that kingdom more pernicious and apparently destructive . however ( after near three years deliberation ) his majesty was forced to the peace 1646. in assurance of a vigorous assistance , as before he had been forced to the cessation . and this not as * one will have it , who ( to wipe off the force his majesty was put to ) will have the expression to be meant of those that erected that odious court for taking away the life of the excellent king charles the first , and not of the confederates ; whereas the cessation 1643. and peace 1646. ( to which his majesty says his father was forced ) was some years before that odious court was ever thought on , or erected . upon the breach of which peace , the earl of castlehaven , observes , ( p. 80. ) that story mentions not any one thing that had so fatal a consequence . the articles of which being notoriously violated ( it is no matter , whether through the nuncio's standing for glamorgans peace , treacherously obtained , and disallowed of by the king , or the confederates private dissentions , both proceeding from animosities to the state. ) but certain it is , that all the rebels proceedings , and their demands , however condescended to , were insolent treason . besides the lord lieutenant was infamously used , forced out of the kingdom , the parliament then sitting at dublin , registring it to posterity , that the irish were an insolent and , upon all advantages , a perfidious and bloudy enemy . none accompanying his excellency to dublin in his hazardous retreat thithes ▪ when he and the protestant army were designed to be cut off by owen o neil , but the earl of castlehaven , ( p. 75. ) who , upon the rebels blocking up of dublin , advised the lord lieutenant , ( p. 78. ) rather to deliver it to the parliament than the rebels ; for that when the king should have england he would have ireland with it ▪ which otherwise with the nuncio and his party might remain separate . a right conclusion , and that ( if it were his advice , ) determined for the best . * sure it is , the marquess of ormond chose to capitulate with jones and others imployed by the two houses of parliament , to deliver up dublin into their hands , and other places , for that he could no longer hold them , rather than to suffer them to be taken by an army instigated by a foreigner , to the danger of the whole kingdom , and the destruction of those he had so long protected . afterwards i find his lordship for some time retired , in the interim the lord inchiquin , the lord taaff , and other considerable persons united . upon which the marquess of ormond , at the request of the confederates to the queen and prince , was wrought upon to reassume his lieutenantship , with whom the e. of castlehav ▪ returned . the lord lieutenant entered upon this imployment , when the king was in his greatest trouble ; solemnly then concluding with all imaginable satisfaction to the confederates , ( though highly dishonourable to the crown of england , and destructive to the protestants ) the peace of 1648. as before he had done the peace of 1646. upon the frequent commands he had ▪ not to let slip the means of setling that kingdom fully under his majesties obedience , which none could blame the king to make , upon difficult conditions , that he might get such a united power of his own subjects , as might have been able ( with gods blessing ) to have prevented that infamous and horrid parricide which ensued . though generous souls would rather have adventured all interests , than to have enhaunced their price on his majesties necessities . but to come to the peace , which the confederates ( as his lordship writes , p. 81. ) confirmed and sealed with the bloud of more than 20000 of their best men , who lost their lives to maintain it , refusing in the mean while all offers of peace , and that even to the very last , from the parliament . it would take up more time than can be dispensed with ( at present ) to answer all that is here alledged . i cannot say but as many as his lordship affirms may be lost of the irish ; but that they fell in maintainance of this peace , he must give me leave to doubt : in as much as owen o neil , the earl of antrim , and all the northern rebels refused to submit thereunto . whose assistance to the other party he cannot forget , and on what grounds they became mercenary to sir charles coot , no more than that no towns that the confederates had but kilkenny would receive a garrison , ( p. 42. ) and i am confident it is not out of his memory what the clergy did at jamestown , august 12. 1650. two days after that they had sent the bishop of dromore and doctor kelly to persuade the lord lieutenant to leave the kingdom , claiming thereby a power paramount to his majesties authority , seconding their excommunication with daily affronts , searching for him at galway as for a criminal person , their clergy denying to revoke their excommunication , or to give assurance to him , or the commissioners of trust , for not attempting the like for the future . the commissioners too of trust ( on whom much was reposed ) being not all of like integrity . the over balance of the government being clearly in the irish hands . others whom some cried were ormonists , being upon the matter cyphers , as eminently appeared in the conference at kilkenny , and yet 20000 lost their lives to maintain the peace of 1648. this noble earls memoirs furnish us with actions of a notable and active general , such as engaged his souldiers in judgment as well as duty , ( p. 136. ) so as it may be expected with the persian general , that he knew every souldier by his name , and therefore might the more particularly affirm that 20000 fell in maintainance of the peace of 1648. yet who shall consider the premises , and those who afterwards submitted , will believe some unites are wanting to complete his arithmetick . it may be he hath forgot that captain stafford ( a roman catholick ) yielded up the castle of wexford unto cromwel , and entered himself into his service , by which there ensued a notable effusion of bloud . and i see it is out of his mind ▪ how a party of the confederates contracted with ireton to give an inlet for his army into limerick , by securing a port for that purpose ; when , at the same time , hugh o neil their governour opposed it . and though he hath not forgot how he hindered the general assembly met at loghreogh ( upon the marquess of clanrickards entry on the government ) to agree with the parliament ; yet it cannot but be remembred , how unanimously they treated about it ; so as what was prevented in the general , parties afterwards concluded severally . as may 12. 1652. all under the earl of westmeath and the lord muskery ( with whom there were several lords , knights and persons of quality comprehended , ) concluded an agreement with the parliament , though others dissented by reason that they could not have the like conditions , not for any affection to the king's cause , or in maintainance of the peace , 1648. but by reason the bloudiness of their crimes could never be absolved . this being the truth , how may it be said , that to the end they refused all offers of peace to the parliament . non defuerunt ( writes an author of the conspiracy ) catholici , proh pudor ! maxime paci & ormonio hactenus adversarii , qui hisce cromwellii legibus sese subderent . more we might say , but the time wasts . however we cannot draw off till we have somewhat considered his lordships charge , ( p. 81. ) that since his majesties happy restauration , the estates of such as maintained the peace to the last , have been given away by the acts of settlement , some very few excepted . the bleeding iphigenia ( a leading man in the supreme council ) first raised this crie , wonders , writes he , being done since his majesties restauration , rebels are made honest men , and honest men rebels , by the king 's royal pleasure . excellent language ! and that , it seems , which is the sense of the principal romanists at this day ; else the late unfortunate viscount stafford would not so readily ( as he is charged by the eloquent and judicious lord chancellor ) have reviled his majesty for misplacing his bounty , and rewarding none but traitors and rebels . which agreeing with what we have mentioned , may be reason sufficient to fix his lordship a while here centering in opinion . not that i do deny , but happily there were some ( who after their first defection ) faithfully performed what they promised ( more out of interest than duty , ) and are not satisfied to their expectations . yet it is to be weighed , that the peace was made with the community , not particular persons , with the collective body of the irish , not any dissenting clergy : so as the breach being almost general , individuals could not have the benefit thereof . nor hath the act of settlement declared any estates forfeited for fighting for his majesty , but for being guilty of the horridst rebellion history ever recorded . neither doth his majesty give any part of such forfeited estates as a reward to any for fighting against him , as if thereby from being rebels they were made honest men : but thereby he is graciously pleased to continue and confirm the estates in the hands of his protestant subjects , formerly possessed thereof as adventurers or souldiers , redeeming their errour of a temporal defection by arresting the first opportunity , ( without consulting the success thereof , or capitulating with their swords in their hands , as did the irish ) to hazard their lives for his majesties restauration : so as it seems somewhat harsh , to say , that the estates of some few onely were exempted , when his majesty in his gracious declaration for the settlement of ireland , november 30. 1660. saith , we cannot doubt but that all who have merited from us , will confess that we have been so far from being failing to them , that we have as well provided for them , as after so great troubles and confusions , and after such blessed circumstances of our restauration , they could reasonably expect . and it is clear by the act pursuant to that declaration , that the most eminent and considerable persons ( even such as soon after those who began the rebellion in the north ) who took up arms , summoned , by the intrusion of the clergy , a general congregation , they by a packed party of bloudy papists in rebellion and confederacy , a general assembly , those a supreme council concurring with the malice and hatred of the former , who necessitated his majesty to a cessation , fetch'd in the nuncio , abjured both peaces , confederated with the clergy , kept the lord lieutenant out of the principal towns , and twice forced him out of the kingdom , who was their asylum , their advocate , compassionately designing excellent things for them , though with great hardship and damage to the english. these afterwards ascribing all his actions , his counsels , how provident , how sincere soever , foedae proditioni , ( writes vind. cath. p. 223. ) whilest he suffered much calumny for his desire of preserving many of them that fell into his hands , as some of the assembly could witness , who were by his means preserved , and might testifie as much : treating however with foreigners for aid and protection , are restored in bloud and estate , not respecting a condition in that act , that such as entered into the roman catholick confederacy at any time before the articles of peace 1648. should not be restored as innocent papists . and his lordship dates their kindness in admitting him to their confederacy , an. 1642. and are these with his lordship onely a few ? when his majesty had a prospect of his return for england , he was so condescending ( as having notice that edmund reily archbishop of armagh had attempted to instigate the male contents against his coming in , promising to that end great assistance from a conjunction of the stronger part of the roman catholick irish ) that he had don stephano de gameno ( then spanish embassador with the states ) spoken to , that by a command from rome , the said reily might be revoked immediately out of ireland , else he should be put to the stress of signing a warrant for his execution . considering which , as his majesties other condescentions , it looks ill that so signal a grace should be so diminutatively expressed ; as if a few onely were exempted by his clemency . but to return to his memoirs . the earl of castlehaven having been retired , for some difficulties concerning command , ( p. 96. ) is now joined again with the army before dublin , quartering near rathmines , the success of which , his lordship not being in chief command , ( p. 136. ) i shall not mention ; no army or party of army being ever beaten so by an enemy as to lose their ground to the end of the fight where he commanded in chief : yet his excellency had many gallant persons with him ; and this lord was designed a particular post , which he does not tell us how he quitted . however , the blame is not always to be fixed where it may most justly be placed . nor if the lord inchiquin had not gone into munster with the 1100 horse , as he was ordered to do at a council of war * , who is here † and elsewhere ‖ reflected on as if it had been a particular project of his own , could the contingencies of that day have been secured , all the gallantry that was afterwards shewed , being not sufficient to redeem the misfortune ( i will not say the miscarriage ) of that day which in time brought on the earl of clanrickard to be deputy , before ( writes his lordship , p. 116 , ) no more than a spectator ; whereas in november 1646. he was made lieut. general of the army and the great confident of the lord lieutenant and confederates . hence the earl of castlehaven , upon the lord lieutenants retreat into france , made a noble figure in the following war , though it is observed , not without severity and fierce prosecution of the english. and it cannot but be said , ( p. 112. ) that ( according to his excellencies command ) he kept a bussle as long as he could , and seasonably opposed the duke of lorrain's agent , ( p. 125. ) hating to buy a supply so dear , as to give footing , or colour of pretence , or title to any foreign prince , on hopes of succour thence . which redounds much to his honour , though the abbot of st. katherines did land , and by the confederates ( met at galway ) was treated with , without the privity of the deputy who was not far from them . afterwards not being able to bussle further , his lordship , the l. castlehav . ( p. 124. ) was dispatched into france for succours , which failing he procured , the lord deputy his majesties letter acknowledging his good service , ordering him that he should make the best conditions for himself and party , that he could . which was the last of the earl of castlehaven's imployments ; but remains a standing honour to his lordship , and a justice due to the marquess of clanrickard's merits . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28826-e510 his majesties message to the parl. 14. feb. 1641. castleh . ep. to the k. the col. letter to him . see the kings reply for licences for ireland . husb. col. p. 72. the addit . act of sect. f. 116. wares mss. 1642. * so catiline , mihi indies magis animus accenditur , cum considero quae conditio vitae futura sit nisi nosmetipsos vindicemus in libertatem . salust . p. 14. the king's works , vol. 2. p. 569. the brief narrative . decemb. 23. 1674. * loy . form . f. 672. * l'estr . hist. c. 1. f. 182. * so termed in the impeachment against fa. philips , straff . trial , f. 752. walsh s. 115. * p. 67. ⸫ p. 87. † p. 73 , &c. * see hist : of the execrable irish rebell : f. 128 . act of settlement , f. 10. * walsh's reply to the pers. of q. p. 102. * the marqs letter to col. jones , march 17 ▪ 1649. the pers. of hon. letter . p. 27. the hist , of the ir. reb. f ▪ 227 , 233. the hist. of the ir. reb. f. 233. vind. cath. p. 208. * see the m. of ormond's letter to loghreog . f. 110. † 97. ‖ 63 , 64 , 83 , 84 , 97 , 98 , &c. a discouerie of the true causes why ireland was neuer entirely subdued, nor brought vnder obedience of the crowne of england, vntill the beginning of his maiesties happie raigne discoverie of the true causes why ireland was never entirely subdued davies, john, sir, 1569-1626. 1612 approx. 295 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 146 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a67920 stc 6348 estc s109372 99845022 99845022 9893 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67920) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 9893) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 591:01, 1348:10) a discouerie of the true causes why ireland was neuer entirely subdued, nor brought vnder obedience of the crowne of england, vntill the beginning of his maiesties happie raigne discoverie of the true causes why ireland was never entirely subdued davies, john, sir, 1569-1626. [6], 186, 189-287, [1] p. printed [by w. jaggard] for iohn iaggard, dwelling within temple bar, at the signe of the hand and star, [london] : 1612. on a3r: "dedicated to the king, by his maiesties atturney generall, of ireland", i.e. sir john davies. printer's name from stc. the first leaf is blank except for signature-mark "a". the last page contains errata. variant: the last page is blank. identified as stc 6348a on umi microfilm 591. reproductions of the originals in the folger shakespeare library and the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. appears at reel 591 (folger shakespeare library copy) and at reel 1348 (henry e. huntington library and art gallery copy). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for 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and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -to 1603 -early works to 1800. england -foreign relations -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 allison liefer sampled and proofread 2002-10 apex covantage rekeyed and resubmitted 2002-12 chris scherer sampled and proofread 2002-12 chris scherer text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discoverie of the trve cavses why ireland was neuer entirely subdued , nor brought vnder obedience of the crowne of england , vntill the beginning of his maiesties happie raigne . printed for iohn iaggard , dwelling within temple bar , at the signe of the hand and star. 1612. dedicated to the king , by his maiesties atturney generall , of ireland . principis est virtvs maxima , nôsse svos a discouery of the true causes , why ireland was neuer entirely subdued , and brought vnder obedience of the crowne of england , vntill the beginning of his maiesties happy raigne . dvring the time of my seruice in ireland ( which began in the first yeare of his maiesties raigne ) i haue visited all the prouinces of that kingdome , in sundry iournies and circuits . wherein i haue obserued the good temperature of the ayre ; the fruitt●iness of the soyle ; the pleasant and commodious seats for habitation ; the safe and large ports and hauens lying open for trafficke , into all the west parts of the world ; the long inlets of many nauigable riuers , and so many great lakes , and fresh ponds within the land ; ( as the like are not to be seene in any part of europe ) the rich fishings , and wilde fowle of all kinds ; and lastly , th bodies and minds of the people , endued with extraordinarie abilities of nature . the obseruation whereof , hath bred in me some curiositie , to consider , what were the true causes , why this kingdome , whereof our kings of england haue borne the title of soueraign lords for the space of foure hundred and odde yeares ( a period of time wherein diuers great monarchies haue risen from barbarisme to ciuillitie and fallen againe to ruine ) was not in all that space of time , thoroughly subdued and reduced to obedience of the crowne of england , although there hath been almost a continuall warre between the english and the irish ; and why the maners of the meere irish are so little altred since the dayes of king henry the second , as appeareth by the description made by giraldus cambrensis , who liued and wrote in that time ) albeit , there haue bin since that time , so many english colonies planted in ireland , as that , if the people were numbered at this day by the poll , such as are descended of english race , would bee found more in number , then the ancient natiues . and truly , vpon consideration of the conduct and passage of affaires in former times , i find , that the state of england ought to be cleared of an imputatiō , which a vulgar error hath cast vpon it , in one point ; namely , that ireland long since might haue beene subdued and reduced to ciuility , if some statesmen in policy , had not thoght it more fit to continue that realme in barbarisme . doubtlesse , this vulgar opinion ( or report ) hath no true ground , but did first arise either out of ignorance , or out of malice . for it will appeare by that which shal heereafter be laide downe in this discourse , that euer since our nation had any footing in this land , the state of england did earnestly desire , and did accordingly endeuour from time to time , to perfect the conquest of this kingdom , but that in euery age there were found such impediments & defects in both realmes , as caused almost an impossibility , that thinges should haue bin otherwise then they were . the defects which hindred the perfection of the conquest of ireland , were of two kinds , and consisted ; first , in the faint prosecution of the warre , and next , in the loosenesse of the ciuill gouernment . for , the husbandman must first breake the land , before it bee made capeable of good seede : and when it is thoroughly broken and manured , if he do not forth with cast good seed into it , it will grow wilde againe , and beare nothing but weeds . so a barbarous country must be first broken by a warre , before it will be capeable of good gouernment ; and when it is fully subdued and conquered , if it bee not well planted and gouerned after the conquest it wil est-soones return to the former barbarisme . touching the carriage of the martiall affaires , from the seuenteenth yeare of king henry the second , when the first ouerture was made for the conquest of ireland ( i meane the first after the norman conquest of england ) vntill the nine and thirtith yeare of queene elizabeth , when that royall army was sent ouer to suppresse tirones rebellion , which made in the end an vniuersall and absolute conquest of all the irishrie : it is most certaine , that the english forces sent hither , or raised heere from time to time , were euer too weake to subdue and master so many warlike nations ( or septs ) 〈◊〉 the irish , as did possesse this island ; and besides their weakenesse , they were ill paide , and worse gouerned . and if at any time there came ouer anarmy of competent strength and power , it did rather terrifie , then breake and subdue this people , being euer broken and dissolued by some one accident or other , before the perfection of the conquest . for , that i call a perfect conquest of a country , which doth reduce all the people thereof to the condition of subiects : and those i cal subiects , which are gouerned by the ordinary lawes and magistrates of the soueraigne for , though the prince doth beare the title of soueraign lord of an entire country ( as our kings did of all ireland ) yet if there bee two third parts of that countrey wherein he cannot punish treasons , murders , or thefts , vnlesse he send an army to do it ; if the iurisdiction of his ordinary courts of iustice doth not extend into those parts to protect the people from wrong & oppression ; if hee haue no certaine reuennew , no escheats or forfeytures out of the same , i cannot iustly say , that such a countrey is wholly conquered . first then , that wee may iudge and discerne whether the english forces in ireland were at any time of sufficient strength , to make a full and finall conquest of that land , let vs see what extraordinary armies haue bin transmitted out of england thither , and what ordinarie forces haue beene maintained there , and what seruice they haue performed from time to time , since the seauenteenth yeare of king henry the second . in that yeare , mac murugh lord of leinster , beeing oppressed by the lords of meth and conaght , and expelled out of ●…s territorie , mooued king henry the second to inuade ireland , and made an ouerture vnto him for the obtaining of the soueraigne lordship thereof . the king refused to vndertake the warre himselfe , to auoide the charge ( as king henrie the seuenth refused to vndertake the discouery of the indies for the same cause ) but he gaue license by his letters patents , that such of his subiects might passe ouer into ireland , as wold at their owne charge become aduenturers in that enterprize . so as the first attempt to conquer this kingdome , was but an aduenture of a few priuate gentlemen . fitz-stephen , & fitz-girald , first brake the yce , with a party of three hundred ninety men . the earle strongbow followed them with twelue hundered more , whose good successe vpon the sea-coasts of leinster and mounster , drew ouer the king in person the next year after , cum quingentis militihus , as giraldus cnmbrensis reporteth , who was present in ireland at that time . which if they were but fiue hundered souldiers , seemeth too smal a traine for so great a prince . but admit they wer fiue hundred knights , yet because in those dayes euery knight was not a commaunder of a regiment or company , but most of them serued as priuate men , ( sometimes a hundered knightes vnder a speare ) as appeareth by the lists of the ancient armies , we cannot coniecture his army to haue beene so great , as might suffice to conquer all ireland , being diuided into so many principalities , and hauing so manie hydraes heads , as it had at that time . for albeit , tacitus in the life of agricola doth report , that agricola hauing subdued the greatest part of great britaine , did signifie to the senat of rome , that he thought ireland might also be conquered with one legion , and a few ayds : i make no doubt , but that if he had attempted the conquest thereof with a farre greater army , he would haue found himselfe deceiued in his coniecture . for , a barbarous country is not so easily conquered , as a ciuill , where of caesar had experience in his warres against the gaules , germaines , and britaines , who were subdued to the roman empire , with farre greater difficulty , then the rich kingdoms of asia . and againe , a countrey possessed with many pettie lordes and states , is not so soone brought vnder entirely , as an entire kingdome gouerned by one prince or monarch . and therefore , the late king of spaine could sooner win the kingdome of portugall , then reduce the states of the low-countries . bvt let vs see the successe of king henrie the second , doubtlesse his expedition was such , as he might haue said with caesar : veni , vidi , vici , for , vpon his first arriuall , his very presence without drawing his sword , preuailed so much , as al the petty-kings , or great lords within leinster , conaght , and mounster , submitted themselues vnto him , promised to pay him tribute , & acknowledged him their chiefe and soueraigne lord. besides , the better to assure this inconstant sea-nimph ( who was so easily wonne ) the pope would needs giue her vnto him with a ring ; coniugio iungam stabili , propriamque dicabo . but as the conquest was but slight and superficiall , so the popes donation , and the irish submissions , were but weake and fickle assurances . for , as the pope had no more interrest in this kingdome , then he which offered to christ all the kingdomes of the earth ; so the irish pretend , that by their law , a tanist might do no act that might bind his successor . but this was the best assurance hee could get from so many strong nations of people , with so weake a power : and yet he was so well pleased with this title of the lordship of ireland , as he placed it in his royall stile , before the dutchies of normandy & aquitaine . and so , being aduertised of somestirs raised by his vnnatural sonnes in england , within fiue months after his first arriuall hee departed out of ireland , without striking one blow , or building one castle , or planting one garrison among the irish , neither left he behinde him one true subiect more then those he found there at his comming ouer , which were onely the english aduenturers spoken of before , who had gained the port townes in leinster and mounster , and possessed some scopes of land thereunto adioyning , partly by strongbowes alliaunce with the lord of leinster , and partly , by plaine inuasion and conquest . and this is that conquest of king henry the second , so much spoken of , by so many writers , which though it were in no other manner then is before expressed , yet is the entire conquest of all ireland , attributed vnto him . but the troth is , the conquest of ireland was made peece and peece , by slow steppes and degrees , and by seuerall attempts , in seuerall ages . there were sundry reuolutions , as well of the english fortunes , as of the irish ; some-whiles one preuailing , somewhiles the other , and it was neuer brought to a full period , till his maiesty that now is , came to the crowne . as for king henry the second , hee was farre from obtaining that monarchy royall , and true soueraignetie which his maiesty ( who nowe raigneth ) hath ouer the irish. for the irish lords did onely promise to become tributaries to king henry the second . and such as pay onely tribute , though they bee placed by bodin , in the first degree of subiection , are not properlie subiects but soueraignes . for , though they bee lesse and inferiour vnto the prince to whom they pay tribute , yet they hold all other pointes of soueraignty ; and hauing paide their tribute which they promised , to haue their peace , they are quit of all other duties , as the same bodin writeth . and therefore , though king henry the second had the title of soueraigne lorde ouer the irish , yet did he not put those thinges in execution , which are the true markes and differences of soueraignty . for , to giue lawes vnto a people , to institute magistrats and officers ouer them ; to punish and pardon malefactors ; to haue the sole authority of making warre and peace , and the like ; are the true markes of soueraignetie ; which king henry the second had not in the irish countreyes , but the irish lords did still retaine all these prerogatiues to themselues . for they gouerned their people by the brehon law ; they made their owne magistrates and officers ; they pardoned and punnished all malefactours within their seuerall countries ; they made warre and peace one with another , without controulment ; and this they did not onely during the raigne of king henry the second , but afterwardes in all times , euen vntill the raigne of queen elizabeth : and it appeareth what maner of subiects these irish lords were , by the concorde made betweene k. henrie the second , and rodericke ô connor the irish king of conaght , in the yeare 1175. which is recorded by houeden in this forme : hic est finis & concordia , inter dominū regem angliae henricū , filiū imperatricis , & rodoricum regem conactae , scilicet , quod rex &c. angliae concessit praedict roderico ligeo hominisuo , vt sit rex sub eo paratus ad seruitium suum , vt homo suus , &c. and the commission , whereby king henry the second made vvilliam fitz-adelme his lieutenant of ireland , hath this direction ; archiepiscopis , episcopis , regibus , comitibus , baronibus , & omnibus fidelibus suis in hibernia , salutem . whereby it is manifest , that hee gaue those irish lords the title and stile of kinges . king iohn likewise did grant diuers charters to the king of conaght , which remaine in the tower of london . and afterwards in the time of king henrie the third , wee finde in the tower , a graunt made to the king of thomond , in these words . rex regi tosmond salutem . concessimus vobis terram tosmond quam prius tenuistis , per firmam centum & triginta marcarum ; tenendum de nobis vsque ad aetatem nostram : and in the pipe rols remaining in bremighams tower , in the castle of dublin , vpon sundrie accompts of the seneshal of vlster ( when that earledome was in the kings handes , by reason of the minority of the earle ) the entry of all such charges as were made vppon oneale , for rentbeeues , or for aids towards the maintenance of the kinges warres , are in this forme . oneal regulus 400 vaccas pro arreragio reddit ; oneal regulus , 100 li de auxilio domini regis ad guerram suam in wasconia sustinendam . and in one rol the 36. of henry the third , oneale rex , 100 li. de auxilio domini regis ad guerram suam in vvallia sustinendam . which seemed strange to me , that the kings ciuill officer should giue him that stile vpon record , vnlesse he meant it in that sense as maximilian the emperour did , when speaking of his disobedient subiects ; the title ( saide he ) of rex regum , doth more properly belong to mee , then to any mortall prince , for all my subiects do liue as kings , they obey me in nothing , but do what they list . and truely , in that sence these irish lords might not vnfitly be tearmed kings . but to speake in proper termes , wee must say with the latine poet , quirexest , regem , maxime non habeat . but touching these irish kings , i will adde this note out of an ancient manuscript , the blacke booke of christ-church in dublin . isti reges non fuerunt ordinati solemnitate alicuius ordinis , nec vnctionis sacramento , nec iure baereditario , vel aliqua proprietatis successione , sed vi & armis quilib●t regnē suum obtinuit : and therefore , they had no iust cause to complaine , when a stronger king then themselues , became a king and lord ouer them . but let vs returne to our purpose , and see the proceeding of the martiall affaires . king henry the second , being returned into england , gaue the lordship of ireland vnto the lord iohn his youngest sonne , sur-named before that time , sans terre . and the pope confirming that guift , sent him a crowne of pea-cockes feathers ( as pope clement the eight , sent the feather of a phoenix ( as he called it ) to the traitor tirone . ) this young prince the kings sonne , being but twelue years of age , with a traine of yong noblemen and gentlemen , to the number of 300. but not with any maine army , came ouer to take possession of his new patrimony , and being arriued at vvaterford , diuers irish lords ( who had submitted themselues to his father ) came to performe the like duty to him . but that youthfull company vsing them with scorne , because their demeanors were but rude and barbarous , they went away much discontented , and raised a generall rebellion against him . whereby it was made manifest , that the submission of the irish lords , and the donation of the pope , were but slender and weake assurances for a kingdome . heereupon this young lord was reuoked , and sir iohn de courcy sent ouer , not with the kings armie , but with a company of voluntaries , in number foure hundered , or thereabout . with these he atempted the conquest of vlster , and in foure or fiue encounters , did so beate the irishry of that prouince , as that he gained the maritime coasts thereof , from the boyne to the bann ; and thereupon , was made earle of vlster . so as now the english had gotten good footing in all the prouinces of ireland . in the first three prouinces of leinster , mounster , and conaght , part by the sword , and part by submission and alliance . and lastly , in vlster , by the inuasion and victories of sir iohn de courcy . from this time forward , vntill the seuenteenth year of king iohn ( which was a space of more then 30. yeares ) there was no army transmitted out of england , to finish the conquest , howbeit in the meane time , the english aduenturers and colonies alreadie planted in ireland , did winne much ground vpon the irish ; namely , the earle strongbow , hauing married the daughter of mac murrogh , in leinster ; the lacies in meth ; the giraldines , and other aduenturers in mounster , the audeleyes , gernons , clintons , russels , and other voluntaries of sir iohn de courcies retinue , in vlster ; and the bourkes ( planted by william fitz-adelme ) in conaght . yet were the english reputed but part-owners of ireland at this time , as appeareth by the commission of the popes legate in the time of king richard the first , whereby he had power to exercise his iurisdiction , in anglia , wallia , ac illis hiberniae partibus , in quibus iohannes moretonii comes potestatem habet et dominium , as it is recorded by mat. paris . king iohn , in the twelfth year of his raigne , came ouer again into ireland : the stories of that time say , with a great army , but the certaine numbsrs are not recorded : yet it is credible , in regard of the troubles where-with this king was distressed in england , that this army was not of sufficient strength to make an entire conquest of ireland ; and if it had bin of sufficient strength , yet did not the king stay a sufficient time to performe so great an action , for he came ouer in iune , & returned in septem . the same yeare howbeit in that time , the irish lords for the most part , submitted thēselues to him , as they had done before to his father : which was but a meere mockery & imposture . for his backe was no sooner turned , but they returned to their former rebellion : & yet this was reputed a second conquest . and so this king giuing order for the building of some castles vpon the borders of the english colonies , left behinde him the bishop of norwich , for the ciuill gouernment of the lande ; but he left no standing army to prosecute the conquest : onely the english colonies which were alreadie planted , were left to themselues to maintaine what they had got , and to gaine more if they could . the personall presence of these two great princes , king henry the second , and king iohn , though they performed no great thing with their armies , gaue such countenaunce to the english colonies , which encreased dayly by the comming ouer of new voluntaries and aduenturers out of england , as that , they enlarged their territories verie much . howbeit after this time the kings of england , either because they presumed that the english colonies were strong enough to roote out the irish by degrees , or else because they were diuerted or disabled otherwise ( as shall bee declared heereafter ) neuer sent ouer any royall armie , or anie numbers of men worthy to be called an army into ireland , vntill the thirty six yeare of king edward the thirde , when lionell duke of clarence , the kings second sonne , hauing married the daughter and heyre of vlster , was sent ouer with an extraordinary power in respect of the time ( for the warres betwixt england and fraunce , were then in their heate ) aswell to recouer his earledome of vlster , which was then ouer-run & possest by the irish , as to reforme the english colonies , which were become strangely degenerate throughout the whole kingdome . for though king henry the thirde , gaue the whole land of ireland to edward the prince , his eldest son , and his heyres , ita quod non separetur a cona angliae . whereupon it was styled the land of the lorde edward , the kings eldest sonne : and all the officers of the land , were called the officers of edward lord of ireland ; and though this edward were one of the most actiue princes that euer liued in england , yet did he not either in the life time of his father , or during his own raign , come ouer in person , or transmit any armie into ireland , but on the other side , he drew sundry ayds & supplies of men out of ireland , to serue him in his warres in scotland , wales , and gascoigne . and again , though king edw : the second sent ouer piers gaueston with a great retinue , it was neuer intended he should perfect the conquest of ireland ; for the k. could not want his company so long a time , as must haue beene spent in the finishing of so tedious a worke . so then , in all that space of time , betweene the twelfth yeare of king iohn , and the 36. yeare of king edward the third , containing 150. years , or thereabouts , although there were a continuall bordering war between the english and the irish , there came no royall army out of england , to make an end of the warre . but the chiefe gouernors of the realme , who were at first called custodes hiberniae ; and afterwards lords iustices , and the english lordes , who had gotten so great possessions and royalties , as that they presumed to make warre and peace without direction from the state , did leuie all their forces within the land . but those forces were weakely supplied , and ill gouerned , as i said before . weakly supplyed with men and money ; and gouerned with the worst discipline that euer was seene among men of warre . and no maruell , for it is an infallible rule , that an army ill paide , is euer vnruly , and ill gouerned . the standing forces heere , were sildome or neuer re-enforced out of england , and such as were either sent from thence , or raised heer , did commonly do more hurt and damage to the english subiects , then to the irish enemies , by their continuall sesse and extortion . which mischiefe did arise , by reason that little or no treasure was sent out of england , to pay the soldiers wages : onely the kings reuennew in ireland was spent , and wholy spent in the publicke seruice ; and therefore , in al the ancient pipe-rols in the times of henry the third , edward the first , edward the second , & edward the third , betweene the receipts and allowances , there is this entrie ; in thesauro nihil . for the officers of the state and the army , spent all ; so , as there was no surplusage of treasure ; and yet that all was not sufficient . for in default of the kings pay , aswell the ordinary forces which stood continually , as the extraordinarie , which were leuied by the cheefe gouernor , vpon iourneyes , and generall hoastings , were for the most part laid vpon the poore subiect descended of english race ; howbeit this burden was in some measure tolerable in the time of king henry the third , and king edward the first ; but in the time of king edward the second , maurice fitz-thomas of desmond , beeing chiefe commander of the army against the scots , began that wicked extortion of coigne and liuery , and pay , that is ; he & his army tooke horse meate and manfmeate , and money , at their pleasure , without any ticket , or other fatisfaction . and this was after that time , the generall fault of all the gouernours and commanders of the army in this lande . onely the golden saying of sir thomas rookesby , who was iustice in the thirtieth yeare of king edward the 3. is recorded in all the annalles of this kingdome , that he would eate in wodden dishes , but would pay for his meat , gold & siluer . besides , the english colonies being dispersed in euerie prouince of this kingdome , were enforced to keepe continuall guards vpon the borders & marches round about them ; which guardes , consisting of idle souldiers , were likewise imposed as a continuall burthen vppon the poore english free-holders , whome they oppressed and impouerished in the same manner . and because the great english lords & captaines had power to impose this charge , when , and where they pleased , manie of the poore freeholders , were glad to giue vnto those lords , a great part of their lands , to hold the rest free from that extortion : and many others , not being able to endure that intollerable oppression , did vtterly quit their freeholds , and returned into england . by this meane , the english colonies grew poore and weake , though the english lords grew rich and mighty : for they placed irish tenants vppon the landes relinquished by the english ; vpon them they leuied all irish exactions ; with them they married , and fostered , and made gossips : so as within one age , the english , both lords and free-holders , became degenerate and meer irish in their language , in their apparrell , in their armes and maner of fight , & all other customes oflife whatsoeuer . by this it appeareth , why the extortion of coigne and liuory , is called in the old statutes of ireland , a damnable custome ; and the imposing & taking thereof , made high treason . and it is saide in an ancient discourse of the de●…y of ireland , that though it were first inuented in hell , yet if it had been vsed and practised there , as it hath been in ireland , it had long since destroyed the very kingdome of belzebub . in this manner was the warre of ireland carried , before the comming ouer of lionel duke of clarence . this young prince , being earle of vlster , and lord of conaght , in right of his wife ( who was daughter and heire of the lord vvilliam bourke , the last earle of vlster of that family , slaine by treachery at knockfergus ) was made the kings lieutenant of ireland , and sent ouer with an army , in the 36. year of king edward the third . the rol and list of which army , doth remaine of record in the kings remembrauncers office in england ( in the presse de rebust augentibus hiberniam ) & dooth not containe aboue fifteene hundred men by the poll ; which because it differs somewhat from the manner of this age , both in respect of the command and the entertainment , i thinke it not impertinent to take a briefe view thereof . the lord lionel was generall and vnder him raulf earle of staffora , iames earle of ormond , sir iohn carew banneret , sir william winsor , & other knights were commanders . the entertainment of the generall vpon his first arriuall , was but six shillings eight pence , per diem , for himselfe ; for fiue knights , two shillings a peece , per diem ; for 64. esquires , xij . d a peece , per diem ; for 70 archers , vj. d. a peece , per diem . but being shortly after created duke of clarence ( which honor was conferred vpon him beeing heere in ireland ) his entertainement was raised to xiij . s. iiij . d. per diem , for himselfe , & for 8. knights , ij s. a piece per diem , with an encrease of the number of his archers , viz : 360 archers on horsebacke , out of lancashire , at vjd . a peece per diem , and 23. archers out of wales , at ij d. a peece per diem . the earle of staffords entertainment , was for himselfe vi s. viij d. per diem , for a banneret , iiij s. per diem , for xvij . knights , ij s. a peece per diem , for 78. esquires , xij d. a peece per diem , for 100 archers on horsebacke , vj d. a peece per diem . besides , he had the command of 24. archers out of staffordshire , 40. archers out of worcestershire , & six archers out of shropshire , at iiij d. a peece per diem . the entertainment of iames earle of ormond , was for himselfe iiij s. per diem , for two knights , ij s. a peece per diem , for 27 esquires xij d. a piece per diem , for 20 hoblers armed ( the irish horsemen were so called , because they serued on hobbies ) vj d. a peece per diem , and for 20. hoblers not armed , iiij d. a peece per diem . the entertainment of sir iohn carew banneret , was for himselfe iiij s. perdiem , for one knight , ij s. per diem , for eight squires , xij d. a peece , per diem , for ten archers on horsebacke , vj d. a peece per diem . the entertainement of sir william winsore , was for himselfe ij s. per diem : for two knights , ij s. a peece per diem : for 49. squiers xij d. a peece per diem , for six archers on horseback , vj d. a piece per diem . the like entertainment rateably , were allowed to diuers knightes and gentlemen vpon that list , for themselues and their seuerall retinewes , whereof some were greater , and some lesse , as they themselues coulde raise them among their tenants and followers . for in ancient times , the king himselfe did not leuy his armies by his owne immediate authority or commission , but the lords and captaines did by indenture couenant with the king , to serue him in his wars with certaine numbers of men , for certain wages & entertainments , which they raised in greater or lesse numbers , as they had fauour or power with the people . this course hath been changed in later times vpon good reason of state : for the barons and chiefe gentlemen of the realme , hauing power to vse the kings prerogatiue in that point , became too popular ; whereby they were enabled to raise forces euen against the crown it self , which since the statutes made for leuying and mustering of souldiers by the kings speciall commission , they cannot so easily performe , if they should forget their duties . this lord lieutenant , with this small army , perfourmed no great seruice ; & yet vpon his comming ouer , all men who had land in ireland , were by proclamation re maunded backe out of england thither , and both the cleargy and laity of this land , gaue two yeares profits of all their landes and tithes , towards the maintenance of the war heere : only he suppressed some rebels in low leinster , and recouered the maritime parts of his erldome of vlster . but his best seruice did consist in the well-gouerning of his army , and in holding that famous parliament at kilkenny ; wherein the extortion of the souldier , and the degenerat maners of the english ( briefly spoken of before ) were discouered , and lawes made to reforme the same : which shall bee declared more at large heereafter . the next lieutenant , transmitted with any forces out of england , was sir vvilliam winsore ; who in the 47 yeare of king edward the third , vndertooke the custodie , not the conquest , of this land ( for now the english made rather a defensiue then an inuasiue war ) and withal , to defray the whol charge of the kingdome , for eleauen thousand two hundred thirteene pounds , six shillings and eight pence , as appeareth by the indenture betweene him and the king , remaining of record in the tower of london . but it appeareth by that which froissard reporteth , that sir william winsore was so farre from subduing the irish , as that himselfe reported : that he could neuer haue accesse to vnderstande and know their countries , albeit he had spent more time in the seruice of ireland , then any englishman then liuing . and heere i may well take occasion , to shewe the vanity of that which is reported in the story of walsingham , touching the reuennue of the crown in ireland , in the time of king edward the third . for he setting forth the state of things there , in the time of king richard the 2. writeth thus : cum rex angliae illustris , edwardus tertius illic posuisset bancum suum at● iudices , cum scaccario , percepit inde ad regalem fiscum annuatim triginta millia librarum ; modò propter absentiam ligeorum , & hostium potentiam , nihil inde venit : sed rex per annos singulos , de suo marsupio , terrae defensoribus soluit triginta millia marcarum , ad regni sui dedecus et fisci grauissimum detrimentū . if this writer had knowne , that the kings courts had beene established in ireland more then a hundred yeares before king edw. 3. was borne , or had seene eyther the parliament rols in england , or the records of the receits and yssues in ireland , he had not left this vaine report to posterity . for both the benches and the exchequer were erected in the twelfth year of king iohn . and it is recorded in the parliament rols of 21 , of edward the third , remaining in the tower , that the commons of england made petition that it might be enquired why the king receiued no benefit of his land of ireland , considering he possessed more there , then any of his ancestors had before him . now , if the king at that time , when there were no standing forces maintained there , had receiued 30000. pound yearely at his exchequer in ireland , he must needes haue made profit by that land , considering that the whole charge of the kingdome in the 47. yeare of edward the third ( when the king did pay an army there ) did amount to no more then eleuen thousand and two hundred pounds , per annum , as appeareth by the contract of sir vvilliam winsore . besides , it is manifest by the pipe-rolles of that time , wherof many are yet preserued in breminghams tower ; and are of better credite then any monkes story , that during the raigne of king edward the third , the reuenew of the crowne of ireland , both certaine and casuall , did not rise vnto 10000. li. per annum , though the medium be taken of the best seauen years that are to bee found in that kinges time . the like fable hath hollingshead touching the reuennue of the earledome of vlster ; which ( saith hee ) in the time of king richard the second was thirty thousand markes by the yeare ; whereas in truth , though the lordships of conaght and meth ( which were then parcell of the inheritaunce of the earle of vlster ) be added to the accompt , the reuennew of that earledome came not to the thirde part of that he writeth . for the accompt of the profits of vlster yet remayning in breminghams tower , made by william fitz-warren , seneshall and farmour of the landes in vlster , seized into the kings hands after the death of walter de burgo , earle of vlster , from the fifth yeare of edward the third , vntill the eight yeare , doe amount but to 900. and odde pounds , at what time the irishry had not made so great an inuasion vpon the earledome of vlster , as they had done in the time of king richard the second . as vaine a thing it is , that i haue seen written in an ancient . manuscript , touching the customes of this realme in the time of king edward the third , that those dutics in those daies should yearely amount to 10000. markes , which by mine owne search and view of the records heere , i can iustly controll . for vppon the late reducing of this ancient inheritance of the crown which had beene detained in most of the port-townes of this realme , for the space of a hundred yeares and vpwardes , i tooke some paines ( according to the duty of my place ) to vis● all the pipe-rolles , wherein the accompts of customes are contained , and found those duties aunswered in euery port , for 250. yeares together , but did not find that at any time they did exceed a thousand pound , per annum ; and no maruell , for the subsidie of pondage was not then known , and the greatest profite did arise by the cocquet of hides ; for wooll , and wooll-fels were euer of little value in this kingdome . but now againe let vs see how the martiall affayrs proceeded in ireland . sir william winsor continued his gouerment till the latter end of the raign of king edward the thirde , keeping , but not enlarging , the english borders . in the beginning of the raigne of king richard the second , the state of england began to thinke of the recouery of ireland : for then was the first statute made against absentees , commanding al such as had land in ireland , to returne & reside thereupon , vppon paine to forfeite two third parts of the profit thereof . againe , this king , before himselfe intended to passe ouer , committed the gouernment of this realme to such great lordes successiuely , as he did most loue and fauor : first to the earle of oxford his cheefe minion , whom he created marquesse of dublin , and duke of ireland : next to the duke of surrey his halfe brother : and lastly , to the lord mortimer , earle of march and vlster , his cosin and heyre apparant . among the patent rolles in the tower , the ninth yeare of rich. the 2. we finde fiue hundred men at armes at xij . d. a peece , per diem ; and a 1000. a chers at vi . pence a piece , per diem , appointed for the duke of ireland , super conquestu illius terrae per duos annos : for those are the wordes of that record ; but for the other two lieutenants , i do not find the certain numbers , wherof their armies did consist . but certaine it is , that they were scarse able to defend the english borders , much lesse to reduce the whol island . for one of them ; namely , the earle of march was himselfe slain vpon the borders of meth ; for reuenge of whose death , the king himselfe made his second voyage into ireland , in the last yeare of his raigne . for his first voyage in the eighteenth yeare of his raigne ( which was indeed a voyageroyall ) was made vpon another motiue and occasion , which was this ; vpon the vacancy of the empire , this king hauing married the king of bohemiaes daughter ( whereby hee had great alliance in germany ) did by his ambassadors solicit the princes electors to choose him emperour : but another being elected , and his ambas sadors returned , hee would needes know of them the cause of his repulse in that competition : they tolde him plainly , that the princes of germanie did not thinke him fit to commaund the empire , who was neither able to hold that which his ancestours had gained in france , nor to rule his inso lent subiects in england , nor to maister his rebellious people of ireland . this was enough to kindle in the heart of a young prince , a desire to performe some great enterprise . and therefore finding it no fit time to attempt france , he resolued to finish the conquest of ireland ; and to that end , he leuied a mightie armie , consisting of foure thousand men at armes , and 30000. archers , which was a sufficient power to haue reduced the whol island , if he had first broken the irish with a warre , and after established the english lawes among them , and not haue beene satisfied with their light submissions onely , wherewith , in all ages they haue mockt and abused the state of england . but the irish lords knowing this to be a sure pollicie to dissolue the forces which they were not able to resist ( for their ancestors had put the same trick and imposture vppon king iohn , and king henry the second ) assoone as the king was arriued with his army , which he brought ouer vnder s. edwards banner ( whose name was had in great veneration amongst the irish ) they all made offer to submit themselues . whereupon the lorde thomas mowbray , earle of nottingham , and marshall of england , was authorized by speciall commission , to receiue the homages & oaths of fidelity , of all the irishrie of leinster . and the king himselfe hauing receiued humble letters from oneale , ( wherein hee styleth himselfe prince of the irishry in vlster , and yet acknoledgeth the king to be his soueraign lorde , & perpetuus dominus hiberniae ) remoued to droghedab , to accept the like submissions from the irish of vlster . the men of leinster , namely , mac murrogh , o byrne , o moore , o murrogh , o nolan , and the cheefe of the kinshelaghes , in an humble and solemn manner did their homages , & made their oaths of fidelity to the earl marshall , laying aside their girdles , their skeins and their caps , and falling downe at his feet vpon their knees . which whe they had performed , the earle gaue vnto each of them , osculum pacis . besides , they were bound by feueral indentures , vpon great paines to bee paide to the apostolique chamber , not onely to continue loyall subiects , but that by a certaine day prefixed , they and all their sword men should clearely relinquish and giue vp vnto the king and his successors all their landes and possessions which they held in leinster , and ( taking with them onely their mooueable goods ) shold serue him in his warres against his other rebels . in consideration whereof , the king should giue them pay & pensions during their liues , and bestow the inheritance of all such lands vpon them , as they shoulde recouer from the rebels , in any other part of the realme . and thereupon , a pension of eighty markes , per annum , was graunted to art'mac murrogh , chiefe of the kauanaghes ; the enroulement whereof , i found in the white booke of the exchequer heere . and this was the effect of the seruice performed by the earle marshall , by vertue of his commission . the king in like maner receiued the submissions of the lords of vlster , namely ; o neal , o hanlon , mac donel , mac mahon , & others ; who with the like humility and ceremony , did homage and fealtie to the kings owne person ; the words of o neales homage as they are recorded are not vnfit to be remembered : ego nelanus oneal senior tam pro meipso , quā pro filijs mels , & tota natione mea & parentelis meis , & pro omnibus subdit is me is deuenio ' ligeus homo vester , &c. and in the indenture betweene him and the king , he is not onely bound to remaine faithfull to the crowne of england , but to restore the bonaght of vlster , to the earle of vlster , as of right belonging to that earledomc , & vsurped among other things by the oneales . these indentures and submissions , with many other of the same kinde ( for there was not a chieftaine or head of an irish sept , but submitted himselfe in one forme or other ) the king himselfe caused to bee enrolled and testified by a notary publique , & deliuered the enroulments with his owne hands to the byshop of salisbury , then lord treasurer of england , so as they haue beene preserued , and are now to be found in the office of the kings remembrancer there . with these humilities they satisfied the young king , and by their bowing and bending , auoyded the present storme , and so brake that army , which was prepared to breake them . for the king hauing accepted their submissions , receiued them in osculo pacis , feasted them , and giuen the honor of knight-hood to diuers of thē , did breake vp and dissolue his armie , and returned into england with much honor , & smal profit , ( saith froissard . ) for though he had spent a huge masse of treasure in transporting his army , by the countenance whereof , he drew on their submissions , yet did hee not encrease his reuennew thereby one sterling pound , nor enlarged the english borders the bredth of one acre of land ; neither did he extend the iurisdiction of his courtes of justice one foote further then the english colonies , wherein it was vsed and exercised before . besides , he was no sooner returned into england , but those irish lords laide aside their maskes of humility , and scorning the weake forces which the king had left behinde him , beganne to infest the borders ; in defence whereof , the lord roger mortimer being then the kings lieutenant , and heire apparent of the crowne of england , was slaine , as i saide before . whereupon the king being moued with a iust appetite of reuenge , came ouer againe in person , in the 22. yeare of his raigne , with as potent an armie , as he had done before , with a ful purpose to make a full conquest of ireland : he landed at waterford , and passing from thence to dublin , through the wast countries of the murroghes , kinshelaghes , cauanaghes , birnes , and tooles , his great armie was much distressed for want of victuals and carriages , so as he performed no memorable thing in that iourney ; onely in the cauanaghes countrey , hee cut and cleared the paces , and bestowed the honor of knighthood vpon the lord henry , the duke of lancasters son , who was afterwards king henrie the fifte , and so came to dublin , where entring into counsell how to proceede in the warre , he receiued newes out of england , of the arriuall of the bannished duke of lancaster at rauenspurgh , vsurping the regall authority , and arresting and putting to death his principall officers . this aduertisement suddainely brake off the kings purpose touching the prosecution of the warre in ireland , and transported him into england , where shortly after hee ended both his raigne and his life . since whose time , vntill the 39. yeare of q elizabeth , there was neuer any armie sent ouer of a competent strength or power to subdue the irish , but the warre was made by the english colonies , onely to defend their borders ; or if any forces were transmitted ouer , they were sent only to suppresse the rebellions of such as were descended of english race , and not to enlarge our dominion ouer the irish. dvring the raigne of king henrie the fourth , the lorde thomas of lancaster the kings second sonne , was lieutenant of ireland , who for the first eight yeares of that kings raign , made the lord scroope , and others his deputies , who only defended the marches with forces leuied within the land. in the eight yeare that prince came ouer in person with a small retinue . so as wanting a sufficient power to attempt or performe any great seruice , he returned within seuen moneths after into england . yet during his personall abode there , he was hurt in his owne person within one mile of dublin , vpon an incounter with the irish enemy . he tooke the submissions of o birne of the mountaines , mac mahon , and o rely , by seuerall indentures , wherin o birne doth couenant , that the king shall quietly enioy the mannor of new-castle ; mac mahon accepteth a state in the ferny for life , rendering ten pound a yeare ; and o reley doth promise to performe such duties to the earle of march and vlster , as were contained in an indenture dated the 18. of richard the second . in the time of k. henry the fift , there cam no forces out of england . howbeit the lord furniual being the kings lieutenant , made a martial circuit , or iourney , round about the marches & borders of the pale , and brought all the irish to the kinges peace , beginning with the birnes , tooles , and cauanaghes on the south , and so passing to the moores , o connors , and offerals in the west ; and ending with the o relies , mac mahons , o neales , and o haulons in the north. hee had power to make them seeke the kings peace , but not power to reduce them to the obedience of subiectes : yet this was then held so great and worthy a seruice , as that the lords & chiefe gentlemen of the pale , made certificate thereof in french vnto the king , being then in france : which i haue seen recorded in the white booke of the exchequer at dublin . howbeit his armie was so ill paid and gouerned , as the english suffered more dammage by the sesse of his souldiers ( for now that monster ( coigne , and liuerie ) which the statute of kilkenny had for a time abolished , was risen againe from hell ) then they gained profit or security , by abating the pride of their enemies for a time . dvring the minority of king henry the sixt , and for the space of seuen or eight yeares after , the lientenants and deputies made only a bordering warre vpon the irish , with small and scattered forces ; howbeit , because there came no treasure out of england to pay the soldier , the poore english fubiect , did beare the burthen of the men of warre in euery place , & were thereby so weakned and impouerished , as the state of thinges in ireland , stood very desperate . whereupon , the cardinall of winchester ( who after the death of humfrey duke of glocester , did wholly sway the state of england ) beeing desirous to place the duke of somerset in the regencie of fraunce , tooke occasion to remooue richard duke of yorke from that gouernment , and to send him into ireland , pretending that hee was a most able and willing person , to performe seruice there , because he had a great inheritance of his owne in ireland ; namely , the earledom of vlster , and the lordships of conaght & meth , by discent from lionell duke of clarence . we do not finde that this great lord came ouer with any numbers of waged souldiers , but it appeareth vpon what good termes hee tooke that gouernment , by the couenants betweene the king and him , which are recorded and confirmed by acte of parliament in ireland , and were to this effect : 1. that he should be the kings lieutenant of ireland , for ten yeares . 2. that to support the charge of that countrey , he should receiue al the kings reuennewes there , both certaine and casual , without accompt . 3. that he should bee supplyed also with treasure out of england , in this maner ; he should haue four thousand markes for the first yeare , whereof he should bee imprested 2000. li. before hand ; and for the other nine yeares , hee should receiue 2000. li. per annum . 4. that hee might let to ferme the kings landes , and place and displace all officers at his pleasure . 5. that he might leuy and wage what numbers of men , he thought fit . 6. that he might make a deputy , and returne at his pleasure . we cannot presume that this prince kept any great army on foote , aswell because his means out of england were so meane , and those ill paide , as appeareth by his passionate letter written to the earl of salisbury his brother in law ; the coppy whereof , is registred in the story of this time : as also because the whole lande , except the english pale , and some part of the earledome of vlster , vppon the sea coasts , were possest by the irish. so as the reuennew of the kingdome , which he was to receiue , did amount to little . he kept the borders & marches of the pale with much adoo ; he held many parliaments , wherein sundry lawes were made , for erecting of castles in louth , meth , and kildare , to stop the incursions of the irishrie . and because the souldiers for want of pay were sessed and laide vppon the subiects against their willes ; vpon the prayer and importunitie of the commons , this extortion was declared to be high-treason . but to the end , that some meanes might be raised to norish some forces for defence of the pale , by another acte of parliament , euery twenty pound land was charged with the furnishing and maintenance of one archer on horsebacke . besides , the natiue subiects of ireland seeing the kingdome vtterly ruined , did passe in such numbers into england , as one law was made in england , to transmit them backe againe ; and another law made heere to stop their passage in euery port & creeke . yet afterwards , the greatest partes of the nobility and gentry of meth , past ouer into england , and were slaine with him at wakefield in yorkshire . lastly , the state of england was so farre from sending an army to subdue the irish at this time , as among the articles of greeuances exhibited by the duke of yorke against k. henry the sixte , this was one ; that diuers lords about the king , had caused his highnesse to write letters vnto some of his irish enemies ; whereby they were encouraged to attempt the conquest of the said land. which letters , the same irish enemies had sent vnto the duke ; maruailing greatlie , that such letters should be sent vnto them , & speaking therein great shame of the realme of england . after this , when this great lorde was returned into england , and making claime to the crowne , beganne the warre betwixt the two houses ; it cannot bee conceiued , but that the kingdome fell into a worse and weaker estate . when edward the fourth was setled in the kingdome of england , he made his brother george du. of clarence , lieutenant of ireland . this prince was born in the castle of dublin , during the gouernment of his father the duke of yorke ; yet did hee neuer passe ouer into this kingdome , to gouerne it in person , though hee held the lieutenancie many yeares . but it is manifest , that king edward the fourth did not pay any army in ireland during his raigne ; but the men of war did pay themselues by taking coigne and liuery vppon the countrey : which extortion grew so excessiue and intollerable , as the lord tiptoft being deputy to the duke of clarence , was enforced to execute the law vppon the greatest earle in the kingdome ; namely , desmond ; who lost his head at drogheda for this offence . howbeit , that the state might not seeme vtterly to neglect the defence of the pale , there was a fraternity of men at armes , called the brother-hood of s. george , erected by parlament , the 14. of edward the fourth , consisting of thirteene the most noble and woorthy persons within the foure shires . of the first foundation , were thomas earle of kildare , sir rowland eustace , lord of port-lester , and sir robert eustace for the county of kildare ; robert lord of howth , the maior of dublin , and sir robert dowdall , for the county of dublin ; the vicount of gormauston , edward plunket , seneshall of meth ; alexander plunket , and barna be barnewale , for the county of meth ; the maior of drogheda , sir lawraunce taaffe , and riehard bellewe , for the countie of lowtb . these and their successors , were to meet yearely vpon s. georges day ; and to choose one of themselues to be captaine of that brother-hood , for the next yeare to come . which captaine , shold haue at his commaund , 120. archers on horsebacke , 40. horsemen , and forty pages , to suppresse out-lawes and rebels . the wages of euery archer , should be vj. pence , per diem ; & euery horseman , v. d. per diem ; and foure markes , per annum . and to pay these entertainments , and to maintain this new fraternity , there was granted vnto them by the same act of parlament a subsidie of pondage , out of all marchandizes exported or imported thoroughout the realme ( hydes , and the goods of free-men of dublin & drogheda onely excepted . ) these 200. men were al the standing forces that were then maintained in ireland . and as they were natiues of the kingdom , so the kingdom it selfe did pay their wages without expecting any treasure out of england . bvt now the warres of lancaster and yorke being ended , and henrie the seuenth being in the actuall & peaceable possession of the kingdome of england , let vs see if this king did send ouer a competent armie to make a perfect conquest of ireland . assuredly , if those two i dolles or counterfets which were set vp against him in the beginning of his raign , had not found footing and followers in this lande , king henrie the seuenth had sent neither horse nor foote hither , but let the pale to the guard and defence of the fraternitie of saint george , which stood till the tenth year of his raigne . and therefore , vpon the erection of the first i doll , which was lambert the priests boy , he transmitted no forces , but sent ouer sir richard edgecomb , with commission to take an oath of allegiance of al the nobility , gentry , and cittizens of this kingdom ; which sernice he performed fully , and made an exact returne of his commission to the king. and immediately after that , the king sent for all the lordes of parliament in this realme ; who repayring to his presence , were first in a kingly manner reprooued by him ; for among other things he told them , that if their king were still absent frō them , they would at length crowne apes ; but at last entertained them , and dismissed them graciously . this course of clemency hee held at first . but after , when perkin warbecke , who was set vp , and followed chiefely by the giraldines in leinster , and the cittizens of corke in mounster ; to suppresse this counterfaite , the king sent ouer sir edward poynings , with an army ( as the histories call it ) which did not consist of a thousand men by the pol ; and yet it brought such terrour with it , as all the adherents of perkin warbecke were scattered , and retyred for succour into the irish countries : to the marches whereof , hee marched with his weake forces , but eft-soones returned & held a parliament . wherin among many good lawes , one act was made ; that no subiect shold make any warre or peace within the land , without the speciall license of the kings lieutenant or deputie . a manifest argument , that at that time the bordering warres in this kingdome , were made altogether by voluntaries , vpon their own head , without any pay or entertainement , and without any order or commission from the state. and though the lords and gentlemen of the pale , in the 19. yeare of this kings raigne , ioyned the famous battel of knocktow in conaght ; wherein mac william , with 4000. of the irish , and degenerat english were slaine ; yet was not this iourny made by warrant from the king , or vppon his charge ( as it is expressed in the booke of howth ) but only vpon a pri●… quarrell of the earle of kildare : so loosely were the martiall affaires of ireland carried , during the raigne of king henry the seuenth . in the time of king henry the eight , the earle of surrey , lorde admirall , was made lieutenant ; and though he were the greatest captain of the english nation the liuing ; yet broght he with him rather an honorable guard for his person , then a competent armie to recouer ireland . for he had in his retinue , 200. tall yeomen of the kings guard : but because hee wanted meanes to performe any great action , hee made meanes to returne the sooner : yet in the meane time he was not ydle , but passed the short time he spent heere , in holding a parliament , and diuers iournies against the rebels of leinster ; insomuch as he was hurt in his own person , vpon the borders of leix . after the reuocation of this honourable personage , king henry the eight , sent no forces into ireland , till the rebellion of the giraldines , which hapned in the 27. year of his raigne . then sent he ouer sir william skeuington , with fiue hundred men onely to quench that fire , and not to enlarge the border , or to rectifie the gouernment . this deputy dyed in the midst of the seruice , so as the lord leonard gray was sent to finish it : who arriuing with a supply of 200. men , or thereabouts , did so prosecute the rebels , as the lord garret their chiefetaine , and his fiue vnckles , submitted them-selues vnto him , and were by him transmitted into england . but this seruice being ended , that actiue nobleman with his litle army , and some ayds of the pale , did oftentimes repell o neale , and o donel , attempting the inuasion of the ciuill shires , and at last made that prosperous sight at belahoo , on the confines of meth ; the memory whereof , is yet famous , as that he defeated ( well-nie ) all the power of the north ; & so quieted the border for many yeares . hitherto then it is manifest , that since the last transfretation of king richard the second , the crowne of england neuer sent ouer , either numbers of men , or quantities of treasure , sufficient to defend the small territory of the pale , much lesse to reduce that which was lost , or to finish the conquest of the whole island . after this , sir anthony s. leger , was made chiefe gouernor , who performed great seruice in a ciuill course , as shall be expressed heereafter . but sir edward bellingham , who succeeded him , proceeded in a martiall course against the irishry , and was the first deputy , from the time of k. edward the third , till the raign of king edward the sixt , that extended the border beyond the limits of the english pale , by beating and breaking the moores and connors , and building the forts of leix and offaly . this seruice he performed with sixe hundered horse ; the monthly charge whereof , did arise to 770. li. and 400. foote , whose pay did amount to 446. li. per mensem : as apeareth vpon the treasurers accompt , remaining in the office of the kinges remembrauncer in england . yet were not these countries so fully recouered by this deputy , but that thomas earl of sussex did put the last hand to this worke ; and rooting out these two rebellious septs , planted english colonies in their roomes , which in all the tumultuous times since , haue kept their habitations , their loyalty , and religion . and now are we come to the time of queene elizabeth , who sent ouer more men , and spent more treasure to saue and reduce the lande of ireland , then all her progenitors since the conquest . dvring her raign , there arose three notorious and maine rebellions , which drewe seuerall armies out of england . the first of shane o neale ; the second , of desmond ; the last of tyrone ; ( for the particular insurrections of the vicount baltinglasse , and sir edmund butler ; the moores ; the cauanaghes ; the birnes , and the bourkes of conaght , were all suppressed by the standing forces heere . ) to subdue shane o neal , in the hight of his rebellion , in the yeare , 1566. captaine randal transported a regiment of 1000. men into vlster , & planted a garrison at loughfoile . before the comming of which supply ( viz : ) in the yeare , 1565. the list of the standing army of horse and foot , english and irish , did not exceed the number of 1200. men , as appeareth by the treasurers accompt of ireland , now remaining in the exchequer of eng land . with these forces did sir henry sidney ( then lord deputy ) march into the farthest parts of tirone , and ioyning with captaine randal , did much distresse ( but not fully defeate ) o neale , who was afterwards slain vpon a meere accident by the scottes , and not by the queenes army . to proseeute the warres in munster , against desmond and his adherents , there were transmitted out of england at seuerall times , three or four thousand men , which together , with the standing carrisons , and some other supplies raised heere , made at one time , an army of six thousand & vpwards : which with the vertue and lour of arthur lorde gray , and others the commanders , did proue a sufficient power to extinguish that rebellion . but that being doone , it was neuer intended that these forces should stand , till the rest of the kingdome were setled and reduced : onely , that army which was brought ouer by the earle of essex , lorde lieutenant and gouernor generall of this kingdom , in the 39. yeare of queen elizabeth , to suppresse the rebellion of tirone , which was spred vniuersally ouer the whole realme ; that armie , i say ( the command whereof , with the gouernment of the realme , was shortly after transferred to the commaund of the lord montioy , afterwards earl of deuonshire , who with singular wisedom , valour , and industry , did prosecute & finish the warre ) did consist of such good men of warre , and of such numbers , being wel-ny 20000. by the pol , and was so royally supplied and paid , and continued in ful strength so long a time , as that it brake , and absolutely subdued all the lordes and chiefetaines of the irishry , and degenerate or rebellious english. whereupon , the multitude , who euer loued to bee followers of such as could master and defend them , admyring the power of the crownc of england , being brai'd ( as it were ) in a morter , with the sword , famine , & pestilence altogither , submitted themselues to the english gouernment , receiued the lawes and magistrates , and most gladly embraced the kings pardon and peace in all parts of the realme , with demonstration of ioy and comfort ; which made indeede , an entire , perfect , and finall conquest of ireland . and thogh vpon the finishing of the warre , this great armie was reduced to lesse numbers , yet hath his maiestie in his wisedome , thought it fit , stil to maintaine such competent forces heere , as the law may make her progresse & circuit about the realme , vnder the protection of the sword ( as virgo , the figure of iustice , is by leo in the zodiack ) vntill the people haue perfectly learned the lesson of obedience , & the conquest bee established in the hearts of all men . thus farre haue i endeuoured to make it manifest , that from the first aduenture and attempt of the english ( to subdue and conquer ireland ) vntill the last warre with tyrone , ( which as it was royally vndertaken , so it was really prosecuted to the end ) there hath bin foure maine defects in the carriage of the martiall affayres heere . first , the armies for the most part , were too weake for a conquest : secondly , when they were of a competent strength ( as in both the iournies of richard the second ) they were too soone broken vp and dissolued : thirdly , they were ill paide : and fourthly , they were ill gouerned , which is alwayes a consequent of ill payment . bvt why was not this great worke perfourmed , before the latter end of queene elizabeths raigne , considering that many of the kings her progenitors , were as great captaines as any in the world , and had else-where larger dominions and territories ? first , who can tell whither the diuine wisedom , to abate the glory of those kings , did not reserue this worke to be done by a queen , that it might rather appeare to be his owne imediate worke ? and yet for her greater honor , made it the last of her great actions , as it were , to crowne al the rest ? and to the end ●hat a secure peace might settle the conquest , and make it firme and perpetuall to posteritie ; caused it to bee made in that fulnesse of time , when england and scotland became to be vnited vnder one imperiall crowne ; and when the monarchy of great britainy was in league & amity with all the worlde . besides , the conquest at this time , doth perhaps fulfill that prophesie , wherin the four great prophets of ireland do concur , as it is recorded by giraldus cambrēsis ; to this effect : that after the first inuasion of the english , they shold spend many ages , in crebris conflictibus , longoque certanime & multis coedibus . and that , omnes fere anglici ab hibernia turbabuntur : nihilominus orientalia maritima semper obtinebunt ; sed vix paulo anté diem iuditij ; plenam anglorum populo victoriam compromittunt ; insula hibernica de mari vsque ad mare de toto subacta & incastellata . if s. patrick and th●… did not vtter this prophesy ; certainly giraldus is a prophet , who hath reported it . to this , we may adde the prophesy of merlin , spoken of also by giraldus . sextus moenia hiberniae subuertet , & regiones in regnum redigentur . which is performed in the time of king iames the sixt ; in that all the paces are cleared , and places of fastnesse laid open , which are the proper wals & castles of the irish , as they were of the british in the time of agricola ; and withal , the irish countries beeing reduced into counties , make but one entire and vndeuided kingdome . but to leaue these high & obscure causes , the plaine and manifest trueth is ; that the kings of england in al ages , had bin powerfull enough , to make an absolute conquest of ireland , if their whole power had been employed in that enterprize : but still there arose sundry occasions , which diuided and di●…ted their power som other way . let vs therefore take a briefe view of the seuerall impediments which arose in euery kinges time , since the first ouerture of the conquest , whereby they were so employed and busied , as they could not intend the finall conquest of ireland . king henrie the second , was no sooner returned out of ireland , but all his foure sonnes conspired with his enemies , rose in arrnes , and moued warre against him , both in france and in england . this vnnaturall treason of his sons , did the king expresse in an embleme painted in his chamber at winchester , wherein was an eagle , with three eglets tyring on her brest ; & the fourth pecking at one of her eyes . and the troth is , these vngracious practises of his sonnes , did impeach his iourney to the holy-land , which he had once vowed , vexed him all the dayes of his life , and brought his gray haires with sorrow to the graue . besides , this king hauing giuen the lordship of ireland to iohn his youngest sonne ; his ingratitude afterwards made the king carelesse to settle him in the quiet and absolute possession of that kingdome . richard the first , which succeeded henrie the second in the kingdom of england , had lesse reason to bend his power towardes the conquest of this land , which was giuen in perpetuity to the lord iohn his brother . and therefore , went hee in person to the holy warre ; by which iourney , & his captiuity in austria , and the heauy ransome that he paid for his libertie , hee was hindred , and vtterly disabled to pursue any so great an action as the conquest of ireland ; and after his deliuery and returne , hardly was he able to maintaine a frontier warre in normandy , where by hard fortune he lost his life . king iohn his brother , had greatest reason to prosecute the warre of ireland , because the lordship thereof was the portion of his inheritance , giuen vnto him , when hee was called , iohn sans-terre . therefore , hee made two iournies thither ; one , when he was earle of morton , and very yong , about twelue years of age ; the other , when he was king , in the 12. yeare of his raigne . in the first , his own youth , and his youthfull company , roboams c●…sellours made him hazard the losse of al that his father had won . but in the later , he shewed a resolution to recouer the entire kingdome , in taking the submissions of al the irishry , and setling the estates of the english , and giuing order for the building of many castles and forts , wherof some remaine vntill this day . but hee came to the crowne of england , by a defeasible title , so as he was neuer well setled in the hearts of the people , which drew him the sooner back out of ireland into england : where shortlie after , he fell into such trouble and distresse ; the clergy cursing him on the one side ; and the barons rebelling against him on the other , as hee became so farre vnable to returne to the conquest of ireland , as besides the forfeiture of the territories in fraunce , hee did in a manner loose both the kingdomes . for hee surrendred both to the pope , and tooke them backe againe to hold in fee-farme ; which brought him into such hatered at home , and such contempt abroad , as all his life time after , hee was possest rather with feare of loosing his head , then with hope of reducing the kingdome of ireland . dvring the infancy of henry the 3. the barons were troubled in expelling the french , whome they had drawne in against king iohn . but this prince was no sooner come to his maiority , but the barons raised a long and cruell war against him . into these troubled waters , the bishops of rome did cast their nets , and drew away all the wealth of the realm by their prouisions , and infinite exactions , whereby the kingdom was so impouerished , as the king was scarse able to feed his owne housholde and traine , much lesse to nourish armies for the conquest of forren kingdoms . and albeit he had giuen this land to the lord edward his eldest sonne , yet could not that woorthy prince euer finde meanes or opportunity to visit this kingdome in person . for , from the time he was able to beare armes , he serued continually against the barons , by whom hee was taken prisoner at the battell of lewes . and when that rebellion was appeased , he made a iourney to the holy land ( an employment which in those daies diuerted all christian princes from performing any great actions in europe ) frō whence hee was returned , when the crowne of england descended vpon him . this king edward the first , who was a prince adorned with all vertues , did in the mannaging of his affayres , shew himselfe a right good husband , who being owner of a lordship ill husbanded , doth first enclose & mannure his demeasnes neere his principall house , before he doth improue his wasts a sarre off . therefore , he beganne first to establish the common-wealth of england , by making many excellent lawes , and instituting the forme of publique iustice , which remaineth to this day . next , hee fullie subdued and reduced the dominion of wales ; then by his power and authoritie hee setled the kingdome of scotland ; and lastly , he sent a royall armie into gascoigne , to recouer the dutchy of aquita●… these foure great actions , did take vp all the raign of this prince . and therefore , we find not in any record , that this king transmitted any forces into ireland ; but on the other side , wee finde it recorded both in the annalles , and in the pipe-rolles of this kingdom , that three seuerall armies were raised of the kings subiectes in ireland , and transported one into scotland ; another into wales ; and the third into gascoigne ; and that seuerall aydes were leuied heere , for the setting forth of those armies . the sonne and successor of this excellent prince , was edward the second , who much against his will sent one smal armie into ireland ; not with a purpose to finish the conquest , but to guarde the person of his minion , piers gaueston , who being banished out of england , was made lieutenant of ireland , that so his exile might seem more honourable . he was no sooner ariued heere , but he made a iourny into the mountaines of dublin ; brake and subdued the rebels there ; built new-castle in the ●irnes country , and repaired castle keuin ; & after passed vp into mounster and thomond , performing euerie where great seruice , with much vertue and valour . but the king , who could not liue without him , reuokt him within lesse then a yeare . after which time , the inuasion of the scots , and rebellion of the barons , did not onely disable this king to bee a conqueror , but depriued him both of his kingdome and life . and when the scottish nation had ouer-run all this land vnder the conduct of edward le bruce ( who stiled himselfe king of ireland ) england was not then able to send either men or mony to saue this kingdome . onely roger de mortimer then iustice of ireland , arriued at youghall , cum 38. milite , saith friar cliuu in his annalles . but bremingham , verdon , stapleton , & some other priuat gentlemen , rose out with the commons of meth and vriell , and at fagher neere dondalke , a fatall place to the enemies of the crowne of england , ouerthrew a potent army of them . et sic ( saith the red booke of the exchequer , wherein the victory was briefely recorded ) per manus communis populi , & dextram dei deliberatur populus dei a seruitute machinata & praecogitata . in the time of king edward the third , the impediments of the conquest of ireland , are so notorious , as i shal not neede to expresse them ; to wit , the warre which the king had with the realmes of scotland , and of fraunce ; but especially the warres of fraunce , which were almost continuall for the space of fortie yeares . and indeede , france was a fairer marke to shoot at , then ireland , & could better reward the conqueror . besides , it was an inheritance newly discended vpon the king ; and therfore , he had great reason to bend all his power , and spend all his time and treasure in the recouery thereof . and this is the true cause why edward the third sent no armie into ireland , till the 36. yeare of his raigne , when the lorde lionell brought ouer a regiment of 1500. men , as is before expressed : which that wise and warlicke prince did not transmit as a competent power , to make a full conquest , but as an honorable retinue for his sonne ; and withall , to enable him to recouer some part of his earledome of vlster , which was then ouer-run with the irish. but on the other part , though the english colonies were much degenerate in this kings time , and had lost a great part of their possessions , yet lying at the siedge of callis , hee sent for a supply of men out of ireland , which wer transported vnder the conduct of the earle of kildar , and fulco de la freyn , in the yeare , 1347. and now are we come again to the time of king richard the second ; who for the first tenne yeares of his raigne , was a minor , and much disquieted with popular commotions ; and after that , was more trobled with the factions that arose betweene his minions , & the princes of the bloud . but at last , he tooke a resolution to finish the conquest of this realm . and to that end he made two royall voyages hither . vpon the first , he was deluded by the faigned submissions of the irish ; but vpon the later , when he was fully bent to prosecute the warre with effect , he was diuerted & drawn from hence by the return of the duke of lancaster into england , and the generall defection of the whole realme . as for henrie the fourth , he beeing an intruder vpon the crowne of england , was hindered from all forraigne actions , by sundry conspiracies and rebellions at home , moued by the house of northumberland in the north ; by the dukes of surrey & exceter in the south ; and by oxen glendour in wales ; so as he spent his short raigne in establishing and setling him selfe in the quiet possession of england , and had neyther leisure nor opportunity to vndertake the final conquest of ireland . much lesse could king henry the fift perfourme that worke : for in the second yeare of his raigne , he transported an armie into france , for the recouery of that kingdome , and drewe ouer to the siedge of harflew , the priour of kilmaincham , with 1500. irish. in which great action this victorious prince , spent the rest of his life . and after his death , the two noble princes his brothers , the duke of bedford and glocester , who during the minority of king henry the sixte , had the gouernment of the kingdomes of england and france , did employ all their counsels and endeuors to perfect the conquest of france , the greater part whereof beeing gained by henry the fift , & retained by the duke of bedford , was againe lost by k. henrie the sixt ; a manifest argument of his disability to finish the conquest of this land. but when the ciuill warre betweene the two houses was kindled , the kings of england were so farre from reducing al the irish vnder their obedience , as they drew out of ireland to strengthen their parties , al the nobility and gentry descended of english race , which gaue opportunitie to the irishry , to inuade the lands of the english colonies , and did hazard the losse of the whole kingdom . for , though the duke of yorke did , while he liued in ireland , carrie himselfe respectiuely towards all the nobility , to win the generall loue of all , bearing equall fauour to the giraldines and the butlers ( as appeared at the christning of george duke of clarence , who was borne in the castle of dublin , where he made both the earle of kildare , and the earle of ormond his gossips : ) and hauing occasion diuers times to passe into england ; hee left the sworde with kildare at one time , and with ormond at another : & when he lost his life at wakefield , there were slaine with him diuers of both those families . yet afterwards , those two noble houses of ireland , did seuerally follow the two royall houses of england ; the giraldines adhering to the house of yorke , and the butlers to the house of lancaster . whereby it came to passe , that not onely the principall gentlemen of both those sur-names , but all their friendes and dependants did passe into england , leauing their lands and possessions to be ouer-run by the irish. these impediments , or rather impossibilities of finishing the conquest of ireland , did continue till the warres of lancaster & yorke were ended : which was about the 12. yeare of king edward the fourth . thus hitherto the kings of england were hindred from finishing this conquest by great and apparant impediments : henrie the second , by the rebellion of his sonnes : king iohn , henry the third , & edward the second , by the barons warres : edward the first by his warres in wales and scotland : edward the third , and henry the fift , by the warres of france : richard the second , henry the fourth , henrie the sixt , and edward the fourth , by domestick contention for the crowne of england it selfe . bvt the fire of the ciuil warre being vtterly quenched , and k. edward the fourth setled in the peaceable possession of the crowne of england , what did then hinder that warlicke prince from reducing of ireland also ? first , the whole realme of england was miserably wasted , depopulated & impouerished by the late ciuil dissentions ; yet assoon as it had recouered it selfe with a little peace and rest , this king raised an army , and reuiued the title of france againe : howbeit , this army was no sooner transmitted and brought into the fielde , but the two kings also were brought to an interview . whereupon , partly by the faire and white promises of lewes the 11. and partly by the corruption of some of king edwards minions , the english forces were broken and dismissed , & king edward returned into england , where shortly after finding himselfe deluded and abused by the french , he dyed with melancholy , and vexation of spirit . i omit to speake of richard the vsurper , who neuer got the quiet possession of england , but was cast out by henry the seauenth , within two yeares and a halfe , after his vsurpation . and for king henry the seauenth himselfe , thogh he made that happy vnion of the two houses , yet for more then half the space of his raign , there were walking spirites of the house of yorke , aswell in ireland as in england , which he could not coniure downe , without expence of some bloud and treasure . but in his later times , hee did wholly studye to improue the reuennues of the crowne in both kingdomes , with an intent to prouide meanes for some great action which he intēded : which doubtlesse , if hee had liued , woulde rather haue improued a iourny into fraunce , then into ireland , because in the eyes of all men , it was a fayrer enterprize . therefore king henry the eight , in the beginning of his raigne , made a voyage royall into france ; wherein he spent the greatest part of that treasure , which his father had frugally reserued ; perhaps for the like purpose . in the latter end of his raign , he made the like iourney , being enricht with the reuennewes of the abbey lands . but in the middle time between these two attemptes , the great alteration which hee made in the state ecclesiasticall , caused him to stand vpon his guard at home ; the pope hauing sollicited al the princes of christendom to reuenge his quarrell in that behalf . and thus was king henry the eight , tained and diuerted from the absolute reducing of the kingdom of ireland . lastly , the infancie of king edward the sixt , and the couerture of qu. mary ( which are both non abilities in the lawe ) did in fact disable them to accomplish the conquest of ireland . so as now this great worke did remaine to be performed by queene elizabeth ; who though shee were diuerted by suppressing the open rebellion in the north ; by preuenting diuers secret conspiracies against her person ; by giuing ayds to the french , and states of the low-countries ; by maintaining a nauall war with spaine for many years together : yet the sundry rebellions , ioyned with forraign inuasions vpon this island , whereby it was in danger to be vtterly lost , & to bee possessed by the enemies of the crowne of england , did quicken her maiesties care for the preseruation thereof ; and to that end , from time to time during her raigne , she sent ouer such supplies of men and treasure , as did suppresse the rebels , and repell the inuaders . howbeit , before the transmitting of the last great army , the forces sent ouer by queene elizabeth , were not of sufficient power to break and subdue all the irishry , and to reduce and reforme the whole kingdome ; but when the generall defection came , which came not without a special prouidence for the final good of that kingdome ( though the second causes thereof , were the faint prosecution of the warre against tyrone ; the practises of priests and iesuites , & the expectation of the ayds frō spaine ) then the extreame perill of loosing the kingdome ; the dishonor & danger that might thereby growe to the crowne of england ; together with a iust disdaine conceiued by that great-minded queene , that so wicked and vngratefull a rebell should preuayle against her , who had euer been victorious against all her enemies , did moue , and almost enforce her to send ouer that mighty army : and did withall enflame the hearts of the subiects of england , chearefully to contribute to wardes the maintaining thereof , a million of sterling poundes at least : which was done with a purpose only to saue , and not to gaine a kingdom ; to keep and retaine that soueraignetie , which the crowne of england had in ireland ( such as it was ) and not to recouer a more absolute dominion . but , as it falleth out many times , that when a house is on fire , the owner to saue it from burning , pulleth it downe to the ground ; but that pulling downe , doeth giue occasion of building it vp againe in a better forme : so , these last warres , which to saue the kingdome did vtterly breake & distroy this people , produced a better effect then was at first expected . for , euery rebellion , when it is supprest , dooth make the subiect weaker , and the prince stronger . so , this general reuolt when it was ouercom , did produce a generall obedience & reformation of al the irishrie , which euer before had beene disobedient & vnreformed ; & thereupon ensued the finall and full conquest of ireland . and thus much may suffice to bee spoken , touching the defectes in the martiall affayres , and the weake & faint prosecution of the warre ; and of the seuerall impediments or imployments , which did hinder or diuert euery king of england successiuely , from reducing ireland to their absolute subiection . it now remaineth , that wee shew the defects of the ciuil pollicy & gouernment , which gaueno lesse impediment to the perfection of this conquest . the first of that kinde , doeth consist in this : that the crown of england did not from the beginning giue lawes to the irishry ; whereas to giue lawes to a conquered people , is the principall marke and effect of a perfect conquest . for , albeit king henrie the second , before his returne out of ireland , held a counsell or parliament at lissemore ; vbi leges angliae ab omnibus sunt gratanter receptae , & iuratoria cautione prastita confirmatae , as marth . paris writeth ; and though king iohn in the 12. yeare of his raigne , did establish the english lawes and customes heere , and placed sheriffes and other ministers to rule and gouerne the people , according to the law of england : and to that end , ipse duxit secum viros discretos & legis peritos , quorum communi consilio statuit & praecepit , leges anglicanas teneri in hibernia , &c. as wee finde it recorded among the patent rolles in the tower. 11. hen. 3. m. 3. though likewise , king henrie the third did graunt & transmit the like charter of liberties to his subiects of ireland , as himselfe and his father had graunted to the subiects of england , as appeareth by another recorde in the tower , 1. hen , 3. pat. m. 13. and afterwards , by a speciall writ , did commaund the lord iustice of ireland , quod conuocatis archiepiscopis , episcopis , comitibus , baronibus , &c. coram eis legi faceret chartam regis iohannis ; quam ipse fecit & iurari à magnatibus hiberniae , de legibus & constitutionibus angliae obseruandis , & quod leges illas tencant & obseruent . 12. hen. 3. claus. m. 8. and after that againe , the same king by letters patents vnder the great seale of england , did confrime the establishment of the english lawes made by king iohn , in this forme : quia pro communi vtilitate terrae hiberniae , ac vnitate terrarum , de communi consilio prouisum sit , quod omnes leges & consuetudines quae in regno angliae tenentur , in hiberniâ teneantur , & eadem terra eiusdem legibus subiaceat , ac per easdem regatur , sicut i●hanes rex , cumiliuc esset , statuit & firmiter mandauit ; ideo volumus quod omnia breuia de communi iure , quae currunt in anglia , similiter currant in hibernia , sub nouo sigillo nostro , &c. teste meipso apud woodstocke , &c. which confirmation is found among the patentrolles in the tower , anno 30. hen. 3. notwithstanding , it is euident by all the records of this kingdome , that onely the english colonies , and some few septs of the irishry , which were enfranchised by special charters , wer admitted to the benefit and protection of the lawes of england ; and that the irish generally , were held and reputed aliens , or rather enemies to the crowne of england ; insomuch , as they were not only disabled to bring anie actions , but they were so farre out of the protection of the lawe , as it was often adiudged no fellony to kill a meere irish-man in the time of peace . that the meere irish were reputed aliens , appeareth by sundrie records ; wherein iudgement is demanded , if they shall be answered in actions brought by them : and likewise , by the charters of denization , which in all ages were purchased by them . in the common plea-rolles of 28. edward the third ( which are yet perserued in breminghams tower ) this case is adiudged . simon neal brought an action of trespasse against william newlagh for breaking his close in claudalkin , in the county of dublin ; the defendant doth plead , that the plaintiffe is hibernicus , & non de quinque sanguinibus ; and demandeth iudgement , if he shall be answered . the plaintiffe replieth ; quod ipse est de quinque sanguinibus ( viz ) de les oneiles de vlton , qui per concessionem progenitorū domini regis ; libertatibus anglicis gaudere debent & vtuntur , & proliberis hominibus reputantur . the defendant reioyneth ; that the plaintiffe is not of the oneales of vlster , nec de quinque sanguinibus . and thereupon they are at yssue . which being found for the plaintiffe , he had iudgement to recouer his dammages against the defendant . by this record it apeareth that fiue principal blouds , or septs , of the irishry , were by speciall grace enfranchised and enabled to take benefit of the lawes of england ; and that the nation of o neales in vlster , was one of the fiue . and in the like case , 3. of edward the second , among the plea-rolles in breminghams tower : all the 5. septs or blouds , qui gaudeant lege anglicana quoad breuia protāda , are expressed , namely ; oneil de vltonia ; o molaghlin de midia ; o connoghor de connacia ; o brien de thotmonia ; & mac murrogh de lagenia : and yet i finde , that o neale himselfe long after , ( viz. ) in 20. ed. 4. vpon his mariage with a daughter of the house of kildare ( to satisfie the friends of the lady , ) was made denizen by a special act of parliament . 20. ed. 4. c. 8. againe , in the 29. of ed. 1. before the iustices in eire at drogheda , thomas le botteler broght an action of detinuc against robert de almain for certaine goods . the defendant pleadeth , quod non tenetur ei inde respondere , eo quod est hibernicus , & non de libero sanguine . et praedictus thomas dicit , quod anglicus est , & hoc petit quod inquiratur per patriam , ideo fiat inde iurat . &c. iurat ' dicunt super sacrament ' suum , quod praedict ' thomas anglicus est , ideo consideratum est quod recuperet , &c. these two records among many other , do sufficiently shewe , that the irish were disabled to bring any actions at the common lawe . touching their denizations , they were common in euerie kinges raigne , since henrie the second , and were neucr out of vse , till his maiesty that now is , came to the crowne . among the pleas of the crown , 4. of edw. 2. we finde a confirmation made by edw. 1. of a charter of denization granted by henrie the second , to certain oostmen , or easterlings , who were inhabitantes of waterford long before hen. 2. attempted the conquest of ireland . edwardus dei gratia , &c. iustitiario suo hiberniae salutem : quia per inspectionem chartae dam. hen reg. filij imperatricis quondam dom. hiberniae proaui nostri nobis constat , quod ostmanni de waterford legem anglicorum in hibernia habere , & secundam ipsam legem iudicari & deduci debent : vobis mandamus quod gillicrist mac gilmurrij , willielmum & iohannem mac gilmurrij & alios ostmannos de ciuitate & comitatu waterford , qui de predictis ostmannis praedict . dom. henr. proauinostri originem duxerunt , legem anglicorum in partibus illis iuxta tenorem chartae praedict . habere , & eos secundum ipsam legem ( quantū in nobis est , deduci faciatis ) donec aliud de consilio nostro inde duxerimus ordinand . in c●ius rei , &c. teste meipso apud acton burnell . 5. octobris anno regni nostri vndecimo . againe , among the patent rolles of 1. ed. the fourth , remaining in the chancery heere , we finde a patent of denization , graunted the 13. of edward the first , in these wordes ; edwardus dei gratia , rex angliae , dom. hiberniae , dur aquitaniae , &c. omnibus balliuis et fidelibus suis in hibernia , salutem : volentes christophero filio donaldi hibernico gratiam facere specialem , concedimus pronobis et haeredibus nostris , quod idem christopherus hanc habeat libertatem , ( viz. ) quod ipse de caetero in hibernia vtatur legibus anglicanis , et prohibemus ne quisquam contra hanc concessionē nostram dictum christopherū vexet in aliquo vel perturbet . in c●ius rei testimonium , &c. teste meipso apud westm. 27. die iunij . annoregni nostri . 13. in the same roll , wee finde another charter of denization , graunted in the first of edw. 4. in a more larger and beneficiall forme . edw. die gratia , &c. omnibus balliuis , &c. salutem . sciatis quodnes volentes willielmum o bolgir capellanum de hibernica natione existentem , fauore prosequi gratioso , de gratia nostra speciali , &c. concessimus eidem willielmo , quod ipse liberi sit status . et liberae conditionis , et ab omni seruitute hibernicâ liber et quietus , et quod ipse legibus anglicanis in omnibus et per omnia vti possit et gaudere , eodem modo , quo homines anglici infra dictam terram eas habent , et ijs gaudent et vtuntur ; quodque ipse respondeat , et respondeatur , in quibuscumque curijs nostris : ac omminod . terras , tenementa , redditus , et seruitia perquirere possit sibi et haeredibus suis imperpetuum , &c. if i should collect out of the records , all the charters of this kind , i should make a volume thereof ; but these may suffice to shew , that the meere irish were not reputed free subiects ; nor admitted to the benefit of the lawes of england , vntill they had purchased charters of denization . lastly , the meere irish were not onely accompted aliens , but enemies ; and altogither out of the protection of the law ; so as it was no capitall offence to kill them ; and this is manifest by many records . at a gaol-deliuery at waterford , before iohn wogan lord iustice of ireland , the 4. of edw. the second , wee finde it recorded among the pleas of the crown of that yeare , quod robertus le vvayleys rectatus de morte iohannis filij iuor mac gillemory felonice per ipsum interfecti , &c. venit et bene cognouit quod praedictum iohannem interfecit : dicit tamen quod per eius interfectionem feloniam committere non potuit , quia dicit , quod praedictus iohannes fuit purus hibernicus , et non de libero sanguine , &c. et cum dominus dicti iohannis ( cuius hibernicus idem iohannes fuit ) die quo interfectus fuit , solutionem pro ipso iohanne hibernico suo sic interfecto petere voluerit , ipse robertus paratus erit ad respondend'de solutione praedict prout iustitia suadebit . et super hoc venit quidam iohannes le poer , et dicit pro domino rege , quod praedict . iohannes filius iuor mac gillemory , et antecessores sui de cognonime praedict . a tempore quo dominus henrions filius imperatricis , quondam dominus hiberniae , tritavus domini regis nune , fuit in hibernia , legem anglicorum in hibernia vsque ad hunc diem habere , et secundum ipsam legem iudicari et deduci debent . and so pleaded the charter of denization graunted to the oostmen recited before ; all which appeareth at large in the saide record : wherein we may note , that the killing of an irish man , was not punnished by our lawe , as man-slaughter , which is fellony and capitall , ( for our law did neither protect his life , nor reuenge his death ) but by a fine or pecuniary punishment , which is called an ericke , according to the brehon , or irish law. againe , at a gaol-deliuery before the same lord iustice at limericke , in the roll of the same year , we find , that willielmus filius rogeri rectatus de morte rogeri de cauteton felonice per ipsum interfecti , venit et dicit , quod feloniam per interfectionem praedict ā cōmittere non potuit , quia dicit & praedict . rogerus hibernic . est , et nō de libero sanguine ; dicit etiā qd . praedict . rogerus fuit de cognomine de ohederiscal et non de cognonime de cautetons , et de hoc ponit se super patriam , &c. et iurati dicunt super sacram. suum quod praedictus rogerus hibernicus fuit et de cognonime de ohederiscall & pro hibernico habebatur tota vita sua ideo praedict . willielmus quoad feloniam praedict . quietus . sed quia praedictus rogerus ottederiscall suit hibernicus domini regis , praedict . willielmus recommittatur gaolae , quovsque plegios inuenerit de quinque marcis soluendis domino regi pro solutione praedicti hiberntci . but on the otherside , if the iurie had found , that the party slaine had beene of english race and nation , it had bin adiudged fellony ; as appeareth by a record of 29. of edward the first , in the crowne-office heere . coram waltero lenfant et socijs suis iustitiarijs itinerantibus apud drogheda in comitatu louth . iohannes laurens indictat . de morte galfridi douedal venit & non dedicit mortem praedictam : sed dicit quod praedict . galfridus fuit hibernicus , et non de libero sanguine , et de bono et malo ponit se super patriam , &c. et iurat . dicunt super sacram. suum quod praedict . galfridus anglicus fuit , et ideo praedict . iohannes culpabilis est de morte galfridi praedict . ideo suspend . catalla 13. s. vnde hugo de clinton vicecom . respondet . hence it is , that in all the parliament rolles which are extant from the fortith yeare of edward the thirde , when the statutes of kilkenny were enacted , till the raigne of king henry the eight , we finde the degenerat and disobedient english , called rebelles ; but the irish which were not in the kings peace , are called enemies . statute kilkenny , c. 1. 10. and 11. 11. hen. 4. c. 24. 10. hen. 6. c. 1. 18. 18. hen. 6. c. 4. 5. edw. 4. c. 6. 10. hen. ● . c. 17. all these statutes , speak of english rebels , and irish enemies ; as if the irish had neuer bin in condition of subiectes , but alwaies out of the protection of the law ; and were indeede in worse cafe then aliens of any forren realme that was in amity with the crowne of england . for , by diuers heauie paenall lawes , the english were forbidden to marry , to foster , to make gossippes with the irish ; or to haue anie trade , or commerce in their markets or fayres ; nay , there was a law made no longer since , then the 28. yeare of henrie the eight , that the english should not marry with any person of irish blood , though he had gotten a charter os denization , vnlesse he had done both homage and fealty to the king in the chancery , and were also bound by recognisaunce with sureties , to continue a loyall subiect . whereby it is manifest , that such as had the gouernment of ireland vnder the crowne of england , did intend to make a perpetuall separation and enmity betweene the english and the irish ; pretending ( no doubt ) that the english should in the end roote out the irish ; which the english not being able to do , did cause a perpetuall warre betweene the nations : which continued foure hundered and odde yeares , and would haue lasted to the worlds end ; if in the end of queene elizabeths raigne , the irishry had not beene broken and conquered by the sword , and since the beginning of his maiesties raigne , had not bin protected and gouerned by the law. bvt perhaps , the irishry in former times did wilfully refuse to be subiect to the lawes of england , and would not be partakers of the benefit thereof , though the crowne of england did desire it ; and therefore , they were reputed aliens , out-lawes , and enemies . assuredly , the contrarie doth appeare , aswel by the charters of denization purchased by the irish in all ages , as by a petition preferred by them to the king , anno 2. edward the third : desiring , that an act might passe in ireland , whereby all the irishrie might be inabled to vse and inioy the lawes of england , without purchasing of particular denizations . vppon which petition , the king directed a speciall writ to the lorde iustice ; which is found amongst the closerolles in the tower of london , in this forme ; rex dilecto & fideli suo iohannis darcile nepieu iustic . suo hiberniae , salutem . exparte quorundam hominum de hibernia nobis extitit supplicatum , vt per statutum inde faciendum concedere velimus , quod omnes hibernici qui voluerint , legibus vtatur anglicanis : ita quod necesse non habeant super hoc chartas alienas à nobis impetrare : nos igitur certiorari volentes si sine alieno praeiudicio praemissis annuere valeamus , vobis mandamus quod voluntatem magnatum terr . illius in proximo parliamento nostro ibidem tenendo super hoc cum diligentia perscrutari facias : et de eo quod inde inueneritis vna cum consilio et aduisamento nobis certificetis , &c. whereby i collect , that the great lordes of ireland had informed the king that the irishry might not be naturalized , without damage and preiudice either to them selues , or to the crowne . but i am well assured , that the irishrie did desire to bee admitted to the benefit of the law , not onely in this petition exhibited to king edward the third ; but by all their submissions made to king richard the second , and to the lord thomas of lancaster before the warres of the two houses ; and afterwards to the lord leonard gray , & sir anthony saint-leger , when k. henry the eight began to reforme this kingdome . in particular , the birnes of the mountaines , in the 34. of henrie the 8 desire that their countrey might bee made shire-ground , and called the county of wicklow : and in the 23. of henry the eight , o donnel doth couenant with sir vvilliam skeffington , quod si dominus rex velit reformare hiberniam , ( whereof it should seeme hee made some doubt ) that hee and his people would gladly bee gouerned by the lawes of england . onely that vngratefull traitour tirone , though hee had no colour or shadowe of title to that great lordship , but only by grant from the crowne , and by the law of england ( for by the irish law he had beene ranked with the meanest of his sept ) yet in one of his capitulations with the state , hee required that no sheriffe might haue iurisdiction within tirone ; and consequently , that the lawes of england might not be executed there : which request , was neuer before made by o neale , or any other lorde of the irishry , when they submitted themselues : but contrariewise they were humble sutors to haue the benefit and protection of the english lawes . this then i note as a great defect in the ciuill policy of this kingdom , in that for the space of 350. yeares at least after the conquest first attempted , the english lawes were not communicated to the irish , nor the benefit and protection therof allowed vnto them , though they earnestly desired and sought the same . for , as long as they were out of the protection of the lawe ; so as euery english-man might oppresse , spoyle , and kill them without controulment , howe was it possible they shoulde bee other then out-lawes & enemies to the crown of england ? if the king woulde not admit them to the condition of subiects , how could they learn to acknoledge and obey him as their soueraigne ? when they might not conuerse or commerce with any ciuill men , nor enter into any towne or citty without perrill of their liues ; whither should they flye but into the woods and mountaines , and there liue in a wilde and barbarous maner ? if the english magistrates would not rule them by the law which doth punish treason , and murder , & thest with death ; but leaue them to be ruled by their owne lords and lawes , why shoulde they not embrace their owne brebon lawe , which punnisheth no offence , but with a fine or ericke ? if the irish bee not permitted to purchase estates of free-holds or inheritance , which might discend to their children , according to the course of our common lawe , must they not continue their custome of tanistrie ? which makes all their possessions vncertaine , and brings confusion , barbarisme , and inciuility ? in a word , if the english woulde neither in peace gouerne them by the law , nor could in war root them out by the sword ; must they not needes bee prickes in their eyes , and thornes in their sides , till the worlds end ? and so the conquest neuer bee brought to perfection . bvton the other side ; if from the beginning , the lawes of england had beene established , and the brehon or irish law vtterly abolished , aswell in the irish countries , as the english colonies ; if there had been no difference made betweene the nations in point of iustice and protection , but al had beene gouerned by one equall , iust , and honourable lawe , as dido speaketh in virgill ; tros , tyriusuè mihi nullo discrimine habetur . if vpon the first submission made by the irish lordes to king henry the second ; quem in regem & dominum receperunt , saith matth. paris ; or vpon the second submission made to king iohn , when , plusquam viginti reguli maximo timore perterriti homagium ei & fidelitatem fecerunt , as the same author writeth ; or vppon the third general submission made to king richard the second ; when they did not only do homage & fealty , but bound themselues by indentures and oaths ( as is before expressed ) to becom and continue loyall subiects to the crown of england ; if any of these three kings , who came each of them twice in person into this kingdome , had vppon these submissions of the irishry , receiued them all , both lords & tenants , into their mediate protection , deuided their seuerall countries into counties ; made sheriffes , coroners , and wardens of the peace therein : sent iustices itinerants halfe yearely into euerie part of the kingdome , aswell to punish malefactors , as to heare and determine causes betweene party and party , according to the course of the lawes of england ; taken surrenders of their lands and territories , & graunted estates vnto them , to holde by english tenures ; graunted them markets , fayres , and other franchises , and erected corporate townes among them ; all which , hath bin performed since his maiesty came to the crowne , ) assuredly , the irish countries had long since beene reformed and reduced to peace , plenty , and ciuility , which are the effects of lawes and good gouernment : they hadde builded houses , planted orchards & gardens : erected towne-shippes , and made prouision for their posterities ; there had beene a perfect vnion betwixt the nations , and consequently , a perfect conquest of ireland . for the conquest is neuer perfect , till the war be at an end ; and the war is not at an end till there be peace and vnity ; and there can neuer be vnity & concord in any one kingdom , but where there is but one king , one allegiance , and one law. true it is , that king iohn made xii . shires in leinster & mounster : namely , dublin , kildare , meth , vriel , catherlogh , kilkenny , vvexford , waterford , corke , limeric , kerrie , and tipperary . yet these counties did stretch no farther then the landes of the english colonies did extend . in them only , were the english lawes published and put in execution ; and in them only did the itinerant iudges make their circuits and yisitations of iustice , and not in the countries possessed by the irishry which contained two third partes of the kingdome at least . and th●…●…re king edward the first , before the court of parliament was established in ireland , did transmit the statures of england in this forme : dominus rex mandauit breue suum in haec verba : edwardus dei gratia , rex angliae , dominus hiberniae , &c. cancellario suo hiberniae , salutem . quaedam statutaper nos de assensil praelatorum , comitū , baronū & communitat . regni nostri nuper apud lincolne , & quaedam alia statuta postmodum apud eborum facta , quae in dicta terrae nostra hiberniae ad communem vtilitatē populi nostri eiusdem terrae obseruari volumus , vobis mittimus sub sigillo nostro , mandantes quod statuta illa in dict a cancellaria nostra custodiri , ac in rotulis eiusdem cancellariae irrotulari , & adsingulas place as nostras in terra nostra hiberniae , & sing ulos commitatus eiusdem terrae mittifaciatis ministris nostris placearum illa . rum , et vicecomitibus dictorum comitatuū : mandantes , quod statuta illa coram ipsis publicari & ea in omnibus et singulis articulis suis obseruari firmiter faciatis . teste meipso apud nottingham , &c by which writt , and by all the pipe-rolles of that time it is manifest , that the lawes of england were published and put in execution onely in the counties , which were then made and limited , & not in the irish countries , which were neglected and left wilde ; and haue but of late yeares bin deuided in one and twenty counties more . againe , true it is , that by the statute of kilkenny , enacted in this kingdome , in the fortith yeare of king edward the thirde , the brehon law was condemned and abolished , and the vse and practise thereof made high-treason . but this lawe extended to the english onely , and not to the irish : for the lawe is penned in this forme : item , forasmuch as the diuersitie of gouernment by diuers lawes in one land , doth make diuersity of ligeance and dehates between the people , it is accorded and established , that heereafter no englishman haue debate with another englishman , but according to the course of the common law ; and that no englishman be ruled in the definition of their debates , by the march-law , or the brehon law , which by reason ought not to bee named a law , but an euill custome ; but that they be ruled as right is , by the common lawe of the land , as the lieges of our soueraigne lord the king ; and if any do to the contrary , & thereof be attainted , that he be taken and imprisoned & iudged as a traitor : and that heerafter there be no diuersity of ligeance betweene the english borne in ireland , and the english borne in england , but that all bee called and reputed , english , and the lieges of our soueraigne lord the king , &c. this law , was made only to reforme the degenerat english , but there was no care taken for the reformation of the meer irish ; no ordinance , no prouision made for the abolishing of their barbarous customes and manners . insomuch as the law then made for apparrell , and riding in saddles , after the english fashion , is penal only to english men , & not to the irish. but the romaine state , which conquered so many nations both barbarous and ciuill ; and therefore knewe by experience , the best and readiest way of making a perfect & absolute conquest , refused not to communicate their lawes to the rude & barbarous people , whom they had conquered ; neither did they put them out of their protection , after they had once submitted themselues . but contrarywise , it is said of iulius caesar : qua , vicit , victos protegit ille , manu . and againe , of another emperor : fecisti patriam diuersis gentibus vnam , profuit invitis te dominante capi ; dumque offers victis proprij consortia iuris , vrbem fecisti , quod priùs orbis erat . and of rome it selfe ; haec est , in gremium victos quae sola recepit , humanumque genus communinomine fouit , matris , non dominae , ritu ; ciuesque vocavit , quos domuit , nexuque pio longinqua reuinxit . therefore ( as tacitus writeth ) iulius agricola the romaine generall in brittany , vsed this pollicy to make a perfect conquest of our ancestours , the ancient brittaines ; they were ( sayth he ) rude , and dispersed ; and therfore prone vpon euery occasion to make warre , but to induce them by pleasure to quietnesse and rest , he exhorted them in priuate , and gaue them helpes in common , to builde temples , houses , and places of publique resort . the noblemens sonnes , hee tooke and instructed in the liberall sciences , &c. preferring the wits of the brittaines , before the students of france ; as beeing now curious to attaine the eloquence of the romaine language , whereas they lately reiected that speech . after that , the roman attire grew to be in account , and the gowne to be in vse among them ; and so by little and little they proceeded to curiosity & delicacies in buildings , and furniture of houshold ; in bathes , and exquisit banquets ; and so beeing come to the heighth of ciuility , they were thereby brought to an absolute subiection . likewise , our norman conqueror , though he oppressed the english nobility very sore , and gaue away to his seruitors , the lands and possessions of such , as did oppose his first inuasion , though he caused all his actes of counsel to be published in french ; and some legall proceedings & pleadings to bee framed and vsed in the same tongue , as a marke and badge of a conquest ; yet he gouerned al , both english and normans , by one & the same law ; which was the auncient common law of england , long before the conquest . neither did he denie any english-man ( that submitted himselfe vnto him : ) the benefit of that law thogh it were againsta norman of the best ranke , and in greatest fauour ( as appeared in the notable controuersie betweene vvarren the norman , and sherburne of sherburne castle in norfolke ; for the conquerour had giuen that castle to warren ; yet when the inheritors thereof , had alledged before the king , that he neuer bore armes against him ; that hee was his subiect , aswell as the other , & that he did inherit and hold his landes , by the rules of that law , which the king had established among all his subiects ; the king gaue iudgement against vvarren , and commanded that sherborn shold hold his land in peace . by this meane , him-selfe obtained a peaceable possession of the kingdom within few yeares ; whereas , if he had cast all the english out of his protection , and held them as aliens and enemies to the crowne , the normans ( perhaps ) might haue spent as much time in the conquest of england , as the english haue spent in the conquest of ireland . the like prudent course hath bin obserued in reducing of wales ; which was performed partly by king edward the first , and altogether finished by king henry the eight . for , we finde by the statute of rutland , made the 12. of edward the first , when the welshmen had submitted themselus , de alto & basso , to that king , he did not reiect and cast them off , as out-lawes and enemies , but caused their lawes and customes to be examined , which were in many points agreeable to the irish or brehon lawe . quibus diligenter audit is & plenius intellectis , quasdam illarū ( saieth the king in that ordinance ) consilio procerum dileuimus ; quasdam permissimus ; quasdam correximus ; ac etiā quasdam alias adijciendas et faciend . de creuimus ; and so established a commonwealth among them , according to the forme of the english gouernement . after this , by reason of the sundry insurrections of the barons ; the warres in france ; and the dissention betweene the houses of yorke and lancaster , the state of england , neglected or omitted the execution of this statute of rutland ; so as a great part of wales grew wilde and barbarous again . and therefore king henrie the eight , by the statutes of the 27. and 32. of his raign , did reuiue and recontinue that noble worke begun by king edward the first ; and brought it indeed to ful perfection ; for he vnited the dominion of wales , to the crown of england , and deuided it into shires , and erected in euery shire , one borough , as in england ; and enabled them to send knights & burgesses to the parliament ; established a court of presidency ; and ordained that iustices of assise , and gaol-deliuerie , should make their halfe yearly circuits there , as in england ; made all the lawes & statutes of england , in force there ; and among other welsh customes , abolished that of gauel-kinde : wherby the heyres-females were vtterlie excluded , and the bastards did inherit , aswel as the legimate , which is the very irish gauelkinde . by means whereof ; that entire country in a short time was securely setled in peace and obedience , and hath attained to that ciuility of manners , and plentie of all things . as now we finde it not inferiour to the best parts of england . i will therefore knit vp this point with these conclusions ; first , that the kings of england , which in former ages attempted the conquest of ireland , being ill aduised and counselled by the great men heere , did not vpon the submissions of the irish , communicate their lawes vnto them , nor admit them to the state and condition of free-subiectes : secondly , that for the space of 200 , yeares at least , after the first arriual of henry the secound in ireland , the irish would gladly haue embraced the lawes of england , and did earnestly desire the benefite and protection thereof ; which being denied them , did of necessitie cause a continuall bordering warre between the english and the irish. and lastly , if according to the examples before recited , they had reduced as well the irish countries , as the english colonies , vnder one forme of ciuil gouernment ( as now they are , ) the meres & bounds of the marches and borders , had beene long since worne out and forgotten , ( for it is not fit , as cambrensis writeth ) that a king of an islande should haue any marches or borders , but the foure seas ) both nations had beene in corporated and vnited ; ireland had beene entirely conquered , planted , and improoued ; and returned a rich reuennew to the crowne of england . the next error in the ciuill pollicy which hindered the perfection of the conquest of ireland , did consist in the distribution of the landes and possessions which were woonne and conquered from the irish. for , the scopes of land which were graunted to the first aduenturers , were too large ; and the liberties and royalties , which they obtained therein , were too great for subiects : though it stood with reason that they should be rewarded liberally out of the fruites of their owne labours , since they did militare proprijs stipendijs , and receiued no pay from the crowne of england . notwithstanding there ensued diuers inconuiences , that gaue great impediment to the conquest . first , the earle strongbow was entituled to the whole kingdom of leinster ; partly by inuasion , and partly by marriage ; albeit , hee surrendred the same entirely to king henrie the second his soueraigne ; for that with his license hee came ouer ; and with the ayde of his subiects , hee had gayned that great inheritance ; yet did the k. re-grant backe againe to him and his heyres all that prouince , reseruing onely the citty of dublin , & the cantreds next adioyning , with the maritime townes , and principall forts & castles . next , the same king granted to robert fitz-stephen , and miles cogan , the whole kingdome of corke , from lismore to the sea. to phillip le bruce , he gaue the whole kingdome of limericke , with the donation and byshopprickes and abbeyes ( except the citie , and one cantred of land adioyning . ) to sir hugh de lacy , all meth. to sir iohn de courcy , all vlster : to william burke fitz-adelm , the greatest part of conaght . in like manner , sir thomas de clare , obtained a graunt of all thomond ; and otho de grandison of all tipperary ; and robert le poer , of the territory of vvaterford , ( the citty it selfe , and the cantred of the oastmen only excepted . ) and thus was all ireland cantonized among tenne persons of the english nation ; and thogh they had not gained the possession of one third part of the whole kingdom , yet in title they were owners and lords of all , so as nothing was left to bee graunted to the natiues . and therefore we do not find in any record or storie for the space of three hundred yeares , after these aduenturers first ariued in ireland , that any irish lorde obtained a grant of his country from the crowne , but onely the king of thomond , who had a grant but during king henry the third his minority : and rotherick o connor , king of conaght , to whom king henrie the second , before this distribution made , did graunt ( as is before declared . ) vt sit rex sub eo ; & moreouer , vt teneat terram suam conactiae it a bene & inpace , sicut tenuit antequam dominus rex intravet hiberniam and whose successour , in the 24. of henrie the third , when the bourkes had made a strong plantation there , & had welny expelled him out of his territory , he came ouer into england , ( as matth. paris writeth ) and made complaint to king henrie the third of this inuasion made by the bourkes vppon his land , insisting vppon the g●auntes of king henrie the second , and king iohn ; and affirming , that he had duely paide an yearely tribute of fiue thousand marks for his kingdome . whereupon , the king called vnto him the lord maurice fitz-girald , who was then lorde iustice of ireland , and president in the court ; and commanded him that he should roote out that vniust plantation , which hubert earle of kent had in the time of his greatnesse , planted in those parts ; and wrote withall to the greatmen of ireland to remooue the bourkes , and to establish the king of conaght in the quiet possession of his kingdome . howbeit i doe not read that the king of englands commandement or direction in this behalfe , was euer put in execution . for , the troth is ; richard de burgo had obtained a graunt of all conaght , after the death of the king of conaght , then liuing . for which he gaue a thousand pounde , as the record in the tower reciteth , the third of henry 3. claus . 2. and besides , our great english lords coulde not endure that any kings should raigne in ireland , but themselues ; nay , they could hardly endure that the crown of england it selfe , should haue any iurisdiction or power ouer them . for many of these lordes , to whome our kings had granted these petty kingdomes , did by vertue and colour of these grants , claime and exercise iura regalia within their territories ; insomuch , as there were no lesse thē eight counties palatines in ireland , at one time . for vvilliam marshall , earle of pembroke , who married the daughter and heyre of strongbow , being lord of all leynster , had royall iurisdiction thoroughout al that prouince . this great lord had fiue sonnes , and fiue daughters ; euery of his sonnes enioyed that seigniory successiuely , and yet al died without issue . then this great lordship was broken and diuided , & pertition made betweene the fiue daughters , who were married into the noblest houses of england . the countie of catherlogh was allotted to the eldest ; vvexford to the second ; kilkenny to the third ; kildare to the fourth ; the greatest part of leix , nowe called the queenes county , to the fift : in euery of these portions , the coparceners seuerally exercised the same iurisdiction royall , which the earle marshall and his sonnes had vsed in the whole prouince . whereby it came to passe , that there were fiue county palatines erected in leinster . then had the lord of meth the same royall libertie in all that territory ; the earle of vlster in all that prouince ; and the lorde of desmond and kerry within that county . all these appeare vppon record , and were all as ancient as the time of king iohn ; onely the liberty of tipperarie , which is the onely liberty that remaineth at this day , was granted to iames butler the first earle of ormond , in the third yeare of king edward the third . these absolute palatines made barons & knights , did exercise high iustice in all points within their territories , erected courts for criminall and ciuill causes , and for their owne reuennews ; in the same forme , as the kings courts wer established at dub lin ; made their own iudges , seneshals , sheriffes , corroners , and escheators ; so as the kinges writt did not run in those counties ( which took vp more then two partes of the english colonies ) but onely in the church lands lying within the same , which were called the crosse , wherein the k. made a sheriffe : and so , in each of these counties palatines , there were two sheriffes ; one , of the libertie ; & another of the crosse : as in meth we find a sheriffe of the liberty , and a sheriffe of the crosse : and so in vlster , & so in wexford : and so at this day , the earle of ormond maketh a sheriffe of the liberty , and the king a sheriffe of the crosse of tipperary . heereby it is manifest , how much the kinges iurisdiction was restrained , and the power of these lords enlarged by these high priuiledges . and it doth further appear , by one article among others , preferred to king edward the thirde , touching the reformation of the state of ireland , which we finde in the tower , in these words ; item les francheses grantes in irelād , que sont roialles , telles come duresme & cestre , vous oustont cybien de les profits , come de graunde partie de obeisance des persons enfrancheses ; & en quescū franchese est chancellerie , chequer & conusans de pleas , cybien de la coronne , come autres communes , & grantont auxi charters de pardon ; et sont souent per ley et reasonable cause seisses envostre main , a grand profit de vous ; et leigerment restitues per maundemēt hors de englettere , a damage , &c. vnto which article , the k. made answer ; le roy voet que les francheses que sont et serront per iuste cause prises en sa main , ne soent my restitues , auant que le roy soit certifie de la cause de la prise de icelles . 26. ed. 3. claus. m. 1. again , these great vndertakers , were not tied to any forme of plantation , but all was left to their discretion and pleasure . and although they builded castles , and made free-holders , yet were there no tenures or seruices reserued to the crowne ; but the lords drew all the respect and dependancie of the common people , vnto themselues . nowe let vs see what inconueniences did arise by these large and ample grants of landes and liberties , to the first aduenturers in the conquest . assuredly by these grants of whole prouinces and pettie kingdomes , those few english lordes pretended to be proprieters of all the land , so as there was no possibility left of setling the natiues in their possessions , and by consequence the conquest becam impossible , without the vtter extirpation of all the irish ; which these english lords were not able to doe , nor perhaps willing , if they had bin able . notwithstanding , because they did still hope to become lordes of those lands which were possessed by the irish , whereunto they pretended title by their large grants ; and because they did feare , that if the irish were receiued into the kings protection , and made liege-men and free-subiectes , the state of england woulde establish them in their possessions by graunts from the crowne ; reduce their countries into counties , ennoble some of them ; and enfranchise all , and make them amesueable to the lawe , which woulde haue abridged and cut off a great part of that greatnesse which they had promised vnto themselues : they perswaded the king of england , that it was vnfit to communicate the lawes of england vnto them ; that it was the best pollicie to holde them as aliens and enemies , and to prosecute them with a continuall warre . heereby they obtained another royal prerogatiue and power : which was , to make warre and peace at their pleasure , in euery part of the kingdome . which gaue them an absolute commaund ouer the bodies , landes , and goods of the english subiectes heere . and besides , the irish inhabiting the lands fully conquered and reduced , being in condition of slaues and villaines , did render a greater profit and reuennew , then if they had bin made the kings free-subiects . and for these two causes last expressed , they were not willing to root out all the irishry . we may not therfore meruaile , that when king edward the third , vpon the petition of the irish ( as is before remembred ) was desirous to be certified , de voluntate magnatum suorum in proximo parliamento in hibernia tenend si sine alieno praeiudicio cōcederepossit , quod per statut . inde fact . hibernici vtantur legibus anglicanis , siue chartis regijs inde impetrandis , that there was neuer any statute made to that effect . for the troth is , that those great english lords did to the vttermost of their power , crosse and withstand the enfranchisement of the irish , for the causes before expressed ; wherein i must stil cleare and acquit the crown and state of england , of negligence or ill pollicy , and lay the fault vppon the pride , couetousnesse , & ill counsell of the english planted heer , which in all former ages haue bin the chiefe impediments of the final conquest of ireland . againe , those large scopes of land , and great liberties , with the absolute power to make warre and peace , did raise the english lordes to that height of pride and ambition , as that they could not endure one another , but grew to a mortall warre and dissention among themselues : as appeareth by all the records and stories of this kingdome . first , in the yeare , 1204. the lacies of meth , made warre vpon sir iohn courcy ; who hauing taken him by treachery , sent him prisoner into england . in the yeare , 1210. king iohn comming ouer in person , expelled the lacies out of the kingdome , for their tiranny and oppression of the english : howbeit , vppon payment of great fines , they were afterward restored . in the yeare , 1228. that family beeing risen to a greater heighth ( for hugh de lacy the yonger , was created earle of vlster , after the death of courcy without yssue ) there arose dissention and warre betweene that house , and william marshall lorde os leinster ; whereby all meth was destroyed and layd wast . in the yeare , 1264. sir walter bourke hauing married the daughter & heire of lacy , whereby he was earl of vlster in right of his wife , had mortall debate with maurice fitz-morice the geraldine , for certaine lands in conaght . so as all ireland was full of wars between the bourkes and the geraldines ( say our annalles . ) wherein maurice fitz-morice grew so insolent , as that vppon a meeting at thistledermot , he took the lord iustice himselfe , sir richard capell , prisoner , with diuers lords of mounster beeing then in his company . in the yeare , 1288. richard bourke , earle of vlster , ( commonly called the red earle ) pretending title to the lordship of meth , made warre vpon sir theobald de verdun , and besiedged him in the castle of athloue . againe , in the yeare , 1292. iohn fitz-thomas the geraldine , hauing by contention with the lorde vesci , gotten a goodly inheritance in kildare , grew to that heighth of immagination ( saith the story ) as he fell into difference with diuers great noblemen ; and among many others , with richard the red earle , whom he took prisoner , and detained him in castle ley ; and by that dissention , the english on the one side , and the irish on the other , did wast and destroy all the countrey . after , in the yeare , 1311. the same red earle ( comming to besiege bonratty in thomond , which was then held by sir richard de clare as his inheritance ) was againe taken prisoner : & all his army ( consisting for the most part of english ) ouerthrown and cut in pieces , by sir richard de clare . and after this againe , in the yeare , 1327. most of the great houses were banded one against another , ( viz : ) the giraldines , butlers , and breminghams , on the one side , and the bourkes & poers on the other . the ground of the quarrell beeing none other , but that the lord arnold poer , had called the earle of kildare , rimer : but this quarrell was prosecuted with such malice and violence , as the counties of waterford and kilkenny were destroied with fire and sword , till a parliament was called of purpose ; to quiet this dissention . shortly after , the lord iohn bremingham , who was not long before made earle of louth , for that notable seruice which he performed vpon the scots , betweene dundalke and the faher , was so extreamly enuied by the gernons , verdons , and others of the ancient colony , planted in the county of louth , as that in the year , 1329. they did most wickedly betray & murder that earl , with diuers principall gentlemen of his name and family ; vsing the same speech that the rebellious iewes are saide to vse in the gospell : nolumus hunc regnare super nos . after this , the geraldines and the butlers being becom the most potent families in the kingdome ( for the great lordshippe of leinster was diuided among coparceners , whose heires for the most part liued in england ; and the earledom of vlster , with the lordship of meth , by the match of lionell duke of clarence , at last discended vpon the crowne ) had almost a continuall warre one with another . in the time of king henry the sixt ( saith baron finglas in his discourse of the decay of ireland , ) in a fight betweene the earles of ormond and desmond , almost all the townes-men of kilkenny were slaine . and as they followed contrary parties during the warres of yorke and lancaster , so after that ciuil dissention ended in england , these houses in ireland continued their opposition and feud still , euen till the time of k. henry the eight ; when by the marriage of margaret fitz-girald to the earl of ossory , the houses of kildare and ormond were reconciled , and haue continued in amity euer since . thus these great estates & royalties graunted to the english lords in ireland , begate pride ; and pride , begat contention among themselus , which broght forth diuers mischiefs , that did not only disable the english to finish the conquest of all ireland , but did endaunger the losse of what was already gained ; and of conquerors ; made them slaues to that nation which they did intend to conquer . for , whensoeuer one english lorde had vanquished another , the irish waited and tooke the opportunity , & fell vpon that country which had receiued the blow ; and so daily recouered some part of the lands , which wer possessed by the english colonies . besides , the english lords to strengthen their parties , did ally themselues with the irish , and drewe them in , to dwell among them , gaue their children to be fostered by them ; and hauing no other meanes to pay or reward thē , suffred them to take coigne and liuery vppon the english freeholders ; which oppression was so intollerable , as that the better sort were enforced to quit their freeholds and fly into england ; & neuer returned , though many lawes were made in both realmes , to remaunde them backe againe : and the rest which remained , became degenerat and meer irish , as is before declared . and the english lords finding the irish exactions to be more profitable then the english rents and seruices ; & louing the irish tyranny , which was tyed to no rules of law or honor , better then a iust and lawfull seigniory , did reiect and cast off the english law and gouernment , receiued the irish lawes and customes , tooke irish surnames , as mac william , mac pheris , mac yoris , refused to come to the parliamentes which were summoned by the king of englands authority , and scorned to obey those english knights which were sent to commaund and gouerne this kingdome ; namely , sir richard capel , sir iohn morris , sir iohn darcie , and sir raphe vsford . and when sir anthony lucie , a man of great authoritie in the time of king edward the thirde , was sent ouer to reforme the notorious abuses of this kingdom , the king doubting that he shold not be obeyed , directed a speciall writt or mandate to the earle of vlster , and the rest of the nobility to assist him . and afterwards , the same king ( vpon good aduise and counsell ) resumed those excessiue grants of lands and liberties in ireland , by a special ordinance made in england , which remaineth of record in the tower , in this form : quia plures excessi● & donationes terrarum et libertatum in hibernia ad subdolam machinationem petentium factae sunt , &c. rex deluserias huiusmodo machinationes volens elidere , de consilio peritorum sibi assistentium , omnes donationes terrarum et libertatum praedict . duxit reuocandas quovsque de merit is donatariorū et causis ac qualitatibus donationū melius fuerit informat et ideo mandatum est iusticiario hiberniae qd . seisirifaciat , &c howbeit , ther followed vpon this resumptiō , such a diuision & faction between the english of birth , & the english of bloud and race , as they summoned & held seuerall parliaments apart one from the other . whereuppon , there had risen a general war betwixt them , to the vtter extinguishing of the english name and nation in ireland , if the earle of desmond , who was head of the faction against the english of birth , had not beene sent into england , and detained there for a time : yet afterwardes , these liberties beeing restored by direction out of england , the 26. of edw. 3. complaint was made to the king of the easie restitution ; whereunto the king made answere , as is before expressed : so as we may conclude this point with that which we finde in the annalles , published by maister camden : hibernici debellati & consumpti fuissent , nisiseditio anglicorum impedivisset . wherunto i may adde this note , that though some are of opinion , that grants of extraordinary honours and liberties made by a king to his subiects , do no more diminish his greatnesse , then when one torch lighteth another ; for it hath no lesse light , then it had before , quis vetat apposito lumen de lumine sumi ? yet many times , inconueniences doe arise thereuppon : and those princes haue held vp their soueraignty best , which haue beene sparing in those graunts . and truely , as these graunts of little kingdomes , and great royalties , to a few priuate persons , did produce the mischiefes spoken of before : so the true cause of the making of these grants , did proceede from this ; that the kings of england beeing otherwise employed and diuerted , did not make the conquest of ireland , their own worke , and vndertake it not royally at their owne charge ; but as it was first begun by perticular aduenturers , so they left the prosecution thereof , to them , & other voluntaries , who came to seeke their fortunes in ireland ; wherein if they could preuayle , they thought that in reason & honor they could doe no lesse , then make them proprieters of such scopes of land as they could conquer , people , & plant at their owne charge , reseruing only the soueraigne lordshippe to the crowne of england . but if the lyon had gone to hunt himselfe , the shares of the inferiour beastes had not beene so great : if the inuasion had been made by an army transmitted , furnished , & supplyed only at the kings charges , & wholy paid with the kings treasure , as the armies of queene elizabeth , and king iames haue been ; as the conquest had beene sooner atchiued , so the seruitors had beene contented with lesser proportions . for , when scipio , pompey , caesar , and other generals of the roman armies , as subiectes and seruants of that state , and with the publicke charge had conquered many kingdomes & commonweales , wee finde them rewarded with honorable offices and triumphes at their returne ; and not made lords and proprieters of whol prouinces and kingdoms which they had subdued to the empire of rome . likewise , when the duke of normandy had conquered england , which he made his owne work , and performed it in his owne person , hee distributed sundry lordships and mannors vnto his followers , but gaue not away whole shires and countreyes in demesne to any of his seruitors , whom he most desired to aduance . only , he made hugh lupus county palatine of chester , and gaue that earledome to him and his heyres , to hold the same , it a liberè ad gladium , sicut rex tenebat angliam ad coronam . whereby that earledome indeed had a royal iurisdiction and seigniory , though the landes of that countie in demesne , were possessed for the most part by the auncient inheritors . again , from the time of the norman conquest , till the raigne of king edward the first , many of our english lords , made warre vpon the welshmen at their owne charge ; the lands which they gained they held to their owne vse , were called lords marchers , and had royal liberties within their lordshippes . howbeit , these particular aduenturers , could neuer make a perfect conquest of wales . but when king edward the first , came in person with his army thither , kept his residence and court there ; made the reducing of wales , an enterprize of his owne ; hee finished that worke in a yeare or two , whereof the lords marchers had not performed a third part , with their continuall bordering warre , for two hundred years before . and withall we may obserue , that though this king had nowe the dominion of wales in iure propriet atis , as the statute of rutland affirmeth ; which before was subiect vnto him , but in iure feodali : and though he had lost diuers principall knights & noblemen in that warre , yet did he not reward his seruitors with whol countries or counties , but with particular mannors and lordships : as to henrie lacy earle of lincolne , hee gaue the lordship of denbigh ; and to reignold gray , the lordship of ruthen , and so to others . and if the like course had beene vsed in the winning and distributing of the landes of ireland , that island had beene fully conquered before the continent of wales had beene reduced . but the troth is , when priuate men attempt the conquest of countries at their own charge , commonly their enterprizes doe perrish without successe : as when , in the time of queene elizabeth , sir thomas smith vndertooke to recouer the ardes : and chatterton , to reconquer then fues and orier . the one lost his sonne ; and the other , himselfe ; and both their aduentures came to nothing . and as for the crowne of england , it hath had the like fortune in the conquest of this land , as some purchasers haue ; who desire to buy land at too easie a rate : they finde those cheap purchases so full of trouble , as they spende twice as much as the land is woorth , before they get the quiet possession thereof . and as the best pollicy was not obserued in the distribution of the conquered lands ; so as i conceyue , that the first aduenturers intending to make a full conquest of the irish , were deceiued in the choyse of the fittest places for their plantation . for they sate downe , and erected their castles and habitations in the plaines & open countries ; wher they found most fruitfull and profitable lands , and turned the irish into the vvoods & mountains : which , as they were proper places for out-lawes and theeues , so were they their naturall castles and fortifications ; thither they draue their preyes and stealths ; there they lurkt , and lay in waite to doe mischiefe . these fast-places they kept vnknowne , by making the wayes and entries thereunto impassable ; there they kept their creaghts or heardes of cattle , liuing by the milke of the cowe , without husbandry or tillage ; there they encreased and multiplied vnto infinite numbers by promiscuous generation among themselues ; there they made their assemblies and conspiracies without discouery : but they discouered the weaknes of the english dwelling in the open plaines ; and thereupon made their sallies and retraites with great aduantage . whereas , on the other side , if the english had builded their castles and towns in those places of fastnesse , and had driuen the irish into the plaines and open countries , where they might haue had an eye and obseruation vpon thē , the irish had beene easily kept in order , and in short time reclaimed from their wildnesse ; there they woulde haue vsed tillage , dwelt together in towne-ships , learned mechanicall arts & sciences . the woods had bin wasted with the english habitations , as they are about the forts of mariborough and phillipston , which were built in the fastest places in leinster , and the wayes and passages throughout ireland , would haue boene as cleare and open , as they are in england at this day . a gaine , if king henry the second , who is said to be the k. that conquered this land , had made forrests in ireland , as he did enlarge the forrests in england ( for it appeareth by charta de foresta , that hee afforrested many woods and wasts , to the greeuance of the subiect , which by that lawe were disaforrested , ) or if those english lordes , amongst whom the whole kingdome was deuided , had beene good hunters , and had reduced the mountaines , bogges , and woods within the limits of forrests , chases , and parkes ; assuredly , the very forrest law , and the law de malefactoribus in parcis , would in time haue driuen them into the plains & countries inhabited and mannured , and haue made them yeeld vppe their fast places to those wilde beastes which were indeede lesse hurtfull and wilde , then they . but it seemeth straunge to mee , that in all the recordes of this kingdome , i seldome find any mention made of a forrest ; & neuer of anie parke or free-warren ; considering the great plenty both of vert and venison within this land ; and that the cheefe of the nobility and gentry are discended of english race ; and yet at this day , there is but one parke stored with deere in al this kingdom : which is a parke of the earle of ormonds , neer kilkenny . it is then manifest , by that which is before expressed ; that the not communicating of the english lawes to the irish ; the ouer-large grants of lands and liberties to the english ; the plantation made by the english in the plaines and open countreyes , leauing the woods and mountaines to the irish , were great defects in the ciuill pollicy , and hindered the perfection of the conquest verie much . howbeit , notwithstanding these defects and errours , the english colonies stood and maintained themselus in a reasonable good estate , as long as they retained their owne auncient lawes and customes , according to that of ennius : moribus antiquis res stat . romana virisque . but when the ciuil gouernment grew so weake & so loose , as that the english lords , would not suffer the english lawes to be put in execution within their territories & seigniories , but in place therof , both they and their people , embraced the irish customes : then the estate of things , like a game at irish , was so turned about , as the english , which hoped to make a perfect conquest of the irish , were by them perfectly and absolutely conquered ; because victi victoribus leges dedere . a iust punnishment to our nation , that wold not giue lawes to the irish when they might : and therefore nowe the irish gaue lawes to them . therefore , this defect and failing of the english iustice , in the english colonies ; and the inducing of the irish customes in lieu thereof , was the maine impediment that did arrest and stoppe the course of the conquest ; and was the only meane that enabled the irishrie to recouer their strength againe . for , if wee consider the nature of the irish customes , wee shall finde that the people which doth vse them , must of necessitie bee rebelles to all good gouernment , destroy the commonwealth wherein they liue , and bring barbarisme and desolation vpon the richest and most fruitfull land of the world . for , whereas by the iust and honourable law of england , & by the lawes of all other well-gouerned kingdomes and commonweals , murder , man-slaughter , rape , robbery , and theft , are punnished with death ; by the irish custome , or brehon law , the highest of these offences was punished onely by fine , which they called an ericke . therfore , when sir vvilliam fitz-williams , ( being lord deputy ) told maguyre that hee was to send a sheriffe into fermaunagh , being lately before made a county ; your sheriffe ( saide maguyre ) shall be welcome to me , but let me knowe his ericke , or the price of his head afore hand ; that if my people cut it off , i may cut the ericke vpon the countrey . as for oppression , extortion , & other trespasses , the weaker had neuer anie remedy against the stronger : whereby it came to passe , that no man coulde enioy his life , his wife , his lands or goodes in safety , if a mightier man then himselfe had an appetite to take the same from him . wherein they were little better then canniballes , who doe hunt one another ; and hee that hath most strength and swiftnes , doth eate and deuoure all his fellowes . againe , in england , and all well ordered common-weales , men haue certaine estates in their lands & possessions , and their inheritances discend from father to son , which doth giue them encouragement to builde , and to plant , and to improoue their landes , and to make them better for their posterities . but by the irish custome of tanistry , the cheefetanes of euery countrey , and the chiefe of euery sept , had no longer estate then for life in their cheeferies , the inheritance whereof , did rest in no man. and these cheeferies , though they had some portions of lande allotted vnto them , did consist chiefely in cuttings and cosheries , and other irish exactions , whereby they did spoyle and impouerish the people at their pleasure . and when their chieftanes were dead , their sonnes or next heires did not succeede them , but their tanistes , who were electiue , and purchased their elections by strong hande ; and by the irish custome of gauell-kinde , the inferiour tennanties were partible amongst all the males of the sept , both bastards and legittimate : and after partition made , if any one of the sept had died , his portion was not diuided among his sonnes , but the cheefe of the sept , made a new partition of all the lands belonging to that sept , and gaue euerie one his part according to his antiquity . these two irish customes made all their possessions vncertain , being shuffled , and changed , and remoued so often from one to another , by new elections and partitions ; which vncertainty of estates , hath bin the true cause of such desolation & barbarism in this land , as the like was neuer seen in any countrey , that professed the name of christ. for , though the irishry be a nation of great antiquity , and wanted neither wit nor valour ; and though they had receiued the christian faith , aboue 1200. yeares since ; and were louers of musicke , poetry , and all kinde of learning ; and possessed a land abounding with all thinges necessary for the ciuill life of man ; yet ( which is strange to bee related ) they did neuer builde any houses of bricke or stone ( some few poor religious houses excepted ) before the raigne of king henrie the second , though they wer lords of this island for many hundred yeares before , and since the conquest attempted by the english : albeit , when they sawe vs builde castles vppon their borders , they haue only in imitation of vs , erected some few piles for the captaines of the country : yet i dare boldly say , that neuer any perticuler person , eyther before or since , did builde anie stone or bricke house for his priuate habitation ; but such as haue latelie obtained estates , according to the course of the law of england . neither did any of them in all this time , plant any gardens or orchards , inclose or improue their lands , liue together in setled villages or townes , nor made any prouision for posterity ; which being against all common sense and reason , must needes bee imputed to those vnreasonable customes , which made their estates so vncertaine and transitory in their possessions . for , who would plant or improoue , or build vppon that land , which a stranger whom he knew not , should possesse after his death ? for that ( as salomon noteth ) is one of the strangest vanities vnder the sunne . and this is the true reason why vlster , and all the irish countries are found so wast and desolate at this day ; and so wold they continue till the worlds end , if these customes were not abolished by the law of england . againe , that irish custom of gauel-kinde , did breede another mischiefe ; for thereby , euery man being borne to land , aswell bastard , as legitimate , they al held thēselues to be gentlemen . and though their portions were neuer so small , and them-selues neuer so poor ( for gauelkind must needs in the end make a poore gentility , ) yet did they scorne to discend to husbandry or marchandize , or to learn any mechanicall art or science . and this is the true cause why there were neuer any corporate towns erected in the irish countries . as for the maritime citties and townes , most certaine it is , that they were built and peopled by the ostmen or easterlings : for the natiues of ireland neuer perfourmed so good a worke , as to build a city . besides , these poore gentlemen were so affected vnto their small portions of land , as they rather chose to liue at home by theft , extortion , and coshering , then to seeke any better fortunes abroad : which encreased their septs or syrnames into such numbers , as there are not to bee found in anie kingdome of europe , so many gentlemen of one blood , familie , and syrname , as there are of the o neales in vlster ; of the bourkes , in conaght ; of the geraldines , and butlers , in munster & leinster . and the like may be saide of the inferiour bloodes and families ; whereby it came to passe in times of trouble & dissention , that they made great parties and factions adhering one to another , with much constancie ; because they were tyed together , vinculo sanguinis ; whereas rebels and malefactors which are tyed to their leaders by no band , either of dutie or blood , do more easily breake and fall off one from another . and besides , their coe-habitation in one countrey or teritory , gaue them opportunity suddenly to assemble , and conspire , and rise in multitudes against the crowne . and euen now , in the time of peace , we finde this inconuenience , that ther can hardly be an indifferenttriall had betweene the king & the subiect , or between partie and partie , by reason of this generall kindred and consanguinity . bvt the most wicked and mischeeuous custome of all others , was that of coigne and liuery , often before mentioned ; which consisted in taking of mansmeate , horsemeat , & money , of all the inhabitants of the country , at the will and pleasure of the soldier , who as the phrase of scripture is , did eate vp the people as it were bread ; for that he had no other entertainment . this extortion was originally irish , for they vsed to lay bonaght vppon their people , and neuer gaue their soldier any other pay . but when the english had learned it , they vsed it with more insolency , and made it more intollerable ; for this oppression was not temporary , or limited either to place or time ; but because there was euery where a continuall warre , either offensiue , or defensiue ; and euery lord of a countrey , and euery marcher made warre and peace at his pleasure ; it became vniuersall and perpetuall ; and was indeede the most heauy oppression , that euer was vsed in any christian or heathen kingdom . and therefore , vox oppressorum , this crying sinne , did drawe downe as great , or greater plagues vppon ireland , then the oppression of the isralites , did draw vpon the land of egypt . for the plagues of egypt , though they were grieuous , were but of a short continuance . but the plagues of ireland , lasted 400. yeares together . this extortion of coigne and liuery , did produce two notorious effects . first , it made the land wast ; next , it made the people , ydle . for , when the husbandman had laboured all the yeare , the soldier in one night , did consume the fruites of all his labour , long●… perit labor irritus anni . had hee reason then to mannure the land for the next yeare ? or rather might he not complaine as the shepherd in virgil : impius haec tam culta noualia miles habebit ? barbarus has segetes ? en quo discordia ciues perduxit miseros ? en queis cōsevimus agros ? and heereupon of necessity came depopulation , banishment , & extirpation of the better sort of subiects ; and such as remained became ydle , and lookers on , expecting the euent of those miseries and euill times : so as this extreame extortion and oppression , hath beene the true cause of the idlenesse of this irish nation ; and that rather the vulgar sort haue chosen to be beggers in forraigne countries , then to manure their own fruitfull land at home . lastly , this oppression did of force and necessity make the irish a craftie people : for such as are oppressed and liue in slauery , are euer put to their shifts ; ingenium mala saepe mouent ; and therefore , in the olde comedies of plantus & terence , the bondslaue doth alwayes act the cunning and crastie part . besides , all the common people haue a whyning tune or accent in their speech , as if they did still smart or suffer some oppression . and this idlenesse , together with feare of iminent mischiefes , which did continually hang ouer their heads , haue bin the cause , that the irish wer euer the most inquisitiue people after newes , of any nation in the world . as s. paule himselfe made obseruation vpon the people of athens ; that they were an ydle people , and did nothing but learne and tell newes . and because these newes-carriers , did by their false intelligence , many times raise troubles and rebellions in this realm , the statute of kilkenny , doth punish newes-tellers ( by the name of skelaghes ) with fine and ransome . this extortion of coigne and liuery , was taken for the maintenaunce of their men of warre ; but their irish exactions extorted by the chieftanes and tanists , by colour of their barbarous seigniory , were almost as grieuous a burthen as the other ; namely , cosherings , which were visitations and progresses made by the lord and his followers , among his tenants : wherin he did eate them ( as the english prouerbe is ) out of house and home . sessings of the kerne , of his family , called kernety , of his horses & hors-boyes ; of his dogges and dog-boyes , and the like : and lastly , cuttings , tallages , or spendings , high or low , at his pleasure ; all which , made the lorde an absolute tyrant , and the tennant a verie slaue and villain ; and in one respect more miserable then bondeslaues . for commonly the bondslaue is fed by his lord , but heere the lord was fedde by his bondslaue . lastly , there were two other customes proper and peculiar to the irishry , which being the cause of many strong combinations and factions do tend to the vtter ruine of a commonwealth : the one , was fosteriug ; the other , gossipred ; both which haue euer bin of greater estimation among this people , then with any other nation in the christian world . for fostering , i did neuer heare or read , that it was in that vse or reputation in anie other countrey , barbarous or ciuill , as it hath beene , and yet is , in ireland : where they put away al their children to fosterers : the potent & rich men selling ; the meaner sort buying , the alterage of their children ; and the reason is , because in the opinion of this people , fostering hath alwayes beene a stronger alliance then bloud ; and the foster-children doe loue and are beloued of their foster-fathers and their sept , more then of their owne naturall parents and kindred ; and do participate of their meanes more frankely , and doe adhere vnto them in all fortunes , with more affection & constancy . and though tully in his book of friendship doth obserue , that childrē of princes being somtimes in cases of necessity for sauing of their liues deliuered to shepheards to be nourished and bred vp , when they haue bin restored to their great fortunes , haue still retained their loue and affection to their fosterers , whom for manie yeares they tooke to be their parents : yet this was a rare case , and few examples are to be found thereof . but such a generall custome in a kingdome , in giuing and taking children to foster , making such a firme alliance as it doth in ireland , was neuer seene or heard of , in any other countrey of the world besides . the like may be said of gossipred or or compaternitie , which though by the canon law , it be a spirituall affinity , and a iuror that was gossip to either of the parties , might in former times haue bin challenged , as not indifferent by our law , yet there was no nation vnder the sun , that euer made so religious accompt thereof , as the irish. now these two customs , which of themselues are indifferent in other kingdomes , became exceeding euill and full of mischiefe in this realm , by reason of the inconueniences which followed thereupon . for , they made ( as i saide before ) strong parties and factions , wherby the great men were enabled to oppresse their inferiours , and to oppose their equals : and their followers were borne out and countenanced in all their lewde and wicked actions : for fosterers & gossips by the common custome of ireland , were to maintaine one another in all causes lawful , and vnlawfull ; which as it is a combination and confederacy punishable in all well-gouerned common-weales , so was it not one of the least causes of the common misery of this kingdome . i omit their common repudiation of their wiues ; their promiscuous generation of children ; their neglect of lawfull matrimony ; their vncleannesse in apparrell , diet , & lodging ; and their contempt and scorne of all thinges necessary for the ciuill life of man. these were the irish customes , which the english colonies did embrace and vse , after they had reiected the ciuill and honorable lawes and customes of england , whereby they became degenerate and metamorphosed like nabuchadnezzar : who although he had the face of a man , had the heart of a beast ; or like those who had drunke of circes cuppe , and were turned into very beasts ; and yet tooke such pleasure in their beastly manner of life , as they would not returne to their shape of men againe : insomuch as within lesse time then the age of a man , they had no markes or differences left amongst them of that noble nation , from which they were discended . for , as they did not only forget the english language , & scorne the vse thereof , but grew to bee ashamed of their very english names , though they were noble and of great antiquity ; and tooke irish surnames and nicke-names . namely , the two most potent families of the bourks in conaght ( after the house of the red earle failed of heyres-males ) called their cheefes , mac william eighter , and mac william oughter . in the same prouince , bremingham , baron of athenrie , called himselfe mac yoris . dexecester , or de'exon , was cald mac iordan . mangle or de angulo , took the name of mac costelo . of the inferior families of the bourkes , one was called mac hubbard , another mac dauid . in munster , of the great families of the geraldines planted there ; one was called mac morice chiefe of the house of lixnaw ; and another , mac gibbon , who was also called the white knight . the chiefe of the baron of dunhoynes house , who is a branch of the house of ormond , tooke the surnames of mac pheris . condon of the countie of waterford , was called mac maioge : and the arch-deacon of the county of kilkenny , mac odo . and this they did in contempt and hatred of the english name and nation ; of these degenerate families became more mortal enemies , then the meere irish. and whereas the state and gouernment beeing growne weake by their defection , did to reduce them to obedience , grant them many protections and pardons ( the cheapenesse whereof , in all ages , hath brought great dishonor and damage to this commonweal ) they grew so vngratefull and vnnatural , as in the end they scorned that grace & fauour , because the acceptance thereof , did argue them to be subiects , and they desired rather to bee accounted enemies , then rebels to the crowne of england . heereupon was that olde verse made , which i finde written in the white booke of the exchequer , in a hand as auncient as the time of king edward the third . by graunting charters of peas , to false english withouten les , this land shall be mich vndoo . but gossipred , and alterage , and leesing of our language , haue mickely holp theretoo . and therefore , in a close roll in the tower , bearing this title ; articuli in hibernia obseruandi : we finde these two articles among others . 1. iusticiarius hiberniae non concedat perdonationes de morte hominis , nec de roberijs , seu incendijs , & quod de caetero certificet dominum regem de nominibus petentium . 2. item , quod nec iusticiarius nec aliquis magnas hiberniae concedat protectiones alicui contra pacem regis existent . &c. but now it is fit to looke backe and consider when the old english colonies became so degenerate ; and in what age they fell away into that irish barbarisme , reiecting the english lawes and customes . assuredly , by comparing the ancient annalles of lrelaud with the records remaining heere , & in the tower of london , i do find that this generall defection , fell out in the latter end of the raign of king edward the second , and in the beginning of the raigne of king edward the thirde . and all this great innovation , grewe within the space of thirty years : within the compasse of which time , there fell out diuers mischieuous accidents , whereby the whole kingdome was in a maner lost . for first , edward de bruce inuaded ireland with the scottish army , and preuailed so farre , as that he possessed the maritime parts of vlster , marched vp to the walles of dublin , spoiled the english pale , passed thorough leinster and munster , as farre as limericke , and was maister of the field in euery part of the kingdom . this hapned in the tenth yeare of king edward the second , at what time the crowne of england was weaker , & suffred more dishonor in both kingdomes , then it did at any time since the norman conquest . then did the state of england send ouer iohn de hotham to be treasurer heere , with commission to call the great lords of ireland to gether ; and to take of them an oath of assoacition , that they should loyally ioyne together in life & death to preserue the right of the king of england , and to expell the commonenemy . but this treasurer brought neither men , nor money , to performe this seruice . at that time , though richard bourk earle of vlster ( commonly called the redde-earle ) were of greater power then any other subiect in ireland , yet was he so farre stricken in yeares , as that hee was vnable to mannage the martiall affaires , as he had done during all the raigne of king edward the first : hauing bin generall of the irish forces , not only in this kingdom , but in the wars of scotland , wales , and gascoigne . and therefore , maurice fitz-thomas of desmond , beeing then the most actiue nobleman in this realm , tooke vpon him the chiefe command in this warre : for the support whereof , the reuennue of this lande , was farre too short , and yet no supply of treasure was sent out of england . then was there no mean to maintain the army , but by sessing the soldiers vppon the subiect , as the irish were wont to impose their bonaught . whereupon , grewe that wicked extortion of coigne and liuerie spoken of before , which in short time banished the greatest part of the free-holders out of the county of kerrie , limerick , corke , and waterford ; into whose possessions , desmond and his kinsmen , alies , and followers , which were then more irish then english , did enter and appropriate these lands vnto themselues , desmond himselfe taking what scopes hee best liked for his demesnes in euery countrey , and reseruing an irish seigniory out of the rest . and heere , that i may verifie & maintaine by matter of record , that which is before deliuered touching the nature of this wicked extortion , called coigne and liuery ; and the manifolde mischiefes it did produce , i thinke it fit and pertinent to insert the preamble of the statute of the 10. of henry 7. c. 4. not printed , but recorded in parlament rols of dublin , in these words : at the request & supplication of the commons of this land of ireland , that where of long time there hath bin vsed and exacted by the lords and gentlemen of this land , many and diuers damnable customes & vsages , which bin called coigne , and liuery , and pay ; that is , horsemeat , and mansmeat , for the finding of their horsemen and footmen ; and ouer that , 4. d. or 6. d. daily to euery of them to be had and paide of the poore earth-tillers , and tenants , inhabitants of the saide land , without any thing doing or paying therefore . besides , manie murders , robberies , rapes , & other manifold extortions & oppressions by the saide horsemen and footmen , dayly and mightily committed & done ; which bin the principall causes of the desolation & destruction of the said land , & hath brought the same into ruine and decay , so as the most part of the english free-holders and tenants of this land bin departed out thereof , some into the realme of england , and other some to other strange landes ; whereupon the foresaide lordes and gentlemen of this land , haue intruded into the saide free-holders and tenants inheritances ; and the same keepeth and occupieth as their owne inheritances ; and setten under them in the same land the kings irish enemies , to the diminishing of holie churches rites , the disherison of the king , & his obedient subiects , and the vtter ruine and desolation of the land. for reformation whereof , be it enacted , that the king shall receiue a subsidie of 26. s. 8. d. out of euerie 120. acres of arrable land manured , &c. but to return to tho : fitz-maurice of desmond ; by this extortion of coigne and liuery , he suddenly grewe from a meane , to a mighty estate ; insomuch as the baron finglas in his discourse of the decay of ireland , affirmeth ; that his ancient inheritance beeing not one thousand markes yearely , he became able to dispend euery way , ten thousand pounds , per annum . these possessions being thus vnlawfully gotten , could not bee maintained by the iust and honorable law of england , which would haue restored the true owners to their land againe . and therefore , this greatman found no meanes to continue & vphold his ill-purchased greatnesse , but by reiecting the english law & gouernment , and assuming in lieu therof , the barbarous customs of the irish. and heereupon , followed the defection of those foure shires , containing the greatest part of munster , from the obedience of the law. in like manner ( saith baron finglas ) the lord of tipperary ) perceiuing how well the house of desmond hadde thriued by coigne and liuerie , and other irish exactions ) began to holde the like course in the counties of tipperary and kilkenny ; whereby he got great scopes of land , specially in ormond ; and raised many irish exactions vpon the english free-holders there ; which made him so potent & absolut among thē , as at that time they knew no other lawe , then the will of their lord. besides , finding , that the earle of desmond excluded the ordinary ministers of iustice , vnder colour of a royall liberty , which he claimed in the counties of kerry , corke , and waterford , by a graunt of king edward the first ( as appeareth in a quo warranto , brought against him , anno 1. edw. 1. ) the record wherof , remaineth in breminghams tower , among the common plea-rolles there . this lord also , in the third of edward the thirde , obtained a graunt of the like liberty in the county of tipperary ; whereby he got the lawe into his owne hands , & shut out the common law and iustice of the realme . and thus we see , that all munster fell away from the english lawe and gouernment , in the end of king edward 2. his raigne ; and in the beginning of the raigne of king edward the third . againe , about the same time , ( viz : ) in the 20. yeare of king edward the second , when the state of england was well-ny ruined by the rebellion of the barons , and the gouernment of ireland vtterly neglected , there arose in leinster , one of the cauanaghes , named donald mac art , who named himselfe mac murrogh , king of leinster , and possessed himselfe of the countie of catherlogh , and of the greatest part of the county of wexford . and shortly after , lisagh o moore , called himselfe o moore , tooke 8. castles in one euening , destroyed dunamase the principall house of the l. mortimer in leix , recouered that whole countrey , de seruo dominus , de subiecto princeps effectus , saith friar clynne in his annalles . besides , the earle of kildare , imitating his cosin of desmond , did not omit to make the like vse of coigne & liuery in kildare , and the west part of meth , which brought the like barbarisme into those parts . and thus a great part of leinster was lost , and fell away from the obedience of the crowne , neere about the time before expressed . againe , in the seauenth yeare of king edward the third , the lord vvilliam bourke , earle of vlster , and lorde of conaght , was treacherously murdered by his owne squires at knockefergus , leauing behinde him , vnicam & vnius annifiliam ( saith friar clynne . ) immediately vpon the murder committed , the countesse with her yong daughter , fledde into england ; so as the gouernment of that countrey , was wholly neglected , vntil , that young ladie beeing married to lionell duke of clarence , that prince cam ouer with an army , to recouer his wiues inheritance , and to reforme this kingdom , anno 36. of edward the third . but in the meane time , what became of that great inheritance both in vlster , & conaght ? assuredly , in vlster , the sept of hugh boy o neal , then possessing glaucoukeyn and killeightra in tyrone , tooke the opportunity ; and passing ouer the banne , did first expell the english out of the barony of tuscard , which is nowe called the rout ; and likewise , out of the glynnes and other lands vp as farre as knockfergus , which countrey or extent of lande , is at this day called , the lower clan hugh-boy . and shortly after that , they came vp into the great ardes , which the latine writers call , altitudines vltoniae , and was then the inheritaunce of the sauages ; by whom , they were valiantly resisted for diuers yeares : but at last , for want of castles and fortifications ( for the saying of henrie sauage mentioned in euery story , is very memorable ; that a castle of bones , was better then a castle of stones ) the english were ouer-run by the multitude of the irishry : so as about the thirtith of k. edw. 3. some few yeares before the arriuall of the duke of clarence , the sauages were vtterly driuen out of the great ardes , into a little nooke of land neer the riuer of strangford ; where they now possesse a little territory , called the little ards ; and their greater patrimony tooke the name of the vpper clan hugh-boy , from the sept of hugh-boy o neale , who became inuaders thereof . for conaght , some yonger branches of the family of the bourkes , being planted there by the red-earle & his ancestors , seeing their chiefe to bee cut off , and dead without heire-male , and no man left to gouern or protect that prouince , intruded presently into all the earles lands , which ought to haue bin seized into the kings handes , by reason of the minoritie of the heire . and within a short space , two of the most potent among them , diuided that great seigniory betwixt thē : the one taking the name of mac william oughter ; and the other of mac william fighter ; as if the lord william bourk the last earle of vlster , had lefte two sonnes of one name behinde him to inherit that lordship in course of gauelkinde . but they well knewe , that they were but intruders vppon the kings possession during the minority of the heire ; they knew those lands were the rightfull inheritance of that young lady ; and consequently , that the law of england woulde speedily euict them out of their possession ; & therefore , they held it the best policy to cast off the yoake of english law , and to become meere irish : and according to their example , drew al the rest of the english in that prouince , to do the like ; so as from thenceforth they suffered their possessions to run in course of tanistry and gauel-kinde . they changed their names , language , and apparrell , and all their ciuil manners and customes of liuing . lastly , about the 25. yeare of king edward the third , sir richard de clarè was slaine in thomond , and al the english colonies there , vtterly supplanted . thus in that space of time , which was betweene the tenth yeare of king edward the second , and the 30. yeare of king edward the third ( i speak within compasse ) by the concurrence of the mischieses before recited , all the old english colonies in munster , conaght , and vlster ; & more then a third part of leinster , became degenerat , & fell away from the crowne of england ; so as onely the foure shyres of the english pale , remained vnder the obedience of the lawe ; and yet the borders and marches thereof , were growne vnruly , and out of order too , being subiect to blacke-rents and tribute of the irish ; which was a greater defection , then when tenne of twelue tribes departed , and fell away from the kings of iuda . but was not the state of england sensible of this losse and dishonour ? did they not endeuor to recouer the land that was lost , and to reduce the subiects to their obedience ? truely king edward the second , by the incursions of the scottish nation , and by the insurrection of his barons , who raised his wife and his sonne against him , and in the end deposed him , was diuerted and vtterly disabled to reforme the disorders of ireland . but assoone as the crown of england was transferred to k. edw. 3. though hee were yet in his minority , the state there beganne to looke into the desperate estate of thinges heere . and finding such a general defection , letters were sent from the king , to the great men and prelates , requiring them particularly to swear fealty to the crowne of england . shortly after , sir anthony lucie , a person of great authority in england in those daies , was sent ouer to work a reformation in this kingdome , by a seuere course ; and to that ende , the king wrote expresly to the earle of vlster , and others of the nobilitie to assist him , as is before remembered ; presently vpon his arriual , he arrested maurice fitz-thomas earle of desmond ; and sir william bremingham , and committed them prisoners to the castle of dublin : where sir william bremingham was executed for treason , though the earle of desmond were left to mainprize , vpon condition , hee should appeare before the king by a certain day , and in the meane time to continue loyall . after this , the king being aduertised , that the ouer-large graunts of lands and liberties , made to the lords of english bloude in ireland , made them so insolent , as they scorned to obey the law , and the magistrate , did absolutely resume all such crants , as is before declared . but the earle of desmond aboue al men , found himselfe grieued with this resumption , or repeale of liberties ; and declared his dislike & discontentment : insomuch , as he did not only refuse to come to a parliament at dublin , summoned by sir william morris , deputie to the l. iohn darcy the kings lieutenant : but ( as we haue said before ) he raised such dissention betweene the english of bloud , and the english of birth , as the like was neuer seen , from the time of the first planting of our nation in ireland . and in this factious and seditious humour , hee drewe the earle of kildare , and the rest of the nobility , with the cittizens and burgesses of the principall townes , to hold a seuerall parliament by themselues , at kilkenny ; where they framed certaine articles against the deputy , & transmitted the same into england to the king. heereupon , sir raphe vfford , who had lately before married the countesse of vlster ; a man of courage and seuerity , was made lord iustice : who forth with calling a parliament , sent a speciall commandement to the earle of desmond , to appeare in that great councel ; but the earle wilfully refused to come . whereupon , the lord iustice raised the kings standard , and marching with an army into munster , seized into the kings handes , all the possessions of the earle , took and executed his principall followers , sir eustace le poer , sir william graunt , & sir iohn cotterell ; enforced the earle himselfe to flye and lurke , till 26. noblemen and knights , became mainpernors for his appearance at a certaine day prefixed : but he making default the second time , the vttermost aduantage was taken against his sureties . besides , at the same time , this lord iustice caused the earle of kildare to bee arrested and committed to the castle of dublin , indited & imprisoned manie other disobedient subiects , called in , and cancelled such charters as wer lately before resumed ; and proceeded euery way so roundly and seuerely , as the nobility which were wont to suffer no controulment , did much distast him ; and the commons who in this land haue euer bin more deuoted to their immediate lords heer whom they saw euery day , then vnto their soueraigne lord & king , whom they neuer sawe ; spake ill of this gouernor , as of a rigorous & cruel man , though in troth hee were a singular good iusticer ; and , if he had not dyed in the second yeare of his gouernment , was the likeliest person of that age , to haue reformed and reduced the degenerate english colonies , to their natural obedience of the crown of england . thus much then wee may obserue by the way , that maurice fitz-thomas , the first earle of desmond , was the first english lord that imposed coign and liuery vpon the kings subiectes ; and the first that raised his estate to immoderate greatnesse , by that wicked extortion and oppression ; that he was the first that reiected the english lawes and gouernement , and drew others by his example to do the like ; that he was the first peere of ireland that refused to come to the parlament summoned by the kinges authority ; that he was the first that made a diuision and distinction betweene the english of bloud , and the english of birth . and as this earle was the onelie authour , and first actour , of these mischiefes , which gaue the greatest impediment to the full conquest of ireland ; so it is to bee noted , that albeit others of his ranke afterwardes offended in the same kinde ; whereby their houses were many times in danger of ruin , yet was there not euer any noble house of english race in ireland , vtterly destroyed and finally rooted out by the hand of iustice , but the house of desmond onely ; nor any peere of this realme euer put to death ( though diuers haue bin attainted ) but tho : fitz-iames the earle of desmond only , and onely for those wicked customes brought in by the first earle , and practised by his posterity , though by seuerall lawes they were made high-treason . and therfore , though in the 7. of edward the 4. during the gouernment of the lord tiptoft , earle of worcester , both the earles of desmond and kildare were attainted by parlament at drogheda , for alliance and fostering with the irish ; and for taking coign and liuery of the kings subiects , yet was desmond only put to death ; for the earle of kildare receiued his pardon . and albeit the sonne of this earl of desmond , who lost his head at drogheda , were restored to the earldom ; yet could not the kings grace regenerate obedience in that degenerate house , but it grew rather more wilde and barbarous , then before . for from thencefoorth they reclaimed a strange priuiledge : that the earles of desmond should neuer come to any parliament or graund-counsell , or vvithin any walled towne , but at their will and pleasure . which pretended priuiledge , iames earle of desmond , the father of girald the last earle , renounced and surrendred by his deed , in the chancery of ireland , in the 32. of henry the eight . at what time , among the meer irishry , hee submitted himselfe to sir anthony saint-leger , then lord deputy ; tooke an oath of allegiance ; couenanted that he would suffer the law of england to bee executed in his countrey ; and assist the kinges iudges in their circuits : and if any subsidies should be granted by parlament , he would permit the same to be leuied vppon his tenants and followers . which couenants , are as straunge as the priuiledge it selfe , spoken of before . but that which i conceiue most worthy of obseruation , vpon the fortunes of the house of desmond , is this ; that as maurice fitz-thomas , the first earl , did first raise the greatnes of that house , by irish exactions and oppressions ; so girald the last earle , did at last ruine and reduce it to nothing , by vsing the like extortions . for certain it is , that the first occasion of his rebellion , grew from hence ; that when he attempted to charge the decies in the county of waterford , with coigne and liuerie , blacke rents and cosheries , after the irish maner , hee was resisted by the earle of ormond , and vppon an encounter , ouerthrowne and taken prisoner ; which made his heart so vnquiet , as it easily conceiued treason against the crowne , and broght forth actuall and open rebellion , wherein he perished himselfe , and made a final extinguishment of his house and honour . oppression and extortion did maintain the greatnesse : and oppression and extortion , did extinguish the greatnesse of that house . which may well be exprest , by the old embleme of a torch turned downewards , with this word ; quod me alit , extinguit . now let vs returne to the course of reformation , helde and pursued heere , after the death of sir raphe vfford , which hapned in the twentieth yeare of k. edward 3. after which time , albeit all the power and counsell of england was conuerted towards the conquest of fraunce , yet was not the worke of reformation altogether discontinued . for , in the 25. yeare of k. edward the third , sir thomas rookeby , another worthy gouernor ( whome i haue once before named ) held a parlament at kilkenny , wherein many excellent lawes were propounded and enacted for the reducing of the english colonies to their obedience ; which lawes we find enrolled in the remembrauncers office heere ; and differ not much in substaunce , from those other statutes of kilkenny , which not long after ( during the gouernement of lionell duke of clarence ) were not only enacted , but put in execution . this noble prince hauing married the daughter and heire of vlster ; and beeing likewise a coparcener of the county of kilkenny , in the 36. year of king edward the thirde , came ouer the kings lieutenant , attended with a good retinue of martiall men , as is before remembred , and a graue and honorable counsell , aswel for peace , as for warre . but because this armie was not of a competent strength to breake and subdue all the irishry , although he quieted the borders of the english pale , and helde all ireland in awe with his name and presence . the principall seruice that hee intended , was to reforme the degenerate english colonies , and to reduce them to obedience of the english lawe , and magistrate . to that end , in the fortith yeare of king edward the third , he held that famous parlament at kilkenny ; wherein many notable lawes wer enacted , which doo shew and lay open ( for the law doth best discouer enormities ) how much the english colonies were corrupted at that time , and doe infallibly prooue that which is laide down before ; that they were wholy degenerate , and faln away from their obedience . for first , it appeareth by the preamble of these lawes , that the english of this realme , before the comming ouer of lionel duke of clarence , were at that time becom meere irish in their language , names , apparrell , and all their maner of liuing , and had reiected the english lawes , and submitted themselus to the irish , with whom they had many mariages and alliances , which tended to the vtter ruine & destruction of the commonwealth . therefore alliaunce by marriage , nurture of infants , and gossipred with the irish , are by this statute made high-treason . againe , if anie man of english race , should vse an irish name , irish language , or irish apparrell , or any other guise or fashion of the irish ; if he had lands or tenements , the same should be seized , til he had giuen security to the chancery , to conform himself in al points to the english maner of liuing . and if he had no lands , his bodie was to be taken and imprisoned , til he found sureties , as aforesaide . againe , it was established and commanded , that the english in all their controuersies , should bee ruled and gouerned by the common lawe of england : and if any did submit himselfe to the brehon law , or march law , he should be adiudged a traitor . againe , because the english at that time , made warre and peace with the bordering enemy at their pleasure ; they were expresly prohibited to leauie warre vpon the irish , without speciall warrant and direction from the state. againe , it was made paenall to the english , to permit the irish to creaght or graze vpon their landes : to present them to ecclesiasticall benefices ; to receiue them into any monasteries , or religious houses , or to entertaine any of their minstrels , rimers , or newes-tellers : to impose or sesse any horse or footvppon the english subiects against their willes , was made felony . and because the great liberties or franchises spoken of before , were become sanctuaries for all malefactours , expresse power was giuen to the kinges sheriffes , to enter into all franchises , and there to apprehend all fellons and traitours . and lastly , because the great lordes , when they leuied forces for the publick seruice , did lay vnequall burdens vpon the gentlemen and free-holders , it was ordained , that foure wardens of the peace in euery countie , should set downe and appoint what men and armour euery man should beare , according to his free-hold , or other ability of estate . these , and other lawes , tending to a generall reformation , were enacted in that parliament . and the execution of these lawes , together with the presence of the kings son , made a notable alteration in the state and manners of this people , within the space of seauen yeares , which was the tearme of this princes lieutenancy . for , all the discourses that i haue seene of the decay of ireland , doe agree in this ; that the presence of the lord lionel , and these statutes of kilkenny , did restore the english gouern ment , in the degenerate colonies , for diuers yeares . and the statute of the tenth of henry the seuenth , which reuiueth and confirmeth the statutes of kilkenny , doth confirme as much . for it declareth , that as long as these lawes were put in vve and execution , this lande continued in prosperity and honor : and since they were not executed , the subiectes rebelled and digressed from their allegeance , and the land fell to ruine and desolation . and withall , wee finde the effect of these lawes in the pipe-rolles , and plea-rolles of this kingdome : for , from the 36. of edward 3. when this prince entred into his gouernment , till the beginning of richard the second his raigne , we find the reuennue of the crowne both certaine and casuall in vlster , munster , and conaght , accounted for ; and that the kings writ did run , and the common-law was executed in euery of these prouinces . i ioyne with these lawes , the personall presence of the kinges son , as a concurrent cause of this reformation : because the people of this land both english & irish , out of a naturall pride , did euer loue & desire to be gouerned by great persons . and therefore , i may heere iustly take occasion to note , that first the absence of the kings of england ; and nexte , the absence of those great lords , who were inheritors of those mighty seigniories of leinster , vlster , conaght , and meth , haue bin maine causes why this kingdome was not reduced in so many ages . touching the absence of our kinges , three of them onely since the norman conquest , haue made royall iournies into this land ; namely , k. henrie the second , king iobn , and king richard the second . and yet they no sooner arriued heere , but that all the irishry , ( as if they had bin but one man ) submitted them-selues ; tooke oaths of fidelity , and gaue pledges & hostages to continue loyall . and , if any of those kings hadde continued heere in person a competent time , till they had setled both english & irish in their seuerall possessions , and had set the law in a due course throughout the kingdom ; these times wherein we liue , had not gained the honor of the finall conquest and reducing of ireland . for the king ( saith salomon ) dissipat omne malum intuitu suo . but when moses was absent in the mount , the people committed idolatry : & when there was no king in israel , euery man did what seemed best in his own eies . and therfore , when alexander had conquered the east part of the world , and demaunded of one what was the fitest place for the seat of his empire , he brought and laid a dry hide before him , and desired him to set his foote on the one side thereof ; which being done , all the other parts of the hide did rise vp : but when he did set his foot in the middle of the hide , all the other parts lay flat and euen : which was a liuely demonstration , that if a prince keep his residence in the border of his dominions , the remoate parts will eafily rise and rebell against him : but if he make the center therof , his seat , he shall easily keepe them in peace and obedience . touching the absence of the great lords : all writers doe impute the decay and losse of leinster , to the absence of these english lords , who maried the fiue daughters of william marshall earle of pembroke ( to whom that great seigniory discended ) when his fiue sonnes , who inherited the same successiuely ; and during their times , held the same in peace & obedience to the law of england , were all dead without issue : which hapned about the fortith yeare of king henrie the third : for the eldest beeing married to hugh bigot earle of norfolke , who in right of his wife , had the marshalship of england ; the second , to vvarren de mountchensey , whose sole daughter and heire , was matcht to william de valentia halfe brother to k. henrie 3. who by that match , was made earle of pembroke ; the third , to gilbert de clare , earl of glocester ; the fourth , to william ferrers , earle of darby ; the fift , to william de bruce , lord of brecknocke : these great lordes , hauing greater inheritances in their owne right in england , then they hadde in ireland in right of their wiues ( and yet each of the coparceners , had an entire countie allotted for her purparty , as is before declared ) could not bee drawne to make their personal residence in this kingdom ; but managed their estates heere , by their seneschals and seruants . and to defend their teritories against the bordering irish , they entertained some of the natiues , who pretended a perpetuall title to those great lordships . for the irish after a thousande conquests & attainders by our law , would in those daies pretend title stil , because by the irish lawe no man could forfeit his land. these natiues taking the opportunity in weake and desperate times , vsurped those seigniories ; and so donald mac art cauanagh , being entertained by the earl of norfolke , made himselfe lorde of the county of catherlogh ; and lisagh o moore , being trusted by the l. mortimer , who married the daughter and heire of the lord bruce , made himselfe lord of the lands in leix , in the latter end of king edward the seconds raigne , as is before declared . againe , the decay and losse of vlster & conaght , is attributed to this ; that the lorde william bourke , the last earle of that name , died without issue male ; whose ancestors , namely , the red-earle , and sir hugh de lacy , before him , being personally resident , helde vp their greatnesse there ; & kept the english in peace , and the irish in aw : but when those prouinces discended vppon an heire female , and an infant , the irish ouer-ran vlster , and the yonger branches of the bourkes , vsurped conaght . and therfore , the ordinance made in england , the 3. of richard 2. against such as were absent from their lands in ireland ; and gaue two third parts of the profites thereof vnto the king , vntill they returned , or placed a sufficient number of men to defend the same , was grounded vppon good reason of state : which ordinaunce was put in execution for many yeares after , as appeareth by sundry seizures made thereupon , in the time of king richard 2. henry 4. henry 5. and henry 6. whereof there remaine recordes in the remembrancers office heere . among the rest , the duke of norffolke himselfe was not spared , but was impleaded vpon this ordinance , for two parts of the profits of dorburies iland , and other landes in the countie of wexford , in the time of k. heury 6. and afterwards , vpon the same reason of state , all the landes of the house of norfolke , of the earle of shrewesburie , the lord barkley , and others ( who hauing lands in ireland , kept their cōtinuall residence in england ) were entirely resumed by the act of absentees , made in the 28. yeare of king henry the eight . but now againe , let vs look back and see , howe long the effect of that reformation did continue , which was begun by lionel duke of clarence , in the fortith yeare of k. edw 3. and what courses haue bin held , to reduce and reforme this people by other lieutenants and gouernors since that time the english colonies beeing in some good measure reformed by the statutes of kilkenny , did not vtterly fal away into barbarisme againe , till the warres of the two houses had almost destroyed both these kingdoms ; for in that miserable time , the irish found opportunity , without opposition , to banish the english law and gouernment , out of all the prouinces , and to confine it onely to the english pale : howbeit , in the mean time , between the gouernment of the duke of clarence , and the beginning of those ciuill warres of yorke and lancaster , we finde that the state of england did sundry times resolue to proceede in this worke of reformation . for first , king richard 2. sent ouer sir nicholas dagworth , to suruey the possessions of the crowne ; & to call to accompt the officers of the reuennue ; next ( to draw his english subiects to manure & defend their lands in ireland ) he made that ordinance against absentees , spoken of before . again , he shewed an excellent example of iustice , vppon sir phillip courtney , being his lieutenant of that kingdome , when he caused him to bee arrested by special commissioners , vpon complaint made of sundry greeuous oppressions and wrongs , which during his gouernment , he had done vnto that people . after this , the parliament of england did resolue , that thomas duke of glocester the kings vnkle , should bee employed in the reformation and reducing of that kingdome : the fame wherof , was no sooner bruted in ireland , but all the irishry were readie to submit them-selues before his comming : so much the very name of a great personage , specially of a prince of the blood , did euer preuayle with this people . but the king and his minions , who were euer iealous of this duke of glocester , wold not suffer him to haue the honor of that seruice . but the king himselfe thought it a worke worthy of his own presence & pains : and thereuppon , himselfe in person , made those two royall iournies mentioned before : at what time , he receiued the submissions of all the irish lordes and captaines , who bounde themselues both by indenture & oath to become and continue his loyall subiects . and withall , laid a perticular proiect , for a ciuill plantation of the mountains and maritime counties , betweene dublin and wexford ; by remoouing all the irish septes from thence , as apeareth by the couenants betweene the earle marshall of england , and those irish septs : which are before remembred , and are yet preserued , and remaine of record in the kings remembrancers office at westminster . lastly , this king being present in ireland , tooke speciall care to supply and furnish the courtes of iustice with able and sufficient iudges ; and to that end , hee made that graue and learned iudge , sir william hankeford , chiefe iustice of the kings bench heere ( who afterwards for his seruice in this realme , was made chiefe iustice of the kings bench in england , by k. henry 4. ) and did withall , associate vnto him , william sturmy , a well learned man in the law ; who likewise came out of england with the k. that the legal proceedings ( which wer out of order too , as all other things in that realme were ) might be amended , and made formall , according to the course and presidents of england . but all the good purposes & proiects of this king , were interrupted and vtterly defeated , by his sodaine departure out of ireland , and vnhappy deposition from the crowne of england . howbeit , king henrie the fourth , intending likewise to prosecute this noble worke in the third yeare of his raigne , made the lord thomas of lancaster , his second sonne , lieutenant of ireland : who came ouer in person , and accepted againe the submissions of diuers irish lords & captaines , as is before remembred ; and held also a parliament , wherein hee gaue newe life to the statutes of kilkenny , and made other good lawes tending to the reformation of the kingdome . but the troubles raysed against the king his father in england , drew him home again so soon , as that seed of reformation , tooke no roote at all ; neither had his seruice in that kinde , any good effect or successe . after this , the state of england had no leisure to thinke of a generall reformation in this realme , till the ciuill dissentions of england were apeased , and the peace of that kingdom setled , by k. henry 7. for , albeit in the time of king henry 6. richard duke of york , a prince of the blood ; of great wisedome and valour , and heir to a third part of the kingdome at least , being earle of vlster , and lord of conaght and meth , was sent the kinges lieutenant into ireland , to recouer and reforme that realme where he was resident in person for the greatest part of 10. yeares , yet the troth is , he aymed at another marke , which was the crown of england . and therefore , he thought it no pollicy to distast either the english or irish , by a course of reformation , but sought by all meanes to please them , and by popular courses to steale away their hearts , to the end , hee might strengthen his party , when he should set on foot his title ( as is before declared . ) which policy of his tooke such effect , as that he drew ouer with him into england , the flower of all the english colonies , specially of vlster and meth , whereof many noblemen and gentlemen were slain with him at wakefield ( as is likewise before remembred . ) and after his death , when the warres between the houses were in their heat , almost al the good english bloud which was left in ireland , was spent in those ciuill dissentions : so as the irish became victorious ouer all , without bloud , or sweat. only , that little canton of lande , called the english pale , containing 4. small shires , did maintain a bordering war with the irish , and retaine the forme of english gouernment . but out of that little precinct , there were no lordes , knights , or burgesses , summoned to the parliament ; neither did the kings writt run in anie other part of the kingdome : and yet vpon the marches & borders , which at that time were growne so large , as they tooke vp halfe dublin , half meth , and a third part of kildare and lowth ; there was no law in vse , but the marchlawe , which in the statutes of kilkenny , is said to be no law , but a leud custome . so , as vpon the end of these ciuill warres in england , the english law & gouernment was well banisht out of ireland , so as no foot-steppe or print was left , of any former reformation . then did king henry 7. send ouer sir edward poynings to be his depuputy , a right worthy seruitor both in war and peace . the principall end of his employment , was to expel perkin warbecke out of this kingdome ; but that seruice beeing perfourmed , that worthy deputy finding nothing but a common misery , tooke the best course he possibly could , to establish a common-wealth in ireland : and to that end , he held a parliament no lesse famous , then that of kilkenny ; and more auaileable for the reformation of the whole kingdome . for whereas all wise men did euer concur in opinion , that the readiest way to reform ireland , is to settle a forme of ciuill gouernment there , conformable to that of england : to bring this to passe , sir edward poynings did passe an acte , whereby all the statutes made in england before that time , were enacted , established , and made of force in ireland . neither did he only respect the time past , but prouided also for the time to come . for , he caused another law to be made , that no act should be propounded in any parliament of ireland , but such as should bee first transmitted into england , and approued by the king and counsell there , as good and expedient for that land , and so returned backe againe , vnder the great seale of england . this act , though it seeme prima facie to restrain the liberty of the subiects of ireland ; yet was it made at the prayer of the commons , vpon iust and important cause . for the gouernors of that realm , specially such as were of that contry birth , had layd many oppressions vpon the commons : and amongst the rest , they had imposed lawes vppon them , not tending to the generall good , but to serue priuate turnes , and to strengthen their particular factions . this moued them to referre all lawes , that were to be passed in ireland , to be considered , corrected , and allowed , first by the state of england , which had alwaies bin tender & carefull of the good of this people , and had long since made them a ciuill , rich , and happy nation , if their own lords and gouernors there , had not sent bad intelligence into england . besides this , he took special order , that the summons of parliament should go into all the shires of ireland , and not to the foure shires only ; and for that cause specially , hee caused all the acts of a parliament , lately before holden by the viscount of gormanston to be repealed and made voide . moreouer , that the parliamentes of ireland , might want no desent or honorable forme that was vsed in england , he caused a particular act to passe , that the lords of ireland should appeare in the like parliament robes , as the english lords are wont to weare in the parliaments of england . hauing thus established all the statutes of england in ireland , and set in order the great counsell of that realme , he did not omit to passe other lawes , aswell for the encrease of the kings reuennue , as the preseruation of the publick peace . to aduaunce the profites of the crown ; first he obtained a subsidy of 26. s. 8. d. out of euery sixe score acres manured , payable yearely for 5. years . next , he resumed al the crown land , which had been aliened ( for the most part ) by richard duke of yorke : & lastly , he procured a subsidy of pondage , out of all merchandizes imported & exported , to be granted to the crown in perpetuity . to preserue the publicke peace , he reuiued the statutes of kilkenny . he made wilfull murther high-treason ; he caused the marchers to book their men for whom they should answere ; and restrained the making warre or peace , without speciall commission from the state. these lawes , and others as important as these , for the making of a commonwealth in ireland , wer made in the gouernment of sir edward poynings . but these lawes did not spread their vertue beyonde the english pale , though they were made generally for the whole kingdome . for the prouinces without the pale , which during the warre of yorke and lancaster , had wholly cast off the english gouernement , were not apt to receyue this seed of reformation , because they were not first broken and maistered againe with the sword . besides , the irish countreyes , which contained two third parts of the kingdome , were not reduced to shire-ground , so as in thē the lawes of england could not possibly be put in execution . therefore , these good laws & prouisions made by sir edward poynings , were like good lessons set for a lute , that is broken and out of tune ; of which lessons , little vse can be made , till the lute bee made fit to be plaid vpon . and that the execution of al these lawes , had no greater latitude then the pale , is manifest by the statute of 13. of henry 8. c. 3. which reciteth , that at that time , the kings lawes were obeyed and executed in the four shires onely ; and yet then was the earle of surrey lieutenant of ireland , a gouernor much feared of the kings enemies , and exceedingly honored and beloued of the kings subiects . and the instructions giuen by the state of ireland , to iohn allen , maister of the rols , employed into england , neere about the same time , doe declare as much ; wherein among other things , hee is required to aduertise the king , that his land of ireland was so much decayed , as that the kings lawes were not obeyed twenty miles in compas . whereupon , grew that by-word vsed by the irish , ( viz : ) that they dwelt by-west the law , which dwelt beyond the riuer of the barrow , which is within 30. miles of dublin . the same is testified by baron finglas , in his discourse of the decay of ireland , which hee wrote about the 20. yeare of king henry 8. and thus we see the effect of the reformation which was intended by sir edward poynings . the next attempt of reformation , was made in the 28. yeare of king henry 8. by the lorde leonard gray , who was created viscount of garny in this kingdome , and helde a parliament , wherein many excellent lawes were made . but to prepare the mindes of the people to obey these lawes , he began first with a martiall course : for being sent ouer to suppresse the rebellion of the giraldines , ( which he performed in few months ) he afterwards made a victorious circuit round about the kingdome ; beginning in offaly , against o connor , who had ayded the giralàines in their rebellion ; and from thence passing along through all the irish countries in leinster , and so into mounster , wher hee tooke pledges of the degenerate earle of desmond , and thence into conaght , and thence into vlster ; & then concluded this warlicke progresse with the battell of belahoo , in the borders of meth , as is before remembred . the principall septs of the irishry beeing all terrified , and most of them broken in this iourney , manie of their chiefe lords vppon this deputies returne came to dublin , and made their submissions to the crown of england ; namely , the o neales , & o relies of vlster , mac murrogh , o birne , and o carrol of leinster , and the bourks of conaght . this preparation being made , he first propounded and passed in parlament these lawes , which made the great alteration in the state ecclesiastical ; namely , the act which declared king henry the eight to bee supreame head of the church of ireland . the act probibiting apeales to the church of rome : the act for first fruites , and twentith part to be paid to the king : the act for faculties and dispensations : and lastly , the act that did vtterly abolish the vsurped authoritie of the pope . next , for the encrease of the kings reuennew : by one act , he suppressed sundry abbeyes and religious houses ; and by another acte , resumed the lands of the absentees , ( as is before remembred . ) and for the ciuill gouernment , a speciall statute was made , to abolish the black-rents and tributes , exacted by the irish , vpon the english colonies ; and another law enacted , that the english apparrell , language , & manner of liuing , should bee vsed by all such , as would acknoledge themselues the kings subiects . this parliament being ended , the lord leonard gray , was suddenly reuokt , and put to death in england , so as hee liued not to finish the woorke of reformation which he had begun : which notwithstanding , was well pursued by his successors , sir anthony saint-leger ; vnto whom , all the lords and chiefetanes of the irishry , and of the degenerate english throughout the kingdome , made their seueral submissions by indenture ( which was the fourth general submission of the irish , made since the first attempt of the conquest of ireland ) whereof the first was made to king henry 2. the second to k. iohn , the third to k. richard 2. and his last to sir anthony saint-leger , in 33. of hen. 8. in these indentures of submission , all the irish lords do acknowledge k. henry the eight to be their soueraign lord and king , and desire to bee accepted of him as subiects . they confesse the kings supremacy in all causes , & do vtterly renounce the popes jurisdiction , which i conceiue to bee worth the noting , because , when the irish had once resolued to obey the king , they made no scruple to renounce the pope . and this was not only done by the meere irish , but the chiefe of the degenerate english families did perfourme the same : as desmond , barry , and roche , in mounster ; and the bourkes , which bore the title of mac william , in conaght . these submissions being thus taken , the lorde deputy and counsell for the present gouernment of those irish countries , made certaine ordinances of state , not agreeable altogither with the rules of the law of england ; the reason whereof , is exprest in the preamble of those ordinances ; quia nondum sic sapiunt leges & iura , vt secundū ea iam immediatè viuere & regipossint . the chiefe points or articles of which orders registred in the counsel booke are these : that king henrie the eight , shold be accepted , reputed , and named king of ireland , by all the inhabitants of the kingdome ; that al archbishops and bishops should bee permitted to exercise their iurisdiction in euery diocesse throughout the land : that tithes should be duely set out , and paide : that children should not be admitted to benefices : that for euery manslaughter , and theft aboue 14 d : committed in the irish contries , the offender shold pay a fine of 40. li. twenty pound to the king , and 20. li. to the captaine of the country ; and for euery thefte vnder 14. d. a fine of fiue markes should be paid , 46. s. viij . d to the captaine , and 20. s. to the tanister : that horsemen and kearn shold not be imposed vppon the common people , to beefed and maintained by them : that the maister shold answer for his seruants , and the father for his children . that cuttinges should not be made by the lorde vppon his tenants , to maintaine war with his neighbors , but only to beare his necessary expences , &c. these ordinances of state being made and published , there were nominated and appointed in euery prouince , certaine orderers or arbitraters , who instead of these irish erehons , should heare and determine all their controuersies . in conaght , the arch-bishop of tuam , the bishop of clonfert , captaine wakeley , and captaine ouington . in munster , the bishop of vvaterford , the bishop of corke and rosse , the maior of corke , and maior of yough-hall . in vlster , the archbishop of ardmagh , & the lord of lowth . and if any difference did arise , which they could not end , either for the difficultie of the cause , or for the obstinacy of the parties , they were to certifie the lord deputy and counsell , who would decide the matter by their authority . heereuppon , the irish captaines of lesser territories , which had euer bin oppressed by the greater & mightier ; some , with risings out ; others , with bonaght , and others , with cuttings , and spendings at pleasure , did appeale for iustice to the lorde deputy ; who vpon hearing their complaints , did alwayes order , that they should all imediatly depend vpon the king ; and that the weaker should haue no dependancy vpon the stronger . lastly , he preuailed so much with the greatest of them ; namely , o neale , o brien , and mac william , as that they willingly did passe into england and presented themselus to the king , who thereuppon was pleased to aduance them to the degree and honor of earles , & to grant vnto them their seuerall contries , by letters patents . besides , that they might learne obedience and ciuility of maners , by often repairing vnto the state , the k. vpon the motion of the same deputy , gaue each of them a house and lands neere dublin , for the entertainement of their seuerall traines . this course , did this gouernour take to reforme the irishry ; but withall , he did not omit to aduance both the honor and profit of the king. for in the parliament which he helde the 33. of henry 8. hee caused an acte to passe , which gaue vnto k. henry 8. his heyres and successors , the name , stile , and title of king of ireland ; whereas before that time , the kings of england were stiled but lords of ireland : albeit indeed , they were absolute monarks thereof , and had in right all royall & imperial iurisdiction & power there , as they had in the realm of england . and yet because in the vulgar conceit the name of king , is higher then the name of lorde . assuredly , the assuming of this title , hath not a litle raysed the soueraignty of the k. of england in the minds of this people . lastly , this deputy brought a great augmentation to the kings reuenue , by dissoluing of all the monasteries and religious houses in ireland , which was done in the same parliament : & afterward , by procuring min and cauendish , two skilfull auditours , to bee sent ouer out of england . who tooke an exact suruey of all the possessions of the crowne , and brought manie things into charge , which had beene concealed and substracted for manie years before . and thus far did sir anthony saint-leger proceed , in the course of reformation ; which though it wer a good beginning , yet was it far from reducing ireland to the perfect obedience of the crown of england . for all this while , the prouinces of conaght and vlster , and a good parte of leinster , were not reduced to shire-ground . and though mounster were anciently diuided into counties , the people were so degenerate , as no iustice of assise , durst execute his commission amongst them . none of the irish lords or tenants were setled in their possessions , by any graunt or confirmation from the crowne , except the three great earles before named ; who notwithstanding , did gouern their tenants and followers , by the irish or brehon law ; so as no treason , murther , rape , or theft , committed in those countries , was inquired of , or punisht by the law of england ; and consequently , no escheat , forfeiture , or fine ; no reuenue ( certain or casuall ) did acrew to the crowne out of those prouinces . the next worthy gouernor that endeuoured to aduaunce this reformation , was thomas earle of sussex ; who hauing throughly broken and subdued the two most rebellious and powerful irish septs in leinster ; namely , the moores & o connors , possessing the territories of leix & offaly , did by act of parliament , 3. & 4. phil. & mariae , reduce those countries into two seuerall counties ; naming the one , the kinges ; and the other , the queenes county ; which were the first two counties that had beene made in this kingdome , since the twelfth yeare of king iohn ; at what time the territories thē possessed by the english colonies , were reduced into 12. shires , as is before expressed . this noble earle , hauing thus extended the iurisdiction of the english lawe into two counties more , was not satisfied with that addition , but took a resolution to diuide all the rest of the irish countries vnreduced , into seuerall shires ; and to that end , he caused an act to passe in the same parliament , authorising the lord chancellour , from time to time , to award commissions to such persons , as the lord deputy should nominate and appoint , to viewe , and perambulate those irish territories ; and thereupon , to diuide and limit the same into such and so many seuerall counties as they should thinke meete ; which beeing certified to the lord deputy , and approued by him , should bee returned and enrolled in the chancery , and from thenceforth be of like force and effect , as if it were doone by act of parliament . thus did the earle of sussex lay open a passage for the ciuill gouernment into the vnreformed partes of this kingdome , but himselfe proceeded no further then is before declared . howbeit afterwardes , during the raigne of queen elizabeth , sir henry sidney , ( who hath left behinde him many monuments of a good gouernour in this land ) did not onely pursue that course which the earle of sussex began , in reducing the irish countries into shires , and placing therein sheriffes , and other ministers of the law ; ( for first hee made the annaly a territory in leynster , possessed by the sept of offerralles , one entire shire by it selfe , and called it the county of longford ; and after that he diuided the whole prouince of conaght into sixe counties more ; namely , clare ( which containeth all thomond ) gallaway , sligo , mayo , roscomon , and leytrim : ) but he also had caused diuers good lawes to be made , & performed sundry other seruices , tending greatly to the reformation of this kingdome . for first , to diminish the greatnesse of the irish lordes , and to take from them the dependancy of the common people , in the parliament which he held 11. eliz. hee did abolish their pretended and vsurped captain-ships , and all exactions , and extortions incident thereunto . next , to settle their seigniories & possessions in a course of inheritance , according to the course of the common law , he caused an act to passe , whereby the lord deputy was authorised to accept their surrenders , and to re-grant estates vnto them , to hold of the crown by english tenures and seruices . againe , because the inferior sort were loose and poore , and not amesnable to the law ; hee prouided by another act , that fiue of the best & eldest persons of euery sept , should bring in all the idle persons of their sur-name , to be iustified by the law. moreouer , to giue a ciuill education to the youth of this land in the time to come , prouision was made by another law , that there should bee one free-schoole , at least , erected in euery diocesse of the kingdom . and lastly , to invre and acquaint the people of mounster and conaght , with the english gouernment againe ( which had not been in vse among them , for the space of 200. yeares before : ) hee instituted two presidency courtes in those two prouinces , placing sir edward fitton in conaght , and sir iohn perrot in mounster . to augment the kings reuennew in the same parliament , vppon the attainder of shane o neale , hee resumed & vested in the crowne , more then halfe the prouince of vlster : he raised the customes vpon the principall cōmodities of the kingdome : he reformed the abuses of the exchequer , by many good orders and instructions sent out of england ; and lastly , he established the composition of the pale , in liewe of purueyance and sesse of souldiers . these were good proceedinges in the worke of reformation , but there were many defects & omissions withall ; for though he reduced all conaght into counties , he neuer sent any justices of assize to visite that prouince , but placed cōmissioners there , who gouerned it onely in a course of discretion ; part martiall , and part ciuill . againe , in the law that dooth abolish the irish captain-ships , he gaue waie for the reuiuing thereof againe , by excepting such , as should be granted by letters patentes from the crowne ; which exception did indeede take away the force of that law. for no gouernour during queene elizabeths raign , did refuse to grant any of those captain-ships , to any pretended irish lord , who would desire , and with his thankefulnesse deserue the same . and againe , though the greatest part of vlster were vested by act of parliament , in the actuall and reall possession of the crowne ; yet was there neuer any seisure made thereof , nor any part thereof brought into charge , but the irish were permitted to take all the profits , without rendering any dutie or acknowledgement for the same ; and though the name of o neale were damned by that act , and the assuming thereof made high-treason ; yet after that , was tirlagh leynnagh suffered to beare that title , and to intrude vpon the possessions of the crown , and yet was often entertained by the state with fauour . neither were these lands resumed , by the act of 11. of elizabeth neglected onely ( for the abbaies and religious houses in tirone , tirconnell , and fermannagh , though they were dissolued in the 33. of henry 8. were neuer surueied nor reduced into charge , but were continually possest by the religious persons ) vntill his maiestie that now is came to the crowne : and that which is more strāge , the donations of byshopprickes , being a flower of the crowne ( which the kings of england did euer retaine in all their dominions , when the popes vsurped authority was at the highest . ) there were three bishopprickes in vlster ; namely , derry , rapho , and clogher , which neither queene elizabeth , nor any of her progenitors did euer bestow , though they were the vndoubted patrons thereof . so as king iames was the first king of england that did euer supply those sees with byshops , which is an argument eyther of great negligence , or of great weaknesse in the state and gouernours of those times . and thus farre proceeded sir henry sidney . after him , sir iohn perrot , who held the last parliament in this kingdome , did aduance the reformation in three principall points . first , in establishing the great composition of conaght ; in which seruice the wisedome and industry of sir richard bingham did concurre with him : next , in reducing the vnreformed partes of vlster into seauen shires ; namely , ardmagh , monahan , tirone , coleraine , deuegall , fermannagh , & cauan ; though in his time the law was neuer executed in these new counties by any sheriffes or iustices of assize , but the people left to be ruled still by their own barbarous lords and lawes : and lastly , by vesting in the crowne , the lands of desmond and his adherents in mounster , and planting the same with english , though that plantation were imperfect in many points . after sir iohn perrot , sir william fitzwilliams did good seruice in two other points . first , in raising a composition in mounster ; and then , in setling the possessions both of the lords and tenantes in monahan , which was one of the last acts of state , tending to the reformation of the ciuill gouernment that was performed in the raigne of queene elizabeth . thus we see , by what degrees , & what pollicy and successe the gouernors of this land from time to time , since the beginning of the raigne of king edward 3. haue endeuored to reforme and reduce this people to the perfect obedience of the crowne of england : and we find , that before the ciuill warres of yorke and lancaster , they did chiefely endeuour to bring backe the degenerate english colonies , to their duty and allegeaunce , not respecting the meer irish , whom they reputed as aliens or enemies of the crowne . but after king henry 7. had vnited the roses , they labored to reduce both english and irish together : which worke , to what passe and perfection it was brought in the latter end of queen elizabeths raign , hath bin before declared . whereof sometimes when i doe consider , i do in mine owne conceit compare these later gouernors , who went about to reforme the ciuill affairs in ireland , vnto some of the kings of israel , of whom it is saide ; that they were good kings , but they did not cut downe the groues and high places , but suffered the people still to burne incense , & commit idolatry in them : so sir anthony saint-leger , the earle of sussex , sir henry sidney , & sir iohn perrot , were good gouernours , but they did not abolish the irish customes , nor execute the lawe in the irish countries , but suffered the people to worship their barbarous lordes , and to remaine vtterly ignorant of their duties to god and the king. and now am i come to the happy raigne of my most gracious lord & maister k. iames ; in whose time , as there hath been a concurrence of many great felicities : so this among others may be numbred in the first ranke ; that all the defects in the gouernment of ireland spoken of before , haue beene fully supplied in the first nine yeares of his raigne . in which time , there hath bin more done in the worke & reformation of this kingdome ; then , in the 440. yeares which are past since the conquest was first attempted . howbeit , i haue no purpose in this discourse , to set forth at large all the proceedings of the state heere in reforming of this kingdom , since his maiesty came to the crowne , for the parts and passages thereof are so many , as to expresse them fully , woulde require a seuerall treatise . besides , i for my part , since i haue not flattered the former times , but haue plainely laid open the negligence and errors of euery age that is past , woulde not willingly seeme to flatter the present , by amplifying the diligence and true iudgement of those seruitours , that haue laboured in this vineyard since the beginning of his maiesties happy raigne . i shall therefore summarily , without any amplication at all , shewe in what manner , and by what degrees , all the defects which i haue noted before in the gouernment of this kingdome , haue bin supplied since his maiesties happy raigne beganne ; and so conclude these obseruations concerning the state of ireland . first then , touching the martiall affayres , i shall neede to say little , in regard that the warre which finished the conquest of ireland , was ended almost in the instant when the crown descended vpon his maiesty ; and so there remained no occasion to amēd the former errors committed in the prosecution of the warre . howbeit , sithence his maiesty hath still maintained an army heere , aswell for a seminary of martiall men ; as to giue strength and countenance to the ciuil magistrate ; i may iustly obserue , that this army hath not bin fed with coigne & liuery , or sesse ( with which extortions the souldier hath bin norished in the times of former princes ) but hath bin as iustly and royally paid , as euer prince in the world did pay his men of war. besides , when there did arise an occasion of employment for this army against the rebell odoghertie ; neither did his maiesty delay the re-inforcing thereof , but instantly sent supplies out of england and scotland ; neither did the martiall men dally or prosecute the seruice faintly , but did foorthwith quench that fire , whereby themselues would haue bin the warmer the longer it had continued , aswell by the encrease of their entertainment , as by booties and spoile of the countrey . and thus much i thought fit to note , touching the amendment of the errors in the martiall affaires . secondly , for the supply of the defects in the ciuil gouernment , these courses haue beene pursued since his maiesties prosperous raigne began . first , albeit vpon the end of the war , whereby tyrones vniuersall rebellion was supprest , the minds of the people were broken and prepared to obedience of the law ; yet the state vpon good reason , did conceiue , that the publicke peace could not be setled , till the hearts of the people were also quieted , by securing them from the danger of the law , which the most part of them had incurred one way or other , in that great and general confusion . therefore , first by a generall act of state , called the act of obliuion , published by proclamation vnder the great seale ; al offences against the crown , and all perticuler trespasses between subiect and subiect , done at any time before his maiesties raigne , were ( to all such as would come in to the iustices of assise by a certaine day , and claime the benefit of this act ) pardoned , remitted , and vtterly extinguished , neuer to be reuiued or called in question . and by the same proclamation , all the irishry ( who for the most part , in former times , were left vnder the tiranny of their lords and chieftanies , and had no defence or iustice from the crowne ) were receiued into his maiesties imediate protection . this bred such comfort and security in the hearts of all men , as thereupon ensued , the calmest , and most vniuersall peace , that euer was seen in ireland . the publicke peace beeing thus established , the state proceeded next to establish the publick iustice in euery part of the realm : and to that end , sir george cary ( who was a prudent gouernor , and a iust , and made a fair entry into the right way of reforming this kingdome ) did in the first yeare of his maiesties raigne , make the first sheriffes that euer were made in tyrone and tirconnell ; and shortly after , sent sir edmund pelham chiefe baron , & my selfe thither , the first iustices of assise that euer sat in those countries : and in that circuit , wee visited all the shires of that prouince : besides which visitation , though it were some-what distastfull to the irish lords , was sweet and most welcome to the common people ; who , albeit they were rude & barbarous , yet did they quickely apprehend the difference betweene the tiranny and oppression vnder which they liued before , & the iust gouernment and protection which wee promised vnto thē for the time to come . the lawe hauing made her progresse into vlster with so good successe , sir arthur chichester ( who with singular industry , wisedome , and courage , hath now for the space of 7. years and more , prosecuted the great worke of reformation , and brought it well-neere to an absolute perfection ) did in the first year of his gouernment , establish two other newe circuits for iustices of assise ; the one in conaght , and the other in mounster . i call them new circuites , for that , although it bee manifest by manie recordes , that iustices itinerant haue in former times beene sent into all the shires of mounster , & some part of conaght ; yet certaine it is , that in 200. yeares before ( i speake much within compasse ) no such commission had bin executed in either of these 2. prouinces . but now , the whole realme being diuided into shires , and euerie bordering territory , whereof anie doubt was made in what county the same should ly , being added or reduced to a county certaine ( among the rest , the mountaines and glynnes on the south side of dublin , wer lately made a shire by it self , and called the county of wicklow ; wherby the inhabitants which were wont to be thorns in the side of the pale , are become ciuill and quiet neighbors thereof , ) the streams of the publicke iustice were deriued into euery part of the kingdome ; and the benefit and protection of the law of england communicated to all , aswell irish as english , without distinction or respect of persons ; by reason whereof , the worke of deriuing the publick iustice , grew so great , as that there was magna messis , sed operarij pauci . and therefore , the number of the iudges in euery bench was increased , which do now euery halfe yeare ( like good plannets in their seuerall spheares or circles ) carry the light and influence of iustice , round about the kingdom ; whereas the circuits in former times , went but round about the pale , like the circuit of the cinosura about the pole. quae cursu niteriore , breui conuertitur orbe . vpon these visitations of iustice , whereby the iust and honourable law of england was imparted and communicated to al the irishry , there followed these excellent good effects . first , the common people were taught by the iustices of assise , that they were free subiects to the kings of england , and not slaues & vassals to their pretended lords : that the cuttings , cosheries , sessings , and other extortions of their lords , were vnlawfull , and that they should not any more submit them-selues thereunto , since they were now vnder the protection of so iust and mighty a prince , as both wold and could protect them from all wrongs & oppressions : they gaue a willing eare vnto these lessons ; and thereupon , the greatnesse & power of those irish lords ouer the people , so dainly fell and vanished , when their oppressions and extortions were taken away which did maintain their greatnesse : insomuch , as diuers of them , who formerly made themselues owners of al ( by force ; ) were now by the law reduced to this point ; that wanting meanes to defray their ordinary charges , they resorted ordinarily to the lord deputy , and made petition , that by license and warrant of the state , they might take some aid and contribution from their people ; aswel to discharge their former debts , as for competent maintenance in time to come : but some of them being impatient of this diminution , fled out of the realme to forraign countries . whereupon , we may well obserue ; that , as extortion did banish the old english free-holder , who could not liue but vnder the law ; so the law did bannish the irish lord , who could not liue but by extortion . againe , these circuits of iustice , did ( vpon the end of the warre ) more terrifie the loose and ydle personnes , then the execution of the martial law , though it were more quicke and sodaine : and in a short time after , did so cleare the kingdome of theeues , & other capitall offenders , as i dare affirme , that for the space of fiue yeares last past , there haue not bin found so many malefactors worthy of death in al the six circuits of this realm ( which is now diuided into 32. shires at large ) as in one circuit of six shires ; namely , the westerne circuit in england . for the troth is , that in time of peace , the irish are more fearefull to offend the law , then the english , or any other nation whatsoeuer . againe , whereas the greatest aduantage that the irish had of vs in all their rebellions , was , our ignorance of their countries , their persons , and their actions : since the law and her ministers haue had a passage among them , all their places of fastnesse haue been discouered and laide open ; all their paces cleard ; & notice taken of euery person that is able to do either good or hurt . it is knowne , not only how they liue , and what they doe , but it is foreseen what they purpose or intend to do : insomuch , as tirone hath been heard to complaine , that he hadde so many eyes watching ouer him , as he coulde not drinke a full carouse of sacke , but the state was aduertised thereof , within few houres after . and therefore , those allowances which i finde in the ancient pipe-rolles , proguidagio , & spiagio , may be well spared at this day . for the vnder-sheriffes and bayliffes errant , are better guides and spies in the time of peace , then any were found in the time of war. moreouer , these ciuil assemblies at assises and sessions , haue reclaymed the irish from their wildenesse , caused them to cut off their glibs and long haire ; to conuert their mantles into cloaks ; to conform themselues to the maner of england in al their behauiour and outward formes . and because they find a great inconuenience in mouing their suites by an interpreter ; they do for the most part send their children to schools , especially to learne the english language : so as we may conceiue an hope , that the next generation , will in tongue & heart , and euery way else , becom english ; so as there will bee no difference or distinction , but the irish sea betwixt vs. and thus we see a good conuersion , & the irish game turned againe . for heeretofore , the neglect of the lawe , made the english degenerate , and become jrish ; and now , on the other side , the execution of the law , doth make the irish grow ciuil , and become english. lastly , these generall sessions now , do teach the people more obedience , and keep them more in awe then did the general hostings in former times . these progresses of the law , renew and confirme the conquest of ireland euery halfe yeare , and supply the defect of the kings absence in euery part of the realme ; in that euery iudge sitting in the seat of iustice , dooth represent the person of the king himselfe . these effectes , hath the establishment of the publicke peace and iustice produced , since his maiesties happie raigne began . howbeit , it was impossible to make a common-weale in ireland , without performing another seruice ; which was , the setling of all the estates and possessions , aswell of irish , as english , thoroughout the kingdome . for , although that in the 12. year of queen elizabeth , a special law was made , which did enable the lord deputy to take surrenders , & regrant estates vnto the irishry ( vpon signification of her maiesties pleasure in that behalfe ; ) yet were there but few of the irish lords that made offer to surrender during her raigne : & they which made surrenders of entire countries , obtained graunts of the whole againe to themselues only , & to no other , and all in demesne . in passing of which graunts , there was no care taken of the inferiour septes of people , inhabiting and possessing these countries vnder them , but they held their seuerall portions in course of tanistry and gauelkind , and yeilded the same irish duties or exactions , as they did before : so that vpon euery such surrender & grant , there was but one free-holder made in a whole country , which was the lord himselfe ; al the rest were but tenants at wil , or rather tenants in villenage , and were neither fit to be sworne in iuries , nor to performe any publicke seruice : and by reason of the vncertainety of their estates , did vtterly neglect to build , or to plant , or to improue the land. and therefore , although the lorde were become the kings tenant , his countrey was no whit reformed thereby , but remained in the former barbarisme and desolation . againe , in the same queens time , there were many irish lordes which did not surrender , yet obtained letters patents of the captaine-ships of their countries , & of all lands & duties belonging to those captainships : for the statute which doth condemn & abolish these captain-ries , vsurped by the irish , doth giue power to the lorde deputy to graunt the same by letters pattents . howbeit , these irish captaines , and likewise the english , which were made seneschalles of the irish countries , did by colour of these grants , and vnder pretence of gouernment , claime an irish seigniory , and exercise plaine tiranny ouer the common people . and this was the fruite that did arise of the letters patents , granted of the irish contries in the time of q. elizabeth , where before they did extort & oppresse the people , only by colour of a leud and barbarous custom ; they did afterwards vse the same extortions and oppressions by warrant , vnder the great seal of the realme . but now , since his maiesty came to the crown , two speciall commissions haue bin sent out of england , for the setling and quieting of all the possessions in ireland ; the one , for accepting surrenders of the irish and degenerate english , and for regranting estates vnto them , according to the course of the common law ; the other , for strengthening of defectiue titles . in the execution of which cōmissions , there hath euer bin had a speciall care , to settle and secure the vnder-tennants ; to the end , there might be a repose and establishment of euery subiects estate ; lord & tenant , free-holder and farmer , thoroughout the kingdome . vppon surrenders , this course hath bin helde from the beginning ; when an irish lord doth offer to surrender his country , his surrender is not immediatly accepted , but a commission is first awarded , to enquire of three special points . first , of the quantity and limits of the land whereof he is reputed owner . next , how much himselfe doth hold in demeasne , and how much is possest by his tennants and followers . and thirdly , what customes , duties , and seruices , he doth yearly receiue out of those lands . this inquisition being made & returned , the lands which are found to bee the lords proper possessions in demesn , are drawne into a particular ; and his irish duties ; as cosherings , sessings , rents of butter and oatmeale , and the like ; are reasonably valued and reduced into certaine summes of money , to be paide yearely in lieu thereof . this being done , the surrender is accepted ; and thereupon a grant passed , not of the whole country , as was vsed in former times , but of those lands only , which are found in the lords possession , & of those certaine summes of money , as rents issuing out of the rest . but the lands which are found to be possest by the tenants , are left vnto them , respectiuely charged with these certain rents only , in lieu of all vncertaine irish exactions . in like manner , vpon all grants , which haue past by vertue of the commission , for defectiue titles , the cōmissioners haue taken speciall caution , for preseruation of the estates of all particular tenants . and as for graunts of captaineshippes or seneschal-shippes , in the irish countries ; albeit , this deputy had as much power and authority to graunt the same , as any other gouernors had before him ; and might haue raised as much profit by bestowing the same , if he had respected his priuate , more then the publicke good ; yet hath he bin so farre from passing any such in all his time , as he hath endeuoured to resume all the graunts of that kinde , that haue bin made by his predecessors ; to the end , the inferiour subiects of the realme , should make their only and imediate dependancie vppon the crowne . and thus we see , how the greatest part of the possessions , ( aswell of the irish as of the english ) in leinster , conaght , and mounster , are setled and secured since his maiestie came to the crowne : whereby the harts of the people are also setled , not only to liue in peace , but raised & incouraged to builde , to plant , to giue better education to their children , & to improue the commodities of their landes ; whereby the yearely value thereof , is already encreased , double of that it was within these few yeares , and is like daily to rise higher , till it amount to the price of our lande in england . lastly , the possessions of the irishry in the prouince of vlster , though it were the most rude and vnreformed part of ireland , and the seat and nest of the last great rebellion , are now better disposed and established , then any the lands in the other prouinces , which haue bin past and setled vpon surrenders . for , as the occasion of the disposing of those lands , did not happen without the speciall prouidence and finger of god , which did cast out those wicked and vngratefull traitors , who were the only enemies of the reformation of ireland : so the distribution and plantation thereof , hath bin proiected & prosecuted , by the speciall direction and care of the k. himselfe ; wherein his maiesty hath corrected the errors before spoken of , committed by k. henry 2. & k. iohn , in distributing and planting the first conquered landes . for , although there were six whole shires to be disposed , his maiesty gaue not an entire country , or county , to any particular person ; much lesse did he grant lura regalia , or any extraordinary liberties . for the best british vndertaker , had but a proportion of 3000. acres for himself , with power to create a mannor , and hold a court baron : albeit , many of these vndertakers , were of as great birth & quality , as the best aduenturers in the first conquest . again , his maiesty did not vtterly exclude the natiues out of this plantatiō , with a purpose to roote them out , as the irish wer excluded out of the first english colonies ; but made a mixt plantation of brittish & irish , that they might grow vp togither in one nation : only , the irish were in some places transplanted from the woods & mountaines , into the plaines & open countries , that being remoued ( like wild fruit trees ) they might grow the milder , and beare the better & sweeter fruit . and this truly , is the maister-piece , and most excellent part of the worke of reformation , and is worthy indeed of his maiesties royall paines . for when this plantation hath taken root , and bin fixt and setled but a few yeares , with the fauour and blessing of god ( for the son of god himselfe hath said in the gospell , omnis plantatio , quam non plantauit pater meus , eradicabitur ) it will secure the peace of irelād , assure it to the crowne of england for euer ; and finally , make it a ciuill , and a rich , a mighty , and a flourishing kingdome . i omit to speake of the increase of the reuenew of the crown , both certaine and casuall , which is raised to a double proportion ( at lest ) aboue that it was , by deriuing the publick iustice into all parts of the realm ; by setling all the possessions , both of the irish & english , by re-establishing the compositions ; by restoring and resuming the customes ; by reuiuing the tenures in capite , and knights-seruice ; & reducing many other thinges into charge , which by the confusion and negligence offormer times , became concealed and subtracted from the crowne . i forbeare likewise to speak of the due and ready bringing in of the reuenue , which is broght to passe by the well-ordering of the court of exchequer , and the authority & paines of the commissioners for accompts . i might also adde heereunto , the encouragement that hath bin giuen to the maritime townes and citties , as well to increase their trade of marchandize , as to cherrish mechanicall arts and sciences ; in that all their charters haue bin renued , & their liberties more inlarged by his maiesty , then by any of his progenitors since the conquest . as likewise , the care & course that hath been taken , to make ciuil commerce and enter course betweene the subiects , newly reformed and brought vnder obedience , by granting markets and faires to bee holden in their countries , and by erecting of corporate townes among them . briefly , the clock of the ciuil gouernment , is now well set , and all the wheeles thereof doemoue in order ; the strings of this irish harpe , which the ciuill magistrate doth finger , are all in tune ( for i omit to speak of the state ecclesiasticall ) and make a good harmony in this commonweale : so as we may well conceiue a hope , that ireland ( which heertofore might properly be called the land of ire , because the irascible power was predominant there , for the space of 400. yeares together ) will from henceforth prooue a land of peace and concorde . and , though heeretofore it hath bin like the leane cow of egypt , in pharaohs dreame , deuouring the fat of england , and yet remaining as leane as it was before , it will heereafter bee as fruitfull as the land of canaan ; the description whereof , in the 8. of deutronomie , doth in euery part agree with ireland ; being , terra riuorum , aquarumque & iontium ; in cuius campis , & montibus , erumpunt fluviorum abyssi ; terra frumenti , & hordei ; terralactis , & mellis ; vbi absque vlla penuria comedes panemtuum , & rerum abundantia perfrueris . and thus i haue discouered and expressed the defects and errors , aswell in the mannaging of the martiall affaires , as of the ciuil ; which in former ages gaue impediment to the reducing of all ireland , to the obedience & subiection of the crowne of england . i haue likewise obserued , what courses haue bin taken , to reforme the defects and errors in gouernment , and to reduce the people of this land to obedience , since the beginning of the raigne of king edward 3. til the latter end of the raigne of q. elizabeth . and lastly , i haue declared & set forth , how all the said errors haue bin corrected , and the defectes supplied vnder the prosperous gouernment of his maiesty ; so as i may positiuely conclude in the same words , which i haue vsed in the title of this discourse ; that vntill the beginning of his maiesties raigne , ireland was neuer entirely subdued , and brought vnder the obedience of the crown of england . but since the crown of this kingdom , with the vndoubted right and title thereof , discended vpon his maiesty ; the whol island from sea to sea , hath bin brought into his highnes peaceable possession ; and all the inhabitants , in euery corner thereof , haue bin absolutely reduced vnder his immediate subiection . in which condition of subiects , they wil gladly continue , without defection or adhaering to any other lord or king , as long as they may be protected , and iustly gouerned , without oppression on the one side , or impunity on the other . for , there is no nation of people vnder the sunne , that doth loue equall and indifferent iustice , better then the irish ; or will rest better satisfied with the execution thereof , although it bee against themselues ; so as they may haue the protection & benefit of the law , when vppon iust cause they do desire it . finis . errata . fol. 16. linea . 6. dele &c. fol. 18. for regnem , read regnum . fol. 54. for offerals ; o farals . for haulon , hanlon , fol. 62. for gormauston , gormanston . fol. 86. for gliun , clinn . fol. 95. for improued , proued . fol. 102. for illuc , illie . fol. 103. for clandalkin , clan-dalkan . fol. 109. for cautetan ; canteton . fol. 120. for mediate , immediate . fol. 134. for donation and ; donation of . fol. 166. for fermaunagh ; fermannagh . fol. 183. for mangle ; nangle . for the archdeacon ; arohdeacon . fol. 191. for mightely ; nightly . fol 231. for well banisht ; welny banisht . fol. 238. for garny ; grany . fol. 256. for deuegal ; dongall . fol. 265. read prouinces besides . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a67920-e140 two maine impediments of the conquest . the faint prosecution of the warre . what is a perfect conquest . how the war hath bin prosecuted since the 17. yeare of henry the second . in the time of henry the second . giraldus cambrenfis . the first attempt but an aduenture of priuate gentlemen . with what forces the k. himselfe came ouer . archiu . remem . regis apud westm. what maner of conquest king henrie the second made of ireland . bodin de repub . the true markes of soueraignty . houeden in henrico secundo . sol . 312. 6. iohannis claus. membrana . 18. 17. 〈◊〉 chart. m. 3. 6. hen. 3. chart . m. 2. archiu . in 〈◊〉 dublin . 42. hen. 3. compotus , will. de la zouch . 36. hen. 3. compotus huberti de rouly . how the war was prosecuted in the time of king iohn . giraldus cambrensis . giraldus cambrensis . giraldus cambrensis . matth. paris in richardo primo so . 1519. matth , paris . this charter yet remaineth perfect , with an entire scale in the treasury at westminster . archiu . in castro dublin . & archiu . turr. 52 hen. 3. patent . m. 9. how the martiall affayres were carried from the 12. yeare of king iohn , to the 36 yeare of king edward the 3. archiu . in castro dublin . statut. 10 h. 7. cap. 4. rot. parliam . in castro dublin . annales hibernie in camden . baron finglas . manus . stat. 10. h. 7. cap. 4. rot. parliam in castro dublin . statut. 11. h. 4. cap. 6. baron finglas . m. s. the armie transmitted with lionell duke of clarence , the 36. of edw. the 3. archiu . remcm regis apud . westm . the manner of leuying souldiers in former ages . what seruice lionel duke of clarence performed . archiu . turr. 36. edw. 3. claus. m. 21 in dorso . & m. 30. sir william winsor lieutenant , 47. ed. 3. his forces and seruice . 47. edw. 3. claus. m. 1. stow in rich. 2. the state of the reuennue of ireland , in the time of edward the 3. walsingham in richard the 2. archiu . turr. 11. h. 3. patent m. 3. 21. ed. 3. m. 41 47. ed. 3. claus . pers . 2. m. 24. & 26. archiu . in castro dublin . hollingshead in r. 2. archiu . in castro dublin . 5. edw. 3. how the war proceeded in the time of k. richard the 2 3. rich. 2. archite . t●… rot. parliam . 42. pat. 2. pars . 9. rich. 2. m. 24. walsingham in richard the 2. annales . tho. otterbourne manuscript . stow in rich. 2. archiu . in officio remcmorat . regis apud westmon . hollingshead in richard the 2. henry 4. the lord thomas of lancaster his seruice . 〈◊〉 rememorat . regis apud westm . henry 5. the lorde furniuall his seruice . alb. libr. scacc. dublin . henry 6. richard duke of yorke his seruice . archiu . in castro dublin . hollingshead in henry the sixt . rot. parliam . in castro dublin archiu tur. 17 hen. 6. claus. m. 20. manuscript of baron finglas . hollingshead in hen. 6. edward 4 how the war was maintained in the time of king edward the 4 holling shead in edward the 4 booke of howth . manus . the fraternity of saint george in ireland . 14. of edw. 4. rot parliam . dublin . henrie 7. how the war was prosecuted in the time of king henry the 7. archiv . rimem . regis apud . westm. the booke of howth . manus . hollingshcad in henry the 7. sir edward poynings seruice . rot. parliam . in castro dublin the booke of howth . the battell of knoctow . henrie 8. how the war was carried , during the raigne of k. henrie the 8. the earle of surries seruice . the lord leonard grayes seruice . the sight at bealahoo . booke of howth . manus . sir anthonie stliger . sir edward bellingham , in the time of k. edw. the 6. archiu . remem . regis apud westm . tho : earle of sussex , in the time of qu. mary . queen elizabeth . how the war was prosecuted in the time of qu. elizabeth . shane o neales rebellion . archiu . remem . regis apud westm. desrnonds rebellion . tyrones rebellion . foure maine defects in the prosecution of the warre . why none of the kinges of england , before queene elizabeth , did finish the conquest of ireland . giraldus cambrensis . how the seuerall kings of england were diuerted from the conquest of ireland . king henrie 2. the booke of howth . manus . richard 1 k. iohn . henrie 3 edward 1 archiv . in castro dublin . annales hiberbinae in camdē . edward 2 annales hiber●… camder . archiu . in castro dublin . manuscript of frier cliun . rubr. libr. scac. dublin . edward 3 annales hibern●e in camden . richard 2 henrie 4. henrie 5. annales hiberniae in camden . henrie 6. hollingshead in hen. 6. manuscript of baron finglas . edward 4 richard 3 henrie 7. henrie 8 k. edward 6. and qu. marie . quee elizabeth . 2. the defects in the ciuill poilicy & gouernment . 1. the lawes of england were not giuē to the meere irish. matth. paris histor. maior . fol. 121. matth. paris histor maior . 220. b. 11. hen. 3. pat . m. 3. 30. h. 3. pat . m. 20. the meere irish not admittedto haue the benefit of the lawes of england . the meere irish reputed aliens . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . that the meer irish were reputed enimies to the crowne . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in caflro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . stat. de kilkenny c. 2. & 3. 10. hen 6. c. 1. 28. h. 8. c. 13. the irish did desire io bee admitted to the benefit & protection of the english lawes , but could not obtaine it . 2. ed. 3. claus . 17 the counsell booke of ireland . 34. hen. 8 what mischief did grow by not communicating the english lawes to the irish. what good would haue ensued , if the meere irish had bin gouerned by the english lawes . three generall submissions of the irish. the english lawes were executed only in the english colonies . archiu . in castro dublin . statut. de kilkenny . c. 4. the romains did communicate their lawes to the nations , which they conquered . tacitus in vita agricolae . william the conquerour gouerned both the normans and the english vnder one law. causden in northfolke . king edw. i. did communicate the english lawes to the welshmen . giraldus cambrensis . lib. 2. de hiberniâ expugnata . 2. the landes conquered from the irish were not well distributed . the proportions of land graunted to the first aduenturers , wer too large g iraldus cambrensis . lib. 2. de hiberniâ expugnata in archiu . tur. 5. edw. 3. escheat nume ro 104. 2. iohannis chart. m. 15. & m. 38. 6. iohan. chart. m. 1. 7. iohan. chart. m. 12. & n. 109 6. ed. 1. chart. m. 19. 18. ed. 1. m. 29 girald . cambr. lib. 2. de hibernia expug . all ireland distributed to ten persons of the english nation . 6. h. 3. chart. m. 2. houeden in h. 2. fol. 302. archiu . turr . 17 iohannis chart. m. 31. 6. iohannis claus. m. 18. matth. paris in hemy the third . 3. henrie 3. the liberties granted to the first aduenturers were too great . 8. counties palatines in ireland at one time . anna'es hiberniae in camden . in archiu . tur. 11. edw. 3. escheat n. 28. 5 coun● palatines in leinster . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu , turr. pat . 3. e. 3. m. 28 archiu . in castro dublin . the inconueniences which grew by the large graunts of lands and liberties . the english lords in ireland , made war and peace at their pleasure . the war and dissention of the english lordes one with another . annales hiber●… in camden . annales hiberniae in camden . annales iohannis clynne . manuscript . baron finglas , manuscript . sta. 10. h. 7. c. 4 rot. parliam . in castro dublin baron finglas , manuscript . archiu . turr. 5. ed. 3. claus . m. 4 archiu . tur. 15 ed. 3. claus . m. 4 annales hiberniae in camden . the first aduenturers obtained these liberal grants , because the kings of england did not prosecute the warre at their owne charge . how the state of rome rewarded their men of warre . william the conqueror . camden in chester . wales distributed to the l. marchers . the english lords did not reduce the woodes and wasts in forrests & parks . chart. de forest. c. 2 & 3. the english colonies reiected the english lawes and customes , and embraced the irish. the nature of the irish customes . the irish laws and customs , differing from the lawes & customs of al ciuill nations the irish law in criminall causes . the irish custome of tanistry . the irish custome of gauelkinde . the mischiefs that arise by these two customes . the wicked customes of coigne and liuery . the mischiefs that did arise by coigne & liuery . the cause of idlenesse in the irish. why the irish are beggers in forraigne . countreyes . why the irish are reputed a crafty people . why the irish are inquisitiue after newes . cosherings . sessings . cuttings . gossipred . how the english colonies became degenerate . alb. libr. scacc. dublin . 5. ed. 3. m. 25. when & how the english colonies became degenerate . the scots ouerrun iceland annales hibernie in camden . desmond cheefe commander in the warre against the scots . when & how the extortion of coign and liuery-began among the english. the rising of mac murrogh , and o moore in leinster . annales hiberniae in camden . annales iohan. clynne . manus . the defect and losse of a great part of leinster . the earle of vlster murdered . annales iohan. clynne . manus . the earldom of vlster recouered by the irish. abridgement of salus populi . manuscript . baron finglas , manuscript . annales hibermae in camden . the defectiō of conaght . baron finglas , manuscript . annales hiberniae in camden . what courses haue bin takē to reforme this kingdom , since the english colonies became degenerate . edward 2 k. edward the third , did first endeuor a reformation . archiu . turr. 2. e. 3. claus . pers . 1. m. 16. sir anthony lucie . annales hiberniae in camden . resumption of liberties . annales hiberniae in camden . sir raph vfford . annales iohan. clynne . manus . annales hiberniae in camden . maurice fitz-thomas the first earle of desmond , the author of the great oppressions and dissentions which distroyed the english colonies . the fortune of the house of desmond . the counsel-booke of ireland . 32. h. 8. the course of reformation pursued by lionel duke of clarence . archiu . in castro dublin . statutes of kilkenny . c. 2. c. 3. c. 4. c. 10. c. 12. c. 13. c. 15. c. 17. c. 22. c. 24. the statutes of kilkenny , did much reforme the degenerat english . sta. 10. h. 7. c. 8 the presence of the kinges son , did much aduance the reformation . absence of our kings and great english lords , a chief cause why the kingdom was not reduced . absence of our kings . the absence of the great english lords . baron finglas , manuscript . baron finglas , manuscript . archiu . turr. rot. parliā . n. 42 archiu . in offic . remem . dublin act of absentees , 28. h. 8. the reformation intended by k. richard 2 archiu . turr. 3 rich. 2. cl . m 3. 3. rich. 12. rot. parliam . 11. 42 9. rich. 2. claus . m. 1. walsingham in rich. 2. 349. a. plac. coram rege in hibernia . hillar . 18 ric. 2 the reformation intended by hen. 4. the course of reformation held by sir edward poynings , in the time of k. h. 7. poynings act the counsell booke of ireland . 16. h. 8. the reformation intended by the l. leonard gray , 28. hen. 8. annales hiber●… manus . the counsell booke of ireland . 28. h. 8. the course of reformation pursued by sir anthony saint-leger . foure generall submissions of the irish. the counsell booke of ireland . 32. 33. and 34. of h. 8 the irish and degenerate english , renounce the pope . the counsell booke of ireland . 33. h. 8. the course of reformation prosecuted by thomas earl of sussex , in the time of q. mary . leix & offaly made two counties , 3. & 4. phil. & mariae . the course of reformation followed by sir henry sidney , in the time of qu. elizabeth . the reformation aduanced by sir iohn perrot . the seruice of william fitz williams , tending to reformation . how the defects & errors in the gouern ment of ireland , haue bin supplied and amended since the beginning of his maiesties raigne . errors in the carriage of the martiall affaires amended . how the defects in the ciuill gouernment , haue bin supplied . 1. by establishing the publicke peace . 2. by establishing the publique iustice in euery part of the kingdome . the good effects which followed the execution of the law thoroughout the kingdome . 3. the setling of the states and possessions of the irishry , aswelas of the english how the cōmissions for surrenders , and defectiue titles , haue bin put in execution . no grant of irish captain ships , or seneschalships , since his maiesties raigne . the plantation of vlster . the history and reasons of the dependency of ireland upon the imperial crown of the kingdom of england rectifying mr. molineux's state of the case of ireland's being bound by acts of parliament in england. atwood, william, d. 1705? 1698 approx. 303 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 113 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26170 wing a4172 estc r35293 15234756 ocm 15234756 103243 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26170) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103243) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1139:24) the history and reasons of the dependency of ireland upon the imperial crown of the kingdom of england rectifying mr. molineux's state of the case of ireland's being bound by acts of parliament in england. atwood, william, d. 1705? [10], 3-216 p. printed for dan. brown ... and r. smith ..., london : 1698. attributed to atwood by wing. reproduction of original in bodleian library. includes bibliographical references. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng molyneux, william, 1656-1698. -case of ireland's being bound by acts of parliament in england stated. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-04 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the history , and reasons , of the dependency of ireland upon the imperial crown of the kingdom of england . rectifying mr. molineux's state of the case of ireland's being bound by acts of parliament in england . actum erat de foecundissimâ gente , si libera fuisset . plin. panegyr . london , printed for dan. brown at the black swan and bible without temple-bar ; and ri. smith at the angel without lincolns-inn gate near the fields , 1698. to the honourable the knights , citizens , and burgesses , in parliament assembled . your house , and they a to whose rights you succeed , having , for several ages , been the principal support of the english monarchy ; the enemies to so excellent a constitution have thought it could never be more effectually undermined , than by the drawing your rights into question : and thus have many made 〈◊〉 their deceitful courts to princes . 't is not for me to determine , whether malice or sycophantry have induced some to deny , your being in any manner invested with that authority , which they officiously ascribe to the kings of this realm , and their council of lords , or rather privy council ; to the derogating from the lords in parliament , no less than from you. i conceive it , allowable for me , to joyn the men of this assurance with dr. brady , and other advocates for despotick power : who have contended , that your first presence , or representation , in the national council , began by rebellion in the d 49. of h. 3. which being taken as proved , they conclude , that kings may as well set you aside , as a subject may any obligation extorted by threats and duress . and whoever has made any attempt towards the removing that corner stone for tyranny , has been sure to incur the imputation of promoting anarchy : as if your venerable body did not in the least interpose between those two extremes . the fairest colour which the men of foreign notions and allegiance have , for their premises , is from king john's charter , which as they imagine , has declared or establish'd the tenents of the crown in chief , to be the only legal members of the common council of the kingdom : the far different sense of which charter , i may well say 't was my fortune to find and evince , upon my a first enquiry into the nature of our government ; since the force of truth has obliged even b dr. brady to yield it up to me , c after all the hard words which he had given me on that occasion . nor has he offered the least shadow of evidence against my list d from domesday book ; shewing , that notwithstanding the supposed conquest of this land by w. 1. they who had not forfe ▪ ted their estates , enjoyed them upon or under titles priour to his entrance ; without relation to any grant , or confirmation from him . permit me to say , that the researches in which this controversy engaged me , have , in some measure , enabled me to assert your authority , in the highest instances of the exercise of power ; aud to make out by deduction , and numerous presidents , what you have as 't were by intuition ; that ireland , as 't is annexed to the imperial crown of this kingdom ; is subjected to that authority , which is , and must be absolute ; and yet can never be gaievous , because of your share in it . tho ▪ the bold denial of this , has already receiv'd your just censure of being of dangerous consequence to the crown , and people of england : yet , if i may use the allusion , i might observe , that 't is not held improper to make comments upon the sacred text , to explain it to vulgar understandings : which , i should hope , may plead in my excuse , if not , justification , while i am proving , that , as you have rightfully concurred with the lords , in giving ireland a king , by filling the vacant throne ; and that glorious preserver of your liberties has , with the advice and consent of the states of this his realm , made laws with a declared intention of binding ireland ; these acts of sovereignty , are not only agreeable to the laws of nature , and of nations , but warranted by the ancient constitution of this monarchy . the foundation of which , while i have been labouring to clear , from that rubbish which would render it unstable ; it has happened with me , as with those , who having exhausted themselves in working a rich mine , are forced to leave the bright oar to them that come after : and thus 't is likely to be with those collections which i have by me , concerning the fundamental constitution of this government : by which i had flattered my self , that i must have contributed towards the peace and happiness of my country , in shewing the admirable harmony that there is between the constituent parts of this empire ; how strong and beautiful they are in their due order ; how conspicuous that degree of the baronage , or nobility of engl. which you 're present , has been in all the ages of this monarchy , in maintaining its glory ; what persuasive reasons both prince and people have , to be satisfied with their several , and yet common interests ; and how little they are to be thought friends to either , who prompt them , as the learned grotius has it , in partem non suam involare . whither i have been any way serviceable to the publick , or can yet serve it , according to my zeal ; is submitted to the collective wisdom of the nation : the judgment is with you ; who , if you should not think this , or any of my former labourous effects of idleness , as the poet calls the writing of books , worthy of your protection , or notice ; i doubt not will extend your pardon , to endeavours consecrated to your use , by , your most faithful and affectionate humble servant , w. atwood . the history , and reasons of the dependency of ireland , upon the imperial crown of the kingdom of england , &c. as there 's no need of staying for publick authority or encouragement , to oppose an open invasion upon the rights of my country ; i cannot but think it my duty to make a stand , till better help come in , with arms taken up on a sudden ; and that the rather , since by a shew of precedents , and popular positions , some lovers of english liberties are drawn in , to join with the invaders : nor do i wonder , to find sufferers under arbitrary reigns , easy to be misled , by a seeming * advocate for mankind , who undertakes the cause of the whole race of adam . and yet to any man , who will be at the least pains to think of consequences , 't will be manifest , that the liberty which the gentleman , whom i oppose , contends for , as the inherent right of all mankind , would be a total exemption from all laws and government , except such as adam had a right to in the state of nature : and , for want of knowing who has the title of descent from him , would turn all nations to such commonwealths , wherein every paterfamiliâs is an independent soveraign . if men were to be considered in such a state , i will agree with him , that on whatsoever ground any one nation can challenge liberty to themselves , on the same reason may the rest of adam's children expect it . but if this be taken with relation to the present governments in the world ; then , suppose this gentleman hold a commonwealth to be the freest state of mankind ; to be uniform , he must believe , that no monarchies ought to continue longer than the people should think fit : because , according to his maxim , the people of a monarchy have the same right to liberty that the others maintain : and , directly to the present question , no nation ought to have any dependence upon any other nation . and , perhaps others will say , neither ought they to have any protection . 't is certain , that whether we consider the people of the same nation , or the relation which one nation has to another , their state or condition , must depend upon constitutions and agreements , express , or tacit . indeed , what constitutions and agreements are binding , and for what time , will fall under the consideration of reason , either of it self , or aided and assisted by revelation . s. paul having taught us , that the powers that are are ordained of god ; i should think that the common practice of the world ( which this gentleman admits to be against his notions ) is no small evidence of the right of acquisitions made by one nation upon , or over another : but if these could in right be carried no further , than the * damage sustained by the injured nation ; the bounds of the acquisitions would be very uncertain , and desultory . that no true principle opposes the power , which england claims and exercises , over ireland , might be shewn in a very narrow compass : yet when many glittering arguments are made use of , to support an unseasonable as well as groundless complaint ; it may be requisite to give direct answers to those things which may seem most plausible ; and to lay such foundations as may supersede the particular consideration of the rest : to which end i shall shew , 1. the nature of mr. molineux his complaint . 2. the true foundation and nature of that right , of which england is possessed , in relation to ireland ; and mr. molineux's mistakes , omissions , and wrong comparisons , and inferences , concerning it . 3. that the right which was at first acquired , is so far from being departed from , that 't is rather strengthened , and confirmed : and has been duly exercised , as the good of england has required , and in subordination to that : and , even in the greatest instances now complained of . 4. that his politicks , and seeming popular notions , are wrong , and misapplied . 1 st . mr. molineux would insinuate into his * majesty's belief , in his dedication to him , that some of late endeavour to violate those rights and liberties , which the irish , or english there , have enjoyed for above five hundred years : and he plainly enough charges , both kings , lords , and commons of england , and that acting parliamentarily , not only with this endeavour , but with actual violations of that , which to him seems , the inherent right of all mankind . his service to his country , and to all the race of adam , he supposes to be call'd for , by the present juncture of affairs , when the business of ireland is under the consideration of both houses of the english parliament : that is , as his margin explains it , the case of the bishop of derry in the house of lords , and the prohibiting the exportation of the irish woollen manufacture , in the house of commons . he complains , that acts of parliament in england , before the 10 th of h. 4. and 29 th of h. 6. had pretended to bind ireland , without any confirmation there , tho they have not expresly claim'd this right ▪ that there are modern precedents of english acts of parliament pretending to bind ireland : but these are innovations ; tho , of his own shewing , no more than was done before the 10 th of h 4. but he is sorry to reflect , that since the late revolution in these kingdoms , when the subjects of england have more strenuously than ever asserted their own rights ▪ and the liberties of parliaments , it has pleased them to bear harder on their poor neighbours , than has ever yet been done in many ages foregoing . the first attempt which this gentleman complains of , since his majesty's happy accession to the throne of these kingdoms , is an act made , in great compassion , for relief of the protestant irish clergy : the next is one prohibiting all trade and commerce with france ; while england was engaged in an actual war , of which ireland was a miserable seat. another is the act for the better security , and relief of their majesties protestant subjects in ireland ; wherein k. james's irish parliament at dublin , and all acts and attainders done by them are declared void : and 't is further provided , that no protestant shall suffer any prejudice in his estate , or office , by reason of his absence out of ireland since december 25. 1685. and that there should be a remittal of the king's quit-rent from decemb. 25. 1688. to the end of the war. and the last is , that for abrogating the oath of supremacy in ireland , and appointing other oaths . these are the acts of parliament , by the suppos'd submission to which , he will have it , that the rights of the people of ireland have received the greatest weakening under his majesty's reign , and they are made of all his majesty's subjects the most unfortunate . these acts are complained of , as violations of the rights of a kingdom a compleat and absolute in it self , without any b subordination to england , especially in relation to parliaments : that they are contrary to that c amity which should be maintained between distinct kingdoms , or the children of one common parent ; which have distinct rights , and inheritances , absolutely within themselves : and d inconsistent with the royalties , and preeminence of a separate and distinct kingdom . e against the common laws of england , which are in force both in england and ireland , by the original compact . f against the statute laws both of england and ireland . g against several charters of the liberties granted to ireland . h against the king's prerogative . i against the practice of all former ages . k against several resolutions of the learned judges of former times . destructive of l property . introductive of m the greatest confusion , and uncertainty imaginable . and lastly , n inconvenient for england , being likely to o make the lords and people of ireland think they are not well used , and may drive them into discontent . and yet this complaint must be thought very modest , because , if the great council of england shall resolve the contrary , he declares he shall then believe himself to be in an error , and with the lowest submission ask pardon for his assurance . i cannot in the least question , but that august and wise assembly will use that method which he refers to for his conviction : yet , since they are employed in affairs of more immediate consequence , than the asserting and clearing the grounds of that authority which they have long been possessed of ; i shall think that i may do some service to my country , in shewing , 2 ly the true foundation of that right , which england is possessed of , in relation to ireland ; and what are mr. molineux's principal mistakes , omissions , and wrong comparisons , and inferences , concerning it . here i hope to make it evident , 1. that he mistakes the grounds for the submission of ireland to h. 2. as well as the nature of it ; and omits material passages which may illustrate that matter . 2. that if he had been as conversant in histories , and records , as he would be thought ; he could never have had assurance enough to assert , that england may be said much more properly to be conquer'd by w. 1. than ireland by h. 2. 3. that he is as much mistaken in his comparison between scotland and ireland ; and that matter of his own shewing , or admission , might have convinced him of an essential difference . 1. this gentleman pretends to give the history of the expedition of the english into ireland ; which he supposes to have been in the reign of h. 2. and that all the right which has been acquired by england , to have any government , or superiority , over that nation , was derived from within that king's reign . which manifests his having seen very little of our english antiquities ; and his not attending to what irish acts of parliament might have taught him . the confessor's law , under the title of the rights and appendages , or dependencies , of the crown of england , expresly names ireland as one , which it supposes to have been first annexed to the crown of england by king arthur . accordingly , besides other authorities which might be produced , a very antient a manuscript in latin verse in the cotton library , ascribed to a gildas , who lived in the year 860. speaking of several things done by that king in this british kingdom , says ; his ita dispositis in regnum tendit ybernum . these things thus settled , he for ireland goes . another b manuscript in the cotton library , treating of the number of the cour●ies of england , and the countrys , and islands , which of right , and without doubt , belong to the crown , and dignity of the kingdom of britain , and the several laws or customs , by which they were governed ; among the places subject to the danelege , mentions man , the orcades , c gurth , and the other islands of the western ocean , about or in the way towards norway , and danemark : within which we may well think ireland to have been meant , since the isle of man is one of the islands , there taken to be about , bordering upon , or in the road to norway , and denmark . tho the confessor's law places the foundation of the right of the crown of england to ireland , in the acquisition of king arthur ; it must be agreed , that this was so antiquated , and so many changes had happened in the state of this nation , between his time and king edgar's , that he might well have no regard to any right from king arthur : and , however , might suppose himself to have been the first of the anglo-saxon kings , who had subjected ireland , or the greatest part of it , to the crown of england ; which that he did , we have the testimony of his memorable charter . ego eadgarus anglorum basilius , omniumque regum insularum , quae britanniam circumjacent , cunctarumque nationum quae infra eam includuntur , imperator , & dominus ; gratias ago deo omnipotenti regi meo , qui meum imperium sic ampliavit , & exaltavit , super regnum patrum meorum ; qui , licet monarchiam totius angliae adepti sunt , à tempore ayelstani , qui , primus regum anglorum , nationes quae britanniam incolunt sibi armis subegit : nullus tamen eorum ultra ejus fines , imperium suum dilatare aggressus est . mihi autem concessit propitia divinitas , cum anglorum imperio , omnia regna insularum oceani , cum suis ferocissimis regulis , usque norvegiam , maximamque partem hiberniae , cum suâ nobilissimâ civitate dubliniâ , anglorum regno subjacere . quos etiam armis meis imperiis colla subdere , dei juvante gratiâ , coegi . i edgar , king of the english , and emperor and lord of all the kings of the islands which lie about britain , and of all nations that are included within it , give thanks to god almighty my king , who hath so inlarged and exalted my kingdom above the kingdom of my ancestors ; who , altho they had gain'd the monarchy of all england , from the time of king athelstan , who was the first of the kings of the english that brought under him by arms the nations which inhabit britain : yet none of them attempted to stretch his empire beyond its bounds . but the propitious divinity has granted me , with the empire of the english , to put under the dominion of the english , all the kingdoms of the isles of the ocean , with their fiercest little kings , as far as norway , and the greatest part of ireland , with its most noble city dublin : even all those , by the help of god's grace , i have compell'd to submit their necks to my commands . from this time 't will be evident , to any who observe the stiles of our kings , till h. ii's time , that the authority of england over ireland was taken to be included under the stile of king of the english saxons , of britain , of the island of albion , or the like : not but that , for several reigns before the time of h. ii. parliaments , in which the king's charters pass'd , were often careful to have the stile more expressive of the title to the dominions out of england . for instances of both kinds : edgar , after the charter above cited stiles himself , basileus dilectae insulae albionis , subditis nobis sceptris regum scottorum , cumbrorumque ac britonum , & omnium circumcirca regionum . king of the beloved island of albion , the scepters of the kings of the scots , the cumbers , and the britons , being subject to us , and of all the regions round about . in another ; a basileus anglorum , & imperator regum gentium . king of the english , and emperor of the kings of nations . after this king ethelred stiles himself sometimes ; b ego adelred totius albionis monarchiam gubernans . i athelred governing the monarchy of all albion ▪ subscribes , rex anglorum . king of the english . sometimes , a ego athelred totius britanniae basileus . i athelred king of all britain . sometimes , b ego ethelred britanniae totius anglorum monarchus . i ethelred monarch of all the britain of the english . sometimes , c ego ethelred totius insulae . i ethelred king of the whole island . subscribes , rex & rector angulsexna . king and ruler of the anglo-saxons . that ireland and other kingdoms and dominions , were included within this stile , will appear by other charters of the same king. thus he stiles himself , d totius anglorum gentis basileos , caeterarumque nationum in circuitu persistentium , primatum gerens . king of all the english nation , and having the supremacy over the other nations living round about . at another time he stiles himself ; a ego ethelred rex anglorum , aliarumque gentium in circuitu persistentium . i ethelred king of the english , and other nations living round about . and the same stile b he uses in the year 1001. tho , as appears above , in another charter of the same year , he stiles himself only king of the whole island . and in another , c at the beginning of his reign , only king of the english . w. i. generally stiles himself no more than king of the english , or king of the english , and duke of normandy . yet , as one of his charters has it , he was d the most powerful of all the kings of that time , ruling the greatest empire of england . that other nations were then held to be dependencies upon the kingdom of england , appears by a charter of his in the 15 th of his reign , which begins ; e ego gulielmus deo disponente rex anglorum , caeterarumque gentium circumquaque persistentium rector , & dux normannorū . i william by god's disposal king of the english , and ruler of the rest of the nations round about , and duke of normandy . after his time his successors , till h. 2. left the dependencies of england out of their stile , adding only other dominions , which they had as distinct and independent . thus h. 1. to mention no other , stiles himself king of the english , and duke of normandy ; but before the death of his brother robert , only * king of the english . not here to bring other evidences , of the continuance of the superiority over ireland ; to turn † mr. molineux his argument upon him , if i shew the church of ireland to have been then dependent upon , or under the church of england , he must not deny but the state was too . archbishop parker , who must be * allowed to have seen and understood the evidences of the rights of the see of canterbury , and is agreed to be a faithful collector , speaking of the time of h. 1. shews , that upon the vacancy of the bishoprick of waterford , murchertach king of ireland , with the bishops , all the nobility , and the clergy , and people of the island , sent to anselm archbishop of canterbury , desiring quatenus ipse , primatûs quem super eos gerebat potestate , & quâ fungebatur apostolicâ fretus authoritate , sanctae christianitati , ac necessariae plebium utilitati eis subveniret . that by the power of the supremacy which he had over them , and the apostolical authority which he enjoyed , he would be aiding to holy christianity , and the necessities of the people . * at their request , he upon the death of the bishop of dublin , consecrated one malchus , whose bishoprick † pope eugenius raised into an arbishoprick : but notwithstanding the popes , eugenius and adrian , had constituted archbishops there ; yet they all acknowledged 𝄁 the supremacy of the see of canterbury in all things . and after archbishop parker had enumerated 33 bishopricks in ireland , he adds , * hi omnes 33 episcopatus , usitato & antiquissimo regni jure , ac instituto , cantuar ▪ sedi ut metropoli parent . all these 33 bishopricks , by the accustomed and most antient right and constitution of the kingdom , obey the see of canterbury as the metropolis . if it were doubtful whether he meant that this right was , by the antient constitution of the kingdom of england , the former authorities make it evident that it was . however i shall confirm them with two more . gervace of canterbury , who lived in the time of h. 2. speaking of lawrence archbishop of canterbury , who succeeded the reputed english apostle austin , says , he not only took care of the new church gathered out of the english , but of the old british inhabitants ; and also took care of his pastoral charge over the scots , who inhabit ireland , an island very near britain . bromton , an author who is cited by mr. molineux , mentioning the dispute about superiority , in the great council , or parliament at winchester , in the beginning of the reign of w. 1. between lanfranc archbishop of canterbury , and the then archbishop of york , says * , ubi historia bedae perlectâ , monstratum est , à tempore primi augustini usque ad ultima bedae tempora , quod circiter centum quadraginta annos erat , cantuar. arch. primatum super totam britannicae insulam , & hiberniae gessisse . where the history of bede having been read , 't was shewn that from austin's first coming to the end of bede , which was about 140 years , the archbishop of cantorbury held the primacy over the whole island of britain , and of ireland . thus i think 't is past dispute , that a superiority of government , both in church and state , was vested with the english , and by consequence in the crown of england as the head , from the 6 th of king edgar at the latest , to the year 1151. when the jurisdiction of anselm archbishop of canterbury was submitted to by the irish , as the antient and undoubted right of that see. nor can it be imagined , without some account of the circumstances , that the superiority and authority of england should have been lost in less than 22 years , when mr. m. supposes the pretensions of england to have had their first ground . he will have h. 2. his landing in ireland , to have been occasioned only by a fortunate expedition thither by some of his subjects a little before ; in assistance of some of the princes , or kings of ireland , who had been oppress'd by a too powerful neighbour ; and would insinuate as if the deliverers were only entituled to be paid for the assistance which they gave : and he is so bountiful , as to allow that england ought to be repaid all their expences in suppressing the late rebellion . but , as england has supprest that rebellion against the english crown , it appears by what has been above cited , that the disputes between the kings of ireland only gave h. 2. opportunity , and encouragement , to assert the authority of the english nation , and to restore to the crown the possession of the city of dublin , and so much of the english pale as could then be gained , with such addition as they could make in a just war , to secure those bounds which had been invaded , and usurped upon by a barbarous enemy . in this h. 2. was not to be blamed , for that ambition which has carried princes to make conquests ; since his expedition was no more than he was obliged to as king of england : for as the confessor's law has it , debet vero de jure rex omnes terras , & honores , omnes dignitates , & jura , & libertates coronae regni hujus , in integrum , cum omni integritate , & sine diminutione , observare , & defendere ; dispersa , & dilapidata , & omissa , regni jura , in pristinum statum & debitum , viribus omnibus revocare . but the king ought of right to keep and defend all the lands , and honours , all dignities , & rights , and liberties , of the crown of this kingdom , with all integrity , and without diminution : with all his might , to bring back to the antient and due state , the dispersed , dilapidated , and lost rights of the kingdom . this was not only incumbent upon the prince , but upon the people also , who were sworn brethren to defend the kingdom against strangers , and against enemies , together with their lord and king ; and with him , to keep his lands , and honours , with all fidelity . accordingly , when the pope cited e. 1. to answer judicially before him , concerning his right over scotland , the parliament say , the premises would manifestly turn to the disherison of the right of the crown of the kingdom of england , and of the royal dignity , and notorious subversion of the state of the said kingdom : and also to the prejudice of the liberties , the customs , and laws of our ancestors , to the observation of which we are bound , by virtue of the oath we have taken ; and which we will maintain with all our power , and , by god's assistance , will defend , with all our might . nor also do we , or can we , as indeed we may not , suffer our lord the king , even tho he would , to do , or in any wise attempt the premises , &c. here 's a ground to justify h. 2. and the people of england at that time ; which this gentleman never thought of . and giraldus cambrensis , an author received by him , and an irish parliament , has shewn another , from the nature of the irish , the necessity of their reformation , and that authority which the generality of christians in those dark ages placed in the pope . as to the character of the people , after girald had condemned their clergy , for not doing their duty among them , he says , ut enim de perjuriis eorum , & proditionibus , de furtis , & latrociniis , quibus totus hic populus prope modum , immopraeter modum , indulget ; de vitiis variis & immunditiis nimis onormibus , quas topographia declarat , ex toto non emittamus ; gens haec gens spurcissima , gens vitiis involutissima , gens omnium gentium in fidei rudimentis incultissima . for not wholly to omit speaking of their perjuries and treasons , of the thefts and robberies which this whole people in some measure , rather without measure , indulges ; of their various vices and uncleannesses too enormous , which our topography declares ; this nation is a nation most vile , a nation the most drown'd in vices , a nation of all nations the most ignorant in the rudiments of religion . this being the nature of the people at that time , there might seem , if there had been no prior title , to have been as much a right of occupancy , as any nation has had by the first possessing the lands of savages : but if the right of civilizing the barbarous part of mankind was not sufficient , that power which the then general consent of nations had placed in the pope , joined with the other , made a title , which none but the barbarians then disputed . this h. 2. had amply and formally . giraldus cambrensis not only informs us , that the pope gave h. 2. licence to subdue the irish , but exhibits the bull at large , which , reciting the king's intention of entring the island of ireland , ad subdendum populum illum legibus , & vitiorum plantaria inde extirpanda , & de singulis domibus annuam unius denarii b. petro velle solvere pensionem , & jura ecclesiarum terrae illius illibata & integra conservare ; to subdue that people to laws , and extirpate the plantations of vices from thence ; and that he will pay to st. peter the annual pension of a penny out of every house , and preserve the rights of the churches of that land unprejudiced and entire ; declares the pope's approbation of that king 's attempting that island , for enlarging the bounds of the church , for restraining the course of vices , for correcting their manners , and sowing virtues , for the encrease of the christian religion . and this pope desires the king's purpose may take effect , for the honour of god , and salvation of that land ; and that the people of that land should receive him honourably , and reverence him as their lord. jure nimirum e contrario illibato & integro permanente , & salva b. petro & s. r. e. de singulis domibus unius denarii pensione . the right however remaining unprejudiced and entire , and saving to st. peter , and the holy church of rome , the pension of a penny out of every house . the right of the church was hereby reserv'd unprejudiced : the recital seems to make it to relate to the particular churches ; and this mr. molineux , if he please , may take to amount to such a freedom , as exempted them from the jurisdiction of the pope , as well as of the see of canterbury : but he may easily observe that the superiority of both is fully reserved , and implied under jure illibato & integro permanente . it thus appearing , that this gentleman had not attended to the true grounds of h. 2 d's attempt upon ireland , i shall consider what submission the irish made to him , and in what sense he and his parliament took it . 't is evident beyond contradiction , that they did not submit to him as to a king , whom they chose to govern according to their own laws , but as one that imposed , and was to impose laws upon them ▪ of this mr. moline●x seems so much aware , that where he speaks of the submitting to h. 2. he only mentions the general terms of receiving him for king and lord of ireland , and swearing allegiance to him and his heirs , or the like : but the swearing to the laws of england he places among the con●essions ; as if they were no otherwise subject to them than the people of england . 't is to be observed , for proof that the submission was truly voluntary , and that there was such a consent as is essential to the making laws to bind posterity ; that upon h. 2's landing at waterford , several of the irish kings , and almost all the nobility of ireland flock'd in to him ; that the archbishops , bishops , and abbats of all ireland receiv'd him for king and lord of ireland , and swore to him and his hei●s , binding themselves by their charters to perpetual allegiance ; and that after their example , and in like manner , the kings and princes there present receiv'd him for lord and king of ireland . upon which i need not observe the known difference taken in pliny , and other good authors , between dominus and princeps ; since after this the king held a council at lismore , cited by this gentleman in a wrong place . ubi leges angliae sunt ab omnibus gratanter receptae & juratoriâ cautione confirmatae . where the laws of england are thankfully received of all , and confirm'd by a juratory caution . and for a farther security , the king possest himself of several cities and castles , which he put into safe hands ; but of this mr. m. takes no notice . as a cotemporary exposition is ever of greatest authority , let 's see whether the meaning of this was , that ireland was to be governd by parliaments of its own , as free and independent as england ; or that it should be governed by the laws made , and to be made , by england . mr. molineux confesses , that h. ii. within five years after his return from ireland created his younger son john king of ireland , at a parliament held at oxford : he might have learn'd from the same authority , that in that parliament he not only disposed of several petty kingdoms there , to hold of him and john his son , but hoveden has these words , which comprehend lands as well as governments . postquam autem dominus rex apud oxenford , in praedicto modo , terras hiberniae & earum servitia divisisset ; fecit omnes quibus earundem custodias commisserat , homines suos & johannis filii sui devenire . but after the lord the king had at oxford , in manner aforesaid , divided the lands of ireland and their services ; he caused all those , to whom he had committed the custody of them , to do homage to him and his son john , & to swear allegiance and fidelity to them . bromton says ; apud oxoniam idem rex angliae johannem filium snum , coram episc . & regni sui princip . regem hiberniae constituit . et postea fecit quosdam familiares suos sibi & johanni filio suo ligantias , fidelitates & homagia , contra omnes homines , facere & jurare . quibus terras hiberniae dedit & distribuit in hunc modum , &c. at oxford the said king constituted his son john king of ireland , before the bishops and princes of his kingdom . and afterwards he made some of his courtiers to do and swear allegiance , fidelity , and homage to himself and his son john , against all men : to whom he gave and distributed the lands of ireland in this manner , &c. if what the king did in a parliament was a parliamentary act , here was an act of the english parliament , which , by mr. molineux's confession , impos'd a king upon ireland , to whom they had not sworn any otherwise than as they swore to submit to the english laws : and he should have observed , that herein , according to his own inference , of the making ireland a separate kingdom , the english parliament undertook to discharge the oath which the irish had taken to be true to h. 2. and his heirs ; and sutably to the legislative authority over ireland in this particular , the same parliament at oxford disposed of and distributed the lands of ireland , without expecting any ratification from thence . here 's a parliamentary and cotemporary exposition , of what this gentleman calls the original compact between england and ireland . i must agree , tho he has not observ'd it , that notwithstanding h. il's acquisition in ireland , an irish native had quiet possession of a kingdom which he seem'd to claim as chief king over the irish . this was roderic king of connaught , who upon paying his tribute , and performing his appointed service , was , a according to hoveden , to hold his land as he held it before h. ii. enter'd ireland : which could not be true in a strict sense , unless he were dependent upon the crown of england before ; and however , this was a grant after a more absolute acquisition : and b three years after , girald holds , as do the irish statutes , that he had c conquer'd the whole land of ireland . d abbat benedict , an author of that time , to be seen in the cotton library , speaking of h. ii. says , concedit roderico ligio suo regi conautae , quamdiu ei fideliter serviet , ut sit rex sub eo , paratus ad servitium suum : salvo in omnibus jure & honore domini regis angliae , & suo . he grants to roderic his leige-man , king of connaught , that as long as he faithfully served him , he should be a king under him , ready for his service : saving in all things the right and honour of the lord the king of england , and his . as it appears by record , by the 7 th of king john , the king of connaught had two thirds duly taken from him , for not performing his service ; or else he never had more than a third of that kingdom granted ; for then he acknowledged that he held a 3 d part in the name of a barony , and for the other two thirds proffers the king , duos cantredos , cum nativis eorundem cantredorum , de praedictis duabus partibus , ad firmandum in eis , vel faciendum inde voluntatem suam . two cantreds , with the natives of those cantreds , to let 'em to farm , or to do with them what he pleased . thus i take it , his kingdom was as much dependent upon the crown of england , as any barony in ireland , or england , and as subject to forfeiture . and 't is probable , that this king was the head of the o conoghors of connaught , who are , 3 e. 2. admitted to be entituled to the english law. but tho the law of england was not current beyond the english pale , or those cantreds and divisions of irish , who continued under obedience to the english ; yet the crown of england has , from very antient times , not only laid claim to the lordship over the whole land of ireland , but their parliaments have recognized this right more than once . mr. m. if he had pleased , might have found , that acts of parliament made in ireland lay a much earlier foundation of the right of the crown of england to the land of ireland , even than our confessor's law does . a statute made in ireland , 1 eliz among sundry titles , which the antient chronicles in the latin , english and irish tongues , alledge for the kings of england to the land of ireland , derives one from gormond son of belin , king of great britain . this king our historians call gurgunstus , and is said to have reign'd in great britain 375 years before the christian aerd . grafton , agreeing with the irish statute , tells us , that in his return from denmark , he met with a fleet of spaniards , which were seeking for habitations , to whom the king granted the isle of ireland to inhabit , and to hold of him as their sovereign lord. the statute made in ireland , 13 c. 2. recognizing his title , has these words ; recognitions of this nature may seem unnecessary where your majesty's title to this your realm is so clear , as that it is avowed in sundry acts of parliament heretofore made within this kingdom , in the times of your majesty's royal progenitors of famous memory : and so antient , as it is deduced not only from the days of king h. 2. your majesty 's royal ancestor , but from times far more antient , as by sundry authentick evidences mentioned in the said acts , and records of this your majesty's kingdom , may evidently appear . since mr. molineux allows acts of parliament made in ireland , to have full authority ; i hope he will confess , that he has given a very imperfect and undue account how ireland became a kingdom annexed to the crown of england ; and thus , not here to observe that he need not have gone so far back to shew how it first became a kingdom , i think i have made it evident , that he has fail'd in his first undertaking . 2. 't will be as evident , that he is no less injurious to the right of the english nation , than unhappy in the comparison , where he maintains , that england may be said much more properly to be conquer'd by w. 1. than ireland by h. 2. tho in this he has the authority of sir john davis . i will agree , that the word conquest was in the times both of w. 1. and h. 2. of a very innocent signification ; for which he rightly cites sir henry spelman , and might have observed a much greater and antienter authority , in a record of the time of king john , referr'd to by a mr. petyt : wherein a younger brother , in a suit between him and his elder brother about title to land , pleads , that his father had it de conquestu suo , and gave it him ; according to the distinction in glanvil , who wrote in the time of h. 2. between b questus , the same with conquestus , and haereditas . 't is certain the word conquestus did not in that age imply any thing of that power , which a prince or state might acquire , by force or terror of arms , over another prince or state ; and therefore i shall make no use of his admission , that h. 2. took conquestor hiberniae into his stile , contrary to the authority of c mr. selden , cited in his margin , and to which i cannot but subscribe . in truth , tho d h. 2. was stiled lord of ireland , i am very well assured none can be found where he is stiled conquestor . yet girald , an author of that time , calls him , triumphator hiberniae , which is tantamount to conqueror . but since conquestor , when first used , signified no more than one who came to a right which he claimed not by hereditary descent ( according to which w. 1. acknowledged , that he was made or created king of the english by hereditary right , that is , as has elsewhere been shewn , and may be more at large , was duly let in to the inheritance of the crown ) however the word conquestor has been in following ages applied both to w. 1. and to h. 2. let 's consider a little , 1. whether the english nation ever submitted to w. 1. as a conqueror , in a sense of larger signification than 't was antiently used . 2. whether the irish nation submitted to h. 2. or to any other of our kings , more absolutely than the english did to w. 1. 1. mr. molineux agrees , that e. 3. was the first that us'd the aera of post conquestum ; which indeed was no more than to distinguish the edwards after the time of w. 1. from the three edwards which reign'd in england before that time : but no body that i know of , has yet pretended that w. 1. ever assumed the stile of conqueror ; and i dare say , no one author of that time , printed or in manuscript , ascribes it to him . i must own in some of his charters , he says , he gain'd the kingdom by the sword , having subdued harold and his accomplices : but besides that puffendorf's assertion is undeniable ; that after a prince is overcome in a just war , till the subjects consent , the state of war continues ; and there is no obligation nor faith , and so no dominion ; w. 1. did not come to civilize and subdue the people to laws , but to turn out , 1 st . an usurper upon the right of the people , upon whom he had imposed himself without any true election , notwithstanding what several antient authors have affirmed . and , 2 dly . an usurper upon the right which w. 1. had , by a full and a formal election , he having been elected successor in the life time of the confessor : which i may hereafter shew , with all the circumstances , but shall at present refer only to three authorities out of many . william of poictiers , an author who lived in the very time , informs us , that the confessor sent an embassy into normandy , suorum assensu , by the assent of his people ; to assure him of the succession . and ordericus vitalis has these words . edwardus nimirum propinquo suo w. d. n. primo per rodbertum cant. summum pontisicem , postea per eundem heraldum , integram anglici regni mandaverat concessionem : ipsumque , concedentibus anglis , fecerat totius juris sui haeredem . edward sent an embassy to william duke of normandy , first by robert archbishop of canterbury , afterwards by harold himself , acquainting him with the entire grant of the kingdom of england : and had made him heir of all his right , with the consent of the english . which shews in what sense ingulph , who was secretary to w. 1. is to be understood , when he says , eum sibi succedere in regnum voce stabili sancivit . that the confessor , with a stable voice ordained , or appointed him to succeed him in his kingdom . 't is not to be questioned , but ingulph who was an anglo-saxon , and well knew that a king could not dispose of the english crown , without the consent of the states of the realm ; would be understood by this , that the confessor's voice , or nomination , had a parliamentary sanction ; when one of the norman writers looks upon harold as a * mad-man , for not staying to see what a publick election should determine . that w. 1. came only to turn out an usurper , is not all : but having done this with a great force , the people of england would not receive him for king upon his victory , till they had treated and agreed with him in a † convention at berkhamstead ; where , as authors concur , foedus pepigit , he struck a league with them ; and was not only obliged to maintain the english laws , in virtue of a mutual contract : but part of the contract with the 𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁 prelats , and the nobility of the kingdom , was , that he should be crown'd as the manner of the english government requires . from those authors who give the heads of his oath , administred by aldred archbishop of york , 't is plain , that he was crown'd according to the standing ritual in use from the coronation of king ethelred , and continued to the reign of h. 1. without any material alteration : and authors , as well as the ritual , shew , that the people were solemnly ask'd , whether they would have him to reign over them ? to which they exprest their consent , in such terms as implied a * grant. but the coronation oath being only in general terms ; that king was obliged , once at least , if not oftner , to swear expresly , that they should enjoy the benefit of the confessor's laws ; that digest of so much of the common law of england , as was in his time thought necessary to be reduced to writing ; to which some additions were made by that king in parliament , for the benefit of the english . that there was nothing like this , in the submission of the people of ireland to h. 2. has appeard above ; and that he acted according to the import of his stile , of lord of ireland , in imposing laws , and a king upon ' em . and i would gladly know what irish laws and customs he swore to maintain ? tho , therefore , i am as avers to the common notions of conquest as this gentleman , especially to the supposition , that god , in giving one prince a conquest over another , thereby puts one in possession of the others dominions , and makes the other's subjects become his subjects , or his slaves , as they come in , upon conditions , or at the will of the conqueror : yet i must desire mr. m. to explain those acts of parliament made in ireland , which not only seem to import , that the crown and kingdom of england , had made an absolute acquisition of the land of ireland , but use that scurvy word , conquest . an act , 28 h. 8. recites , that the king's land of ireland , heretofore being inhabired , and in d●e obedience unto the king 's most noble progenitors , kings of england , who , in the right of the crown of england , had great possessions , rents , and profits within the same land ; had grown into great ruin and desolation , for that great dominions ▪ lands , and possessions , had by the king's grants , course of descents , and otherwise , come to noblemen of england , by whose negligence the wild irish got into possession ; the conquest , and winning whereof , in the beginning , not only cost the king 's noble progenitors , but also those to whom the lands belong'd , charges inestimable : and tho the king's english subjects had valiantly opposed the irish , yet upon their absenting themselves again out of ireland , the natives , from time to time , usurped and encroached upon the king's dominions ; and particularly that the earl of kildare , with his accomplices , endeavour'd to take the land of ireland out of the king's possession , and his heirs thereof for ever to disherit . for these , and divers other hurts and enormities , like to ensue to the commonweal of the island ; in respect of the inestimable charges which the king had sustained , and apparently had occasion to sustain for , and about the conquest , and recontinuance of the same , out of his enemies possession ; tho the king had right to all the lands and possessions there referr'd to , and tho he might justly insist upon the arrears of two parts of the land of those who had absented themselves , which might amount to more than the purchase of 'em ; it vests in the king and his heirs , as in the right of the crown of england , only the lands of some particular persons . the stature of the queen attainting shane oneile , speaks of populous , rich , and well-govern'd regions , wealthy subjects , beautiful cities , and towns , of which the imperial crown of england had , before that time , been conveniently furnished , within the realm of ireland ; which after being lost , had been recontinued to the queen 's quiet possession . but the rebel , shane oneile , refusing the name of a subject , and taking upon him , as it were , the office of a prince , had enterprized great stirs , insurrections , and horrible treasons , against her majesty , her crown , and dignity ; imagining to deprive her highness , her heirs and successors , from the real and actual possession of her kingdom of ireland , her true , just , and ancient inheritance to her , by sundry descents , and authentick strong titles , rightfully and lawfully devolved . and having mention'd a title from gurmond the son of belin , king of great britain , says , another title is , as the clerk giraldus cambrensis writeth at large , of the history of the conquest of ireland , by king h. 2. your famous progenitor . the title to the land then recognized , was abundantly strengthned and confirmed by irish parliaments in the time of j. 1. and since . in the act of recognition to j. 1. they tell him , of his having quench'd the most dangerous and universal rebellion , that ever was rais'd in that kingdom ; in the suppressing whereof , the unreform'd parts of the land , which being rul'd by irish lords and customs , had never before receiv'd the laws and civil government of england , were so broken and reduced to obedience , that all the inhabitants thereof did gladly submit themselves to his highness's ordinary laws and magistrates : which gave unto his majesty a more entire , absolute , and actual possession , than ever any of his progenitors had . all ireland being thus brought into subjection to the crown and laws of england ; k. james taking notice of laws which had been made * after the conquest of that realm by his progenitors kings of england , to keep up the distinction between the english and the natives of the irish blood ; that he had then taken 'em all into his protection , and that they lived under one law , as dutiful subjects of their sovereign lord and monarch , repeals those dividing laws . after this the irish parliament * granted c. 1. four subsidies , rightly considering the vast , and almost infinite expence of men , mony , victuals , and arms , sent out of england thither , by the king and his royal progenitors , for reducing that kingdom into the happy condition wherein it then stood . and sutably to the import of the word conquest , acts of parliament of that kingdom , in the reign of that king , shew that the titles to lands of the english plantation , or which they from time to time gain'd from the irish , were enjoy'd by grants from the crown : and for securing the estates to vndertakers , servitors , natives , and others , all the lands in several counties , commonly call'd plantation lands , were vested in the king , his heirs and successors , in right of the imperial crown of england and ireland . the stat. 14 & 15 c. 2. holds the irish rebels to be subdued and conquer'd enemies , and therefore vests all their lands in the crown of england , in order to make satisfaction to the protestant adventurers , for the reducing that kingdom to its due obedience , and to enable the crown to extend grace to such as should be held deserving of it ; reprisals being first made to the protestant proprietors . tho , therefore , i am far from admiring the lord coke's reasoning in calvin's case ; i may here subjoin part of mr. m's reflection upon him , and refer him to the irish acts of parliament to qualify his censure of the ld coke's restriction of the opinion in the year-book , 2 r. 2. that the irish are not bound by statutes made in england , because they have no knights of parliament here ; which , says the lord coke , is to be understood , unless they be specially named . to this assertion mr. molineux admits he gives colour of reason , by saying , that tho ireland be a distinct dominion from england , yet the title thereof being by conquest , the same by judgment of law , might by express words be bound by the parliaments of england . to confound the lord coke , i would fain know , says this gentleman , what the lord coke means by judgment of law : whether he means the law of nature and reason , or of nations , or the civil laws of our common-wealths ? for answer to which i need at present only ask him , what sort of law he takes the above-cited statutes of ireland to be ? and shall afterwards shew that they have all along submitted to such a conquest , or acquisition , as gives a right to the imposing of laws . 3. but since he is pleas'd to say , as scotland , tho the king's subjects , claims an exemption from all laws but what they assent to in parliament ; so we think this our right also : and going upon the supposition of ireland , being a kingdom as distinct from england as scotland , he frames an objection , that however they may be restrain'd by war from doing what may be to the prejudice of england , the stronger nation : if this may be , he asks , why does it not operate in the same manner between england and scotland , and consequently in like manner draw after it england's binding scotland by their laws at westminster ? as to scotland , not here to enter into the dispute between the lord coke and the rest of the judges , who resolv'd calvin's case , and the house of commons of that time ; nor yet , into the question concerning the scotch homage , whether 't was for the kingdom of scotland , or only for some lands which their kings held of the crown of england : 't is enough to observe , that during the heptarchy here we often had one king , who was rex primus , to whom the others were homagers , and obedient in the wars for common defence of the island ; yet each king had his distinct regalities , and the countrys their several laws and customs , and distinct legislatures for lands , and other rights and things within themselves . this 't was easy to conceive that scotland had ; and thus , both there and here , under the heptarchy , the several kingdoms , notwithstanding homage to one king who had the primacy , were under separate allegiances , as the respective subjects were not bound to the same laws ; tho the states of the kingdom did homage as well as the king. when the right to the crown of scotland came afterwards in j. 1. to be in the same person who had the crown of england , and that without any new acquisition by the crown or kingdom of england , there was a no merger of the less crown : and 't is certain that in the judgment of law , palatinates fallen to the crown continue distinct royalties . but if , for the keeping a kingdom distinct , whether in the person of the same king , or as an appendant to his imperial crown b , a distinct legislature is necessary as well as a distinct jurisdiction ; then wales , which in many of our statutes is call'd a dominion , was no distinct dominion , or principality ; if it at any time continued in the crown , without having parliaments of their own , or being represented here , by members of their own chusing ▪ but thus it was with wales from the 12 th c of e. 1. to the 34 th of h. 8. in right of e. 1 st's conquest , as sir john davis , or the judges in his time call the acquisition of that dominion ; and as 't is there ; e. 1. changed their laws and customs as he had express'd in his charter , or the statute of rutland which follows : divinâ providentiâ terram walliae cum incolis suis prius nobis jure feodali subjectam , in proprietatis nostrae dominium totaliter & cum integritate convertit , & coronae regni nostrae annexit . by the divine providence the land of wales , with its inhabitants , before subject to us by feudal right , we have turn'd wholly and entirely into the dominion of our propriety , and annexed it to the crown of our kingdom . and as to their laws and customs ; quasdam de consilio procerum regni nostri delevimus , quasdam permisimus , quasdam correximus , ac etiam quasdam alias adjiciendas & faciendas decrevimus . some , by the counsel of the peers of our kingdom , we have abrogated , some we have permitted , some we have corrected , and besides some others we have added and decreed to be put in execution . here is a title , understood at that time , of taking a forfeiture for rebellion against the lord of the fee ; and in consequence of this the king and his peers , in parliaments , took upon them to exercise a legislative power over wales . but notwithstanding that wales was thus united and annexed to the imperial crown of england , and absolutely subjected to its legislature , yet , as is held in davis's reports , this principality of wales , not being govern'd by the common law , was a dominion by it self , and had its proper laws and customs . that report shews wales , by reason of these different laws and customs , to be more distinct and separate from the kingdom of england , than ireland is ; and that a tenure of the prince of wales should not after its reduction under the subjection of england , become a tenure of the crown in chief , but that it should be so in relation to tenures of a county palatine in ireland , as well as england , because such a county in either land was originally a parcel of the realm , and derived from the crown , and was always govern'd by the law of england ; and the lands there were held by services and tenures , of which the common law takes notice , altho the lords have a separate jurisdiction , and seigniory separate from the crown . but that tenure in chief in ireland , as well as england , could be no other than of the crown of england , appears not only by the grants to the electors palatine , or lords marchers of ireland , but in that ireland was not raised into a kingdom till h. 8's time . the mention of palatinates may well occasion a comparison between the land of ireland , and the county palatine of chester , a distinct royalty in the principality of wales : that had its parliaments within it self , as 't is very probable , from before the time of w. 1. it being certain , that hugh lupus enjoyed that earldom by judgment of the lords , if not the great council in the time of w. 1. and their parliaments may be traced from within the time of h. 3. downwards to their first having representatives in parliaments of the kingdom , 34 h. 8. their provincial parliaments were chiefly , if not only , for the granting aids to the crown : but notwithstanding their being represented in parliaments at home , yet laws were made here in the superior parliament , for the governing the inhabitants of the county of chester . now , without considering whether cheshire was a colony from england , or from wales , or mix'd , or else a place exempt without regard to the being any colony ; i may well hold , that tho from before the time of w. 1. they had the privilege of being tax'd only by themselves , or with their own consent : yet their parliament was subordinate to the great council of the kingdom of england ; and 't was no violation of the right of their parliament , for the national council to give them laws for their better government , and to restrain 'em from acting to the prejudice of the crown and kingdom of england : neither was this any diminution to the prerogative of the crown . the instance of chester i may well bring to this point , being authorized by the learned judg shardlow in the time of e. 2. in an action of debt in the king's-bench here , upon a bond seal'd at chester , that learned judg says ; chester is out of our jurisdiction here , insomuch that there is not any minister in that county answerable here for what he has done . of a deed done out of the jurisdiction here , or out of the realm , as at paris , or elsewhere beyond sea , i ought not to answer . the counsel urges , that the power here extends throughout the realm of england , and to a deed done within the realm of england you ought to answer ; and chester is within england . but shardlow insists upon his former judgment , and adds , ireland is within the realm ; and to a deed committed there , i shall not answer here . also duresm is within england , yet i shall not answer at all here ; because the court cannot try the fact if denied . this shews plainly , that at that time ireland was as much part of this realm as chester ; that the distinction of jurisdictions was not for want of superiority . this has been maintain'd over * chester and ireland , by writs of error upon judgments in law. the reason of which is given by chief † justice vaughan , that otherwise they may insensibly alter the law appointed , or permitted , or give judgment to the lessening the superiority . mr. molineux will have it , th● ▪ * this removal of a judgment from the king's bench of ireland , by writ of error , into the king's bench of england , dos not infer the subordination of ireland to the kingdom of england ; but that this was a method appointed by an act of parliament of ireland , which is lost among a great number of other acts which they want for the space of 130 years at one time , and 120 a● another . 't is easily supposed by him , that they had parliaments of their own for the most of those times ; but others will believe that they were generally governed by the laws of england , according to the tenour of their submission to h. 2. and the interpretation then put upon that submission . but methinks the force of his argument , in relation to the ordinary jurisdictions the king's bench of england exercises over that of ireland , is not to be fear'd . he is pleased to say , erroneous judgments might have been removed from england into the king's court in ireland , for so certainly it must be since the court travelled with the king. for which i need only mind him of his own quotation of * sir pembrough's case : according to which , for the king to have required the attendance there of the tenants in chief , who were the judges in his court here , would have bin a banishment : but 't is certain this could be no part of their duty declared by the constitutions of clarendon , 10 h. 2. in affirmance of the antient customs of the realm of england , under that clause which requires 'em to be at the trials and judgments of the king's courts . besides , i shall shew , that the king's court in england ( which when not meant of the parliament , did manifestly in those antient times relate either to a counsel chosen in parliament , and acting out of it by authority from thence , or to the body of the tenants in chief , the great lords , for whose easing themselves of such troublesome attendances , the later jurisdiction of the present king's bench has sprung up ) was possess'd of the superiority of ordinary jurisdiction over ireland , before mr. m. can shew that they had any acts made in ireland of any kind , except that wherein they first gave themselves up to obey and depend on the english legislature ; and unless they can produce acts of their parliaments for raising aids to the crown of england . in * the 37 th of h. 3. one baret complain'd to the king of injustice done him by justices itinerant at limbrick . upon which the justices of ireland were commanded to send the record before the king. where the record was commanded hither , per saltum , without any regard to the king's bench of ireland . and another record in the same year before shardlow , and other justices at dublin , as i take it , of the common pleas there , was , by writ of error from hence , transmitted to the justice of ireland : without which it seems he was then held to have no authority to proceed in ireland . in the 20 th of e. 1. a writ of error had removed out of ireland a record of a judgment of felony : which , indeed , was remanded ; not for want of jurisdiction to correct the error of the judges in ireland : but , 1. because there was no notice to the king's attorney general for ireland : or at least , he did not attend . 2. because 't was a question of fact. quia nullus venit ex parte regis ad sequendum pro ipso , qui veritatem sciverit , ideo haec non potest ad examinationem ; set magis expedit domino regi , quòd in partibus hiberniae , ubi feloniae praed . perpetrari debent , examinentur , & modo debito terminentur . because no body who may know the truth , comes of the part of the king to prosecute for him : therefore this cannot proceed to examination : but 't is expedient for the king , that the said felonies should be examined , and duly determined in ireland , where the said felonies are suppos'd to have been committed . however mr. m. conceives it manifest , that the jurisdiction of the king's bench in england over a judgment in the king's bench of ireland , dos not proceed from any subordination of one kingdom to the other ; because the judges in england ought , and always do judg according to the laws and customs of ireland , and not according to the laws and customs of england , any otherwise than as these may be of force in ireland . but , 1. 't is evident that the judges neither will , nor can judg according to any law or custom of ireland , which is contrary to the rules of our law , or which has not been allowed there as no way prejudicial to the law here : according to his instance of a declaration for an acre of bog , a word not known in england ; but well enough understood in ireland . which i may answer with a parallel case lately adjudged in the exchequer of england . one having spoken scandalous welsh words in wales , or in a part of england where the welsh tongue is used , was libel'd against in the ecclesiastical court there : upon which the court of exchequer was moved for a prohibition , because the words were insensible , and of no signification : but no prohibition was granted , because they were understood where they were spoken . and thus 't is in relation to the particular instances of mannors , or inferiour courts . therefore , 2. by the same reason , that the judging according to the law used in ireland would imply , that there is no subordination , 't will follow that the inferior courts in england are not subordinate to the courts of westminster-hall : and i may add , neither is the king's bench of england subordinate to the house of lords . as to the question of their jurisdiction , occasioned , as mr. m's * margin has it , by the case of the bishop of derry , i need say little here , referring him to the judgment of the lords , and to that exercice of the judicial power , which i shall have an opportunity of shewing in the reign of e. 1. but as to his supposed clear argument against the subordination , from the lords doing nothing upon the petition of the prior of lanthony , who appeal'd to the parliament of england , from a refusal of the king's bench here to meddle with a judgment which had pass'd in the parliament of ireland : 't will admit of several answers ; 1. this came not before the lords by writ of error , or by appeal from the lords of ireland ; but was a complaint of the king's bench here . 2. this was after the charter which i shall afterwards shew , placing a judicial power to some purposes in their parliaments : but whether they exceeded that authority , 't was not for the king's bench to judg , but for that power from whence their charter was derived . 3. this petition seems either to have come too late , or to have been waved : for if it had fallen under consideration , 't is probable that some answer to it could have been endors'd , as was usual in former times . but that the ordinary jurisdiction both of the lords in parliament , and of the king's-bench here , is but an incident to the superiority of the crown of england , will be much clearer than any thing mr. m. has urged . and whatever mr. m. conceives , the annexation of ireland to the crown of england , will sufficiently manifest the subordination ; tho he , supposing that this was done by the irish statute , which annexes it as a kingdom , with others which declare it annex'd as a land or dominion of a lower character , conceives little more is effected by these statutes , than that ireland shall not be aliened or separated from the king of england , who cannot hereby dispose of it , otherwise than in legal succession along with england ; and that whoever is king of england , is ipso facto king of ireland . but if these statutes , bating the name of kingdom ( which the parliament of england afterwards gave them ) are only declaratory of the antient right of the crown of england ; then i may well hold , that there is not so much effected by these statutes , as he yields , it being only the operation of law. and if by operation of law a king of england , tho not succeeding by a strict right of descent , but by the choice or declaration of the states of this realm is ipso facto king or lord of ireland , i would gladly know how that kingdom or land , which he owns to be thus inseparably annex'd to the imperial crown of england , can be a compleat kingdom ? and since he is pleas'd to ask , whether multitudes of acts of parliament , both of england and ireland , have not declared ireland a compleat kingdom ? and whether 't is not stiled in them all , the kingdom or realm of ireland ? i would entreat the favour of him , to shew me one act of parliament of either kingdom , which says , or all circumstances consider'd implies , that ireland is a compleat kingdom : or that ever any parliament of their own held it to be advanced to the dignity of a kingdom , before 33 h. 8. tho , as they acknowledg , the kings of england had kingly power there long before . i must own , that as the name of king was in h. 8's time thought requisite to charm the wild irish into obedience ; so in queen a elizabeth's time , imperial crown was thought to make a conquering sound : but this was never ascribed to it by any parliament of england● nor , that i can find , even of ireland , before her reign or since . but the one imperial crown , upon which ireland has been , and still is , dependent , is the crown of england : sor this the statute of ireland , before that was made a kingdom , is express , having these words ; calling to our remembrance the great divisions which in time past have been , by reason of several titles pretended to the imperial crown of the realm of england , whereunto this your land of ireland is appending , and belonging . so another in the same year . forasmuch as this land of ireland is depending , and belonging , justly and rightfully to the imperial crown of england ; it enacts , that the king , his heirs and successors , kings of the realm of england , and lords of this said land of ireland , shall have and enjoy , annexed and united to the imperial crown of england , all honours , dignities , pre-eminencies and authorities , &c. belonging to the church of ireland . if mr. molineux observes duly , ireland has all these imperial rights declared in the irish statute , 33 h. 8. c ▪ 1. but i cannot find by what rule he insers this from an act of parliament , which is express , that the king of england shall have the name , stile , title and honour of king of ireland , with all manner of preheminencies , &c. as united and knit to the imperial crown of the realm of england . indeed it shews , that under the name of lord , the king had the same authority ; but the name of king was thought likely to be more prevalent with the irish men , and inhabitants within that realm . the statute , 11 jac. 1. declares him king of england , scotland , france , and ireland , by god's goodness , and right of descent under one imperial crown . and the statute , 10 c. 1. calls this the imperial crown of england and ireland : and indeed mr. molineux would do well to shew that ever any of our kings took any coronation oath for ireland , otherwise than as kings of england . and yet i know not what he may do when his hand 's in ; since he has the art to transubstantiate their recital of an act of parliament in england , which declares that popes had usurped an authority in derogation of the right of the imperial crown of the realm of england ; recognizing no superiour under god but only the king , and being free from subjection to any man's laws , but only such as have been devised , made and ordain'd within the realm of england ; or to such other as , by sufferance of the king and his progenitors , the people of the realm of england had taken at their free liberty , by their own consent , to be used among them , and have bound themselves by long custom to the observance of the same ; to infer that 't is thus with ireland , because the enacting part of that statute which has this recital is promulged for a law in ireland , is to suppose ireland to be turned into england ; and that the commissioners , who are by virtue of that act and the great seal , to exercise that ecclesiastical jurisdiction which the statute in england placed in the see of canterbury , are become english archbishops . and with the like way of reasoning he would infer , that acts of recognition in england are of no force in ireland , till the irish have recognized the same king ; and yet confesses , that whoever is king of england is ipso facto king of ireland , and the subjects are obliged to obey him as their leige lord : that they in ireland are so annexed to england , that the kings and queens of england are by undoubted right ipso facto kings and queens of ireland . to use mr. m's own expression , i am sure there 's an end of all speech , if he does not confess , that a prince rightfully possest of the english throne , is thereby king of ireland , before any recognition made by a parliament there : and yet not withstanding this generous concession , he immediately subjoins ; and from hence we may reasonably conclude , that if any acts of parliament made in england should be of force in ireland , before they are receiv'd there in parliament , they should be more especially such acts as relate to the succession and settlement of the crown , and recognition of the king's title thereto , and the power and jurisdiction of the king. and yet we find in the irish statutes , 28 h. 8. c. 2. an act for the succession of the king , and queen ann. and another , c. 5. declaring the king to be supreme head of the church of ireland . both which acts had formerly pass'd in the parliament of england . so likewise we find amongst the irish statutes , acts of recognition of the king's title to ireland in the reigns of h. 8. queen elizabeth , king charles 2. k. william and q. mary : by which it appears , that ireland , tho annexed to the crown of england , has always been look'd upon to be a kingdom compleat within it self , and to have all jurisdiction to an absolute kingdom , belonging , and subordinate to no legislative authority on earth . tho 't is to be noted , those english acts relating to the succession and recognition of the king's title , do particularly name ireland . before i enter into the enquiry how this can be made consistent with a kingship ipso facto before the recognition in ireland ; 't will be requisite to inform him , that we have had settlements of the crown by acts of parliament here , which never were formally received by any parliament in ireland ; and yet such act of parliament here has ever been held to bind ireland , tho 't was not expresly named ; and that tho the settlement has carried the crown from the elder branch of the royal family : for instance , 7 h. 4. at the request of the lords and commons in parliament , 't was enacted , that the inheritance of the crown and of the realms of england and france , and of all other the king's seigniories or lordships beyond sea , with the appurtenances , be put and remain in the person of the said king , and the heirs of his body issuing ; and 't was ordain'd , established , pronounced , expressed , and declared , that prince henry , the king 's eldest son , be heir apparent , to succeed him in the said crown , realms , and seigniories ; to have them with all their appurtenances , after the king's decease to the prince and the heirs of his body ; with remainders over , to the king 's 2 d and 3 d sons , and the heirs of their respective bodies successively . and according to this form 1 h. 7. 't was ordain'd , established , and enacted , by authority of parliament , that the inheritances of the crowns of the realms of england and france , with all the preheminence and dignity royal to the same appertaining , and all other seigniories belonging to the king beyond sea , with the appurtenances in any manner due to them , or appertaining , do stand and remain in the most noble person of their said sovereign lord h. 7. and the heirs of his body lawfully issuing for ever , with the grace of god to endure , and in no other persons . not to trouble mr. m. with an enquiry , whether these , or any other acts of parliament in england of former reigns , united ireland to england , otherwise than as they declared their intention for that seigniory , or dominion , to go along with the government of england ; or what act of parliament in ireland , since the first submission to h. 2. created an annexation of the land of ireland to the crown of england ; i must entreat him to explain , how it should come to pass , that the king of england , ipso facto , by his being made king here , is king of ireland ; and yet that those acts of parliament here , by which the king is declared king , without and against a strict courst of descent , are of no force till the king is recognized by act of parliament in ireland ? if a king of england , as such , is ipso facto king of ireland , is he not so before any act of recognition there ? and if so , what can that , or other acts repeating the laws made in england , signify more , than a full publication of what was the law before ? if the election , or declaration of a king , by a parliament in england , gives a law in this matter to ireland ; and such a king is to be obey'd by virtue of that law , ipso facto , before he is received and acknowledged by a parliament in ireland ; do their subsequent recognitions in the least infer that ireland is a compleat kingdom ? is it any better than a contradiction to hold , that a king of england , as created or declared in a parliament of england , is thereby , or at the same instant , king of ireland ; and yet that ireland is a kingdom so compleat in it self , that he is no king till the act of parliament creating or declaring him king , is confirm'd by a parliament in ireland ? or take it the other way ; no act of parliament in england is of any force till confirmed in ireland ; and yet a king declared by a parliament of england , tho he was not king before such declaration , is thereby , or ipso facto , king of ireland : that is , an act of parliament of england is not of force in ireland till confirm'd there ; and yet 't is of force ipso facto by the being enacted here . does it not therefore follow , that such an annexation of ireland to the crown of england , as makes the king of england , ipso facto king of ireland , destroys the supposition that their parliaments have authority to confirm or reject laws made by the legislature in england ? or otherwise , that the supposition of such an authority in the parliament of ireland , destroys that annexation which mr. m. himself yields ? further yet 't will appear , that , even after a parliament of ireland had , as far as it could , annex'd that land , as a kingdom , to the imperial crown of england ; an annexation here was requisite , for the ratifying what had been done in ireland . therefore , 34 and 35 h. 8. an act was made by the parliament of england , for ratification of the king's majesty's stile ; by the king , with the assent of the lords spiritual , and temporal , and the commons in that parliament assembled , and by the authority of the same , enacting that all and singular his grace's subjects , and resiants , of or within this his realm of england , ireland , and elsewhere , with other his majesty's dominions , from thenceforth accept and take the king's stile , in manner and form following . h. 8. by the grace of god , king of england , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , and of the church of england , and also of ireland , in earth the supream head. and 't is enacted , that the said stile shall be from thenceforth , by the authority aforesaid , united , and annexed , to the imperial crown of his highness's realm of england . this related to all ecclesiastical power , as well as civil , in ireland , as well as england : in pursuance of this the statute 1 eliz. for the extinguishing all usurped , and foreign power , and authority , spiritual and temporal , which had been used within this realm , or any other her majesty's dominions , or countries , enacts , that no foreign prince , or prelat , shall enjoy any power , jurisdiction , superiority , authority , or privilege , spiritual , or ecclesiastical , within this realm , or within any other her majesty's dominions , or countries ; but that such power , &c. shall be abolished out of this realm , and all other her highness's dominions : and that all power of visiting and correcting for heresies & schism , &c. shall for ever , by authority of that parliament , be united and annexed to the imperial crown of this realm : ecclesiastics were to swear that they would maintain all such jurisdiction , privileges , preeminence and authority , as granted or belonging to the queen's highness , her heirs and successors , or united to the imperial crown of the realm . and the queen is impowred to issue out commissions for the executing that act. this statute bound ireland , by plain intention , as that 34 and 35 h. 8. did in express words . but mr. m. will have it a mighty argument , that this was of no force in ireland , till received by a parliament there : because after it had bin repealed in england by one act , and another since the revolution has declared such commissions to be illegal ; yet the chancellor , and others in ireland , have held it to be still in force there . but , 1. he ought to have shewn that the statute here , repealing so much of the statute of the queen , as plainly exprest an intention , that no such commission should be granted in ireland , as the statute of the queen did , that ireland should be subject to the same ecclesiastical authority , and in the same manner that england was : nor is it to any purpose for him to cite the declarations in the late statute of the illegality of such commissions ; unless that act had damn'd such commissions , not only as being contrary to the act of repeal , but not to be warranted by the statute of the queen : but then this would have condemned the resolution which he cites , of the authority of such commissions still in ireland . 2. admit mr. m. should prove , that the statute made in england , taking away the authority of such ecclesiastical commissions here , as plainly intended to reach ireland , 't will afterwards appear , that unless mr. m. shew , that this act had been transmitted to ireland , under the great seal of england ; the supposition that such commissions may still be legally executed in ireland , will not in the least derogate from the authority of the parliament of england . 3 dly , but how contrary his supposal of an independent authority in the parliament of ireland , is not only to the laws of reasoning , but the authorities of all times , from h. 2. downwards , has already appeared in some measure ; and may farther by some authorities out of many , which will manifest , that the rights of the crown of england to impose laws upon ireland , by virtue of prior submissions and consent , is so far from being departed from , that 't is strengthned and confirmed , by long exercice and submission to it . mr. m. considering the state of the statute ▪ laws of england , under h. 2. king john , and h. 3. agrees , that by the irish voluntary submission to , and acceptance of the laws of england , we must repute them to have submitted themselves to these likewise , till a regular legislature was established among them , in pursuance of that voluntary submission , and voluntary acceptance . yet he soon forgets this concession , and would have it , that the men of ireland were not bound by new laws , but that the grants of liberties from edward the confessor's time , down to h. 3. were only declaratory laws , and confirmations one of another ; and that thus ireland came to be govern'd by one and the same common law with england . i must confess i could not but smile at his marginal note upon the proceedings of the parliament at oxford in the reign of h. 2. by this ireland made an absolute separate kingdom : and in the body of his book he says , we shall observe that by this donation of the kingdom of ireland to king john , ireland was most eminently set apart again as a separate and distinct kingdom by it self , from the kingdom of england ; and did so continue until the kingdom of england descended and came unto king john. but to help him to understand this matter , i shall mind him of another passage in hen. ii's reign . as he placed his son john in ireland , he , to secure the succession of the imperial crown of england to his eldest son henry , caused him , in a * parliament , to be chosen and made king of england , while henry the father was alive . now , did the father by this , separate england from his own jurisdiction ? no , certainly ; and indeed , in the oath to the son , and the homage perform'd , both at the coronation and afterwards , by the king of scots , there was a particular saving of the allegiance and homage due to the father . thus both hoveden and bromton shew that 't was , in relation to the constituting john king of ireland , as they call him : they are express , that they to whom the lands of ireland were distributed , in that very parliament which gave john his office and authority , were sworn to the father and the son. and mr. m. might have observ'd , that a charter pass'd in that parliament , and cited by sir john davis , grants to hugh de lacy large territories in the county of methe , to hold of h. 2. and his heirs . whereas if ireland had been given , as mr. m. will have it , to john , and that thereby 't was made an absolute kingdom , separate and wholly independent on england ; the tenure must have been of john and his heirs . * the oath of allegiance , which in those days used to have no mention of heirs , was to h. 2. as king of england , and went along with the crown ; but the tenure reserved , was expresly to the heirs of h. 2. which must relate to the legal successors to the crown of england ; since as king he could have no other heir . but as this may manifest , that the parliament which made john king of ireland , design'd him no more than a subordinate and vicarious authority ; 't is plain he himself did not think he had more : in the seal which he used , he stiled himself son * of the king , lord , or who is lord , of ireland . nor is there the least footstep of any coronation oath taken by john as king of ireland ; or that he ever wore an irish crown . notwithstanding that share in the government of ireland which john had in his father's life-time ; ireland upon the father's death fell to r. 1. and the archbishop of dublin was assisting at his first coronation , before he went to the holy war : nor did john ever pretend to be king of ireland , while r. 1. lived , more than of england ; which having attempted , while his brother was in foreign parts far remote ; upon his brother's return , he was , by * parliament , deprived of all his honours , and fortune : and thus , at least , he lost his suppos'd royalty of ireland , if it did not expire upon the death of h. 2. and this shews how rightly polidore judged , in calling him b regulus , or viceroy . i will therefore admit mr. m's supposal , that r. 1. c had not died without issue , but his progeny had sat on the throne of england , in a continued succession to this day ; but cannot admit the other part of his supposal , that the same had been in relation to the throne of ireland ; since john never had such throne , either before he was king of england , nor after : and therefore i may well conclude , that the subordination of ireland to the parliament , or even to the king of england , need not arise from any thing that followed after the descent of england to king john. nor indeed was john king , either of england or ireland , by descent ; but that election of the states of the kingdom of england , which made him their king , preferring him before arthur an elder brother's son , drew after it the lordship of ireland , as an appendant to the crown of england : and however , if h. 2. had not sufficiently brought the irish under the english laws , john did after he came to be king of england . in the 9 th of his reign , he a imposed laws upon them in a parliament of england ; not indeed without the desire and counsel of such english lords who had lands in ireland ; but then their consent would have been involved in the consent of the majority here , tho those lords should have expresly dissented : but the authority was derived from the consent of the king 's faithful people , which is mentioned as distinct from the desire or petition , which occasioned the law then made in a parliament of england ; for the expelling thieves and robbers out of the king's land of ireland . for the effectual execution of this act of parliament , king john's expedition seems to have been undertaken the next year , when he b entirely subdu'd his enemies ; and c confiscated the estates of some of the english great men in ireland : which confiscation seems to have been after his return to england ; but before that , or at some other time in his reign , he made a law in ireland , which he commanded to be observed there , that * all the laws and customs which are in force in england , should be in force in ireland ; and that land be subject to the same laws , and be govern'd by them . this was before any pretence to their having any charter for a parliament , other than the supposed sending over the modus tenendi parl. by h. 2. and is before the time that mr. m. † takes a regular legislature to have been established among them : therefore according to himself , we must repute them to have submitted , not only to such laws as had before that time been made in parliaments of england , but such as should be made , till they of ireland should have the establishment of a regular legislature . however mr. m. will have it , that john gave laws to ireland , * not as king of england , but as lord of ireland ; and forms a pretty sort of an argument from the stile of lord of ireland : as if this were an argument , that 't is not dependent upon the crown of england ; so excellent a faculty has he of making contraries serve his purpose . but 't is very unlucky , that john's retaining this stile is not only an argument that ireland is a dominion , or land , appendant to the crown of england ; but that john was never king † of ireland , which he would certainly have kept up as a distinct interest , if he ever had such a title separate from the crown of england . h. 3. being made k. of england by the like choice of the states , which preferr'd him before arthur's sister , as they did john before the brother ; in concurrence with these states , truly acted as lord of ireland , as might be shewn by numerous instances . in the 18 th of his reign , upon matters signified to him out of ireland , he summoned the archbishops , bishops , earls , barons , and all the great men , or nobility of the kingdom of england , to 𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁 a parliament at london , to treat about the state of his kingdom , and of his land of ireland . and in the 21 † of his reign , he sends a writ to the archbishops and others * of ireland , acquainting them that by the common consent of the archbishops , bishops , abbots , earls , and barons of the kingdom of england , alterations of the law of england were enacted , as to the limitations of several writs ; which were then required to be observed in ireland , in pursuance of the statute of merton . in † the 37 th of his reign , an irish man having pleaded , that he and his brother , and their ancestors , had always bin faithful to the kings of england , his predecessors , and served them in the conquest of the irish ; they are , by peculiar licence under the great seal of england , admitted to enjoy by descent , as englishmen . which was an alteration of the a law , and custom of ireland , as to those particular persons , without any act of parliament there . indeed , but four years after 't is b recorded , that 't was c long before , and d many ages past ; which must reach beyond the expedition of h. 2. provided and yielded , by the assent and desire of the prelats , and great men of the land of ireland , that they should be bound by the laws us'd in the kingdom of england : yet the same record restrains this to the consent of only the c english of the land of ireland . however 't is beyond dispute that the english laws , both made and to be made in england , were then held to reach as far as the english interest in the land of ireland : and this , according to the record 18 h. 2. above referr'd to , was provided de communi consilio regis , by the king 's common council : tho by what council , it must have been provided , will more fully appear afterwards , i may here explain it by an instance in that reign . all must agree , that the provisions of oxford , in the 43 d of h. 3. and referr'd to in the records of the next year , were made in as true a parliament as any in that reign before the 49 th : 't is call'd a g parliament by good authors , and the word is used in the records of the next a year , in relation to a meeting on the borders of wales . the b ordinances and provisions made at oxford , were drawn up by 12 chosen by the king , and 12 by the commons ; concerning which the record has these words , anno ab incarnat . domini 1259. regni autem h. regis fil . regis j. 43. in quindena st. mic. conven . ips . domino rege & magnatibus suis , de communi consilio & consensu dictor . regis & magnatum , factae sunt provisiones per ipsos regem & magnates . in the year from the incarnation of our lord 1259. but of the reign of k. henry , son of k. john , the 43d , the said king and his great men , being assembled in the quinzism of st. michael , provisions were made by the common council , and consent of the said king , and great men . and yet some of the entries in the same roll , mentioning provisions then made , are , c per magnates nostros qui sunt de consilio nostro , by our great men of our council . others , d per magnates de consilio meo , by the great men of our council . as if 't was by the sole authority of the king , and such noble men as were of his privy or private council ; whe● those provisions were certainly made in full parliament : and this was the council from whence ireland then receiv'd its laws . however from a charter in the first of that king's reign , mr. m. would infer , that the english there had their independent parliaments then established , or confirmed , tho he afterwards admits , that during that king's reign they might have been bound by laws made here for want of a a regular legislature establish'd amongst them . the b charter , or rather writ with which a charter was sent , runs thus . rex ▪ archiepisc . episc . abbatibus , comitibus , baronibus , militibus & omnibus fidelibus suis per hiberniam constitutis salutem . fidelitatemvestram in domino commendantes , quam domino patri nostro semper exhibuistis , & nobis estis diebus nostris exhibituri ; volumus quòd in signum fideli●a●is vestraetam praeclarae , tam insignis , libertatibus regno nostro angliae à patre nostro & nobis concessis , de gratiâ nostrâ & dono , in regno hiberniae gaudeatis ; quas distinctè in scriptum reductas , de'communi consilio omnium fidel . nostrorum vobis mittimus , signatas sigillis domini nostri g. apostolicae sedis legati , & fidelis nostri comitis mareschalli , rector is nostri & regni nostri ; quia sigillum nondum habuimus , easdem processu temporis de majori consilio proprio sigillo signatur . teste apud glost . 6. feb. the king to the archbishops , bishops earls , barons , kts. and all our faithful subjects constituted throughout ireland , health . commending your fidelity in the lord which you always shewed to your lord our father , and are about to shew to 〈◊〉 in our days ; we will that in sign of your fidelity ●o remarkable , so eminent you enjoy in our kingdom of ireland , the lib●rties granted to our kingdom of england ▪ by our father & us ; which , distinctly reduced into writing , we send you , by the common counsel of all our faithful people : sealed with the seals of the lord g. legate of the apostolick see , & of our faithful subject w. earl marshal regent of us and our kingdom ; because we have not yet a seal , intending in process of time by consent of a greater counsel to seal them with our own seal . teste at gloster , 6. feb. how specious soever this may seem , 't will neither prove ireland to have been a kingdom so early , nor to have had a grant of the english liberties , in the same manner as the english enjoyed them ; that is , so as to have no law imposed upon them without their express and immediate consent , to that very law. for , 1. 't is not to be suppos'd , but that if ireland had been a kingdom before this charter , h. 2. and other kings of england would have stiled themselves kings of ireland , rather than lords , because of the greater dignity of kingship ; unless lord was chosen as implying more absolute power ; which would argue that ireland did not enjoy the english laws with equal freedom . 2. this writ mentions no liberties granted to ireland , but what had been a granted to england ; which besides the improbability that ireland should 1 h. 3. have a charter of the b same form with that which did not pass in england till 8 years after , shews the spuriousness of the suppos'd charter preserved in the c red book of the exchequer at dublin , as dated the november before the charter sent the 6th . of february : and however , the constant d method of sending laws from hence to be applyed to the use of the irish , without any alteration ; may sufficiently detect that charter , which has the city of dublin instead of london . 3. the method of sending to ireland the laws made here , besides what appears upon the face of the record 6. feb ; may satisfie any body that 't was only a writ which went along with a charter or charters of laws , passed in parliament here . 4. this writ was before any confirmation of the english liberties by h. 3. other than general at his coronation ; and therefore bating such confirmation , the charter of liberties then sent into ireland , must have been john's which ( if it be read according to the due distinction of periods , and that translation which the course of records both before and after enforces , and which the prevalence of truth has obliged dr. brady to yeild , to the giving up his whole controversie with mr. petyt , and the author of jani anglorum facies nova ) makes express provision for the city of london , all cities , burroughs , and vills of the kingdom of england , to enjoy all their liberties and free-customs , and , among the rest , to be of , or to be represented in , the common council of the kingdom . but ireland had no city of london to claim this privilege ; nor could any city of ireland be included , any otherwise than as part of the kingdom of england , and therefore subject to the laws which should be made here . 2. this could not be as extensive to ireland as 't was to england ; since it could not have extended beyond the english pale there , and such particular districts as enjoy'd the english laws , of special favour . therefore the charter then sent by h. 3. could , as to this matter , be no more than a memorial of that supreme law , according to which , england , with all the dominions belonging to it , was to be governed , and an assurance that they should have no laws imposed upon them , in any other manner , than upon such of the english here , as had no votes in the making laws . but one end at least of the sending over that charter must needs have been , suitable to the declared end of a subsequent sending king john's charter , when the justice of ireland was required to summon , not only the great men , but the free-holders of every county , who after the laws had been read to them , were to swear to the observance of them ; beside which they were to be proclaim'd in the several counties . 5. admit the charter sent to ireland 1. h. 3. had given the irish liberty to hold parliaments , with representatives from all parts of that land , according to the english form ; this liberty was derived from a convention of the states of the kingdom of england , or parliament , in the minority of a king , who had no judgment of his own ; was under the government of a subject whom the states had set over him and the kingdom ; and that king was manifestly chosen by them , to the setting aside eleanor , who had the right of descent as far as that could avail : so that , the king could have no pretence to the imaginary divine right of succession ; and therefore that charter must have been derived from the grant of the people of england . and besides , the record shews that this , tho' sent by the advice of all the king 's faithful people , was thought to want some formality to make it a parliament : the assembly in which it was advised , being held by a regent , may be thought to have occasioned the reference to a greater a or more solemn council : however , such reference shews , that 't was not their intention to be concluded by what was then done ; and when a charter is b afterwards sent over in full form ; then there 's not a word of concession , but an absolute command , that the laws be publish'd and obey'd . however , take the charter sent them 1. h. 3. in the utmost extent imaginable , 't is not to be thought , that while the english parliament gave those of the english pale , or others in ireland , liberty to hold parliaments , they divested themselves of that authority by which they gave such liberty . to use the words of the great man grotius , se , per modum legis , id est , per modum superioris ▪ obgare nemo potest . et hinc est , quod legum auctores habent jus leges suas mutandi . potest tamen quis obligari suâ lege , non directè s●d per reflectionem ex aequitate naturali , quae partes vult componi ad rationem integri . no man can bind himself by way of law , that is as a sup●rior . and hence ●tis , that law-makers have right to change their laws . yet one may be bound by his own law , not directly , but by reflexion from natural equ●ty , which requires the parts to be compos'd with respect to the whole . 6. admit the charter sent 1. h. 3. being by consent of the states of the kingdom of england , should be taken for an absolute departure from power before vested in them ; then it ought to be taken stricti●juris , and to confer no rright beyond what is express'd : and therefore , 1. the men of ireland had a grant only of such liberties as were sent them a distinctly reduced into writing : and unless the usual practice of sending over the laws made here be taken to explain this , or they shew the very charter then sent ; 't is to be supposed , that only such liberties were expressed and granted them , as were proper for an appendage to the crown of england . 2. if all king john's charter were sent them , ( which i may well admit , according to the explanation of the following usage ; ) unless they can prove , as we can here , that before that time they had common councils of all the land of ireland , for all matters of publick concern , and that the maxim here had obtain'd there ; those things which concern all , ought to be treated of by all ; the only end of common councils of the kingdom of england , expressed in king john's charter , being in relation to the principal grievance about the raising of aids to the crown ; the grants to ireland could extend no further , than a liberty to have such a council for the raising aids . and there 's no doubt , but more money may be rais'd by such national consent , than can be in the most arbitrary way : which abates the force of the argument , from h. 3. his desiring the archbishops , bishops , abbots , priors , earls , barons , knights , freemen , cities , and burroughs of the land of ireland , to aid him as much as they could , with men and money . and hence , tho' 't would have been no breach of john's charter , for the king to raise aids of his tenents in chief , for making his eldest son a knight , without calling for them to any council ; that being one of the exceptions out of the liberties expressed in that charter ; yet h. 3. writ to the archbishops , bishops , abbots , priors , earls , barons , knights , and all his freemen of the land of ireland , intreating them to give him such an aid . 6. after all , to shew how little there is in his mighty argument from the writ 1. h. 3. let him take his choice , either that the english in ireland had a parliament , granted , or confirmed to them by the charter sent along with the writ 1. h. 3. or they had not . if they had , then those laws which were made here after such establishment , in pursuance of the desire of them from ireland , shew that neither the parliaments of england , nor they of ireland thought they had any power to make laws there . if there was no grant or confirmation of any parliament there , then the concession of english laws and liberties , was no more than a declaration , that they should be governed by the laws made , and to be made by parliament in england , or receiv'd there by the consent of the people , giving force and authority to their own approved customs . but since after all mr. m.'s learned flourishes about the setling of parliaments in ireland , by the modus sent over in the time of h. 2. and subsequent grants ; he admits that under the 3 kings , h. 2. king john , and h. 3. and their predecessors , we must repute them to have submitted to the laws made here in those reigns , for want of a regular legislature establish'd among them ; and since , whatever he admits , there 's no colour of such an establishment by the end of h. 3. let 's see what can be found in the next reign . e. 1. having in his absence from england upon the death of h. 3. his father , been elected and declared king of england , in a full convention of the states of this kingdom ; in a a writ sent by those states to ireland , 't is affirm'd , that the government of england , and the dominion or lordship of the land of ireland , belonged to him by hereditary succession ; not that he was held to be king by a meer right of descent , but as the b ritual of the coronation of h. 1. and the writ for proclaiming the peace of e. 1. in england , and authors of the time shew , the election of the states of england placed him in the c inheritance of the crown : therefore the states of england declare to the subjects of ireland , that they were bound to take the like oath of allegiance as the english had done ; and this is required of them by the states here , under the great seal of england : nor is there colour to believe , that there was any summons to ireland for any from thence to come to that con●ention ; nor indeed , was there time for such summons and return , before that meeting ; notwithstanding mr. m's assertion of this reign in particular , a that the laws made in england and binding them , were always enacted by their proper representatives ; meaning , representatives chosen in ireland : the reason for which he there brings from supposed instances in the reign of e. 3. seeming not to rely upon his quotation from the white book of the exchequer in dublin but the page before , which 9 e. 1. mentions b statutes made by the king at lincoln , and others at york , with the assent of the prelates , earls , barons , and commonalty of his kingdom of ireland . which , if it implyed the presence of the commonalty of ireland , would be an argument , that all their rights were concluded by the tenants in chief , who had lands in ireland , but were members of the english parliament by reason of their interest here : but in truth , this shews no more than that , at the request of those of ireland , the parliament of england had enacted those laws ; and the record in their white book is only a record of the transmission from hence ; and proves that , suitably to the practice both before and after that time , they in ireland had no parliaments for enacting laws , but were forc'd to petition to have them enacted here ; and what was enacted upon their petition was truly with their assent . but then the question will be , whether in the laws made in that king's reign with intention to bind ireland , their consent is generally expressed , or implyed , any otherwise than from the nature of their former submission to be govern'd by the english laws . but if our acts of parliament , and records concerning them , are clear in any thing , they certainly are in this , that the parliament of england then had , and exercis'd , an undoubted right of binding ireland , without their immediate consent by any representatives chosen there : mr. m. indeed , ( tho' as i have before observ'd , he admits that ireland was bound by acts of parliament here , till the end of the reign of h. 3. for a want of a regular legislature among themselves ; yet , suitably to his usual inconsistencies , upon the enquiry , where , a and how , the statute laws and acts of parliament made in england since the 9 th . of h. 3. came to be of force in ireland ) will have it , that none of them made here , without representatives chosen in ireland , were binding there , b till receiv'd by a suppos'd parliament 13 e. 2. yet it falls out unluckily , that they have statutes in print 3 e. 2. which speak not a word of confirming the laws before that time made in england ; and yet no man will question , but statute laws of england made in the reign of e. 1. were a rule which the judges in ireland went by , before the time of e. 2. and that all judgments given in ireland contrary to any law transmitted thither , under the great seal of england , must , upon writs of error , have been set aside here as erroneous . but let 's see whether our parliaments in the time of e. 1. had such a defference to the irish legislature , or that the english in ireland then made any such pretensions as mr. m. advances . if we credit judge bolton , our statute westm . 1st . which was 3 e. 1. was first confirm'd in ireland 13 e. 2. and till then , according to mr. m.'s inferences from their receiving or publishing laws made here , that statute was of no force in ireland , being d introductory of a new law in several particulars ; as among other things , in subjecting franchises to be seized into the king's hands for default of pursuing felons , and in enacting , not only the imprisoning and fining malefactors in parks , and vivaries , but forcing them to abjure the realm , if they could not find sureties for their good behaviour . this act does not name ireland , but the king ordain'd and establish'd it by his council , and by the assent of the archbishops , bishops , abbots , priors , earls , barons , and all the commonalty of the realm thither summoned ; for the mending the estate of the realm , for the common profit of the holy church of the realm ; and as profitable and convenient for the whole realm . however that ireland , as part of the realm , was bound by this law , and by other laws made 11 , 12 , and 13 e. 1. without any regard to parliamentary confirmations in ireland ; and that for enforcing obedience to those laws , 't was enough to send them thither by some proper messenger , under the great seal of england , if not without , appears by the proceedings of the parliament at winchester , holden the oct. after the parliament of westim . 2. a mem. quod , &c. mem. that on friday in the feast of the exaltation of the holy cross , in the 13 th . year of the king , at winchester there were deliver'd to roger br●ton , clerk to the venerable father william , bishop of waterford , then justice of ireland , certain statutes , made and provided by the king , and his council , viz. the statutes of westminster , made soon after the king's coronation , and the statutes of gloster , and those made for merchants , and the statute of westm ▪ provided and made in the king's parliament at easter ; to be carried to ireland , and there to be proclaimed and observed . it appears that among the statutes delivered to the chief justices clerk , in order to their being published and observed in ireland , one was the statute concerning merchants 12. e. 1. for the enforcing and improving a statute made at acton burnel 11. of that king ; that of acton burnel provides a remedy for debts to merchants , to be had by calling the debtor before the mayor of london , york , or bristol , or before the mayor , and a clerk to be appointed by the king : which , as it seems , 't was intended that the king should have power to appoint , in other cities or towns within his kingdom : accordingly , the statute 12. e. 1. says , the king had commanded it to be firmly kept a throughout his realm : and that parliament 12. for declaring or explaining some of the articles of the former statute , names the mayor of london , or the chief governour of that city , or b of other good town : this statute expresly ordains and establishes , that it be thenceforth held throughout the king's c realm of england , and of ireland : and it enacts the form of a writ upon that statute ; which was to be current in ireland upon several accounts . 1. by the letter of that law , which was ordain'd for the benefit of merchants in ireland , as well as in england . 2. if it had not been named , the being transmitted to ireland from a parliament here , was a sufficient ground for their observing it . 3. such observance was included in the terms of their submission , above one hundred years before . 4. the writ , without any particular provision , became a legal and current writ in ireland , by virtue of an act of parliament here , 30 h. 3. which , a for the common profit of the land of ireland , and unity of the king's lands , provided , that the common law writs should have the same currency in ireland , that they have here . without enquiring what records they have in ireland , of statutes staple from the 13 th of e. 1. when this statute which settled them was sent thither ; 't is certain , that from that time the english in ireland were bound by it , and so held to be in b subsequent statutes of this realm , confirming this statute , or supplying its defects . but what pity 't is , that neither judge bolton , nor mr. m. thought of an act of parliament in ireland to confirm that statute 12 e. 1. this was enacted in the year 1284. which was above 350 years before that fatal aera of innovations 1641 ; from whence it seems calamities of all kinds are to be dated . but , i should think , here is at least one positive precedent before that time , of an english act of parliament's binding the kingdom of ireland . and to me it seems as plain , that in the judgment of the parliament 13 e. 1. ireland , tho not named , was bound by a statute made here ; for which i shall refer him to the interpretation then made of the extent of the statutes of gloster , which had been enacted in the 6 th . of that king's reign . some would think a those statutes to have been no more than ordinances , made by the king and his counsel only : and that our kings thus made ordinances of that kind , some may gather from fleta , who speaks of the king's counsel , in which , not only erroneous judgments were corrected , but new remedies provided ; yet fleta speaks this of the king's counsel in his parliaments : and thus , tho' the statute of westm . 2. c seems to restrain the making that of gloster to the king and his council , the statute of gloster it self shews that the counsel was to be taken , as acting in conjunction with the prelates , earls , and barons , and that under the word barons the commonalty were included as as lower nobility , or dignified by their election to parliament ; accordingly the statute of gloster says suitably to latter writs of summons , the a more discreet of the kingd . as well great as small were summon'd : so that the statutes of gloster were made as other statutes 3 e. 1. by that king's counsel , and by assent of the commonalty ; where the lords were manifestly included under the word b counsel , agreeably to the ancient form of c writs of error , or other writs returnable into parliament , before us , and our counsel in our parliament , or , at our next parliament after , or at such a time , there to do what the king shall think fit to ordain , by advice of his counsel . for evidence that this did not exclude the lords , i may refer to the ro●●s of parliament of several reigns , and particularly to those of the 20 th . and 21 st . of e. 3. in the 20 th . the a commons are desired to deliver such petitions as were then ready , to the clerk of the parliament ; which petitions are said to be brought before the great men of the counsel . that they were but of the nature of a committee to inform the king , and lords , of the bills or petitions which came from the commons , appears by the proceedings of the next year ; when the commons having made petitions of an extraordinary nature , the king answers , c he will advise with the lords . to return to the statute of gloster , there the king by such advice as i have shewn , made laws for the amendment of his realm , and for the plenary exhibition of right , as the profit of the regal office requires ; and to remedy d mischiefs , dammages , and disherisons , suffer'd by the people of the realm of england ; without the least mention of ireland . and yet we have the judgment of the parliament in the 13 th . of that king , that ireland was within the remedy of that statute , as part of the realm of england , as appears by this preamble . a where of late our lord the king in the quinzisme of st. john baptist , the sixth of his reign , calling together the prelates , earls , barons , and his counsel , at gloucester ; and considering that divers of this realm were disherited by reason that in many cases where remedy should have been had , there was none provided by him nor his predece●sors ; ordained certain statutes , right necessary and profitable for his people , whereby the people of england , and ireland under his government , have obtained more speedy justice in their oppressions than they had before , and certain cases wherein the law failed remain undetermined , and some remained to be enacted , that were for the reform of the oppressions of the people ; our lord the king in his parliament , after the feast of easter , holden the 13 th . of his reign , at westminster , caused many oppressions of the people and defaults of the laws , for the c supply of the defects of the said statutes of gloster , to be rehearsed and made statutes , as will appear here following . this rehearsal of the grievances was , for certain , by the petition of the commons of this realm , and the statutes there made , as the register of writs has it , were by the common counsel of the kingdom : and this counsel not only declared laws which were binding to ireland , but made new ; tho' mr. molineux will have it , that from the time of magna chata to the 10 th . of h. 7. no laws were , or are in force in ireland , unless allowed of by parliament in that kingdom : except only such as are declaratory of the common law of england , and not introductive of any new law. and whereas he is pleas'd to say , as to such english statutes as seem to comprehend ireland , and to bind it under the general words of all his majesty's dominions , or subjects , whatever has been the opinion of private and particular lawyers in this point , i am sure ( says he ) the opinions of the kings of england , and their privy council have been otherwise . i may say upon much better grounds , if any king and his privy council did any thing to warrant this assertion , the judgment of e. 1. and his council in parliament , was to the contrary , and is of greater authority . and 't is to be remembred , as i before shewed ▪ that the statutes of gloster , which do not name ireland , and the statutes of west . ● . which do , were both delivered to the clerk of the justice of ireland , in order to their being published and observed there . and 't is evident , that ireland's being bound by parliaments in england , without any consent expressed in ireland , was not merely the judgment of the times above referred to , but the setled judgment of that king and his council , in his parliaments . thus in a the 8 th of that king , there 's a writ taking notice , that the irish had desired to be governed by the laws of england : upon which the king requires all the english of the land of ireland to certifie , whether this might be granted without pre judice to them ; declaring that the king would make such provision , as should seem expedient to himself , and his council : which , plainly enough referred to his council in parliament . if , upon their certificate , a general law had passed to grant the irish their request , the mentioning the consent of the english there , could not be thought to derogate from the legislature here ; the authority of which was intimated in that very reference , and was fully asserted in that kings reign by an act of parliament , made here after that time , and the proceedings thereupon , both in england and ireland . by the case a of mixt monies in ireland , we are informed , that 29 e. 1. when , by the king 's sepecial ordinance , the pollards and crochards were cry'd down and made of no value ; the same ordinance was transmitted into ireland , and enrolled in the exchequer there , as is found in the red book of the exchequer there . and agreeably to this , it appears by the statute roll here , that this ordinance , which in truth was an act of parliament , or else an other of the same kind , was sent to john wogan , then chief justice of ireland , or to his lieutenant . this is only a short entry referring to the known usage ; but the very next record of a transmission to ireland of a statute made here , which was that about juries , is more express . mem. quod istud statutum de verbo ad verbum missum suit in hib. t. r. aput kenynt . 14. die aug. rni sui 27. et mandatum fuit j. wogan justic ▪ hib. quod praed ▪ stat. per totam hib. in locis quibus expedire videret legi & publicè proclamari , & firmiter teneri faciat . mem. that that statute , word for word , was sent into ireland , teste the king at kenynton 14. aug. in the 27th . of his reign . command was gito john wogan , chief justice of ireland , to cause it to be read in those places in which he shall think it expedient , and to be publickly proclaimed and observed . this statute does not name ireland , nor has general words which seem to include it : but it seems some years after to have been enacted , that this statute should be transcribed , and sent to ireland for a law given them by parliamentary authority . in the 35 th . of a e. 1. will. de testa was impeach'd in parliament , for grievous oppressions and extortions upon the people , by colour of authority from the see of rome : this , upon the petition of the earls , barons , and other great men , and the commonality of the whole realm of england , occasioned a general law and provision , for the state of the king's crown , and also of his lands of scotland , wales , and ireland . the remedy was enacted by the b assent of the king , and the whole council of parliament ; and 't was enacted , that for the future such things should not be permitted within c the realm . that ireland was then included as part of the realm , appears not only by the intention before declared , but agreeably thereunto , the statute then made is , by authority of parliament , sent to the justice of ireland , as well as to the chief governors of other the king's dominions ; enjoyning them to enquire and proceed against those who had offended in that kind , and to cause the provision , agreement , and judgment , of that parliament , to be firmly and inviolably observed in those lands . mr. m. having , as he thinks , answer'd an objection from the ordinance for the state of ireland , printed in ▪ our statute-books , not only that of 1670. but even in others much more ancient , as made 17 e. 1. i shall shew him some new matter , which may deserve his farther consideration ; and yet tho' he thinks he has prov'd , 1. that this ordinance was never receiv'd in ireland , 2. that 't was meerly an ordinance of the king , and his privy council in england ; it might be enough to observe , that the clause which he instances in , forbidding the king's officers to purchase lands there , upon pain of forfeiture , has an exception for the king's licence ; and tho' he has not been at the pains to examine whether there were any such licences from england , i can shew him in the very next year , a confirmation under the great seal of england , of a grant of land 's there , before made from hence : which were sufficient security against the forfeiture . 2. if 't were admitted that the ordinance were made by the king and his privy counsel , 't would be very difficult for him to prevail upon many to believe , that a land or kingdom , which in all the principal parts of government was under the controul of the great seal of another kingdom , was ( as he pretends ) a a complete kingdom within it self , b or a kingdom regulated within it self ; the contrary of which appears in numerous instances of the time of which we are at present enquiring ; as of leave from hence to chuse ecclesiastical governors , pardons , directions , for the proceedings of the courts of justice , and council in ireland ; the appointing distinct courts of judicature , grants of lands , offices , liveries out of the king's hands of lands held in chief of the crown of england , licences of alienation , and the like . further than all this , there 's a precedent of taxing communities by authority from hence . it must be agreed , that 't was frequent for kings to grant to cities and towns in england , power to raise customs , or duties for murage , the building or repairing their walls , to be levyed upon goods and merchandizes brought thither ; in these grants there was no mention by what advice , or consent they issued ; but 't is to be presumed that the great seal was not rashly affixed ; nor were they extended farther than to the walls , which secured the persons and goods of those who paid the duty : yet the great seal of england has been applyed much more absolutely , to the binding the property of the subjects in ireland , as may appear by this record . r. ballivis ▪ & probis hominibus s●is dublin salutem cum in subsidium villae claudendae vobis nuper per literas postras pat. concesserimusquod quasdan consuetudines usque ad certum temp●s de singulis rebus venalibus ad eandem villam venientibus capietis , ac dilectus & fidelis noster nic. de clere thes . nost . hibern . testificatus fuerit coram nobis , quod vos ad mandatum ejusd . nic. magnam partem pecuniae provende consuetud . antedict . in clausuram scaccar ▪ nostri dublin posuistis nos ea de causa , &c. the king to the bayliffs and honest men of dublin greeting ; since , in aid of walling your town , we lately by our letters patents granted , that you should take some customs to a certain day , of every thing to be sold coming to that town . and our beloved and faithful subject nic. de clere treasurer of ireland has certified us , that you , at the command of the said nicholas , have employed great part of the money arising by those customs , to the enclosing or repairing the exchequer at dublin . therefore , &c. the king by his great seal of england continues the tax for three years longer than his first grant , and allows of the applying part of it to an end very different from that of the walling the town . for a yet farther evidence of the more absolute dominion , which e. 1. exercis'd over ireland , than he pretended to in england ; i shall shew , that he took to himself authority to set aside what is supposed to have been setled by an ordinance , in the seventeenth of his reign . one of the said ordinances provides , that neither the justice of ireland , nor any other of the king's officers , by colour of their office , take victuals from any person without his consent , unless in case of necessity , and that by the assent of the chief of the king's council of those parts , and by writ , out of the chancery of ireland . and yet in the next year after this ordinance is supposed to have been made , the king , as a particular indulgence to the citizens of roscommon , grants that the constable of roscommon , or other the king's officers , shall take no victuals , or other things of them without their consent , unless there be a necessity for it in time of war. and this exemption is only by a patent during pleasure . but , in truth , this was no violation of the ordinance for the state of ireland : for , besides that , i shall shew when 't was made , and how , in another reign ; 't is certain it could not be in a council at nottingham in the octaves of st. martin ; not only as may appear to any one who will trace the close and patent-rolls , and the use of the great seal , which went along with the king from his landing at dover a on the 12th of august , to the b 16th of november ; during which time the seals were far from nottingham , but chiefly because there was a parliament at westminster , appointed to be held on the crastino martini ; which , 't is to be presumed , met accordingly , tho mr. m. is positive that e. 1. c held no parliament in the 17 th of his reign . but , for his conviction in this particular , during d the k's absence in foreign parts , edmund earl of cornwall , being custos , dated the writs , among which there was one referring a matter to the judgment of the king and his council , in the next parliament to be after easter . and to satisfie mr. m. that there was no need of a council at nottingh●m , nor could there be one the octaves of st. martin , it happens that on a the 14th of that october , a writ issued to the sheriff of nottingham , acquainting him of a commission to certain persons to hea● the miscarriages of the king's officers in that country , and to give me an account thereof at the next parliament ; and therefore commands the sheriff to summon all parties aggrieved , to be at westminster that year in the morrow of sanct b martin . i must own that i have not found any record of a writ of summons for any of the members to come to parliament that year , ●or has sir william a dugdale found any to the lords , t●●l the 22d ; and yet 't will be agreed , that there were parliaments between the 49th of h. 3 and the 22d of e. 1. and 't is certain the statute of westm . 1. b 3 e. 1. is express , that the archbi●●●ps , bishops , abbots , priors , 〈◊〉 barons , and all the com●●nalty of the land , were summoned to that general parliament , and assenting to the laws then made . mr. prynn , as i take it , had not seen any writ of summons to the commons , till 26 e. 1. yet i have found in the close-roll of a 18 e. 1. as dr. brady , and mr. pety● have in the bundle of writs , this following . rex vic. northumb . cum per com. bar. & quosdam alios de proceribus regni nostri , nuper fuissemus requisiti super quibusdam ●am cum ipsis quam cum aliis de comitatibus regni illius , colloquium habere velimus & tractatum ; tibi p●aecipimus , quod duos vel tres de discretioribus & ad laborandum potentiori●us militibus , de com. praed . eligi & eos ad nos usque wes●m . venire facias ; fine dilatione . ita quòd sint ibid. à die sancti ibidem a die sancti johannis baptistae prox . fatur in tres septimanas ad ultimum , cum plenâ potes●ate pro se & totâ communitate comitat . praed . ad consulendum & consentiendumpro se & communitat . illâ , hiis quae com. bar. & proceres praed tum duxerint concordand . t. r. apud west . 14 die junii . the king to the sheriff of northumberland . for asmuch as we were lattly in a special manner entreated by the earls , barons , and some others of the peers , or nobility of our realm , that we would have a colloquy and treaty upon some matters , as well with them , as with others of the counties of the realm . we require you without delay , to cause to be elected , and to come to us as far as westminster , two or three of the more discreet , and more able to travail of the knights of the said county : so that they be there at the latest , within three weeks , from the day of st. john the baptist next ensuing , with full power for themselves , and all the commonalty of the said county , to consult and consent to those things , which the aforesaid earls and barons shall then think fit to be agreed . test . the king at wes●m . the 14th day of june . this dr. brady in his answer to mr. petyt , more truly than he is aware , calls a summons to a parliament : however in his introduction he will have it , that the laws were then made by the king and his peers , before the knights of the shires came ; the statute of that time saying , that the parliament was holden in the quinzism of st. john , and that the laws were made at the a instance of the great men. but he might have observed , 1. that the provision b then made , is called a statute . 2. that the council wherein it pass'd , is called a parliament . 3. that the matter enacted , was a general law , and of general concern ; it being for the encouraging of purchasers , and engaging the more persons to a national interest by propriety in land , which till that time was in much fewer hands ; because whoever purchased any part of an estate , had been liable to be charged with all the rents and services which lay upon the whole ; and there was one other necessary provision , against alienations in mortmain . 4. the precept to the sheriff was to cause the election to be made forthwith , and to take care that the parties were ●ound to be at westminster by three weeks after the feast of st. john , at the farthest . the day when the parliament was holden , was but 5 or 6 days before ; which shews , that 't is absurd to imagine , that there should have been a law made of that immediate consequence to all owners of land , before the knights of the shire came up ; not only because they being obliged to be at parliament by such a day at the latest , may well be supposed to have come 5 or 6 days before the utmost extent of their time , to avoid the forfeitures of the bonds which they us'd to give for their appearance ; but chiefly , because , as 't is well known , whenever a law passes , 't is in judgment of law held to have pass'd the first day of the session ; which day might have been agreed at their former meeting . nor is it absurd to believe , that there might be a summons to require the sheriffs to secure full parliaments , even tho the days of meeting and of elections below , might have been certain . the true reason why so few writs of summons , of those early times , are to be found , seems to be , that once , at least , in a year the parliaments met of course . the confessor's law speaks of the a calends of may as the fix'd day . in the b 1st of e 1. the custos of the realm , as appears above , in the king's absence issued writs , tho not for elections to parliament , yet returnable into the parliament , to be holden next after easter , without mentioning any day , as if 't were commonly known ; but no parliament being holden soon after easter , because of the king 's being out of the land ▪ a return into a parliament appointed to sit after the king 's landing , was to a day certain . but that at the beginning of e. 1. the time of holding a parliament was look'd upon as so fix'd , that there was no need of summons , appears by that king's letter to the pope , 3 e. 1. referring him to the deliberation of the peers of the kingdom in a parliament , which used to be holden in england , about the octaves of the resurrection of our lord. 5. if the mention only of the instance of the great men , or nobility , be an argument that the law was then made before even the knights of the counties came up , tho summoned to consult and consent ; the many laws which have pass'd immediately upon the king's answer to the petition of the commons , would argue as strongly , that those laws were made without the consent of the lords ; but as in such case , either they were included as part of the community of the kingdom , or else the king answered by their advice ; so at the making the statute 18 e. 1. either the commons were under the word magnates , as the lower nobility , or men dignified by being senators , or else the great lords finding themselves chiefly agrieved , as being unable to pay their debts , because none would buy their lands ; this law might have pass'd chiefly ●t their desire : but then , since 't is manifest it was in parliament , 't was by the consent of the commons ; but i rather think that the commons were then included under magnates , bec●●●e i find them so in times after th●s ; and that petitions were made to them with as high ascriptions as were given to the great lords . in the 1st of e. 3. a statute was made , as one record has it , by the a common council of the kingdom , as another b by the king , the prelates , earls , barons , and the commonalty of the realm ; and yet an historian well conversant in the records , and common acceptation of words in that time , speaking of this very parliament , and of the queen mother's coming to london , with e. 3. her son , says , thither also convened the whole c nobility of the kingdom , having been before summoned to the holding a parliament . in after times there are numbers of petitions to the house of commons , from persons of quality ; from the city of london , and others : to the ( a ) most honourable , or right honourable , and most wise the commons in this present parliment assembled . the b honourable and most wise , and the like . ( c ) but some who will admit that the knights of the shire , who indeed are in many records call'd grands of the counties , were part of the magnates 17 e. 3. will have it , that the citizens and burgesses were not , because . 1. they , in those times , used to be distinguished by the name of commons , from the knights of the shires . 2. there 's no mention of any summons tothem in the records of 18 e. 1. when there was to the knights of the shires ▪ but for a full answer to this , i desire it may be considered . 1. that the meeting 17 e. 1. appears by the statute then made , to be a parliament , that dr. brady himself has yielded , that the cities , boroughs ▪ and cinque ports , and vills , had by king john's charter , right to be of the common-council of the kingdom ; which is the phrase most generally used in the ancient register of writs , to denote a parliament . 2. there were boroughs long before the reputed conquest : as for instance , st. edmund's bury , or burgh , made a borough in the time of king edmund , confirmed in the reigns of cnute , the confessor , w. 1. and other kings . 3. boroughs frequently occur in dooms-day book , that great survey taken in the reign of w. 1. and are mentioned as such in the time of edward the confessor . 4. no one charter of ancient times since w. 1. can be found , giving any borough right to send members to parliament ; but that has seem'd the consequent of being a borough , having a gild for merchandize , and answering to the king , or other chief lord , as one entire body : upon which account they appeared by representation , while individual tenants were in the great councils upon their personal right . 5. that for asserting the right of boroughs to be represented in parliament , it generally was enough to plead that they were boroughs ; yet one instance at least is to be found within two reigns after the time of our present enquiry , where a a borough pleads , or alledges in parliament , that they had been made a borough in king athelstan's time , and ever after had been represented in parliament by two members of their own chusing : and this the then parliament , or the king's council in it , were so far from thinking improbable , that upon that borough's allegation that the charter was lost , they direct an enquiry , with declared disposition to have it renewed . 6. these boroughs , whether holding of the crown in chief , or of great lords , were either baronies , or parts of baronies , upon the account of knights service ; or honors by reason of other free tenures , and their charters , that they should hold freely and honourably , as many of them run ; and thus the members in parliament , who serv'd for these baronies , or honours , were part of the baronage of the kingdom : not but that sometimes barony and honour are used without distinction concerning them ; and thus that ancient borough of barnstaple a which held of the lord tracy , is in the same record call'd both a barony , and an honour . which honour , as appears by this instance , was not limited to immediate tenure of the crown ; and that this was not derived from the grant of a reputed conqueror might be proved by numbers of authorities , of which i shall here content my self with one out a of doomesday-book . in norwic erant temp . e. mcccxx burgenses , &c. tota haec villa reddebat tre 20 l. regi & comiti 10 l. in novo burgo a xxxvi burgenses and vi anghci . de hoc toto habebat rex 2 partes & comes tertiam ; modo xli burgenses franci in dominio regis , & comes rogerus bigot habet l. & sic de aliis . tota haec terra burgensium erat in dominio comitis rad. & concessit eam regi in commune , ad faciendum burgum inter se & regem : ut testatur vicecomes . in norwich there were in the time of edward 1320. burgesses . all this town in the time of king edward yielded the king 20 l. and the earl 10 l. in the new borough there were 36 burgesses , and six of them english . of all thus the king had two parts , and the earl the third . now there are 41 burgssses in the kings demeasn , and earl roger bigo● has 50. and so of others . and this land of the burgesses was in earl ( c ) ralphs demeas● , and he granted it to the king in common , to make a borough between him and the king : as the sheriff attests . this earl was ralph guader or wader , who continued earl of norfol● , or at least of norwich , from within the confessor's reign , till the 9 th . or 10 th . of w. 1. 7. the freemen , or at least they who had borough holds in these , or in some of them , are in doomsday-book , called barons , as particularly in the borough of warwick . et in burgo de warwic habet rex in dominio suo cxiii domus , & barones regis habent cxii . de quibus omnibus rex habet geldam . and in the borough of warwick the king has in his demeasm 113 ho●ses , and the kings barons have 112. of all which the king has aid . 8. they who were interested in the government of these boroughs , and had right to look after their common concerns , could not but be barons as properly , as the free hold tenants of lords of mannors , freeholders , who were judges in the county courts , and the freemen of london , who are call'd barons in several records , and other undoubted authorities , and the barons of the cinque ports . of dover in particular a dooms-day book says , in the time of king edward it yielded 18 l. of which king edward had two parts , and earl godwin the 3. and a charter ( c ) to this port in the beginning of king john's reign confirms to his men of doura the confessor's charter , together with the charters of w. 1. and other kings after the reputed conquest . 9. if 't is to be thought , that no citizens and burgesses were at the parliament 17 e. 1. because no summons appears for other commons , besides the knights of the shires ; by the same reason 't is to be thought , that none of the great lords were there ; no summons to them appearing . 10. in the writs for chusing knights of the shires there was no occasion to mention the choice of others ; and thus 12 e. 2. only the earls , barons , and commonalty of the counties are spoken of as granting an 18 th . part of their goods : but they would be very much deceiv'd who should think , that no others were at that parliament ; for the same record shews , that the clergy granted a 10 th . and the cities and boroughs a 12 th . 11. 't is very probable that at that time , the cities and boroughs had the writs directed to them in particular , to be return'd by their headborough , or other officer , or else by the community there . thus in the 14 th . of king john a summons to the army is sent to the headborough and honest men of canterbury ; so to dover ▪ rochester , gildford , and a great many other places . and the very next year particular writs are sent to the honest men of canterbury , the mayor and barons of london , the mayor and honest men of winchester , &c. and so to all the boroughs and demesns of the crown ; not only referring them to the justice or custos of the realm , but desiring an aid of them which : mr. m. must agree to have been desired in as true a parliamentary meeting , as those which he cites of the time of h. 3. in relation to ireland . this i hope may not be thought an unprofitable digression from the supposed ordinance 17 e. 1. but may sufficiently evince , by what authority it must have been made , if there were any such of that time ; and that the king and his counsel pretended not to settle the state of a dominion annex'd to the crown of england , without consent of the states . but tho' the king's counsel did not then act in parliament matters , otherwise than parliamentarily ; yet 't is certain that they did exercise an ordinary jurisdiction in relation to ireland , as well as to england , either as committees or tryers of petitions , appointed by the lords or otherwise ; tho' the bringing a cause from the lords in ireland to the house of lords here , is one of the circumstances in the present juncture of affairs , which seems to require mr. m's learned disquisition . in the bundle of petitions to the parliament , in the time of e. 1. there are some a endorsed as bro●ght before the king , some before all the council ; and as the method of following times explains this matter , there had been appointed receivers and tryers of petitions concerning ireland ; for several are receiv'd from thence , and authoritatively answered . there 's one from jeffery de geymul , who complains of the barons of the exchequer in ireland , for sending within his jurisdiction , a commission of enquiry , who sold pollards ; to the prejudice , as he alledged , of the franchise , which a h. 2. had granted to the ancestors of his wife , maud de lacy. this commission was manifestly founded upon the record of the statute made here , as is shewn above , enrolled in the exchequer of ireland by order from hence : this the barons there obey'd , and held that by virtue of that , they might cause commissions of enquiry to be executed even in palatinates : nor does it appear , that the king's council in parliament disallowed of their proceeding , ● for nothing was done upon this ●et●tion , any more than referring it to the next parliament . in the case of one allen fitzwaren , they ordered a writ from the chancellor of england , to require the justice of ireland to examine , whether a judgment about title of land had been given while a man was absent , and under the king's protection ; requiring , that if any thing was done contrary to protection , it should be amended in due manner . and as the lords in parliament then exercis'd a jurisdiction over ireland ; it appears that out of it the high admiral of england had conu●ance , of all maritime causes , as well throughout ireland , as england , from the time then beyond the memory of man , which must relate to the general prescription , which is at this day as far since as the beginning of r. 1. son to h. 2. that during the reign of e. 1. irel. was govern'd as a part of england , or appurtenant to it ; and that the laws made here wanted no other publication , than what was in obedience to the great seal of england , affixed to writs and charters , or exemplifications of our acts of parliament , by authority from hence , i think may be beyond dispute : which might excuse my not dwelling upon the unfortunate reign of e. 2. and yet there are some evidences not to be neglected of england's being then possess'd of its ancient authority over ireland : and that , tho' at least from the 3 d. of that king's reign mr. m. supposes , that they had a regular legislature in ireland . in the 10 th . of that king , the english in ireland petitioned him for a constitution , that a parliament should be holden there once a year : upon this and other things then desired , the king , under the great seal of england , commands the justice of ireland to summon a parliament there , to consider what was sit to be done , and to certifie the result into england : upon which the king declared that he would , by the advice of his counsel ▪ ordain what should be sitting : but nothing more appears of that matter , which was the farthest step towards settling an annual parliament in ireland . in the 12 th . of that king an act of parliament was made in england , with this preamble , forasmuch as divers people of the realm of england , and of the land of ireland , have hereto fore many times suffered great mischiefs , damage , and disherisons , by reason that in some cases where the law failed , no remedy was ordained ; and also forasmuch as some points of the statutes heretof●re made , had need of exposition ; our lord king edward , son to king edward , desiring that full right may be done to his people ; at his parliament holden at york , the third week after the feast of st. michael , the 12th year of his reign by the assent of the prelates , earls , barons , and the commonalty of his realm there assembled , hath made these acts and statutes following ; the which he willeth to be observ'd in his said realm , and land. though ireland is in some sense part of the realm of england , yet here 't is distinguished as a land intended to be bound , tho it had no commonalty of its own to represent it in parliament : and there is new remedy provided where the law had failed , as well as the explaining what was law before : that part at least which creates a forfeiture of wine and victuals sold by any officer appointed to look after the assises of them , was absolutely new . this statute was transmitted to ireland , by the following writ , under the great seal of england , and the name of the party who received it , is enter'd upon record . rex cancel . suo hibern ' salutem . quaedam statuta per nos in parl. nostro nuper apud ebor ' convocato , de assensu prel . com. bar. & totius communitatis , regni nostri ibid ' existentis ; ad commun . util . regni nostri ac terrae hibern ' edita , vobis sub sigillo nostro mittimus consignata . mandantes quod stat ▪ illa in dicta cancel lariâ custodiri , ac in rotulis ejusd . cancel ▪ irrotulari , & sub sigillo nostro quo utimur in hiberniâ in forma patenti exemplificari , & ad singulas placeas nostras in ter . praed . & singulo● comitat . ejusd . ter . mitti facias , & brevia nostra sub dicto sigillo minist . nostris placearum illar . & vicecom . dict . com. quod statuta illa coram ipsis publicari & ea in omnibus & singulis suis artic . quantum ad eor . singulos pertinet , ●irmiter faciant observari . teste r. apud clarendon 10 die sept. an. quarto decimo . the king to his chancell of ireland , greeting , we send you under our great seal , certain statutes made by us in our parliament lately called together at york , with the assent of the prelates , earls , barons , and all the commons of our kingdom there assembled ; for the common vtility of our kingdom , and land of ireland : commanding you , that those statutes be kept in the rolls of the said chancery , to be enroll'd and exemplified in the form of a patent under our seal which we use in ireland : and tha● you cause it to be sent to every one of our places in the said land , and every county of the same . and our writs under our said seal , commanding our officers of those places , and sheriffs of the said counties , to cause those statutes to be published before them , and in all and singular their articles which to every one of them appertain , to be firmly observ'd . teste the king at clarendon the 10th of sept. in the 14th of his reign . in the same roll there 's another writ of the same form , dated at nottingham 20 nov. sending to the chancellor of ireland , the stature of york , and another made before at lincoln . these entries explain the general transmissions ; and shew what was to be done by the justice of ireland , in order to the publication of laws made in parliaments here , and sent to him : but yet he had no need nor authority to call a parliament in ireland , for the publishing any law made here , unless particularly required under the great seal of england . yet i cannot but admire the force of mr. m's imagination , in framing an argument , on that very year that those statutes were sent to ireland , that the parliament of england did not take upon them to have any jurisdiction in ireland , because the king sent his letters-patents to the lord chief justice of ireland commanding that the irish natives might enjoy the laws of england concerning life and member ; to which he had been moved by his parliament at west-minster : which is as much as to say , they used no jurisdiction because they did . that after this time , that king and his parliament exercised jurisdiction over ireland , appears by the ordinance made for the state of ireland , in a parliament held on the octaves of st. martin , in the 17th of his reign , and not of e. 1. for which i shall refer not only to what i before observed , which may give reasonable satisfaction that no such ordinance could have been made in the 17th of e. 1. but to the statute-rolls , where this is entered among the statutes of the time of e. 2. next above the statutes of the time of e. 3. for maintaining the jurisdiction of england that statute of nottingham ordains , that no pardon for felony be granted by the justice of ireland , nor seal'd with the king's seal there , without special command of the king , under some one of his seals of england . 1. it being so manifest from undoubted records , that the parliaments of england , to the 17 th . of e. 2. exercised an authority in making laws to bind ireland , and that there was a plain and known method for publishing those laws in ireland by virtue of the great seal of england , i hope it will be allowed , that the authority of sir richard bolton's marginal note in an edition of the irish statutes , is not enough to induce men to believe , that in the 13 th . of e. 2. the statute of merton ▪ 20 th . h. 3. and some other statutes made in england , were confirmed in ireland , as being of no force there till then : and that no other statutes made in england were of force in ireland , till confirm'd there . can any man think that no part of the statute of merton was received for law in ireland till the 13 th . of e. 2. particularly , will even mr. m. believe , that notwithstanding the record 21. h. 3. of transmission of so much at least of the statute of merton as relates to the limitation of writs , yet till the 13 th . of e. 2. the descent in a writ of right was to be lay'd from an ancestor of the time of h. 1. which is 200 years within one ? or does he think that the justice of ireland , for the time being , would not have been turn'd out , if not impeached , had he not caused the statutes of west . 1. and 2. and the statutes of gloucester , to have been proclaimed and observed in ireland , after they had been delivered to his clerk in the parliament at winchester ? and yet , if there be any thing in mr. m ▪ s quotation from sir richard bolton , these were not received for laws in ireland till 13. e. 2. but since 't is manifest that those , and the other statutes afterwards sent over in the time of e. 1. and e. 2. must needs have been put in execution there ; if there were any such act of parliament 13. e. 2. as mr. m. takes for granted , upon no authority in comparison with the records which i have cited ; as to so much of any acts of parliament made here , as was not transmitted in the form above shewn , the enacting them in in ireland might be the first publication there : but as to what was contained in the patent or charter sent thither , it could be no more than a declaratory law , or rather republication . sometimes there might have been a special form of transmission , which as one means of publishing the laws , might require their parliament to meet to hear laws read to them , which would bind them whether they consented or no : or by writ from hence , a law or charter pass'd there might be so republished . thus 't was beyond contradiction 12. h. 3. when a charter of king john's , sworn to by the irish , was either sent back , or republished after it had lain there . rex dilecto & fideli suo ric. de burgo justic . suo mandamus vobis ●irmiter , praecipientes quatenus certo die & loco faciatis venire coram vobis arch. ep. ab. pr. com. & bar. mil. & libere tenentes , & ballivos singulor . comitat . & coram eis publice legi faciatis cartam dni . j. regis patris nri cui sigillum sum appensum est quam fieri fecit & jurari à magnatibus hib. de legibus & consuetud . anglicis observandis : & praecipiatis exparte nostrâ quod leges , illas & consuetudines in carta praed . contentas de caetero firmiter tenennt . et hoc idem per singulos comitatus hib. clamari faciatis & teneri , prohibentes firmiter exparte nostrâ , & super forisfactur . nostram ne quis contra hoc mandatum venire presumat . the king to his beloved and faithful subject richard de burgh , his justice of ireland , we command you , firmly requiring , that at a certain day and place , you cause to come before you the arch-bishops , bishops , abbots , priors , earls , & barons , knights , & freeholders , and the bailiffs of every county : and before them cause publickly to be read the charter of king john our father , to which his seal is affixed , which he caused to be made and sworn by the great men of ireland ; concerning the observing in ireland the laws and customs of england . and command them from us , that they , for the future , firmly keep and observe the laws and customs in the said charter contained . and cause this same to be proclaimed thro' every county of ireland , firmly prohibiting in our name , and under our forfeiture , that no person presume to the contrary of this our command . all must agree that this publication , in so formal a parliament , and after that , in the several counties , was not necessary to give sanction to that charter , for that it had before : and could be no more than a reminding them of their duty , or a more solemn publication of the law. but that being a law made here , was held sufficient to make it a law to the english in ireland , and that , being transmitted thither under the great seal of england , it became a rule to the judges there , even in matters happening before the transmission , appears by the following precedents . a man having been redisseis'd after the statute of merton , 20. h. 3. which had made a redisseisour lyable to imprisonment . a party , who had been so injured , applies to the king for remedy , and as the writ to the justice of ireland has it , ideo vobis mittimus sub sigillo nostro constitutionem nuper factam coram nobis & magnatibus nostris angliae , de praedicto casu & similiter , de aliis arti●ulis ad emendationem rni nri mandantes quat . de consilio venererab . pat. l. dublin , arch. constitutionem illam in curiâ nostra hib. legi & de caetero firmiter observari , faciatis , & secund . eandem praed . querenti plene justitiam exhiberi faciatis . therefore we send you , under our seal , the constitution , lately made before us and our great men of england , concerning that case , and other articles , for the amendment of this our kingdom , commanding , that with the counsel of the venerable father l. arch-bishop of dublin , you cause that constitution to be read in our court of ireland , and for the future to be firmly observed , and that you fully dojustice to the complainant according to the same . in the sense , in which the parliament 12. of h. 3. was to receive the charter of king john , and the king's court or bench in ireland was to receive the statute of merton , i will agree that parliaments in ireland may have received laws in the time of e. 2. but there 's no colour to believe that they then pretended to more , in relation to acts of parliament , sent over to them at large under the great seal of england . the reign of e. 3. i may divide into three periods , 1. before , 2. at , 3. after the main and most express charter , for a parliament in ireland , of any yet cited , or appearing . 1. in the statute roll of the beginning of e. 3. there are several entries in latin of this kind . mem. that those statutes were sent into ireland in the a form of a patent , with a certain writ here following . but the entry of the writ is sometimes omitted , it being look'd on as matter of common form . in the 2 d. of that king , a statute was made at northampton , giving a command about fairs , to all sheriffs of england , and other parts . in the 6 th . a statute was made , supplying the defects of that statute , and creating the forfeiture of double the value of what should be sold in any fair , or market , beyond the time limited for them in the charters . in the 6 th . of that king , this last a statute , and all other statutes made in his reign to that time , are sent , in the form of a patent , to anthony de lucy , justice of ireland , requiring that those statutes , and all the articles therein contained , be proclaimed in the king's land of ireland , as well within liberties , as without ; and that he should cause so much of them as concern'd the b justice , and the people of that land , to be firmly kept , and observed . a statute c 11. of e. 3. provides , that , except the king and his children , no person , great nor small , within england , ireland , and wales , or so much of scotland as was then under the king's power , should wear any cloth , but what was made in england , ireland , wales , or such part of scotland ; upon pain of forfeiture of the cloth , and being punish'd at the king's pleasure . and whereas mr. m. according to the use which he makes of publications , in or by parliaments in ireland , of laws made in parliaments of england , would infer , that no statutes made here against provisors , could be of force in ireland till the 32 d. of h. 6. when 't was enacted there , that all those laws made in england , as well as in ireland , be had and kept in force ; 't is evident , that a e. 3 d's parliament and his council acting in parliament , held , that there was no need of other publishing and enforcing those laws , than was usual by virtue of the great seal of england . the commons b petitioned , that the provisions and ordinances made in the parl. 17. of that king , concerning provisions and reservations from the see of rome , be affirmed by a statute to endure for ever : and particularly , c that if any arch-bishop , or other spiritual patron , do not present within four months after voidance , by a man's accepting any benefice from the see of rome , the right of patronage should accrue to the king : and they pray , d that commissions and writs be sent to all ports of england , wales , and ireland , and other places within every county , as there should be occasion , to apprehend all those who should carry any of the bulls , process , or instruments then complained of . the answer in french is thus , e 't is accorded and assented by the king , the earls , barons , justices , and other sages of the law , that the things above-written be done , and in reasonable form , according to the prayer of the commons . upon which , there 's no doubt but either a writ was sent to ireland , with this act of parliament , in the form of a charter , to warrant commissions for that purpose in ireland ; or otherwise , commissions might issue from hence , to apprehend such offenders as should be found there . the statute of the staple , 27. e. 3. taking notice of the damages to the people of the king's realm , and of his lands of wales and ireland , because the staples had been held out of the said realm , and lands , appoints places for the staple in ireland , as well as in england and wales ; and creates a forfeiture of the wool , and other staple commodities , which any english , irish , or welsh , should carry out of the said realm , and lands : with the like penalty , if they should receive gold or silver for them , elsewhere than at the respective staples . at which staples 't is to be observed , that there were paid duties and customs , granted by parliament in england . another statute , of the same year , appoints , that all wines in england , ireland , and wales , be gauged , on pain of forfeiture , and further punishment at the king's pleasure . and but two years before , the statute of treasons , which does not name ireland , was made for a law to the whole realm , and for ireland as part of it : but none of the king's subjects in ireland were within that law , unless they were to be adjudged subjects of the realm of england . and yet this statute is ordered to be published and observed in ireland , as well as england , in this manner . a to the sheriff of kent , greeting . we send you , under our seal , certain statutes , made in our parliament assembled at westminster , on the feast of st. hillary last past , by us , the prelates , dukes , earls , barons , and others of the commonalty of our realm of england , to the said parliament summoned : commanding , that you cause the said statutes to be read in your full county ; and that they be firmly observed , and kept . teste the king at westm . the 6 th . day of may. b the like writs , of the same date , are sent to the justice of ireland , what ought to be changed being changed . but if the parliaments of england had , or exercised any jurisdiction or authority over ireland hitherto ; at least , 't is to be thought , that 't was all taken from 'em by a charter of e. 3. part of which he transcribes out of mr. prynn , but for his satisfaction , i shall give him more of it from the record , now to be seen in the tower , 't is a charter of r. 2. of an ordinance for the state of ireland , reciting and confirming the charter 31. e. 3. beginning thus : quia ex frequenti side dignor insinuatione accepimus , quod terra nra hiberniae , ecclesiaque hibernica , ac clerus & populus ejusdem nobis subditus ; ob defectum boni regiminis , ac per negligentiam & in curiam ministror regior ibin , tam major , quam minor , hactenus turbati fuerint multipliciter & gravati : marchiaeque terrae ipsius juxta hostes positae , per hostiles invasiones vastatae , occisis marchionibus , & depraedatis , & eorum habitationibus enormiter concrematis , caeterisque coactis loca propria deserere , quibusdam videlicet ad hostes , caeteris ad loca extranea fugientibus . diversaeque partes dictar . marchiar . taliter desolatae & derelictae , per hostes eosdem occupatae : nostraque & ejusdem terrae negotia incongruè & inutiliter , leges & approbatae consuetudines minus debite observatae , populo nro bonis & rebus suis contra justitiam , legem , & formam statutor inde editor . diversimode spoliat . paxque nostra laesa & minime custodita . ac proditores , latrones , & malefactores , non sicut convenit castigati : quorum malorum aliorumque occasione , majora damna irreparabillia , evenire , quod absit , timentur , nisi praemissis opportunis reme diis occurrat . nos desiderantes utili regimini & quieti eorund . terrae & populi providere quae sequuntur : propterea , deassensu consili nostri , ordinanda duximus , & firmiter observanda . in prim . viz. volumus & praecipimus , quod sancta hibernica ecclesia , suas libertates , liber . & consuetudines illaesas habeat , & eis liberè gaudeat & utatur . item volumus & praecipimus quod nostra , & ipsius terrae negotia & ardua , in consiliis , per peritos consiliarios nostros , ac praelatos & magnates & quosdam de discretioribus , & probatioribus hominibus de partibus vicinis , ubi ipsa consilia teneri contigerit , propter hoe evocandos . in parliamentis vero per ipsos consiliarios nros , ac prelatos & proceres aliosque de terra nostra proutmos , exigit , secundum justitiam , legem , consuetudinē , & rationem , tractentur , deducantur , & fideliter , timore favore odio aut pretio postpositis , discutiantur , & etiam terminentur . because from the frequent relations of persons to be credited , we understand that our land of ireland , and the irish church , and the clergy , and people subject to us , thro' defect of good government , and by the negligence and carelesness of the king's officers there , both great and small , has hitherto been manifoldly troubled and aggriev'd , and the marches of that land plac'd against the enemies wasted , the marches being kill'd and despoil'd , & their houses enormously burnt , and the rest being forc'd to forsake their habitations , some flying to the enemies , and others to foreign parts . and divers parts of the said marches so desolated and forsaken , have been possess'd by those enemies , and the affairs of us and that land , are incongruously and unprofitably , and the laws and approved customs not duly observed ; our people being in divers manners spoil'd of their goods and things , contrary to justice , law , and the form of statutes in those cases provided : and our peace is broken , and not in the least kept . and traytors , robbers , & malefactors not punish'd as they ought : by occasion of which , and other evils , greater irreparable damages , which , god forbid , are feared as likely to happen , unless the premises meet with opportune remedies : we desiring to provide for the convenient government & quiet of that land , & people ; therefore we by the consent of our council , have thought fit to provide these following particulars to be ordain'd , and observ'd : in the first place , that the holy irish church have its liberties , & free customs unhurt , and enjoy & usethem freely . also , we will and command , that the affairs and arduous matters of us and that land , in councils by our learned counsellors , and prelates , and great men , and some of the more discreet & honest of the parts neighbouring upon the place , where those counsels shall happen to be held , to be summoned for this purpose ; but in the parliaments by those our counsellours and prelates , peers , and others of our land , as custom requires , be according to justice , law , custom , and reason , brought , and faithfully , fear , favour , hatred or price , being disregarded , discussed , and also determined . then particular provisions are made here , notwithstanding the allowance of parliaments there : among which , 1. that men guilty of broakage , should be punished by the justice and council of ireland , and fined , and amoved from their offices ; as should seem reasonable to the justice and counsel . 2. that no purveyance be taken contrary to the form of b statutes and articles , made and published , for the profit of his people , in parliaments , and other great councils . but if there be any force in mr. m's way of arguing , the statutes against purveyors were not binding to ireland till 18. h. 6. when 't is enacted , by a statute made in ireland , that all the statutes made in england against the extortions and oppressions of purveyers are to be holden and kept in all points , and put in execution in this land of ireland . 3. it provides against robberies , and for hue-and-crys , according to the statute of winchester . 4. that no pardon be pass'd but in parliaments or councils , by the assent and counsel of the said parliaments , and counsellors . and that there be no general pardon : but that the offences be specified and expressed * according to the tenor of a certain statute , by the king and his council of england , publish'd , and sent to ireland to be observed . 5. the charter , taking notice that false intelligence us'd to be sent from ireland to england , forbids it under b grievous forfeiture , declaring , that if , for the future , the prelates , the great men , commonalty , or any other , should misinform the king and his council , they should be duly punished . 6. whereas they us'd to exhibit against one another , several scandalous and vexatious libels and bills , it provides , that they being reduced to writing , c be , under the seal of the chancellor for the time being , transmitted to the king's justice ▪ chancellor , and treasurer of ireland , who are thereby impowered to do justice : but this is by virtue of the great seal of england . 7. it impowers the d justice , calling to him the chancellor and treasurer , with some prelates and earls , whom he shall know to be fit , or that they ought to be summoned , to determine the differences between the english of irish extractions , and which were or should afterwards be of english . 8. it requires the justice and his associates , when there was any e special cause , to certifie to the king & his council of england , the names of all persons guilty , and their offences . since mr. m. having , as he fancied , a clearly made it out , that b for ireland to be bound by acts of parliament of england , is against several charters of liberties granted unto the kingdom of ireland , thinks he had no need to add any other authority than a piece of that charter , of the substance of which i have given an account , with all the distinguishing expressions ; i might well enough close here , and leave it to himself to consider , whether when a parliament is granted , or allowed , to the land of ireland , in the fullest terms that ever it was in any king's reign , that can be shewn ; there was not at the same time a full exercice of the power of the crown and kingdom of england , in making laws , and requiring the execution of others made in england , without any desire or expectation of a ratification there ? and whether even their parliaments are not threatned , if they send false intelligence to england ? for full proof that in this ordinance , the authority of the parliament of england was rete●●●d and asserted , i must observe to mr. m. that this noble charter to ireland , is but according to the usual methods of publishing acts of parliament , put under the great seal , and thereby made a patent or charter : but 't was an ordinanc● , a or act , of parliament , for the state of ireland , as may be seen by the statute roll. 3. after this statute mentioning parliaments in ireland , the parliament here exercised the same authority in making ordinances and laws for ireland , and the king and his council held ireland to be bound by those laws , as part of the realm of eng land . a statute made in the 36 th of that king provides , that no lord of england , nor any other person of the realm , except the king and queen , take purveyance on pain of life and member ; and takes from mayors and constables of staples , all jurisdiction in criminal causes : but i do not find any mention of ireland , and yet that both king and council judged , that the publishing them in ireland would avail as much as the publishing them in england , appears by the writ to the sheriff of essex and hertfordshire , requiring him to publish the statutes and ordinances then made by the king , with the common assent of the prelates , great men , and commonalty , in his a full parliament at westminster ; and to return the writ , with an account of the execution of it to the king in his chancery . b this writ is tested by the king. and in c the same manner commands are sunt to the justice of ireland . but notwithstanding this transmission to ireland of statutes made here , one of which is about purveyance , which is at least the second of this kind made to bind ireland , mr. m. may if he pleases , hold , that this was not law in ireland , till d 18. h. 6. but after all , i would intreat the favour of mr. m. to inform me , whether , according to himself , such acts of parliament in ireland , were needful to confirm laws made here ; when , if he puts a right construction upon the record above cited , * 9 e. 1. and of the record , † 50 e. 3. of a writ from hence for the expences of the men of ireland , who last came over to serve in parliament in england ; the men of ireland us'd to send their representatives hither , to the making the laws by which they were to be bound : till 𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁 this sending of representatives out of ireland to the parliaments of england , was found in process of time to be very troublesome and inconvenient . but whatever mr. m. may imagin in this matter , that sort of representation of ireland in the parliaments of england , was no more than they had in the time of h. 3. and have 't is likely generally had to this day , of persons entrusted to sollicit the affairs of ireland , upon their numerous petitions to the king , and his council in parliament ; for which receivers and triers used to be appointed , or other matters of concern to them . but whether they were chosen by their * parliaments , when they had them , or elsewhere , their expences , as appears by the record cited by mr. m. were levied by authority under the great seal of england . but i will shew a record of the time of h. 3. when i will agree , that they had a nuntii , messengers , deputed , as 't is likely , from a parliament in ireland . h. 3. in his writ , or letter , to the barons of ireland , takes notice , that , by the b advice of his people , he had given a favourable answer to some of their requests , made known by persons deputed from them . but because those persons alledged , that their instructions were to insist upon all the particulars of their requests ; the king sends a precept to the justice of ireland , under the great seal of england , requiring him , as it seems , to summon a parliament ; for , he was carefully to open the matters before the barons of ireland , and to know what they would give for the liberties they desired . the justice had no authority to have those liberties setled in a parliament there , but was to signify their answer to the king ; upon which the king would do what should be fitting , without taking any right from them . that this was to be done in parliament here , and that the messengers from ireland were no members of that council of the king's people which sent the answer , is beyond dispute ; nor is there colour to believe , that any of their deputies , or representatives , had in any king's reign more to do here , than those of the time of h. 3. had .. but surely no man but mr. m. will conclude , that such instances , or the mention of the consent , or petition of the irish in some particulars , manifestly shew , that the king and parliament of england , would not enact laws to bind ireland , without the concurrence of the representatives of that kingdom . since therefore i have proved to the contrary , from h. 2's first acquisition , till towards the latter end of e. 3. and mr. m. declares , that he will consider the more antient precedents of english statutes which particularly name ireland , and are therefore said to be of force in that kingdom ; i might rest here , did not mr. m. take notice of the statute of the staple , 2 h. 6. and the resolution of the judges upon it , 1 h. 7. in such a manner as makes it requisite to be set in a truer light. the merchants of waterford , pursuant to the licence granted them by e. 3. and confirmed by e. 4. had carried wool , contrary to the ordinary provision of the statute 2 h. 6. which being seized by the treasurer of cal●is as forfeited , part to the king , and part to himself as discoverer ; the merchants by bill in the exchequer here , pray restitution . 't is to be observed , that the act upon which the wool was seized , tho it creates a forfeiture of the value of wool , butter , cheese , and other staple commodities , carried from england , ireland , and wales , to other parts than calais , and gives the informer a 4 th of what shall be carried contrary to that act , from any county of the realm , makes no mention of ireland as to the informers share ; and therefore his interest could bear no debate , unless ireland had been included , and the counties of ireland were counties , within the realm of england . but mr. m. says , the 2 d question was , whether the king could grant his licence contrary to the statute , and especially where the statute gives half the forfeiture to the discoverer . but he might have observed , that the statute has an express saving of the king's prerogative , which goes thrô the whole , and certainly related to the king 's granting licences to the contrary in some particular cases : notwithstanding which , 't was the opinion of the parliament the next year , that this saving was not sufficient : and therefore the king , at the grievous complaint of the commons , impowers the chancellor of england to give licences for butter and cheese , at his discretion . as to the question , whether ireland was bound by the stat. 2 h. 6. mr. m. pretends to transcribe verbatim , what relates to it in the year-book , 2 r. 3. the matter , as he observes , was brought before all the judges of england in the exchequer chamber ; but after [ ibi ] he omits the word [ dicebatur ] it was said , not per curiam , but at the most only by some judg or judges ; and might have been only by one of the counsel for the merchants . whoever then held that ireland was not bound by that act , might have spoken it in relation to the informer , who could claim no share of any forfeiture incur'd from ireland , unles the counties of ireland , were taken to be counties within the realm of england : but even as to this matter they were soon convinced of their mistake , in thinking ireland was not bound by that statute . mr. m. might have learn'd from the year-book , 1 h. 7. that this was so far from the resolution of the court 2 r. 3. that there was no judgment , but the bill fell upon the demise of that king ; which till the statute 1 e. 6. was a discontinuance of all real , personal , and mix'd actions commenced in majesty's courts , and other courts of record . and therefore 1 h. 7. the suit was begun again , as if commenced in that king's reign ; and then the question coming before all the judges in the exchequer chamber , hussey the chief-justice , delivering the judgment of the court , declared , with the assent of the rest of the judges , that ireland was bound by that act , and i leave to mr. m. to make it out , that this was directly contrary to the judges opinion in the 2 d of r. 3. or that they were all positive , that within the land of ireland , the authority of the parliament of england will not affect them . if there had been any such opinion , 't was not delivered as the judgment of the court ; and however , the resolution 1 h. 7. has setled the point another way . this case is abridg'd , and the resolution receiv'd for law by brook , a learned judg in the reign of h. 8. without any query , which is usual where he doubted : his tamen nota , that ireland is a kingdom by it self , and has parliaments of its own , implies no more than that this , tho objected 2 r. 3. was of no weight to alter that judgment ; and is as much as to say , a kingdom may be distinct from the crown of a kingdom to which it is annexed , and have parliaments at home ; and yet be govern'd by the statute laws of that other kingdom as subordinate to it . and tho the naming that subordinate kingdom in an act of parliament here , or the otherwise manifesting an intention to bind it , is no step towards obtaining a parliamentary consent in ireland ; yet 't is towards the submission and acquiescence of the people to those laws , by which they and their forefathers had consented to be governed . i may now leave it to mr. m. to answer his own questions , shall ireland receive charters of liberties , and be no partakers of the freedoms therein contained ? or do these words signify in england one thing , and in ireland no such thing ? nor need i much fear his terrible expostulation , whether it be not against natural equity and reason , that a kingdom regulated within it self , and having its own parliaments , should be bound , without their consent , by the parliament of another kingdom ? but i should hope that he will admit it to be against natural reason , to go away with a conclusion , without some colour of proving the premises ; and therefore before he had laid it home a to english hearts to consider , whether proceedings only of thirty seven years standing , shall be urged against a nation , to deprive them of the rights and liberties which they enjoyed for five hundred years before ; he would have done well to have proved , that any one century , or much less number of years , for these five hundred years & more , ireland was ever , according to the terms of his own question , regulated within it self ; or , that 't is a kingdom of more than b one hundred and sixty years standing . but it seems just * thirty seven years since , and never before , the rights and liberties which they had quietly enjoyed till then , were invaded , and from that day to this have been constantly complained of . 't is not to be expected , that a man who remembers so little of those many acts of parliament made in ireland , which might have moderated his assurance in this matter , should keep in memory even his own concessions to the contrary ; as where he grants , that the parliaments of england did at least claim a superiority , before the 10 th of h. 4. and 29 h. 6. but then he says , we have not one single instance of an english act of parliament ▪ expresly claiming this right of binding us ; but we have several instances of irish acts of parliament expresly denying this subordination . answ . 1. as to the express claiming an authority to do what is done , by virtue of an authority always suppos'd ; that 's so far from an argument against it , that it shews 't was never call'd in question . 2. no act of parliament , even in ireland , can be shewn or pretended , denying the subordination ; not but that there might be some question of the general binding , for want of due publication , either under the great seal of england ; or of otherwise knowing the intention of the parliament of england : this , not the authority , was the ambiguity mentioned in the statute of ireland , 8 e. 4. in relation to a statute 6 r. 2. which , without naming ireland , alters a law that did name it . 3. if there were such act of parliament in ireland , 13 e. 2. as 't is supposed that a certain judg in ireland had seen , and that we might rely upon his judgment in the sense of it ; receiving some laws before that time made in england , and suspending the execution of others ; what i have shewn above from undoubted records , may be enough to shew , that this would not in the least weaken the right of the parliament of england , exercised before and after that time : and if there were another statute , 10 h. 4. that no laws should be of force , unless they were allow'd and published by a parliament in ireland : this , tho 't is a strain farther than 't is likely any parliament of ireland ever yet went , would not necessarily infer any more , than that the laws made in england should be thus published , to the end they might be more generally known ; not but that the intention of the parliament of england , made known under the great seal of england , was as much to be obeyed as their own record shews that 't was 29. e. 1. the authorities above ▪ cited having manifested the several titles which the crown and kingdom of england have to the land of ireland ; and that from the 18 th . of h. 2. at the latest , downwards as far as mr. m. makes any controversie , neither the irish nation , nor the english there , have been govern'd without the interposition of the parliament of england ; and that the parliament of ireland had all its laws made here , or derived under authority from hence , and that not from the king 's alone , or the kings and their pri●y counsels ▪ but their parliament ; that the parliaments of ireland have had no provision for their being holden within any certain time , nor ever had authority given them to act as independent on the parliament of england ; i may well conclude , that the right of the parliament of england to bind ireland by laws made here , without any members chosen for ireland , is so far from being departed from , that 't is strengthened and confirmed by the continual usage of the parliaments of england , and submission of the parliaments and people of ireland : to which 't will be needless to add the consideration of the inestimable treasure spent in several ages , for maintaining the english interest there ; and the late freeing it from an universal insurrection , and usurpation . 4. having us'd the proper means to convince mr. m. by the true argumentum ad hominem , shewing that the chief weapons which he uses turn strongly against himself ; i need the less apprehend the natural force of his reasoning upon dry notions . the right says he , which england may pretend to for binding us by their acts of parliament , can be founded only on the imaginary title of conquest , or purchase , or on precedents and matters of record . wherein he admits , that precedents and matters of record , may give a right , which is neither by conquest nor purchase : and of this the authors he refers to might satisfie him at large . i 'll agree with him , that on consent depends the obligation of all humane laws : insomuch that without it , by the unanimous opinions of all jurists no sanctions are of any force . but do any of them say that the consent is necessary to be exprest , and that immediate ? if it were the sons could not be bound by those laws which their fathers chose , in restriction of natural liberty ; and he might have observ'd , by his own authors , and even in the words cited by himself , that approbation , not only men give , who personally declare their assent , by voice , sign , or act ; but also when others do it in their names , by right originally at least derived from them , as in parliaments , councils , &c. to be commanded we do consent , when that society whereof we are part , hath at any time before consented . farther yet , whatever freedoms the progeny of the english and britains now in ireland claim with the natural born subjects of england , as being descended from them ; 't is certain , every man here does not , as an english-man , claim to be a member of parliament , or to have a voice in chusing one : but there are many without this privilege , who have been concluded by the consent of their forefathers , and their own ▪ agreeing to stay within a kingdom govern'd by such laws , to which they owe obedience and submission , at least as long as they will receive the benefit of them , and the protection which they assure . this is the case of those englishmen , who chuse to live in ireland , under the protection of england ; without which the protestants there could not have subsisted , in any age since the reformation : and if the irish natives are not conquer'd , or the right of conquest over them , ought not to be carryed beyond the reparation of the damages sustained from them ; or if a just conquest gets no power , but only over those who have actually assisted in that unjust force ; and if the right of conquest extends little f●rther , than over the lives of the conquer'd , but their posterity can lose no benefit thereby : if an outragious and brutal enemy , may not be restrain'd from doing farther mischief , by the taking from him that power and estate which would enable him to carry on his designs ; if the posterity may not suffer in the consequence of this , as the aggressor's property is become the conqueror's ; if the children may not be restrain'd from revenging their father's quarrel ; let the english in ireland look to it , how to ju●●ifie those possessions which they enjoy , by the help of the crown and kingdom of england : and if their consciences are squeamish , let them renounce their right to the lands of the natives ▪ but let them not bring in to question the right of engl. to all foreign plantations : and let them never fear that equal power here , to which a great part of the english nation are resigned , without any other kind of consent , than the people of ireland have given , to the laws made in england , with intention to bind them , and be published there . as to his notion of purchase ; whenever ireland will repay the value of the purchase , that inestimable and infinite expence of men , money , victuals , and arms , which their own parliaments own to have protected and supported them for several ages ; there 's no great question but england would be willing to leave 'em to their own ways . whereas he will suppose , that the authority , which the lords and commons of england have exercised from age to age , in relation to ireland , would imply that the parliament of england have claim'd a coordinate power with the king ; what is this but to argue , that in relation to england the parliament is coordinate ? however , as by parliament he means only the states of the kingdom ; 't is evident this insinuation proceeds from his not observing the gothick constitution , for which he would be thought very zealous ▪ but might have known , that the states of the kingdom , or the ordines regni , are those who are entituled to meet the king in person , or by representation , in his parliaments ; where the king is a distinct body politick by himself : and , having the supremacy , is manifestly above the ordines regni . but tho' the head which mr. m. raises , about the suppos'd injury to prerogative , be only upon a pretended coordinate power with the king , he carries it farther : and will have it , that for the states of this realm to use an authority , tho' subordinate to the king , to introduce new laws , or repeal old , establish'd in ireland , is a violation of the const●tution of ireland under boyning's act , and of the prerogative of the crown of england ; which he supposes to have been highly advanced by that statute speaking of the effect of which he says , the king's prerogative is advanced to a much higher pitch than ever was challeng'd by the king 's in england , and the parliament of ireland stands almost in the same bottom as the king does in england : i say ; almost on the same b●ttom ; for the irish parliament have not only a negative ( as the king has in england ) to wha●ever laws the king and his pri●y councils of both , or either kingdom , shall lay before them ; but have also a liberty of proposing to the king and his privy council here , such laws as the parliament of ireland think expedient to be pass'd : which laws being thus proposed to the king , and put into form , and transmitted to the parliament here of ireland , according to poyning's act must be pass'd or rejected in the very words , even to a little , as they are laid before our parliament ; we cannot alter the least iota . in this narrative of their constitution under that law , he has omitted the mentioning what is very material , that the kings answer to what they propo●e , is to be transmitted under the great ●eal of england , and this is to be the licence and authority for the holding a parliament in ireland ; and therefore their acts of parliament since that settlement , mention their being held by authority under the great seal of england . and there were two obvious ends and effects of this law , as mr. m. himself owns , 1. the prevent●on of any thing passing in the parliament of ireland surreptitiously , to the prejudice of the king or the english interest of ireland : to which i must add , or of england . 2. to take from the irish there , all colour of pretence of holding parliaments as an independent kingdom by virtue of any authority within that land. but how the king's prerogative in the legislature was advanced by this i do not understand : since long before , as well as notwithstanding this supposed constitntion of an independent parliament , held by authority from the great seal of england ; the king had , and has , the prerogative , not only to dissolve the irish parliaments at his pleasure ; but never to call any : which this gentleman ought to fear , least such a claim as he makes might occasion : and i would gladly know , what part of their constitution provides for the frequent holding of parliaments in ireland : yet frequency of parliaments in england , is an undoubted part of the fundamental constitution of the english monarchy . farther , is it any advance to the prerogative in the legislature , that a prince who has the full exercise of an absolute legislature at home , is only possessed of a provision against having any attempt made , to the lessening that his settled and indubitable prerogative ? i must needs say this gentleman has a way of arguing beyond my apprehension ▪ for i cannot see the consequence , how the prerogative should be advanced , if , as he will have it , the irish parliament is put almost on the same bottom , as that the king stands on in england : if it be so , i should think it a lessening of the prerogative , to have an irish parliament almost coordinate with him : which mr. m. is very fearful least an english parliament should pretend to . and i as little understand the reason he gives , why the parliament of ireland stands almost upon the same bottom with the king ; for says he , they have not only a negative vote as the king has in england , but liberty to propose ; yet the laws must be pass'd or rejected without alteration : this i take to be foreign to the bottom on which , either the king or that parliament , stands . if it be meant that they are , in a manner , as absolute in this negative and liberty of purposing , as the king is in england : since it relates only to law ▪ first desired from ireland , either by the privy council ▪ or parliament there ; this constitution of their parliament , is so far from giving them a negative to the laws pass'd in england , with declared intention to bind them in ireland , that the authority of england is wove into the very constitution ; and the parliaments of ireland own that authority by their very sitting and enacting . m● . m. having represented that consti●ution of their parliaments , by which he thinks they stand almost upon the same bottom as the king did here , makes this strong assumption . if therefore the legislature of ireland stand on this foot in relation to the king , and to the parliament of ireland ; and the parliament of england do remove it from this bottom , and assume it to themselves , where the king's prerogative is much narrower , and as it were reversed ( for there the king has only a negative vote ) i humbly conceive 't is an encroachment on the king's prerogative . but he might consider , 1. that as here by the parliament he takes lords and commons without the king ; he mistakes the fact in relation to their exercice of power : for they do not assume to themselves the power of making any law , but with , and under the king. 2. neither do they , in the highest exercice of their power , take from the irish any thing allowed or directed by poyning's law , or any other constitution . 3. they do but assert the chief prerogative of the crown of england , by which ▪ due consent being bad , our kings give laws to this realm , and all the dominions belonging to it . 4. the ancient course of the proceedings of the parliaments of england ▪ and their making all manner of provisions for the government of ireland , evince , that poyning's law was rather an indulgence to the english there , directing a method for their maintaining the face of a legislature among themselves , than any restraint of power before vested in the parliaments of england . and after all , this law was never , as i take it , confirm'd by a parliament of england . i must not here omit the consequences which mr. m. draws , from the parliament of england's pretending power to impose any one law upon ireland . 1. that 't will naturally introduce the taxing them without their consent . 2. that 't will leave the people of ireland in the greatest confusion imaginable : that they are not permitted to know , which is the supreme authority which they are bound to obey , whether the parliament of england , or that of ireland or both ; and that the uncertainty is or may be made a pretence for disobedience . 3. that 't will be highly inconvenient for england ; may make the lords and people of ireland think they are not well used , and may drive them into discontent . 1. not here to consider , how far the lordship of the land of ireland may infer the taxing it ; if it should refuse to concur as it ought , to its own preservation : since the law of necessity is no farther to be used , or considered , than while the necessity is apparent ; i may say , that this is no consequence to be apprehended , and that as the right of taxing , does not follow from the right of governing ; and the nature of the government depends upon the first submission , and that interpretation and confirmation of it , which both the governing nation , and the governed have put upon it : i must infer , with deference to the national authority , that the power which england has from the time of h. 2. claimed and exercised over ireland , does not naturally introduce the taxing them without their con-consent ; yet , if the modern precedents of english acts of parliament alledg'd against mr. m's notion , are innovations , and only of thirty seven years standing , depriving them of the rights and liberties which they enjoyed for five hundred years before , and which were invaded without their consent ; such an invasion would naturally introduce the taxing them without their consent . but since england uses no power which it has not generally used for these 500 years , he should avoid putting it to the necessity , or temptation to go farther . 2. as to the supposed uncertainty where the supream authority resides ; he might have found that pass'd dispute in their own statutes ; and yet their denyals could be of no weight , till they had absolutely renounced the protection of england ; and indeed must be thought to have come in surreptitiously , without the due care of the governours , there , under the crown of england ; as well as without the notice of the nation which has hitherto protected and supported them . however , the obedience which that nation has from h. 2d's time , pay d to the laws of england , after they had been duly pubiished by authority under the great seal of england , might have sufficiently taught them where the real legislature is vested , and by them and their forefathers acknowledged . and since he admits that till a regular legislature was established in ireland by the irish voluntary submission to , and acceptance of the laws and government of england , we must repute them to have sub●itted themselves to the statute laws made under h. 2. king john , and h. 3. and their predocessors ; if a kingdom can have no supreme within it self , and a subordinate parliament is no parliament as he would infer ; he must thank himself for the consequence , that therefore they have neither a kingdom , nor a parliament : and then by his own confession , they are as much to be govern'd by the statutes now made in england , as their predecessors were in the times of king john , and h. 3. 3. as to the imagined inconvenience to england , and almost threatned defection from the crown of the kingdom , this gentleman's undertaking makes it evident , that the authority ought the rather to be exerted , to help some men's understandings , least such a shew of arguments , and popular flourishes , should encourage them to act as if they were a compleat kingdom within themselves , with a king at the head of them , during whose absence , or professing a religion contrary to that which the generality of the people profess , they might assert the right of a free kingd . subject to no man's laws , but what they had consented to immediately , or permitted to grow into a custom . since this gentleman thinks he has silenced all the patriots of liberty and property , by his warm appeals to them ▪ and wheadling notions of the inherent , and unalienable rights of mankind ; and , howevre that he , has engag'd the crown of his side , by adorning it with a prerogative to govern ireland without any relation to the pu●lick good of that kingdom ▪ the rightful possession of which , ca●●ies ireland as an appendant to the imperial crown ; i must desire him to consider whether in this , as well as other particulars before observed , the charge of inconsistency , will not fall upon him more justly than upon the lord coke . a little to qualifie this heat , upon the suppos'd injury to prerogative , or common right , i shall recommend these heads to his serious consideration . 1. whether he does not yield , that if there were a submission and consent , to such laws for government , as england should from time to time publish , to be obeyed in ireland ; this would be no injury to the common rights of mankind ? 2. whether his tragical exclamations , against those who have acted contrary to what he takes to be the right of the english proprietors in ireland , are not founded upon the supposition ; that those acts of parliaments there , which have been made of late days , with express intention of binding ireland , are innovations ? 3. whether it being evident , that the laws made here , have for so many ages been enforced and submitted to ▪ as binding ireland ; an english-man in ireland has more reason to complain of a law made here , than a wealthy merchant free of no corporation , or any english-man who●e profit obliges him to a continuance in foreign parts ? 4. whether all the english treasure which has been spent , and lives lost for the reduction of ireland , were absolutely at the disposal of the princes , or directed by any of their parliaments ? 5. whether a law book digested in the time of h. 2. as 't is suppos'd , by publick authority , does not shew , that in the notion of that very time , when mr. m. supposes that the right of the crown of england over ireland , was first acquired , there was , or might be treason against the kingdom of england , as well as against the king ? 6. whether the submitting to take the english laws from the king , implyed the taking them from him alone ; unless he made laws in england , without the consent of the states of the kingdom of england ? 7. whether if the english modus tenendi parliamenta , being , as mr. m. thinks he has proved , transmitted to ireland , by h. 2. stiling himself conqueror of ireland ; after that , a parliament of ireland , held in that form , should have voted themselves independant upon the parliament of england ; would not every member have been liable to an impeachment for treason against the king and kingdom of england ? 8. if by municipal laws , or the provision of the common law of england , in cases not particularly express'd , the son may justly suffer in the consequence of his father's forfeiture for treason ; may not the same reason hold for a dependent nation ? 9. whether jurists , universally agreed to be well skill'd in the law of nations , and even such as hold the people or community to be the common subject of power , do not maintain , that as well the dominion or power vested in the people , as that which was in the prince , may be acquired by another prince , or state ? 10. whether they do not hold , that such acquisition made in one age , and continued , lays an obligation upon posterity to submit to it ? 11. whether they do not generally hold , that protection is a good foundation of power ; and that this confirms the submissions of publick societies anciently made , to the nature of that government which they had subjected themselves to , and to the governing families ? 12. whether the protection which the stronger kingdom has continued to give to a weaker , is not at least as forceable an argument for obedience , as that protection which any nation does , or can receive from the prince who is at the head of it ? 13. whether our saviour's observation upon the roman penny , and st. paul's epîstle to the romans , did not establish a general rule of subjection ? 14. whether the jews , and other nations subject to the roman empire , had not much more plausible pretences for casting off the roman yoak , than the irish have for disowning the english legislature ? 15. whether our victorious and heroical kings , e. 3. and h. 5. thought it any diminution to the prerogative of the crown of england , for their parliaments to be joyn'd with them , in giving terms to those parts of france , which were brought under the crown of england , in wars carried on at a national expence ? 16. whether , notwithstanding his concession , that every king of england , is ipso facto king of ireland ; the contrary does not follow from his notion of prerogative , of irelands being a compleat kingdom reg●●●●ed within it self ; and the supposition that acts of parliament in england cannot bind ireland , till confirmed by parliament there ? 17. whether therefore according to his way of arguing , the subjects of ireland , who fought under king william , before he was recognized by a parliament in ireland , then served their lawful and rightful king. 18. whether to dedicate to his present majesty , a book of such consequences as the direct answer to these questions would manifest , argues a due opinion of his majesty's judgment and penetration ? finis . errata . pag. 5. lin. 8. for have ' r. know , ib. l. 14. r. grievous , ib. p. 7. l. 9. for must r. might , ib. l. 18. r. you represent , p. 11. l. 26. r. and nature , p. 12. l. 23. r. first expedition , p. 29. l. 25. for will r. would , p. 41. l. ult . for none r. no charter , p. 62. l. 18. r. and that , p. 63. l. 23. r. jurisdiction which , p. 64. l. 25. r. from , p. 70. l. 5. r. would , p. 87. dele voluntary , p. 95. l. 11. r. h. 3. p. 104 ▪ l. 13. for the r. that , p. 108. l. 6. r. here , p. 112. l. 4. r. when , p. 115 ▪ l. 12. dele chief , ● . 122. l. 20. r. carta , p. 133. l. ● . r. be then , p. 134. ● . 1. r. there then , ib. l. 9. for me r. him , p. 139. l. 9. for 1st . r. 17th . p. 144. l. 1. for that r. tho' , p. 165. l. 15. r. precedent , p. 173. l. 21. r. marchers , p. 174. l. ult . dele we , p. 184. l. 24. r. consider only , p. 195. l. 19. r. express , p. 200. l. 4. ● . poyning's , p. 201. l. 21. and 22. r. 1. as &c. p. 202. l. ult . r. who , with his states , p. 204. l. 23. for did r. does , p. 212. l. 9. for there r. here . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a26170-e160 a anciently there was but one house and sometimes one undivided body sub dio . thus one of k. edgar 's charters an. 970. non clam in angulo , sed sub divo , palam evidentissimè scientibus toti●s regni mei primatibus . d dr. brady's answer to mr. petty l. p. 1 , 2 . ●o rescue these sacred things from groundless and designing i●●e●pretations : i follow his own method , and do affirm , 1. tha● the commo s of england represented by knights , citizens , and burgesses in parliament were not introduced , not were one of the three estates in parliament before the 49th of h. 3. 2. that before that time the body of the commons of england , or freem●n as now understood or as we n●w frequently call them collectively taken , had not any share or votes iu making of laws for the government of the kingdom , nor had any com●unication in affairs of state , unless they w●re represented by the tex nts in capite . a vid jani anglor . faciem nov . ed. an. 1680. b vid. dr. brady 's append . to his co●pleat history cited in f. c dr. brady's introtuct . f. 3●6 spe●àing of seditious pieces defign'd , as he says , to overturn the government , and publish'd on purpose to usher in anarchy and confusion , ( leaving a blank for mr. p●tyt's name , whom be sufficiently describes ) these and other such stuff , says , he did mightily contribute to the sedition and rebellious practices of a great man who laid violent hands upon himself to prevent the hand ●nd stroak of justice , and like to this piece are j●ni anglor ▪ ●acies nova , jus anglorum ab antiquo , reflections upon antidptum brit. &c. all written and timed to promote sedition and in expectation of rebellion and the destruction of the establish'd government . d jus anglorum ab antiq . votes , lunae , 27 junii 1698. vid. mat. par. addit . f. 281. de foris facturâ regni per johannem , & regni vacatione per ejusdem demissionem in manus papae . notes for div a26170-e1290 * mr. molineux his book ▪ p. 3. i venture to expose my own weakness , rather than be wanting at this time to my country , i might say indeed to mankind ; for 't is the cause of the whole race of adam that i argue , &c. pag. 3. vid. plin. pan. quàm nunc juvat , provincias omnes in fidem nostram deditionemque venisse . postquam contigit princeps terrarum , &c. pag. 25. * 't is only damage sustain'd that gives title to another man's goods . * mr. molineux his complaint against the parliament of england . vid. dedication . pag. 3. p. 64 , & 66. p. 68 , 99. p. 105. p. 107. nay but one throne , the two kingdoms ▪ p. 108. p. 111. pag. 114. a p. 128. b p. 129 , 133 , 139. c p. 147. d p. 163. e p. 154. f p. 157. g p. 161. h p. 166. i p. 168. vid. e cont. sup . p. 64 , & 66. k p. 170. l ibid. m p. 171. n ibid. o p. 172. pag. 3. the true foundation and nature of the right of england over ireland . vid. p. 3. p. 14. pag. 6. of the first annexation of the land of ireland to the crown of england . lambard's archainomia , f. 148. de jure & appendiciis coronae regni britanniae . a bibli●●h . cot. sub effigie julii . b. 11. b claudius . d. 2. na. c guernsey , 〈◊〉 i take it . circa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . rot. cart. 5. e. 2. m. 12. n. 25. & 3 e. 3. m. 10. n. 23. pro priore & conventu wigorn . per inspeximus . an. 964. regni sui 6. rot ▪ pat. 12. e. 2. m. 13. n. 42. rot. cart. 2 ▪ e. 3. m. 23. n. 78. an. 970. & cart. antiq. in turr. loud . b. n. 11. a rot. car● ▪ 5. e. 2. m. 12 ▪ n. 25. b rot. cart. 5. e. 3. m. 1● ▪ n. 17. per prior & convent . sanctae frischeswide ▪ oxon. an. 1084. re●●i● 25. a rot. cart. 5. e. 3. m. 32. n. 85. a. 979. b rot. cart. 36. e. 3. m. 7. n. 3. a. 964. c in bib. cot. an. 1001. d monast . 1. vol. f. 94. a. a. 983. a rot. cart. 5. e. 3. m. 32. n. 85. pars unica . a. 987. b hist . elyens . in bib. cotton . c vid. rot. cart. 2. r. 2. m. 13. n. 5. bib. cot. sub . effig . claudil c. 9. hist . eccles . abind . cart. antiq. b. n. 4. k. n. 22. d cartae antiquae in turri lond. d. n. 12. coenob . de salebi● . e cart. an ▪ tiq . q. n. 2 ▪ an. 1081. * bib. cot. sub effigie claudii 9 regist . abind . dehund . de hormmere . † p. 129. if our church be free and absolute within it self , our state must be so too . of the superiority and authority of the church of england over the church of ireland . * parker 's a●tiq . brit. et quique nobiles cum clero . * petitioni ●orum armuit . † fo. 23. ann. 1151. ibid. 𝄁 ib. f. 23. nihilominus cant. primatem in omnibus agnoscunt . * antiq. brit. ] sup . inter decem script . gerv. dorob . actus pontif. cant. f. 1633. ann. 605. nec non & scothorū qui hiberniam insulam britanniae proximam incolunt , pastoralem impendere sollicitudinem curabat . brompton , f. 970 , 971. de an. 1071. * not that the whole history need have been read in the council , but the chief passages produced by them who had read it . p. 8. an. 1172. p. 6 , 7 , 8. of h. 2d 's landing in ireland . p. 144. the justification of 2d's expedition . lambard's archaionomia , f. 138. de regis officio , &c. vid. leges st. edw. tit. greve . ryley's placita parl. 29 e. 1. vid. in● . anglia sacra , giraldus cambrensis de rebus a se gestis , pars 2. c. 14. angl. sac . sup . pars 2. f. 485. speaking of king john , pater ipsius intrandi hiberniam , sibique subjugandi , ab ecclesia roman● licentiam impetravit . pro dilatandis ecclesiae ter●inis , &c. v. p. 129. holy church shall be free , &c. if our church be free and absolute within it self , our state must be so likewise . p. 10 , & 11. p. 28. of the submission of the irish to h. 2. v. p. 10. cited by him . p. 28. mat. par. ib. urbes & castella quae rex in sua receperat , sub fideli custodia deputavit . p. 29 ▪ hoveden . f. 323. f. 324. int. decem script . bromton de eod . an. vid. inf. in truth he was but viceroy . v. p. 10. jurantes ei & haeredibus suis p. 154. a hoveden . t. 312. sicut tenuit antequam dominus rex intravit hib. b a● . 1175. c gir. cambr . expug . hib. c. 34. de an. 1177. anno primo quo illustrissimus anglor . r. & hib. triumph●tor , ipsam insulam acquisivit . d benedict . abbas , p. 69. ●ited in dr. bradey's append . f. 39. rot. claus . 7. jo. m. 5. nomine baroniae . davis rep. f. 38. of the antiquity of the right of the crown of england to the land of ireland , recognized by parliaments there . stat. 11 eliz. ses . 3. c. 1. f. 273. graston de an . ante christum 375. de eod . an . irish stat. f. 493. p. 4. of the comparison bètween w. 1. and h. 2. and of the stile and notion of conquest . davis 's rep. ● . 41. case de tanistry . p. 12 , & 13. a vid. mr. petyt's pref. to the rights of the kingdom . mic. 2. jo. the same transcribed more at large in hales's collect. in bib. hospit●● lincoln . b glanvil . de legibus , lib. 7. c. 1. vid. ib. aut habet haereditatem tantum , aut questum tantum . c p. 14. d vid. pref ▪ to davis's rep. the first after the norman conquest that was stiled lord of ireland . girald . camb. hibern . expugnat . vid. reflections upon a treasonable opinion against signing the voluntary association . f. 14. puff . de jure gentium . vii . 7. 3. pictav . gesta w. ducis norm . & regis anglor . f. 181. ord. vital . f. 492. * non expectabat vesanus anglus quid publica electio statueret . pictav . ut memini , vel ordir . vital . † flor. wig. fidelitat . juraverunt , quibus & ipse foedus pepigit . s. dunelm . f. 195. hoveden . f. 258. rad. de diceto col. 480. bromton col. 958. 𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁 ordir . vital . f. 503. bib. cotton . sub effigie claudii , a. 3. * bib. cot. sup . volumus & concedimus . vid. selden . dissert . ad fletam de confirmatione , 4º regni sui ekal . vid. etiam mat. par. addit . de fretherico ab. sancti albani , extorquente cautionem juratoriam . vid. god's ways of disposing of kingdoms . p. 20. the sense of parliaments in ireland , in relation to conquest . stat. hib. 28 h. 8. c. 3. f. 64. f. 65. stat. 11. eliz. ses . 3. c. 1. f. 37. 11 j. c. 1. * 12 , 13 , 14 , j. 1. c. 5. * act for subsidies , 11 c. 1. 10 c. 1. ses . 1. c. 3. and ses . 3. c. 3. nota , but one imperial crown . 14 & 15 c. 2. non hic habent milites parliamenti . p. 117. p. 117. p. 118. of mr. m's comparison between scotland and ireland ; and of the annexation of ireland to the crown of engl nd . p. 147. vid. moor's rep. vid. ben. ab. in bib. cot. de homagio regis scot. h. 2. a vid. answ . to c. j. herbert on the dispensing power ; and particularly the sherivalty of the county of n. for which some have supposed that the statute in that case was dissensed with . a comparison between ireland and wales . b mr. m. m. 165. c 34 h. 8. c. 13. d●●●s 's rep. f. 41. b. should be in the plural number . davis f. 67. le case del county palatine . f. 67. comparison between ireland and the county palatine of chester . rot. pat. 9. h. 3. m. 9. d. rot. pat. 44. h. 3. m. 1. d. pat. 6. e. 1. m. 6. de 1 5ma in com. cestr . pat. 20. e. 1. m. 6. de 1 5ma regi , &c. p. 148. some object , that ireland is to be look'd upon only as a colony from england . year-book of e. 2. f. 613. * 19 h. 6. f. 12. b. 4. inst . f. 212. † vaughan's rep ▪ * of the jurisdiction of the king's bench of england●ver ●ver that of ireland . p. 13. vib. ib. the lord coke , seems to infer from the subordination , &c. p. 13. of the ordinary jurisdiction of the k's bench of england over that of ireland . * p. 164 , 165. interesse judiciis curiae regis . * rot. claus . 37 h. 3. m. 4 ▪ d. hibn. et mandatum est justiciariis hib●rniae quod rec●rda cum omnibus adm●iculis coram ●o venire faciant . rot. claus . 37 h. 3. m. 15 ▪ recorda penes remem . in scaccar . placita coram rege 20 e. 1. vid. inf . of petitions in parl. temp. e. 1. p. 133. p. 132. p. 133. the ordinary jurisdiction of the lords , and the king's bench , an incident to the superiority of the crown of england . * p. 3. p. 125 , 126. ro● . parl. 8 h. 6. of the annexation of ireland to the crown of england . p. 41 , 42. p. 44. p. 127. p. 149. vid. davis rep. f. 61. citing 28 h. 8. c. 2. la corone d' engleterre en plusors auters acts de parl. est appel . imperial crown , & la corone de ireland est appendant , a ceo 28 h. 8. c. 20. & unite & knit al. imperial corone d' engleterre , 33 h. 1. c. 1. 33 h. 8. c. 1. a 2 eliz. c. 1 , & ● . 2. 28 h. 8. c. 2. 28 h. 8. c. 5. p. 166. 11 jac. 1. c. 1. 10 c. 1. sess . 3. c. 3. q. whether of england or ireland , neither being named . p. 55. p. 127. p. 157. p. 127. p. 128. vid. the printed statute-book ending with r. 3. and reflections upon a treasonable opinion against signing the association . in the beginning of the statutes of h. 7. in french. p. 127. p. 128. stat. 34 & 35 h. 8. c. 3. 1 eliz. c. 1. p. 83. the power of england not departed from , but duly exercised . p. 57 & 58. p. 62. p. 63. p. 40. * vid. bened. ab. in bib. cott. & al. author . davis rep. f. 64. b. p. 148. * vid. leges w. 1. de ●ide ▪ &c. regi domino ●uo . * sandford's genealogical hist . referring to a charter in the cotton library . sigillum johannis filii regis , domini hiberniae . p. 41. vid. sandford , sup . * polidore virg. f. 255. habito concilio , &c. de concilii sententia honoribus atque fortunis privatus . thorn. in t . decem . script . col . 1868. fuit citatus , accusatus , & judicio coram paribus suis per eos legitimè tanquam proditor condemnatus . mat. par. addit . f. 281. b ib. f. 236. oxoniam profectus , &c. johannem fil . totius hiberniae regulum facit . c p. 41 , 42. a rot. ●●t . 9. j. p. 1. m. 2. n. 8. ad voluntatem & consilium dilector . & fidelium nostror . com. w. maresc . & walt. de lacey & al. bar ▪ nostrorum hiberniae , qui nobiscum fuerunt in angl. & per consilium fidelium nostrorum in angl. quod latrones hibern ▪ expellantur de terra nostrâ hibern ▪ &c. b annales de margan . ann. 1210. jo. 11. f. 14. hostibus ex voto subactis . c vid. ib. de lacy com. ultorum w. de breusa walt. de lacy , &c. fecit con●isca●i omnia bona proscriptorum principium quae multa fuerunt in angl. in wal. & hibernia . * pat. 30. h. 3. m. 1. quod omnes leges & con●uetudines quae in regno angl. tenentur , in hibern . teneantur , & ●adem ter . eisdem legibus subjaceat , & per easdem regatur , sicut dominus r. j. cum ultimo esse● in hibern . statuit & fieri mandavit . † p. 58. * p. 54. † vid. rot. car● ▪ 16. johannis . rex angliae , dominus hibern . dux norm . & aquitaniae , comes audegav . rot. claus . 18 h. 3. m. 27. 𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁 regni nostri angl. † rot. pat. 21 h. 3. m. 10. * ad tractandum nobiscum ibidem super his & aliis statum nostrum , & terrae nostrae hibern . tangentibus . † rot. claus . 37 h. 3. m. 15. firmiter ad fidem & servitium nost . & praedecessor . nostrorum regum angl. ad conquestum una cum anglicis faciend . super hibernienses . a vid. sir john davis de tanistry . b 41 h. 3. m. 11. c dudum . d multis retroactis temporibus , which mr. pryn by mistake has omnibus . c omnibus anglicis terrae hibern . rot. pat. 18 h. 3. sup . rex vult ut de communi consilio regis provisum est quod omnes leges , &c. g annales monast . burton . f. 411. a rot. claus . 34 h. 3. m. 7. d. b annales burton , sup . in eod . parl. apud oxon. xxiv . electi , viz. xii . ex parte domini regis , & totidem ex parte communitat●s . rot. claus . 44 h. 3. m. 18. do●so . c rot. claus . 44 h. 3. dors . m. 18. d ibid. object . p. 45. a p. 58. b p. 47. pat. 1. h. 3. m. 13. intus . ans●● . a regno nostro angl. concessis . b p. 45. c p. 46. d vid. inf. temp . e. 1. & deinceps . p. 45. brady's append . to his compleat history f. 131. and shall have the common advice of the kingdom concerning the assessment of their aids . f. 52 , 53. claus . h. 3. m. 8. a de majori consilio . b vid. rot. claus . 12. h. 3. 8. de legibus & consuetud . observandis in hib. cited p. 52 , 53. grot. de jure belli & pacis . a quas distincte in scriptum reductas . ( b ) quz omnes tangunt ab omnibus tractari debent . ( c ) p. 50 , 51. 3. h. 3. rot. pat. 37. h. 3. pars 2. m. 10. p. 58. of the authority of the parliaments of england , exercised over ireland in the time of e. 1. a rot. claus . 1. e. 1. m. 20. de conservatione pacis in hibern . b haereditario judicio . c claus . 1. e. 1. m. 11. quia defuncto jam celeb●is memoriae dom. h. patre nostro ad nos reg●i gubernacu●um successione haereditariâ ac p●ocerum regni volu●tate & ●idelitate nobis p●aestit● sit de volutum . a p. 96. b p. 95. a p. 58. a p. 63. b p. 64. d p : 99 before the year 1641. there was no statute made in england introductory of a new law , &c. a p●yns animad . f. 256. 13. e. 1. m. 5. ●e statutis liberatis . et rot. stat. prynn omits regis which is in the record . ( b ) in hiberniam deferenda & ibidem proclamanda & observands . a en tout ●on royaume . b ou de auter bon ville . c per tout ●on royaume d'engleterre & d'irland . a prvnn's animad . f. 254. 30 h. 3. m. 1. quia pro communi utilitate terrae hiberniae & unitate terrarum regis rex vult ut de communi consilio regis provisum est . b vid. 28 e. 3. & 43 e. 3. c. 1. p. 99 , 103 , 105 a stat. of gloster 6. e. 1. ( b ) habet rex consil . suum in parl. suis . c some statutes made by the king , the prelates , earls , barons , and his council . a 3. inst . & rot. stat. de temp . e. 1. e. 2. e. 3. appellez les plus discres de son regne , ausibien des g●eindrescome des meindres . b per sonconseil , & per assentement des tout la commonalty . c vid. regi●● . brev. ed. an. 1531. f. 17. quod siat coram nobis & consilio nostro in parl. nostro un . rot. claus . 17. e. 1. pars m. 8. ad prox . parl. post festum paschae , ut tunc inde rex f●ci●t quod de consilio suo duxe●it ordinandum . a rot. parl. 20. e. 3. m. 11. ( b ) rot. parl. 21 , e. 3 m. 9. s●avisera ove les grants . c rot. stat. temps e 1. e. 2. e. 3. pur le amendment , de son royaume & pour plenere exhibitionde droit , si come le profit de office regal demand . d vid. the stat. 3. inst . a west . 2. 13. e. 1. ann● 1285. printed stat. ( b ) stat. ed. an. 1529 quaedam statuta ● opulo ●uo valde ▪ necessaria ucilia edidit , per quae populus ●uus anglicus & hybernicus suo regimine gubernatus . c ad supletionem dict . stat. et statuta edidit . vid. regist . writs f. 13. quando uxor admittitur ad jus suum defendend . & f. 16. de communi consilio regni no●tri . p. 81. a priyn's animad . on lord coke pat. 8 e. 1. m. 13. hib. omnibus anglicis terrae . quod nobis & consilio n●to ro videbiturexpedire . a davis rep. f. 21. h. issint 29 e. 1. quand per special ordinance del roy , &c. rot. stat. de temp . e. 1. e. 2. e. 3. johan wogan , justice d●rland , ou a son lieutenant . printed stat. 21 e. 1. c. ● . record 22 e. 1. note a stat. made in the 21 or 22 was not sent to ireland till the 27th . a ryley's placit● parl. f. 379. 381 , 382. a pro statu co●onae regiae nec non terrarum ipsius regis scotiae walliae & hiberniae . b ex assensu dom. regis ac toto consilio parliamenti . c non permitterentur in regno . et mandatum est principi wallia & com. ce●t . & cu●todi scotiae & justic . hib. in ei●dem terris firmiter & inviolabiliter observari . ordinatio pro statu hib. ●alsly supposed to have been 17 e. 1. p. 88. stat. ed an. 1529. p. 88. p. 89. vid. rot. claus . 18 ▪ e ▪ 1. m. 8. thes ▪ & ●arsuis de siccio dublin . pro othone de grandison . a p. 148. b p. 155. p●t . 18. e. 1. m. 13. de muraglo dublin . ordin . pro statu hib. c. 2. p●t . 18 e. 1. m. 2. nisi tempore gu●riae necessitas hoc deposcit . has literas nost●as fieri fecimus patentes quamdiu nobis placue●it duratur ' a claus . 17. e. 1. m. 4. intus . nota oct. martini , is but 2 days after . b p. 89. c claus . 17. e. 1. m. 8. usque ad proximum parl. post pasc●a ut tune inde rex faciat quod de concilio suo duxerit ordinandum . teste edm. com. corn. cons . regis apud . west . 5 m●r●ii● a claus . 17. e. 1. m. 2. dorso nobis ea in proxim . parl. nostro referant b quod veniant apud westm . in craft . instantis festi sancti martini . that 't is to be believed a parliament was holden 17 e. 1. tho no summons to it found . a dugdale's summons to the nobility . that which be cites 5 e. 1. i● a summons to the army . b vid. stat. e● . an. 1529 ▪ p. 21. of a summons to parliament 18 e. 1. a rot. claus . 18. e 1. m. 10. dorso . that ●it d by dr. brady is to the sheriff of westmorland . dr. bradie 's answ . p 230. dr. bradie's introduction to his compleat history . a ad instantiam magnatum . b et sci●●d●m est quod istud statutum ten●t lo●um deterris venditis tenend . in seodo simplici tantum . quia emp●ores terrar . &c. there us'd to be manucaptors for this purpose . why so few writs of summons in those times now to be found . a vid. lamb's archaionom leges st. edw ▪ b rot. claus . 17. e. 1. sup . rot. claus 3. e. 1. m. 9. dorso in prl. quod circ● octobas r●su●●ectionis domini celebra●● in angliâ consuev●● . commons included under magnates . a rot. pat. 1 e. 3. m. 10. b rot. claus. 2 e. 3. m. 20. walsingham , f. 126. c tota regni nobilitas citata per prius ad parl semend . b rot claus . 4. h. 4. n. ●9 . pur monsieur thomas pomercy chivalier . tres honourables & tressages communes . ( e ) rot. parl. 8. h. 6. n. 51. tressages & tres honourables . from the mayor , aldermen and commons of the city of london . rot. patl. 3. h. 5. pars 1. n. ● vid. sup. of cities and boroughs . vide sup . a rot. pat. 17. e. 3. p. 1. m. 20. dorso . liberè & honorificè . a pat. 15. jo. p●● . 1. m. 11 reddidimus he● de tracy baroniam de bardestaple . ●b . dotum honorem de bardestaple . a vid. doom●-day de norwic. a not● , what a small proportion this new plantation of french bore to the 1320 burgesses , and yet some english were mix'd even among the french. besides the french seem to have had but 11 added to their number from the confessors time to the 20th . of w. 1. a doomsday-book tre reddebat , &c. ( b ) rot. cart. 2. jo. m. 17. n. 51. rot. pat. 1● . e. 2. m. 5. rot. cl●us . 14. jo. m. 8. d. rot. pat. 15. jo. m. 3. n. 8. bundela p●t . parl. de temp . e. 1. a coram to●o coasilio . a vid. davis rep. le case del county pal. ●f . 64. cart. h. 2. hugoni de lacy com. pro serv . suo & terram in midea cum omnibus p●●●in ' per serv . 50. militum sibi & haer . suis tenend . de me & haer . meis . rot. de superioritate maris 26. e. 1. les roys du dit royaume du temps dount il n'a memore du contraire eussent este en paisible poss . de la soveraign seignorie , de la meer dengleterre , & des●sles este●nts en y cel & q. l'admiral ad jurisd . avec la con●uisance & justice & touts aut●es appe●tenant● , &c. of ireland's being bound by the parliaments of england in the time of e. 2. prynn 's animad . on lord coke f. 262. 10. e. 2. quod semel in anno teneatur parl. stat. of york 12 e. 2. cap. 6. rot. sat. de temp . e. 1. e. 2. e. 3. statuta missa fuerunt in hib. ut in brevi subseq . continetur , & liberata fuerunt godf. filio rog. una cum dict . brev . deferend . pag. 130. pag. 129. rot. stat. temp . e. 1 ▪ e. 2. e. 3. m. 30. answer to sir richard bolton's marginal note . p. 63. 64. vid. sup ▪ stat. merton c. 7. de narratione in br●vi de recto ab antecessore a tempore hen. regis senioris . vid. sup. mr. m. p. 52. and 53. rot. claus . 12. h. 3. de legibus & cons . observandis in hib. rot. claus . 20. h. 3. m. 13. of ireland's being bound by parliaments of england , in the reign of e. 3. a in forma patenti . vid. rastals collect. ed. anno 1572. a rot. stat. mem. quod istud stat. cum stat. precedentibus temp . regis e. ●3 . post conquestum missa sunt in hiber . in formâ patenti cum brevi seq . b et quantum ad vos & populum nostrum illar . ter . attinet firmiter tene●i & observari fac . c stat. 11. e. 3. c. 2. p. 68. a rot. parl. 20. e. ● . ut memini , parte transcripti circa idem tempus amissâ . b n. 33. c n. 34. note , this was a disposing of property . d n. 37. e resp . n. 39. stat. stap. 27. e. 3. c. 1. & . 3. note , the wisdom of that law. 27. e. 3. c. 7. stat. 25. e. 3. rot. stat. m. 15. for the honour of god and of holy church , and the amendment of his realm . a rot. stat. de temp . e. 1. e. 2. e. 3. m. 15. de proclamatione statuti . b consimiles literae diriguntur justic . hib. mutatis mutandis sub eâdem datâ . p. 161. rot. pat. 17. r. 2. p. 1. m. 34. the suppos'd magna charta for parliaments in ireland . rot. stat. ordinatione pro statu . hibn. ( a ) per justiciar & conciliumnostrum hiberniae . b statut. & artic . per nos in parliamentis & aliis magnis consiliis ad utilitatem populi nri editor . & factor . * juxta tenorem cujusdam statuti per nos & consilium nostrum angliae edit . & missi ad hiberniam observand . b sub gravi foris facturâ prelati , magnates communitates aut quivis alii ▪ c sub sigillo cancellar . protempore existentis ad justic . cancel . & the● . nostris hibern . transmittantur . d vocatis ad se cancel . & thes . nris hiberniae cum quibusdam prel . & comitibus quos evocandos noverit . e ex certa causa sub sigil . justic . & sibi associator . a p. 161. b p. 150. p. 161. a v●d . r●t . 〈◊〉 t●mp . 〈◊〉 e. 2. 〈◊〉 m. 12. 〈◊〉 s●●t . ● . m. ● . 〈◊〉 36 ▪ e. 1. 〈…〉 a in 〈◊〉 parl. 〈◊〉 westm . b p●r 〈◊〉 regem & 〈◊〉 silium . c eodem medo 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 vicecom ▪ per angl. 〈◊〉 dunelm 〈◊〉 pr. wal●● com. ce●●● rob. de 〈◊〉 constab . 〈◊〉 dover & 〈◊〉 stod . 5 〈◊〉 justic . 〈◊〉 d p. 68. of the fancy that the 〈◊〉 had representatives 〈◊〉 in ireland , 〈◊〉 sent from the 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 of parliament here . * p. 95. † p. 97. 𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁𝄁 p. 98. vid. rot. parl. de temp . e. 3. * vid. rot. pat. 5. r. 2. part 2. m. 19. their parliament required to send nuncios . p. 97. a rot. claus . 32 h. 3. m. 6. d. rex baronibus hiberniae . ( c ) nuntil ex parte vestr● . b de nostrorum consilio . ut eisdem articulis vobis diligenter expositis , &c. et nos praed . negotium ad nostrum & v●strum honorem effectui mancipare curabimus sine ex heredatione vestrâ . p. 96. p. 85 , 98. of the statute of the staple , 2 h. 6. and the resolution of the judges upon it . pais du roialm . p. 90. salve la prerogative le roy. 3 h. 6. c. 4. p. 90. p. 91. 1 h. 7. note . ireland not named , yet the courts in ireland certainly included . 1 h. 7. f. 3. come bill . fait en temps le roy que ore est . p. 92 , 93. vid. brook. tit . parl. sec . 90. p. 118. is ireland's being named in an english act of parliament , the least step towards the obtaining the consent of the people of ireland ? p. 157. p. 155. a p. 105. b from 33 h. 8. an. 1542. at soonest . * p. 105. p. 65 , 66. p. 68. object . p. 79. p. 63 , 64. vid. sup . davis f. 21. b. an. 1172. his politicks and seeming popular notions wrong , and ●isapplyed . p. 4. p. 150 , 151. p. 152. hooker l. 1. sec . 10. he adds , p. 24. p. 20. p. 21. vid ▪ p. 143. the people of england ought to be fully repay'd . prerog . p. 166. p. 166 , 167. 3. c. 4. p. m. vid. etiam mr. m. p. 160. of the sta● . 10. h. 7. p. 160. p. 170. p. 171. pag. 172. of the consequence in relation to taxes . pag. 88 , 89. pag. 105. of the uncertainty what authority to obey . pag. 58. pag. 16● . of the supposed inconvenience to england ▪ vid. glanvil de seditione regis vel regni inter crimina lesae majestatis . vid. rot. parl. temp . e. 3. & h. 5. by the lord lieutenant and councell upon consideration of the annexed instrument, whereby it is concluded and accorded that there shall be a further continuation of the cessation of armes ... untill the last day of ianuary next ensuing ... ireland. lord lieutenant (1641-1649 : ormonde) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a46080 of text r43289 in the english short title catalog (wing i658). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a46080 wing i658 estc r43289 27134843 ocm 27134843 109993 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46080) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109993) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:29) by the lord lieutenant and councell upon consideration of the annexed instrument, whereby it is concluded and accorded that there shall be a further continuation of the cessation of armes ... untill the last day of ianuary next ensuing ... ireland. lord lieutenant (1641-1649 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by vvilliam bladen ..., imprinted at dublin : anno dom. 1644. other title information from first lines of text. "given at his majesties castle of dublin, 18. november, 1644." imperfect: tightly bound with loss of text. reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649. a46080 r43289 (wing i658). civilwar no by the lord lieutenant and councell. ormonde. upon consideration of the annexed instrument, whereby it is concluded and accorded that there ireland. lord lieutenant 1644 1003 8 0 0 0 0 0 80 d the rate of 80 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-02 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ¶ by the lord lieutenant and councell . ormonde . vpon consideration of the annexed instrument , whereby it is concluded and accorded that there shall be a further continuation of the cessation of armes , and of all acts of hostility in this kingdome , untill the last day of ianuary , next ensuing the date hereof , at the hour of twelve of the clock of the same day . we the lord lieutenant and councell do by this proclamation in his majesties name , ratifie , confirme and publish the same , and doe require all his majesties subjects whom it may concerne by sea and by land to take notice thereof , and ●eeld all obedience thereunto in all the parts thereof . given at his majesties castle of dublin , 18. november , 1644. ri. bolton . canc. roscomon . ant. midensis . cha. lambart . fr. willoughby . god save the king . whereas articles of cessation of armes were agreed and concluded on at sigginstowne in the county of kildare , the fifteenth day of september , in the nineteenth year of his maiesties raigne , by and between vs the lord lieutenant by the name of iames marques of ormonde , lieutenant generall of his maiesties armie in the kingdome of ireland , for and in the name of our gracious soveraigne lord charles , by the grace of god , king of great brittaine , france , and ireland , &c. by vertue of his maiesties commission bearing date at dublin , the last day of august , in the said nineteenth year of his maiesties ragine , of the one parte , and donogh viscount muskery , and others authorized by his maiesties roman catholicke subiects then in armes in the said kingdome , &c. of the other parte : which cessation of armes was by the said articles to continue for one whole yeare , beginn●ing the fifteenth of september , one thousand six hundred forty and three , at the houre of twelve of the clock of the said ●ay . and whereas by his maiesties commission under his great seale of england , dated the foure and twentieth ●f iune last . we the lord lieutenant are authorized to treat concerning the settling and establishing of a firme and ●erfect peace within this kingdome . and whereas the lord lieutenant by vertue of his maiesties authority en●usted with vs as his lieutenant generall , and generall governor of this his kingdome , and by advice of the councell , and for and in the name of his maiesty of the one parte , and the lord viscount muskery , nicholas plunket esq . sir robert talbot barronet . dermot ô bryen , patrick darcy , geffrey browne and iohn dillon , esquires . deputed and authorized on that behalfe by his maiesties said subiects now or late in armes in this kingdome , of the other parte , did on the fifth day of september last conclude , and accord that there should be a further cessation of armes , and of all acts of hostility in this kingdome , untill the first day of december next , at the houre of twelve of the clock of the said day . now forasmuch as we finde that by reason of the many and manifold preparations necessarily incident ●o so great a worke , the said treaty of peace cannot be concluded within the said time limitted for the present cessation of armes , namely the first day of december next . we the lord lieutenant by vertue of his maiesties authority entrusted with vs as his lieutenant generall and generall governor of this his kingdome , and by advice of the councell , and for , and in the name of his maiesty of the one parte , and we the said lord viscount muskery , alexander mac donell , and nicholas plunket , esquires , sir robert talbot barronet . dermot ô bryen , patrick darcy , geffrey brown iohn dillon , esquires . deputed and authorized in that behalfe by his maiesties said subiects now , or late in armes in this kingdome of the other parte , have concluded and accorded , and it is accordingly hereby concluded and accorded that there bee a further continuation of the said cessation of armes and of all acts of hostility in this kingdome , untill the last day of ianuary , next ensuing the date hereof , at the houre of twelve of the clock the same day , upon the like articles and agreements , to all intents and purposes as are expressed in the said former articles of cessation , concluded on at sigginstowne , on the fifteenth of september , one thousand six hundred forty and three . and as if the said cessation first agreed had continuance untill the said last day of ianuary next , at the houre of twelve of the clocke of the same day . in witnesse whereof , the said lord lieutenant to that part of this agreement which remaines with the said lord viscount muskery , alexander mac donell , nicholas plunket , sir robert talbot , dermot ô bryen , patrick darcy , geffrey browne , and iohn dillon , hath put his hand and seale , and the said lord viscount muskery , alexander mac donell , nicholas plunket , sir robert talbot , dermot ô bryen , patrick darcy , geffrey brown , and iohn dillon , to that part of this agreement which remaines with the said lord lieutenant , have put their hands and seales the eleaventh day of november , one thousand six hundred forty and foure , and in the twentieth yeare of his maiesties raigne . ormonde . jmprinted at dublin by vvilliam bladen , printer to the kings most excelle●● majestie , anno dom. 1644. a declaration of the lords and gentry and others of the provinces of lemster, and munster in the realm of ireland, of their intentions towards the english and scottish protestants inhabiting in that kingdome, with a most pernitious oath which they would have them take if to live amongst them, tending in effect to make all papists : with an order of the late lords justices of ireland, sir john burlase, and sir henry tichbourne, and counsell of ireland inhibiting the taking the solemn league and covenant for reformation and defence of religion, the honour and happinesse of the king, and the peace and safety of the three kingdomes of england, scotland, & ireland : with a proclamation by them set forth, according to the aforesaid order : with a copy of a letter written by the direction of the lords spirituall and temporall, in the parliament of that kingdome assembled, to severall commanders and officers of his majesties army, and others in the kingdome of ireland, requiring obedience to the said proclomation, with the substance of an oath agreed upon lately at dublin in ireland, against the taking of the solemn league & covenant. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a69912 of text r4523 in the english short title catalog (wing d705). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a69912 wing d705 estc r4523 11889816 ocm 11889816 50408 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a69912) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50408) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 228:e4, no 22) a declaration of the lords and gentry and others of the provinces of lemster, and munster in the realm of ireland, of their intentions towards the english and scottish protestants inhabiting in that kingdome, with a most pernitious oath which they would have them take if to live amongst them, tending in effect to make all papists : with an order of the late lords justices of ireland, sir john burlase, and sir henry tichbourne, and counsell of ireland inhibiting the taking the solemn league and covenant for reformation and defence of religion, the honour and happinesse of the king, and the peace and safety of the three kingdomes of england, scotland, & ireland : with a proclamation by them set forth, according to the aforesaid order : with a copy of a letter written by the direction of the lords spirituall and temporall, in the parliament of that kingdome assembled, to severall commanders and officers of his majesties army, and others in the kingdome of ireland, requiring obedience to the said proclomation, with the substance of an oath agreed upon lately at dublin in ireland, against the taking of the solemn league & covenant. tichborne, henry, sir, 1581?-1667. burlase, john, sir. [8] p. printed by r. w. for christopher meredith, [london?] : 1644. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng ireland -history -1625-1649. a69912 r4523 (wing d705). civilwar no a declaration of the lords, and gentry, and others of the provinces of lemster, and munster, in the realm of ireland, of their intentions to [no entry] 1644 1941 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-02 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a declaration of the lords , and gentry , and others of the provinces of lemster , and munster , in the realm of ireland , of their intentions towards the english and scottish protestants , inhabiting in that kingdome , with a most perni tious oath which they would have them take , if to live amongst them , tending in effect to make all papists : with an order of the late lords justices of ireland , sir john burlase , and sir henry tichbourne , and counsell of ireland , inhibiting the taking the solemn league and covenant , for reformation and defence of religion , the honour and happinesse of the king , and the peace and safety of the three kingdomes of england , scotland , & ireland . with a proclamation by them set forth , according to the aforesaid order : with the copy of a letter written by the direction of the lords spirituall and temporall , in the parliament of that kingdome assembled , to severall commanders and officers of his majesties army , and others in the kingdome of ireland , requiring obedience to the said proclamation , with the substance of an oath agreed upon lately at dublin in ireland , against the taking of the solemn league & covenant . published according to order . printed by r.w. for christopher meredith . 1644. a declaration of the lords , gentry , and others of the province of lemster , and munster of their intentions towards the english , and scottish protestants inhabiting in this kingdom . whereas we are informed , that it is generally conceived and beleeved , by the english and scottish protestants , inhabitants of this kingdom , that we the lords , gentry , and others of the said kingdom , have taken armes , and raised forces for the extirpating , and banishing them out of this kingdom , thereby to acquire to our selves their goods and estates , we therefore desire to be rightly understood , for we hereby delare that we never consented nor intended , nor never will intend nor condescend to any such act , but do utterly disclaime therein , but that each man known to be a moderate conformable protestant , may as well as the roman catholicke respectively , and enjoy their freedom of their own religion , and peaceably , and quietly enjoy their own estates , so farre forth as they or any of them shall joyne with us in this act following : i a. b. do in the presence of almighty god , and all the angels and saints in heaven , and by the contents of this bible , promise , vow , swear , and protest to beare faith and true alleagiance to our soveraign lord king charles , and the heirs and successors of his body begotten , and will defend him and them as far as i may with my life , power and estate , against all persons that shall attempt any thing against his or their persons , honours , estates , or dignities , and that i will in exposing my self , power and estate , joyn with the irish army , or any other , to recover his royall prerogatives forcibly wrested from him by the puritans in the houses of parliament in england , and to maintain the same against all others that shall directly , or indirectly endeavour to suppresse , or do any act contrary to reall government , as also to maintain episcopall jurisdictions , and the lawfulnesse thereof , in the church power , priviledges of prelates , the lawfull rights and priviledges of the subjects , and i will do no act or thing directly , or indirectly to prejudice the publike exercise of the romane catholique religion in any of his majesties dominions , and that i will joyn with , and be assisting to the members in the common weale , for redresse to be had of the grievances and pressures thereof in such manner and forme as shall be thought fit by a lawfull parliament , and to my power , and as far as i may , i will oppose and bring to condigne punishment even to the losse of life and liberty , and estate all such as shall either by force or practise , councels , plots , conspiracies , or otherwise do , or attempt any thing to the contrary of any article , clause , or thing in this present oath , vow , and protestation contained , and neither for hope of reward or feare of punishment , nor any respect whatsoever , shall relinquish this oath and protestation : so help you god . this declaration , and oath was entred in the counsell booke kilking , and this is a true copy thereof , witnesse my hand this ninth of may , 1644. hierome greenc . cler. counsell kilking . by the lords iustices and counsell . john burlase , henry tichburne . whereas we have lately seen a printed paper intituled a solemne league and covenant for reformation , and defence of religion , the honour , and happinesse of the king , and the peace and safety of the three kingdomes of england , scotland , and ireland , which seems to have been printed at london on the 9. of october , 1643. and forasmuch , as in the said league and covenant there are divers things contained not onely tending to a seditious combination against his majestie but also contrary to the principall laws of this kingdom , no oath ought to be tendred to , or taken by any person or persons whatsoever in this kingdom , but before a judge or other person thereunto lawfully authorized by his majesty , as for that the said league and covenant is now endeavoured to be set on foot in this kingdom without his majesties privity , contrary to the liberty and freedom of the subject , to be by any such league or covenant preengaged , and so that the setting on foot at this time in this kingdom the said league or covenant without his majesties allowance , may not onely beget much distractions , and unquietnes amongst his majesties good subjects , but also may prove very penall to all those who shal presume to tender or take the same ; we therefore for prevention of such mischiefes ; do in his majesties name strictly charge and command all his majesties good subjects , of what degree or quality soever within this kingdom , upon their alleagiance to his majesty , that they presume not to enter in , or take the said league , covenant , or oath ; and we do hereby likewise inhibit and forbid , all his majesties subjects in this kingdom , to impose , adminster , or tender the said oath , league , or covenant ; and if notwithstanding this our proclamation any person shal presume to impose , tender , or take the said league or covenant , we shall proceed against him or them with all severity according to the known lawes of the land . given at his majesties castle at dublin the 18. day of december , 1643. rich. bolton , chancel : lo. dublin , ormonde , roscomond , edw. brabason , anthony medenses , charles lambert , geo. shurley , gerart lowther , tho. rotherham , fer. willougby , thomas lucas , iames ware , george wentworth . god save the king . the copy of a letter written by direction of the lords spirituall and temporall , and commons in parliament assembled , to severall commanders and officers of his majesties army , and others in the kingdom of ireland . after our very hearty commendations , the lords and commons assembled in parliament in this his majesties kingdom of ireland have commanded to signifie unto you , that they have lately seen a printed , paper intituled a solemne league and covenant for reformation , and defence of religion , the honour and happinesse of the king , and the peace and safety of the three kingdoms of england , scotland , and ireland , which seems to have been printed at london , on the 9. of october , 1643. that they also have seen a printed proclamation dated the 18. of decemb. 1643. and set out by the right honorable the late lords justices , & councel , expressing divers great and weighty reasons against the said league and covenant , and therefore commanding all his majesties good subjects , of what degree or quality soever within this kingdom , upon their allegiance to his majesty , that they presume not to enter into , or take the said league , covenant , or oath , and inhibiting and forbidding all his majesties subjects in this kingdom to impose , administer , or tender the said league , oath or covenant , that upon serious debate , and consideration taken by the lords , and commons of the said league and covenant , and proclamation , they finde the said proclamation to have bin set out with great wisdom and reason , and do highly commend the deep judgement of the said lords justices and counsels therein ; and as both houses doth fully concurre therein , in all the parts thereof , so they have expresly commanded us to signifie the same unto you , and in their name to let you know , that it is their expresse pleasure , that you & all the commanders , officers , and souldiers of his majesties army , and all other his majesties subjects in this kingdom whom it may concerne , do render all due obedience and observation to the said proclamation in all the parts thereof , and this being to no other end we remaine . your very loving friends , ric. bolton councell : maur. eustace speaker of the house of commons . dublin castle 28. day of april , 1644. the substance of the oath agreed upon and subscribed , as is reported by the lord archbishop of dublin , the lord bishop of meath , the lord bishop of limricke , deane jones , and all the beneficed ministers in dublin , to be a religious oath , and agreed upon by all the iudges not to be against law , except justice mayort , who is reported to have declared it to be against law , and contrary to the liberty , and freedom of the subject , on or about thursday the 6. of june 1644 , at which time all the judges in the kingdom , except the lord chancellor , was the lord chiefe justice of the kings bench , and master iustice rives in the common please , master iustice mayort , and in the exchequer baron hilton . you shall sweare to maintaine the kings majesties armies , castles , forts , and garrisons , against all opposition and insurrection , forraigne or domesticke , to the utmost of your power , and that you will not enter into , or take the league or covenant , or oath printed at london the 9. of october , 1643. nor any other league , oath or covenant to that effect : so god you help . finis . divers historicall discourses of the late popular insurrections in great britain and ireland tending all, to the asserting of the truth, in vindication of their majesties / by james howell ... ; som[e] of which discourses were strangled in the presse by the power which then swayed, but now are newly retreev'd, collected, and publish'd by richard royston. howell, james, 1594?-1666. 1661 approx. 456 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 215 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a70276 wing h3068 estc r5379 13206616 ocm 13206616 98493 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70276) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98493) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 422:3 or 1594:6) divers historicall discourses of the late popular insurrections in great britain and ireland tending all, to the asserting of the truth, in vindication of their majesties / by james howell ... ; som[e] of which discourses were strangled in the presse by the power which then swayed, but now are newly retreev'd, collected, and publish'd by richard royston. howell, james, 1594?-1666. [8], 411 p., [1] leaf of plates : ill. printed by j. grismond, london : 1661. "the first tome" engraved illustrated t.p.: the people is a beast which heads hath many, england of late shew'd this more then any. "no more published"--nuc pre-1956 imprints. each essay has separate t.p. imperfect: bodleian library copy (422:3) lacks t.p. and frontispiece. reproduction of originals in the bodleian library and the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng divine right of kings. political science. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. 2003-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 rina kor sampled and proofread 2004-03 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion divers historicall discourses of the late popular insurrections in great britain , and ireland , tending all , to the asserting of truth , in vindication of their majesties ; by iames howell esquire ; som of which discourses were strangled in the presse by the power which then swayed , but now are newly retreev'd , collected , and publish'd by richard royston . the first tome . london , printed by i. grismond . 1661. belua multorum capit●…m plebs vana vocatur , plus satis hoc angli ●…uper docuere popelli . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ i : h : the people is a beast which heads hath many , england of late hath shew'd this more then any . to his majesty sir , these historical discourses ( set forth in such variety of dresses ) having given so much satisfaction to the world for the asserting of truth , in vindication of your royal father of ever blessed memory , and som of them relating also to your majesty , i humbly conceiv'd might be proper for your majesties perusal & patronage . concerning the author therof his name needed not to have bin prefix'd , he being so universally well known and distinguishd from other writers both at home and abroad by his stile , which made one of the highest wits of these times say of him , author hic ex genio notus , ut ungue leo. god almighty blesse your majesty with a continuance of happiness , and daily encrease of glory , so prayeth your majesties most loyal , and humble subject , royston . a catalog of the severall peeces that are here contain'd . i. a dialog twixt patricius and peregrin presently after kintonfield battaile , which was the first book that came forth for vindication of his majesty . ii. the second part of that discours . iii. a seasonable advice sent to philip late earl of pembrock , to mind him of the severall solemn oaths wherby he was bound to adhere to the king. iv. a manifesto sent in his majesties name to the reformed churches , and princes beyond the seas touching his religion . v. apologs , and emblemes , in whose moralls the times are represented . vi. of the land of ire , or a discours of that horrid insurrection in ireland , discovering the tru causes therof . vii . the sway of the sword , or a disurs of the common militia or soldiery of the land , proving , that the command therof in chief , belongs to the ruling prince . viii . an italian prospective , through which england may discern the desperat condition she stands in . ix . a nocturnall progresse , or perambulation of most countries in christendom . x. a vindication of his majesty touching a letter he writ to rome from madrid , in answer to a letter which pope gregory the 15th . had sent him upon passing the dispensation for concluding the match . xi . of the trety of the i le of wight , and the death of his majesty . xii . advise from the prime statesmen of florence , how england shold come to her self again , which can be by no other means under heaven , but by calling in the king , and that , in a free confident way without articles , but what he shall be pleas'd to offer himself . the tru informer , who discovers to the world the first grounds of this ugly rebellion and popular tumults in england , scotland , and ireland . deducing the causes therof in an historicall discours from their originall . — neutrum modò , mas modò vulgus . written in the prison of the fleet anno 1642. casuall discourses , and interlocutions betwixt patricius and peregrin , touching the distractions of the times , vvith the causes of them . patricius . surely i shold know full well that face and phisnomy : o heavens ! 't is peregrin . gentle sir , you are well met , and welcom to england , i am heartily glad of your safe arrivall , hoping now to apprehend some happie opportunity whereby i may requite part of those worthy favours i received from you in divers places t'other side side of the sea. peregrin . sir , i am as joyfull to see you , as any friend i have upon earth ; but touching favours , they deserve not such an acknowledgment , i must confesse my self to be farr in the arrear , therfore you teach me what i shold speak to you in that point : but amongst other offices of friendship you have bin pleased to do me from time to time , i give you many thanks for the faithfull correspondence you have held withme , since the time of our separation , by intercours of letters , the best sort of fuell to warm affection , and to keep life in that noble vertue friendship , which they say abroad , is in danger to perish under this cold insulary clime for want of practise . patricius . truely , sir , you shold have had an account of matters hence more amply and frequently , but that of late it hath bin usuall , and allowed by authority , to intercept and break open any letters ; but private men need not complain so much , since the dispatches of ambassadors , whose p●…ckets shold be held as sacred as their persons , h●…ve bin commonly open'd , besides some outrages offered their houses and servants ; nay , since their maj●…sties letters under the cabinet signet have bin broke up , and other counterfeit ones printed and published in their names . peregrin . indeed i must confesse the report hereof hath kept a great noise abroad , and england hath suffered much in point of national repute in this particular ; for even among barbarians , it is held a kind of sacriledge to open letters ; nay , it is held a baser kind of burglary , then to break into a house , chamber , or closet : for that is a plundering of outward things onely , but he who breaks open ones letters which are the idea's of the mind , may be said to rip up his brest , to plunder and rifle his very brain , and rob him of his most pretious and secretest thoughts . patricius . well , let us leave this distastfull subject , when these fatall commotions cease , this custom , i hope , will be abhorred in england : but now , that you are newly arrived , and so happily met , i pray be pleased t●… make me partaker of some forraign news , and how the squares go betwixt france and spain , those two great wheels , that draw after their motion ( some more , some lesse ) all the rest of the western world : and when you have done , i will give you account of the state of things in england . peregrin . i thought you had so abounded with domestick news , that you had had no list or leisure to hear any forrain ; but to obey your commands , you know that i have been any time these six years a land-loper up and down the world , and truly i could not set foot on any chr●…stian shore that was in a perfect condition of peace , but it was engag●…d either in a direct , 〈◊〉 or collaterall war , or standing upon it's guard in continuall apprensions and alarmes of fear : for , since that last flaming usher of gods vengeance , that direful comet of the yeer 1618. appear'd in the heavens , some malevolent and ang●…y ill-aspected star hath had the predominance ever since , and by it's maligne influxes , made strange unusuall impressions upon the humors of subjects , by inci●…ing them to such insurrections , revolts , and tumults ; which caused a jewish rabbi to say lately , that it seems the grand turk thrives extraordinarily in his devotions , it being one of his prime prayers to mahomet , that he shold prevaile with god almighty to continue disentions still among christian princes . and truly , as the case stands , one may say , that the europaean world is all in pieces ; you know well with what fearfull fits of a high burning fever poor germany hath been long shaken , which hath wrought a lethargie in some of her members , by wasting of the vital spirits which shold diffuse themselves equally through that great body ; and how she st●…ll ●…ostereth a cold northern guest ( the swed ) within her bosom , and is in 〈◊〉 fear of a worse from the levant : in the netherlands one shall hear the half-starv'd souldier murmur in every corner , and railing against his king , and ready to mutiny for want of pay . in france you shall see the poor asinin peasan half weary of his life , his face being so 〈◊〉 grownd , ever and anon with new tallies . you know ther are som soverain princes , who have a long time wandred up and down in exile , being outed of their own anti●…nt patrimoniall territories , and little hopes yet , god wot , of restoring them . the world knows how savoy is become of late a kind of province to france ; nay , spain , who hath been so dexterous to put her neighbours ogether by the eares , and to foment war a far off , to keep her own home secure , is now her self in the midst of two fearfull fires , kindled on both sides of her by quite-revolted subjects , viz. the portugues and cat alan , which so puzzles her , that shee cannot tell what saint to pray unto . the venetian also , with the pope , and all the princes of italy , are arming apace ; the hollander onely , salamander like , thrives in these flames : and as i have heard of some that by a long habitu●…l custom could feed on poyson , and turn it to nourishment , so hans alone can turn war to a trade and grow fat by it . now , sir , being weary of eating my bread in such a distracted world abroad , and hoping to take some sweet repose in england , i find that shee is in as bad a case , if not worse , then any other . so much news i give you in a lump , i will be more particular with you som other time , if you please to spare me now . patricius . i hear , not without much resentment , these pithy expressions you have been pleased to make of the torn estate of europe abroad ; and since you mention that blazing star , i remember what a noble knight told me some yeers ago , that the astronomers , who lay sentinel to watch the motion and aspect of that comet , observ'd that the tail of it having pointed at divers climats , at last it seem'd to look directly on these north-west i lands , in which posture it spent it selfe , and so extinguish'd ; as if thereby it meant to tell the world , that these islands should be the stage whereupon the last act of the tragedie should be play'd . and how many scenes have passed already , both here and in ireland , we know , god wot , by too too wofull and fresh experience . peregrin . there is a saying when your neighbours house is on fire , by it's light you may see in what danger your own stands : and was england so blind and blockish , as not to take warning by so many fearfull combustions abroad ? when i took my leave last of her , i left her in such a compleat condition of happines , both in court , country , city and sea , that shee was the envie of all europ , in so much , that that golden verse might be fi●…ly applied to her then golden times , mollia securae perage●…ant otia gentes . the court was never so glorious , being hanselld every yeer almost with a new roya●… off-spring ; the gentry no where more gallan●… and sportfull ; the citizen never more gorgeous and rich , and so abounding with treasure , bullion and buildings , that no age can parallel ; commerce , inward and outward was never at that height ; the customes increasing every yeer to admiration ; the narrow seas were never guarded with braver ships , nor the navie royall for number of vessels and magazines of all sorts of materials was ever so well replenished ; the universities had never such springing dayes : and lastly , the church did so flourish , that amongst the rest of the reformed churches of christendome , i have heard her call'd the church triumphant . besides , ireland was arriv'd almost to the same degree of prosperity , for all the arrerages of the crowne were paid , and not a peny sent hence for many yeeres to maintain the standing army there , or for any other publick charge , as formerly ; trafique came to that mighty height of encrease , that in few years the crown customes and imposts came to be five times higher . in fine , ireland was brought not only to subsist of her selfe , but inabled to contribut towards the filling of the english exchequer , and to make some retribution of those vast expences the crown of england hath been at any time these 400 yeeres to reduce her to civility ; her boggs were almost all dry'd up , and made good land ▪ her mudde-walls turn'd apace to brick in divers places , so that in one sommer that i fortun'd to be there , above 50. new brick-houses were built in one towne . but it hath been the fate of that island , to be 〈◊〉 neer a condition of a setled , happiness , and yet to have some odd accident still intervene to crosse it . in conclusion , there wanted nothing to make england and her united crowns so exactly blessed , that she might have assumed the title of one of the fortunat islands . good lord , how comes it to passe , that she is now fallen into such horrid distempers , and like a distracted body , laying han●…s upon her self , would thrust the sword of civil war into her own bowels ? i beseech you , sir , impart unto me the true cause of this change ; for i know none so capable to do it as your self . patriciu●… . infandum , peregrine , jubes renovare dolorem : first , sir , in the generall you know , that it is with the regions upon earth , as it is with those of the ayre , sometimes we have a clear azur'd skie with soft gentle ventilations , and a sweet serenitie the whole hemesphere over ; at other times we know the face of the heavens is over-cast with frowns , with frog vapors , and thick clouds of various shapes , which look like monsters , hovering up and down , break at last into thunder and fulgurations , and so disquiet and raise a kind of war in the aereall common-wealth . just so in the regions that are dispers'd up and down this earthly glo●…e , peepled with men ( which are but a composition of the elements ) you have sometimes a gentle calm of peace and quietude , with a general tranquillitie all the countrey over ; at other times you have ugly mishapen clouds of jealousies , fears , and discontentments rise up , which break out at last into acts of disobedience , rebellion , and fury . and as those aereall meteors and monsters above , are ingendered of those watery fogs and mists which are drawn up out of fennie and rotten low grounds here upon earth ; so in the region of the mind , the ill vapors which ascend to the brain from rotten and impostumated hearts , from desperate and mal●…-contented humorists are the causes of all civil commotions and distempers in state. but they have much to answer for in the world to come ( though they escape it in this ) who for any private interest or respect whatsoever , either of promotion , vain-glory , revenge , malice , or envie , will embroyl and plunge their own native country in any publick ingagement or civil war , by putting a partition-wall betwixt their soverain prince and their fellow-subjects . truely , in my opinion , these may be called the worst kind of betrayers of their countreys . but i am too far transported from satisfying your request in relating the true causes of these calamities , i will now fall to work , and bring you to the very source of them . ther is a pack of perverse people ( composed for the most part of the scummie and basest sort ) multiplied in england , who by a kind of natural inclination , are opposit so point blank to monarchy in state , and hierarchy in church , that i doubt if they were in heven ( whither 't is to be fear'd they run a great hazard ever to enter , it being a rule , that he who is rotten-hearted to his king , can never be right-hearted to his crea●…or ) i say if these men were in heven , they w●…uld go near to repine at the monarchical power of god almighty himself , as also at the degrees of angels , and the postures of holiness in the church triumphant . they call every crotchet of the brain , tenderness of conscience forsooth : which being well examined , is nothing else but a meer spirit of contradiction , of malice and disobedience to all higher powers which possesseth them . ther are no constitutions either ecclesiastical or civil can please them , but they wold cast both into such and such a mould , which their crack'd brains wold fain devise , yet are never able to bring to any perfection ; they are ever labouring to bring religion to the dock , and to be new trimm'd , but they wold take down her fore-castle , and scarce allow her the kings armes to adorn her : they are great listners after any court-news , and prick up their ears when any thing is spoken of king , queen , or privie councellour , and are always ready , though upon loose trust , to take up any report whereby they may whisper in conventicles and corners , and so traduce the government . these great z●…lots use to look upon themselves most commonly through multiplying glasses , which make them appear to be such huge santons , that it renders them not onely uncharitable in their opinions of others , but luciferian-like proud in their own conceit , insomuch that they seem to scorn all the world besides , beleeving that they are ●…he only elect whose souls work according ●…o the motion of the spirit : that they are ●…he true children of promise , whose faces alone look towards heven ; they are more pleased with some new reach or fancy , ( that may puzzle the pericranium ) than a frenchman is in some new faction in cloathing : they are nearest to the nature of the jew of any people upon earth , and will converse with him sooner than with some sort of christians ; and as in their pharisaicall dispositions they symbolize with the iew , so in some of their positions they jump pat with the iesuit : for though they are both in the extremes , and as contrary one to the other , as the points of a diameter , yet their opinions and practises are concentrique , viz. to depresse regall power ; both of them wold bind their kings in chaines , and the nobles in links of iron ; they both deny all passive obedience , and as the one wold have the morter of the temple tempred with blood , so the other wold beat religion into the brain with the poleaxe . their greatest master-piece of policy is to forge counter●…eit news , and to divulge and disperse it as far as they can to amuse the world , for the advancement of their designs , and strengthing their party : but the iesuit doth it more cunningly and modestly , for he fetcheth his news from far , so that before the falshood of it can be contrould , his work is commonly done , and the news forgotten ; but these later polititians use to raise lies hard by home , so that the grosseness and palpablenesse of them is presently discovered . besides , to avoid the extremes of the other , these later seem to fall into flat prophanness , for they may be called a kind of enemies to the very name , crosse , and church of christ. touching the first , they repine at any reverence to be done unto the name of jesus , though spontaneous , not coercive . for the second , which was held from the beginning to be the badg and banner of a christian , they cry up the crosse to be the mark of the b●…ast ; and for the last , viz. the church , they wold have it to be neither beautifull , holy , nor amiable , which are the three main properties that god requires in his house . to conclude , when any comes to be season'd with this sower leaven , he seems to degenerat presently from the nature and garb of a gentleman , and fals to be of a sordid and low disposition , narrow hearted and close handed ; to be timerous , cunning and jealous , and far from the common freedom , and sweetness of morall society , and from all generous and loyal thoughts towards his king and country . these , these have bin the chiefest machinators , and engeneers englands unhappy divisions , who viper-like have torn the entrailes of their own mother their dear country : but ther were other extern concurrent causes , and to find them out , i must look northward , for there the cloud began to condense first ; you know sir , the scot's nation were ever used to have their king personally resident amongst them , and though king iames by reason of his age , bounty , and long breeding there , with other advantages , drew such extraordinary respect from them , that they continued in good conformity : yet since his death , they have been over-heard to mutter at the remotenesse and absence of their king , and that they shold become now a kind of province by reason of such a distance : some of their nobles and gentry found not at the english court , nor at his majesties coronation in edenburgh that countenance , familiarity , benefit and honours which haply they expected , and 't is well known who he was , that having been denied to be lorded ( david lesley ) took a pet , and went discontented to his country , hoping that some title added to the wealth he had got abroad , should have purchased him more respect . these discontented parties tamperd with the mercenary preachers up and down scotland , to obtrude to the p●…ple what doctrines they put into their mouthes , so that the pulpits every where rung of nothing but of invectives against certain obliquities and solaecismes ( and i cannot tell what ) in government , and many glances they had upon the english church : yet all this while there was not matter enough for an insurrection , nor to dispose the peoples hearts to a mutiny ▪ until by the policy ( as some affi●…med ) of the said discontented party the english lyturgie was sent thither : this by the in●…itement of those fiery pulpiteers , was cryed up to be the greatest i doll that possibly could be brought into their kerke , insomuch that when it was first offer'd to be read , the woman and ba●…er sort of mechaniks threw stooles and stones at the bishops heads , and were ready to tear them in peeces ▪ and here began the storm . 〈◊〉 majesty having notice hereof , sent a most gracious proclamation , signifying , that whereas he had recommended that book to be practis'd amongst them , wherein he himself served god almighty twice a day , he did it out of a pious endeavour to breed an uniformity of publick divine service in all his dominions , specially in that his native kingdom . but since it had produced such dangerous effects , he was contented to revoke it absolutely ; for it was never his purpose to press the practise of the said book upon the consciences of any , he did onely commend , not absolutely command , the use of it ; therefore he exhorted and required that every one unto whom it had given any scandal , shold return to his pristine obedience , and serve god as formerly , offering herewith a gracious pardon , and to passe an act of amnestia for an abolition of all faults passed . peregrin . and would not this suffice ? in naturall motions we find that the cause being taken away , the effect ceaseth , and will not this hold in civil actions ? patricius . no , this wold not serve the turn , but 〈◊〉 was a further reach in it , and for an inch to take an ell : you know the scots since 〈◊〉 single lion came to quarter with our three , are much elevated in their spirits , more respected , emploied and trusted abroad , they are heightned in their resolutions and aims , and will questionless be daily more and more . you have heard of a mine that reach'd from our exchequer to edenburgh . and i beleeve you have not forgot boccolinies balance , that was shewed us in italie , wherein lorenzo de medici weighed all the states of christendom , and throwing in england amongst the rest , you know how much he made her to weigh less by this addition . the former proclamation i say , and pardon would not suffice , but they took opportunity to fish in those troubled waters , and vent their spleen further , by an utter extirpation of episcopacy , and by trampling the mitre under their feet , hoping to have som of the birds plumes , being pluck●… , to feather their own nests ; and they brought their work about ; good lord , what a deal of dirt was presently thrown into the bishops faces by every rurall pettie clerk ! what infamous ballads were sung , what a thick clowd of epidemical hatred hung suddenly over them , so far , that a dog with black and white spots was called a bishop amongst them up and down the streets . the chiefest contrivers of this up-roare , ●…inding their design to go on so well , and perceiving the whole country so eagerly bent against bishops , ( and what artifices and suggestions were us'd to render them so odious is incredible ) but finding withall his majestie unwilling to alter the government his father ( of so fresh and famous memory ) had left him , and to which he had bin sworn at his coronation , they put themselves in arms , and rais'd forces to beat down the mitre with the sword , if the scepter would not do it . to the frontiers they came with a great army , ( not half so great as was bruted ) pretending they came as petitioners ( though they brought their petition upon the pikes ▪ point , ) some of the great ones ▪ about the king grew cold in the action : and what a pacification was then shuffled up , and how a parliament was called thereupon in scotland , with other passages , is a fitter subject for a story then a discourse . peregrin . i could have wished two things , that either his majesty had given them battail then , having the flower of his nobility and gentry with him , who i understood came with all cheerfulnesse and pomptitude to attend him , or else that after the said pacification , his majestie had shaken off all jealousies , and with a royall freedom and a commanding confidence gone amongst them to hancell their new parliament house at edenburgh ; for it is probable , it had averted those showers and cataracts of ●…miseries which have fallen ●…pon us since ; but i pray sir , proceed . patricius . as they say , there is no wind but blows some-body good , so it was thought , this northern clowd did england some advantage , for a parliament was summond hereupon : a parliament do i call it ? it was rather an embryo of a parliament , an ephemeran of 20 ▪ days . in this sitting his majesty declared unto both houses the indignities he had received by his scotch subjects , and therefore propos'd a supply to be made of twelve subsidies to suppress that rebellion ; and in lieu thereof he was willing to forbear and utterly to abolish the ship-money , which he had reason to think legall at first , being advised thereunto by noy his attorney generall , who had such a mighty repute in the law ; yet he would not rest ther , but he advised further with his learned councell , who concurred in opinion with noy ; nor wold he rest ther also , but he had the approbation of all the iudges singly , and afterwards of nine of the twelve jointly upon a demur . this was enough to induce his conscience to hold it legall all this while ; it was clearly proved that the moneys levied this way , were employed to no other but the intended service , the garding of the narrow seas ; and not onely for that , but to preserve his right of dominion in them , being the fairest flower of his crown , which was not onely discoursed of abroad , but began to be questioned by the french cardinall : and touching danger , how could england be but in apparant dangers ? consideri●…g how all her next neighbours were in actuall hostility , which made huge fleets of men of war , both french , dunkerkers , hamburgers and hollanders to sail and flaunt ever and anon in her channells , and hard before her royall chambers : nor came ther one penny of that publick contribution to his privat coffers , but he added much of his own demeans for the maintenance of a royal fleet every sommer : yet he was ready to passe any bill for the utter abolishing of the said ship-money , and for redressing of a●…y other grievances , provided they wold enable him to suppress this scots rebellion : some say the house was inclinable to comply with his majesties demands , but ( as the ill spirit wold have it ) that parliament was suddenly brok up , and i wold they who gave that counsel had bin then in arabia , or beyond the line , in their way to madagascar , who neverthelesse have got to be in high request with this present parliament . among others , old sir harry vane was one , who , when the house seem'd willing to give six subsidies , and the king inclinable to take them ; the said vane being the secretary of state stood up , and said , his majesty expected no less then twelve , which words did so incense and discompose the house , that they drew after them that unhappy dissolution . his majesty being reduced to these straits , and resenting still the insolence of the scot , proposed the busines to his privy councell , who suddenly made up a considerable and most noble summe for his present supply , whereunto divers of his domestick servants and officers did contribut . amongst others who were active herein , the earl of strafford bestir'd himself notably , and having got a parliament to be call'd in ireland he went over , and with incredible celeritie raised 8000. men , who procured money of that parliament to maintain them , and got over those angry seas again in the compasse of lesse then six weeks . you may infer hence to what an exact uncontrollable obedience he had reduced that kingdom , as to bring about so great a work with such a suddennes and facilitie . an armie was also raised ▪ here , which marched to the north , and there fed upon the kings pay a whole summer . the scot was not idle all this while ; but having punctuall intelligence of every thing that passed at court , as farre as what was debated in the cabinet councel , and spoken in the bed-chamber , ( and herein amongst many others , the scot had infinite advantage of us ) he armed also , and preferring to make england the stage of the warre , rather then his own countrey , and to invade rather then to be invaded , he got over the tweed , and found the passage open , and as it were made for him all the way till hee came to the tine , and though there was a considerable army of horse and foot at newcastle , yet they never offered so much as to face him all the while , at newburgh indeed there was a small skirmish , but the english foot would not fight , so newcastle gates flew open to the scot without any resistance at all , where it is thought he had more friends then foes , and who were their friends besides for this invasion , i hope time , and the tribunall of justice will one day discover . his majesty being then at york , summoned all his nobles to appear , to advise with them in this exigence : commissioners were appointed on both sides , who met at rippon , and how the hearts and courage of some of the english barons did boil within them , to be brought to so disadvantageous a treatie with the scot , you may well imagin . so the treatie began , which the scot wold not conform himself to do , unless he were first unrebell ▪ d and made rectus in curia , and the proclamation , wherein he was declared traitour , revoked , alledging it wold be dishonorable for his majesty to treat with rebels . this treaty was adjourned to london , where this present parliament was summoned ( which was one of the chiefest errands of the sco●… , as some think . ) and thus far by these sad and short degrees , have i faithfully led you along to know the tru originals of our calamities . peregrin . truly sir , i must tell you , that to my knowledg these unhappy traverses with scotland , have made the english suffer abroad very much in point of national honour ; therefore i wonder much that all this while ther is none set a work to make a solid apologie for england in some communicable language , ( either in french or latin ) to rectifie the world in the truth of the thing , and to vindicat her , how she was bought and sold in this expedition , considering what a party the scot had here , and how his comming in , was rather an invitation , then an invasion , and i beleeve if it had bin in many parts of the world besides , some of the commanders had gone to the pot . patricius . it is the practise of some states i know , to make sacrifice of some eminent minister , for publick mistakes : but to follow the thred of my discourse . the parliament being sate , his majesty told them , that he was resolved to cast himself wholly upon the affection and fidelity of his people , whereof they were the representative body : therfore he wished them to go roundly on to close up the ruptures that were made by this infortunat war , and that the two armies , one domestick , the other forrain , which were gnawing the very bowels of the kingdom , might be dismissed . touching grievances of any kind ( and what state was ther ever so pure , but some corruption might creep into it ? ) he was very ready to redresse them : concerning the ship-money , he was willing to pass a b●…ll for the utter abolition of it , and to establish the property of the subject ; therefore he wished them not to spend too much time about that . and for monopolies , he desired to have a list of them , and he wold damn them all in one proclamation : touching ill counsellours , either in westminster-hall , or white-hall , either in church or state , he was resolved to protect none , therefore he wished that all jealousies and misunderstandings might vanish : this , with sundry other strains of princely grace he delivered unto them , but withall he told them , that they shold be very cautious how they shook the fram of an ancient government too far , in regard it was like a watch , which being put asunder , can never be made up again , if the least pin be left out . so ther were great hopes of a calm , after that cold northern storm had so blustered , and that we shold be suddenly rid of the scot , but that was least intended , untill som designs were brought about . the earl of strafford , the archbishop of canterbury , the iudges , and divers monopolists are clapt up , and you know who took a timely flight ( lord finch ) to the other side of the sea. and in lieu of these , the bishop of lincoln is enlarged , bastwick , burton , and prynn are brought into london with a kind of hosanna . his majesty gave way to all this , and to comply further with them , he took as it were into his bosom , i mean , he admitted to his privy councell those parliament lords , who were held the greatest zelots amongst them , that they might be witnesses of his secret'st actions , and to one of them ( the lord say ) he gave one of the considerablest offices of the kingdom , by the resignation of another most deserving lord , upon whom they could never fasten the least misdemeanour ; yet this great new officer wold come neither to the same oratory , chappell , or church , to joyn in prayer with his royall master , nor communicat with him in any publick exercise of devotion : and may not this be called a tru recusancie ? to another he gave one of the prime and most reposefull offices about his own person at court ( the earl of essex ) and thereby he might be said to have given a staff to beat himself . moreover , partly to give his subjects an evidence how firmly he was rooted in his religion , and how much he desired the strenthning of it abroad , the treaty of marriage went on 'twixt his eldest daughter , and the young prince of orenge . hereunto may be added as a speciall argument of compliance and grace , the passing of the bill for a trienniall parliament , and lastly ( which is the greatest evidence that possibly can be imagined , of that reall trust and confidence he reposed in them ) he passed that prodigious act of continuance . peregrin . touching the trienniall parliament , there may come some whole some fruit out of it , will keep all officers in awe , and excite the nobilitie , and young gentrie of the kingdome to studie , and understand the government of the land , and be able to sit and serve their countrey in this great senate : but for this act of continuance i understand it not ; parliaments are good physick , but ill meat ; they say abroad that england is turned hereby from a monarchy to a democracy , to a perpetual kind of quingentumvirat ; and whereas in former times ther was a heptarchy of seven ▪ kings in her , they say now she hath seventy times seven . but in lieu of these unparallell'd acts of grace and trust to the parl. what did the parliament for the king all this while ? patricius . they promised , specially upon the passing of the last act , that they would make him the most glorious , the best beloved , and richest king that ever reigned in england : and this they did with deep protestings and asseverations . but there intervened an ill-favoured accident which did much hurt , viz. a discourse ( for truely i think it was no more ) but a discourse ) which some green heads held to bring up the northern armie , to check the puritan partie , and the rabble of the citie : this kept a mightie noyse , and you know who fled upon it , and much use was made of it to make that cloud of jealousie which was but of the breadth of a hand before , to appear as big as a mountaine . yet his majestie continued still in passing acts of grace , and complying with them in every thing ▪ hee put over unto them the earle of strafford , who after a long costly triall ( wherein he carried himself with as much acutenesse , dexteritie and eloquence , as humane braine could be capable of for his defence ) hee was condemned to the scaffold , and so made a sacrifice to the scot , who stayed chiefly for his head , which besides those vast summes of money , was given him to boot . peregrin . touching the earle of strafford , 't is tru , he was full of ability , elocution and confidence , and understood the lawes of england as well as any , yet there were two things , i heard , wherein his wisdom was questioned ; first that having a charge ready against his chiefest accusers , yet he suffered them to have the priority of sute , which if he had got he had thereby made them parties , and so incapable to be produced against him : secondly , that during the time of his tryall , he applyed not himself with that compliance to his iury as well as to his iudges , for he was observed to comply only with the lords , and not with the house of commons . patricius . howsoever , as some say , his death was ●…esolved upon , ( si non per viam justitiae , saltem per viam expedientiae ) which appears in regard the proceedings against him are by a clause in the act not to be produced for a leading case or example to future ages and inferiour courts : i blush to tell you how much the rabble of the city thirsted after his blood , how they were suffered to strut up and down the streets before the royal court , and the parliament it self , with impunity ; they cried out , that if the common law fail'd , club law should knock him down , and their insolency came to that height , that the names of those lords that would not doome him to death , should be given them to fix upon posts up and downe ; and this was the first tumult that happened this parliament , whereof so many followed after their example , being not onely conniv'd at , but backed by authoritie , for there were prohibitions sent from the parliament , to hinder all processe against some of them . these myrmidons , as they termed themselves , were ready at a watchword , so that one might say there was a kind of discipline in disorder . peregrin . were ther any troubled for delivering their votes in the houses ? i thought that freedom of opinion and speech , were one of the prime priviledges of that great nationall senat. patricius . yes , those that were the minions of the house before , became now the subjects of popular malice and detraction , ( as the lord digby now earl of bristol for one ) because against the dictamen of their consciences they would not vote the earl of strafford to death , and renounce their own judgments , and captivate it to the sense of others , yet they stood firm to their first grounds , that he was a delinquent in a high nature , and incapable ever to beare office in any of his majesties dominions . peregrin . i perceive sir by your speeches , that one of the chiefest causes of these combustions may be imputed to the citie of london , which may be called the metropolis of all these evils , and i little wonder at it , for it hath been alwaies incident to all great townes , when they grow rich and populous , to fall into acts of insolence , and to spurne at government ; where so many pots , ( so many braines i meane ) are a boyling , ther must needs be a great deal of froth , but let her look to her self , for majesty hath long arms , and may reach her at last . but the truth is , that london bears no proportion with the size of this island , for either the one shold be larger , or the other lesser : london may be well compared to the liver of a cramm'd italian goose , whose fatning emacerates the rest of the whole body , and makes it grow lean and languish , and she may be well term'd a goose now more then ever , for her feathers are pluck'd apace ; but now that you have done with the earl of strafford , what is become of all the rest who were committed ? patricius . they are still in durance , and have continued so these two years and upward , yet are not proceeded against , nor brought to their answer to this very day , though all the courts of justice have bin open ever since . many hundreds more of the best sort of subjects have bin suddenly clapt up , and no cause at all mentioned in many of their commitments , and new prisons made of purpose for them , where they may be said to be buried alive , and so forgotten as if ther were no such men in the world ( wherof the author was one : ) and how this can stand with magna charta , with the petition of right ( to vindicat which , ther was so much pains taken the last parliament ) let any man of a sane judgment determin . yet one of the judges , who hath an impeachment o●… high treason still lying dormant against him , though he be not rectus in curia himself , is suffered to sit as judge upon the highest tribunall of england , whereas another for a pretended misdemeanour only is barr'd from sitting ther. others who were at first cryed up and branded to be the most infamous projectors and monopolizers of the land , ( as hamilton , holland , &c. ) are not only at liberty , but crept into favour , and made use of . peregrin ▪ hath the house of commons power to commit any but their own members without conference with the lords ? or hath any order or ordinance of one of the houses singly , or of both conjunctly , power to enjoin a virtual , binding , generall obedience without the royal consent ? patricius . the power of parliament , when king , peers , and commons , which is the whole kingdom digested as it were into one volum , is indefinit , but what either of both houses can do of themselves singly or joyntly without the king who is the life of the law , especially when a visible faction reigns amongst them , i will not determin . — tantas componere lites non opis est nostrae — but for my own opinion , i think it is as impossible for them to make a law without the king , as it was for paracelsus to make a human creture without coition of both sexes . the results of parliament without the royall consent , are as matches without fire ; and it is an incontroulable principle , that the old law must be our guide , till new be made , nor is any act of the subject justifiable , but what is warranted by the old . but to proceed in the tru discovery of these domestick scissures , my lord of stafford being gone , we hop'd fair weather wold follow . ( he who was the cause of the tempest ( as they pretended ) being thrown over-board ) but unluckie mists of jealousie grew thicker and thicker ; yet the scots were dismist , having had fidlers fare , meat , drink , and money , for eleven long moneths together . so his majesty went to scotland , where the parliament ther , did but ask and have any thing , though it be the unquestionable prerogative of majesty to grant or deny petitions , and to satisfie his conscience before any councell whatsoever . but during his sojourn ther , this formidable hideous rebellion brok out in ireland , which though it may be said to be but an old play newly reviv'd ▪ yet the scene was never so tragicall and bloody as now : for the barbarismes that have bin committed ther have bin so sanguinary , and monstrously savage , that i think posterity will hold them hyperbolicall ●…when history relates them . the irish themselves affirm ther concurr'd divers causes to kindle this fire : one , was the taking off of straffor●…s head , ( who awd them more then any deputy ever did ) and that one of his accusations shold be to have used the papists ther too favourably : secondly , the rigorous proceedings and intended courses against the roman catholiques here in england . lastly , the stopping of that regiment of irish , who was promised by his majesties royall word and letter to the king of spain , who relying upon that employment , rather then to beg , steal , or starve , turned rebels : and that , which hath agravated the rebellion all this while , and heightned much the spirit of the irish , was the introduction of the scot , whom they hate in perfection above all people els ; and intended lastly the design spoken of in our parliament , to make an absolute conquest , and nationall eradication of them , which hath made them to make vertue of necessity , and to be valiant against their wills . peregrin . indeed i heard that act of staying the irish regiment , considering how the marquesses de velada , and malvezzi , and don alonso de cardenas , who were all three ambassadours here for the king of spain at that time , having by reliance upon the sacred word and letter of a king , imprested money , and provided shipping for their transport , and bin at above 10000. crowns charges , i say this act was very much censured abroad , to the dishonour of his majesty and our reproach . patricius . i am very sorry to hear it . well sir. his majesty by his presence having setled scotland , was at his return to london received with much joy and exultation , but though he was brought in with a hosanna at one end of the town , he found a crucifige at the other : for at westminster ther was a remonstrance fram'd , a work of many weeks , and voted in the dead of night , when most of the moderat and well-thoughted members were retired to their rest , wherein with as much aggravation and artifice as could be , the least moat in government was exposed to publick view , from the first day of his majesties inaugurat●…on to that very hour : which remonstrance as it did no good to the publick but fill peoples heads with doubts , their hearts with gall , and retard the procedure of all businesse besides , so you may well think it could expect but cold entertainment with his majesty , who hoped his great councel , according to their often deep protestations , had done something for his welcom home , that might have made him the best beloved king that ever 〈◊〉 amongst his people . peregrin . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ther is no government upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 up of m●…n , but is subject to corruption ; there is no court of judicature so cleane , but some cobwebs may gather in it , unlesse an act of parliament could be made to free and exempt men from all infirmities and errour ; it cannot be denied , but scotland might have something to complaine of ( though i think least of any ) and so leapt first into the pooll to be cur'd , and what she fish'd besides in those troubled waters 't is too well known : england also no doubt might have some grievances , which his majestie freely offered not onely to redresse for the present , but to free her of all feares for the future , from falling into relapses of that kinde ; but to redresse grievances by armes , by plunging the whole countrey into an intestine warre , this makes the remedy worse then the malady , it is as if one would go about to cure a sick body by breaking his head , or let him blood by giving him a dash on the nose , it is as mad a tricke as his was who set the whole house a fire to roast his egs . but truly sir , in my opinion , his majesty at his return from scotland , might have justly expected some acts of compliance and gratitude from his parliament , considering what unparallel'd acts of grace he had pass'd before . patricius . his majesty did not rest there , but complied further with them by condescending to an act for putting down the star-chamber court the high commission , the court of honour , nay , he was contented his own privy councell should be regulated , and his forests bounded not according to ancient prerogative but late custome ; nay further , he pass'd a bill for the unvoting , and utter exclusion of the spirituall lords from the parliament for ever , whereby it cannot be denied , but by the casheering of 25 votes at a clap , and by excluding the recusant lords besides ( who subsist most by his grace ) he did not a little enervat his own prerogative . adde hereunto that having placed two worthy gentlemen biron and lunsford lieutenants of the tower , he remov'd them both one after the other , and was content to put in one of their election : and lastly , he trusted them with his greatest strength of all , with his navie royall , and call'd home pennington who had the guard of the narrow seas so many yeares . peregrin . truly sir , i never remember to have heard or read of such notable acts of grace and confidence from any king : but would not all this suffice ? patricius . no , but they demanded all the land souldiery and military strength of the kingdome to be disposed of by them , and to be put into what posture , and in what equipage , and under what commanders they pleas'd ; and this was the first thing his majesty ever denyed them , yet he would have granted them this also for a limited time , but that would not serve the turn ; hereupon his majesty grew a little sensible how they inch'd every day more and more upon his royall prerogatives ; and intending to go to his town of hull to see his magazin ( which he had bought with his own money ) with his ordinary train , he was in a hostile manner kept out , canons mounted , pistols cockt , and leveld at him . but whether that unlucky knight ( hotham ) did this out of his fidelity to the parl. or out of an apprehension of feare that some about the king , being mov'd with the barbarousnesse of the action would have pistold him , i will not determine . peregrin . i have read of divers affronts of this kinde that were offerd to the french kings , rochell shut her gates more than once against henry the great , and for the king now regnant , they did not only shut him out of many of his towns , but upon the gates of some of them they writ in legible characters , roy san foy , ville sans peur , a faithlesse king , a fearlesse towne . yet in the greatest heat of those warres , there was never any towne refus'd to let in her king , provided he came attended onely with his own traine ; and besides other people abroad , i heard the scot's nation did abhor that act at hull . but i pray sir go on . patricius . his majesty being thus shut out of one towne , he might justly suspect that an attempt might be made to shut him in , in some other ; therefore he made a motion to the yorke-shire gentlemen , to have a gard for the preservation of his person , which was done accordingly . but i am come to forward , i must go backe and tell you how the king was driven from westminster . when his majesty was return'd from scotland he retir'd to hampton court , whence upon the lord majors and the cities humble sollici●…ation , he came back to white-hal to keep his christmas . but when the bill against bishops was in agitation , which businesse ●…asted neer upon ten weekes , a crue of bold ●…turdie mechanicks , and mariners , came ●…rom the citie and ruffled before white-hall and westminster-hall , and would have violated the abby of westminster , so that for many ●…ights a court of gard was forced to be kept ●…n the body of that church , ( the chiefest sanctuary of the kingdom . ) moreover , his majesty having impeached some of the members of both houses , of high treason , and being denied to have them delivered up , he went himself to the lower house to demand them , assuring the house they should have as faire and legall a triall as ever men had . but as it pleas'd god , they were not there , but retir'd to london for refuge ; the londoners grew starke wilde thereupon , and notice being sent to all the adjacent counties , this act of the kings ( though it wanted no precedents of former times ) was aggravated in the highest degree that possibly could be . hence you may easily inferre , what small securitie his majesty had at white-hall , and what indignities he might have exposed himself unto , by that which had pass'd already from the rabble , who had vilified and cried tush at his proclamations , and disgorg'd other rebellious speeches with impunity : therefore he retird to hampton court ( as we read , our saviour withdrew himselfe once from the multitude ) thence to windsor castle , whence accompanying her majesty , with his eldest daughter to the sea side for holland , and having commanded the prince to attend him against his return at greenwich , the prince had been surpriz'd , and brought to london , had not the king come a little before . thence he removed to yorke , where he kept his court all the sommer . but to returne to london , the very next day after their majesties departure , the countrey about , especially buckinghamshire being incited by the c●…tie and parliament , came in great swarmes , and joyning with the london mechanicks , they ruffled up and down the streets , and kept such a racket , making the fearfull'st riot that ever i beleeve was heard of in parliament time : so those members which formerly were fled into the citie , were brought to the house in a kind of triumph , being garded by land and water in warlike manner by these champions : after this , sundry troops of horse came from all the shires near adjoyning to ●…he parliament , and buckingham men were ●…he first , who while they express'd their ●…ve to ( hamden ) their knight , forgot their ●…worn oath to their king , and in stead of feathers they carried a printed protestation in ●…heir hats , as the londoners had done a lit●…le before upon the pikes point . peregrin . this kept a foul noise beyond sea i re●…ember , so that upon the rialto in venice , ●…t was sung up and down , that a midsummer moon ( though it was then midst of winter ) did raign amongst the english , and you must ●…hink that it hath made the venetian to ●…hrink in his shoulders , and to look but ill-favouredly upon us , since wee 'l have none of his currans . but sir , i heard much of that protestation , i pray what was the substance of it ? patricius . it was penn'd , and enjoyn'd by the par●…iament for every one to take , and it consisted of many parts ; the first was , to maintain the tru potestant religion against all popish innovations , which word popish ( as som think ) was scrued in of purpose for a loop hole to let in any other innovation : the second was to maintain the prerogative an●… honour of the king ; then the power and priviledge of parliament ; and lastly , the propriety and liberty of the subject ; for thre●… parts of this protestation , the people up an●… down seem'd to have utterly forgotte●… them , and continue so still , as if their consciences had bin tied only to the third , viz the priviledge of parliament , and never was ther a poor people so besotted , never wa●… reason and common sence so baffled in an●… part of the world . and now will i go to attend his majesty at york , where , as i told you before , being loth to part with his sword , ( though he had half parted with his scepter before ) by denying the parliament an indefinite time to dispose of the militia , ( alleadging that as the word , so the thing was new . ) he sends forth his commissions of array , according to the old law of england , which declares i●… to be the undoubted right , and royall signorie of the king , to arm or disarm any subject : the parliament sends out clean countermands for executing the said militia , so by this clashing 'twixt the commission of array and the militia , the first flash of this odious unnaturall war may be said to break out . the pulse of the parliament beats yet higher , they send an admirall to the sea ( the earl of warwick ) not only without , but expresly against the kings special command . they had taken unto them a military gard from the city for their protection , without his majesties consent , who by the advice of the lord keeper and others , had offered them a very strong gard of constables and other officers to attend them , which the law usually allows ; yet the raising of that gard in york-shire for the safegard of his majesties person , was interpreted to be leavying of war against the parliament , and so made a sufficient ground for them to raise an army , to appoint a generall ( the earl of essex ) with whom they made publick declarations to live and die . and they assumed power to confer a new appellation of honour upon him , ( excellency ) as if any could confer honour but the king ! and this army was to be maintain'd out of the mixt con●…ribution of all sorts of people ; so a great masse of money and plate was brought into the guild hall , the semstresse brought in her silver thimble , the chamber-maid her bodkin , the cook his spoons , and the vintner his bowles , and every one somthing , to the advancement of so good a work , as to wage war directly against the sacred person of their soverain , and put the whole countrey into a combustion . peregrin . surely it is impossible that a rationall christian people shold grow so simple and sottish , as to be so far transported , without some colourable cause , therfore i pray tell me what that might be ? patricius . the cause is made specious enough , and varnished over wonderfull cunningly ; the people are made to believe they are in danger , and a prevention of that danger is promised , and by these plausible ways the understanding is wrought upon , and an affection to the cause is usher'd in , by aggravation of this danger , as one wold draw a thred through a needles eye : this huge bugbear danger , was like a monster of many heads , the two chiefest were these ▪ that ther was a plot to let in the pope ; and to 〈◊〉 the civil government into a french frame ; it is incredible to think how the pulpits up and down london did ring of this by brainsick lecturers , of whom som were come from new-england , others were pick'd out of purpose , and sent for from their own flock in the countrey , to possesse , or rather to poison the hearts of the londoners , to puzzle their intellectualls , and to intoxicat their brains by their powerfull gifts ; it was punishable to preach of peace , or of caesars right , but the common subject of the pulpit was either blasphemy against god , disobedience against the king , or incitements to sedition ; good lord , what windy frothy stuff came from these fanatick brains ; these phrenetici nebulones ( for king iames gives them no better character in his ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ) who may be said to be mad out of too much ignorance , not knowledg ; who neverthelesse are come to that height of prophaness and pride , that they presume to father all their doctrines , all their non-sense , raptures and ravings upon the holy spirit . nor did the pulpit only help to kindle this fire , but the presse also did contribute much stubble ; what base scurrilous pamphlets were cryed up and down the streets , and dispersed in the 〈◊〉 ? what palpable and horrid lies were daily printed ? how they multiplied in every corner in such plenty , that one might say t●…er was a superfaetation of lies , which continue unto this day ? one while the king of denmark was comming over from the sound : another while the king of france had a huge army about calais design'd for england : another while ther was an army of irish rebels comming over with the privity of the king : another while a plot was cryed up and down to burn london : another while ther were subterranean invisible troups ( at ragland castle ) mustered under ground in wales , and thousands of papists armed in lancashire , and divers reports of this nature were daily blown up , and though the authors of them were worthlesse and mean futilous persons , yet the reports themselves had that credit as to be entertain'd and canvas'd in the high court of parliament . but these false rumors produc'd one politick effect ( and it was the end indeed for which they were dispers'd ) they did intimidat and fill the peoples hearts with fears , and dispose of them to up roars and so to part with money . peregrin . i know ther be sundry sorts of fears ; ther are conscientious fears , and ther are ●…annick fears , ther are pusillanimous fears , and ther are politick fears . the first sort of fear proceeds from guilt of conscience , which turns often to phre●…cy . the second sort of fear may be call'd a kind of chymera , 't is som sudden surprizall or consternation arising from an unknown cause . pusillanimous fear makes a mountain of a mole-hill , and proceeds from poverty of spirit , and want of courage , and is a passion of abject and degenerous minds , and may be call'd cowardise , and this fear is always accompanied with jealousie . politick fear , is a created forg'd fear wrought in another , to bring som design about ; and as we find the astronomers ( the comparison is too good ) do imagin such and such shapes and circles in the heavens , as the zodiak , equinoctiall , colures , zones and topiques with others , though ther be no such things really in nature , to make their conclusions good . so the polititian doth often devise and invent false imaginary fears , to make his proceedings more plausible amongst the silly vulgar , and therby to compasse his ends : and as the sun useth to appear far bigger to us in the morning then at noon , when he is exalted to his meridian , and the reason the philosophers use to give , is the interposition of the vapours which are commonly in the lower region , through which we look upon him ( as we find a piece of silver look bigger in a bucket of water then elsewhere ) so the polititian uses to cast strange mists of fear , and fogs of jealousie before the simple peoples eyes , to make the danger seem bigger : but truly sir , this is one of the basest kinds of policy , nor can i believe ther be any such polititians amongst the cabalists of your parliament , who pretend to be so busie about gods work , a glorious reformation , for you know ther is a good text for it , that god needeth not the wicked man ▪ he abominats to be beholding to liers to bring about his purposes : but i pray sir deal freely with me , do you imamagin ther was a design to bring in the mass●… again ? patricius . the masse ? you may say ther was a plot to bring in mahomet as soon , to bring in the alchoran , or talmud as soon ; for i dare pawn my soul , the king is as cordiall a protestant as any that breathes under his three crowns , which besides his publick deep protestations , and his constant quotidian exemplary open practise , many other convincing private reasons induce me to believe , and it is in vain to think the pope can take footing here to any purpose without the kings leave . you know as well as i sir , that of all the reformed churches in christendom , the lutheran retains most of the roman , both in his positions and practise , and comes much nearer to him then we do , yet i have observed , that from the first day of his reformation , to this , he is as averse , and as far off from rome , as the rigidest calvinist that is ; and shall i think , because ther are som humble and hansom postures , and decent vestures revived in our church ( for they were never abolished ; ) because the communion table stands in the east end where it ever stood since christianity came in all our cathedralls , which shold be a rule to all inferiour churches , though the seperatist cries it up most falsly to be an innovation : because the queen hath a few simple capuchins ( fewer then was allowed by the matrimoniall capitulations ) whither to retire sometimes : because schismaticks were proceeded against with more care , and the government of the church born up ●…ately with more countenance , shall i be●…ieve out of all this that the pope must pre●…ently come in ? shall i believe the weakness ●…f our religion to be such , as to be so easily ●…aken and overturn'd ? yet i believe ther was a pernicious plot to introduce a new religion , but what i pray ? not popery , but presbitry , and with it to bring in the doctrine of buchanan and knox for civill government , and so to cast our church and state into a scots mould . peregrin . indeed i heard the english much derided abroad for resigning their intellectualls in point of religion to the scots , whom from infidels they made christians , and reformed christians first , and now for the english to run to them for a religion , and that the uniformity & reformation shold proceed from them , having disdain'd us formerly , what a disparagement is it thinke you to the anglican church ? this with other odd traverses , as the eclipsing the glory of the king , and bringing him back to a kind of minoritie , the tampering with his conscience , i will not say the straining it so farre , the depriving him of all kind of propertie , the depressing of his regall power , wherein the honour of a nation consists , and which the english were us'd to uphold more then any other , for no king hath more awful attributs from his subjects , as sacred sovereigne , gracious and most excellent majestie , nor any king so often prayed for , for in your morning liturgie he is five times prayed for , whereas other princes are mentioned but once or twice at most in their's : i say that this , with interception of letters , some incivilities offered ambassadors , and the bold lavish speeches that were spoken of the greatest queenes in christendome , and his majesties late withdrawing his royall protection from some of his merchant-subjects in other countreys , hath made the english lose much ground in point of esteeme abroad , and to be the discourse , i will not say the scorne of other people . they stick not to say , that there is now a worse maladie fallen upon their minds , then fell upon their bodies about an age since by the sweating sicknesse , which was peculiar onely unto them and found them out under all climes . others say , there is a pure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amongst them , that they are turn'd to wolves ( as you know it is a common thing in l●…pland ) & that the old adage is verified in them , homo homini lupus ; nay our next neighbours give out , that the saying was never truer then now , rex anglorum , rex diabolorum . nor is it a small disrepute to the english , that the word cavalier , which is an attribute that no prince in christendome will disdain , and is the common appellation of the nobilitie and gentrie in most parts of the world , is now us'd , not onely in libels and frivolous pamphlets , but in publicke parliamentarie declarations , for a terme of reproach . but truely sir , what you have related touching the pulpit and the presse , transformes me into wonder , and i should want faith to beleeve it , did you not speak it upon your knowledge ; but the english when they fall to worke upon a new humour , use to overdoe all people . patricius . you have not yet the tithe of what i could give you , you would little think that coachmen , and feltmakers , and weavers were permitted to preach up and down without controulment , and to vent their froth and venome against church and state , to cry downe our hierarchy and liturgie , by most base and reviling speeches . peregrin . touching your lyturgie , i have heard it censur'd abroad by the regidest calvinists of generva and dort , yet i never heard any other character given of it , but that it is a most pious , pathetick , and perfect peece of devotion , both for the matter and forme of it , which i have been a little curious to observe . it begins with some choise passages of holy scripture , and a previous declaration or monitory to excite us to the worke in hand ; the first addresse wee make to god is by an humble and joynt confession which is appliable to any conscience , and comprehends in it all kind of sins . then followeth a pronuntiation of gods promises and pronesse to pardon and absolve us ; we goe on to the lords prayer , which having bin dictated by our saviour himself we often use , and is as amber throwne in amongst our frankincense , to make the sacrifice more precious and pleasing unto god ; then we proceed to som choice psalms , and other portions of holy scripture taken out of the old and new testament ; then we fall to the symbole of faith , whereof we make a solemn joynt confession in such a posture as shews a readinesse and resolution in us to defend it : and so to the letany , wherein the poor penitent peccant soul may be said to breath out herself into the bosome of her saviour by tender ejaculations , by panting groans , & eviscerated ingeminations , and there is no sin , no temptation whatsoever that humane frailty is subject unto , but you shall find a deliverance from it there , it is so full of christian charity , that there is no condition of people , but are remembred and prayed for there . then wee proceed by holy alternatif interlocutions ( whereby wee heare our selves speak as well as the minister ) to some effectuall short prayers ; because in long prayers the minde is subject to wander , as some zelots now a dayes use to bring their hearers into a wildernesse by their prayers , and into a labyrinth by their sermons . then goe we on to the decalogue , and if it be in a cathedrall , there is time enough for the hearer to examine himselfe , while the musick playes , where and when he broke any of gods holy commandements , and ask particular forgivenesse accordingly in the intervall ; then after other choice portions of scripture , and passages relating to our redemption , and endearing , unto us the merits of it , with a more particular confession of our faith , we are dismissed with a benediction : so that this liturgy may be call'd an instrument of many strings , whereon the sighing soul sends up varions notes unto heaven : it is a posie made up of divers flowers , to make it the more fragrant in the nostrills of god. now touching your bishops , i never knew yet any protestant church but could be content to have them , had they meanes to maintaine the dignitie , which the churches of france with others have not , in regerd the reformation beg an first among the people , not at court , as here it did in engl. for unlesse ther be som supervisers of gods house , endowed with eminent authority to check the fond fancies , and quench the false fatuous fires of every private spirit , and unlesse it be such an authority that may draw unto it a holy kind of awe and obedience what can be expected but confusion and atheisme ? you know what became of the israelites when the wonted reverence to the ark , and the ephod , and the priest , began to languish amongst them : for the braine of man is like a garden , which unlesse it be fenced about with a wall or hedge , is subject you know to be annoyed by all kinde of beasts which will be ready to runne into it ; so the braine unlesse it be restrain'd and bounded in holy things by rules of canonicall authoritie , a thousand wild opinions , and extravagant fancies will hourely rush into it : nor was there ever any field so subject to produce cockle and darnell , as the human brain is rank and ready to bring forth tares of schism and heresie of a thousand sorts , unlesse after the first culture the sickle of authority be applyed to grub up all such noisom weeds . patricius . yet this most antient dignity of bishops is traduced and vilified by every shallow-pated petty clerk , and not so much out of a tru zeal , as out of envy that they are not the like . and touching our liturgy , wherof you have bin pleas'd to give so exact a character , people are come to that height of impiety , that in som places it hath bin drown'd , in other places burnt , in som places torn in pieces to serve for the basest uses , nay it hath bin preached publickly in pulpits , that it is a piece forg'd in the devils shop , and yet the impious foul mouth'd babbler never was so much as questioned for it . nor did the church only eccho with these blasphemies ; but the presse was as pregnant to produce every day som monster either against ecclesiasticall , or secular government . i am asham'd to tell you how som bold pamphleters in a discourse of a sheet or two , wold presume to question , to dispute of , and determin the extent of monarchik jurisdiction , what sturdy doubts , what sawcy quaeries they put , what odd frivolous distinctions they f●…am'd , that the king though he was gods anointed , yet he was mans appointed : that he had the commanding , not the disposing power : that he was set to rule over , not to over-rule the people ; that he was king by human choice , not by divine charter ; that he was not king by the grace of god , so much as by the suffrage of the people ; that he was a creatur●… and production of the parliament : that he had no implicit trust , nor peculiar property in any thing ; that populus est potior rege ; that grex lege , lex est rege potentior ; that the king was singulis major , universis minor , ( wheras a successive monarch — uno minor est iove . — sometimes they wold bring instances from the states of holland , sometimes from the republick of venice , and apply them so impertinently to absolute and independant royalty ; but i find that the discourse and inferences of these grand statists were bottom'd upon four false foundations , viz. that the king of whom they speak must be either a minor , and idiot , an insufferable tyrant , or that the kingdom they mean , is elective ; none of all which is appliable , either to our most gracious and excellently qualified king , or to his renowned kingdom , which hath bin always reputed an ancient successive monarchy , govern'd by one suprem undeposeable and independent head , having the dignity , the royall state , and power of an imperiall crown , and being responsible to none ●…ut to god almighty and his own 〈◊〉 ●…or his actions , and unto whom a body ●…olitick compacted of prelates , 〈◊〉 , and all degrees of people is naturally subject ; but this is a theam of that transcenden●…y , that it requires a serious and solid tractat , rather then such a slender discourse as this is to handle . but i pray excuse me sir , that i have stept aside thus from the road of my main narration ; i told you before , how the clashing 'twixt the commission of array , and the militia , put all things in disarray throughout the whole kingdom ; the parliament as they had taken the first military gard , so they began to arm first , and was it not high time then for his majesty to do some thing think you ? yet he essayed by all ways imaginable to prevent a war , and to conquer by a passive fortitude , by cunctation , and longanimity . how many overtures for an accommodation did he make ? how many proclamations of pardon ? how many elaborat declarations breathing nothing but clemency , sweetness and truth did drop from his own imperious invincible pen , which will remain upon record to all ages , as so many monuments to his eternall glory ? yet som ill spirit stept still in , between his grace , and the abused subject , for by the peremptory order of parliament ( o monstrous thing ) the said proclamations of grace , and other his majesties declarations were prohibited to be read ; fearing that the strength and truth of them wold have had a vertue to unblind , or rather unbewitcht ( for rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft ) the poor besotted people : what deep protestations and holy vowes did he reiterate that the main of his designs , was to preserve the tru protestant religion , the known lawes of the land , and the just priviledges of parliament ? how often did he dehort and woo the city of london ( his imperiall chamber ) from such violent courses , so that she may be justly upbraided with the same words , as the prince of peace upbraided ierusalem withall : london , london , how often wold i have gathered thee , as a ●…en doth her chickens under her wings , yet thou wouldst not ? how often did he descend to acknowledg the manner of demanding the one and five members in his publick remonstrances ? and if ther was an errour in the proceedings , how oft did he desire his great councell to direct him in a course how to go on in the empeachment ? which they never did , but wold reserve the priviledge to themselves to be judge and party . peregrin . can your parliament protect high treason ? i am sure the character of an ambassadour cannot , which the late french ambassadour ( who for his time play'd his cards more cunning than ever count gondomar did ) knew well ; and therefore , as i heard som french men say , he got letters of revocation before his designed time : but it seems strange to me , that the king who is the protectour of the law , and fountain of justice , cannot have the benefit of the law himself , which the meanest of his vassals can claim by right of inheritance : 't is strange , i say , that the law shold be a dead letter to him who is the life of the law , but that for omission of some punctillio in the form of the processe , the charge of high treason shold be so slightly wav'd , specially treason of so universall a concernment , that it may be call'd a complication of many treasons ; for if in every petty state it be high treason to treat only with any forrein power without the privity of the prince , it must needs be treason of a higher nature actually to bring them in ; and hereof i could alleadge you many pregnant instances , ancient and modern , but that i do not desire to interrupt you in your relation . patricius . the parliament , as i told you before , armed apace , it was not fitting then his majesty shold sit idle ; therfore he summons those nobles and others , who had an immediate relation unto him by office or service , to attend him at york , according to their particular obligation and oath : but it seems the parliament assumed power to dispence with those oaths , and excuse their attendance , which dispensation prevail'd with som ( tender ) consciences ; yet the great seal posted to court , and after it most of the nobles of the land , with the flower of the gentry , and many of the prime members of the commons house ; so that were it not for the locall priviledge , the parliament for number of members , might be said to be ever since about the king : these nobles and gentlemen resenting his majesties case , and what practices ther were on foot to alter the government both of church and state , not only advised his majesty to a royall war for defence of his crown and dignity , but contributed very chearfully , and have stood constant to the work ever since . peregrin . they have good reason for it , for the security of the nobility and gentry depends upon the strength of the crown , otherwise popular government wold rush in like a torrent upon them . but surely those nobles , and those parliament gentlemen and others , som of whom i understand , were reputed the wisest and best weigh'd men for experience and parts thorowout the whole kingdom , and were cryed up in other parliaments to be the most zealous patriots for the propriety and freedom of the subject , wold never have stuck so firmly to his majesty , had they not known the bottom of his designs , that it was far from his thoughts to bring in the pope or french government ; for therby they shold have betrayed their own posterity , and made their children slaves . patricius . to my knowledge , these nobles and gentlemen are still the very same as they were in former parliaments , wherin they were so cryed up for the truest lovers of their country , and best common-wealths-men ; yet now they are branded , and voted to be seducers , and traytors , because according to their oaths and consciences , they adhere to the king their master and liege-lord , for maintenance of that religion they were baptized and bred in . those most orthodox and painfull divines , which till this parliament began were accounted the precisest sort of protestants , are now cryed down for papists , though they continue still the very same men , both for opinions and preaching , and are no more papists than i am a pythagorean . in fine , a tru english protestant is put now in the same scale with a papist , and made synonyma's . and truly these unhappy schismaticks could not devise how to cast a greater infamy upon the english protestant than they have done of late by these monstrous imputations ; they wold fasten upon him such opinions which never entred into his thoughts , they wold know ones heart better than himself , and so would be greater kardiognosticks than god almighty . but to draw to a conclusion ; the parliaments army multiplyed apace in london , the kings but slowly in the north , so that when he displayed his royal standard at nottingham , his forces were not any thing considerable , so that if the parliaments generall ( essex ) had then advanced towards him from northampton , he had put him to a very great strait ; they encreased somthing at derby , and stafford , but when he was come to shrewsbury , the welch-men came running down the mountains in such multitudes , that their example did much animate the english ; so that his army in lesse than a month that the court continued in shrewsbury , came to near upon twenty thousand horse and foot ; not long before , the nephew princes came over , and the first encounter prince rupert had with the parliaments forces was at worcester , where he defeated the flower of their cavalry , and gave them a smart blow . at shrewsbury his majesty took a resolution to march with his whole army towards london , but after seven days march he understood the parliaments forces were within six miles side-long of him , and so many miles he went out of his road to find them out , and face them : upon sunday morning he was himself betimes upon edge-hill , wher the enemies colours plainly appear'd in vale before keinton ; it was past two in the after-noon before all his infantery could get to the bottom , who upon sight of the enemies colours ran as merrily down the hill , as if they had gone to a morris dance . so his majesty himself being generalissimo , gave command the great ordnance shold flye for a defiance , so the battell began , which lasted above three hours , and as some french and dutch commanders ( who were engag'd in the fight ) told me , they never remembred to have seen a more furious battail for the time in all the german wars . prince rupert pursued the enemies horse like a whirl-wind near upon three miles , and had ther bin day enough , when he came back to the infanterie , in all probability a totall defeat had bin given them : so that the same accident may be said to fall out here , as happened in that famous battell at lewis , in henry the thirds time , where the prince of wales ( afterwards edward the first ) was so eager , and went so far ( by excesse of courage ) from the body of the army in pursuance of the londoners , that it was the fatall cause of the losse of that mighty battail . his majesty ( to his deserved and never-dying glory ) comported himself like another caesar all the while , by riding about and encouraging the souldiers , by exposing his person often to the reach of a musket-bullet , and lying in the field all that bleak night in his coach. notwithstanding that many lying pamphlets were purposely printed here , to make the world believe that he had retir'd himself all the time of the fight ; what partiall reports were made in the guild-hall to the londoners , and by what persons , ( w. and strode ) i am ashamed to tell you : but that his majesty was victorious that day ( a day which i never thought to have seen in england ) ther be many convincing arguments to prove it ; for besides the great odds of men which fell on their side , and cannons they lost , som of their ordnance were nayl'd by the kings troops the next morning after in the very face of their army . moreover , the king advanc'd forward the next day to his former road , and took banbury presently after ; but the parliamenteers went backwards , and so from that day to this , his majesty continueth master of the field . 't is tru , that in som places , as at farnham , winchester , and chichester , they have prevail'd since , but no considerable part of the royall army was ther to make opposition ; and i blush to tell you , how unworthily the law of armes was violated in all those places . peregrin . good lord , how can the souls of those men that were in the parliaments army at keinton battell , dispense with the oaths of supremacy and allegeance , besides the protestation you speak of , they had taken to preserve the person , honour , and prerogative of the king , when they thus actually bandy against his person , and appear in battel with all the engines of hostility against him ? patricius . i wold be loth to exchange consciences with them , and prevaricate so palpably with god almighty ; touching the cavaliers , they may be said to comply with their duties both towards god and their king according to the oaths you mention ; moreover , ther was a strong act of parliament ( for their security ) which was never as much as questioned or controverted , much lesse suspended or repeal'd : but always stood , and yet stands in as full validity and force , as it was the first day it was enacted , and as much binding to an universall obedience , which act runs thus : 13. octobris anno undecimo henrici septimi , anno dom. 1496 it is ordained , enacted , and established by the king our soverain lord , by the advice and assent of the lords spirituall and temporall , and the commons in this present parliament assembled , and by authority of the same , that from henceforth no manner of person or persons whatsoever he or they be , that attend upon the king and soverain lord of this land for the time being in his person , and do him tru and faithfull service of allegiance in the same , or be he in other places by his commandment , in his wars within this land or without : that for the said deed , and tru duty of allegiance , he or they be in no wise convict or attaint of high treason , nor of other offences for that cause , by act of parliament or otherwise by any processe of law , whereby he or any of them , shall lose or forfeit life , lands , tenements , rents , possessions , hereditaments , goods , chattels , or any other things : but to be for that deed and service utterly discharged of any vexation , trouble or loss . and if any act or acts , or other processe of the law hereafter , therupon for the same happen to be made contrary to this ordinance , that then that act or acts , or other processe of the law , whatsoever they shall be , stand and utterly void . provided alwayes that no person or persons shall take any benefit or advantage by this act , which shall hereafter decline their said allegiance . peregrin . this is as plain and fair as can be for securing both the person and conscience of the cavalier , but was ther ever any act or oath , or any thing like an oath that oblig'd englishmen to be tru unto , or fight for the parliament ? patricius . never any , but these men by a new kind of metaphysicks have found out a way to abstract the person of the king from his office , to make his soveraigntie a kind of platonick idea hovering in the aire , while they visibly attempt to assaile and destroy his person and progeny , by small and great shot , and seek him out amongst his life-gard with fire and sword ; yet they give out , they fight not only not against him , but for him , and that their army is more loyall unto him than his owne ; who , they say , fight only for the name king , though they have his person really amongst them , commanding and directing : thus they make him a strange kind of amphibium , they make in one instant a king and no king of the same individuum ; a power which the casuists affirme god almighty never assumed to himself , to doe any thing that implies a contradiction . peregrin . noble sir , you make my heart to pant within me , by the pathetick relation you have been pleas'd to make mee of these ●…uthfull times ; but one thing seems to me to be no lesse then a miracle , how his majestie hath beene able to subsist all this while , considering the infinite advantages the averse partie hath had of him ; for they have all the tenable places and townes of strength , both by land and sea ; they have the navie royall , they have all the amunition and armes of the crown , they have all the imposts and customs , poundage and tonnage ( which they levie contrary to their former protestation before the bill be pass'd ) they have the exchequer at their devotion , and all the revenue of the king , queen , and prince , and lastly , they have the citie of london , which may be eall'd a magazin of money and men , where there is a ready supplie and superfluitie of all things , that may seed , clothe , or make men gay to put them in heart and resolution : truely considering all these advantages , with divers others on their side , and the disadvantages on the kings , it turnes me into a lump of astonishment , how his majestie could beare up all this while , and keep together so many armies , and be still master of the field . patricius . i confesse sir , it is a just subject for wonderment , and we must ascribe it principally to god almightie , who is the protectour of his anointed , for his hand hath manifestly appear'd in the conduct of his affaires ; hee hath been the pilot , who hath sate at the helme ever s●…nce this storme began , and will we hope continue to steer his course till he waft him to safe harbour againe ; adde hereunto , that his majesty for his own part , hath beene wonderfully stirring , and indefatigable both for his body and minde ; and what notable things her majesty hath done , and what she hath suffered , is fitter for chronicle , then such a simple discourse . hereunto may be added besides , that his majestie hath three parts of foure of the peeres , and prime gentrie of the kingdom firme unto him , and they will venture hard before they will come under a popular government and mechanicall corporations , or let in knox or calvin to undermine this church , and bring in their bawdy stool of repentance . peregrin . truely sir , amongst other countreys , i extreamly long'd to see england , and i am no sooner come , but i am surfeited of her already , i doubt the old prophecie touching this island is come now to be verified , that the churchman was , the lawyer is , and the souldier shall be . i am afraid the english have seene their best dayes ; for i find a generall kind of infatuation , a totall eclipse of reason amongst most of them ; and commonly a generall infatuation precedes the perdition of a people ; like a fish , that putrifieth first in the head ; therefore i will trusse up my baggage and over again , after i have enjoyed you some dayes , and received your commands . patricius . dear sir , if you seriously resolve to crosse the seas againe so soon , i may chance beare you company , for as you have since the short time of your sojourn here judiciously observed a national defection of reason in the people of this island , which makes her so active in drawing on her own ruine ; so by longer experience , and by infallible symptomes i find a strange kind of vertigo to have seized upon her , which i feare will turne to the falling sicknesse , or such a frenzie that will make her to dash out her own braines : nor are her miseries , i feare , come yet to the full ; it is the method of the almightie , when he pleases to punish a people , to begin with roddes , to goe on with scourges , and if they will not do , he hath scorpions for them : therefore , i will breath any where sooner then here , for what securitie or contentment can one receive in that countrey , where religion and iustice , the two grand dorique columnes which support every state , are fallen down ? which makes all conditions of men , all professions and trades to go here daylie to utter ruine . the churchman grows every day more despicable , as if he had no propertie in any thing , nor is there any way left him to recover his tithe , but by costly troublesome sutes . the civilian , a brave learned profession , hath already made his last will ; and the common lawyers case is little better ; the courtier cannot get his pension ; the gentleman cannot recover his rents , but either they are sequestred by a high hand of unexampled power , or else the poor tenant is so heavily assess'd or plundred , that he is disabled to pay them in ; all kind of comerce both domestick and forrein visibly decayes , and falls more and more , into the hands of strangers ( to the no small dishonour of the wisedome of this nation ) nor can the tradesman recover his debts , parliamentary protections continue still in such numbers , so that it is a greater priviledge now to be a footman to the meanest of the lower house , then to be of the kings bed chamber : prenti●…es run away from their masters , and against their fathers intent turn souldiers , and for money , which is the soul of trade , i beleeve since the beginning of this parliament , above one half of the treasure of the kingdome is either conveyed to'ther side of the sea , or buried under ground , whence it must be new digg'd up againe . moreover , all things are here grown arbitrary ( yet that word took off the earle of straffords head ) religion , law , and allegiance is growne arbitrary ; nor dares the iudge upon the tribunall ( according to his oath ) do justice , but he is over-awed by ordinance ; or els the least intimation of the sense of the lower house is sufficient to enjoyne him the contrary , so that now , more then ever , it may be said here , — terras astraea reliquit . — peace also hath rov'd up and downe this island , and cannot get a place to lay her head on ; she hoped to have had entertainment in york-shire by the agreement of the best gentlemen in the countrey ; but an ordinance of parliament beat her out of doores ; then she thought to rest in cheshire , and by a solemne covenant she was promis'd to be preserv'd ther , the principal agents of that covenant having protested every one upon the word of a gentleman , and as they did desire to prosper , both themselves , their tenants and friends , , shold strictly observe it ; but the like ordinance of parliament battered down that agreement . then she thought to take footing in the west , and first in dorcetshire , then in cornwall and devonshire , and by the holy tie of the blessed sacrament she was promised to be preserved ther ; but another ordinance of parliament is pursuing her , to dispense with the commissioners of the said agreement for their oaths . lastly , his majesty is mainly endeavouring to bring her in again thorowout the whole land ; but the furious , phrentique schismaticks will have none of her ; for as one of them ( besides a thousand instances more ) preach'd in one of the most populous congregations about the city , it were better that london streets ran with bloud , and that dead carkasses were piled up as high as the battlements of pauls , than peace should be now brought in . and now that peace is shut out , learning is upon point of despair , her colledges are become courts of gard , and mars lieth in mercuries bed . honour also , with her court , lieth in the dust ; the cobler may confront the knight , the boor the baron , and ther is no judicial way of satisfaction ; which makes monarchy fear she hath no long time of abode here . publick faith also , though she had but newly set up for her self , is suddenly become bankrupt , and how could she choose ? for more of the kingdoms treasure hath bin spent within these thirty moneths , than was spent in four-score yeares before ; but she hopes to piece up her self again , by the ruines of the church ; but let her take heed of that , for those goods have bin fatall to many thousand families in this kingdom : yet , she thinks much , that those publick summs which were given to suppresse one rebellion ( in ireland ) shold be employed to maintain another rebellion ( in england . ) and lastly , methinks , i see religion in torn ragged weeds , and with slubber'd eyes sitting upon weeping-crosse , and wringing her hands , to see her chiefest temple ( pauls church ) where god almighty was us'd to be serv'd constantly thrice a day , and was the rendezvouz , and as it were the mother church , standing open to receive all commers and strangers , to be now shut up , and made only a thorow-fare for porters ; to see those scaffolds , the expence of so many thousand pounds , to lie rotting ; to see her chiefest lights like to be extinguished ; to see her famous learned divines dragg'd to prison , and utterly depriv'd of the benefit of the common law , their inheritance : methinks , i say , i see religion packing up , and preparing to leave this island quite , crying out , that this is countrey fitter for atheists than christians to live in ; for god almighty is here made the greatest malignant , in regard his house is plunder'd more than any : ther is no court left to reform heresie , no court to punish any church officer , and to make him attend his cure , not court to punish fornication , adultery , or incest : methinks i hear her cry out against these her grand reformers ( or refiners rather ) that they have put division 'twixt all degrees of persons . they have put division 'twixt husband and wife , 'twixt mother and child : the son seeks his fathers bloud in open field , one brother seeks to cut the others throat ; they have put division 'twixt master and servant , 'twixt land lord and tenant ; nay , they have a long time put a sea of separation 'twixt king and queen ; and they labour more and more to put division 'twixt the head and the members , 'twixt his majesty and his politicall spouse , his kingdom : and lastly , they have plung'd one of the flourishingst kingdoms of europe in a war without end ; for though a peace may be plaister'd over for the time , i fear it will be but like a fire cover'd with ashes , which will break out again , as long as these fiery schismaticks have any strength in this island ; so that all the premisses considered , if turk or tartar , or all the infernal spirits and cacodaemons of hel had broken in amongst us , they could not have done poor england more mischief . sir , i pray you excuse this homely imperfect relation , i have a thousand things more to impart unto you when we may breathe freer air ; for here we are come to that slavery , that one is in danger to have his very thoughts plundered ; therfore if you please to accept of my company , i will over with you by gods help , so soon as it may stand with your conveniency , but you must not discover me to be an englishman , abroad : for so i may be jeer'd at and kickt in the streets ; i will go under another name , and am fix'd in this resolution , never to breathe english aire again , untill the king recovers his crown , and the people the right use of their pericraniums ▪ the second part of a discourse ' twixt patricius and peregrin , touching the distempers of the times . london , printed in the year , 1661. a discours , or parly , continued betwixt patricius and peregrin , upon their landing in france , touching the civil wars of england and ireland . peregrin . gentle sir , you are happily arrived on this shore ; we are now upon firm ground , upon the fair continent of france ; we are not circumscrib'd , or coopt up within the narrow bounds of a rhumatick island ; we have all europe before us . truly i am not a little glad to have shaken hands with that tumbling element the sea ; and for england , i never intend to see her again in the mind i am in , unlesse it be in a map ; nay , in statu quo nunc , while this faction reigns , had i left one eye behind me , i should hardly returne thither to fetch it ; therefore if i be missing at any time , never look for me there . there is an old proverb , from a blacke german , a white italian , a red frenchman , i may adde one member more , and , from a round-headed englishman , the lord deliver us . i have often crossed these seas , and i found my self alwaies pitifully sick , i did ever and anon tell what wood the ship was made of ; but in this passage i did not feele the least motion or distemper in my humors : for , indeed i had no time to taink on sicknesse , i was so wholly tsken up , and transported with such a pleasing conceit , to have left yonder miserable island . peregrin . miserable island indeed ; for i thinke there was never such a tyrannie exercised in any christian countrey under heaven ; a tyrannie that extends not onely to the body , but to the braine also ; not only to mens fortunes and estates , but it reaches to their very soules and consciences , by violented new coercive oaths and protestations , compos'd by lay-men , inconsistent with the liberty of christians . never was there a nation carried away by such a strong spirit of delusion ; never was there a poor people so purblinded and puppified , if i may say so , as i finde them to be ; so that i am at a stand with my selfe , whether i shall pitie them more , or laugh at them . they not onely kisse the stone that hurts them , but the hands of them that hurle it ; they are come to that passive stupidity , that they adore their very persecutors , who from polling fall now a shaving them , and will flay them at last if they continue this popular reigne . i cannot compare england , as the case stands with her , more properly , then to a poor beast , sicke of the staggers , who cannot be cur'd without an incision . the astronomers , i remember , affirme that the moone ( which predominates over all humid bodies ) hath a more powerfull influence o're your british seas then any other ; so that according to the observation of some nevigators , they swell at a spring tide in some places , above threescore cubits high : i am of opinion , that that inconstant humorous planet , hath also an extraordinany dominion over the braines of the inhabitants ; for when they attempt any innovation ( whereunto all insulary people are more subject then other citizens of the world which are fixed upon the continent ) they swell higher , their fancies worke stronglier , and so commit stranger extravagancies then any other : witnesse these monstrous barbarismes and violencies , which have bin , and are daily offered to religion and just●…ce , ( the two grand supporters of all states ) yea , to humane reason it self since the beginning of these tumults . and now , noble sir , give me leave to render you my humble thanks for that true and solid information you pleased to give me in london of these commotions . during my short sojourne there , i lighted on divers odde pamphlets upon the seamstresses stalls , whom i wondred to see selling paper sheets in lieu of holland : on the one side i found the most impudent untruths ( vouch'd by publike authority ) the basest scurrilities , and poorest jingles of wit that ever i read in my life ; on the other side i met with many pieces that had good stuff in them , but gave mee not ( being a stranger ) a full satisfaction , they look'd no further then the beginning of this parliament , and the particular emergences thereof : but you have , by your methodicall relation , so perfectly instructed and rectified my understanding , by bringing me to the very source of these distempers , and led me all along the side of the current by so streight a line , that i believe , whosoever will venture upon the most intricate task of penning the story of these vertiginous times , will finde himself not a little beholden to that relation , which indeed may be term'd a short chronicle rather then a relation . wee are come now under another clime , and here we may mingle words , and vent our conceptions more securely ; it being , as matters stand in your countrey , more safe to speake under the lilly then the rose ; wee may here take in and put out freer ayre ; i meane , we may discourse with more liberty : for , words are nought els but aire articulated , and coagulated as it were into letters and syllables . patricius . sir , i deserve not these high expressions of your favourable censure touching that poor piece ; but this i will be bold to say , that whosoever doth read it impartially , will discover in the author the genius of an honest patriot , and a gentleman . and now methinks i look on you unfortunate island , as if one look upon a ship toss'd up and down in distresse of wind and weather , by a furious tempest , which the more she tugs and wrastles with the foamie waves of the angry ocean , the more the fury of the storme encreaseth , and puts her in danger of shipwrack ; and you must needs thinke , sir , it would move compassion in any heart , to behold a poore ship in such a desperate case , specially when all his kindred , friends and fortunes ; yea his religion , the most precious treasure of all , are aboard of her , and upon point of sinking . alas i can contribute nothing now to my poor countrey but my prayers and teares , that it would please god to allay this tempest , and cast over board those that are the true causers of it , and bring the people to the right use of reason againe . it was well observed by you , sir , that there is a nationall kinde of indisposition , and obliquity of mind that rageth now amongst our people , and i feare it will be long ere they returne to their old english temper . to that rare loyalty and love which they were used to shew to their soveraigne : for all the principles of monarchie are quite lost amongst us , those ancient and sacret flowers of the english diadem are trampled under foot ; nay , matters are come to that horrid confusion , that not onely the prerogative of the crown , but the foundamentall priviledge of the free-born subject is utterly overthrowne , by those whose predecessors were used to be the main supporters of it : so that our king is necessitated to put himself in armes for the preservation not only of his own regall rights , but of magna charta it self , which was neuer so invaded and violated in any age , by such causlesse tyrannicall imprisonments , by such unexampled destructive taxes , by stopping the ordinary processes in law , and awing all the courts of justice , by unheard-of forced oaths and associations , and a thousand other acts , which neither president , book-case or statute can warrant , whereof , if the king had done but the twentieth part , he had been cryed up to be the greatest tyrant that ever was . peregrin . sir , i am an alien , and so can speak with more freedom of your countrey . the short time that i did eate my bread there , i felt the pulse of the people with as much judgement as i could ; and i find , that this very word parliament is become a kind of idoll amongst them , they doe , as it were , pin their salvation upon 't ; it is held blasphemie to speake against it . the old english maxime was , the king can do no wrong ; another nominative case is now stept in , that the parliament can do no wrong , nor the king receive any : and whereas ther was used to be but one defender of the faith , ther are now started up amongst you , i cannot tell how many hundreds of them . and as in the sacred profession of priest-hood we hold , or at least wise shold hold , that after the imposition of hands , the minister is inspired with the holy ghost in an extraordinary manner for the enabling of him to exercise that divine function , so the english are grown to such a fond conceit of their parliament members , that as soon as any is chosen by the confus'd cry of the common people to sit within the walls of that house , an inerring spirit , a spirit of infallibility presently entereth into him ( so that he is therby become like the pope , a canon animatus ) though som of them may haply be such flat and simple animals , that they are as fit to be counsellours , as caligula's horse was to be consull , as the historian tells us . patricius . touching parliament , ther breaths not a subject under englands crown , who hath a higher esteem of it then i , it makes that dainty mixture in our government of monarchy , optimacie and democracy , betwixt whom , though ther be a kind of co ordination of power during the sitting of parliament , yet the two last , which are composed of peers and people , have no power , but what is derived from the first , which may be called the soul that animates them , and by whose authority they meet , consult and depart : they come there to propose , not to impose lawes ; they come not to make lawes by the sword ; they must not be like draco's lawes , written in bloud . their king calls them thither to be his counsellors , not controllers ; and the office of counsell is to advise , not to inforce ; they come thither to intreat , not to treat with their liege lord ; they come to throw their petitions at his feet , that so they may find a way up to his hear●… . 't is tru , i have read of high things that our parliament have done , but 't was either during the nonage and minority of our kings , when they were under protectorship , or when they were absent in a forrain war , or in time of confusion , when ther were competitors of the bloud-royall for the crown , and when the number of both houses was compleat and individed ; but i never read of any parliament that did arrogate to it self such a power paramount , such a superlative superintendence , as to check the prerogative of their soverain , to question his negative voice , to passe things , not only without , but expresly against his advice and royall command : i never heard of parliament , that wold have their king , being come to the meridian of his age , to transmit his intellectualls , and whole faculty of reason to them . i find som parliaments have bin so modest and moderat ( now moderation is the rudder that shold steer the course of all great councells ) that they have declined the agitation and cognizance of som state affaires , humbly transferring them to their soverain and his privy counsell : a parliament man then , held it to be the adaequat object of his duty , to study the welfare , to redresse the grievances , and supply the defects of that particular place for which he served ; the members then us'd to move in their own ( inferior ) sphere , and us'd not to be transported by any eccentric motions . and so they thought to have complyed with the obligation , and discharged the consciences of honest patriots , without soaring above their reach , and roving at random to treat of universals , much lesse to bring religion to their bar , or prie into the arcana imperti , the cognizance of the one belonging to the king , and his intern counsell of state : the other to divines , who , according to the etymologie of the word , use to be still conversant in the exercise of speculation of holy and heavenly things . peregrin . i am clearly of your opinion in these two particulars ; for , secrecy being the soul of policy , matters of state shold be communicated but to few ; and touching religion , i cannot see how it may quadrat with the calling , and be homogeneous to the profession of lay-men , to determine matters of divinity ; who , out of their incapacity and unaptnesse to the work , being not pares negotio , and being carryed away by a wild kind of conscience without science , like a ship without a helm , fall upon dangerous quick-sands ; so that whilest they labour to mend her , they marr her , whilst they think to settle her , they confound her , whilst they plot to prevent the growth of popery , they pave the way to bring it in , by conniving at , and countenancing those monstrous schismes which i observed to have crept into your church since the reign of this parliament : so that one may justly say , these your reformers are but the executioners of the old project of the jesuits , the main part wherof was , and is still , to hurle the ball of discord , and hatch new opinions still 'twixt the protestants , to make factions and scissures between them , and so render their religion more despicable and ridiculous . but methinks , matters are come to a strange pass with you in england , that the iudges cannot be trusted with the law , nor the prelats with the gospell ; whereas from all times , out of their long experience and years , these two degrees of men were used to be reverenced for the chief touch-men , and unquestionable expositors of both , which another power seems now to arrogate to it self , as the inerring oracle of both : but i pray god that these grand refiners of religion , prove not quack-salvers at last ; that these upstart polititians prove not impostors : for i have heard of some things they have done , that if machiavell himself were alive , he wold be reputed a saint in comparison of them . the roman ten , and athenian thirty , were babies to these ; nay , the spanish inquisition , and the bloet-rade ( that councell of bloud ) which the duke of alva erected in flanders , when he swore , that he wold drown the hollanders in their butter-tubs , was nothing to this ; when i consider the prodigious power they have assumed to themselves , and do daily exercise over the bodies , the estates and souls of men . in your former discourse you told me , that amongst multitudes of other mischiefs , wh●…ch this new faction hath wrought , they have put division 'twixt all sorts and sexes , 'twixt all conditious , both of men and women ; one thing more i may say , they have done in this kind : for , they have laboured to put division between the persons of the holy trinity , by making the first person to be offended at that voluntary genuflection and reverence which hath bin from all times practised in the christian church to the name of the second person ; so that iesu worship , as i have read in some of your profane pamphlets , is grown now to be a word of reproach amongst you . but to the point ; ther is one thing i can never cease to wonder at : that whereas at the beginning of this parliament , ther were as able and experienced , as stout and well spoken gentlemen , as any in the whole kingdom , that sate in the house , and made the far major part , i wonder i say , that they wold suffer this giddy-headed faction to carry all before them in that violent manner , that they did not crush this cocatrice in the shell . patricius . first , sir , you know ther is nothing so agreeable to the nature of man , as novelty ; and in the conduct of humane affaires , it is always seen , that when any new design or faction is a foot , the projectors are commonly more pragmaticall and sedulous upon the work ; they lie centinell to watch all advantages , the sand of their brains is always running : this hath caused this upstart faction , to stick still close together , and continue marvellously constant to their ends ; they have bin used to tyre and out-fast , to weary and out-watch the moderate and well-minded gentlemen ; sometimes till after midnight , by clancular and nocturnall sittings ; so that as his majesty saies in one of his declarations , most of their votes may be said to be nought else , but verdicts of a starv'd iury. another reason is , that they countenanced the flocking together of the promiscuous rabble from london , notwithstanding the two severall motions the lords made unto them , that they might be suppressed by parliamentary order : this riotous crue awed the wonted freedom of speech in both houses , cryed up the names , and confronted many of their members : yet these new polititians not only conniv'd at them , but call'd them their friends ; and so they might well enough , or rather their champions ; for they had ordered the matter so , that they were sure to have them ready at their devotion , at the heaving of a finger : and from this tumultuous mongrell crue , they derived their first encouragements to do such high prodigious insolencies they have committed since . adde hereunto , that they complyed exceedingly besides with the common councell of the city , they used to attend them early and late to knock heads together ; and if any new thing was to passe in the house , they wold first wait on them , to know their pleasure , and afterwards it shold be propounded and put to vote in the house : and how derogatory it is to the high law-making-councell , to make their chiefest members wait from time to time on the magistrates of the city , who in former times were used to attend them upon all occasions in westminster , i am ashamed to think on ; nor am i lesse ashamed to remember those base artifices and indirect courses that were practis'd at the election of this pretended major ; here they tack'd about to a second choice ; after the first was legally made , and how the common-councell was pack'd up of the arrandest schismaticks up and down the city . and to that mutinous wealth-swoln city , and the said unbridled pack of oppidans ( seconded afterwards by the countrey clownes ) who offered such outrages to gods house , the kings house , and the parliament house , may be ascribed all miseries , and the miscarriage of things : for they caused his majesty to forsake his own standing palace , to absent himself from his parliament , and make that unpleasing p●…ogresse up and down his kingdom ever since , which put all counsells at a stand , and to be involv'd in a confusion . peregrin . but let me tell you that your britannick sun , though he be now ore-set with these unlucky clouds , engendred of the vapours of distempered brains , and the rotten hearts of many of his own meniall servants , who have proved like the sons of serviah unto him , ingratefull monsters , yet is he still in his own orb , and will , when this foul weather 's passed , and the aire cleared a little by thunder , shine more gloriously and powerfully then before , it being a maxime of state , that rebellion suppressed , makes a prince the stronger ; now rebellion durst never yet look a prince long in the face , for the majesty of gods anointed , useth to dart such fulgent piercing beams , that dazle the eyes of disloyalty , and strikes her stark blind at last . and truly , as you say , i am also clearly of opinion , that these ingratefull londoners , as they were the comencers , so have they been the continuers and contrivers of this ugly rebellion ever since ; they seem to have utterly forgotten who hath given them the sword , and by , and from whom they hold their charter ; their corporations are now grown body politicks , & so as many petty republikes amongst them , so that they begin to smell rank of a hans-town . poor simple annimals , how they suffer their pockets to be pick'd , their purses to be cut ; how they part with their vitall spirits every week ; how desperately they post on to poverty , and their own ruine , suffering themselves in lieu of scarlet-gownes , to be governed by a rude company of red-coats , who 'twixt plundering , assessements , and visits , will quickly make an end of them . i fear ther is som formidable judgment of regall revenge hangs over that city ; for the anger of a king is like the roaring of a lyon ; and i never read yet of any city that contested with her soverain , but she smarted soundly for it at last . the present case of london bears a great deal of proportion with that of monpellier here in france , in charls the seventh's time ; for when that town had refused the publishing of many of the kings edicts and declarations , murthered som of his ministers and servants , abused the church , and committed other high acts of insolency ; the duke of berry was sent to reduce the town to obedience ; the duke pressed them with so hard a siege , that at last the best citizens came forth in procession , bare-headed , & bare-footed , with white wands in their hands , and halters about their necks to deliver the keys of all the gates to the duke , but this wold not serve the turn , for two hundred of them were condemned to the gallies , two hundred of them were hang'd , and two hundred beheaded , the king saying , he offered those as victimes for the lives of his servants whom they had murthered with the false sword of justice . but , sir , i much marvell how your church-government , which from all times hath been cryed up to be so exact , is so suddenly tumbled into this confusion ? how your prelates are fallen under so darke a cloud , considering that divers of them were renowned through all the reform'd churches in christendome for their rare learning and pietie ? at the synod at dort , you know some of them assisted , and no exception at all taken at their degree and dignity , but took precedence accordingly , how came it to passe , that they are now fallen under this eclypse , as so be so persecuted , to be push'd out of the house of peers , and hurried into prison ? i pray you be pleased to tell me . patricius . sir , i remember to have read in the irish story , that when the earl of kildare in henry the eighth's time , was brought before the lord deputy for burning cassiles church , he answered , my lord , i would never have burnt the church , unlesse i had thought the biship had been in it ; for 't was not the church , but the bishop i aim'd at . one may say so of the anglican church at this present , that these fiery zelots , these vaporing sciolists of the times are so furiously enraged against this holy primative order ; some out of envie , some out of malice , some out of ignorance , that one may say , our church had not been thus set on fire , unlesse the bishops had been in 't . i grant there was never yet any profession made up of men , but there were some bad ; we are not angels upon earth there was a iudas amongst the first dozen of christians , though apostles , and they by our saviours owne election : amongst our prelates peradventure ( for i know of no accusation fram'd against them yet ) some might be faulty , and wanting moderation , being not contented to walk upon the battlements of the church , but they must put themselves ●…pon stilts ; but if a golden chaine hath happily a copper link two or three , will you therefore breake and throw away the whole chaine . if a few sho●…makers ( i confesse the comparison is too homely , but i had it of a scots man ) sell calfes skin for neats leather , must the gentle-craft be utterly extinguish ▪ d , must we go bare foot therefore ? let the persons suffer in the name of god , and not the holy order of episcopacy but good lord , how pittifully were those poor prelats handled ? what a tartarian kind of tyranny it was , to drag twice into prison twelve grave reverend bishops , causâ adhuc inaudita , and afterwards not to be able to frame as much as an accusation of misdemeanor against them , much lesse of treason , whereof they were first impeach'd with such high clamors : but i conceive it was of purpose , to set them out of the way , that the new faction might passe things better amongst the peers . and it seemes they brought their work about ; for whilest they were thus reclused and absent , they may be sayed to be thrust out of doores , and ejected out of their owne proper ancient inheritance , and the tower wherein they were cast might be called limbo patrum all the while . peregrin . but would not all this , with those unparallell'd bills of grace you mentioned in your first discourse , which had formerly passed , suffice to beget a good understanding , and make them confide in their king ? patricius . no , but the passing of these bills of grace , were term'd acts of duty in his majesty ; they went so far in their demands that 't was not sufficient for him to give up his tower , 〈◊〉 fleet-royall , his magazines , his ports , castl●… and servants , but he must deliver up his swor●… into their hands , all the souldiery & military forces of the land ; nay , he must give up his very understanding unto them ; he must resigne his own reason , and with an implicit faith or blind obedience , he must believe all they did was to make him glorious ; and if at any time he admonished them , o●… prescribed wayes for them to proceed and expedit matters , or if he advised them in any thing , they took it in a kind of indignation , and 't was presently cryed up to be breach of priviledge . peregrin . breach of priviledge forsooth , there is no way in my conceit , to make a king more inglorious , both at home and abroad , then to disarme him ; and to take from him the command and disposing of the militia throughout his kingdome , is directly to disarm him , & wrest the sword out of his hand : and how then can he be termed a defendor ? how can he defend either himself , or others ? 't is the onely way to expose him to scorn and derision ; truly , as i conceive , that demand of the militia was a thing not only unfit for them to ask , but for him to grant . but , sir , what shold be the reson which mov'd them to make that insolent proposall ? patricius . they cry'd out that the kingdom was upon point of being ruin'd ; that it was in the very jawes of destruction ; that there were forreign and in-land plots against it : all which are prov'd long since to be nothing else but meere chymera's ; yet people for the most part continue still so grossely besotted , that they cannot perceive to this day , that these forg'd feares , these utopian plots , those publick idea's were fram'd of purpose , that they might take all the martiall power into their hands ; that so they might without controulment cast the government of church and state into what mold they pleased , and ingrosse the chiefest offices to themselves : and from these imaginary invisible dangers proceeded these visible calamities , and grinding palpable pressures which hath accompanied this odious warre ever since . peregrin . herein methinks , your statists have shewne themselves politique enough , but not so prudent & honest ; for prudence & policy , though they often agree in the end , yet they differ in election of the meanes to compasse their ends : the one serves himself of truth , strength of reason , integrity , and gallantnesse in their proceedings ; the other of fictions , fraudulence , lies , and other sinister meanes ; the work of the one is lasting and permanent , the others worke moulders away , and ends in infamy at last ; for fraud and frost alwaies end foule . but how did they requite that most rare and high unexampled trust his majesty reposed in them , when he before passed that fatall act of continuance , a greater trust then ever english king put in parliament ? how did they performe their solemn promise and deepe protestations , to make him the most glorious ( at home and abroad ) the richest and best belovedst king that ever raigned in that island . patricius . herein i must confesse , they held very ill correspondence with him , for the more he trusted them , the more diffident they grew of him ; and truly , sir , herein white differs not so much from black , as their actions have been disconsonant to their words : touching the first promise , to make him glorious ; if to suffer a neighbouring nation ( the scot ) to demand and obtain what they pleased of him ; if to break capitulations of peace with a great forrein prince ( the french king ) by the renvoy of the capuchins , and divers other acts ; if to bring the dregs and riffraffe of the city to domineere before his court-gate , notwithstanding his proclamations of repressing them ; if to confront him and seek his life by fire and sword in open field , by open desiance , and putting him upon a defensive war ; if to vote his queen a traytresse , to shoot at her , to way-lay her , to destroy her , if to hinder the reading of his proclamations , and the sleighting of his declarations ( enclosed in letters sign'd and seal'd with his own hand ) for fear they shold bring the people to their wits again ; if to call them fetters of gold , divellish devises , fraught with doctrines of division , reall mistakes , absurd suppositions , though ther never dropt from princes pen , more full , more rationall and strong sinewy expressions ; if to suffer every shallow-brain'd scolist to preach , every pamphletter to print , every rotten-hearted man or woman to prate what they please of him and his queen ▪ if to sleight his often acknowledgment , condissentions , retractions , pronunciations of peace , and proffers of pardon ; if to endeavour to bring him to a kind of servile submission ; if to bar him of the attendance of his domestiques , to abuse and imprison his messengers , to hang his servants for obeying his commission ; if to prefer the safety and repute of five ordinary men , before the honour of their king , and being actually impeach'd of treason , to bring them in a kind of triumph to his house ; if for subjects to article , treat and capitulate with him ; if to tamper with his conscience , and make him forget the solemn sacramentall oath he took at his coronation ; if to devest him of all regall rights , to take from him the election of his servants and officers , and bring him back to a kind of minority ; if this be to make a king glorious , our king is made glorious enough . touching the second promise to make him the richest king that ever was ; if to denude him of his native rights , to declare that he hath no property in any thing but by way of trust , not so much property as an elective king ; if to take away his customs of inheritance ; if to take from him his exchequer and mint , if to thrust him out of his own towns , to suffer a lowsie citizen to lie in his beds within his royall castle of windsor , when he himself would have come thither to lodg ; if to enforce him to a defensive war , and cause him to engage his jewells and plate , and so plunge him in a bottomlesse gulph of debt for his necessary defence ; if to anticipate his revenue royall , and reduce him to such exigents that he hath scarce the subsistence of an ordinary gentleman ; if this be to make a rich king , then is our king made sufficiently rich . concerning their third promise , to make him the best belovedst king that ever was ; if to cast all the aspersions that possibly could be devised upon his government by publique elaborat remonstrances ; if to suffer and give texts to the strongest lung'd pulpiteers to poyson the hearts of his subjects , to intoxicat their brains with fumes of forg'd jealousies , to possesse them with an opinion , that he is a papist in his heart , and consequently hath a design to introduce popery ; if to sleight his words , his promises , his asseverations , oaths and protestations , when he calls heaven and earth to witnesse , when he desires no blessing otherwise to fall upon himself , his wife and children , with other pathetick deep-fetcht expressions , that wold have made the meanest of those millions of christians which are his vassals , to be believed ; if to protect delinquents , and proclaim'd traytors against him ; if to suscitate , authorise , and encourage all sorts of subjects to heave up their hands against him , and levy armes to emancepate themselves from that naturall allegiance , loyalty , and subjection , wherein , they and their fore-fathers were ever tyed to his royall progenitors ; if to make them swear and damn themselves into a rebellion ; if this be to make a king beloved , then this parliament hath made king charles the best beloved king that ever was in england . peregrin . i cannot compare this rebellion in england , more properly then to that in this kingdom , in king iohn's time , which in our french chronicle beares to this day the infamous name of iaquerie de beauvoisin ; the peasans then out of a surfeit of plenty , had grown up to that height of insolency , that they confronted the noblesse and gentry ▪ they gathered in multitudes , and put themselves in armes to suppresse , or rather extinguish them ; and this popular tumult never ceased , till charles le sage debell'd it ; and it made the kings of france more puissant ever since , for it much increased their finances , in regard that those extraordinary taxes which the people imposed upon themselves for the support of the war , hath continued ever since a firm revenue to the crown ; which makes me think of a facecious speech of the late henry the great , to them of orleans : for wheras a new imposition was laid upon the townsmen during the league by monsieur de la chastre , who was a great stickler in those wars ; they petitioned henry the fourth , that he wold be pleased to take off that taxe , the king asked them , who had laid that taxe upon them ? they said monsieur de la chastre , during the time of the league , the king replyed , puis que monsieur de la chatre vous à liguè qu'il vous destigue , since monsieur de la chastre hath leagu'd you , let monsieur de la chastre unleague you , and so the said taxe continueth to this day . i have observed in your chronicles that it hath bin the fate of your english kings to be baffled often by petty companions ; as iack straw , wat tyler , cade , warbecke and symnel . a waspe may somtimes do a shrewd turn to the eagle , as you said before ; your island hath bin fruitfull for rebellions , for i think ther hapned near upon a hundred since the last conquest , the city of london , as i remember , in your story hath rebelled seven times at least , and forfeited her charter i know not how often , but she bled soundly for it at last , and commonly , the better your princes were , the worse your people have been ; as the case stands , i see no way for the king to establish a setled peace , but by making a fifth conquest of you ; and for london , ther must be a way found to prick that tympany of pride wherwith she swells so much . patricius . 't is true , ther has bin from time to time many odd insurrections in england , but our king gathered a greater strength out of them afterwards , the inconstant people are alwayes accessary to their own miseries : kings prerogatives are like the ocean , which as the civilians tell us , if he lose in one pla●…e , he gets ground in another . cares and crosses ride behind kings , clowds hang over them . they may be eclypsed a while , but they will shine afterwards with a stronger lustre . our gracious soverain hath passed a kind of ordeal , a fiery triall ; he while now hath bin matriculated and serv'd part of an apprentiship in the school of affliction ; i hope god will please shortly to cancell the indenture , and restore him to a sweeter liberty then ever . this discourse was stopp'd in the press by the tyranny of the times , and not suffer'd to see open light till now . a sober and seasonable memorandum sent to the right honourable philip late earl of pembrock , and montgomery , &c. to mind him of the particular sacred ties ( besides the common oath of alleageance and supremacy ) wereby he was bound to adhere to the king his liege lord and master . presented unto him in the hottest brunt of the late civill wars . iuramentum ligamen conscientiae maximum . london , printed in the year , 1661. to the right honourable , philip earl of pembrock , and montgomery , knight of the bath ; knight of the most noble order of the garter ; gentleman of his majesties bed-chamber , and one of his most honorable privy counsell , &c. my lord , this letter requires no apology , much lesse any pardon , but may expect rather a good reception and thanks , when your lordship hath seriously perused the contents , and ruminated well upon the matter it treats of by weighing it in your second and third thoughts which usually carry with them a greater advantage of wisdom : it concerns not your body , or temporall estate , but things reflecting upon the noblest part of you , your soul , which being a beam of immortality , and a type of the almighty , is incomparably more precious , and rendereth all other earthly things to be but bables and transitory trifles . now , the strongest tye , the solemnest engagement and stipulation that can be betwixt the soul and her creator , is an oath . i do not understand common tumultuary rash oaths , proceeding from an ill habit , or heat of passion upon sudden contingencies , for such oaths bind one to nought else but to repentance : no , i mean serious and legall oaths , taken with a calm prepared spirit , either for the asserting of truth , and conviction of falshood , or for fidelitie in the execution of some office or binding to civill obedience and loyaltie , which is one of the essentiall parts of a christian ; such publick oaths legally made with the royall assent of the soveraigne from whom they receive both legalitie and life ( else they are invalid and unwarrantable ) as they are religious acts in their own nature , so is the taking and observance of them part of gods honor , and there can be nothing more derogatory to the high majesty and holinesse of his name , nothing more dangerous , destructive and damnable to humane souls then the infringment and eluding of them , or omission in the performance of them . which makes the turks , of whom christians in this particular may learn a tender peece of humanity , to be so cautious , that they seldom or never administer an oath to greek , jew , or any other nation , and the reason is , that if the party sworn doth take that oath upon hopes of some advantage , or for evading of danger and punishment , and afterwards rescinds it , they think themselves to be involved in the perjury , and so accessary to his damnation : our civill law hath a canon consonant to this , which is , mortale peccatum est ei praestare juramentum , quem scio verisimiliter violaturum ; 't is a mortall sin to administer an oath to him who i probably know will break it ; to this may allude another wholesome saying , a false oath is damnable , a true oath dangerous , none at all the safest . how much then have they to answer for , who of late yeares have fram'd such formidable coercive generall oaths to serve them for engins of state to lay battery to the consciences and soules of poor men , and those without the assent of their soveraign , and opposit point blank to former oaths they themselves had taken : these kind of oaths the city of london hath swallowed lately in grosse , and the country in detaile , which makes me confidently beleeve that if ever that saying of the holy prophet , the land mournes for oaths , was appliable to any part of the habitable earth , it may be now applied to this reprobate iland . but now i come to the maine of my purpose , and to those oaths your lordship hath taken before this distracted time , which the world knowes , and your conscience can testifie , were divers ; they were all of them solemn , and some of them sacramentall oaths ( and indeed , every solemn oath among the antients was held a sacrament : ) they all implyed , and imposed an indispensible fidelity , truth and loyalty from you to your soveraign prince , your liege lord and master the king : i will make some instances : your lordship took an oath when knight of the bath to love your soveraign above all earthly creatures , and for his right and dignity to live and die &c. by the oath of supremacy you swear to beare faith and true allegeance to the kings highnesse , and to your power to defend all ●…urisdictions , priviledges , preheminences and authorities belonging to his highnesse &c. your lordship took an oath when privie counsellor , to be a true and faithfull servant unto him , and if you knew or understood of any manner of thing to be attempted , done , or spoken against his majesties person , honour , crown , or dignity , you swore to let , and withstand the same to the uttermost of your power , and either cause it to be revealed to himself , or to others of his privy counsell ; the oaths you took when bedchamber man , and l. chamberlain bind you as strictly to his person . your lordship may also call to memorie when you were installed knight of the garter , ( whereof you are now the oldest living except k ▪ of denmark ) you solemnly swore to defend the honour and quarrels , the rights and lordship of your ▪ soveraigne : now the record tells us that the chiefest ground of instituting the said order by that heroick prince edward the third was , that he might have choice gallant men , who by oath and honour should adhere unto him in all dangers , and difficulties , and that by way of reciprocation hee should protect and defend them , which made alfonso duke of calabria so much importune henry the eight to install him one of the knights of the garter , that he might engage king harry to protect him against charles the eighth , who threatned then the conquest of naples . how your lordship hath acquitted your self of the performance of these oaths , your conscience ( that bosome record ) can make the best affidavit ; some of them oblige you ●…o live and dye with king charles , but what oaths or any thing like an oath binds you to live and die with the house of commons , as your lordship often gives out you will , i am yet to learne : unlesse that house which hath not power as much as to administer an oath ( much lesse to make one ) can absolve you from your former oaths , or haply by their omnipotence dispence with you for the observance of them . touching the politicall capacitie of the king , i feare that will be a weak plea for your lordship before the tribunall of heaven , and they who ▪ whisper such chimeras into your ears , abuse you in grosse ; but put case there were such a thing as politicall capacitie distinct from the personal , which to a true rationall man is one of the grossest buls that can be , yet these forementioned oaths relate most of them meerly unto the kings person , the individuall person of king charles , as you are his domestick counsellor , and cubicular servant . my lord , i take leave to tell your lordship ( and the spectator sees sometimes more then the gamester ) that the world extreamely marvels at you more then others , and it makes those who wish you best to be transformed to wonder , that your lordship shold be the first of your race who deserted the crown , which one of your progenitors said , he would still follow though it were thrown upon an hedg : had your princely brother ( william earl of pembrock ) bin living he wold have bin sooner torn by wild horses than have banded against it , or abandoned the king his master , and fallen to such grosse idolatry as to worship the beast with many heads . the world also stands astonished that you shold confederate to bring into the bowels of the land , and make elogiums in some of your speeches of that hungry people which have bin from all times so crosse and fatall to the english nation , and particularly to your own honour : many thousands do wonder that your lordship shold be brought to persecute with so much animosity and hatred that reverend order in gods church ( episcopacy ) which is contemporary with christianity it self , and wherunto you had once designed , and devoted one of your dearest sons so solemnly . my lord , if this monster of reformation ( which is like an infernall spirit clad in white , and hath a cloven head as well as feet ) prevailes , you shall find the same destiny will attend poor england , as did bohemia which was one of the flourishingst kingdoms upon that part of the earth , which happen'd thus : the common people ther repind at the hierarchy and riches of the church , therupon a parliament was pack'd where bishops were abolished , what followed ? the nobles and gentry went down next , and afterwards the crown it self , and so it became a popular confus'd anarchicall state , and a stage of bloud a long time , so that at last , when this magot had done working in the brains of the foolish peeple , they were glad to have recourse to monarchy again after a world of calamities ; though it degenerated from a successive kingdom to an elective . methinks , my lord , under favour that those notorious visible judgements which have fallen upon these refiners of reform'd religion shold unbeguile your lordship , and open your eyes : for the hand of heaven never appeared so clearly in any humane actions : your lordship may well remember what became of the hothams , and sir alexander cary , who were the two fatall wretches that began the war first , one in the north , the other in the south , plymouth and hull . your lordship may be also pleased to remember what became of brooks the lord , and hampden , the first whereof was dispatched by a deaf and dumb man out of an ancient church ( at litchfield ) which he was battering , and that suddenly also , for he fell down stone dead in the twinkling of an eye ; now , one of the greatest cavils he had against our liturgy was a clause of a prayer ther against sudden death ; besides , the fag end of his grace in that journey was , that if the design was not pleasing to god , he might perish in the action : for the other ( hampden ) he besprinkled with his bloud , and received his death upon the same clod of earth in buckingham-shire where he had first assembled the poor country people like so many geese to drive them gaggling in a mutiny to london with the protestation in their caps , which hath bin since torn in flitters , and is now grown obsolet and quite out of use . touching pym and stroud , those two worthy champions of the utopian cause , the first being opened , his stomack and guts were found to be full of pellets of bloud , the other had little or no brain in his skull being dead , and lesse when he was living : touching those who carryed the first scandalous remonstrance ( that work of night and the verdict of a starv'd jury ) to welcome the king from scotland , they have bin since ( your lordship knows well ) the chief of the eleven members impeached by the house . and now they are a kind of runnagates beyond the seas , scorn'd by all mankind , and baffled every where , yea , even by the boors of holland , and not daring to peep in any populous town but by owle-light . moreover , i believe your lordship hath good cause to remember that the same kind of riotous rascals , which rabbled the k. out of town , did drive away the speaker in like manner with many of their memberships ( amongst whom your lordship was fairly on his way , ) to seek shelter of their janizaries the redcoats : your lordship must needs find what deadly fewds fal daily ' twix●… the presbyterian and the independent , the two fiery brands that have put this poor isle so long in combustion . but 't is worthy your lordships speciall notice how your dear brethren the scots ( whom your lordship so highly magnified in some of your publick speeches ) who were at first brought in for hirelings against the king for them , offer themselves now to come in against them for the king : your lordship cannot be ignorant of the sundry clashes that have bin 'twixt the city and their memberships , and 'twixt their memberships and their men of war or military officers , who have often wav'd and disobeyed their commands : how this tatterdimallian army hath reduc'd this cow'd city , the cheated country , and their once all-commanding masters , to a perfect passe of slavery , to a tru asinin condition ; they crow over all the ancient nobility and gentry of the kindom , though ther be not found amongst them all but two knights ; and 't is well known ther be hundreds of privat gentlemen in the kingdom , the poorest of whom , is able to buy this whole host with the generall himself and all the commanders : but 't is not the first time , that the kings and nobility of england have bin baffled by petty companions : i have read of iack straw , wat tyler , and ket the tanner , with divers others that did so , but being suppressed it tended to the advantage of the king at last ; and what a world of examples are ther in our story , that those noblemen who banded against the crown , the revenge of heaven ever found them out early or late at last . these , with a black cloud of reciprocall judgments more , which have come home to these reformers very doors , shew that the hand of divine justice is in 't , and the holy prophet tells us , when gods judgments are upon earth , then the inhabitants shall learn justice . touching your lordship in particular , you have not , under favour , escap'd without some already , and i wish more may not follow ; your lordship may remember you lost one son at bridgenorth , your dear daughter at oxford , your son-in-law at newbury , your daughter-in-law at the charter-house of an infamous disease , how sick your eldest son hath bin ; how part of your house was burnt in the country , with others which i will not now mention . i will conclude this point with an observation of the most monstrous number of witches that have swarm'd since these wars against the king , more ( i dare say ) then have bin in this island since the devil tempted eve ; for in two counties only , viz. suffolk and essex , ther have bin near upon three hundred arraign'd , and eightscore executed ( as i have it from the clerks of the peace of those counties ; ) what a barbarous devilish office one had , under colour of examination , to torment poor silly women with watchings , pinchings and other artifices to find them for witches : how others call'd spirits by a new invention of villany were conniv'd at for seizing upon young children , and 〈◊〉 them on shipboard , where having their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they were so transform'd that their 〈◊〉 could not know them , and so were carryed over for new schismaticall plantations to new-england and other seminaries of rebellion . my lord , ther is no villany that can enter into the imagination of man hath bin left here uncommitted ; no crime from the highest treason to the meanest trespasse , but these reformers are guilty of . what horrid acts of prophanes have bin perpetrated up and down ! the monuments of the dead have bin rifled ! horses have bin watered at the church font , and fed upon the holy table ! widows , orphans , and hospitals have bin commonly robb'd , and gods house hath bin plunder'd more then any ! with what infandous blasphemies have pulpits rung ! one crying out , that this parliament was as necessary for our reformation , as the comming of christ was for our redemp●…ion : another belching out , that if god almighty did not prosper this cause , 't were fitting he shold change places with the devil : another , that the worst thing our savoour did , was the making of the dominical prayer , and saving the thief upon the crosse. o immortal god , is it possible that england shold produce such monsters , or rather such infernal fiends shap'd with humane bodies ! yet your lordship sides with these men , though they be enemies to the cross , to the church , and to the very name of iesus christ ; i 'le instance only in two who were esteem'd the oracles of this holy reformation , petrs , and saltmarsh ; the first is known by thousands to be an infamous , jugling and scandalous villaine , among other feats , he got the mother and daughter with child , as it was offered to be publickly proved ; i could speak much of the other , but being dead , let it suffice that he dyed mad and desperate , yet these were accounted the two apostles of the times . my lord , 't is high time for you to recollect your self , to enter into the private closet of your thoughts , and summon them all to counsel upon your pillow ; consider well the slavish condition your dear country is in , weigh well the sad case your liege lord and master is in , how he is bereav'd of his queen , his children , his servants , his liberty , his chaplains , and of every thing in which there is any comfort ; observe well , how neverthelesse , god almighty works in him by inspiring him with equality and calmnesse of mind , with patience , prudence and constancy , how hee makes his very crosses to stoop unto him , when his subjects will not : consider the monstrousnesse of the propositions that are tendred him , wherein no lesse then crown , scepter , and sword , which are things in-alienable from majesty , are in effect demanded , nay , they would have him transmit , and resign his very intellectuals unto them , not only so , but they would have him make a sacrifice of his soul , by forcing him to violate that solemne sacramentall oath hee took at his coronation when hee was no minor , but come to a full maturity of reason and judgement : make it your own case , my lord , and that 's the best way to judge of his : think upon the multiplicity of solemne astringing oathes your lordship hath taken , most whereof directly and solely enjoyne faith and loyalty to his person ; oh my lord ! wrong not your soule so much , in comparison of whom your body is but a rag of rottennesse . consider that acts of loyalty to the crown are the fairest columns to bear up a noblemans name to future ages , and register it in the temple of immortality . reconcile your self therefore speedily unto your liege lord and master , think upon the infinit private obligations you have had both to sire and son : the father kiss'd you often , kisse you now the sun lest he be too angry ; and kings , you will find , my lord , are like the sun in the heavens , which may be clouded for a time , yet he is still in his sphear , and will break out againe and shine as gloriously as ever ; let me tell your lordship that the people begin to grow extream weary of their physitians , they find the remedy to be far worse then their former disease ; nay they stick not to call some of them meer quacksalvers rather then physitians ; some goe further , & say they are no more a parliament then a pye-powder court at bartholmew-fair , ther being all the essentiall parts of a true parliament wanting in this , as fairnesse of elections , freedome of speech , fulnesse of members , nor have they any head at all ; besides , they have broken all the fundamental rules , and priviledges of parliament , and dishonoured that high court more then any thing else : they have ravish'd magna charta which they are sworn to maintain , taken away our birth-right therby , and transgressed all the laws of heaven and earth : lastly , they have most perjuriously betrayed the trust the king reposed in them , and no lesse the trust their country reposed in them , so that if reason and law were now in date , by the breach of their priviledges , and by betraying the said double trust that is put in them , they have dissolved themselves ipso facto i cannot tell how many thousand times , notwithstanding that monstrous grant of the kings , that fatall act of continuance : and truly , my lord , i am not to this day satisfied of the legality ( though i am satisfied of the forciblenesse of that act ) whether it was in his majesties power to passe it or no ; for the law ever presupposeth these clauses in all concessions of grace , in all patents , charters , and grants whatsoever the king passeth , salvo jure regio , salvo jure coronae . to conclude , as i presume to give your lordship these humble cautions and advice in particular , so i offer it to all other of your rank , office , order and relations , who have souls to save , and who by solemn indispensable oaths have ingaged themseves to be tru and loyall to the person of king charls . touching his political capacity , it is a fancy which hath bin exploded in all other parliaments except in that mad infamous parliament wher it was first hatched ; that which bears upon record the name of insanum parliamentum to all posterity , but many acts have passed since that , it shold be high and horrible treason to separat or distinguish the person of the king from his power ; i believe , as i said before , this distinction will not serve their turn at the dreadful bar of divine justice in the other world : indeed that rule of the pagans makes for them , si iusjurandum violandum est , tyrannis causâ violandum est , if an oath be any way violable , 't is to get a kingdom : we find by woful experience that according to this maxime they have made themselves all kings by violation of so many oaths ; they have monopoliz'd the whole power and wealth of the kingdom in their own hands ; they cut , shuffle , deal , and turn up what trump they please , being judges and parties in every thing . my lord , he who presents these humble advertisments to your lordship , is one who is inclin'd to the parliament of engl. in as high a degree of affection as possibly a free-born subject can be ; one besides , who wisheth your lordships good , with the preservation of your safety and honour more really then he whom you intrust with your secretest affaires , or the white iew of the upper house , who hath infused such pernicious principles into you ; moreover , one who hath some drops of bloud running in his veins , which may claim kindred with your lordship : and lastly , he is one who would kiss your feet , in lieu of your hands , if your lordship wold be so sensible of the most desperat case of your poor country , as to employ the interests , the opinion and power you have to restore the king your master by english waies , rather then a hungry forrein people , who are like to bring nothing but destruction in the van , confusion in the rear , and rapine in the middle , shold have the honour of so glorious a work . so humbly hoping your lordship will not take with the left hand , what i offer with the right , i rest , from the prison of the fleet 3. septembris 1644. your lordships truly devoted servant . i. h. his late majesties royal declaration , or manifesto to all forrein princes and states , touching his constancy in the protestant religion . being traduced abroad by some malicious and lying agents , that he was wavering therin , and upon the high road of returning to rome . printed in the year , 1661. to the unbiass'd reder . it may be said that mischief in one particular hath somthing of vertue in it , which is , that the contrivers and instruments thereof are still stirring and watchfull . they are commonly more pragmaticall and fuller of devices then those sober-minded men , who while they go on still in the plaine road of reason , having the king , and knowne lawes to justifie and protect them , hold themselfs secure enough , and so think no hurt ; iudas eyes were open to betray his master , while the rest of his fellow-servants were quietly asleep . the members at westminster were men of the first gang , for their mischievous braines were alwayes at work how to compasse their ends ; and one of their prime policies in order thereunto was to cast asspersions on their king , thereby to alienat the affections and fidelity of his peeple from him ●…notwithstanding that besides their pub●…ick declarations they made new oaths and protestations , whereby they swore to make him the best belov'd king that ever was ; ) nor did this diabolicall malice terminat only within the bounds of his own dominions , but it extended to infect other princes and states of the reformed churches abroad to make him suspected in his religion , & that he was branling in his belief , and upon the high way to rome ; to which purpose they sent missives and clandestine emissaries to divers places beyond the seas , whereof forren authors make mention in their writings . at that time when this was in the height of action , the passage from london to oxford , where the king kept then his court , was so narrowly blockd up , that a fly could scarce passe ; some ladies of honor being search'd in an unseemly and barbarous manner ; whereupon the penner of the following declaration , finding his royal master to be so grosly traduced , made his duty to go beyond all presumptions , by causing the sayd declaration to be printed and publish'd in latin , french and english , whereof great numbers were sent beyond the seas to france , holland , germany , suisserland , denmark , swethland , and to the english plantations abroad , to vindicat his majesty in this point , which produc'd very happy and advantagious effects for salmtisius , and other forrin writers of great esteem speake of it in their printed works . the declaration was as followeth . carolus , singulari omnipotentis dei providentia angliae , scotiae , franciae & hiberniae rex , fidei defensor , &c. universis et singulis qui praesens hoc scriptum ceu protestationem inspexerint , potissimum reformatae religionis cultoribus cujuscunque sint gentis , gradus , aut conditionis , salutem , &c. cum ad aures nostras non ita pridem fama pervenerit , sinistros quosdam rumores , literasque politica vel perniciosa potiùs quorundam industriâ sparsas esse , & nonnullis protestantium ecclesiis in exteris partibus emissas , nobis esse animum & consilium ab illa orthodoxa religione quam ab incunabulis imbibimus , & ad hoc usque momentum per integrum vitae nostrae curriculum amplexi sumus recedendi ; & papismum in haec regna iterum introducendi , quae conjectura , ceu nefanda potius calumnia nullo prorsus nixa vel imaginabili fundamento horrendos hosce tumultus , & rabiem plusquàm belluinam in anglia suscitavit sub pretextu cujusdam ( chimericae ) reformationis regimini , legibusque hujus dominii non solum incongruae , sed incompatibilis : volumus , uttoti christiano orbi innotescat , ne minimam quidem animum nostrum incidisse cogitatiunculam hoc aggrediendi , aut transversum unguem ab illa religione discedendi quam cum corona , septroque hujus regni solenni , & sacramentali juramento tenemur profiteri , protegere & propugnare . nectantum constantissima nostra praxis , & quotidiana in exercitiis praefa●…ae religionis praesentia , cum crebris in facie nostrorum agminum asseverationibus , publicisque procerum hujus regni testimoniis , & sedula in regiam nostram sobolem educando circumspectione ( omissis plurimis aliis argumentis ) luculentissimè hoc demonstrat , sed etiam faelicissimum illud matrimonium quod inter nostram primogenitam , & illustrissimum principem 〈◊〉 sponte contraximus , idem fortissimè attestatur : quo nuptiali faedere insuper constat , nobis non esse propositum illam profiteri solummodo , sed expandere , & corroborare quantum in nobis situm est . hanc sacrosanctam anglicanae christi ecclesiae religionem , tot theologorum convocationibus sancitam , tot comitiorum edictis confirmatam , tot regiis diplomatibus stabilitam , una cum regimine ecclesiastico , & liturgia ei annexa , quam liturgiam , regimenque celebriores protestantium authores tam germani , quam galli , tam dani quam helvetici , tam batavi , quam bohemi multis elogiis nec sine quadam invidia in suis publicis scrip●…is comproban●… & applaudunt , ut in transactionibus dordrechtanae synodus , cui nonnulli nostrorum praesulum , quorum dignitati debi●…a prestita fuit reverentia , interfuerunt , apparet istam , inquimus religionem , quam regius noster pater ( beatissimae memoriae ) in illa celeberrima fidei suae confessione omnibus christianis principibus ( ut & haec praesens nostra protestatio exhibita ) publicè asserit : istam , istam religionem solenniter protestamur , nos integram , sartam-tectam , & inviolabilem conservaturos , & pro virili nostro ( divino adjuvante numine ) usque ad extremam vitae nostrae periodum protecturos , & omnibus nostris ecclesiasticis pro muneris nostri , & supradicti sacrosancti juramenti ratione doceri , & praedicari curaturos . quapropter injungimus & in mandatis damus omnibus ministris nostris in exteris partibus tam legatis , quam residentibus , agentibusque & nunciis , reliquisque nostris subditis ubicunque orbis christiani terrarum aut curiositatis aut comercii gracia degentibus , hanc solennem & sinceram nostram protestationem , quandocunque sese obtulerit loci & temporis oportunitas , communicare , asserere , asseverare . dat. in academia et civitate nostra oxoniensi pridie idus maii , 1644. charles by the special providence of almighty god , king of england , scotland , france , and ireland , defendor of the faith , &c. to all who profess the tru reformed protestant religion , of what nation , degree , and condition soever they be to whom this present declaration shall come , greeting . wheras we are given to understand , that many false rumors , and scandalous letters are spread up and down amongst the reforme●… churches in forein parts by the pollitick , or rather the pernitious industry of som ill-affected persons , that we have an inclination to recede from that orthodox religion , which we were born , baptized , and bred in , & which we have firmly professed and practised throughout the whol course of our life to this moment , and that we intend to give way to the introduction , and publick exercise of popery again in our dominions : which conjecture or rather most detestable calumny , being grounded upon no imaginable foundation , hath raised these horrid tumults , and more then barbarous wars throughout this flourishing island , under pretext of a kind of reformation , which wold not only prove incongruous , but incompatible with the fundamental laws and government of this kingdom , we do desire that the whol christian world shold take notice and rest assured , that we never entertained in our imagination the least thought to attempt such a thing , or to depart a jot from that holy religion , which when we received the crown and scepter of this kingdom , vve took a most solemn sacramental oath to profess and protect . nor doth our most constant practise and quotidian visible presence in the exercise of this sole religion , with so many asseverations in the head of our armies , and the publick attestation of our barons , with the circumspection used in the education of our royall off-spring , besides divers other undeniable arguments , only demonstrate this ; but also that happy alliance of marriage , vve contracted 'twixt our eldest daughter , and the illustrious prince of orenge , most clearly confirmes the reality of our intentions herein ; by which nuptial ingagement it appears further , that our endeavours are not only to make a bare profession thereof in our own dominions , but to inlarge and corroborate it abroad as much as lieth in our power : this most holy religion of the anglican church , ordained by so many convocations of learned divines , confirmed by so many acts of national parliaments , and strengthned by so many royal proclamations , together with the ecclesiastick discipline , and liturgy therunto appertaining , which liturgy and discipline , the most eminent of protestant authors , as well germans as french ; as well danes as swedes and swittzens ; as well belgians as bohemians , do with many elogies ( and not without a kind of envy ) approve and applaud in their publick writings , particularly in the transactions of the synod of dort , wherin besides other of our divines ( who afterwards were prelates ) one of our bishops assisted , to whose dignity all due respects and precedency was given : this religion we say , which our royal father of blessed memory doth publickly assert in his famous confession addres'd , as we also do this our protestation , to all christian princes ; this , this most holy religion , with the hierarchy and liturgy therof , we solemnly protest , that by the help of almighty god , we will endeavour to our utmost power , and last period of our life , to keep entire and inviolable , and will be careful , according to our duty to heaven , and the tenor of the aforesaid most sacred oath at our coronation , that all our ecclesiasticks in their several degrees and incumbences shall preach and practise the same . vvherfore vve enjoyn and command all our ministers of state beyond the seas , aswell ambassadors as residents , agents , and messengers , and vve desire all the rest of our loving subjects that sojourn either for curiosity or commerce in any forein parts , to communicate , uphold and assert this our solemn and sincere protestation when opportunity of time and place shall be offered . charles , par la providence de dieu roy de la grand ' bretagne , de france , et d' irlande , defenseur de la foy , &c. a tous ceux qui ceste presente declaration verront , particulierement a ceux de la religion reformee de quelque nation , degreou condition qu'ils soient , salut . ayant receu advis de bonne main que plusieurs faux rapports & lettres sont esparses parmi les eglises reformees de là la mer , par la politique , ou plustost la pernicieuse industrie de personnes mal affectionnes a nostre government ; que nous auons dessein a receder de celle religion que nous auons professè & pratiquè tout le temps de nostre vie iusques a present ; & de vouloir introduire la papautè derechef en nos dominions , laquelle conjecture , ou calumnie plustost , appuyee sur nul fundement imaginable , a suscitè ces horribles tumultes & allumè le feu d' une tressanglante guerre en tous les quatre coins de ceste fleurissante monarchie , soubs pretexte d' une ( chymerique ) reformation , la quelle seroit incompatible avec le governement & les loix fondementales de ce royaume . nous desi●…ons , quil soit notoire a tout le monde , que la moindre pensee de ce faire n●… a pas entree en nostre imagination , de departir ancunement de cell ' orthodoxe religion , qu' auec la couronne & le sceptre de ce royaume nous sommes tenus par un serment solennel & sacramentaire a proteger & defendre . ce qu' appert non seulement par nostre quotidienne presence es exercies de la dite religion , avec , tan●… d' asseverations a la teste de nos armees , & la publicque attestation de nos barons , avec le soin que nous tenons en la nourrituredes princes & princesses nos ensans , mais le tres-heureux mariage que nous avons conclu entre la nostre plus aisnee , & le tres-illustrie prince d' orenge en est encore un tres-evident tesmoignage , par la quell ' alliance il appert aussy , que nostre desir est de n' en faire pas vne nue profession seulement dicelle , mais de la vouloir estendre & corroberer autant qu' il nous est possible : cest ' orthodoxe religion de leglise anglicane ordonnee par tant de conventione de teologues , confirmee par tant de arrests d' parlement , & fortifie par tant d' edicts royaux auec la discipline & la lyturgi●… a elle appartenant , laquelle discipline & lyturgie les plus celebres autheurs protestants , tant francois , qu' allemands ; tant seudois que suisses , tant belgiens que bohemiens approuent entierement & non sans quelqu envie en leur escrits particulierement en la synode de dort , ou un de nos euesques assistoit , & la reverence & precedence deue a sa dignite ecclesi●…stique luy fut exactement rendue : ceste tres-sainte religion que nostre feu pere de ●…res-heureuse memoire aduoue en sa celebre confession de la foy addressee come nous faisons ceste declaration a tous princes chrestiens ; nous protestons que moyennant la grace de dieu , nous tascherone de conseruer ceste religion inviolable , & en son entier selon la mesure de puissance que dieu amis entre nos mains ; et nous requerons & commandons a tous nos ministres d' estat tant ambassadeurs , que residens , agens ou messagers , & a tous autres nos subjects qui fontleurseiour es paysestrangers de communiquer , maintenir & adouuer cestenostre solennelle protestation toutes fois & quantes que l' ocasion se presentera . apologs , or fables mythologiz'd . out of whose moralls the state and history of the late unhappy distractions in great britain and ireland may be extracted ; some of which apologs have prov'd prophetical . — nil est nisi fabula mundus . london , printed in the year , 1661. to my honored and known friend sir i. c. knight . sir , amongst many other barbarismes which like an impetuous torrent have lately rush'd in upon us , the interception and opening of letters is none of the least , for it hath quite bereft all ingenious spirits of that correspondency and sweet communication of fancy , which hath bin alwaies esteemed the best fuel of affection , and the very marrow of friendship . and truly , in my judgement , this custom may be termed not only a barbarisme , but the ba●…est kind of burglary that can be , 't is a plundering of the very brain , as is spoken in another place . we are reduced here to that servile condition , or rather to such a height of slavery , that we have nothing left which may entitle us free rationall creatures ; the thought it self cannot say 't is free , much less the tongue or pen. which makes me impart unto you the traverses of these turbulent times , under the following fables . i know you are an exquisite astronomer . i know the deep inspection you have in all parts of philosophy , i know you are a good herald , and i have found in your library sundry books of architecture , and comments upon vitruvius . the unfolding of these apologues will put you to it in all these , and will require ▪ your second , if not your third thoughts , and when you have concocted them well , i believe , ( else i am much deceived in your genius ) they will afford you som entertainment , and do the errand upon which they are sent , which is , to communicate unto you the most material passages of this long'd-for parlement , and of these sad confusions which have so unhing'd , distorted , transvers'd , tumbled and dislocated all things , that england may be termed now , in comparison of what it was , no other then an anagram of a kingdom . one thing i promise you , in the perusal of these parables , that you shall find no gingles in them , or any thing sordid or scurrilous , the common dialect and disease of these times . so i leave you to the gard and guidance , of god and vertu who do still advance their favorits , maugre the frownes of chance . your constant servant , i. h. the great conjunction , or , parlement of stars . upon a time , the stars complained to apollo , that he displayed his beams too much upon some malignant planets ; that the moone had too great a share of his influence , and that he was carryed away too much by her motion : they complained also , that the constellation of libra ( which holds the ballance of justice ) had but a dim light , and that the astrean court was grown altogether destructive , with divers other grievances . apollo hereupon , commanded mercury to summon a generall synod , where some out of every asterisme throughout the whole firmament were to meet ; apollo told them , i am placed here by the finger of the almighty , to be monarch of the skie , to be the measurer of time , and i goe upon his errand round about the worl●… every foure and twenty houres : i am also the fountaine of heate and light , which , though i use to dispence and diffuse in equall proportions through the whole universe ; yet there is difference 'twixt objects , a castle hath more of my light then a cottage , and the cedar hath more of me then the shrub , according to the common axiom , quicquid recipitur , recipitur ad modum recip●…entis . but touching the moon , ( the second great luminary ) i would have you know , that she is dearest unto mee , therefore let none repine that i cherish her with my beams , and confer more light on her then any other . touching the malignant planets , or any other star , of what magnitude soever , that moves not in a regular motion , or hath run any excentrick exorbitant course , or that would have made me to move out of the zodiak , i put them over unto you , that upon due legall examination and proof , they may be unspher'd or extinguished . but i would have this done with moderation ; i would have you to keep as neer as you can between the tropiques and temperate zones : i would have things reduced to their true principles , i wold have things reformed , not ruin'd ; i would have the spirit of malice and lying , the spirit of partiality and injustice , the spirit of tyranny and rigour , the base spirit of feare and jealousie to be farre from this glorious syderean synod ; i would have all private interests reflecting upon revenge or profit , to be utterly banished hence : moreover , i would not have you to make grievances , where no grievances are , or dangers where no dangers are . i would have no creation of dangers ; i would have you to husband time as parsimoniously as you can , lest by keeping too long together , and amusing the world with such tedious hopes of redress of grievances , you prove your self the greatest grievance at last , and so from starrs become comets : lastly , i would have you be cautious how you tamper with my soveraign power , and chop logicke with mee in that point ; you know what became of him who once presumed to meddle with my chariot . hereupon the whole host of heaven being constellated thus into one great body , fell into a serious deliberation of things , and apollo himself continued his presence , and sate often amongst them in his full lustre , but in the meane time , whilest they were in the midst of their consultations , many odde aspects , oppositions and conjunctions hapned between them : for some of the sporades , but specially those mongrel small vulgar stars , which make up the galaxia ( the milkie way in heaven ) gather in a tumultuous disorderly manner about the body of apollo , and commit many strange insolencies , which caused apollo ( taking young phosphorus the morning-star with him ) to retire himself , and in a just indignation to withdraw his light from the synod : so all began to be involv'd in a strange kind of confusion and obscurity ; they groaped in the dark , not knowing which way to move , or what course to take , all things went cancer-like retrograde , because the sun detained his wonted light and irradiations from them . morall . such as the sun is in the firmament , a monarch is in his kingdom : for , as the wisest of men saith , in the light of the kings countenance ther is life ; and i believe that to be the morall of this astrean fable . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . or , the great councell of birds . upon a time the birds met in councell , for redresse of som extravagancies that had flown unto the volatill empire ; nor was it the first time that birds met thus ; for the phrygian fabler tells us of divers meetings of theirs : and after him we read that apollonius thyaneus , undertook the interpretation of their language , and to be their drogoman . they thus assembled in one great covie by the call of the eagle their unquestioned hereditary king , and by vertue of his royal authority , complaints were brought , that divers cormorants and harpies , with other birds of prey , had got in amongst them , who did much annoy and invade the publick liberty : sundry other birds were questioned , which caused some to take a timely flight into another aire . as they were thus consulting for advancement of the common good , many rooks , horn-owles and sea-gulls flock'd together , and ●…luttered about the place they were assembled in , where they kept a hideous noise , and committed many outrages , and nothing cold satisfie them , but the griffons head , which was therfore chopt off , and offered up as a sacrifice to make them leave their chattering , and to appease their fury for the time . they fell foul afterwards upon the pies , who were used to be much reverenced , and to sit upon the highest pearch in that great assembly : they called them i dolatrous and inauspitious birds , they hated their mix'd colour , repined at their long train , they tore their white feathers , and were ready to peck out their very eyes : they did what they could to put them in owles feathers ( as the poor sheep was in the woolfs skin ) to make them the more hated , and to be star'd and hooted at whersoever they passed . the pies being thus scar'd , presented a petition to the royall eagle , and to this his great counsell , that they might be secured to repaire safely thither to sit and consult , according to the ancient lawes of the volatill empire continued so many ages without controllment or question : in which petition they inserted a protest or caveat , that no publique act shold passe in the interim . this supplication , both for matter and form , was excepted against , and cryed up to be high treason , specially that indefinite protest they had made , that no act whatsoever shold be of any validity without them , which was alledged to derogate from the high law-making power of that great counsell , and tended to retard and disturb the great affaires which were then in agitation : so the poor pies , as if by that petition they had like the black-bird voided lime to catch themselves , ( according to the proverb , turdus cacat sibi malum ) were suddenly hurryed away into a cage , and after ten long moneths canvassing of the point , they were unpearch'd , and rendered for ever uncapable to be members of that court , they were struck dumb and voice-less , and suddenly as it were blown up away thence , though without any force of powder , as once was plotted aginst them . but this was done when a thin number of the adverse birds had kept still together , and stuck close against them , and also after that the bill concerning them had bin once ejected , which they humbly conceived by the ancient order of that court could not be re-admitted in the same session . they petitioned from the place they were cooped in , that for heavens sake , for the honour of that noble counsell , for truth and justice sake , they ●…eing as free-born denisons of the aiery region , as any other volatills whatsoever , their charge might be perfected , that so they might be brought to a legall triall , and not forced to languish in such captivity . they pleaded to have done nothing but what they had precedents for : and touching the caveat they had inserted , it was a thing unusuall in every inferiour court of judicature , and had they forborn to have done it , they had betrayed their own nest , and done wrong to their successors . it was affirmed they had bin members of that body politique , long before those lower pearch'd birds , who now wold cast them out ; and that they had bin their best friends to introduce them to have any thing do do in that generall counsell : they prayed they might not be so cruelly used , as the solan goose , and redshanke had used them , who were not content to brail and clip their wings only , but to ●…ear them so , that they shold never grow again ; to handle them so unmercifully , was not the way to make their adversaries birds of paradice : in fine , they advised them to remember what the sick kite's mother answered him , when he desired her to pray to the gods for him , how canst thou , said she , expect any good from the gods , whose temples thou hast so violated ? at last , upon the importunity and pitifulness of their petitions , the accusation of treason , which kept such a noise at first , being declined against them , they were released in the morning , but cooped up again before night : and after the revolution of four full moons , they were restored again to a conditionall liberty , under which they remain till this day . ther wants not som , who affirm , that in that great counsell of birds , ther were som decoys ( and 't is well known where decoys were first bred ) who called in , not only these mongrill obstreperous birds from abroad to commit such outrages as were spoken of before , but drew after them also many of the greatest birds , who sate in that assembly , to follow them whither they listed : others , who were of a more generous extraction , disdained to be such buzzards , as to be carryed away hood-wincked in that manner , to be birds of their feather . thus a visible faction was hatched in this great counsell , as if the said decoyes had disgorged and let fall som grains of hemlock seeds amongst them to distemper their brains . or , as if som spinturnix , that fatall incendiary bird , or som ill-boding scritch-owle , which as stories tell us appeared once at rome , in a famous , though unfortunate great counsell ( when ther was a schism in the popedom ) had appeared likewise here . ther wanted not also amongst them som amphibious birds , as the barnacle , which is neither fish nor fowle ; and the cunning ba●…t , who sometimes professeth himself a bird , sometimes a mouse . i will not say ther were any paphlagonian birds amongst them , who are known to have double hearts . but 't is certain , that in this confusion ther were som malevolent birds , and many of them so young , that they were scarce fledg'd , who like the waspe in the fable , conspired to fire the eagles nest , ( and a wasp may somtimes do mischief to an eagle as a mouse to an elephant . ) moreover som of these light brained birds flew so high , that they seemed to arrogate to themselves , and exercise royall power , but foolishly ; for we know what became of the crow upon the ram's back , when she thought to imitate the eagle : and as it was observed that they were most eager to attempt those high insolensies against jove's bird , who had bin stark naked , and as bare as cootes , unlesse he had feathered them ; so that the little ant was more grateful to esops bird ; then those birds were to the eagle their liege lord and master . but the high-born bird with the two golden wings , the noble faulcons , the martlets , the ravens , the swan , the chough , and all the ancient birds of the mountains remained faithful and firm to the eagle , and scorned to be carryed away by such decoyes ; as also the generous ostriches , who unlesse they had had an extraordinary stomach , could not have digested such iron pills as were offered them . amongst other great birds which banded against the eagle , the flying dragons , green and white , were busie , specially the white ; and for the green , considering he was an ancient bird of the mountains , and that his progenitors had bin so renowned for their rare loyaly to the crown , every one wondered that he shold be drawn so far by the forefaid decoyes , as to be the first of his race that shold clap his wings against his soverain liege lord. the aforesaid destractions continued still , and increased more and more in that general convolation of birds ; therfore the turtle wold stay ther no longer , ther was so much gall amongst them : the pelecan flew away , he saw piety so vilified ; the dove was weary of their company , she found no simplicity and plain dealing amongst them : and the kings ▪ fisher , the halcyon ( the emblem of peace ) quite forsook them , he found so mnch jarring , dissentions , and bandings on all sides ; the swallow also , who had so ancient and honourable a rank amongst them , got into another aire , he fore-saw the weather was like to so be foul : and lastly , philomela , the queen of volatills , who was partner of the eagle's nest , abandoned them quite , and put a sea 'twixt her and them ; nay , the eagle himself withdrew his royal presence from them ; so the decoyes aforesaid carryed all before them , and comported themselves by their orders in that hight , as if like the lapwing , every one had a crown on his head ; they so inchanted in a manner , all the common sort of oppidan , rurall , and sea-birds , and infused such a credulity into them , that they believed them to have an inerring spirit , and what came from them , was as tru as the pentateuch : moreover , it was shrewdly suspected , that ther was a pernicious plot amongst them to let in the stork , who is never seen to stay long in any monarchy . morall . moderation is that goden rule wherby all great counsells shold square their deliberations , and nothing can tend more to their honour or dishonour , in point of wisdom : moreover , in a successive hereditary monarchy , when subjects assume regall power , when they bar the holy church of her rights , & of that reverence which is due to her chief professors , it is the most compendious way to bring all things to confusion , and consequently to an inevitable ruine , or som fatal change. and this i hold to be the chiefest morall of this apologue of birds . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the gathering together , or parlement of flowers . upon a time , the flowers assembled , and met in one generall counsell , by the authority and summons of the soveraign rose , their undoubted naturall king , who had taken the lilly for his royall spouse . the dew of heaven fell plentifully upon this happy conjunction , which made them to bourgeon , to propagate and prosper exceedingly , in so much , that the sweet fragrant odor which they did cast , diffused it self over all the earth . to this meeting came the violet , gilliflower , the rosemary , the tulyp , lavender and thyme , the cinquefoyle ( though of a forren growth ) had an honourable rank amongst them , and as some observed , got too much credit with the royal rose . the flowers of the field were admitted also to this great counsell : the couslip , the honysukle and daisie had their delegates there present , to consult of a reformation of certain abuses which had taken rooting in the common wealth of flowers , and being all under the rose , they had priviledge to speak all things with freedome ; complaints were made that much cockle and darnell , with other noxious herbs and tares were crept in amongst them , that the poppie did pullulat too much , with divers other grievances : the successe of this senat , this great bed or posie of living flowers , was like to prove very prosperous , but that the herb briony , wormwood , wolfbane , rue , and melampod ( the emblems of sedition , malice , feare , ambition and iealousie ) thrust in amongst them , and much distempered their proceedings : these brought in with them the bur , which exceedingly retarded and intangled all businesses ; and it was thought that the thistle was too medling amongst them , which made matters grow to that acrimony and confusion , as if the herb morsus diaboli had got in amongst them . amongst many other good-morrows , they propounded to the rose , that he should part with his prickles , and transmit his strength that way to be disposed of by them ; the royall rose liked not this bold request of theirs , though couched in very smooth language , but answered , i have hitherto condescended to every thing you have propounded , much more then ▪ any of my predecessors ever did ; but touching these prickles , which god and nature hath given mee , and are inherent in me and my stock from the beginning , though they be but excressencies , yet you know they fortifie and arm me , armat spina rosam . and by them i protect you and your rights from violence , and what protection i pray can there be without strength ? therefore i will by no means part with them to enfeeble my regall power , but will retain them still , and bequeath them to my posterity , which i would be loth to betray in this point ; nor doe i much value what that silly infected animall , the king of bees tells me sometimes , when humming up and downe my leaves , he would buzze this fond belief into me , how it added much to his majestie , that nature gives him no sting , as all other bees have , because he should rely altogether upon the love and loyalty of his subjects . no ; i will take warning by the eagle , the king of volatills , and by the lyon , king of quadrupedals , who ( as the prince of moralists reports ) when by fayre insinuations the one had parted with his tallons , the other with his teeth and ongles , wherein their might , and consequently their majesty consisted , grew afterwards contemptible to all creatures , and quite lost that natural allegeance and awe which was duc unto the one from all birds , and to the other , from all beasts of field and forrest . morall . every naturall borne monarch , hath an inherent inalienable strength in himself , which is the common militia of his kingdome ; for , though the peoples love ( which oftentimes is got by an apple , and lost by a peare ) be a good cittadell , yet there must be a concurrence of some visible setled force besides , which no earthly power may dispose of without his royall commands : and for him to transmit this strength to any other , is the only way to render him inglorious and despicable , both at home and abroad ; and thus you have the spirit of these flowers , and morall of the fable . the assembly of architects . there was an ancient goodly palace , composed of divers pieces , and partition'd into sundry chambers , halls and courts , which were supported by mixt pillars , partly corinthian , partly ionique , but principally by the dorique the king of columnes , as having the firmest pedestall : some tooke exceptions , and alledged , that some of the said courts were too high , and some of the chambers in this structure were too wide . the lord of this palace call'd together the best masons and architects , to advise with him ( not without him ) for mending of those faults , the better contrivance of the roomes , and to reduce the building to a just proportion . they solemnly met , and falling to consultation hereof , they found that the chamber which was spangled with stars , and where his privat counsell of state did use to sit , were too wide ; they thought that the court erected on the north-side , and that learned court where ecclesiasticall matters were scanned , was too high ; these , with that peculiar court which was erected for the support of honour , they went about in lieu of rectifying , to ruinat and raze to the very ground ; and some of these masons ( for indeed they were rather masons then true architects ) were so precise and over criticall , that they seem'd to find fault with the position of the chappell that belong'd to this palace , because , forsooth , it stood east and west , which situation , only in regard it was ancient , they held to be a superstitious posture ; they seem'd to repine at the decencie , riches and ornament of it , with divers other frivolous exceptions . the lord of the palace said little to that , but touching the errors and disproportions in the foresaid courts and chambers of publick justice , he was very willing they should be amended , and reduced to a true dimension and symmetrie ; and that all other roomes should be searched and swept cleane : but he would be loth to see those ancient pieces quite demolish'd , for that would hazard the fall of the maine fabrique , his princely hereditary patrimony ( descended upon him from so many wise oeconomists and royall progenitors ) in regard of the ●…uncture and contignation those parts had with the whole frame . to mend a thing by demolishing it , is as curing a sick body by knocking him in the head : he told them it was easier far to pull down , then build up ; one may batter to pieces in one houre , that which cannot be built in an age : that everlasting villaine , who burnt the ephesian temple , destroyed , as it were in a trice , what was a rearing up ten long olympiads : he wish'd them further to be very cautious how they medled with th the angulars and basis of that royal structure ; for so they might prove as wise as those architects , who took out som of the foundation stones , to repair the roof . lastly , he told them , that if they intended to pull down any part of his own standing palace , they shold be well advised before hand of the fashion wherof that new fabrick shold be , which they purposed to rear up in the room of the old . moral innovations are of dangerous consequence in all things , specially in a setled well temper'd ancient state ; therfore ther shold be great heed taken , before any ancient court of judicature , erected as a pillar to support justice by the wisdom of our progenitors , be quite put down ; for it may shake the whole fram of government , and introduce a change ; and changes in government are commonly fatall , for seldom comes a better . and this i hold to be the aim of this apologue . the insurrection of the winds . it fortuned , that the winds banded against eolus : and boreas ( the north-wind ) began to bluster first , and wold blow wher he listed , he grew so boisterous , that he is call'd scopa viarum , the high-way beesom , he seem'd to sweep all before him southward , insomuch , that uniting all his strength into one body , he made towards eolus in a hostile armed manner , and so obtained of him what he desired . after his example ( and an odde example it was ) the west-wind , his fellow subject rose up , alledging , that though he blew from the left-side of heaven , yet he deserved to be as much favoured as boreas , in regard he drove a far richer trade , and blew upon a more fertile countrey , which brought in much more benefit to the rest of eolus his dominions ; therfore he would have his liberties also assur'd him , which he alledged were altogether as ancient as the others : this made him puff with such an impetuous violence , that his blasts brought with them ( god wot ) divers showres of bloud , and whole cataracts of calamities : now , as it is observed in the course of naturall things , that one mischief seldom marcheth alone , but ushers in another , and hath alwaies its concomitants , so these north and western gusts , as one wave useth to drive on another , made all the winds in the compasse , both collaterall and cardinall to rise up and rebell against eolus , even under that very clime , and in those horizons , where he kept his principall residence and royal court. and this popular wind ( for 't was no other , take it all joyntly in one puff ) did rage with that vehemency , that it turn'd every wher into fearful flames of fire ( issuing out of a kind of ignis fatuus , which by its repercussions , and furious arietations , did a world of mischief , as if it had bin that incendiary prester wind , or rather an haraucana , that indian gust , which alwaies brings the devil along with it as those savages believe ) had blown here , for , surely god was not in this wind . yet som were so simple , to think that this wind proceeded from divine inspirations ; nay , they came to that height of prophaneness , as to father it upon the holy ghost , though nothing could be more different to his sweet motions , nothing so directly opposit to his soft gentle breeses and eventilatio●…s ; for no holy consecrated thing could stand before this diabolical wind , down went all crosses it met withall ; it batter'd down church and chappel windowes ( and i fear the walls and steeples will next to wrack . ) it was so violent , that it overturn'd all stone tables that stood east-ward ; it blew away all the decent vests and ornaments of the church ; the bishops mitre ( an order contemporary with christianity it self ) did quake like an aspen leaf before it ; nay , it shrewdly shook the very imperial scepter , and crown which stood on eolus his head , so that he was like to become ludibrium ventorum . but the highest deity of heaven , he who walketh upon the wings of the wind , and makes weight for them , and gathereth them in his fist when he pleaseth , hating such an odious rebellion , rebuked these tumultuous winds , he caused a contagious aire , to rush in and mingle with them , and infect them with new d●…seases ; besides whispers of jealousies , doubts and diffidence blew and buzz'd more and more amongst them , so that they could not trust one another ; insomuch , that it made them to fall into confusion amongst themselves , which is the common fate of all rebellions . so eolus recovered his monarchy , and as they say , ther is no wind but blows som body good ; so this turn'd much to the advantage of eolus , for he grew ever after more firm and better establish'd in his regall power , because he put a competent guard in those climes whence all these boistrous winds burst forth , and so secur'd himself ever after , that they could not blow where they listed . popular insurrections being debell'd , turn to the advantage , and render the ruling prince more secure afterwards , or a broken bone being well set , growes stronger oftentimes : and so you have the principal morall of this parable in brief . post-script . sir , i long to receive your opinion of these rambling pieces of fancy , you may , peradventure , have more , when the times are open : surely the wind will not hold stil in this unlucky hole , for it is too violent to last : it begins ( thanks be to god ) to sift already , and amongst those multitudes , who expect the change , i am one that lyeth at the cape of good hope , though a long time under hatches ( in the fleet. ) howsoever , though all the winds in the compass shold bluster upon me ; nay , though a haraucana should rage , i am arm'd and resolv'd to bear the brunt , to welcome the will of god , and possesse my soul with patience . if you desire a further intimation of things , i refer you to a discourse of mine call'd the tru informer , who will give you no vulgar satisfaction . so i am yours , as at first , inalterable . i. h. of the land of ire : or , a discours of that horrid insurrection and massacres which happen'd lately in ireland ; by mercurius hibernicus : who discovers unto the world the tru causers and incendiaries therof . in vindication of his majesty , who is most maliciously traduc'd to be accessary therunto ; which is as damnable a lie as possibly could be hatched in hell ; which is the staple of lies . a lie stands upon one legg , — truth upon two . mercurius hibernicus , his advertisement to the well-temper'd reader . there is a mongrell race of mercuries lately sprung up , but i claim no acquaintance with them , much less any kindred . they have commonly but one weeks time for their conception and birth ; and then are they but like those ephemeran creatures , which pliny speaks of , that are born in the morning , grow up till noon , and perish the same night : i hope to be longer liv'd then so , because i was longer a getting , ther was more time and matter went to my generation . ther is a tale how the tru mercury indeed , descended from heven once in a disguise , to see how he was esteem'd on earth ; and entring one day into a painters-shop , he found ther divers pictures of apollo , iupiter , mars , with others ; and spying his own hanging in a corner hard-by , he asked what the price of that pourtrait might be ? the painter answered , that if he bought any of the rest , he wold give him that into the bargain for nothing : mercury hereupon shaking his white caducean , flung out in indignation , and flew up to heven . shold mercury chance to descend now from his sphear , i think he wold be much more offended to find himself personated by every petty impertinent pamphleter ; yet i believe he would not think it ill that aulicus assumes his shape , nor that the harp , who owes her first invention to him , should be made now his crest . to my honourable friend mr. e. p. sir , if you please to cast your eyes upon the following discours , i believe it will afford you som satisfaction , and enlighten you more in the irish affaires . the allegeance i owe to truth , was the midwife that brought it forth , and i make bold to make choice of you for my gossip , because i am from the prison of the fleet 3. nonas april is 1643. your true servant , i. h. mercurius hibernicus . there is not any thing since these ugly warrs begun , whereof there hath been more advantage made to traduce and blemish his majesties actions , or to alienate and imbitter the affections of his people towards him , to incite them to armes , and enharden them in the quarrell , than of the irish affaires ; whether one cast his eyes upon the beginning and proceedure of that warre ( which some by a most monstrous impudence would patronize upon their majesties ) or upon the late cessation , and the transport of auxiliaries since from thence . there are some that in broken peeces have written of all three : but not in one entire discourse , as this is , nor hath any hitherto hit upon those reasons and inferences that shall be displayed herein . but he who adventures to judge of affaires of state , specially of traverses of warre , as of pacifications , of truces , suspensions of armes , parlies , and such like , must well observe the quality of the times , the successe and circumstance of matters past , the posture and pressure of things present ( and upon the place ) the inducement or enforcement of causes , the gaining of time , the necessity of preventing greater mischiefes ( whereunto true policy prometheus like hath alwaies an eye ) with other advantages . the late cessation of armes in ireland was an affaire of this nature ; a true act of state , and of as high a consequence as could be : which cessation is now become the common subject of every mans discourse , or rather the discourse of every common subject all the three kingdomes over : and not onely the subject of their discourse , but of their censure also ; nor of their censure onely , but of their reproach and obloquy . for the world is come now to that passe , that the foot must judge the head , the very cobler must pry into the cabinet counsels of his king ; nay the distaffe is ready ever and anon to arraign the scepter ; spinstresses are become states-women , and every peasan turned politician ; such a fond irregular humour reignes generally of late yeers amongst the english nation . now the designe of this small discourse , though the subject require a farre greater volume , is , to vindicate his majesties most pious intentions in condescending to this late suspension of arms in his kingdome of ireland , and to make it appeare to any rationall ingenious capacity , ( not pre-occupied or purblinded with passion ) that there was more of honour and necessity , more of prudence and piety in the said cessation , than there was either in the pacification or peace that was made with the scot. but to proceed herein the more methodically , i will lay downe , first , the reall and true radicall causes of the late two-yeers irish insurrection . secondly , the course his majesty used to suppresse it . lastly , those indispensable impulsive reasons and invincible necessity which enforced his majesty to condescend to a cessation . touching the grounds of the said insurrection , we may remember when his majesty out of a pious designe ( as his late majesty also had ) to settle an uniformitie of serving god in all his three kingdomes , sent our liturgie to his subjects of scotland ; some of that nation made such an advantage hereof , that though it was a thing only recommended , not commanded or pressed upon them , and so cald in suddenly againe by a most gracious proclamation , accompanied with a generall pardon : yet they would not rest there , but they would take the opportunity hereby to demolish bishops , and the whole hierarchy of the church ( which was no grievance at all till then ) to which end , they put themselves in actuall armes , and obtained at last what they listed ; which they had not dared to have done , had they not been sure to have as good friends in england as they had in scotland ( as lesly himself confessed to sir william berkley at newcastle ) for some of the chiefest inconformists here , had not onely intelligence with them , but had been of their cabinet-counsels in moulding the plot : though some would cast this war upon the french cardinall , to vindicate the invasion we made upon his masters dominions in the isle of rets ; as also for some advantage the english use to do the sp●…niard in transporting his treasure to dunkerk , with other offices . others wold cast it upon the iesuit , that he shold project it first , to ●…orce his m●…jesty to have recourse to his roman catholick subjects for aid , that so they might , by such supererogatory service ingratiate themselves the more into his favour . the irish hearing how well their next neighbou●…s had sped by way of arms , it filled them full of thoughts and apprehensions of fear and jealousie , that the scot wold prove more powerful hereby , and consequently more able to do them hurt , and to attemp●… waies to restrain them of that connivency , which they were allowed in point of religion : now ther is no nation upon earth that the irish hate in that perfection , and with a greater antipathy , than the scot , or from whom they conceive greater danger : for wheras they have an old prophesie amongst them , which one shall hear up and down in every mouth , that the day will come when the irish shall weep upon english mens graves : they fear that this prophesie will be verified and fulfilled in the scot above any other nation . moreover , the irish entred into consideration , that they also had sundry grievances and grounds of complaint , both touching their estates and consciences , which they pretended to be far greater than those of the scots . for they fell to think , that if the scot was suffered to introduce a new religion , it was reason they shold not be so pinched in the exercise of their old , which they glory never to have altered . and for temporall matters ( wherin the scot had no grievance at all to speak of ) the new plantations which had bin lately afoot , to be made in conaught and other places ; the concealed lands and defective titles which were daily found out ; the new customs which were imposed , and the incapacity they had to any preferment or office in church and state ( with other things ) they conceived these to be grievances of a far greater nature , and that deserved redresse much more than any the scot had . to this end , they sent over commissioners to attend this parliament in england , with certain propositions , but those commissioners were dismissed hence with a short and unsavoury answer , which bred worse bloud in the nation than was formerly gathered ; and this , with that leading case of the scot , may be said to be the first incitements that made them rise . in the cou●…se of humane actions , we daily find it to be a tru rule , exempla movent , examples move , and make strong impressions upon the fancy ; precepts are not so powerful as precedents . the said example of scotland , wrought wonderfully upon the imagination of the irish , and filled them ( as i touched before ) with thoughts of emulation , that they deserved altogether to have as good usage as the scot , their country being far more beneficial , and consequenly , more importing the english nation . but these were but confused imperfect notions , which began to receive more vigour and form after the death of the earl of strafford , who kept them under so exact an obedience , though som censure him to have screwed up the strings of the harp too high ; insomuch that the taking off of the earl of straffords head , may be said to be the second incitement to the heads of that insurrection to stir . adde hereunto , that the irish understanding with what acrimony the roman catholicks in england were proceeded against since the sitting of our parliament , and what further designes were afoot against them , and not onely against them , but for ranversing the protestant religion it self , as it is now practised ( which som shallow-braind 〈◊〉 do throw into the same scales with p●…pery . ) they thought it was high time for them to forecast what shold become of them , and how they shold ●…e 〈◊〉 in point of conscience , when a new deputy of the parliaments election ( approbation at least ) shold come over . therfore they fell to consult of som means of timely prevention : and this was another mo●…ive ( and it was a sh●…ewd one ) which p●…sht on the irish to take up arms. lastly , that army of 8000. men , which the earl of strafford had raised to be transported to england for suppressing the scot , being by the advice of our parliament here , disbanded ; the country was annoyed by som 〈◊〉 those stragling souldiers , as not one in twenty of the irish , will from the sword to the spade , or from the pike to the plough again . therfore the two marquesses that were ambassadors here then for spaine , having propounded to have som numbers of those disbanded forces , for the service of their master ; his majesty by the mature advice of his privy counsell , to occur the mischiefs that might arise to his kingdom of ireland by those loose casheer'd souldiers , yielded to the ambassadors motion , who sent notice hereof to spain accordingly , and so provided shipping for their transport , and impressed money to advance the business ; but as they were in the heat of that 〈◊〉 ▪ his majesty being then in scotland ▪ 〈◊〉 w●…s a sudden stop made of those promised troops , who had depended long upon the spaniards service , as the spaniard 〈◊〉 do●…e on theirs . and this was the last , though no●… the least fatal cause of that horrid insurrection : all which particulars well considered , it had bin no hard matter to have bin a prophet , and standing upon the top of holy-head , to have foreseen those black clouds engendering in the irish aire , which bro●…e out afterwards into such fearful tempests of bloud . out of these premises , it is easie for any common understanding , not transported with passion and private interest , to draw this conclusion . that they who complyed with the scot in his insurrection ; they who dismissed the irish commissioners with such a short unpolitick answer , they who took off the earl of straffords head , and delayed afterwards the dispatching of the earl of leicester , they who hindered those disbanded troops in ireland to go for spain , may be justly said to have bin the tru causes of the late insurrection of the irish ; and consequently , it is easie to know upon the account of whose souls must be laid the bloud of those hundred and odde thousands poor christians , who perished in that war ; so that had it bin possible to have brought over their bodies unputrified to england , and to have cast them at the doores , and in the presence of som men i believe they wold have gushed out afresh into bloud , for discovery of the tru murtherers . the grounds of this insurrection being thus discovered , let us examine what means his majesty used for the suppression of it . he made his addresses presently to his great counsel , the english parliament then assembled , which queen elizabeth and her progenitors did seldom use to do , but only to their privy counsel in such cases , who had the discussing and transacting of all foreign affaires ; for in mannaging matters of state , specially those of war , which must be carryed with all the secrecy that may be , trop grand nombre , est encombre , as the frenchman saith , too great a number of counsellours may be an incumber , and expose their results and resolutions to discovery and other disadvantages , wheras in military proceedings the work shold be afoot before the counsels be blazed abroad . well , his majesty transmitted this business to the parliament of england , who totally undertaking it , and wedding as it were the quarlel ( as i remember they did that of the palatinate a little before by solemn vote ; the like was done by the parliament of scotland also , by a publick joynt declaration , which in regard ther came nothing of it , tended little to the honour of either nation abroad ) his majesty gave his royal assent to any propositions or acts for raising of men , money and arms to perform the work . but hereby no man is so simple as to think his majesty shold absolutely give over his own personal care and protection of that his kingdom , it being a rule , that a king can no more desert the protection of his own people , then they their subjection to him . in all his declarations ther was nothing that he endear'd and inculcated more often , and with greater aggravation and earnestness unto them , then the care of his poor subjects their fellow-protestants in ireland : nay , he resented their condition so far , and took the business so to heart , that he offered to passe over in person for their relief : and who can deny but this was a magnanimous and king-like resolution ? which the scots by publick act of counsel , did highly approve of , and declared it to be an argument of care and courage in his majesty . and questionless it had done infinite good in the opinion of them that have felt the pulse of the irish people , who are daily ore-heard to groan , how they have bin any time these 400. years under the english crown , and yet never saw but two of their kings all the while upon irish ground , though ther be but a salt 〈◊〉 of a few hours sail to pass over . and much more welcom shold his majesty , now regnant , be amongst them , who by general tradition , they confess and hold to come on the paternal side from 〈◊〉 ( by legal and lineal descent ) who was an irish prince , and after king of scotland , wheras the title of all our former kings and queens was stumbled at alwaies by the vulgar . his majesty finding that this royall proffer of engaging his own person , was rejected with a kind of scorn , coucht in smooth language , though the main businesse concerned himself nearest , and indeed solely himself , that kingdom being his own hereditary right . understanding also , what base sinister use ther was made of this insurrection by som trayterous malevolent persons , who , to cast aspersions upon his majesty , and to poyson the hearts of his people , besides publick infamous reports , counterfeited certain commissions in his majesties name to authorize the businesse , as if he were privy to it , though i dare pawn my soul his ( or her ) majesty knew no more of it then the great mogor did . finding also that the commissioners imployed hence for the managing and composing matters in that kingdom , though nominated by the parliament , and by their recommendation authorized by his majesty , did not observe their instructions , and yet were conniv'd at . understanding also , what an inhumane design ther was between them and the scot , in lieu of suppressing an insurrection to eradicat and extinguish a whole nation to make booty of their lands ( which hopes the london adventurers did hugge , and began to divide the bears-skin before he was taken , as his majesty told them ▪ an attempt the spaniard nor any other christian state ever intended against the worst of savages ; the conceit wherof in●…used such a desperate courage , eagerness and valour into the irish , that it made them turn necessity into a kind of vertu . moreover , his majesty taking notice that those royal subsidies , with other vast contributions wherunto he had given way , with the sums of particular adventurers ( amongst whom som aliens ( hollanders ) were taken in , besides the scot to share the country ) were misapplyed , being visibly imployed , rather to feed an english rebellion , then to suppress an irish : nay , understanding that those charitable collections which were made for the reliefe of those distressed protestants , who being stripped of all their livelihood in ireland , were forced to fly over to england , were converted to other uses , and the charity not dispensed according to the givers intention . hearing also that those 5000. men which had been levyed and assigned to goe under the lord wharton , the lord of kerry , sir faithfull fortescue and others were diverted from going to the west of ireland , and imployed to make up the earl of essex army : and having notice besides that the earl of warwicke had stayd certaine ships going thither with supplies , and that there was an attempt to send for over to england some of those scottish forces which were in ulster , without his privity . lastly , his majesty finding himself unfitted , and indeed disabled to reach those his distressed subjects , his owne royal armie all his navall strength , revenues and magazines being out of his hands ; and having as hard a game to play still with the scot , and as pernicious a fire to quench in england , as any of his progenitors ever had : receiving intelligence also daily from his protestant nobility and gentry thence , in what a desperate case the whole kingdome stood , together with the report of the committee that attended his majesty from them expresly for that service , who amongst other deplorable passages in their petition , represented , that all means by which comfort and life should be conveyed unto that gasping kingdome , seemed to be totally obstructed , and that unlesse 〈◊〉 reliefe were afforded , his loyall subject●… there must yeeld their fortunes for a prey , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a sacrifice , and their religion for a 〈◊〉 to the mercilesse rebels . his majesty ( as it was high time for 〈◊〉 ) taking into his princely thoughts those wofull complainrs and cryes of his poore subjects , condescended at last to appoint some persons of honour to heare what the irish could say for themselves , as they had often petitioned ; and god forbid but the king of ireland should receive his subjects petitions , as well as the king of scotland . but his majesty being unsatisfied with what they propounded then , the lord marquess of ormond marched with considerable forces against them , and though he came off with honour , yet no reliefe at all comming thither for many moneths after from the parliament here , who had undertaken the businesse , and had received all the summes and subsidies , with other unknown contributions to that end , matters grew daily worse and worse . to sum up all , his majesty receiving express and positive advice from his lord justices and counsell of state ther , that the whole kingdom was upon point of utter perdition , which was co-intimated the same time to the parliament here , by a special letter to the speaker ; i say his majesty finding that he had neither power of himself , it being transmitted to others ; and that those trustees did misapply that power and trust he had invested in them ( for the time ) to make good their undertaking for preservation of that his fruitfull kingdome ; being impelled by all these forcible reasons , his majesty sent a commission to the lord marquesse of ormond his lievtenant generall ( a most known sincere protestant ) to hearken to a treaty according to their petition ; and if any thing was amisse in that treaty in poynt of honour ( as it shall appeare by comparing it with others , there was none ) we know whom to thank . for out of these premises also , doth result this second conclusion , that they who misapplied those moneys , and mis imployed those men which were levyed with his majesties royall assent for the reduction of ireland : they who set afoot that most sanguinary design of extirpating , at least of enslaving a whole ancient nation , who were planted there by the hand of providence from the beginning : they who hindred his majesties transfretation thither to take cognizance of his own affairs , and expose the countenance of his own royall person for composing of things : they , they may be said to be the true causes of that unavoydable necessity and as the heathen poetsings , the gods , themselvs cannot resist necessity ) which enforced his majesty to capitulat with the irish , and assent to a cessation . it was the saying of one of the bravest roman emperours , and it was often used by henry the great of france , her majesties father , that he had rather save the life of one loyall subject then kill a hundred enemies : it may well be thought that one of the prevalentst inducements that moved his majesty ( besides those formerly mentioned ) to condescend to this irish cessation , was a sense he had of the effusion of his own poor subjects blood , the hazard of the utter extirpation of the protestants there , and a totall irrecoverable losse of that kingdome , as was advertised both in the petition of the protestants themselves , the relation of the committee imployd thither to that purpose , and the expresse letters of the lords justices and counsell there . to prove now , that this cessation of arms in ireland was more honourable and fuller of piety , prudence and necessity , then either the pacification or peace with the scot. i hope , these few ensuing arguments ( above divers others which cannot be inserted here , in regard of the force intended brevity of this discourse ) will serve the turne . 1. in primis , when the pacification was made with scotland his majesty was there personally present , attended on by the floure of his english nobility , gentry and servants , and the enemy was hard by ready to face him. at the concluding of the irish cessation , his majesty was not there personally present , but it was agitated and agreed on by his commissioner , and it hath been held alwaies less dishonourable for a king to capitulate in this kind with his own subjects by his deputy , then in his own person , for the further off he is , the lesse reflects upon him . 2. upon the pacification and peace with scotland , there was an amnestia , a generall pardon , and an abolition of all by-passed offences published , there were honours and offices conferred upon the chiefest sticklers in the war. at the cessation in ireland there was no such thing . 3. when the pacification and peace was made with the scots , there was mony given unto them , as it is too well knowne . but upon the setling of this cessation , the irish received none but gave his majesty a considerable summe as an argument of their submission and gratitude , besides the maintainance of some of his garrisons in the interim ; and so much partly in point of honour . 4. at the concluding of the pacification and peace with scotland , there was a vigorous , fresh , unfoiled english army a foot , and in perfect equipage ; there wanted neither ammunition , armes , money , cloaths , victuals or any thing that might put heart into the souldier and elevat his spirits . but the protestant army in ireland had not any of all these in any competent proportion , but were ready to perish , though there had been no other enemy then hunger and cold : and this implies a farre greater necessity for the said cessation . 5. in ireland there was imminent danger of an instant losse of the whole kingdome , and consequently , the utter subversion of the protestant religion there , as was certified both to king and parliament by sundry letters and petitions which stand upon record : there was no such danger in the affairs of scotland , either in respect of religion or kingdome ; therefore there was more piety shown in preserving the one , and prudence in preserving the other in ireland , by plucking both ( as it were ) out of the very jawes of destruction by the said cessation . we know that in the medley of mundane casualties , of two evils , the least is to be chosen , and a small inconvenience is to be born withall , to prevent a greater . if one make research into the french story , he will find , that many kinds of pacifications and suspensions of armes were covenanted 'twixt that king and som of his subjects , trenching far more upon regall dignity then this in ireland . the spaniard was forced to declare the hollanders free-states , before they could be brought to treat of a truce : and now the catalans scrue him up almost to as high conditions . but what need i rove abroad so far ? it is well known , nor is it out of the memory of man ( in queen elizabeths raign ) that in ireland it self ther have bin cessations , all circumstances well weighed , more prejudiciall to majesty then this . but that which i hear murmured at most as the effect of this cessation , is the transport of som of those souldiers to england for recruting his majesties armies , notwithstanding that the greatest number of them be perfect and rigid protestants , and were those whom our parliament it self imployed against the irish. but put case they were all papists , must his majesty therfore be held a favourer of popery ? the late king of france might have bin said as well to have bin a favourer of hugonotts , because in all his wars he imployed them most of any in places of greatest trust against the house of austria ; wheras all the world knows , that he perfectly hated them in the generall , and one of the reaches of policy he had , was to spend and waste them in the wars . was it ever known but a soveraign prince might use the bodies and strength of his own naturall-born subjects , and liege men for his own defence ? when his person hath been sought and aimed at in open field by small and great shot , and all other engines of hostility and violence : when he is in danger to be surprized or besieg'd in that place wher he keeps his court : when all the flowers of his crown his royal prerogatives which are descended upon him from so many successive progenitors ) are like to be plucked off and trampled under foot : when ther is a visible plot to alter and overturn that religion he was born , baptized , and bred in : when he is in dan●…er to be forced to infringe that solemn sacramental oath he took at his coronation to maintain the said religion , with the rights and rites of the holy anglican church , which som brain-sick schismaticks wold transform to a kirk and her discipline , to som chimerical form of government they know not what . francis the first and other christian princes , made use of the turk upon lesse occasions ; and if one may make use of a horse , or any other bruit animal , or any inanimat engine or instrument for his own defence against man , much more may man be used against man , much more may one rational creature be used against another though for destructive ends in a good cause , specially when they are commanded by a soveraign head , which is the main thing that goes to justifie a war. now touching the roman catholicks , whether english , welsh , irish , or scottish , which repaire to his majesties armies either for service or security . he looks not upon them ●…s papists , but as his subjects , not upon their religion , but their allegiance , and in that ●…uality he entertains them : nor can the pa●…ist be denyed the character of a good subject , all the while he conforms himself to the lawes in generall , and to those lawes also that are particularly enacted against him , and so keeps himself within the bounds of his civil obedience : as long as he continues so , he may challenge protection from his prince by way of right , and if his prince by som accident be not in case to protect him , he is to give him leave to defend himself the best he can , for the law of nature allowes every one to defend himself , and ther is no positive law of man can annul the law of nature . now if the subject may thus claim protection from his prince , it followeth , the prince by way of reciprocation may require assistance , service and supplies from the subject upon all publick occasions , as to suppress at this time a new race of recusants , which have done more hurt then ever the old did , and are like to prove more dangerous to his crown and regal authority then any foreign enemy . but whosoever will truly observe the genius , and trace the actions of this fatal faction which now swayes with that boundless , exorbitant , arbitrary and antinomian power , will find , that it is one of their prime pieces of policy , to traduce and falsifie any thing that is not conducible to their own ends : yet what comes from them must be so magisterial , it must be so unquestionably and incontroulably tru & lawful , that it must be believed by an implicite faith , as proceeding from an in-erring oracle ( as if these zealots were above the common condition of mankind , to whom errour is as hereditary as any other infirmity ) though the thing it self encroach never so grosly both upon the common liberty , the states and souls of men . but if any thing bear the stamp of royal authority , be it never so just and tending to peace and the publick good , yea , though it be indifferent to either side , it is presently countermanded , cryed down , and stifled ; or it is calumniated and aspersed with obloquies , false glosses and misprisions ; and this is become now the common theam wherwith their pulpits ring which makes me think , that these upstart politicians have not long to reign ; for , as the common proverb saith , fraud and frost end foul and are short-lived , so that policy , those counsels which are grounded upon scandals , reproaches and lies , will quickly moulder and totter away , and bring their authors at last to deserved infamy and shame , and make them find a tomb in their own ruines . adde hereunto as further badges of their nature , that black irreconcilable malice and desire of revenge which rageth in them , the aversness they have to any sweetness of conformity and union , the violent thirst they have of bloud , which makes me think on that dis●…ique of prudentius , who seemed to be a prophet as well as poet ( a tru vates ) in displaying the humors of these fiery dogmatists , this all-confounding faction which now hath the vogue , to the punishment , i will not say yet , the perdition of this poor island . sic m●…res produnt animum , & mihi credite , junctus semper cum falso est dogmate coedis amor . thus in english. manners betray the mind , and credit me , ther 's alwayes thirst of bloud with heresie . the sway of the sword ; or a discours of the militia train'd-bands , or common soldiery of the land ; proving , that the power and command therof in chief belongs to the ruling prince , and to no other . sine gladio nulla defensio . the author's apology . t is confefs'd that the subject of this discours were more proper to one of the long-robe , which i am not , i am no lawyer otherwise then what nature hath made me , so every man , as he is born the child of reason , is a lawyer , and a logitian also who was the first kind of lawyer : this discoursive faculty of reason comes with us into the world accompanied with certain general notions and principles to distinguish right from wrong , and falshood from truth : but touching this following discourse , because it relates somthing to law , the author wold not have adventured to have exposed it to the world , if , besides those common innate notions of reason , and some private notes of his own , he had not inform'd and ascertain'd his judgment by conference with som professed lawyers , and those the eminentest in the land , touching the truth of what it treats of ; therfore he dares humbly aver that it contains nothing but what is consonant to the fundamentall and fixed constitutions , to the known clear lawes of this kingdom . from the prison of the flcet 3. nonas mail 1645. i. h. touching the polemical svvord , and command in chief of the militia , &c. government is an ordinance of god for mans good ; the kinds of government are ordinances of men for gods glory : now , among all wo●…ldly affairs there is not any thing so difficult , and fuller of incertitudes as the art of ruling man , for those nimble spirits ( as it is spoken elswhere ) who from apprentices have been made freemen of the trade , and at last thought themselves masters , having spent their youth , their manhood , and a long time of old age therein , yet when they came to leave the world they professed themselves still to be but novices in the trade . there is a known way to break , guide , and keep in awe all other animals , though never so savage and strong ; but there is no such certaine way to govern multitudes of men , in regard of such turbulences of spirit and diversity of opinions that proceed from the rational faculty , which other cretures that are contented only with sense , are not subject unto ; and this the philosopher holds to be one of the inconveniences that attend humane reason , and why it is given man as a part of his punishment . now , why the government over men is ●…o difficult , there may be two main reasons alledg'd , the first is the various events , and world of inexpected contingencies that attend humane negotiations , specially matters of state , which , as all other sublunary things , are subject to alterations , miscarriages , and change , this makes the mindes of men ▪ and consequently the moulds of policy so often to alter , scarce one amongst twenty is the same man as he was twenty yeares ago in point of judgement , which turns and changeth according to the successe and circumstances of things , the wisedome of one day is the foolishnesse of another , posterior dies est prioris magister , the day following becomes the former dayes teacher . the second reason is , the discrepant , and wavering fancies of mens braines , specially of the common peeple , who ( if not restrained ) are subject to so many crotchets and chymeras , with extravagant wanton desires , and gaping after innovations . insulary peeple are observed to be more transported with this instability then those of the continent , and the inhabitants of this i le more then others , being a well-fed spriteful peeple ; in so much , that it is grown a proverb abroad , that the englishman doth not know when he is well : now the true polititian doth use to fit his government to the fancy of the peeple , the ruler must do as the rider , some peeple are to be rid with strong bitts and curbs , and martingalls , as the napollitan , and french our next neighbour , which is the cause that a kind of slavery is entail'd upon him , for the french peasant is born with chains ; other nations may be rid with a gentle small bridle , as the venetian and the hollander , who hath not such boiling spirits as others ; a bridle doth serve also the spaniard , who is the gretest example of stability , and exact obedience to authority , of any peeple ; for though spain be the hottest countrey in christendom , yet it is not so subject to feavers as others are , i mean to fits of intestin commotions : and this was never so much tryed as of late yeers ; for though the present king hath such known frail●…ies , though he hath bin so infortunat , as to have many countreys quite revolted , and rent away from him ; though the ragingst plague that ever was in spain under any king , happen'd of late yeers , which sweep'd away such a world of peeple ; though his taxes be higher then ever were any , though he hath call'd in and engrossed all the common coyn of the countrey , and delivered but the one halfe back again , reserving the other half for himself ; though there 's no legall instrument , no bond , bill , or specialty can be writ but upon his seal'd paper , with sundry other exactions , yet his subjects are still as obedient , and awful unto him , they are as conformable and quiet , as if he were the most vertuous , and victorious prince that ever was ; and this they do principally for their own advantage , for if ther were another governour set up , it would inevitably hurle the whole countrey into combustion and tumults ; besides , they are taught , that as in choice of wives , so the rule holds in governments , seldome comes a better . touching the originals of government and ruling power , questionless the first among mankind was that naturall power of the father over his children , and that despotical domestique surintendence of a master of a house over his family ; but the world multiplying to such a masse of peeple , they found that a confused equality , and a loose unbridled way of living like ●…rute animals to be so inconvenient , that they chose one person to protect and govern ; not so much out of love to the ●…erson , as for their own conveniency and advantage , that they might live more regularly , and be secur'd from rapine , and op●…ression ; as also that justice might be administted ; and every one enjoy his own without fear , and danger : such govern●…urs had a power invested accordingly in ●…hem , also as to appoint subservient , able mi●…isters under them to help to bear the ●…urden . concerning the kinds of government , ●…ll polititians agree that monarchall is the best and noblest sort of sway , having the neerest analogy with that of heaven , viz. a supreme power in one single person ; god almighty is the god of unity , as well as of entity , and all things that have an entity do naturally propend to unity ; unity is as necessary for a well being , as entity is for a being , for nothing conduceth more to order , tranquillity , and quietude , nor is any strength so operative as the united ; the fist is stronger then the hand , though it be nothing but the hand , viz. the fingers united by contraction ; the republick of venice which is accounted the most eagle-ey'd and lastingst state in the world , fo●… she hath continued a pure virgin , and shin'd within her watry orb nere upon thirteen ages , is the fittest to give the world advice herein , for if ever any have brought policy to be a science which consists of certitudes , this state is shee , who is grown a●… dexterous in ruling men as in rowing of 〈◊〉 gally . but whereas the vulgar opinion is that the common peeple there have a shar●… in the government , 't is nothing so , for he great counsel which is the maine hing whereon the republick turns , is compose●… onely of gentlemen who are capable b●… their birth to sit there , having passed twenty five years of age ; to which purpose they must bring a publick testimonial that they are descended of a patrician or noble family . but to return to the main matter , this sage republick who may prescribe rules of policy to all mankind , having tryed at first to govern by consuls and tribunes for som years , she found it at last a great inconvenience , or deformity rather , to have two heads upon one body ; therefore she did set up one soveraign prince ; and in the records of venice the resons are yet extant which induc'd her thereunto , whereof one of the remarkablest was this ; we have observed that in this vast university of the world all bodies according to their several natures have multiplicity of motions , yet they receive vertue and vigour but from one , which is the sun ; all causes derive their originals from one supreme cause ; we see that in one creture there are many differing members , and faculties which have various functions , yet they are all guided by one soul , &c. the island of great britain hath bin alwaies a royal isle from her first creation , and infancy ; she may be said to have worn a crown in her cradle ; and though she had so many revolutions , and changes of masters , yet she continued still royal ; nor is there any species of government that suits better , either with the quality of the countrey , and genius of the inhabitants , or relates more directly to all the ancient lawes , constitutions , and customs of the land , then monarchal ; which any one that is conversant in the old records can justifie ; britannia ab initio mundi semper regia , & regimen illius simile illi caelorum . concerning the many sorts of trust●… which were put in the supreme governor of this land ( for ther must be an implicite and unavoidable necessary trust reposed in every soveraign magistrate ) the power of the sword was the chiefest ; and it was agreeable to holy scripture he shold have it , where we know 't is said , the king beareth not the sword in vain ; the lawes of england did ever allow it to be the inalienable prerogative of the soveraign prince , nor was it ever known ( humbly under favour ) that any other power whatsoever managing conjunctly or singly , did ever pretend to the power of the publick sword , or have the militia invested in them , but this ever remained intire and untransferrible in the person of the ruler in chief , whose chiefest instrument to govern by is the sword , without which crownes , scepters , globes and maces are but bables . it is that instrument which causeth tru obedience , makes him a dread soveraign , and to be feared at home and abroad ; now 't is a maxime in policy , that ther can be no tru obedience without fear ; the crown and scepter draw only a loose kind of voluntary love , and opinion from the people , but 't is the sword that draws reverence and awe , which two are the chiefest ingredients of allegeance , it being a principle , that the best government is made of fear and love , viz. when by fear love is drawn as threed through the eye of a needle ; the surest obedience , and loyalty is caused thus , for fear being the wakefullest of our passions works more powerfully in us and predominates over all the rest ; primus in orbe deus fecit timor . to raise up a soveraign magistrate without giving him the power of the sword , is to set one up to rule a metall'd horse without a bridle ; a chief ruler without a sword , may be said to be like that logg of wood which iupiter threw down among the froggs to be their king , as it is in the fable . moreover , one of the chiefest glories of a nation is to have their supreme governor to be esteem'd , and redouted abroad as well as at home . and what forren nation will do either of these to the king of england if he be armless , and without a sword ? who will give any respect o●… precedence to his ambassadors , and ministers of state ? the sword also is the prime instrument of publick protection , therefore that king who hath not the power of the sword , must have another title given him , the protector of his peeple . now , in a successive hereditary kingdom , as england is known , and acknowledged to be by all parties now in opposition , there are three things which are inalienable from the person of the king : they are , 1. the crowne . 2. the scepter . 3. the sword. the one , he is to carry on his head , the other in his hand , and the third at his side ; and they may be termed all three the ensignes or peculiar instruments of a king : by the first , he reignes , by the second he makes lawes , by the third he defends them : and the two first are but bables without the last , as was formerly spoken . 1. touching the crown or royal diadem of england , ther is none , whether presbyterian , independent , protestant , or others now in action , but confess that it descends by a right hereditary line , ( though through divers races , and som of them conquerours ) upon the head of charles the first now regnant : 't is his own by inherent birth-right and nature , by gods law , and the law of the land , and these parliament-men at their first sitting did agnize subjection unto him accordingly , and recognize him for their soveraign liege lord : nay , the roman catholick denies not this , for though there were bulls sent to dispense with the english subjects for their allegiance to queen elizabeth , yet the pope did this against her as he took her for a heretick , not an usurpresse , though he knew well enough that she had bin declared illegitimate by the act of an english parliament . this imperial crown of england is adorned and deckd with many fair flowers , which are called , royal prerogatives ; and they are of such a transcendent nature , that they are unforfeitable , individual , and untransferrable to any other : the king can only summon and dissolve parliaments : the king can only pardon ( for when he is crowned , he is sworn to rule in mercy as well as in justice : ) the king can only coyn money , and enhance or decry the value of it : the power of electing officers of state , of justices of peace and assize is in the king ; he can only grant soveraign commissions : the king can only wage war , and make out-landish leagues : the king may make all the courts of justice ambulatory with his person , as they were used of old ▪ 't is tru , the court of common pleas must be sedentary in som certain place for such a time ; but that expired , 't is removeable at his pleasure : the king can only employ ambassadours and treat with forraign states , &c. these , with other royal prerogatives which i shall touch hereafter , are those rare and wholsom flowers wherewith the crown of england is embellished , nor can they stick any where else but in the crown , and all confess the crown is as much the king 's , as any private man's cap is his own . 2. the second regall instrument is the scepter , which may be called an inseparable companion , or a necessary appendix to the crown ; this invests the king with the sole authority of making lawes , for before his confirmation all results and determinations of parliament are but bills or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they are but abortive things , and meer embryos ; nay , they have no life at all in them till the king puts breath and vigour into them : and the ancient custome was for the king to touch them with his scepter , then they are lawes , and have a vertue in them to impose an obligation of universall obedience upon all sorts of people , it being an undeniable maxime , that nothing can be generally binding without the king 's royall assent , nor doth the law of england take notice of any thing without it : this being done they are ever after styl'd the kings lawes , and the judges are said to deliver the king's judgments , which agrees with the holy text , the king by judgment shall stablish the land : nay , the law presumes the king to be alwaies the sole judge paramount , and lord chief justice of england , for he whom he pleaseth to depute for his chiefest justice , is but styl'd lord chief iustice of the rings ●…ench , not lord chief justice of england , which title is peculiar to the king himself , and observable it is , that whereas he grants commissions and patents to the lord chancellour ( who is no other then keeper of his conscience ) and to all other judges , he names the chief justice of his own bench by a short writ only containing two or three lines : which run thus , regina iohanni popham militi salutem , sciatis quod constitutmus vos justiciarium nostrum capitalem ad placita coram nobis terminandum durante beneplacito nostro ; teste &c. now , though the king be liable to the laws , and is contented to be within their verge , because they are chiefly his own productions , yet he is still their protector , moderator , and soveraigne , which attributes are incommunicable to any other conjunctly or separately . thus the king with his scepter , and by the mature advice of his two houses of parl. which are his highest councel and court , hath the sole power of making laws ; other courts of judicature doe but expound them and distribute them by his appointment , they have but iuris dati dictionem or declarationem , and herein , i meane for the exposition of the lawes the twelve iudges are to be believed before the whole kingdom besides . they are as the areopagites in athens , the chief presidents in france and spaine in an extraordinary iunta , as the cape-syndiques in the rota's of rome , and the republique of venice , whose judgments in point of interpreting lawes are incontroulable , and preferred before the opinion of the whole senate whence they received their being ; and who hath still power to repeal them , though not to expound them . in france they have a law maxime , arrest donné en rebbe rouge est irrevocable , which is , a scarlet sentence is irrevocable , meaning when all the judges are met in their robes , and the client against whom the cause goes , may chafe and chomp upon the bit , and say what he will for the space of twenty foure howers against his judges , but if ever after he traduces them , he is punishable : it is no otherwise here where every ignorant peevish client , every puny barister , specially if he become a member of the house will be ready to arraign and vie knowledge with all the reverend judges in the land , whose judgement in points of law shold be onely tripodicall and sterling : so that he may be truly call'd a just king , and to rule according to law , who rules according to the opinion of his judges ; therefore , under favour , i do not see how his majesty for his part could be call'd injust when he leavied the ship-money , considering he had the judges for it . i now take the sword in hand , which is the third instrument of a king , ( and which this short discours chiefly points at ) it is as well as the two first incommunicable and inalienable from his person ; nothing concernes his honor more both at home and abroad ; the crown and the scepter are but unweildy and impotent naked indefensible things without it . there 's none so simple as to think there 's meant hereby an ordinary single sword , such as ev'ry one carrieth by his side , or som imaginary thing or chymera of a sword ; no , 't is the polemicall publique sword of the whole kingdom , 't is an aggregative compound sword , and 't is moulded of bell-metall ; for 't is made up of all the ammunition and armes small and great , of all the military strengths both by land and sea , of all the forts , castles and tenable places within and round about the whole i le : the kings of engl. have had this sword by vertue of their royall signory from all times , the laws have girded it to their sides , they have employed it for repeling all foren force , for revenging all forren wrongs or affronts , for quelling all intestine tumults , and for protecting the weal of the whole body politicke at home : the peeple were never capable of this sword , the fundamentall constitutions of this kingdom deny it them ; 't is all one to put the sword in a mad mans hand , as in the peeples ; or for them to have a disposing power in whose hands it shall be . such was the case once of the french sword , in that notorious insurrection call'd to this day la iaqueris de beauvoisin , when the pesants and mechanicks had a design to wrest it out of the kings hand , and to depresse all the peers and gentry of the kingdom ; and the businesse had gone so far that the peasans might have prevail'd , had not the prelats stuck close to the nobility ; but afterwards poor hare ▪ brain'd things they desire the king upon bended knees to take it againe ; such popular puffs have blowen often in poland , naples and other places , where while they sought and fought for liberty by retrenching the regall power , they fool'd themselfs into a slavery unawares , and found the rule right , that excesse of freedom turns to thraldom , and ushers in all confusions . if one shold go back to the nonage of the world , when governers and rulers began first , one will find the peeple desir'd to live under kings for their own advantage , that they might be restrain'd from wild exorbitant liberty , and kept in unity ; now unity is as requisit for the wel-being of all naturall things , as entity is for their being , and 't is a receiv'd maxime in policy , that nothing preserves unity more exactly then royal government : besides , 't is known to be the noblest sort of sway ; in so much that by the law of nations , if subjects of equal degrees , and under differing princes shold meet , the subjects of a king shold take precedency of those under any republique . but to take up the sword again . i say that the sword of public power and authority is fit only to hang at the kings side , and so indeed shold the great seal hang only at his girdle , because 't is the key of the kingdom : which makes me think of what i read of charlemain , how he had the imperial seal emboss'd alwaies upon the pommell of his sword , and his reason was , that he was ready to maintain whatsoever he signed , and sealed . the civilians , who are not in all points so great friends to monarchy as the common law of england is , say , there are six iura regalia , six regal rights , viz. 1. potestas iudicatoria , 2. potestas vitae & necis , 3. armamenta , 4. bona adespota , 5. census , 6. monetarum valor : to wit , power of iudicature , power of life and death , all kind of arming , masterless goods , s●…issements , and the value of money . among these regalia's , we find that arming , which in effect is nought else but the kings sword , is among the chiefest ; and 't is as proper and peculiar to his person , as either crown or scepter . by these two he drawes a loose voluntary love and opinion only from his subjects , but by the sword he draws reverence and awe , which are the chiefest ingredients of allegiance , it being a maxime , that the best mixture of government is made of fear and love . with this sword he conferrs honor , he dubbs knights , he creates magistrates , the lord deputy of ireland , the lord mayor of london with all other corporations have their swords from him , and when he entereth any place corporate , we know the first thing that is presented him is the sword : with this sword he shields and preserves all his people that every one may sit quietly under his own vine , sleep securely in his own house , and enjoy sweetly the fruits of his labours . nor doth the point of this sword reach only to every corner of his own dominions , but it extends beyond the seas to gard his subjects from oppression , and denial of justice , as well as to vindicate the publick wrongs , make good the interests of his crown , and to assist his confederates ; this is the sword that edward the third tied the flower deluces unto ( which stick still unto it , ) when having sent to france to demand that crown by maternal right , the counsell ther sent him word that the crown of france was not tied to a distaff , to which scoffing answer he replied , that then he wold tie it to his sword , and he was as good as his word . nor is this publick sword concredited or intrusted by the peeple in a fiduciary conditionall way to the king , but it is properly and peculiarly belonging unto him , as an inseparable concomitant , perpetual usher and attendant to his crown . the king , we know , useth to maintain all garrisons upon his own charge , not the peeples ; he fortifies upon his own charge , not the peeples : and though i will not averr , that the king may impresse any of his subjects , unlesse it be upon an actuall vasion by sea , or a sudden irruption into his kingdom by land , as the scots have often done , yet at any time the king may raise volunteers , and those who have received his money , the law makes it felony , if they forsake his service . thus we see there 's nothing that conduceth more to the glory , and indeed the very essence of a king then the sword , which is the armes and military strength of his kingdom ; wherfore under favour , ther cannot be a greater point of dishonour to a king then to be disarmed , then to have his sword taken from him , or dispos'd of and intrusted to any but those whom he shall appoint ; for as à minori ad majus the argument often holds , if a private gentleman chance to be disarm'd upon a quarrell , 't is held the utmost of disgraces , much greater and more public is the dishonor that falls upon a king , if after som traverses of difference 'twixt him and his subjects , they shold offer to disarm him , or demand his sword of him : when the eagle parted with his talons , and the lion with his teeth and ongles , the apolog tells us how contemptible afterwards the one grew to be among birds , the other among birds , the other among beasts . for a king to part with the sword politic is to render himself such a ridiculous king , as that logg of wood was which iupiter let down among the froggs for their king at the importunity of their croaking ; 't is to make him a king of clouts , or as the spaniard hath it , rey de havas , a bean king , such as we use to choose in sport at twelfnight . but my hopes are , that the two present houses of parliament ( for now they may be call'd so , because they begin to parley with their king , ) will be more tender of the honour of their soveraign liege lord , which , together with all his rights and dignities , by severall solemn oaths , aud by their own binding instruments of protestation and covenant , ( not yet revok'd ) they are sworne to maintaine , and that they will demand nothing of him which may favour of aspertè or force , but what may hold water hereafter : but now , touching the militia or sword of the kingdom , i think , under favour , the king cannot transfer it to any other ; for that were to desert the protection of his people , which is point blank against his coronation oath and his office : what forren prince or state will send either ambassador , resident or agent to him , when they understand his sword is taken from him ? what reformed forein church will acknowledg him defendor of the faith , when they hear of this ? nay , they who wish england no good will , will go near to paint him out , as not long since another king was , with a fair velvet scabbard , a specious golden hilt and chape , but the blade within was of wood . i hope that they who sway now , will make better use of their successes : many of them know 't is as difficult a thing to use a victory well , as to get one ; ther is as much prudence requir'd in the one , as prowesse in the other ; they will be wiser sure then turn it to the dishonor of their king : it being a certain rule , that the glory of a nation all the world over depends upon the glory of their king , and if he be any way obscur'd , the whole kingdom is under an eclipse . i have observed , that among other characters of gallantry , which forein writers appropriat to the english nation , one is , that they use to be most zealous to preserve the honor of their king ; i trust that they who are now up will return to the steps of their progenitors , both in this particular and divers other ; that their successes may serve to sweeten and moderat things , and suppress the popular sword which still rages ; and it had bin heartily wished that a suspension of arms had preceded this treaty , which useth to be the ordinary fore-runner , and a necessary antecedent to all treaties ; for while acts of hostility continue , som ill-favour'd newes may intervene which may imbitter and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ nor can it be expected that the proceedings will go on with that candor and confidence , while the old rancor is still in action ▪ 't is impossible a sore shold heal till the inflamation be taken away ; to cast water into a wound instead of oyle is not the way to cure it : or to cast oyle upon a fire instead of water is not the way to quench it ; poor england hath had a consuming fire within her bowels many years , she is also mortally wounded in all her members , that she is still in a high fever , which hath made her rave and speak idle a long time ; and 't is like to turn to a hectic , if not timely prevented . i pray god she may have no occasion to make use of the same complaint as alexander the great made when he was expiring his last , perii turba medicorum : too many physitians have undon me . to conclude in a word , ther is but one only way , under favor , to put a period to all these fearful confusions ; it is , to put the great master-wheel in order , and in its due place again , and then all the inferior wheels will move regularly ; let the king be restor'd , and ev'ry one will come to his own , all interests will be satisfied , all things quickly rectified ; till this be done , 't is as absurd to attempt the setling of peace , as if one shold go about to set a watch by the gnomen of an horizontall diall when the sun is in a cloud . i. h. an italian prospective , through which great britain ( without any multiplying art ) may cleerly see her present danger , and foresee her future destruction , if not timely prevented . perditio tua ex te anglia . paraenesis angliae . o england ( specially thou besotted city of london ) if thou be'st not quite past cure , or grown careless and desperat of thy self , if the least spark of grace , or ray of reson be yet remaining in thee , be warn'd , be warn'd by this stranger , who having felt thy pulse , and cast thy water very exactly , discovers in thee symptoms of inevitable ruine if thou holdst on this cours . divers of thy own children oftentimes admonish'd thee with tears in their eyes , and terror in their hearts , to recollect thy self , and return to thy old road of obedience to thy soverain prince , but they have bin little regarded , let a foreiners advice then take place , and make som impressions in thee to prevent thy utter destruction . from the prison of the fleet 2. aug. 1647. i. h. an account of the deplorable , and desperat condition that england stands in , sent from london , anno 1647. to the lord francisco barberini , cardinal of the most holy apostolick see , and protector of the english nation , at his palaces in rome . my last to your eminence was but short , in regard i had been but a short time in this countrey , i have now made a longer sojourn here , and taken a leisurely information of all matters ; therefore i shall give your eminence an account proportionably : for by conversation with the most indifferent , and intelligenc'd men , and by communication with the ambassadors here resident , i have taken some paines to pump out the truth of things , and penetrat the interest of all parties . and truly , i find , that that angry star , which hath lowr'd so long upon europe in generall , hath been as predominant , and cast as direfull aspects upon this poor iland , as it hath done upon any other part : truly , my lord , in all probability this peeple have pass'd the meridian of their happinesse , and begin to decline extreamly , as well in repute abroad , as also in the common notions of religion , and indeed in the ordinary faculty of reason : i think verily the ill spirit never reign'd so much in any corner of the earth by those inhumane aud horrid things that i have observ'd among them . nor is it a petty spirit , but one of the greatest cacod●…mons that thus drives them on , and makes them so active in the pursuance of their own perdition . to deduce matters from their originall , your eminency may please to understand , that this king at his accesse to the crown had deep debts to pay , both of his fathers , and his own , he was left ingaged in a fresh warre with spain ; and had another presently after which france , and both at one time , but he came off well enough of those : afterwards never any countrey flourished in that envied happinesse , and wanton kind of prosperity ; this city of london was grown to be the greatest mart , and mistress of trade , of any in the world ; insomuch , as i have been certainly inform'd , the king might have spent meerly upon his customes 4000 crowns a day : moreover , she had a vast bank of money being made the scale of conveying the king of spains treasure to flanders : insomuch that in a few yeers she had above ten millions of his moneys brought hither , which she might have remitted in specie or in marchandize , and for which this king had five in the hundred for coynage : yet could he not get beforehand with the world , having a sister with so many nephews and neeces , having a queen with diverse children of his own , ( at least 16 of the blood-royall ) to maintaine , with divers profuse courtiers besides , which made him more parsimonious then ordinary . the warres then growing more active 'twixt spaine and france , as also 'twixt holland and spaine both by land and sea , and divers great fleets of men of war as well french ( who were growne powerfull that way ) as dunkerkers , spaniards hollanders , and hamburgers , appearing daily in his narrow seas , and sayling close by his chambers , the world wondred this king had no greater strength at sea , in case that any of the foresaid nations should doe him an affront , as some of them had already done , by denying to dash their colours to his ships : insomuch that in holland and other places he was pasquill'd at , and pourtrayed lying in his cradle lullaby'd and rock'd asleep by the spaniard : hereupon being by advertisements from his agents abroad , and frequent advice of his privie councell at home , made sensible of the danger , and a kind of dishonour he was faln into , and having intelligence that the french cardinall began to question his title to the dominion of the narrow seas , considering he employed no visible power to preserve it , he began to consult of meanes to set forth a royall fleet : but in regard the purse of the crowne was lightly ballasted , and that he had no mind to summon the three estates , because of some indignities he had received in former parliaments by the puritan party ( a race of people averse to all kingly government , unlesse they may pare it as they please ) his then atturney generall ( noy ) a great cryed-up-lawyer , put it in his head to impose an old tax called ship-mony upon the subject , which the said lawyer did warrant upon his life to be legall , for he could produce divers records how many of his progenitors had done the like : the king not satisfied with his single opinion , refer'd it to his learn'd council , & they unanimously averred it to be agreeable to the law of the land ; yet this would not fully satisfie the king , but he would have the opinion of his twelve judges , and they also affirmed by their single vouches the said tax to be warrantable ; hereupon it was imposed and leavied , but some refusing to pay it , there was a suite commenc'd , during which all the judges were to re-deliver their opinions joyntly , and the businesse being maturely debated and canvased in open court divers months , and all arguments produc'd pro & con , nine of the said twelve judges concluded it legal . thereupon the king continued the imposition of the said tax , and never was mony imployed so much for the honour and advantage of a countrey , for he sent out every summer a royall fleet to scowre and secure the seas ; he caused a galeon to be built , the greatest and gallantest that ever spread saile : nor did he purse up , and dispose of one peny of this money to any other use , but added much of his own revenues yeerly thereunto : so the world abroad cried up the king of england to be awake againe ; trade did wonderfully encrease , both domestic and forrein in all the three kingdomes ; ireland was reduced to an absolute settlement , the arrears of the crown payed , and a considerable revenue came thence cleerly to the exchequer of england every year , the salaries of all officers , with the pay of the standing army ●…here , and all other charges being defrayed by ireland her self , which was never done before . yet for all this height of pappinesse , and the glorious fruites of the said ship-money , ( which was but a kind of petty insensible tax , & a thing of nothing to what hath hapened since ) there were some foolish peeple in this land which murmured at it , and cryed nothing else but a parliament , a parliament ; and they have had a parliament since with a vengeance . but before this occasion , it was observed , that the seeds of disobedience , and a spirit of insurrection was a long time engendring in the hearts of som of this peace-pampred people , which is conceived to proceed from their conversation and commerce with three sorts of men , viz. the scot , the hollander and the french huguenot . now an advantage happened that much conduced to necessitate the convoking of a parliament , which was an ill-favoured traverse that fell out in scotland ; for the king intending an uniformity of divine worship in all his three kingdoms , sent thither the liturgy of this church , but it found cold and course entertainment ther , for the whole nation , men , women and children rise up a gainst them : here upon the king absolutely revoked it by proclamation , wherein he declared 't was never his purpose to press the practise therof upon the consciences of any ; therfore commanded that all things shold be in statu quo prius , but this wold not serve the turn , the scot took advantge hereby to destroy hierarchy , and pull down the bishops to get their demeans : to which purpose they came with an army in open field against their own native king , who not disgesting this indignity , mustred another english army ; which being upon the confines of both kingdoms , a kind of pacification was plaistred over for the present . the king returning to london , and consulting his second thoughts , resented that insolency of the scots more then formerly : hereupon he summons a parliament , and desires aid to vindicat that affront of the scot. the scot had strong intelligence with the puritan faction in the english parliament , who seemed to abet his quarrel , rather then to be sensible of any national dishonour received from him ; which caused that short-lived parliament to dissolve in discontent , and the king was forced to find other means to raise and support an army by privat loanes of his nobler sort of subjects and servants : the scot having punctual advertisements of every thing that passed ; yea , in the kings cabinet councel was not idle all this while , but rallies what was left of the former army ( which by the articles of pacification ( a little before ) should have bin absolutely dismissed ) and boldly invades england , which he durst never have done , if he had not well known that this puritan party which was now grown very powerful here , and indeed had invited him to this expedition , wold stand to him . this forein army being by the pernicious close machinations of som mongrel englishmen aforementioned , entred into the bowels of the country , the king was forced to call this present parliament , with whom he complyed in every thing , so far as to sacrifice unto them both iudge , bishop , councellor and courtier ; yea , he yielded to the tumbling down of many tribunals of justice , which were an advantage to his prerogative ; he assented that the prelates , who were the most ancient and prime members of the upper house , and had priority of all others , since the first constitution of parliament in the enrollment of all acts , he assented i say that these , who were the greatest prop of his crown shold be quite outed from among the peers ; he granted them also a trienniall parliament , and after that , this perpetuall ; which words , to the apprehension of any rational man , carry with them a grosse absurdity in the very sense of the thing : and touching this last grant , i had it from a good hand , that the queen was a friend to this parliament , and your eminence knows how they have requited her since , but the main open councellor to this fatall act was a scot. now the reason which they alledged for this everlasting parliament was one of the baldest that ever i heard of , it was , that they might have time enough to pay the scots army , wheras in one morning they might have dispatched that , by passing so many subsidies for that use , and upon the credit of those , they might have raised what money they wold . the parliament finding the king so plyable , and his pulse to beat so gently , like ill-natur'd men they fall from inches to ells in seeking their advantages : they grew so peremptory as to demand all the military strength of the kingdom , the tower of london , with the whole royal navy , which they found in an excellent equipage , gramercy ship-money ; so that the benefit of ship-money , which they so clamoured at , turned most to their advantage of any thing afterwards . the scot being fidler-like returned to his country with meat , drink , and money , the king went a while after to keep a parliament ther , wherein he filled every blank , they did but ask and have , for he granted them what possibly they could propound , both for their kirk and state , many received honour , and they divided bishops lands amongst them : for all which unparallel'd concessions of princely grace , they caused an act already in force to be published , viz. that it shold be damnable treason in the highest degree that could be , for any of the scots nation conjunctly or singly to levy armes , or any military forces , upon any pretext whatsoever , without his majesties royal commission ; and this they caused to be don by way of gratitude , but how they perform'd it afterwards the world knowes too well . the king returning to london , in lieu of a welcom to his two houses of parliament ( to whom also before his departure he had passed more acts of grace then all his progenitors , take them all in a lump ) they had patch'd up a kind of remonstrance , which was voted in dead of the night , wherein they expos'd to the world the least moat in former government , and aggravated to the very height every grievance , notwithstanding that the king had redressed all before ; and this remonstrance , which breath'd nothing but a base kind of malice , they presented as a nosegay to their soveraign prince , to congratulat his safe return from a forein countrey ; which remonstrance they caus'd to be printed and publish'd before he could give any answer thereunto . the king finding such a virulent spirit still raign in the house , and knowing who were chiefly possess'd with it ( viz. those whom he had impeach'd before , but saw he could get no justice against them ) in such an extremity , he did an act like a generous prince , for taking the palsgrave with him , he took the first coach he met withall at his court-gate , and went to his house of commons in person , to demand five members , which he wold prove to be traitors in the highest degree 〈◊〉 to be the authors of all these distempers , protesting upon the word of a king , that they shold have as fair & legal a tryal as ever men had ; in the interim he only desir'd that their persons might be secur'd . the walls of both houses , and the very stones in london street did seem to ring of this high cariage of the kings , and the sound went thence to the country , whence the silly plebeians came presently in whole herds to this city , who strutting up and down the streets , had nothing in their mouths , but that the priviledg of parlement , the priviledg of parlement was broken , though it be the known clear law of the land , that the parlement cannot supersede or shelter any treason . the king finding how violently the pulse of the grosly seduced people did beat , and ther having bin formerly divers riotous crues of base mechaniques and mariners , who had affronted both his own court , and the two houses besides , which the commons , to their eternal reproach , conniv'd at , notwithstanding that divers motions were made by the lords to suppresse them , the king also having privat intelligence that ther was a mischievous plot to surprize his person , remov'd his court to the countrey . the king departing , or rather being driven away thus from his two houses , by this mutinous city , he might well at his going away have ubraided her in the same words as h. the 3. did upbraid paris , who being by such another tumultuous rabble driven out of her in the time of the ligue , as he was losing sight of her , he turn'd his face back , and said , farewel ingratefull city , i will never see thee again till i make my way into thee through thy walls : yet though the king absented himself in person thus from the two houses , he sent them frequent messages , that they wold draw into acts what he had already assented unto , and if any thing was left yet undon by him , he wold do it ; therfore he will'd them to leave off those groundless feares and jealousies wherwith they had amus'd both city and country ; and he was ready to return at all times to his palace in westminster , provided that his person might be secur'd from the former barbarisms and outrages : but in lieu of a dutiful compliance with their prince , the thoughts of the two houses ran upon nothing but war : the king then retiring into the north , and thinking with a few of his servants only to go visit a town of his ( hull ) he was denyed entrance by a fatal unlucky wretch ( hotham ) who afterwards was shamefully executed with his eldest son , by command of his new masters of the parlement : the king being thus shut out of his own town ( which open'd the first dore to a bloudy war ) put forth a declaration , wherin he warn'd all his people that they shold look to their proprieties , for if he was thus barr'd of his own , how could any privat subject be sure to be master of any thing he had , and herein he was as much prophet as prince ; for the parlement-men afterwards made themselfs land-lords of the whole kingdom , it hath bin usual for them to thrust any out of his freehold , to take his bed from under him , and his shirt from off his very back . the king being kept thus out of one of his townes , might suspect that he might be driven out of another , therfore 't was time for him to look to the preservation of his person , and the country came in voluntarily unto him by thousands to that purpose , but he made choice of a few only to be his gard , as the parlementeers had done a good while before for themselfs : but now they went otherwise to work , for they fell a levying , listing and arming men by whole regiments and brigades till they had a very considerable army afoot , before the king had one musqueteer or trooper on his side ; yet these men are so notoriously impudent , as to make the king the first aggressor of the war , and to lay upon him all the bloud that was split to this day , wherein the devil himself cannot be more shamelesse . the parliamenteers having an army of foot and horse thus in perfect equipage , 't was high time for the king to look to himself , therefore he was forced to display his royal standard , and draw his sword quite out : thus a cruel and most cruentous civil war began which lasted near upon four years without intermission , wherein there happen'd more batta les , sieges and skirmishes , then passed in the nether-lands in fourscore years , and herein the englishmen may be said to get som credit abroad in the world , that they have the same bloud running in their veines ( though not the same braines in their sculls ) which their ancestors had , who were observed to be the activest people in the field , impatient of delay , and most desirous of battaile then any nation . but it was one of the greatest miracles that ever happen'd in this land , how the king was able to subsist so long against the parlamenteers , considering the multiplicity of infinite advantages they had of him by water and land : for they had the scot , the sea and the city on their side ; touching the first , he rushed in as an auxiliary with above 20000. horse and foot compleatly furnish ▪ d both with small and great ammunition and arms , well cloth'd and money'd : for the second , they had all the kings ships well appointed , which are held to be the greatest security of the island both for defence and offence , for every one of them is accounted one of the moving castles of the kingdom : besides , they had all the other standing stone-castles , forts , and tenable places to boot : concerning the last , ( viz. the city ) therein they had all the wealth , bravery , and prime ammunition of england , this being the only magazin of men and money : now if the k. had had but one of these on his side , he had in all probability crush'd them to nothing : yet did he bear up strangely against them a long time , and might have done longer , had he kept the campane , and not spent the spirits of his men before townes ; had he not made a disadvantagious election of som commanders in chief , and lastly , had he not had close traitors within dores , as well as open rebels without ; for his very cabinet councel , and bed-chamber were not free of such vermin , and herein the parlementeers spent unknown sums and were very prodigal of the kingdoms money . the king , after many traverses of war , being reduced to a great strait by crosse successes and counsels , rather then to fall into the hands of the parlementeers , withdrew himself in a serving-mans disguise to the scots army , as his last randevous , and this plot was manag'd by the french agent then residing here ; a man wold think that that nation wold have deem'd it an eternal honour unto them to have their own king and countrey-man throw himself thus into their armes , and to repose such a singular trust in them upon such an extremity : but they corresponded not so well with him as he expected , for though at first when the parlamenteers sollicited their dear brethren for a delivery of the kings person unto them , their note was then , if any forein petty prince had so put himself upon them , they could not with honour deliver him , much less their own native king ; yet they made a sacrifice of him at last for 800000. crownes ; wherupon bellieure the french ambassador being convoyed by a troop of horse from the king towards london , to such a stand , in lieu of larges to the souldiers , he drew out an half crown piece , and ask'd them how many pence that was , they answered 30. he replyed , for so much did iudas betray his master , and so he departed . and now , that in the cours of this historical narration , i have touch'd upon france , your eminence may please to understand , that nothing almost could tend more to the advantage of that k. then these commotions in england , considering that he was embark'd in an actuall war with the house of austria and that this iland did do spain some good offices ; among other , by transport of his treasure to dunkerk in english bottomes , whereunto this king gave way , and sometimes in his own galeons , which sav'd the spaniard neer upon 20. in the hundred , then if he had sent it by way of genoa ; so that som think , though france made semblance to resent the sad condition of her neighbour , and thereupon sent the prince of harcour , and the foresaid monsieur bellieure to compose matters , yet she never really intended it , as being against her present interest and engagements : yet the world thinks it much that she shold publiquely receive an agent from these parlamenteeres , and that the french nobility who were us'd to be the gallantest men in the world to vindicate the quarrels of distressed ladies , are not more sensible of the outrages that have bin offer'd a daughter of france , specially of henry the greats . but to resume the threed of my narration , the king ( and with him , one may say , england also ) being thus bought and sold , the parlamenteers insteed of bringing him to westminster , which had put a period to all distempers , toss'd him up and downe to private houses , and kept the former army still afoot : and truly i think there was never prince so abus'd , or poor peeple so baffled , and no peeple but a purblind besotted peeple wold have suffred themselves to be so baffled : for notwithstanding that no enemy appeer'd in any corner of the kingdome , yet above 20000. tagaroones have bin kept together ever since to grind the faces of the poor , and exhaust the very vitall spirits of town and countrey , and keep them all in a perfect slavery : had the parlament-men , when the scots were gone , brought their king in a generous and frank way ( as had well becom'd englishmen ) to sit among them , and trusted to him ( which of necessity they must do at last ) as they had gain ▪ d more honor far in the world abroad , so they had gain'd more upon his affections then i beleeve they will ever do hereafter . but to proceed , the king having bin a good while prisoner to the parlement , the army snatch'd him away from them , and som of the chiefest commanders having pawn'd their soules unto him to restore him speedily , in lieu thereof they tumbled him up and down to sundry places , till they juggled him at last to that small ile where now he is surrounded with a gard of strange faces ; and if happly he beginns to take delight in any of those faces , he is quickly taken out of his sight . these harsh usages hath made him become all gray and oregrown with hair so that he lookes rather like som silvan satyr then a soverain prince : and truly my lord the meanest slave in st. marks gallies or the abjects captif in algier bannier is not so miserable as he in divers kinds , for they have the comfort of their wifes , children and frends , they can convey and receive letters , send messengers upon their errands , and have privat discours with any ; all which is denied to the king of great britain , nay the young princes his children are not permitted as much as to ask him blessing in a letter . in so much that if he were not a great king of his passions , and had a heart cast in on extraordinary mould , these pressures and those base aspersions that have bin publiquely cast upon him by the parlement it self , had bin enough to have sent him out of the world e're this , and indeed 't is the main thing they drive at , to torture his braine , and tear his very heart strings if they could : so that whereas this foolish ignorant peeple speak such horrid things of our inquisition , truly my lord 't is a most gentle way of proceeding being compar'd to this kings persecutions . as the king himselfe is thus in quality of a captif , so are all his subjects becom perfect slaves , they have fool'd themselfs into a worse slavery then iew or greek under the ottomans , for they know the bottom of their servitude by paying so many sultanesses for every head ; but here , people are put to endless , unknown , tyrannical taxes , besides plundering and accize , which two words , and the practise of them ( with storming of towns ) they have learnt of their pure brethren of holland : and for plundrings , these parliamenteer-saints think they may robb any that adheres not to them as lawfully as the iewes did the egyptians : 't is an unsommable masse of money these reformers have squandred in few years , whereof they have often promis'd and solemnly voted a publick account to satisfie the kingdom : but as in a hundred things more , so in this precious particular they have dispens'd with their votes : they have consumed more treasure with pretence to purge one kingdom , then might have served to have purchas'd two ; more ( as i am credibly told ) then all the kings of england spent of the public stock since the saxon conquest : thus have they not only begger'd the whole island , but they have hurld it into the most fearfull ▪ st chaos of confusion that ever poor countrey was in ; they have torn in pieces the reines of all government , trampled upon all lawes of heaven and earth , and violated the very dictamens of nature , by making mothers to betray their sons , and the sons their fathers , but specially that great charter , which is the pandect of all the laws and liberties of the free-born subject , which at their admission to the house they are solemnly sworn to maintain , is torn in flitters : besides those severall oaths they forg'd themselfs , as the protestation and covenant , where they voluntarily swear to maintain the kings honour and rights , together with the established laws of the land , &c. now i am told , that all acts of parlement here are lawes , and they carry that majesty with them , that no power can suspend or repeal them , but the same power that made them , which is the king sitting in full parlement ; these mongrell polititians have bin so notoriously impudent as to make an inferiour ordinance of theirs to do it , which is point-blanck against the very fundamentals of this government , and their own oaths , which makes me think that there was never such a perjur'd pack of wretches upon earth , never such monsters of mankind . yet this simple infatuated peeple have a saint-like opinion of these monsters , this foolish citie gards them daily with horse and foot , whereby she may be sayd to kisse the very stones that are thrown at her , and the hand whence they came , which a dogg would not do : but she falls to recollect her self now that shee begins to be pinch'd in trade , and that her mint is starv'd , yet the leading'st men in her common-councell care not much for it , in regard most of them have left traffiquing abroad , finding it a more easie and gainefull way of trading at home , by purchasing crown or church lands , plunder'd goods , and debts upon the publick faith , with soldiers debenters ; thus the saints of this iland turne godlinesse into gaine . truly my lord , i give the english for a lost nation , if they continue long thus , never was ther a more palpable oblaesion of the brain , and a more visible decay of reason in any race of men : it is a sore judgment from heaven , that a people shold not be more sensible how they are become slaves to rebells , and those , most of them the scumm of the nation , which is the basest of miseries : how they suffer them to tyrannize by a meer arbitrary extrajudicial power o're their very souls and bodies ▪ o're their very lifs and livelihoods ; how their former freedom is turn'd to fetters , molehills into mountains of grievances , ship-money into accize , justice into tyranny : for nothing hath bin and is daily so common amongst them as imprisonment without charge , and a charge without an accuser , condemnation without apparance , and forfeitures without conviction . to speak a little more of the king , if all the infernal fiends had ligu'd against him , they could not have design'd or disgorged more malice : they wold have laid to his charge his fathers death , as arrand a lie as ever was forg'd in hell : they wold make him fore-know the insurrection in ireland , wheras the spanish ambassador here , and his confessor who is a very reverend irish-man , told me , that he knew no more of it then the grand mogor did : they charge him with all the bloud of this civil war , wheras they and their instruments were the first kindlers of it , and that first prohibited trade and shut him out of his own town : they have intercepted and printed his privat letters to his queen , and hers to him , ( oh barbarous basenesse ! ) but therin they did him a pleasure , though the intent was malitious , their aim in all things being to envenom the hearts of his people towards him ; and this was to render him a glorious and well-belov'd prince , as likewise for making him rich , ( all which they had vow'd to do upon passing the act of continuance , ) but now they have made him poorer then the meanest of all his vassals , they have made him to have no propriety in house , goods , or lands , or as one may say , in his wife and children : 't was usual for the father to hunt in his park while the son hunted for his life in the field , for the wife 〈◊〉 lie in his bedds , while the husband layed wait to murther him abroad ; they have seiz'd upon and sold his privat hangings an●… plate , yea his very cabinets , jewels , pictures , statues , and books . nor are they the honorablest sort of peeple , and men nobly extracted ( as in scotland ) that do all this , ( for then it were not so much to be wondred at ) but they are the meanest sort of subjects , many of them illiterat mechaniques , wherof the lower house is full ; specially the subordinat committees , who domineer more o're nobles and gentry , then the parliament members themselfs their masters use to do . touching those few peers that sit now voting in the upper house , they may be said to be but meer cyphers , they are grown so degenerat as to suffer the commons to give them the law , to ride upon their backs , and do most things without them : ther be many thousand petitions that have bin recommended by these lords to the lower house , which are scornfully thrown into corners and never read ; their messengers have us'd to dance attendance divers hours and days before they were vouchsafed to be let in or heard , to the eternal dishonour of those peers , and yet poor spirited things they resent it not : the commons now command all , and though , as i am inform'd , they are summon'd thither by the kings original writ but to consent to what the king and his great counsel of peers ( which is the tru court of parlement ) shall resolve upon ; the commons i say are now from consenters become the chiefest counsellors , yea controulers of all ; nay som of this lower house fly so high as to term themselfs conquerors , and though in all conferences with the lords they stand bare before them , yet by a new way of mix'd committees they carry themselfs as collegues : these are the men that now have the vogue , and they have made their priviledges so big swoln , that they seem to have quite swallowed up both the kings prerogatives , and those of the lords : these are the grandees , and sages of the times , though most of them have but crack'd braines and crazy fortunes god wot ; nay som of them are such arrand knaves and coxcombs , that 't is questionable whether they more want common honesty , or common sense ; nor know no more what belongs to tru policy then the left leg of a joynt-stool : they are grown so high a tiptoes , that they seem to scorn an act of amnestia , or any grace from their king , wheras som of them deserve to be hang'd as oft as they have haires upon their heads ; nor have they any more care of the common good of england then they have of lapland , so they may secure their own persons , and continue their power now , authority is sweet , though it be in hell. thus , my lord , is england now govern'd , so that 't is an easie thing to take a prospect of her ruine if she goes on this pace : the scot is now the swaying man , who is the third time struck into her bowels with a numerous army : they say he hath vow'd never to return till he hath put the crown on the kings head , the scept●…r in his hand , and the sword by his side ; if he do so , it will be the best thing that ever he did , though som think that he will never be able to do england as much good as he hath done her hurt ; he hath extremely out-witted the english of late years : and they who were the causers of his first and last coming in , i hold to be the most pernicious enemies that ever this nation had ; for t is probable that germany ( viz. ponterland and breme ) will be sooner free of the swed , then england of the scot , who will stick close unto him like a bur , that he cannot shake him off ; he is becom already master of the englishmans soul , by imposing a religion upon him , and he may hereafter be master of his body . your eminence knows there is a periodicall fate hangs over all kingdoms after such a revolution of time , and rotation of fortunes wheele ; the cours of the world hath bin for one nation , like so many nailes , to thrust out another ; but for this nation , i observe by conference with divers of the saddest and best weighdst men among them , that the same presages foretell their ruine as did the israelites of old , which was a murmuring against their governors ; it is a long time that both iudges , bishops and privy counsellors have bin mutter'd at , whereof the first shold be the oracles of the law , the other of the gospell , the last of state-affaires , and that our judgments shold acquiesce upon theirs ; here as i am inform'd ; 't was common for evry ignorant client to arraign his iudg ; for evry puny curat to censure the bishop ; for evry shallow-brain home-bred fellow to descant upon the results of the councell table : and this spirit of contradiction and contumacy hath bin a long time fomenting in the minds of this peeple , infus'd into them principally , by the puritanicall faction . touching the second of the three aforesaid ( i mean bishops ) they are grown so odious ( principally for their large demeanes ) among this peeple , as the templers were of old , and one may say it is a just judgment fallen upon them , for they were most busy in demolishing convents and monasteries , as these are in destroying cathedralls and ministers ; but above all , it hath bin observ'd that this peeple hath bin a long time rotten-hearted towards the splendor of the court , the glory of their king , and the old establish'd government of the land : 't is true there were a few small leakes sprung in the great vessel of the st●…te , ( and what vessel was ever so ●…ite but was subject to leakes ? ) but these wise-akers in stopping of one have made a hundred : yet if this kings raign were parallell'd to that of queen elizabeth's , who was the greatest minion of a peeple that ever was , one will find that she stretch'd the prerogative much further ; in her time as i have read in the latin legend of her life , som had their hands cut off for only writing against her matching with the duke of aniou , others were hang'd at tyburn for traducing her government ; she pardon'd thrice as many roman priests as this king did , she pass'd divers monopolies , she kept an agent at rome , she sent her sergeant at armes to pluck out a member then sitting in the house of commons by the eares , and clapt him in prison ; she call'd them sawcy fellowes to meddle with her prerogative , or with the government of her houshold , she mannag'd all forren affaires , specially the warrs with ireland soly by her privy counsell ; yet there was no murmuring at her raign , and the reason i conceave to be , that there was neither scot or puritan had then any stroke in england . yet , for all their disobedience and grumblings against their liege lord the king , this peeple are exactly obedient to their new masters of the house of commons , though they sit there but as their servants and entitle themselfs so ; and also though in lieu of the small scratches which england might happily have receiv'd before ( all which the king had cur'd ) these new masters have made such deep gashes in her , and given her such deadly wounds that i believe are incurable . my lord , i find by my researches , that there are two great idolls in this kingdom , the greatest that ever were , they are the parliament and the pulpit ; t is held high treson to speak against the one , and the whole body of religion is nailed unto the other , for there is no devotion here at all but preaching , which god wot is little better then prating . the abuse of these two hath bin the source of all the distempers which now raign : touching the latter , it hath serv'd as a subvervient engin to prop up the power and popularity of the first ; these malicious pulpit-men breath out nothing thence but either sedition , schisme or blasphemy : poor shallow brain'd sciolists , they wold question many things in the old testament , and find apocrypha in the new : and such is the violence wherewith the minds of men and women are transported towards these preachmen , and no other part of devotion besides , that in all probability they will in time take a surfet of them : so that give this giddy peeple line enough ther will be no need of catholique arms to reduce them to the apostolick church , they will in time pave the way to it themselves , and be glad to return to rome to find out a religion again . there was here before , as i am informed , a kind of a face of a church , there were some solemnities , venerations and decencies us'd that a man might discover som piety in this peeple ; there was a publick lyturgie that in pithy pathetical prayers reach'd all occasions ; the sacraments were administred with som reverence , their churches were kept neat and comly ; but this nasty race of miscreants have nothing at all of sweetnesse , of piety and devotion in them ; 't is all turn'd to a fatuous kind of zeal after more learning , as if christianity had no sobriety , consistence or end of knowledg at all : these silly things , to imitat the apostles time , wold have the same form of discipline to govern whole nations , as it did a chamberfull of men in the infancy of the church , they wold make the same coat serve our savious at 30. yeers , which fitted him at three : 't is incredible how many ugly sorts of heresies they daily hatch , but they are most of them old ones newly furbish'd ; they all relate to aerius , a perfect hater of bishops , because he could not be one himself . the two sectaries which sway most , are the presbyterians and independents , the presbyterian is a spawn of a puritan , and the independent a spawn of the presbyterian : there 's but one hop 'twixt the first and a iew , and but half a hop 'twixt the other and an infidell ; they are both opposit to monarchy and hierarchy ; and the latter wold have no government at all , but a parity and promiscuous confusion , a race of creatures fit only to inhabit hell : and one of the fruits of this blessed parlement , and of these two sectaries is , that they have made more jewes and athiests then i think there is in all europe besides ; but truly , my lord , i think the judgments of heaven were never so visible in any part of the earth , as they are now here , for there is rebell against rebell , house against house , cittie against army , parlement against scot , but these two sectaries , i mean the presbyterian and independent who were the fire-brands that put this poor iland first in a flame , are now in most deadly feud one against the other , though they both concur in this to destroy government : and if the king had time enough to look only upon them , they would quickly hang , draw , and destroy one another . but indeed all christian princes shold observe the motions and successes of these two unlucky incendiaries , for if they shold ligue together again , ( as they have often plaid fast and loose one with another ) and prevail here , this iland wold not terminat their designs , they wold puzzle all the world besides . their preachmen ordinarily cry out in the pulpit , ther is a great work to be done upon earth , for the reforming all mankind , and they are appointed by heaven to be the chief instruments of bringing it about ▪ they have already bin so busie abroad , that ( with vast sommes of money ) they brought the swed upon the dane , and the very savages upon the english cavaliers in virginia ; and could they confederat with turk , or tartar , or hell it self against them , they wold do it : they are monstrously puff'd up with pride , that they stick not to call themselfs conquerors , and one of the chief ringleaders of them , an ignorant home bred kind of brewer , was not ashamed to vant it publiquely in the commons house , that if he had but 20000. men , he wold undertake to march to constantinople , and pull the ottoman emperour out of the seralio . touching the other grand idoll the parlement , 't is true that the primitive constitution of parlement in this iland was a wholesom piece of policy , because it kept a good correspondence , and clos'd all ruptures 'twixt the king and his peeple , but this thing they call parlement now , may rather be term'd a cantle of one , or indeed a conventicle of schismatiques , rather than a great counsell ; 't is like a kind of headless monster , or som estropiated carkas ; for ther is neither king nor prelat , nor scarce the seventh part of peers and commons , no not the twelfth part fairly elected ; nevertheless they draw the peeple , specially this city , like so many stupid animalls , to adore them . yet though this institution of parlement be a wholsom thing in it self , there is in my judgment a great incongruity in one particular ; and i believe it hath bin the cause of most distempers ; it is , that the burgesses are more in number than the knights of the shires ; for the knights of the shires are commonly gentlemen well born , and bred , and vers'd in the laws of the land , as well as forren governments , ( divers of them ) but the burgesses of towns are commonly tradesmen , and being bred in corporations they are most of them inclining to puritanism , and consequently to popular government ; these burgesses exceeding the knights in number , carry all before them by plurality of voices , and so puzzle all : and now that ▪ i have mentioned corporations , i must tell your lordship , that the greatest soloecism in the policy of this kingdom , is the number of them ; especially this monstrous city , which is compos'd of nothing els but of corporations ; and the greatest errors that this king , specially his father , committed , was to suffer this town to spread her wings so wide ▪ for she bears no proportion with the bignes of the iland , but may fit a kingdom thrice as spacious ; she engrosseth and dreins all the wealth and strength of the kingdom ; so that i cannot compare england more properly than to one of our cremona geese , where the custom is to fatten only the heart , but in doing so the whole body growes lank . to draw to a conclusion , this nation is in a most sad and desperat condition , that they deserve to be pittied , and preserved from sinking , and having cast the present state of things and all interests into an equal balance , i find , my lord , ther be three ways to do it , one good , and two bad . 1. the first of the bad ones is the sword ▪ which is one of the scourges of heaven , especially the civill sword . 2. the second bad one is the treaty , which they now offer the king in that small island wher he hath bin kept captif so long , ( 〈◊〉 which quality the world will account him still while he is detain'd there ) and by tha●… treaty to bind him as fast as they can , an●… not trust him at all . 3. the good way is , in a free confiding brave way ( englishmen-like ) to send for their king to london , where city and country shold petition him to summon a new and free full parlement , which he may do as justly as ever he did thing in his life , these men having infring'd as well all the essentiall priviledges of parlement , as every puntillio of it , for they have often risen up in a confusion without adjournment , they had two speakers at once , they have most perjuriously and beyond all imagination betrayed the trust both king and country repos'd in them , subverted the very sundamentals of all law , and plung'd the whole kingdom in this bottomless gulf of calamities : another parlement may haply do som good to this languishing island , and cure her convulsions , but for these men that arrogat to themselfs the name of parlement ( by a local puntillio only because they never stir'd from the place where they have bin kept together by meer force ) i find them by their actions to be so pervers , so irrational and refractory , so far given over to a reprobat sense , so fraught with rancor , with an irreconcileable malice and thirst of bloud , that england may well despaire to be heal'd by such phlebotomists , or quack-salvers ; be sides they are so full of scruples , apprehensions , and jealousies proceeding from blac●… guilty souls , and gawl'd consciences , that they will do nothing but chop logic with their king , and spin out time to continue their power , and evade punishment , which they think is unavoidable if ther shold be a free-parlement . touching the king he comports himself with an admired temper'd equanimity , he invades and o're-masters them more and more in all his answers by strength of reson , though he have no soul breathing to consult withall , but his own genius : he gains wonderfully upon the hearts and opinion of his peeple , and as the sun useth to appear bigger in winter , and at his declension in regard of the interposition of certain meteors 'twixt the eye of the beholder and the object , so this king being thus o're-clouded and declined , shines far more glorious in the eyes of his people ; and certainly these high morall vertues of constancy , courage and wisdom come from above ; and no wonder , for kings as they are elevated above all other peeple and stand upon higher ground , they sooner receive the inspirations of heaven ; nor doth he only by strength of reason out 〈◊〉 them , but he wooes them by gentlenesse and mansuetude ; as the gentleman of paris who having an ape in his house that had taken his only child out of the cradle , and dragged him up to the ridge of the house , the parent with ruthful he art charmed the ape by fair words and other bland●…ments to bring him softly down , which he did ; england may be said to be now just upon such a precipice , ready to have her braines dash'd out , and i hope these men will not be worse natur'd then that brute animal , but will save her . thus have i given your eminence a rough account of the state of this poor and pittifully deluded peeple , which i will perfect when i shall come to your presence , which i hope will be before this autumnal equinox ; i thought to have sojourn'd here longer , but that i am grown weary of the clime , for i fear there 's the other two scourges of heaven that menace this island , i mean the famin and pestilence , especially this city , for their prophanness , rebellion , and sacriledge ▪ it hath bin a talk a great while whether anti-christ be come to the world or no , i am sure anti-iesus , which is worse , is among this people , for they hold all veneration , though voluntary proceeding from the inward motions of a sweet devoted soul , and causing an outward genuflection , to be superstitious , insomuch that one of the synodical saints here printed and published a book entitling it against iesu worship . so in the profoundest posture of reverence i kisse your vest , as being , london this 12 , of august , 1647. my lord , your eminences most humbly devoted , i. h. a nocturnal progres , or a perambulation of most countreys in christendom , perform'd in one night by strength of the imagination ; which progresse terminats in these north-west iles , and declares the woful confusions they are involv'd at present . the progress of the soul by an usuall dream . it was in the dead of a long winter night , when no eyes were open but watchmens and centinels , that i was fallen soundly asleep , the cinq-out-ports were shut up closer then usually , for my senses were so trebly lock'd , that the moon , had she descended from her watry orb , might have done much more to me then she did to endymion when he lay snoaring upon the brow of latmus hill ; nay , ( be it spoken without prophanenesse ) if a rib had bin taken out of me that night , to have made a new mo●… of a woman , i shold hardly have felt it . yet , though the cousin german of death had so strongly seiz'd thus upon the exterior parts of this poor tabernacle of flesh , my inward parts were never more actif , and fuller of employments then they were that night . pictus imaginibus , formisque fugacib●… adstat morpheus , & variis fingit nova vultibus ora . methought my soul made a sally abroad into the world , and fetch'd a vast compas ; she seem'd to soar up and slice the air to cross seas , to clammer up huge hills , and never rested till she had arriv'd at the antipodes : now som of the most judicious geometricians and chorographers hold that the whole mass of the earth being round like the rest of her fellow elements , ther be places , and poizing parts of the continent , ther be peninsulas , promontories and ilands upon the other face of the earth that correspond and concenter with all those regions and iles that are upon this superficies which we read , countries that symbolize with them in qualities , in temperature of air and clime , as well as in nature of soil ; the inhabitants also of those places which are so perpendicularly opposit , do sympathize one with another in disposition , complexions and humors , though the astronomers wold have their east to be our west , and so all things vice versa in point of position , which division of the heaven is onely mans institution . but to give an account of the strange progresse my soul made that night ; the first country she lighted on was a very low flat country , and it was such an odde amphibious country , being so indented up and down with rivers and arms of the sea , that i made a question whether i shold call it water or land ; yet though the sea be invited and usher'd in into som places , he is churlistly pen'd out in som other , so that though he foam and swell , and appear as high walls hard-by , yet they keep him out , maugre all his roaring and swelling . as i wandred up and down in this watry region , i might behold from a streight long dike wheron i stood , a strange kind of forrest , for the trees mov'd up and down ; they look'd afar off as if they had bin blasted by thunder ; for they had no leafs at all ; but making a nearer approach unto them , i found they were a nomberlesse company of ship-masts , and before them appear'd a great town ( amsterdam ) incorporated up and down with water ; as i mus'd with my self upon the sight of all this , i concluded , that the inhabitants of that country were notable industrious people , who could give law so to the angry ocean , and occupie those places where the great leviathan shold tumble and take his pastime in ; as my thought ran thus , i met with a man , whom i conjectur'd to be 'twixt a marchant and a mariner , his salutation was so homely ; the air also was so foggy , that methought it stuck like cobwebs in his mustachos ; and he was so dull in point of motion , as if the bloud in his veines had bin half frozen : i began to mingle words with him , and to expostulat somthing about that country and people ; and then i found a great deal of down-right civilities in him : he told me that they were the only men who did miracles of late years ; those innumerable piles of stones you see before you in such comly neat frabriques , is a place ( said he ) that from a fish market in effect is come to be one of the greatest marts in this part of the world , which hath made her swel thrice bigger the●… she was 50. years ago ; and as you behold this floating forrest of masts before her mole , so if you could see the foundations of her houses , you shold see another great forrest , being rear'd from under-ground upon fair piles of timber , which if they chance to sink in this marshy soil , we have an art to scrue them up again . we have for 70. years and above without any intermission , except a short-liv'd truce that once was made , wrastled with one of the greatest potentates upon earth , and born up stoutly against him , gramercy our two next neighbour kings , and their reason of state , with the advantage of our situation . we have fought our selfs into a free-state , and now quite out of that ancient allegeance we ow'd him ; and though we pay twenty times more in taxes of all sorts then we did to him , yet we are contented : we have turn'd war into a trade , and that which useth to beggar others , hath benefited us : besides , we have bin and are still the rendevous of most discontented subjects , when by the motions of unquiet consciences in points of religion , or by the fury of the sword , they are forc'd to quit their own countreys , who bring their arts of manufacture , and moveables , hither ; insomuch that our lombards are full of their goods , and our banks superabound with their gold and silver which they bring hither in specie . to secure our selfs , and cut the enemy more work , and to engage our confederats in a war with him , we have kindled fires in every corner , and now that they are together by the eares , we have bin content lately , being long woo'd thereunto , to make a peace with that king to whom we once acknowledged vassalage ; which king out of a height of spirit , hath spent 500. times more upon us for our reduction , then all our country is worth ; but now he hath bin well contented to renounce and abjure all claimes and rights of soverainity over us ; in so much , that being now without an enemy , we hope in a short time to be masters of all the comerce in this part of the world , and to eat our neighbours out of trade in their own commodities : we fear nothing but that exces of wealth , and a surfet of ease may make us careles and breed quarrells among our selfs , and that our generall , being married to a great kings daughter may — . here he suddenly broke the threed of his discourse , and got hastily away , being haul'd by a ship that was sailing hard by ▪ hereupon my soul took wing again , and cut her way through that foggy condens'd aire , till she lighted on a fair spacious , cleare continent , a generous and rich soile mantled up and downe with large woods , where , as i rang'd to and fro , i might see divers faire houses , townes , palaces and castles , looking like so many carkases , for no humane soul appear'd in them ; methought i felt my he art melting within me in a soft resentment of the case of so gallant a countrey , and as i stood at amaze , and in a kind of astonishment , a goodly personage makes towards me , whom both for his comportment , and countenance , i perceiv'd to be of a finer mould then that companion i had met withall before : by the trace of his looks i guessed he might be som nobleman that had bin ruin'd by som disaster : having acosted him with a fitting distance , he began in a masculin strong winded language full of aspirations and tough collision of consonants , to tell me as followeth : sir , i find you are a stranger in this countrey , because you stand so agast at the devastations of such a fair piece of the continent , then know sir , because i beleeve you are curious to carry away with you the causes thereof , that these ruthfull objects which you behold , are the effects of a long lingring war , and of the fury of the sword , a cruentous civill war that hath rag'd here above thirty yeares : one of the grounds of it was the infortunate undertaking of a prince , who liv'd not far off in an affluence of all earthly felicity ; he had the greatest lady to his wife , the bes●… purse of money , the fairest stable of horse ▪ and choicest library of books of any other of his neighbour princes . but being by desperat and aspiring counsells put upon a kingdom , while he was catching at the shadow of a crown , he lost the substance of all his own ancient possessions : by the many powerfull alliances he had ( which was the cause he was pitched upon ) the fewd continued long ; for among others a northern king took advantage to rush in , who did a world of mischiefs , but in a few yeers that king and hee found their graves in their own ruins neer upon the same time ; but now , may heaven have due thanks for it , there is a peace concluded , a peace which hath bin 14. long yeers a moulding , and will i hope , be shortly put in execution ; yet 't is with this fatall disadvantage , that the said northern people , besides a masse of ready money we are to give them , are to have firme footing , and a warm nest ever in this countrey hereafter , so that i fear we shall hear from them too often : upon these words this noble personage fetch'd a deep sigh , but in such a generous manner that he seem'd to break and check it before it came halfe forth . thence my soul taking her flight o're divers huge and horrid cacuminous mountaines ( the alpes ) at last i found my self in a great populous town ( naples ) but her buildings were miserably battered up and down , she had a world of palaces , castles , convents and goodly churches : as i stepped out of curiosity into one of them , upon the west side there was a huge grate , where a creature all in white beckned at me , making my approach to the grate , i found her to be a nun , a lovely creature she was , for i could not distinguish which was whiter , her hue or her habit , which made me remember ( though in a dream my self ) that saying , if dreams and wishes had been tru , there had not been found a tru maid to make a nun of , ever since a cloyster'd life began first among women ; i asked her the reason how so many ugly devastations shold befall so beautifull a city , she in a dolorous gentle tone , and ruthfull accents , the teares trickling down her cheeks like so many pearles , ( such pearly teares that wold have dissolv'd a diamond ) sobb'd out unto me this speech : gentle sir , 't is far beyond any expressions of mine , and indeed beyond humane imagination to conceive the late calamities which have befallen this faire though infortunat city , a pernicious popular rebellion broke out here upon a sudden into most horrid barbarismes , a fate that hangs over most rich popular places that swim in luxe and plenty ; but touching the grounds thereof , one may say that rebellion entred into this city , as sin first entred into the world by an apple : for our king now in his great extremities having almost halfe the world banding against him ; and putting but a small tax upon a basket of fruit to last only for a time , this fruit-tax did put the peeples teeth so on edge , that it made them gnash against the government , and rush into armes ; but they are sensible now of their own follies , for i think never any place suffered more in so short a time : the civill combustions abroad in other kingdomes may be said to be but small squibs compar'd to those horrid flakes of fire which have rag'd here , and much adoe we had to keep our vest all fire free from the fury of it : in lesse then the revolution of a yeer it consum'd above fourscore thousand soules within the walls of this city ; but 't is not the first time of forty , that this luxurious foolish peeple hath smarted for their insurrections and insolencies , and that this mad horse hath o'rethrown his rider , and drawn a worse upon his back ; who instead of a saddle , put a pack-saddle and panniers upon him : but indeed the voluptuousnesse of this peeple was grown ripe for the judgement of heaven . she was then beginning to expostulat with me about the state of my country , and i had a mighty mind to satisfie her , for i could have corresponded with her in the re●…ation of as strange things , but the lady a●…adesse calling her away , she departed in an ●…nstant , obedience seem'd to be ther so precise and punctual . i steer'd my course thence through a most delicious country to another city that lay in the very bosom of the sea , ( venice ) she was at first nothing els but a kind of posie made up of dainty green hillocks , tied together by above 400. bridges , and so coagulated into a curious city ; though she be espous'd to neptune very solemnly once evry ●…eer , yet she still reserves her maydenhead , ●…ad bears the title of the virgin city in that part of the world ; but i found her tugging mainly with a huge giant that wold ravish her ; he hath shrewdly set on her skirts , and a great shame it is , that she is not now assisted by her neighbours , and that they shold be together by the ears when they shold do so necessary a work , considering how that great giant is their common enemy ; and hath lately vow'd seven yeers wars against her ; specially considering , that if he comes once to ravish her , he will quickly ruin her said neighbours , she ( to her high honor be it spoken ) being their only rampart against the incursion of the said giant , and by consequence their greatest security . from this maiden city , mee thought , i was in a trice carried over a long gulf , and so through a midland sea , into another kingdom , ( spain ) where i felt the clime hotter by some degrees ; a rough-hew'n soile , for the most part , it was full of craggy barren hills ; but where there were valleys and water enough , the country was extraordinarily fruitful , whereby nature ( it seems ) made her a compensation for the sterility of the rest . yet notwithstanding the hardship of the soyl , i found her full of abbeys , monasteries , hermitages , convents , churches , and other places of devotion ; as i rov'd there a while , i encountred a grave man in a long black cloak , by the fashion whereof , and by the brimms of his hat , i perceived him to be a iesuit ; i clos'd with him , and question'd him about that country : he told me the king of that country was the greatest potentat of that part of the world ; and , to draw power to a greater unity , they of our order could be well contented , that he were universall head over temporalls , because 't is most probable to be effected by him , as we have already one universall head over spiritualls : this is the monark of the mines , i mean of gold and silver , who furnishes all the world , but most of all his own enemies with mony , which mony foments all the wars in this part of the world : never did any earthly monark thrive so much in so short a tract of time , but of late yeers he hath been ill-favouredly shaken by the revolt and utter defection of two sorts of subjects , who are now in actual arms against him on both sides of him at his own doors . ther hath bin also a long deadly feud 'twixt the next tramontan kingdom ( france ) and him , though the q. that rules there be his own sister , an unnaturall odious thing : but it seems god almighty hath a quarrel of late yeers with all earthly potentats ; for in so short a time ther never happen'd such strange shocks and revolutions : the great emperour of ethiopia hath bin outed , he and all his children by a petty companion : the king of china , a greater emperour than he , hath lost almost all that huge monarchy by the incursion of the tartar , who broke ore the wall upon him : the grand turk hath bin strangled , with 30. of his concubines ; the emperour of muscovy hath bin content to beg his life of his own vassals , and to see before his face divers of his chief officers hack'd to pieces , and their heads cut off and steep'd in strong water , to make them burn more bright in the market place . besides the above mentioned , this king hath also divers enemies more , yet he bears up against them all indifferently well , though with infinit expence of treasure , and the church , specially our society , hath stuck close unto him in these his exigents : whence may be inferr'd , that let men repine as long as they will at the possessions of the church , they are the best anchors to a state in a storm , and in time of need to preserve it from sinking ; besides , acts of charity wold be quite lost among men , did not the wealth of the church keep life in them : hereupon drawing a huge pair of beads from under his cloak , he began to ask me of my religion ; i told him i had a long journy to go , so that i could not stay to wait on him longer ; so we parted , and me thought i was very glad to be rid of him so well . my soul then made another flight over an assembly of hideous high hills , ( pyreneys ) and lighted under another clime , on a rich and copious country ( france ) resembling the form of a lozenge , but me thought , i never saw so many poor peeple in my life ; i encountred a pesan , and asked him what the reason was , that ther shold be so much poverly in a country wher ther was so much plenty : sir , they keep the commonalty poor in pure policy here , for being a peeple , as the world observes us to be , that are more humerous than others , and that love variety and change , if we were suffered to be pamper'd with wealth , we wold ever and anon rise up in tumults , and so this kingdom shold never be quiet , but subject to intestine broils , and so to the hazard of any invasion : but ther was of late a devillish cardinal , whose humour being as sanguin as his habit , and working upon the weaknes of his master , hath made us not only poor , but stark beggars , and we are like to continue so by an eternal war , wherein he hath plung'd this poor kingdom , which war must be maintained with our very vital spirits : but as dejected and indigent as we are , yet upon the death of that ambitious cardinal , we had risen up against this , who hath the vogue now , ( with whom he hath left his principles ) had not the fearful example of our next transmarin western neighbours ( the english ) and the knowledg we have of a worse kind of slavery , of those endles arbitrary taxes , and horrid confusions they have fool'd themselfs lately into , utterly deterr'd us , though we have twenty times more reason to rise then ever they had : yet our great city ( paris ) hath shew'd her teeth , and gnash'd them ill-favouredly of late , but we find she hath drawn water only for her own mill , we fare little the better , yet we hope it will conduce to peace , which hath bin so long in agitation . i cannot remember how i parted with that peasan , but in an instant i was landed upon a large island , and methought , 't was the temperat'st region i had bin in all the while ( england ; ) the heat of the sun ther is as harmless as his light , the evening serene●… are as wholsom ther as the morning dew ; the dog-daies as innocuous as any of the two equinoxes . as i rang'd to and fro that fair island , i spyed a huge city ( london ) whose length did far exceed her latitude , but ne●…ther for length or latitude did she seem to bear any politicall proportion with that island : she look'd , methought , like the iesuits hat whom i had met withall before , whose brimms were bigger then the crown , or like a peticoat , whose fringe was longer then the body . as i did cast my eyes upwards , methought i discern'd a strange inscription in the aire which hung just over the midst of that city written in such huge visible characters , that any one might have read it , which was this : woe be to the bloudy city . hereupon a reverend bishop presented himself to my view , his gray haires , and grave aspect struck in me an extraordinary reverence of him : so performing those complements which were fitting , i asked him of the condition of the place , he in a submiss sad tone , with clouds of melancholy waving up and down his looks , told me ; sir this island was reputed few years since to have bin in the completest condition of happiness of any part on earth , insomuch that she was repin'd a●… for her prosperity and peace by all her neighbours who were plung'd in war round about her , but now she is fallen into as deep a gulf of misery , and servitude , as she was in a height of felicity & freedom before : touching the grounds of this change , i cannot impute it to any other then to a surfet of happiness ; now , there is no surfet so dangerous as that of happinesse : ther are such horrid divisions here , that if they were a foot in hell , they were able to destroy the kingdom of satan : truly sir , ther are crep'd in more opinions among us about matters or religion , then the pagans had of old of the summum bonum , which varro saith were 300. the understandings of poor men were never so puzzled and distracted ; a great while there were two opposit powers ( king and parlement ) who swayed here in a kind of equality that peeple knew not whom to obey , many thousands complyed with both , as the men of calecut who adore god and the devil , tantum squantum , as it is in the indian language ) they adore the one for love , the other for fear : ther is a monstrous kind of wild liberty here that ever was upon earth ; that which was complained of as a stalking horse to draw on our miseries at first , is now only in practice , which is meer arbitrary rule ; for now both law , religion and allegiance are here arbitrary : touching the last , 't is quite lost , 't is permitted that any may prate , preach or print what they will in derogation of their annointed king : which word king was once a monosyllable of som weight in this i le , but 't is as little regarded now as the word pope ( among som ) which was also a mighty monosyllable once among us : the rule of the law is , that the king can do no wrong , ther is a contrary rule now crept in , that the king can receive no wrong ; and truly sir , 't is a great judgement both upon prince and peeple ; upon the one , that the love of so many of his vassals shold be so alienated from him ; upon the other , that their hearts shold be so poyson'd , and certainly 't is the effect of an ill spirit ; both the one and the other in all probability tend to the ruine of this kingdom . but now sir , ( because i see you are so attentive , and seem to be much mov'd at this discourse ) as i have discover'd unto you the general cause of our calamities , which was not only a satiety but a surfet of happinesse , so i will descend now to a particular cause of them ; it was a northern nation ( scot ) that brought these cataracts of mischiefs upon us ; and you know the old saying , out of the north all ill comes forth . far be it from me to charge the whole nation herewith ; no , but onely som pernicious instruments that had insinuated themselfs , and incorporated among us , and sway'd both in our court and counsels : they had a hand in every monopoly ; they had out of our exchequer , and customs near upon 400000. crowns in yearly pensions , viis & modis ; yet they could not be content , but they must puzzle the peace and policy of this church and state : and though they are a peeple of a differing genius , differing laws , customs , and manners unto us , yet for matter of conscience they wold bring our necks into their yoak , as if they had a greater talent of reason , and clearer illuminations , as if they understood scripture better , and were better acquainted with god almighty then we , who brought them first from paganisme to christianity , and also to be reformed christians : but it seems , matters have little thriven with them ; nay the visible hand of heaven hath bin heavily upon them divers waies since they did lift their hands against their native king ; for notwithstanding the vast summs they had hence , yet is the generality of them as beggarly as ever they were ; besides , the civil sword hath rag'd ther as furiously as here , and did as much execution among them . moreover the pestilence hath bin more violent , and sweeping in their chief town ( edenburgh ) then ever it was since they were a peeple . and now lately ther 's the notablest dishonour befaln them that possibly could light upon a nation , in that 7000. of ours shold upon even ground encounter , kill , slay , rout and utterly discomfit thrice as many of theirs , though as well appointed and arm'd as men could be : and truly sir , the advantages that accrue to this nation are not a few by that exploit ; for of late years that nation was cryed up abroad to be a more martial peeple then we , and to have baffled us in open field in divers traverses : besides , i hope a small matter will pay now their arrerages here , and elsewhere ; but principally , i hope they will not be so busie hereafter in our court and counsel , as they have bin formerly . another cause of our calamity is a strange race of peeple ( the puritans ) sprung up among our selfs , who were confederat with those of the north ; they wold make gods house cleane , and by putting out the candle of all ancient learning and knowledge , they would sweep it only by the light of an ignis fatuus : but 't is visibly found that they have brought much more rubbage into it , and wheras in reforming this house , they shold rather find out the groat that is lost , they go about to take away the mite that 's left , and so put christs spouse to live on meer almes : true it is , there is a kind of zeal that burns in them , ( and i could wish there were so much piety ) but this zeal burns with too much violence and presumption , which is no good symptom of spirituall health , it being a rule , that as the naturall heat , so the spirituall shold be moderat , els it commonly turns to a frenzy , and that is the thing which causeth such a giddinesse and distraction in their braines ; this ( proceeding from the suggestions of an ill spirit ) puffs them up with so much spirituall pride ; for the devill is so cunning a wrastler , that he oftentimes lifts men up to give them the greater fall : they think they have an inerring spirit , and that their diall must needs go tru , howsoever the sun goes : they wold make the gospell , as the caddies make the alchoran , to decide all civill temporall matters under the large notion of slander , whereof they forsooth to be the judges , and so in time to hook in all things to their classis : i believe if these men were dissected when they are dead , they would be a great deale of quicksilver found in their braines . proh superi , quantum mortalia pectora coecae noctis habent ! — but i could pitty the giddinesse of their braines , had they not so much gaul in their breasts , were they not so thirsting after blood , so full of poison and irreconcileable malice ; in so much that it may be very well thought , these men are a kin to that race which sprung out of the serpents teeth : these are they which have seduced our great counsell , and led this foolish city by the nose to begin and foment this ugly war , insomuch that if those numberless bodies which have perish'd in these commotions , were cast into her streets , and before her doores , many thousand citizens noses would bleed of pure guilt . not to hold you long , these are the men who have baffled common sence , blasted the beams of nature , and offered violence to reason it self ; these are they who have infatuated most of the peeple of this iland ; so that whereas in times past , som call'd her the i le of angels , she may be term'd now the i le of gulls , or more properly the i le of doggs , or rather indeed ●…he i le of wolfs , there is such a true lycanthrepy com in among us : i am loth to call her the iland of devills , though she hath bin branded so abroad . to conclude sir , the glory of this isle is quite blasted ; 't is tru they speak of peace , but while the king speakes to them of it , they make themselves ready for battle ; i much fear , that ixion-like we imbrace a cloud for peace , out of which there will issue out centaures , and monsters , as sprung out of that cloud . touching that ancient'st holy order whereof you see me to be ; i well hoped , that in regard they pretended to reforme things only , they wold not have quite extirpated , but regulated only this order : it had bin enough to brayle our wings , not to have ●…ear'd them : to have lopp'd and prun'd , not to have destroyed root and branch of that ancient tree which was planted by the hands of the apostles themselfs : in fine sir , we are a lost peeple , 't is no other dedalus , but the high deity of heaven can clue us out of this labyrinth of confusions , can extricat us out of this maze of miseries : the philosopher saith , 't is impossible for man to quadrat a circle ; so 't is not in the power of man , but of god alone , to make a loyall subject of a round head : among other things that strangers report of this iland , they say that winter here hath too many teares in his eyes : helas sir , 't is impossible he shold have too many now , to bewaile the lamentable base slavery , that a free-born peeple is com to : and though they are grown so tame as to kisse the rod that whips them , yet their taskmasters will not throw it into the fire . truly sir , as my tongue is too feeble to expresse our miseries , so the plummet of the best understanding is too short to fadom the depth of them . with this , the grave venerable bishop giving me his benediction , fetcht such a sigh , that would have rended a rock asunder ; and suddenly vanish'd ( methought ) out out of my sight up towards heaven . i presently after awoke about the dawnings of the day , when one could hardly discern dog from wolf ; and my soul , my arimula vagula blandula , being re-entred through the horn gate of sleep into her former mansion , half tyr'd after so long a peregrination ; and having rub'd my eyes , distended my limms , and return'd to a full expergefaction , i began to call my self to account touching those world of objects my fancy had represented unto me that night ; and when by way of reminiscence i fel to examin●… and ruminate upon them ; lord , what a masse of ideas ran in my head ! but when i call'd to mind the last countrey my soul wandred in , methought i felt my heart like a lump of lead within me , when i considered how pat every circumstance might be applyed to the present condition of england : i was meditating with my self what kind of dream this might be ; wherupon i thought upon the common division that philosophers make of dreams , that they are either divine , diabolicall , naturall , or humane . for the first , they are visions more properly or revelations , wherof ther are divers examples in the holy oracles of god , but the puddled cranies of my brain are not rooms clean enough to entertain such : touching the second kind , which come by the impulses of the devil , i have heard of divers of them , as when one did rise up out of his sleep , and fetcht a poyniard to stab his bed-fellow , which he had done , had he not bin awake ; another went to the next chamber abed to his mother , and wold have ravish'd her ; but i thank god this dream of mine was not of that kind . touching the third species of dreams ; which are naturall dreams , they are according to the humor which predominats ; if melancholy sway , we dream of black darksom devious places ; if phlegm , of waters ; if choler , of frayes , fightings , and troubles ; if sanguin predominat , we dream of green fields , gardens , and other pleasant representations ; and the physitian comes often to know the quality of a disease by the nocturnal objects of the patients fancy . humane dreams the last sort relate to the actions of the day past , or of the day following , and som representations are clear and even ; others are amphibious , mongrell , distorted and squalid objects , ( according to the species of trees over troubled waters : ) and the object is clear or otherwise , accorning to the tenuity or grossenesse of the vapors which ascend from the ventricle up to the brain . touching my dream , i think it was of this last kind ; for i was discoursing of , and condoling the sad distempers of our times the day before : i pray god som part of it prove not propheticall ; for , although the frenchman sayeth , songes sont mensonges , dreames are delusions , and that they turn to contraries , yet the spaniard hath a saying , et ciego sonnava que via yera lo que querria . the blind man dreamt he did see light , the thing he wish'd for happen'd right . insomuch that some dreams oftentimes prove tru ; as s. austin makes mention of a rich merchant in milan , who being dead , one of his creditors comes to his son to demand such a sum of money which he had lent his father ; the son was confident 't was paid , but not finding the creditors receipt , he was impleaded and like to be cast in the sute , had not his fathers ghost appeared to him , and directed him to the place where the acquittance was , which he found the next day accordingly . galen speaks of one that dreamt he had a wooden leg , and the next day he was taken with a dead palsie in one whole side . such a dream was that of william rufus , when he thought he had felt a cold gust passing through his bowels ; and the next day he was slain in the guts , by the glance of an arrow , in new forrest , a place where he and his father had committed so many sacrileges . i have read in artimedorus , of a woman that dreamt she had seen the pictures of three faces in the moone like her self , and she was brought to bed of three daughters a little after , who all died within the compas of a moneth . another dreamt , that xanthus water ran red , and the next day he fell a spitting of blood . to this i will add another fore-telling dream , whereof i have read , which was thus : two young gentlemen being travelling abroad in strange countreyes , and being come to a great towne , the one lay far in the citie , the other in an hostry without the wall in the suburbs : he in the city did dream in the dead of night , that his friend which he had left in the suburbs rush'd into his chamber panting and blowing , being pursued by others ; he dreamt so againe , and the third time he might see his friends ghost appearing at his beds side with bloud trickling down his throat , and a poyniard in his brest , telling him , dear friend , i am come now to take my last farewell of thee , and if thou rise betimes , thou shalt meet me in the way going to be buryed ; the next morning his friend going with his host towards the inn in the suburbs wher he left his friend , they met with a cart laden with dung in the way , which being staid and search'd , the dead body was found naked in the dung . i will conclude with a notable dream that osman the great turk had not many years since , a few days before he was murthered by his janizaries , 1623. he dreamt , that being mounted upon a huge camel , he could not make him go , though he switch'd and spur'd him never so much ; at last the camel overthrew him , and being upon the ground , only the bridle was left in his hand , but the body of the camel was vanished : the mufti not being illuminated enough to interpret this dream , a santon who was a kind of idiot , told him , the camel represented the ottoman empire , which he not being able to govern , he shold be o'rethrown , which two dayes after proved tru . by these , and a cloud of examples more , we may conclude , that dreams are not altogether impertinent , but somthing may be gathered out of them ; though the application and meaning of them be denyed to man , unless by special illumination . somnia venturi sunt praescia saepe diei . by dreams we oft may guesse at the next dayes successe . thus have you a rough account of a rambling noctivagation up and down the world : i may boldly say , that neither sir iohn mandevile , or coryat himself travell'd more in so short a time : whence you see what nimble postillions the animal spirits are ; and with what incredible celerity the imagination can crosse the line , cut the tropiques , and pass to the other hemisphere of the world ; which shews that humane souls have somthing in them of the almighty , that their faculties have a kind of ubiquitary freedom , though the body be never so under restraint , as the authors is . they erre as much who think all dreams false , as they who think them alwayes tru . in the prison of the fleet 3. idus decembris 1645. i. h. a vindication of his majesty , touching a letter he writ to rome from the court of spain , in answer to a letter which pope gregory the 15th . had sent him upon passing the dispensation for concluding the match with the i●…fanta . which letter mr. pryn mention's in his book call'd the popish royal favorit , wherby the world is apt to beleeve that his majesty had inclinations to pope●…y . ther goe's also herewith , a clearing of som aspersions that the said mr. pryn cast's upon the author hereof in the same pamphlet , viz. that he was a malignant , and no friend to parlements . wherby , he takes occasion to speak somthing of the first rise , and also of the duty as well as the authority of parlements . to my worthily honor'd friend sir w. s. knight . sir , i have many thanks to give you for the book you pleased to send me , called the popish royal favorite ; and according to your advice ( which i value in a high degree ) i did put pen to paper , and somthing you may see i have done ( though in a poor pamphleting way ) to clear my self of those aspersions that seem to be cast upon his majesty ; but truly sir , i was never so unfit for such a task ; all my papers , manuscripts , and notes having bin long since seized upon and kept from me : adde hereunto , that besides this long pressure and languishment of close restraint ( the sense wherof i find hath much stupified my spirits ) it pleased god to visit me lately with a dangerous fit of sickness , a high burning fever , with the new disease , wherof my body as well as my mind is yet somwhat crazie : so that ( take all afflictions together ) i may truly say , i have passed the ordeal , the fiery tryal . but it hath pleased god to reprieve me to see better daies i hope ; for out of this fatal black cloud , which now ore-sets this poor island , i hope ther will break a glorious sun-shine of peace and firm happinesse : to effect which , had i a jury , a grand-jury of lives , i wold sacrifice them all , and triumph in the oblation . so i most affectionately kiss your hands , and rest your faithfull ( though afflicted ) servant , from the prison of the fleet. i. h. the pre-eminence , and duty of parlement . sectio prima . i am a free-born subject of the realm of england ; wherby i claim as my native inheritance , an undoubted right , propriety , and portion in the laws of the land : and this distinguisheth me from a slave . i claim likewise protection from my soverain prince , who as he is my liege lord is obliged to protect me , and i being one of his liege peeple am obliged to obey him by way of reciprocation ; i claim also an interest and common right in the high national court of parlement , and in the power , the priviledges and jurisdiction therof , which i put in equal ballance with the laws , in regard it is the fountain whence they spring ; and this i hold also to be a principall part of my birth-right ; which great councell i honour , respect , value , and love in as high a degree as can be , as being the bulwark of our liberties , the main boundary and bank which keeps us from slavery , from the inundations of tyrannicall rule , and unbounded will-government . and i hold my self obliged in a tye of indispensable obedience , to conform and submit my self to whatsoever shall be transacted , concluded , and constituted by its authority in church or state with the royal assent , whether it be by making , enlarging , altering , diminishing , disanulling , repealing , or reviving of any law , statute , act , or ordinance whatsoever , either touching matters ecclesiastical , civil , common , capital , criminall , martial , maritime , municipall , or any other ; of all which the transcendent and uncontrollable jurisdiction of that court is capable to take cognizance . amongst the three things which the athenian captain thank'd the gods for , one was , that he was born a grecian , and not a barbarian ; for such was the vanity of the greeks , and after them of the romans in the flourish of their monarchy , to arrogat all civility to themselves , and to terme all the world besides barbarians : so i may say to rejoyce , that i was born a vassall to the crown of england ; that i was born under so well-moulded and tempered a government , which endows the subject with such liberties and infranchisements that bear up his naturall courage , and keep him still in heart ; such liberties that fence and secure him eternally from the gripes and tallons of tyranny : and all this may be imputed to the authority and wisedome of this high court of parlement , wherein there is such a rare co-ordination of power ( though the soveraignty remain still entire , and untransferrable in the person of the prince ) there is such a wholsom mixture 'twixt monarchy , optimacy , and democracy , 'twixt prince , peers , and commonalty , during the time of consultation , that of so many distinct parts , by a rare co-operation and unanimity they make but one body politick , ( like that shea●…e of arrows in the emblem ) one entire concentricall peece , the king being still the head , and the results of their deliberations but as so many harmonious diapasons arising from different strings . and what greater immunity and happinesse can there be to a peeple , than to be liable to no laws but what they make themselves ? to be subject to no contribution , assessement , or any pecuniary erogations whatsoever , but what they vote , and voluntarily yeeld unto themselves ? for in this compacted politick body , there be all degrees of peeple represented ; both the mechanick , tradesman , merchant , and yeoman have their inclusive vote , as well as the gentry , in the persons of their trustees , their knights and burgesses , in passing of all things . nor is this soveraign surintendent councell an epitome of this kingdom only , but it may be said to have a representation of the whole universe ; as i heard a fluent well-worded knight deliver the last parliameut , who compared the beautifull composure of that high court to the great work of god , the world it self : the king is as the sun , the nobles the fixed stars , the itineant judges and other officers ( that go upon messages 'twixt both houses ) to the planets ; the clergy , to the element of fire ; the commons , to the solid body of earth , and the rest of the elements . and to pursue this comparison a little farther ; as the heavenly bodies , when three of them meet in conjunction , do use to produce some admirable effects in the elementary world ; so when these three states convene and assemble in one solemne great iunta , some notable and extraordinary things are brought forth , tending to the welfare of the whole kingdom our microcosme . he that is never so little versed in the annals of this i le , will find that it hath bin her fate to be four times conquered , i exclude the scot for the scituation of his country , and the quality of the clime hath been such an advantage and security to him , that neither the roman eagles would fly thither for fear of freezing their wings , nor any other nation attempt the work . these so many conquests must needs bring with them many tumblings and tossings , many disturbances and changes in government ; yet i have observed , that notwithstanding these tumblings , it retained still the forme of a monarchy , and something there was always that had an analogy with the great assembly of parlement . the first conquest i find was made by claudius caesar , at which time ( as some well observe ) the roman ensignes , and the standard of christ came in together : it is well known what lawes the roman had ; he had his comitia , which bore a resemblance with our convention in parlement ; the place of their meeting was called praetorum , and the laws which they enacted , plebiscita . the saxon conquest succeeded next , which were the english , there being no name in welsh or irish for an english man , but saxon , to this day ; they also governed by parlement , though it were under other names , as michel sinoth , michel gemote , and witenage mote . there are records above a thousand years old of these parlements in the reigns of king ina , offa , ethelbert , and the rest of the seven kings during the heptarchy : the british kings also , who retain'd a great while some part of the isle unconquered , governed and made laws by a kind of parlementary way ; witnesse the famous laws of prince howell , called howell dha , ( the good prince howell ) whereof there are yet extant some british records : parlements were also used after the heptarchy by king kenulphus , alphred , and others ; witnesse that renowned parliament held at grately by king athelstan . the third conquest was by the danes , and they govern'd also by such generall assemblies , ( as they do to this day ) witnesse that great and so much celebrated parlement held by that mighty monarch canutus , who was king of england , denmark , norway , and other regions 150 years before the compiling of magna charta ; and this the learned in the laws do hold to be one of the specialst , and most authentick peeces of antiquity we have extant . edward the confessor made all his laws thus , ( and he was a great legis-lator , ) which the norman conquerour ( who liking none of his sons , made god almighty his heir by bequeathing unto him this island for a legacy ) did ratifie and establish , and digested them into one entire methodicall systeme , which being violated by rufus , ( who came to such a disastrous end as to be shot to death in lieu of a buck for his sacriledges ) were restor'd by henry the first , and so they continued in force till king iohn ; whose reign is renowned for first confirming magna charta , the foundation of our liberties ever since : which may be compar'd to divers outlandish graffes set upon one english stock ; or to a posie of sundry fragrant flowers ; for the choicest of the british , the roman , saxon , danish , and norman laws , being cull'd and pick'd out and gathered as it were into one bundle , out of them the foresaid grand charter was extracted ; and the establishment of this great charter was the work of a parliament . nor are the lawes of this island only , and the freedome of the subject conserved by parlement , but all the best policed countries of europe have the like . the germanes have their diets , the danes and swedes their rijcks dachs ; the spaniard calls his parlement las cortes ; and the french have , ( or should have at least ) their assembly of three states , though it be growne now in a manner obsolete , because the authority thereof was ( by accident ) devolv'd to the king. and very remarkable it is , how this happened ; for when the english had taken such large footing in most parts of france , having advanced as far as orleans and driven their then king charles the seventh , to bourges in berry the assembly of the three states in these pressures , being not able to meet after the usuall manner in full parlement because the countrey was unpassable , the enemy having made such firme invasions up and down through the very bowels of the kingdom ; that power which formerly was inhaerent in the parlementary assembly , of making laws , of assessing the subject with taxes , subsidiary levies , and other impositions , was transmitted to the king during the war ; which continueth many years , that entrusted power by length of time grew as it were habitual in him , and could never after be re-assumed and taken from him ; so that ever since , his edicts countervaile acts of parlement . and that which made the businesse more feasable for the king , was , that the burthen fell most upon the communalty ( the clergy and nobility not feeling the weight of it ) who were willing to see the peasan pull'd down a little , because not many years before , in that notable rebellion , call'd la jaquerie de beauvoisin , which was suppressed by charles the wise , the common people put themselves boldly in arms against the nobility and gentry , to lessen their power . adde hereunto as an advantage to the work , that the next succeeding king lewis the eleventh , was a close cunning prince , and could well tell how to play his game , and draw water to his own mill ; for amongst all the rest , he was said to be the first that put the kings of france , hors de page , out of their minority , or from being pages any more , though therby he brought the poor peasans to be worse than lacquays , and they may thank themselfs for it . neverthelesse , as that king hath an advantage hereby one way , to monarchize more absolutely , and never to want money , but to ballast his purse when he will ; so ther is another mighty inconvenience ariseth to him and his whole kingdom another way ; for this peeling of the peasan hath so dejected him , and cowed his native courage so much by the sense of poverty ( which brings along with it a narrownesse of 〈◊〉 ) that he is little usefull for the war : which put 's the french king to make other nations mercenary to him , to fill up his infantery : insomuch , that the kingdom of france may be not unfitly compared to a body that hath all it's bloud drawn up into the arms , breast and back , and scarce any le●…t from the girdle downwards , to cherish and bear up the lower parts , and keep them from starving . all this seriously considered , ther cannot be a more proper and pregnant example than this of our next neighbours , to prove how infinitly necessary the parlement is to assert , to prop up and preserve the publick liberty , and national rights of a peeple , with the incolumity and well-fare of a countrey . nor doth the subject only reap benefit thus by parlement , but the prince , ( if it be well consider'd ) hath equal advantage therby ; it rendreth him a king of free and able men , which is far more glorious than to be a king of cowards , beggars , and bankrupts ; men that by their freedom , and competency of wealth , are kept still in heart to do him service against any forrain force . and it is a tru maxime in all states , that 't is lesse danger and dishonour for the prince to be poor , than his people : rich subjects can make their king rich when they please , if he gain their hearts , he will quickly get their purses . parlement encreaseth love and good intelligence 'twixt him and his peeple , it acquaints him with the reality of things , and with the tru state and diseases of his kingdom , it brings him to the knowledg of his better sort of subjects , and of their abilities , which he may employ accordingly upon all occasions ; it provides for his royal issue , pays his debts , finds means to fill his coffers : and it is no ill observation , that parlementmoneys ( the great aid ) have prospered best with the kings of england ; it exceedingly raiseth his repute abroad , and enableth him to keep his foes in fear , his subjects in awe , his neighbours and confederates in security , the three main things which go to aggrandize a prince , and render him glorious . in summe , it is the parlement that supports , and bears up the honour of his crown , and settles his throne in safety , which is the chief end of all their consultations : for whosoever is entrusted to be a member of this high court , carryeth with him a double capacity ; he sits ther as a patriot , and as a subject : as he is the one , the country is his object , his duty being to vindicat the publick liberty , to make wholsom lawes , to put his hand to the pump , and stop the leaks of the great vessel of the state , to pry into , and punish corruption and oppression , to improve and advance trade , to have the grievances of the place he serves for redressed , and cast about how to find somthing that may tend to the advantage of it . but he must not forget that he sits ther also as a subject , and according to that capacity , he must apply himself to do his soveraignt businesse , to provide not only for his publick , but his personall wants ; to bear up the lustre and glory of his court ; to consider what occasions of extraordinary expences he may have , by encrease of royal issue , or maintenance of any of them abroad ; to enable him to vindicat any affront or indignity that might be offered to his person , crown , or dignity , by any forrain state or kingdom , or intestin rebellion ; to consult what may enlarge his honour , contentment , and pleasure . and as the french tacitus ( comines ) hath ●…t , the english nation was used to be more ●…orward and zealous in this particular than ●…ny other ; according that to ancient eloquent speech of a great lawyer , domus regis vigi●…a defendit omnium , otium illius labor omni●…m , deliciae illius industria omnium , vacatio ●…lius occupatio omnium , salus illius periculum ●…nium , honor illius objectum omnium . eve●… one shold stand centinell to defend the kings house , his safety shold be the danger of 〈◊〉 , his pleasures the industry of all , his ease ●…old be the labour of all , his honour the ob●…ct of all . out of these premisses this conclusion ●…ay be easily deduced , that , the principall ●…ntain whence the king derives his happiness and safety , is his parlement ; it is that great conduit-pipe which conveighes unto him his peoples bounty and gratitude ; the truest looking-glasse wherin he discernes their loves ; ( now the subjects love hath been always accounted the prime cittadell of a prince . ) in his parlement he appears as the sun in the meridian , in the altitude of his glory , in his highest state royal , as the law tells us . therfore whosoever is averse or disaffected to his soveraign law-making court ▪ cannot have his heart well planted within him , he can be neither good subject , no●… good patriot , and therfore unworthy to breath english aire , or have any benefit , advantage , or protection from the laws . sectio secunda . by that which hath bin spoken , which is the language of my heart , i hope no indifferent judicious reader will doubt of the cordiall affection , of the high respects and due reverence i bear to parlement , as being the wholsomest constitution , ( and done by the highest and happiest reach of policy that ever was established in this island ) to perpetuate the happinesse therof . therfore i must tell that gentleman , who was author of a book entituled the popish royal favorite , ( lately printed and exposed to the world ) that he offers me very hard measure ; nay , he doth me apparent wrong , to term me therin , no friend to parlement , and a malignant ▪ a character , which as i deserve it not , so i disdain it . for the first part of his charge , i wold have him know , that i am as much a friend and as reall an affectionat humble servant and votary to the parlement as possibly he can be , and will live and die with these affections about me : and i could wish , that he were secretary of my thoughts a while , or if i may take the boldnesse to apply that comparison his late majesty used in a famous speech to one of his parlements , i could wish ther were a chrystal window in my breast , through which the world might espye the inward motions and palpitations of my heart , then would he be certified of the sincerity of this protestation . for the second part of his charge , to be a malignant , i must confesse to have som malignity that lurks within me much against my will ; but it is no malignity of mind , it is amongst the humors , not in my intellectuals ; and i believe , ther is no naturall man , let him have his humors never so well ballanced , but hath som of this malignity reigning within him ; for as long as we are composed of the four elements , whence these humors are derived , and with whom they symbolize in qualities ; which elements the philosophers hold to be in a restlesse contention amongst themselves ( and the stoick thought that the world subsisted by this innated mutual strise ) as long i say , as the four humors , in imitation of their principles ( the elements ) are in perpetual reluctancy and combate for praedominancy , ther must be som malignity lodg'd within us , as adusted choler , and the like ; wherof i had late experience , in a dangerous fit of sicknesse it pleased god to lay upon me , which the physitians told me proceeded from the malignant hypocondriacall effects of melancholy ; having bin so long in this saturnine black condition of close imprisonment , and buryed alive between the walls of this fatal fleet : these kinds of malignities , i confesse are very rife in me , and they are not only incident , but connaturall to every man according to his complexion ; and were it not for this incessant strugling and enmity amongst the humors for mastery , which produceth such malignant effects in us , our souls wold be loth ever to depart from our bodies , or to abandon this mansion of clay . now what malignity my accuser means , i know not ; if he means malignity of spirit , as som antipathy or ill impression upon the mind , arising from disaffection , hatred , or rancor , with a desire of som destructive revenge , he is mightily deceived in me ; i maligne or hate no creature that ever god made but the devill , who is the author of all malignity ; and therfore is most commonly called in french le malin esprit , the malignant spirit . every night before i go to bed , i have the grace , i thank god for it , to forgive all the world , and not to harbour , or let roost in my bosom the least malignant thought ; yet none can deny , but the publick aspersions which this my accuser casts upon me , were enough to make me a malignant towards him ; yet it could never have the power to do it : for i have prevail'd with my self to forgive him this his wrong censure of me , issuing rather from his notknowledge of me , than from malice , for we never mingled speech , or saw one another in our lives to my remembrance ; which makes me wonder the more , that a professor of the law , as he is , shold pronounce such a positive sentence against me so slightly . but methinks i over-hear him say , that my precedent discourse of parlement is invol'd in generals , and the topique axiome tells us , that dolus versatur in universalibus , ther is double dealing in universals : his meaning is , that i am no friend to this present parlement ( though he speaks in the plurall number parlements ) and consequently , he concludes me a malignant ; therin i must tell him also , that i am traduc'd , and i am confident it will be never prov'd against me , from any actions , words , or letters ( though divers of mine have bin intercepted ) or any other misdemeanor , though som things are father'd upon me which never drop'd from my quill . alas , how unworthy and uncapable am i to censure the proceedings of that great senate , that high synedrion , wherin the wisdom of the whole state is epitomized ? it were a presumption in me , of the highest nature that could be : it is enough for me to pray for the prosperous successe of their consultations : and as i hold it my duty , so i have good reason so to do , in regard i am to have my share in the happinesse ; and could the utmost of my poor endeavours , by any ministerial humble office ( and somtimes the meanest boat-swain may help to preserve the ship from sinking ) be so happy , as to contribut any thing to advance that great work ( which i am in despair to do , while i am thus under hatches in this fleet , ) i wold esteem it the greatest honor that possibly could befall me , as i hold it now to be my greatest disaster , to have fallen so heavily under an affliction of this nature , and to be made a sacrifice to publick fame , than which there is no other proof , nor that yet urg'd against me , or any thing else produc'd after so long , so long captivity which hath brought me to suck a low ebbe , and put me so far behind in the course of my poor fortunes , and indeed more than halfe undone me . for although my whole life ( since i was left to my self to swim , as they say , without bladders ) has bin nothing else but a continued succession of crosses , and that there are but few red letters found ( god wot ) in the almanack of my age , ( for which i account not my self a whit the lesse happy ) yet this crosse has carried with it a greater weight , it hath bin of a larger extent , longer continuance , and lighted heavier upon me than any other ; and as i have present patience to beare it , so i hope for subsequent grace to make use of it accordingly , that my old motto may be still confirmed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he produceth my attestation for some passages in spaine at his majesties being there , and he quotes me right , which obligeth me to him ; and i hope all his quotations wherein he is so extraordinarily copious and elaborate in all his workes , are so ; yet i must tel him , that those interchangeable letters which pass'd between his majesty & the pope , which were originally couch'd in latin , the language wherin all nations treat with rome , and the empire with all the princes thereof , those letters i say are adulterated in many places , which i impute not to him , but to the french chronicler , from whom he took them in trust . the truth of that businesse is this ; the world knows there was a tedious treaty of an alliance 'twixt the infanta dona maria ( who now is empresse ) and his majesty , which in regard of the slow affected pace of the spaniard , lasted above ten yeares , as that in henry the sevenths time , 'twixt prince arthur , and ( afterwards ) queen katherine , was spun out above seven : to quicken , or rather to consummate the work , his majesty made that adventurous journey through the whole continent of france into spaine ; which voyage , though there was a great deale of gallantry in it ( wherof all posterity will ring untill it turne at last to a romance ) yet it prov'd the bane of the businesse , which 't is not the errand of so poor a pamphlet as this to unfold . his majesty being there arriv'd , the ignorant common people cried out , the prince of wales came thither to make himself a christian ; the pope writ to the inquisitor generall , and others , to use all industry they could to reduce him to the romane religion ; and one of olivares first complements to him , was , that he doubted not but that his highnesse came thither to change his religion : whereunto he made a short answer , that he came not thither for a religion but for a wife : there were extraordinary processions made , and other artifices us'd by protraction of things , to make him stay ther of purpose till the spring following , to work upon him the better ; and the infanta her self desir'd him ( which was esteem'd the greatest favour he received from her all the while ) to visit the nunne of carton , hoping that the say'd nunne , who was so much cried up for miracles , might have wrought one upon him ; but her art failed her , nor was his highness so weak a subject to work upon according to his late majesties speech to doctor mawe and wren , who when they came to kisse his hands before they went to spaine to attend the prince their master , he wish ed them to have a care of buckinham ; as touching his sonne charles , he apprehended no feare at all of him ; for he knew him to be so well grounded a protestant , that nothing could shake him in his religion . the arabian proverb is , that the sun never soiles in his passage , though his beams reverberate never so strongly , and dwell never so long upon the myry lake of maeotis , the black turf'd moores of holland , the aguish woose of kent and essex , or any other place , be it never so dirty ; though spaine be a hot countrey , yet one may passe and repasse through the very center of it , and never be sun-burnt , if he carry with him a bongrace , and such a one his majesty had . well , after his majesties arrivall to madrid , the treaty of marriage went on still , ( though he told them at his first comming , that he came not thither like an ambassador to treat of a marriage , but as a prince , to fetch home a wife ; ) and in regard they were of different religions , it could not be done without a dispensation from the pope , and the pope would grant none , unlesse some capitulations were stipulated in favour of the romish catholikes in england , ( the same in substance were agreed on with france . ) well , when the dispensation came , which was negotiated solely by the king of spains ministers ( because his majesty would have as little to do as might be with rome ) pope gregory the fifteenth , who died a little after , sent his majesty a letter , which was delivered by the nuncio , whereof an answer was sent a while after : which letters were imprinted and exposed to the view of the world , because his majesty would not have people whisper , that the businesse was carried in a clandestine manner . and truly besides this , i do not know of any letter , or message , or complement , that ever pass'd twixt his majesty and the pope afore or after ; some addresses peradventure might be made to the cardinalls , to whom the drawing of those matrimoniall dispatches was referred to quicken the work , but this was only by way of civil negotiation . now touching that responsory letter from his majesty , it was no other than a complement in the severest interpretation ; and such formalities passe 'twixt the crown of england , the great turke , the mogor and divers heathen princes . the pope writ first , and no man can deny , but by all morall rules , and in common humane civility his majesty was bound to answer it , specially considering how punctual they are in those countries to correspond in this kind , how exact they are repaying visits , with the performance of such ceremonies ; and had this compliance bin omitted , it might have made very ill impressions , as the posture of things stood then ; for it had prejudiced the great work in hand , i mean , the match , which was then in the heat and height of agitation , his majesties person was ther engaged , besides , and so it was no time to give the least offence : they that are never so little vers'd in businesse abroad , do know that ther must be addresses , compliances , and formalities of this nature us'd in the carriage of matters of state , as this great businesse was , wheron the eyes of all christendom were so greedily fix'd ; a businesse which was like to bring with it such an universal good , as the restitution of the palatinat , the quenching of those hideous fires in germany , and the establishing of a peace throughout all the christian world. i hope none will take offence , that in this particular which comes within the compasse of my knowledg ( being upon the stage when his scene was acted ) i do this right to the king my master , in displaying the truth , and putting her forth in her own colours , a rare thing in these days . touching the vocall forrest , an allegorical discourse , that goes abroad under my name , a good while before the beginning of this parlement , which this gentleman cites ( and that very faithfully , ) i understand ther be som that mutter at certain passages therin , by putting ill glosses upon the text , and taking with the left hand , what i offer with the right , ( nor is it a wonder for trees which ly open , and stand exposed to all weathers to be nipt . ) but i desire this favour , which in common justice , i am sure in the court of chancery cannot be denyed me , it being the priviledge of every author , and a received maxime through the world , cujus est condere , ejus est interpretari ; i say , i crave this favour , to have leave to expound my own text , and i doubt not then but to rectifie any one in his opinion of me , and that in lieu of the plums which i give him from those trees , he will not throw the stones at me . moreover , i desire those that are over criticall censu●…ers of that peece , to know , that as in divinity it is a rule , scriptur a parabolica non est argumentativa , so it is in all other kind of knowledg ; parables ( wherof that discourse is composed ) though pressed never so hard , prove nothing . the●… is another rule also , that parables must be gently used , like a nurses breast ; which if you presse too hard , you shall have bloud in stead of milk . but as the author of the vocall forrest thinks he hath done , neither his countrey , nor the common wealth of learning any prejudice therby ( that maiden fancy having received so good entertainment and respect abroad , as to be translated into divers languages , and to gain the publick approbation of som famous universities ) so he makes this humble protest unto all the world , that though the designe of that discourse was partly satyricall ( which peradventure induc'd the author to shrowd it of purpose under the shadowes of trees , and where should satyres be but amongst trees ? ) yet it never entred into his imagination to let fall from him the least thing that might give any offence to the high and honourable court of parlement , whereof he had the honour to be once a member , and hopes he may be thought worthy again : and were he guilty of such an offence , or piacle rather , he thinks he shold never forgive himself , though he were appointed his own judge . if ther occur any passages therin , that may admit a hard construction , let the reader observe , that the author doth not positively assert , or passe a judgement on any thing in that discourse , which consists principally of concise , cursory narrations of the choisest ▪ occurrences and criticismes of state , according as the pulse of time did beat then : and matters of state , as all other sublunary things , are subject to alterations , contingencies and change , which makes the opinions and minds of men vary accordingly . i will conclude with this modest request to that gentleman of the long robe ; that having unpassionately perus'd what i have written in this small discourse , in penning wherof , my conscience guided my quill all along as well as my hand , he wold please to be so charitable and just , as to reverse that harsh sentence upon me , to be no friend to parlements and a malignant . a glance upon the i le of wight , and upon the unparallell'd concessions of grace his majesty pass'd in that trety , &c. concluding with the horrid murther committed afterwards upon his sacred person . cui dabit partes scelus expiant iupiter ? a glance upon the i le of wight , or an inquisition after truth . who vindicats truth doth a good office not onely to his own country , but to all mankind ; it is the scope of this short discourse , viz. to make som researches after truth , and to rectifie the world accordingly in point of opinion , specially touching the first author and aggressor of the late ugly war in england , which brought with it such an inundation of bloud , and so did let in so huge a torrent of mischiefs to rush upon us . ther be many , and they not only presbyterians and independents , but cavaliers also , who think that the king had taken the guilt of all this bloud upon himself , in regard of that concession he passed in the preamble of the late treaty at the isle of wight ; the aim of this paper is to clear that point , but in so temperat a way , that i hope 't will give no cause of exception , much lesse of offence to any : the bloud that 's sought after here , shall not be mingled with gaule , much lesse with any venom at all . we know ther is no principle either in divinity , law or philosophy , but may be wrested to a wrong sense ; ther is no truth so demonstrative and clear , but may be subject to cavillations ; no tenet so plain , but perverse inferences may be drawn out of it ; such a fate befell that preambular concession his majesty passed at the transactions of the late treaty , in that he acknowledg'd therin that the two houses of parlement were necessitated to undertake a war in their own just and lawful defence , &c. and that therfore all oaths , declarations , or other public instruments against the houses of parlement , or any for adhering to them , &c. be declared null , suppressed , and forbidden . 't is true , his majesty passed this grant , but with this weighty consideration as it had reference to two ends . first , to smoothen and facilitate things thereby to open a passage , and pave the way to a happy peace , which this poor iland did so thirst after , having bin so long glutted with civil blood . secondly , that it might conduce to the further security , and the indemnifying of the two houses of parlement , with all their instruments , assistants , and adherents , and so rid them of all jealousies , and fear of future dangers which still lodg'd within them . now touching the expressions and words of this grant , they were not his own , nor did he give order for the dictating or penning thereof ; the king was not the author of them , but an assentor only unto them : nor was he or his party accus'd , or as much as mentioned in any of them , to draw the least guilt upon themselves . besides , he pass'd them as he doth all lawes and acts of parlement , which in case of absence another may do for him in his politic capacity , therfore they cannot prejudice his person any way . i am loth to say that he condescended to this grant , — cum strict a novacula supra , when the razor was as it were at his throat , when ther was an army of about thirty thousand effectif horse and foot that were in motion against him , when his person had continued under a black long lingring restraint , and dangerous menacing petitions and papers daily ob●…ruded against him . moreover , his majesty pass'd this concession with these two provisos and reservations , first , that it should be of no vertu or validity at all , till the whole treaty were intirely consummated ; secondly , that he might when he pleas'd inlarge and cleer the truth with the reservednesse of his meaning herein , by public declaration : now the treaty being confusedly huddled up , without discussing , or as much as receiving any proposition from himself as was capitulated , ( and reciprocall proposalls are of the essence of all treaties ) it could neither bind him , or turne any way to his disadvantage : therfore under favour , ther was too much hast us'd by the parlement , to draw that hipothetick or provisional concession to the form of an act so suddenly after in the very heat of the treaty , without his majesties knowledg , or the least intimation of his pleasure . add hereunto , that this grant was but a meer preambular proposition , 't was not of the essence of the treaty it self : and as the philosophers and schoolemen tell us , there is no valid proof can be drawn out of proemes , introductions or corollaries in any science , but out of the positive assertions and body of the text , which is only argument-proof ; so in the constitutions and laws of england , as also in all accusations and charges , forerunning prefaces & preambles ( which commonly weak causes want most ) are not pleadable : and though they use to be first in place , like gentlemen-ushers , yet are they last in dignity , as also in framing , nor had they ever the force of laws , but may be term'd their attendants to make way for them . besides , ther 's not a syllable in this preface which repeals or connives at any former law of the land , therefore those laws that so strictly inhibit english subjects to raise armes against their liege lord the king , and those lawes è contrario which exempt from all dangers , penalties or molestation , any subject that adheres to the person of the king in any cause or buarrell whatsoever , are still in force . furthermore , this introductory concession of the kings , wherein he is contented to declare , that the two houses were necessitated to take armes for their defence , may be said to have relation to the necessity , à parte pòst , not à parte antè : self-defence is the universall law of nature , and it extends to all other cretures , as well as to the rationall : as the fluent roman orator in that sentence of his , which is accounted among the critiques the excellentest that ever drop'd from cicero ; est enim haec non scripta , sed nata lex quam non didicimus , accepimus , legimus , verum ex natura ipsa arripuimus , hausimus , expressimus , ad quam non docti , sed facti , non instituti , sed imbuti sum●…s , ut si vita nostra in &c. for this ( meaning self-defence ) is not a written , but a law born with us ; a law which we have not learnt , receiv'd or read , but that which we have suck'd , drawn forth , and wrung out of the very brests of nature her self ; a law to which we are not taught , but made unto , wherwith we are not instructed , but indued withall , that if our lifes be in jeopardy , &c. we may repel force by force . therfore when the house of parliament had drawn upon them a necessity of self defence ( and i could have wish'd it had bin against any other but their own soverain prince ) his majesty was contented to acknowledge that necessity . as for example : a man of war meets with a marchant man at sea , he makes towards him , and assaults him ; the marchant man having a good stout vessell under him , and resolute , generous seamen , bears up against him , gives him a whole broad-side , and shoots him 'twixt wind and water ; so there happens a furious fight betwixt them , which being ended , the marchant cannot deny but that the man of war , though the first assailant , was necessitated to fight , and that justly in his own defence , which necessity he drew upon himself , and so was excusable , à posteriori , not à priori ; as the civilians speak of a clandestine marriage , fieri non debuit , sed factum valet ; it ought not to have been , but being done 't is valid : wherunto relates another saying , multa sunt quae non nisi per acta approbantur . ther are many things which are not allowable til they are pass'd . the kings of france have had sundry civil wars , they have had many bloudy encounters and clashes with their subjects , specially the last king lewis the thirteenth , which turn'd all at last to his advantage ; among other treaties in that of loudun , he was by force of article to publish an edict , dont lequel le roy approuvoit tout le passé comme ayant esté fait pour son service , &c. wherin the king approv'd of all that w●…s pass'd , as done for his service , &c. and these concessions and extenuations are usuall at the close of most civil wars , but ther was never any further advantage made of them , then to make the adverse party more capable of grace and pardon , as also to enable them to bear up against the brunt of laws , and secure them more firmly from all after-claps ; they were pass'd in order to an act of abolition , to a generall pardon , and consequently to a re-establishment of peace ; now , peace and war ( we know ) are like water and ice , they engender one another : but i do not remember to have read either in the french history , or any other , that such royal concessions at the period of any intestin war were ever wrung so hard , as to draw any inference from them , to cast therby the guilt of bloud , or indeed the least stain of dishonour upon the king ; for royal indulgences and grants of this nature are like nurses breasts , if you presse them gently ther will milk come forth , if you wring them too hard you will draw forth bloud in lieu of milk : and i have observed that the conclusion of such treaties in france , both parties wold hugg and mutually embrace one another in a gallant way of national humanity ; all rancor , all plundrings , sequestration , and imprisonment wold cease , nor wold any be prosecuted , much lesse made away afterwards in cold bloud . touching the comencer of this monstrous war of ours , the world knows too well , that the first man of bloud was blew-cap , who shew'd subjects the way , how to present their king with petitions upon the pikes point , and what visible judgements have fallen upon him since , by such confusions of discord and pestilence at home , and irreparable dishonour abroad , let the world judge . the irish took his rise from him : and wheras it hath bin often suggested , that his majesty had foreknowledge therof , among a world of convincing arguments which may clear him in this particular , the lord maguair upon the ladder , and another upon the scaffold , when they were ready to breath their last , and to appear before the tribunall of heaven , did absolutely acquit the king , and that spontaneously of their own accord , being unsought unto , but only out of a love to truth , and discharge of a good conscience : but touching those cruentous irish wars , in regard ther was nothing wherof more advantage was made against his late majesty , to imbitter and poyson the hearts of his subjects against him then that rebellion , i will take leave to wind up the main causes of them upon a small bottom as was spoken elsewhere . 1. they who kept intelligence and complyed with the scot , in his first and second insurrection . 2. they who dismiss'd the first irish commissioners ( who came of purpose to attend our parlement with som grievances ) with such a short unpolitic harsh answer . 3. they who took off straffords head , ( which had it stood on , that rebellion had never been ) and afterwards retarded the dispatch of the earl of leicester from going over to be lord-lievtenant . 4. lastly , they , who hindred part of that disbanded army of 8000 men rais'd there by the earl of strafford , which his majesty , in regard they were souldiers of fortune , and loose casheer'd men , to prevent the mischiefs that might befall that kingdome , by their insolencies , had promised the two spanish ambassadors , the marquesses of veloda and malvezzi , then resident in this court ; which souldiers rise up first of any , and put fire to the tumult to find somthing to do . they , i say , who did all this , may be justly said to have bin the tru causes of that horrid insurrection in ireland ; and consequently 't is easie to judge upon the account of whose souls must be laid the bloud of those hundred and odd thousand poor christians who perished in that war ▪ and had it bin possible to have brought o're their bodies unputrified to england , and to have cast them at the lower house door , and in the presence of som members , which are now either secluded , or gone to give an account in another world , i believe their noses wold have gush'd out with bloud for discovery of the tru murtherers . touching this last fire-brand of war , which was thrown into england , who they were that kindled it first , the consciences of those indifferent and unbiassed men are sittest to be judges , who have bin curious to observe with impartial eyes , the carriage of things from the beginning . i confesse , 't was a fatal unfortunat thing , that the king shold put such a distance 'twixt his person and his parlement , but a more fatal and barbarous thing it was , that he should be driven away from it , that there should be a desperate designe to surprize his person , that ven with his myrmidons , and bourges with his bandogs , ( for so ▪ they calld the riffraff of the city they brought along with them ) should rabble him away , with above four parts in five of the lords , and near upon two parts in three of the commons : yet 't is fit it should be remembred , what reiterated messages his majesty sent from time to time afterward , that he was alwaies ready to return , provided there might be a course taken to secure his person , with those peers and other who were rioted away from the houses , 't is fit it should be remembred , that there was not the least motion of war at all , till hotham kept his majesty out of his own town kingston upon hull , ( for the name whereof shew'd whose town it was ) where being attended by a few of his meniall servants , he came onely to visit her , having peaceably sent the duke of york , and the palsgrave thither the day before ) which act of hotham's by shutting the gates against him was voted warrantable by the house of commons , and it may be call'd the first thunderbolt of war : 't is fit it should be remembred , that a while after there was a compleate army of 16000. effectif horse and foot inrolled in and about london to fetch him to his parliament by force , and remove ill counsellours from about him , ( long before he put up his royal standard ) and the generall then nam'd was to live and die with them : and very observable it is , how that generalls father was executed for a traytor , for but attempting such a thing upon queen elizabeth , i mean to remove ill counsellors from about her by force . 't is also to be observed , that the same army which was rais'd to bring him to his parliament , was continued to a clean contrary end two years afterwards to keep him from his parliament . 't is fit it should be remembred , who interdicted trade first , and brought in forraigners to help them , and whose commissions of war were neere upon two moneths date before the kings . 't is fit it should be remembred how his majesty in all his declarations and publick instruments made alwaies deep protestations , that 't was not against his parliament he raised armes , but against some seditious members , against whom he had onely desired the common benefit of the law , but could not obtain it ; 't is fit to remember , that after any good successes and advantages of his , he still courted both parliament and city to an accommodation ; how upon the treaty at uxbridge , with much importunity for the generall advantage and comfort of his peeple , and to prepare matters more fitly for a peace , he desired there might be freedom of trade from town to town , and a cessation of all acts of hostility for the time , that the inflammation being allayed , the wound might be cur●…d the sooner ; all which was denyed him . 't is fit to remember how a noble lord ( the earl of southampton ) at that time told the parliaments commissioners in his majesties name , at the most unhappy rupture of the said treaty , that when he was at the highest he would be ready to treat with them , and fight them when he was at the lowest : 't is fit the present army should remember how often both in their proposalls , and publick declarations they have inform'd the world , and deeply protested that their principall aime was to restore his majesty to honour , freedom and safety , whereunto they were formerly bound , both by their own protestation and covenant , that the two commanders in chief pawn'd unto him their soules thereupon . let them remember , that since he was first snatch'd away to the custody of the army by cromwells plot , who said , that if they had the person of the king in their power , they had the parliament in their pockets . i say being kept by the army , he never displeas'd them in the least particular , but in all his overtures for peace , and in all his propositions he had regard still that the army should be satisfied : let it be remembred , that to settle a blessed peace , to preserve his subjects from rapine and ruine , and to give contentment to his parliament , he did in effect freely part with his sword , scepter , and crown , and ev'ry thing that was proprietary to him : let it be remembred with what an admired temper , with what prudence and constancy , with what moderation and mansuetude he comported himself since his deep afflictions , insomuch that those commissioners and others who resorted unto him , and had had their hearts so averse unto him before , return'd his converts , crying him up to be one of the sanctifiedst persons upon earth : and will not the bloud of such a prince cry loud for vengeance ? bloud is a crying sin , but that of kings cryes loudest for revenge , and ruine brings . let it be remembred , that though there be some precedents of deposing kings in his kingdom , and elsewhere , when there was a competition for the right title to the crown by some other of the bloud royall , yet 't is a thing not onely unsampled , but unheard of in any age , that a king of england whose title was without the least scruple , should be summon'd and arraign'd , tryed , condemned , and executed in his own kingdom , by his own subjects , and by the name of their own king , to whom they had sworn alleagiance . the meanest student that hath but tasted the laws of the land can tell you , that it is an unquestionable fundamentall maxime , the king can do no wrong , because he acts by the mediation of his agents and ministers , he heares with other mens eares , he sees with other mens eyes , he consults with other mens braines , he executes with other mens hands , and judges with other mens consciences ; therefore his officers counsellors or favorites are punishable , not he : and i know not one yet whom he hath spar'd , but sacrificed to justice . the crown of england is of so coruscant and pure a mettall ▪ that it cannot receive the least taint or blemish ; and if there were any before in the person of the prince , it takes them all away and makes him to be rectus in curia . this as in many others may be exemplified in henry the seventh , and the late queen elizabeth : when she first came to the crown 't was mention'd in parlement , that the attainder might be taken off him , under which he lay all the time he liv'd an exile in france ; it was then by the whole house of parlement resolv'd upon the question , that it was unnecessary , because the crown purg'd all . so likewise when queen elizabeth was brought as it were from the scaffold to the throne ; though she was under a former attainder , yet 't was thought superfluous to take it off , for the crown washeth away all spots , and darteth such a brightnesse , such resplendent beams of majesty , that quite dispell all former clouds : so that put case king iames died a violent death , and his son had been accessary to it , ( which is as base a lie as ever the devil belch'd out ) yet his accesse to the crown had purged all . this businesse about the playster which was applyed to king iames , was sifted and winnow'd as narrowly as possibly a thing could be in former parlements , yet when it was exhibited as an article against the duke of buckingham , 't was term'd but a presumption or misdemeanure of a high nature : and 't is strange that these new accusers shold make that a parricide in the king , which was found but a presumption in the duke , who in case it had been so , must needs have been the chiefest accessary . and as the ancient crown and royall diadem of england is made of such pure allay , and cast in so dainty a mould , that it can receive no taint , or contract the least speck of enormity and foulenesse in it self , so it doth endow the person of the prince that weares it with such high prerogatives ; that it exempts him from all sorts of publique blemishes ; from all attainders , empeachments , summons , arraignments and tryalls ; nor is there or ever was any law or precedent in this land , to lay any crime or capitall charge against him , though touching civill matters : touching propertie of meum and tuum , he may be impleaded by the meanest vassall that hath sworn fealty to him ; as the subjects of france and spaine may against their kings , though never so absolute monarchs . in the constitutions of england , there are two incontroulable maximes , whereof the meanest mootman that hath but saluted littleton cannot be ignorant : the first is , rex in suis dominiis neque habet parem , nec superiorem . the king in his own dominions hath neither peer , or superior . the other is satis habet rex ad poenam quod deum expectet ultorem : 't is punishment enough for a king that god will take revenge of him : therefore if it be the fundamentall constitution of the land , that all just tryalls must be by teers , and that the law proclaimes the king to have no peer in his own dominions , i leave the world to judg , what capacity or power those men had to arraign their late king , to be in effect his accusers and iudges ; and that an exorbitant unsampled tribunall should be erected , with power and purpose to condemn all to cleer none , and that sentence of death should passe without conviction or law upon him that was the heard and protector of all the lawes . lastly , that they who by their own confession represent but the common people , should assume power to cut off him who immediately represented god , cui dabit partes scelus expiandi iupiter ? — well , we have seen such portentous things , that former ages never beheld , nor will future ages ever be witnesse of the like : nay , posterity , after a century or two of yeers will hold what is now really acted to be but romances . and now with thoughts full of consternation and horror , and a heart trembling with amazement and sorrow for the crying flagrant sins of this forlorn nation , specially for that fresh infandous murther committed upon the sacred person of his majesty , i conclude with this hepastick , wherein all cretures ( though irrationall ) that have sence , yea the very vegetalls seeme to abhor so damnable a fact . so fell the royal oake by a wild crew of mongrel shrubs which underneath him grew ; so fell the lion by a pack of currs ; so the rose witherd 'twixt a knot of burrs . so fell the eagle by a swarme of gnatts , so the whale perish'd by a shoale of spratts . in the prison of the fleet 25. febr. 1648. i. h. advice sent from the prime statesmen of florence , how england may come to herself again , which is , to call in the king , not upon articles , but in a free confident way : which advice came immediatly upon the readmission of the secluded members , and coppies therof being delivered to the chiefest of them. it produc'd happy effects . a letter sent from the city of florence , written by a great counsellor there , touching the present distempers of england ; wherein he , with som of the prime statesmen in florence passe their iudgements which is the onely way to compose the said distempers . to my honored , and most endeared patron . it is no small diminution to my former happinesse that i have not receiv'd your commands any time these two moneths , which makes me lodg within me certain apprehensions of fear that som disaste●… might befall you in those new distractions , therefore i pray be pleased to pull this thorn out of my thoughts as speedily as it may stand with your conveniency . we are not here so barren of intelligence , but we have weekly advice of your present confusions , and truly the severest sort of speculative persons here who use to observe the method of providence , do not stick to say , that the hand of heaven doth visibly stirre therein , and that those distractions in army , state , and city are apparent judgements from above , for if one revolve the stories of former times , as i have done many ( but you more ) he will find that it hath been alwaies an inevitable fate which useth to hang over all popular insurrections to end in confusion and disorders among the chief actors themselfs at last ; and we have had divers examples thereof here among us , which hath caus'd us to be so long in quietnesse and peace . but truly sir , give me leave to tell you that your nation hath lost much of their repute abroad all the world over in statu quo nunc ; som do laugh at you ; others do scorn , and hate you ; and som do pitty and comiserat you . they who laugh at you , think you are no better than mand men ▪ having strange magots in your brains bred out of the fat of so long wanton plenty , and peace . they who scorn and hate you , do it for your sacriledge , your horrendous sacrileges , the like whereof was never committed on earth since christianity had first a hole to put her head in . they who pitty you are few , and we are of the nomber of them , as well in the common sense of humanity , as for the advantages , and improvement of wealth which this state hath receiv'd by your trading at ligorne , for that town doth acknowledge her prosperity , and that she is arrived to this flourishing estate of riches , of buildings and bravery by the correspondence she hath had this latter age with england in point of commerce , which yet we find doth insensibly impair every day , and i believe you feel it more ; therefore out of the well-wishes , and true affections we bear unto england , some of the most serious , and soberest persons of this place who are well seasoned in the world , and have studyed men under divers climes , and conversed also much with heavenly bodies , had lately a private junto , or meeting , whereunto i was admitted for one , and two of us had been in england where we received sundry free civilities ; our main businesse was to discourse , and descant upon these sad confusions , and calamitous condition wherein england with the adjoyning kingdomes are at present involved , and what might extricate her out of this labyrinth of distractions , and reduce her to a setled government ; having long canvased the businesse , and banded arguments pro & con with much earnestnesse , all our opinious did concenter at last in this point , that there was no probable way under heaven to settle a fast , and firm government among you , then for the men that are now upon the stage of power to make a speedy application to their own king , their own liege lord and soveraigne , whom god , and nature hath put over them ; let●… them beat their brains , scrue up their witts , and put all the policy they have upon the tenterhooks as farre as possibly they can , yet they will never be able to establish a durable standing government otherwise , they do but dance in a circle all this while , for the government will turn at last to the same point it was before ▪ viz. to monarchy , and this king will be restored to his royall inheritances , maugre all the cacodaemons of hell : our astrologers here , specially the famous antonio fiselli hath had notes to look into the horoscope of his nativity , and what predictions he hath made hitherto of him have proved true to my knowledge , he now confidently averrs , with the concurrence of the rest , that the aspect of all the starrs , and conjunction of the planetts much favour him the next two yeares ; nam medium coeli in genitura caroli secundi regis angliae juxta axiomata astrologiae genethliacae dirigitur ad radios sextiles lun●… anno domini 1660. & significat acc●…ssum ad dominum , for the medium coeli in the geniture of charles the second according to the axiomes of genethliacall astrology is directed to the sextile rayes of the moon , and signifies an accesse to dominion . adde hereunto that a most lucky conjunction followes the same year , in the very centre of the said kings horoscope betwixt iupiter and sol in the moneth of september . when i was employed by this state in paris not many years agoe , i had occasion to make my addresse to your young king , and when i observed his physiognomy , and the lineaments of his face , i seemed to discern in it something extraordinary above vulgar countenances , and that he carryed a majesty in his very looks , and noting besides the goodly procerity , and constitution of his body , he seemed to be cut out for a king. now , in point of extraction , and lineage , it cannot be denyed but he is one of the greatest born princes that ever was in the world ; for whereas his grand-father , and father were allyed onely if you regard forraigne consanguinity , to the house of denmark and the guyses , this king bears in his veines not onely that bloud , but also the blouds of all the great princes of christendom , being nearly linked to the house of bourbon and france , to the house of austria , and consequently to the emperour , and spaine , as also to the duke of savoy , and our grand-duke : moreover he is nearly allyed to all the greatest princes of germany , as the saxe , brandenburg , bavaria , the palsgrave , and to the duke of lorain who descends in the directest line from charlemain ; adde hereunto that the young prince of orenge is his nephew , and which is considerable he is a pure englishman born , whereas your two former kings were forreigners . the queen his mother is of as glorious an extraction , which makes me admire the frontlesse impudence of some of your poor pamphletors who call her ever and anon the little queen , notwithstanding that the world knowes her to be the daughter of henry the great , and queen of great britain , which title and character is indelible , and must die with her. hereunto may be adjoyn'd , that this young king is now mounted to the meridian of his age , and maturity of judgement to govern , and doubtlesse hee is like to make a rare governour , having this advantage of all other soverain princes in the world to have been bredd up in the schoole of affliction so long , to have travelled so many strange countreys and observed the humors of so many nations . but to come to the cardinall point of our communication , after divers debates , and alterations how england might be brought to a stable condition of tranquility and perfect peace , to her former lustre , and glory , the finall result of all , ended in this , that there was no other imaginable meanes to do it then for you to make a timely and fitting humble addresse unto your own king , and without question it is in his power to grant you such an absolute pardon , such an abolition of all things pass'd , such a gracious amnestia , such royall concessions that may extend to the security of every person for the future that was engaged in these your revolutions , both touching his life and fortunes ; unlesse their guilt of conscience be such that like cain or iudas they thinke their sinne is greater then can be forgiven them . now the mode of your application to him may avail much , for if you chopp logique with him too farr , and stand upon puntillios , and too rigid termes , if you shew your selfs full of feares , jealousies , and distrusts , it will intangle , and quite marr the businesse , for in a soveraign prince ther must be an implicit , unavoidable necessary trust repos'd by his peeple , which all the laws that mans brain can possibly invent cannot provide against ; therefore if you proceed in a frank , and confident tru english way you may work upon his affections more powerfully , and overcome him sooner so , then by any outward arms , this way will make such tender impressions , upon that he will grant more then you can possibly expect . some forein historians as the french comines and our guicciardin do cry up the english nation for using to love their king in a more intense degree then other peeple , and to regard his honour in a higher strain , to support which they have bin alwayes so ready , and cheerful both with their persons and purses ; there is now a fair opportunity offered to rake up the embers of these old affections , and to recover the reputation of tru englishmen ; there is no peeple but may sometimes stand in their own light , go astray , and err , for error was one of the first frailties that were entayled upon man ( and his posterity ) as soon as he was thrust out of paradis ; 't is a human thing to err , but to persevere in an error is diabolicall ; you shall do well and wisely to follow the example of the spanish mule , who out of a kind of wantonesse being gone out of the high beaten road into a by path , which led her to a dirty narrow lane full of pitts and holes , at last she came to the top of a huge hideous rock where she could go no farther , for before her ther was inevitable destruction , and the lane was so narrow that she could not turn her body back , therupon in this extremity she put one foot gently after an other , and crablike went backward untill she came again to the common road ; this must be your course , by a gentle retrogradation to come into the kings high road again , and ther is no question but he will meet you more than three parts of the way : if you do not , truly in our opinions you will precipitat your selfs down a rock of inevitable destruction ; for heaven and earth are conspir'd to restore him , and though all the spirits of the air shold joyn with you , you shall not be able to oppose it . i presume you are not ignorant how ●…he two great monarks of spain and france ( which may be said to be the main poles wheron europe doth move ) have comprehended him within the private capitulations of peace , the emperour hath promised to wed his quarrell , and there is no prince or state in christendom but would gladly reach a frendly hand to restore him , being depriv'd of his birth-right , and his royal indubitable inheritance ( as you your felfs confesse ) for observing the fifth commandement , for obeying his father and mother ; from which birth-right he may be said to have been thrust out when he was in the state of innocency , being but in a manner a child , and very young then . now touching your selfs i will not flatter you , but plainly tell you that you have not one friend any where beyond the seas , nay your great confederate the swed ( as i had good intelligence ) could upbraid one of your ambassadors that are now there , that he had not washed his hands clean since they had been embrued in his princes bloud . the time that i sojourned in england i was curious to read your annals , and to make some inspections into your laws , and method of government ; as also into the genius of the peeple , and i find there is no species of government that suits better with the nature of the inhabitants , the quality of the clime , and relates more directly to the civil constitutions , laws , and customs of the land then monarchal ; the i le of great britain hath been alwaies a royall island from her very creation , from her infancy , she may be said to have worn a crown in her cradle , and although she had four or five revolutions and changes of masters , yet she still continued royal , whereunto alludes a saying that i observed in your old records , britannia ab initio mundi semper fuit regia , & regimen illiu●… simile illi caelorum : great britain hath been from the beginning of the world royall , and her government like that of the heavens . therefore , all these premises being weighed in the balance of true judgement you shall do well , and wisely to recollect your selfs , and call in your hopefull young king , whose title your consciences do acknowledge to be unquestionable , otherwise it is not onely improbable but impossible for england to be her self again , and to be setled in any stable government which may reach to posterity ; you may wind up your wits as high as you can , you may consult with your first , second , and third thoughts , but will never be able to settle a fixed government , you will be still at a losse , your debates will be like a skeyn of ravell'd threed , you will be in a labyrinth of confusions , and the end of one , will be still the beginning of another . to conclude , the current and concurrent opinion of all ministers of state here both forren and florentine is , that if you do not make a timely application to your king , you will have all the princes of christendom about your ears , and what a sad calamitous country , what an aceldama will england be then ? therefore if there be a true patriot , and publick soul amongst you , if there be ever any drops of true english bloud running in your veins , or the least spark of nationall fire and affections glowing in your bosoms toward your own dear country , prevent these imminent dangers , and invite your king by discreet and moderate proposals ; the gallant samnit general could tell the romans who had over powred them , that if they gave them easie and gentle capitulations they would perform them , but if they would tye them to too high and strict terms , they would observe them no longer then they cold have opportunity to break them . touching the affairs of italy , we are like to have a general blessed peace this side the alpes , and lombardy who hath been so pittifully harass'd a long time , and hath had her face so often scratch'd , is in a fair way to recover her former beauty ; signor giovanni palavicino , and d. lorenzo minuccio convey their most affectionate respects unto you , and so doth your entire , and faithfull servant . florence this 12th . of march , 1659. ther are divers other large peeces tending to the same subject , which shall be published in the second tome . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a70276-e19310 finch , &c. mechanicks ▪ mariners . 〈◊〉 stra●… . bishops . sco●… . m. hert. e. south . e. westm. e. worce . e. dover . wales . digbies . e. pemb. e wa●…w . arondelle . her majesty . notes for div a70276-e20430 m. hamilt . scot. plut. notes for div a70276-e21690 the scot. the irish. england . historical relations, or, a discovery of the true causes why ireland was never intirely subdu'd nor brought under obedience of the crown of england until the beginning of the reign of king james of happy memory / by ... john davis ... davies, john, 1625-1693. 1666 approx. 309 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 135 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a37237 wing d402 estc r14019 11914920 ocm 11914920 50943 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37237) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50943) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 813:12) historical relations, or, a discovery of the true causes why ireland was never intirely subdu'd nor brought under obedience of the crown of england until the beginning of the reign of king james of happy memory / by ... john davis ... davies, john, 1625-1693. the third edition corrected and amended. [4], 225 p. printed for samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1666. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -17th century. 2005-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-01 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion historical relations : or , a discovery of the true causes why ireland was never intirely subdu'd nor brought under obedience of the crown of england . until the beginning of the reign of king james of happy memory . by sir john davis knight . his majesties attorney general of ireland . the third edition corrected and amended . dublin , printed for samuel dancer , bookseller in castlestreet . 1666. the printer to the reader . the former edition of this book being rarely now to be got , and much sought after by many , for the worth thereof , i procured from the honourable sir james ware , one of the former printed books , according to which i now publish this second edition . the author of the work , was sir john davis , a learned man , and an excellent orator , who for his great abilities , was by king james first made his solicitor , and afterwards his attorney-general in this kingdom of ireland : which place he discharged for divers years , and having access to the records , from them , for the most part , as from the purest fountains , he gathered these his observations . a discovery of the true causes why ireland was never entirely subdued , and brought under obedience of the crown of england , until the beginning of his majesties happy reign . during the time of my service in ireland ( which began in the first year of his majesties reign ) i have visited also the provinces of that kingdom , in sundry journeys and circuits . wherein i have observed the good temperature of the ayre ; the fruitfulness of the soyl ; the pleasant and commodious seats for habitation ; the safe and large ports and havens lying open for traffick , into all the west parts of the world ; the long inlets of many navigable rivers , and so many great lakes , and fresh ponds within the land ; ( as the like are not to be seen in any part of europe ) the rich fishings , and wilde fowl of all kinds ; and lastly , the bodies and mindes of the people , endued with extraordinary abilities of nature . the observation whereof , hath bred in me some curiosity , to consider , what were the true causes , why this kingdom , whereof our kings of england have borne the title of soveraign lords , for the space of four hundred and odde years ( a period of time wherein divers great monarchies have risen from barbarism to civility , and fallen again to ruine ) was not in al that space of time , thoroughly subdued and reduced to obedience of the crown of england , although there hath been almost a continual war between the english and the irish ; and why the manners of the meer irish are so little altered since the days of king henry the second , as appeareth by the description made by giraldus cambrensis , ( who lived and wrote in that time ) albeit , there have been since that time , so many english colonies planted in ireland , as that , if the people were numbered at this day by the poll , such as are descended of english race , would be found more in number than the ancient natives . and truly , upon consideration of the conduct and passage of affairs in former times , i find , that the state of england ought to be cleared of an imputation , which a vulgar errour hath cast upon it , in one point ; namely , that ireland long since might have been subdued and reduced to civility , if some statesmen in policy , had not thought it more fit to continue that realm in barbarism . doubtless , this vulgar opinion ( or report ) hath no true ground , but did first arise either out of ignorance , or out of malice . for it will appear by that which shall hereafter be laid down in this discourse , that ever since our nation had any footing in this land , the state of england did earnestly desire , and i did accordingly endeavour from time to time , to perfect the conquest of this kingdom , but that in every age there were found such impediments and defects in both realms , as caused almost an impossibility , that things should have been otherwise than they were . the defects which hindred the perfection of the conquest of ireland , were of two kindes , and consisted , first , in the faint prosecution of the war , and next , in the looseness of the civil government . for , the husbandman must first break the land , before it be made capable of good seed : and when it is thoroughly broken and manured , if we do not forthwith cast good seed into it , it will grow wilde again , and bear nothing but weeds . so a barbarous country must be first broken by a war , before it will be capable of good government ; and when it is fully subdued and conquered , if it be not well planted and governed after the conquest , it will eft soons return to the former barbarism . touching the carriage of the martial affairs , from the seventeenth year of king henry the second , when the first overture was made for the conquest of ireland ( i mean , the first after the norman conquest of england ) until the nine and thirtieth year of queen elizabeth , when that ) royal army was sent over to suppress tirones rebellion , which made in the end an universal and absolute conquest of all the irishrie : it is most certain , that the english forces sent hither , or raised here from time to time , were ever too weak to subdue and master so many warlike nations ( or septs ) of the irish , as did possess this island ; and besides their weakness , they were ill paid , and worse governed . and if at any time there came over an army of competent strength and power , it did rather terrifie , than break and subdue this people , being ever broken and dissolved by some one accident or other , before the perfection of the conquest . for , that i call a perfect conquest of a countrey , which doth reduce all the people thereof to the condition of subjects : and those i call subjects , which are governed by the ordinary laws and magistrates of the soveraign . for , though the prince doth bear the title of soveraign lord of an entire countrey , ( as our kings did of all ireland ) yet if there be two third parts of that countrey wherein he cannot punish treasons , murthers , or thefts , unless he send an army to do it ; if the jurisdiction of his ordinary courts of justice doth not extend into those parts to protect the people from wrong and oppression ; if he have no certain revenue , no escheates or forfeitures out of the same , i cannot justly say , that such a countrey is wholly conquered . first then , that we may judge and discern whether the english forces in ireland were at any time of sufficient strength , to make a full and final conquest of that land , let us see what extraordinary armies have been transmitted out of england thither , and what ordinary forces have been maintained there , and what service they have performed from time to time , since the seventeenth year of king henry the second . in that year , mac murugh lord of leinster , being oppressed by the lords of meath and connaught , and expelled out of his territory , moved king henry the second to invade ireland , and made an overture unto him for the obtaining of the soveraign lordship thereof . the king refused to undertake the war himself , to avoid the charge ( as king henry the seventh refused to undertake the discovery of the indies for the same cause ) but he gave license by his letters patents , that such of his subjects might pass over into ireland , as would at their own charge become adventurers in that enterprize . so as the first attempt to conquer this kingdom , was but an adventure of a few private gentlemen . fitz-stephen and fitz-gerald first brake the ice , with a party of three hundred ninety men . the earl strongbow followed them with twelve hundred more , whose good success upon the sea-coasts of leinster and mounster , drew over the king in person the next year after , cum quingentis militibus , as giraldus cambrensis reporteth , who was present in ireland at that time . which , if they were but five hundred souldiers , seemeth too small a train for so great a prince . but admit they were five hundred knights , yet because in those days every knight was not a commander of a regiment , or company , but most of them served as private men , ( sometimes a hundred knights under a spear ) as appeareth by the lists of the ancient armies , we cannot conjecture his army to have been so great , as might suffice to conquer all ireland , being divided into so many principalities , and having so many hydraes heads , as it had at that time . for albeit , tacitus in the life of agricola doth report , that agricola having subdued the greatest part of great brittain , did signifie to the senate of rome , that he thought ireland might also be conquered with one legion , and a few aids : i make no doubt , but that if he had attempted the conquest thereof with a far greater army , he would have found himself deceived in this conjecture . for , a barbarous country is not so easily conquered , as a civil , whereof caesar had experience in his wars against the gau●es , germanes , and britaines , who were subdued to the roman empire , with far greater difficulty , than the rich kingdoms of asia . and again , a country possessed with many petty lords and states , is not so soon brought under entirely , as an entire kingdom governed by one prince or monarch . and therefore , the late king of spain , could sooner win the kingdom of portugal , than reduce the states of the low-countries . but let us see the success of king henry the second , doubtless his expedition was such , as he might have said with caesar , veni , vidi , vici . for , upon his first arrival , his very presence without drawing his sword , prevailed so much , as all the petty-kings , or great lords within leinster , conaght , and mounster , submitted themselves unto him , promised to pay him tribute , and acknowledged him their chief and soveraign lord. besides , the better to assure this inconstant sea-nymph , who was so easily wonne , the pope would needs give her unto him with a ring , conjugio jungam stabili , propriamque dicabo . but as the conquest was but slight and superficial , so the popes donation , and the irish submissions , were but weak and fickle assurances . for as the pope had no more interest in this kingdom , than he which offered to christ all the kingdoms of the earth ; so the irish pretend , that by their law , a tanist might do no act that might bind his successor . but this was the best assurance he could get from so many strong nations of people , with so weak a power : and yet he was so well pleased with this title of the lordship of ireland , as he placed it in his royal stile , before the dutchies of normandy and aquitain . and so being advertised of some stirs raised by his unnatural sons in england , within five months after his first arrival , he departed out of ireland , without striking one blow , or building one castle , or planting one garrison among the irish , neither left he behind him one true subject more than those he found there at his coming over , which were only the english adventurers spoken of before , who had gained the port towns in leinster and mounster , and possessed some scopes of land thereunto adjoyning , partly by strongbow's alliance with the lord of leinster , and partly , by plain invasion and conquest . and this is that conquest of king henry the second , so much spoken of , by so many writers , which , though it were in no other manner than is before expressed , yet is the entire conquest of all ireland , attributed unto him . but the troth is , the conquest of ireland was made by peice and peice , by slow steps and degrees , and by several attempts , in several ages . there were sundry revolutions , as well of the english fortunes , as of the irish ; some-whiles one prevailing , some-whiles the other , and it was never brought to a full period , till his majesty that now is , came to the crown . as for king henry the second , he was far from obtaining that monarchy royal , and true soveraignty which his majesty ( who now reigneth ) hath over the irish . for the irish lords did only promise to become tributaries to king henry the second . and such as pay on●y tribute , though they be placed by bodin , in the first degree of subjection , are not properly subjects but soveraigns . for , though they be less and inferiour unto the prince to whom they pay tribute , yet they hold all other points of soveraignty ; and having paid their tribute , which they promised , to have their peace , they are quit of all other duties , as the same bodin writeth . and therefore , though king henry the second had the title of soveraign lord over the irish , yet did he not put those things in execution , which are the true marks and differences of soveraignty . for to give laws unto a people , to institute magistrates and officers over them , to punish and pardon malefactors , to have the sole authority of making war and peace , and the like , are the true marks of soveraignty ; which k. henry the second had not in the irish countries , but the irish lords did still retain all these prerogatives to themselves . for they governed their people by the brehon law , they made their own magistrates and officers , they pardoned and punished all malefactors within their several countries , they made war and peace one with another , without controulment , and this they did , not only during the reign of king henry the second , but afterwards in all times , even until the reign of queen elizabeth : and it appeareth what manner of subjects these irish lords were , by the concord made between king henry the second , and roderick ô connor the irish king of conaght , in the year 1175. which is recorded by hoveden in this form : hic est finis & concordia , inter dominum regem angliae henricum , filium imperatricis , & rodoricum regem conactae , scilicet , quod rex angliae concessit praedict ' roderico ligeo homini suo , ut sit rex sub eo paratus ad servitium suum , ut homo suus , &c. and the commission , whereby king henry the second made william fitz-adelme his lieutenant of ireland , hath this direction ; archiepiscopis , episcopis , regibus , comitibus , baronibus , & omnibus fidelibus suis in hibernia , salutem . whereby it is manifest , that he gave those irish lords the title and stile of kings . king john likewise did grant divers charters to the king of conaght , which remain in the tower of london . and afterwards in the time of king henry the third , we find in the tower , a grant made to the king of thomond , in these words . rex regi tosmond salutem . concessimus vobis terram tosmond quam prius tenuistis , per firmam centum & triginta marcarum ; tenendum de nobis usque ad aetatem nostram . and in the pipe rolls remaining in bremighams tower , in the castle of dublin , upon sundry accompts of the seneshall of vlster ( when that earldom was in the kings hands , by reason of the minority of the earl ) the entry of all such charges as were made upon oneale , for rent-beeves , or for aids towards the maintainance of the kings wars , are in this form . oneal regulus 400. vaccas pro arreragio reddit ; oneal regulus , 100. ●i . de auxilio domini regis ad guerram suam in wasconia sustinendam . and in one roll the 36. of henry the third , oneal rex , 100 li. de auxilio domini regis ad guerram suam in wallia sustinendam . which seemed strange to me , that the kings civil officer should give him that stile upon record , unless he meant it in that sense as maximilian the emperor did , when speaking of his disobedient subjects ; the title ( said he ) of rex regum , doth more properly belong to me , than to any mortal prince , for all my subjects do live as kings , they obey me in nothing , but do what they list . and truly , in that sense these irish lords might not unfitly be termed kings . but to speak in proper terms , we must say with the latin poet , qui rex est , regnum maxime non habeat . but touching these irish kings , i will add this note out of an ancient manuscript , the black book of christ-church in dublin , isti reges non fuerunt ordinati solemnitate alicujus ordinis , nec unctionis sacramento , nec jure haereditario ; vel aliqua proprietatis successione , sed vi & armis quilibet regnum suum obtinuit : and therefore they had no just cause to complain , when a stronger king than themselves , became a king and lord over them . but let us return to our purpose , and see the proceeding of the martial affairs . king henry the second , being returned into england , gave the lordship of ireland unto the lord john his youngest son , sur-named before that time , sans terre . and the pope confirming that gift , sent him a crown of pea-cocks , feathers ( as pope clement the eighth , sent the feather of a phoenix ( as he called it ) to the traitor tirone . ( this young prince the kings son , being but twelve years of age , with a train of young noblemen and gentlemen , to the number of 300. but not with any main army , came over to take possession of his new patrimony , and being arrived at waterford , divers irish lords ( who had submitted themselves to his father ) came to perform the like duty to him . but that youthful company using them with scorn , because their demeanours were but rude and barbarous , they went away much discontented , and rraised a general rebellion against him . whereby it was made manifest , that the submission of the irish lords , and the donation of the pope , were but slender and weak assurances for a kingdom . hereupon this young lord was revoked , and sir john de courcy sent over , not with the kings army , but with a company of voluntaries , in number four hundred , or thereabout . with these he attempted the conquest of vlster , and in four or five encounters , did so beat the irishry of that province , as that he gained the maritime coasts thereof , from the boyne to the bann ; and thereupon , was made earl of vlster . so as now the english had gotten good footing in all the provinces of ireland . in the first three provinces of leinster , mounster , and conaght , part by the sword , and part by submission and alliance . and lastly , in vlster , by the invasion and victories of sir john de courcy . from this time forward , until the seventeenth year of king john ( which was a space of more than 30. years ) there was no army transmitted out of england , to finish the conquest . howbeit in the mean time , the english adventurers and colonies already planted in ireland , did win much ground upon the irish ; namely , the earl strongbow , having married the daughter of mac murrogh , in leinster ; the lacies in meth ; the geraldines , and other adventurers in mounster , the audleyes , gernons , clintons , russels , and other voluntaries of sir john de courcies retinue , in vlster ; and the bourkes ( planted by william fitz-adelme ) in conaght . yet were the english reputed but part-owners of ireland at this time , as appeareth by the commission of the popes legate in the time of king richard the first , whereby he had power to exercise his jurisdiction , in anglia , wallia , ac illis hiberniae partibus , in quibus johannes moretonii comes potestatem habet & dominium , as it is recorded by mat. paris . king john ; in the twelfth year of his reign , came over again into ireland : the stories of that time say , with a great army , but the certain numbers are not recorded : yet it is credible , in regard of the troubles wherewith this king was distressed in england , that this army was not of sufficient strength to make an entire conquest of ireland ; and if it had been of sufficient strength , yet did not the king stay a sufficient time to perform so great an action , for he came over in june , and returned in september , the same year . howbeit in that time , the irish lords for the most part , submitted themselves to him , as they had done before to his father : which was but a mear mockery and imposture . for his back was no sooner turned , but they returned to their former rebellion : and yet this was reputed a second conquest . and so this king giving order for the building of some castles upon the borders of the english colonies , left behind him the bishop of norwich , for the civil government of the land ; but he left no standing army to prosecute the conquest : only the english colonies which were already planted , were left to themselves to maintain what they had got , and to gain more if they could . the personal presence of these two great princes , king henry the second , and king john , though they performed no great thing with their armies , gave such countenance to the english colonies , which encreased daily by the coming over of new voluntaries and adventurers out of england , as that they enlarged their territories very much . howbeit after this time the kings of england , either because they presumed that the english colonies were strong enough to root out the irish by degrees , or else because they were diverted or disabled otherwise ( as shall be declared hereafter ) never sent over any royal army , or any numbers of men worthy to be called an army into ireland , untill the thirty sixth year of king edward the third , when lionel duke of clarence , the kings second son , having married the daughter and heir of vlster , was sent over with an extraordinary power in respect of the time ( for the wars betwixt england and france , were then in their heat ) as well to recover his earldom of vlster , which was then over-run and possest by the irish , as to reform the english colonies , which were become strangely degenerate throughout the whole kingdom . for though king henry the third , gave the whole land of ireland to edward the prince , his eldest son , and his heirs , ita quod non separetur a corona angliae . whereupon it was styled the land of the lord edward , the kings eldest son : and all the officers of the land , were called the officers of edward lord of ireland ; and though this edward were one of the most active princes that ever lived in england , yet did he not either in the life time of his father , or during his own raign , come over in person , or transmit any army into ireland , but on the other side , he drew sundry aids and supplies of men out of ireland , to serve him in his wars in scotland , wales , and gascoigne . and again , though king edward the second sent over piers gaveston with a great retinue , it was never intended he should perfect the conquest of ireland ; for the king could not want his company so long a time , as must have been spent in the finishing of so tedious a work . so then , in all that space of time , between the twelfth year of king john , and the 36. year of king edward the th●rd , containing 150. years , or thereabouts , although there were a continual bordering war between the english and the irish , there came no royal army out of england , to make an end of the war. but the chief governors of the realm , who were at first called custodes hiberniae ; and afterwards lords justices , and the english lords , who had gotten so great possessions and royalties , as that they presumed to make war and peace without direction from the state , did levy all their forces within the land . but those forces were weakly supplied , and ill governed , as i said before . weakly supplyed with men and mony ; and governed with the worst discipline that ever was seen among men of war. and no marvel , for it is an infallible rule , that an army ill paid , is ever unruly , and ill governed . the standing forces here , were seldom or never re-enforced out of england , and such as were either sent from thence , or raised here , did commonly do more hu●t and damage to the english subjects , than to the irish enemies , by their continual sess and extortion . which mischief did arise , by reason that little or no treasure was sent out of england , to pay the soldiers wages : only the kings revenue in ireland was spent , and wholly spent in the publick service ; and therefore , in all the ancient pipe-rols in the times of henry the third , edward the first , edward the second , and edward the third , between the receipts and allowances , there is this entrie ; in thesauro nihil . for the officers of the state and the army , spent a●l ▪ so , as there was no surplusage of treasure , and yet that all was not sufficient . for in default of the kings pay , as well the ordinary forces which stood continually , as the extraordinary , which were levied by the chief governor , upon journeys , and general hoastings , were for the most part laid upon the poor subject descended of english race ; howbeit this burthen was in some measure tolerable in the time of king henry the third , and king edward the first ; but in the time of king edward the second , maurice fitz-thomas of desmond , being chief commander of the army against the scots , began that wicked extortion of coigne and livery , and pay ; that is , he and his army took horse meat and mans meat , and money , at their pleasure , without any ticket , or other satisfaction . and this was after that time , the general fault of all the governors and commanders of the army in this land. onely the golden saying of sir thomas rookesby , who was justice in the thirtieth year of king edward the third , is recorded in all the annales of this kingdom , that he would eat in wodden dishes , but would pay for his meat gold and silver . besides , the english colonies being dispersed in every province of this kingdom , were enforced to keep continual guards upon the borders and marches round about them ; which guards , consisting of idle souldiers , were likewise imposed as a continual burthen upon the poor engglish freeholders , whom they oppressed and impoverished in the same manner . and because the great english lords and captains had power to impose this charge , when , and where they pleased , many of the poor freeholders , were glad to give unto those lords , a great part of their lands , to hold the rest free from that extortion : and many others , not being able to endure that intolerable oppression , did utterly quit their freeholds , and returned into england . by this mean , the english colonies grew poor and weak , though the english lords grew rich and mighty : for they placed irish tenants upon the lands relinquished by the english ; upon them they levied all irish exactions , with them they married , and fostered , and made gossips ; so as within one age , the english , both lords and freeholders , became degenerate and meer irish in their language , in their apparel , in their arms and manner of fight , and all other customes of life whatsoever . by this it appeareth , why the extortion of coigne and livery , is called in the old statutes of ireland , a damnable custom ; and the imposing and taking thereof , made high treason . and it is said in an ancient discourse , of the decay of ireland , that though it were first invented in hell , yet if it had been used and practised there , as it hath been in ireland , it had long since destroyed the very kingdom of belzebub . in this manner was the war of ireland carried , before the coming over of lionel duke of clarence . this young prince , being earl of vlster , and lord of conaght , in right of his wife ( who was daughter and heir of the lord william bourk , the last earl of vlster of that family , slain by treachery at knockefergus ) was made the kings lieutenant of ireland , and sent over with an army , in the six and thirtieth year of king edward the third . the roll and list of which army , doth remain of record in the kings remembrancers office in england ( in the press de rebus tangentibus hiberniam ) and doth not contain above fifteen hundred men by the poll ; which because it differs somewhat f●om the manner of this age , both in respect of the command , and the entertainment , i think it not impertinent to take a brief view thereof . the lord lionel was general , and under him raulf earl of stafford , james earl of ormond , sir john carew banneret , sir william winsor , and other knights were commanders . the entertainment of the general upon his first arrival , was but six shillings eight pence per diem , for himself ; for five knights , two shillings a piece , per diem ; for sixty four esquires , twelve pence a piece , per diem ; for 70 archers , six pence a piece , per diem . but being shortly after created duke of clarence , ( which honour was conferred upon him being here in ireland ) his entertainment was raised to thirteen shillings four pence per diem , for himself , and for eight knights , two shillings a piece per diem , with an encrease of the number of his archers , viz. three hundred and sixty archers on horseback , out of lancashire , at six pence a piece per diem ; and twenty three archers out of wales , at two pence a piece per diem . the earl of staffords entertainment , was for himself six shillings eight pence per diem ; for a banneret , four shillings per diem ; for seventeen kn●ghts , two shillings a piece per diem ; for seventy eight esquires , twelve pence a piece per diem ; for one hundred archers on horseback , six pence a piece per diem . besides , he had the command of four and twenty archers out staffordshire , fourty archers out of worcestershire , and six archers out of shropshire , at four pence a piece per diem . the entertainment of james earl of ormond , was for himself four shillings per diem ; for two knights , two shillings a piece per diem ; for seven and twenty esquires twelve pence a piece per diem ; for twenty hoblers armed ( the irish horsemen were so called , because they served on hobbies ) six pence a piece per diem , and for twenty hoblers not armed , four pence a piece per diem . the entertainment of sir john carew banneret , was for himself four shillings per diem ; for one knight , two shillings per diem ; for eight esquires , twelve pence a piece , per diem ; for ten archers on horseback , six pence a piece per diem . the entertainment of sir william winsore , was for himself two shillings per diem ; for two knights , two shillings a piece per diem ; for forty nine squires twelve pence a piece per diem ; for six archers on horseback , six pence a piece per diem . the like entertainment rateably , were allowed to divers knights and gentlemen upon that list , for themselves , and their several retinues , whereof some were greater , and some less , as they themselves could raise them among their tenents and followers . for in ancient times , the king himself did not levy his armies by his own immediate authority or commission , but the lords and captains did by indenture covenant with the king , to serve him in his wars with certain numbers of men , for certain wages and entertainments , which they raised in greater or less numbers , as they had favour or power with the people . this course hath been changed in latter times upon good reason of state : for the barons and chief gentlemen of the realm , having power to use the kings prerogative in that point , became too popular ; whereby they were enabled to raise forces even against the crown it self , which since the statutes made for levying and mustering of souldiers by the kings special commission , t●ey cannot so easily perform , if they should forget their duties . this lord lieutenant , with this small army , performed no great service ; and yet upon his coming over , all men who had land in ireland , were by proclamation remanded back out of england thither , and both the clergy and laity of this land , gave two years profits of all their lands and tythes , towards the maintenance of the war here : onely he suppressed some rebe●s in low leinster , and recovered the maritime parts of his earldome of vlster . but his best service did consist in the well-governing of his army , and in holding that famous parliament at kilkenny ; wherein the extortion of the souldier , and the degenerate manners of the english ( briefly spoken of before ) were discovered , and laws made to reform the same : which shall be declared more at large hereafter . the next lieutenant , transmitted with any forces out of england , was sir william winsore ; who in the 47 year of king edward the third , undertook the custody , not the conquest of this land ( for now the english made rather a defensive than an invasive war ) and withal , to defray the whole charge of the kingdom , for eleven thousand two hundred thirteen pounds , six shillings and eight pence , as appeareth by the indenture between him and the king , remaining of record in the tower of london . but it appeareth by that which froissard reporteth , that sir william winsore was so far from subduing the irish , as that himself reported , that he could never have access to understand and know their countries , albeit he had spent more time in the service of ireland , than any englishman then living . and here i may well take occasion , to shew the vanity of that which is reported in the story of walsingham , touching the revenue of the crown in ireland , in the time of king edward the third . for he setting forth the state of things there , in the time of king richard the second , writeth thus , cum rex angliae illusiris , edwardus tertius illic posuisset bancum suum atque judices , cum scaccario , percepit inde ad regalem fis●um annuatim triginta millia librarum ; modò propter absentiam ligeorum , & hostium potentiam , nihil inde venit : sed rex per annos singulos , de suo marsupio , terrae defensoribus solvit triginta millia marcarum , ad regni sui dedecus & fisci gravissimum detrimentum . if this writer had known , that the kings courts had been established in ireland , more than a hundred years before king edward the third was born , or had seen either the parliament rolls in england , or the records of the receipts and issues in ireland , he had not left this vain report to posterity . for both the benches and the exchequer were erected in the twelfth year of king john. and it is recorded in the parliament rolls of 21 of edward the third , remaining in the tower , that the commons of england made petition that it might be enquired , why the king received no benefit of his land of ireland , considering he possessed more there , than any of his ancestors had before him . now , if the king at that time , when there were no standing forces maintained there , had received thirty thousand pound yearly at his exchequer in ireland , he must needs have made profit by that land , considering that the whole charge of the kingdom in the 47 year of edward the third ( when the king did pay an army there ) did amount to no more than eleven thousand and two hundred pounds per annum , as appeareth by the contract of sir william winsore . besides , it is manifest by the pipe-rolls of that time , whereof many are yet preserved in breminghams tower ; and are of better credit than any monks story , that during the reign of king edward the third , the revenue of the crown of ireland , both certain and casual , did not rise unto ten thousand pound per annum , though the medium be taken of the best seven years that are to be found in that kings time . the like fable hath hollingshead touching the revenue of the earldom of vlster ; which ( saith he ) in the time of king richard the second was thirty thousand marks by the year ; whereas in truth , though the lordships of conaght and meath ( which were then parcel of the inheritance of the earl of vlster ) be added to the accompt , the revenue of that earldom came not to the third part of that he writeth . for the accompt of the profits of vlster yet remaining in breminghams tower , made by william fitz-warren , seneshal and farmour of the lands in vlster , seized into the kings hands after the death of walter de burgo , earl of vlster , from the fifth year of edward the third , until the eight year , do amount but to nine hundred and odde pounds , at what time the irishry had not made so great an invasion upon the earldome of vlster , as they had done in the time of king richard the second . as vain a thing it is , that i have seen written in an ancient manuscript , touching the customs of this realm in the time of king edward the third , that those duties in those days should yearly amount to ten thousand marks , which by mine own search and view of the records here , i can justly control . for upon the late reducing of this ancient inheritance of the crown , which had been detained in most of the port-towns of this realm , for the space of a hundred years and upwards , i took some pains ( according to the duty of my place ) to visit all the pipe-rolls , wherein the accompts of customs are contained , and found those duties answered in every port , for two hundred and fifty years together , but did not finde that at any time they did exceed a thousand pound per annum ; and no marvel , for the subsidy of pondage was not then known , and the greatest profit did arise by the cocquet of hides ; for wool , and wool-fels were ever of little value in this kingdom . but now again let us see how the martial affairs proceeded in ireland . sir william winsor continued his government till the latter end of the reign of king edward the third , keeping , but not enlarging , the english borders . in the beginning of the reign of king richard the second , the state of england began to think of the recovery of ireland : for then was the first statute made against absentes , commanding all such as had land in ireland , to return and reside thereupon , upon pain to forfeit two third parts of the profit thereof . again , this king , before himself intended to pass over , committed the government of this realm to such great lords successively , as he did most love and favour : first , to the earl of oxford , and chief minion , whom he created marquess of dublin , and duke of ireland : next to the duke of surry , his half brother : and lastly , to the lord mortimer , earl of march and vlster , his cosin and heir apparent . among the patent rolls in the tower , the ninth year of richard the second , we find five hundred men at arms at twelve pence a piece per diem , and a thousand archers at six pence a piece , per diem , appointed for the duke of ireland , super conquestu illius terrae per duos annos : for those are the words of that record ; but for the other two lieutenants , i do not find the certain numbers , whereof their armies did consist . but certain it is , that they were scarce able to defend the english borders , much less to reduce the whole island . for one of them ; namely , the earl of march , was himself slain upon the borders of meath ; for revenge of whose death , the king himself made his second voyage into ireland , in the last year of his reign . for his first voyage in the eighteenth year of his reign , ( which was indeed a voyage-royal ) was made upon another motive and occasion , which was this ; upon the vacancy of the empire , this king having married the king of bohemiahs daughter ( whereby he had great alliance in germany ) did by his ambassadors solicite the princes electors to choose him emperor : but another being elected , and his ambassadors returned , he would needs know of them the cause of his repulse in that competition : they told him plainly , that the princes of germany did not think him fit to command the empire , who was neither able to hold that which his ancestors had gained in france , nor to rule his insolent subjects in england , nor to master his rebellious people of ireland . this was enough to kindle in the heart of a young prince , a desire to perform some great enterprize . and therefore finding it no fit time to attempt france , he resolved to finish the conquest of ireland ; and to that end , he levied a mighty army , consisting of four thousand men at arms , and thirty thousand archers , which was a sufficient power to have reduced the whole island , if he had first broken the irish with a war , and after established the english laws among them , and not have been satisfied with their light submissions onely , wherewith , in all ages they have mockt and abused the state of england . but the irish lords knowing this to be a sure pollicy to dissolve the forces , which they were not able to resist ( for their ancestors had put the same trick and imposture upon king john , and king henry the second ) as soon as the king was arrived with his army , which he brought over under s. edwards banner ( whose name was had in great veneration amongst the irish ) they all made offer to submit themselves . whereupon the lord thomas mowbray , earl of nottingham , and marshal of england , was authorized by special commission , to receive the homages and oaths of fidelity , of all the irishry of leinster . and the king himself having received humble letters from oneal , ( wherein he stileth himself prince of the irishry in vlster , and yet acknowledgeth the king to be his soveraign lord , & perpetuus dominus hiberniae ) removed to droghedah , to accept the like submissions from the irish of vlster . the men of leinster , namely , mac murrogh , o byrne , o moore , o murrogh , o nolan , and the chief of the kinshelaghes , in an humble and solemn manner did their homages , and made their oaths of fidelity to the earl marshal , laying aside their girdles , their skeins and their caps , and falling down at his feet upon their knees . which when they had performed , the earl gave unto each of them , osculum pacis . besides they were bound by several indentures , upon great pains to be paid to the apostolick chamber , not only to continue loyal subjects , but that by a certain day prefixed , they and all their sword-men , should clearly relinquish and give up unto the king and his successors all their lands and possessions which they held in leinster , and ( taking with them only their moveable goods ) should serve him in his wars against his other rebels . in consideration whereof ; the king should give them pay and pensions during their lives , and bestow the inheritance of all such lands upon them , as they shou●d recover from the rebels , in any other part of the realm . and thereupon , a pension of eighty marks per annum , was granted to art ' mac murrogh , chief of the kavanaghes ; the enroulment whereof , i found in the white book of the exchequer here . and this was the effect of the service performed by the earl marshal , by vertue of his commission . the king in like manner received the submissions of the lords of vlster , namely ; o neal , o hanlon , mac donel , mac mahon , and others ; who with the like humility and ceremony , did homage and fealty to the kings own person ; the words of o neales homage , as they are recorded are not unfit , to be remembred : ego nelanus oneal senior tam pro meipso , quam pro filiis meis , & tota natione mea & parentelis meis , & pro omnibus subditis meis devenio ligeus homo vester , &c. and in the indenture between him and the king , he is not only bound to remain faithful to the crown of england , but to restore the bonaght of vlster , to the earl of vlster , as of right belonging to that earldom , and usurped among other things by the oneals . these indentures and submissions , with many other of the same kind , ( for there was not a chieftain or head of an irish sept , but submitted himself in one form or other ) the king himself caused to be inrolled and testified by a notary publick , and delivered the enrolments with his own hands to the bishop of salisbury , then lord treasurer of england , so as they have been preserved , and are now to be found in the office of the kings remembrance● there . with these humilities they satisfied the young king , and by their bowing and bending , avoided the present storm , and so brake that army , which was prepared to break them . for the king having accepted their submissions , received them in osculo pacis , feasted them , and given the honor of knighthood to divers of them , did break up and dissolve his army , and returned into england with much honor , and small profit , ( saith froissard . ) for though he had spent a huge mass of treasure in transporting his army , by the countenance whereof he drew on their submissions , yet did he not encrease his revenue thereby one sterling pound , nor enlarged the english borders the bredth of one acre of land ; neither did he extend the jurisdiction of his courts of justice one foot further than the english colonies , wherein it was used and exercised before . besides , he was no sooner returned into england , but those irish lords laid aside their masks of humility , and scorning the weak forces which the king had left behind him , began to infest the borders ; in defence whereof , the lord roger mortimer being then the kings lieutenant , and heir apparent to the crown of england , was slain , as i said before . whereupon the king being moved with a just appetite of revenge , came over again in person , in the 22. year of his reign , with as potent an army , as he had done before , with a full purpose to make a full conquest of ireland : he landed at waterford , and passing from thence to dublin , through the wast countries of the murroghes , kinshelaghes , cauanaghes , birnes , and tooles , his great army was much distressed for want of victuals and carriages , so as he performed no memorable thing in that journey ; only in the cavanaghes country , he cut and cleared the paces , and bestowed the honour of knighthood upon the lord henry , the duke of lancasters son , who was afterwards king henry the fifth , and so came to dublin , where entring into counsel how to proceed in the war , he received news out of england , of the arrival of the banished duke of lancaster at ravenspurgh , usurping the regal authority , and arresting and putting to death his principal officers . this advertisement suddainly brake off the kings purpose touching the prosecution of the war in ireland , and transported him into england , where shortly after he ended both his reign and his life . since whose time , until the 39. year of queen elizabeth , there was never any army sent ●ver of a competent strength or power to subdue the irish , but the war was made by the english colonies , only to defend their borders ; or if any forces were transmitted over , they were sent only to suppress the rebellions of such as were descended of english race , and not to enlarge our dominion over the irish . during the raign of king henry the fourth , the lord thomas of lancaster , the kings second son , was lieutenant of ireland , who for the first eight years of that kings reign , made the lord scroope , and others his deputies , who only defended the marches with forces levyed within the land. in the eighth year that prince came over in person with a smal retinue . so as wanting a sufficient power to attempt or perform any great service , he returned within seven moneths after into england . yet during his personal abode there , he was hurt in his own person within one mile of dublin , upon an incounter with the irish enemy . he took the submissions of o birne of the mountains , mac mahon , and o rely , by several indentures , wherein o birne doth covenant , that the king shall quietly enjoy the mannor of new-castle ; mac mahon accepteth a state in the ferny for life , rendering ten pound a year ; and o rely doth promise to perform such duties to the earl of march and vlster , as were contained in an indenture dated the 18. of richard the second . in the time of k. henry the fifth , there came no forces out of england . howbeit the lord furnival being the kings lieutenant , made a martial circuit , or journey , round about the marches and borders of the pale , and brought all the irish to the kings peace , beginning with the birnes , tooles , and cauanaghes on the south , and so passing to the moores , o connors , and o forals in the west ; and ending with the o relies , mac mahons , o neales , and o hanlons in the north. he had power to make them seek the kings peace , but not power to reduce them to the obedience of subjects : yet this was then held so great and worthy a service , as that the lords and chief gentlemen of the pale , made certificate thereof in french unto the king , being then in france : which i have seen recorded in the white booke , of the exchequer at dublin . howbeit his army was so ill paid and governed , as the english suffered more damage by the sess of his souldiers ( for now that monster ( coigne , and livery ) which the statute of kilkenny had for a time abolished , was risen again from hell ) than they gained profit or security , by abating the pride of their enemies for a time . during the minority of king henry the sixth , and for the space of seven or eight years after , the lieutenants and deputies made only a bordering war upon the irish , with small and scattered forces ; howbeit because there came no treasure out of england to pay the sou●dier , the poor english subject , did bear the burthen of the men of war in every place , and were thereby so weakned and impoverished , as the state of things in ireland , stood very desperately . whereupon , the cardinal of winchester ( who after the death of humfrey duke of glocester , did wholly sway the state of england ) being desirous to place the duke of somerset , in the regency of france , took occasion to remove richard duke of york from that government , and to send him into ireland , pretending that he was a most able and willing person , to perform service there , because he had a great inheritance of his own in ireland ; namely , the earldom of vlster , and the lordships of conaght and meth , by discent from lionel duke of clarence . we do not finde that this great lord came over with any numbers of waged souldiers , but it appeareth upon what good terms he took that government , by the covenants between the king and him , which are recorded and confirmed by act of parliament in ireland , and were to this effect . 1. that he should be the kings lieutenant of ireland , for ten years . 2. that to support the charge of that country , he should receive all the kings revenues there , both certain and casual , without accompt . 3. that he should be supplyed also with treasure out of england , in this manner ; he should have four thousand marks for the first year , whereof he should be imprested 2000. li. before hand ; and for the other nine years , he should receive 2000. li. per annum . 4. that he might let to ferm the kings lands , and place and dis-place all officers at his pleasure . 5. that he might levy and wage what numbers of men , he thought fit . 6. that he might make a deputy , and return at his pleasure . we cannot presume that this prince kept any great army on foot , as well because his means out of england were so mean , and those ill paid , as appeareth by his passionate letter written to the earl of salisbury his brother in law ; the copy whereof , is registred in the story of this time : as also because the whole land , except the english pale , and some part of the earldome of vlster , upon the sea-coasts , were possest by the irish . so as the revenue of the kingdom , which he was to receive , d●d amount to little . he kept the borders and marches of the pale with much adoe ; he held many parliaments , wherein sundry laws were made , for erecting of castles in louth , meath and kildare , to stop the incursions of the irishry . and because the souldiers for want of pay were sessed and laid upon the subjects against their wills ; upon the prayer and importunity of the commons , this extortion was declared to be high-treason . but to the end , that some means might be raised to nourish some forces for defence of the pale , by another act of parliament , every twenty pound land was charged with the furnishing and maintenance of one archer on horseback , besides , the native subjects of ireland seeing the kingdom utterly ruined , did pass in such numbers into england , as one law was made in england , to transmit them back again ; and another law made here to stop their passage in every port and creek . yet afterwards , the greatest parts of the nobility and gentry of meth , past over into england , and were slain with him at wakefield in yorkshire . lastly , the state of england was so farr from sending an army to subdue the irish at this time , as among the articles of grievances exhibited by the duke of yorke against king henry the sixth , this was one ; that divers lords about the king , had caused his highness to write letters unto some of his irish enemies ; whereby they were encouraged to attempt the conquest of the said land. which letters , the same irish enemies had sent unto the duke ; marvailing greatly , that such letters should be sent unto them , and speaking therein great shame of the realm of england . after this , when this great lord was returned into england , and making claim to the crown , began the war betwixt the two houses ; it cannot he conceived , but that the kingdom fell into a worse and weaker estate . when edward the fourth was setled in the kingdome of england , he made his brother george duke of clarence , lieutenant of ireland . this prince was born in the castle of dublin , during the government of his father the duke of york ; yet did he never pass over into this kingdom , to govern it in person , though he held the lieutenancy many years . but it is manifest , that king edward the fourth did not pay any army in ireland during his reign ; but the men of war did pay themselves by taking coigne and livery upon the country : which extortion grew so excesssive and intolerable , as the lord tiptoft being deputy to the duke of clarence , was enforced to execute the law upon the greatest earl in the kingdom ; namely , desmond ; who lost his head at droghedagh for this offence . howbeit , that the state might not seem utterly to neglect the defence of the pale , there was a fraternity of men at armes , called the brother-hood of st. george , erected by parliament , the 14. of edward the fourth , consisting of thirteen the most noble and worthy persons within the four shires . of the first foundation , were thomas earl of kildare , sir rowland eustace , lord of port-lester , and sir robert eustace for the county of kildare , robert lord of howth , the mayor of dublin , and sir robert dowdal , for the county of dublin ; the viscount of gormanston , edward plunket , senesha i of meth ; alexander plunket , and barnabe barnewale , for the county of meth , the mayor of droghedagh , sir lawrence taaffe , and richard bellewe , for the county of lowth . these and their successors , were to meet yearly upon st. georges day ; and to choose one of themselves to be captain of that brother-hood , for the next year to come . which captain , should have at his command , 120. archers on horseback , forty horsemen , and forty pages , to suppress out-laws and rebels . the wages of every archer , should be six pence , per diem ; and every horseman , five pence , per diem ; and four marks , per annum . and to pay these entertainments , and to maintain this new fraternity , there was granted unto them by the same act of parliament a subsidy of poundage , out of all marchandizes exported or imported thoroughout the realm ( hydes , and the goods of free-men of dublin and droghedah only excepted . ( these 200. men were all the standing forces that were then maintained in ireland . and as they were natives of the kingdom , so the kingdom it self did pay their wages without expecting any treasure out of england . but now the wars of lancaster and york being ended , and henry the seventh being in the actual and peaceable possession of the kingdom of england , let us see if this king did send over a competent army to make a perfect conquest of ireland . assuredly , if those two idols or counterfeits which were set up against him in the beginning of his reign , had not found footing and followers in this land , king henry the seventh had sent neither horse nor foot hither , but let the pale to the guard and defence of the fraternity of saint george , which stood till the tenth year of his reign . and therefore , upon the erection of the first idol , which was lambert the priests boy , he transmitted no forces , but sent over sir richard edgecomb , with commission to take an oath of allegiance of all the nobility , gentry , and citizens of this kingdom ; which service he performed fully , and made an exact return of his commission to the king. and immediately after that , the king sent for all the lords of parliament in this realm ; who repairing to his presence , were first in a kingly manner reproved by him ; for among other things he told them , that if their king were still absent from them , they would at length crown apes ; but at last entertained them , and dismissed them graciously . this course of clemency he held at first . but after , when perkin warbeck , who was set up , and fo●lowed chiefly by the giraldines in leinster , and citizens of cork in munster ; to suppress this counterfeit , the king sent over sir edward poynings , with an army ( as the histories call it ) which did not consist of a thousand men by the poll ; and yet it brought such terror with it , as all the adherents of perkin warbeck were scattered , and retired for succour into the irish countreys : to the marches whereof , he marched with his weak forces , but eft-soons returned , and held a parliament . wherein among many good laws , one act was made , that no subject should make any war or peace within the land , without the special licence of the kings lieutenant or deputy . a manifest argument , that at that time the bordering wars in this kingdom , were made altogether by voluntaries , upon their own head , without any pay or entertainment , and without any order or commission from the state. and though the lords and gentlemen of the pale , in the nineteenth of year of this kings reign , joyned the famous battel of knocktow in conaght ; wherein mac william with four thousand of the irish , and degenerate engglish were slain ; yet was not this journey made by warrant from the king , or upon his charge ( as it is expressed in the book of howth ) but onely upon a private quarrel of the earl of kildare : so loosly were the martial affairs of ireland carried , during the reign of king henry the seventh . in the time of king henry the eighth , the earl of surrey , lord admiral , was made lieutenant ; and though he were the greatest captain of the english nation then living ; yet brought he with him rather an honorable guard for his person , than a competent army to recover ireland . for he had in his retinue , two hundred tall yeomen of the kings guard : but because he wanted means to perform any great action , he made means to return the sooner : yet in the mean time he was not idle , but passed the short time he spent here , in holding a parliament , and divers journeys against the rebels of leinster ; insomuch as he was hurt in his own person , upon the borders of leix . after the revocation of this honourable personage , king henry the eighth , sent no forces into ireland , till the rebellion of the giraldines , which hapned in the seven and twentieth year of his reign . then sent he over sir william skevington , with five hundred men , onely to quench that fire , and not to enlarge the border , or to rectifie the government . this deputy dyed in the midst of the service , so as the lord leonard gray was sent to finish it : who arriving with a supply of two hundred men , or thereabouts , did so prosecute the rebels , as the lord garret their chieftain , and his five uncles , submitted themselves unto him , and were by him transmitted into england . but this service being ended , that active nobleman with his little army , and some aids of the pale , did oftentimes repel o neal , and o donel , attempting the invasion of the civil shires , and at last made that prosperous fight at belahoo , on the confines of meath ; the memory whereof , is yet famous , as that he defeated ( well-nigh ) all the power of the north ; and so quieted the border for many years . hitherto then it is manifest , that since the last transfretation of king richard the second , the crown of england never sent over , either numbers of men , or quantities of treasure , sufficient to defend the small territory of the pale , much less to reduce that which was lost , or to finish the conquest of the whole island . after this , sir anthony s. leger , was made chief governor , who performed great service in a civil course , as shall be expressed hereafter . but sir edward bellingham , who succeeded him , proceeded in a martial course against the irishry , and was the first deputy , from the time of king edward the third , till the reign of king edward the sixth , that extended the border beyond the limits of the english pale , by beating and breaking the moors and connors , and building the forts of leix and offaly . this service he performed with six hundred horse ; the monethly charge whereof , did arise to seven hundred and seventy pound . and four hundred foot , whose pay did amount to four hundred and forty six pound per mensem ; as appeareth upon the treasurers accompt , remaining in the office of the kings remembrancer in england . yet were not these countreys so fully recovered by this deputy , but that thomas earl of sussex did put the last hand to this work ; and rooting out these two rebellious septs , planted english colonies in their rooms , which in all the tumultuous times since , have kept their habitations , their loyalty , and religion . and now are we come to the time of queen elizabeth , who sent over more men , and spent more treasure to save and reduce the land of ireland , than all her progenitors since the conquest . during her reign , there arose three notorious and main rebellions , which drew several armies out of england . the first of shane o neal ; the second , of desmond ; the last of tyrone ; ( for the particular insurrections of the viscount baltinglass , and sir edmund butler ; the moors ; the cavanaghes ; the birnes , and the bourkes of conaght , were all suppressed by the standing forces here . ) to subdue shane o neal , in the height of his rebellion , in the year , 1566. captain randal transported a regiment of one thousand men into vlster , and planted a garrison at loughfo●le . before the coming of which supply ( viz. ) in the year 1565. the list of the standing army of horse and foot , eng●ish and irish , did not exceed the number of twelve hundred men , as appeareth by the treasurers accompt of ireland , now remaining in the exchequer of england . with these forces did sir henry sidney ( then lord deputy ) march into the farthest parts of tirone , and joyning with captain randal , did much distress ( but not fully defeat ) o neal , who was afterwards slain upon a meer accident by the scots , and not by the queens army . to prosecute the wars in munster , against desmond and his adherents , there were transmitted out of england at several times , three or four thousand men , which together , with the standing garrisons , and some other supplies raised here , made at one time , an army of six thousand and upwards : which with the vertue and valour of arthur lord gray , and others the commanders , did prove a sufficient power to extinguish that rebellion . but that being done , it was never intended that these forces should stand , till the rest of the kingdom were settled and reduced : onely , that army which was brought over by the earl of essex , lord lieutenant and governor general of this kingdom , in the nine and thirtieth year of queen elizabeth , to suppress the rebellion of tirone , which was spread universally over the whole realm ; that army , i say ( the command whereof , with the government of the realm , was shortly after transferred to the command of the lord montjoy , afterwards earl of devonshire , who with singular wisdom , valour , and industry , did prosecute and finish the war ) did consist of such good men of war , and of such numbers , being well-nigh twenty thousand by the poll , and was so royally supplied and paid , and continued in full strength so long a time , as that it brake and absolutely subdued all the lords and chieftains of the irishry , and degenerate or rebellious english . whereupon , the multitude , who ever loved to be followers of such as could master and defend them , admiring the power of the crown of england , being bray'd ( as it were ) in a morter , with the sword , famine , and pestilence altogether , submitted themselves to the english government , received the laws and magistrates , and most gladly embraced the kings pardon and peace in all parts of the realm , with demonstration of joy and comfort ; which made indeed , an entire , perfect , and final conquest of ireland . and though upon the finishing of the war , this great army was reduced to less numbers , yet hath his majestie in his wisdom , thought it fit , still to maintain such competent forces here , as the law may make her progress and circuit about the realm , under the protection of the sword ( as virgo , the figure of justice , is by leo in the zodiack ) until the people have perfectly learned the lesson of obedience , and the conquest be established in the hearts of all men . thus far have i endeavoured to make it manifest , that from the first adventure and attempt of the english ( to subdue and conquer ireland ) until the last war with tyrone , ( which as it was royally undertaken , so it was really prosecuted to the end ) there hath been four main defects in the carriage of the martial affairs here . first , the armies for the most part , were too weak for a conquest : secondly , when they were of a competent strength ( as in both the journeys of richard the second ) they were too soon broken up and dissolved : thirdly , they were ill paid : and fourthly , they were ill governed , which is always a consequent of ill payment . but why was not this great work performed , before the latter end of queen elizabeths reign , considering that many of the kings her progenitors , were as great captains as any in the world , and had elsewhere larger dominions and territories ? first , who can tell whether the divine wisdom , to abate the glory of those kings , did not reserve this work to be done by a queen , that it might rather appear to be his own immediate work ? and yet for her greater honor , made it the last of her great actions , as it were , to crown all the rest ? and to the end , that a secure peace might settle the conquest , and make it firm and perpetual to posterity ; caused it to be made in that fulness of time , when england and scotland became to be united under one imperial crown ; and when the monarchy of great britany was in league and amity with all the world. besides , the conquest at this time , doth perhaps fulfil that prophesie , wherein the four great prophets of ireland do concur , as it is recorded by giraldus cambrensis , to this effect , that after the first invasion of the english , they should spend many ages , in crebris conflictibus , longoque certamine & multis caedibus . and that , omnes fere anglici ab hibernia turbabuntur : nihilominus orientalia maritima semper obtinebunt ; sed vix paulo antè diem judicii ; plenam anglorum populo victoriam compromittunt ; insula hibernica de mari usque ad mare de toto subacta & incastellata . if s. patrick and the rest did not utter this prophesie ; certainly giraldus is a prophet , who hath reported it . to this , we may adde the prophesie of merlin , spoken of also by giraldus , sextus moenia hiberniae subvertet , & regiones in regnum redigentur . which is performed in the time of king james the sixth ; in that all the paces are cleared , and places of fastness laid open , which are the proper walls and castles of the irish , as they were of the british in the time of agricola ; and withall , the irish countreys being reduced into counties , make but one entire and undivided kingdom . but to leave these high and obscure causes , the plain and manifest truth is , that the kings of england in all ages , had been powerful enough to make an absolute conquest of ireland , if their whole power had been employed in that enterprize : but still there arose sundry occasions , which divided and diverted their power some other way . let us therefore take a brief view of the several impediments which arose in every kings time , since the first overture of the conquest , whereby they were so employed and busied , as they could not intend the final conquest of ireland . king henry the second , was no sooner returned out of ireland , but all his four sons conspired with his enemies , rose in arms , and moved war against him , both in france , and in england . this unnatural treason of his sons , did the king express in an emblem painted in his chamber at winchester , wherein was an eagle , with three eglets tiring ●n her breast ; and the fourth pecking at one of her eyes . and the troth is , these ungracious practises of his sons , did impeach his journey to the holy-land , which he had once vowed , vexed him all the days of his life , and brought his gray hairs with sorrow to the grave . besides , this king having given the lordship of ireland to john his youngest son ● his ingratitude afterwards made the king careless to settle him in the quiet and absolute possession of that kingdom . richard the first , which succeeded henry the second in the kingdom of england , had less reason to bend his power towards the conquest of this land , which was given in perpetuity to the lord john his brother . and therefore , went he in person to the holy war ; by which journey , and his captivity in austria , and the heavy ransome that he paid for his liberty , he was hindred , and utterly disabled to pursue any so great an action as the conquest of ireland ; and after his delivery and return , hardly was he able to maintain a frontier war in normandy , where by hard fortune he lost his life . king john his brother , had greatest reason to prosecute the war of ireland , because the lordship thereof was the portion of his inheritance , given unto him , when he was called john sans-terre . therefore , he made two journeys thither ; one , when he was earl of morton , and very young , about twelve years of age ; the other , when he was king , in the twelfth year of his reign . in the the first , his own youth , and his youthful company , roboams counsellors , made him hazard the loss of all that his father had won . but in the latter , he shewed a resolution to recover the entire kingdom , in taking the submissions of all the irishry , and settling the estates of the english , and giving order for the building of many castles and forts , whereof some remain until this day . but he came to the crown of england , by a defeasible title , so as he was never well settled in the hearts of the people , which drew him the sooner back out of ireland into england : where shortly after , he fell into such trouble and distress ; the clergy cursing him on the one side ; and the barons rebelling against him on the other , as he became so far unable to return to the conquest of ireland , as besides the forfeiture of the territories in france , he did in a manner lose both the kingdoms . for he surrendred both to the pope , and took them back again to hold in fee-farm ; which brought him into such hatred at home , and such contempt abroad , as all his life time after , he was possest rather with fear of loosing his head , than with hope of reducing the kingdom of ireland . during the infancy of henry the third , the barons were troubled in expelling the french , whom they had drawn in against king john. but this prince was no sooner come to his majority , but the barons raised a long and cruel war against him . into these troubled waters , the bishops of rome did cast their nets , and drew away all the wealth of the realm by their provisions , and infinite exactions , whereby the kingdom was so impoverished , as the king was scarce able to feed his own houshold and train , much less to nourish armies for the conquest of forraign kingdoms . and albeit he had given this land to the lord edward his eldest son , yet could not that worthy prince ever find means or opportunity to visit this kingdom in person . for , from the time he was able to bear armes , he served continually against the barons , by whom he was taken prisoner at the battel of lewes . and when that rebellion was appeased , he made a journey to the holy land , ( an employment which in those dayes diverted all christian princes from performing any great actions in europe ) from whence he was returned , when the crown of england descended upon him . this king edward the first , who was a prince adorned with all vertues , did in the managing of his affairs , shew himself a right good husband , who being owner of a lordship ill husbanded , doth first enclose and mannure his demeasnes near his principal house , before he doth improve his wasts afar off . therefore , he began first to establish the common-wealth of england , by making many excellent laws , and instituting the form of publick justice , which remaineth to this day . next , he fully subdued and reduced the dominion of wales ; then by his power and authority he setled the kingdom of scotland ; and lastly , he sent a royal army into cascoigne , to recover the dutchy of aquitain . these four great actions , did take up all the raign of this prince . and therefore , we find not in any record , that this king transmitted any forces into ireland ; but on the other side , we find it recorded both in the annals , and in the pipe-rolls of this kingdom , that three several armies were raised of the kings subjects in ireland , and transported one into scotland , another into wales ; and the third into cascoigne ; and that several aids were levyed here , for the setting forth of those armies . the son and successor of this excellent prince , was edward the second , who much against his will sent one small army into ireland ; not with a purpose to finish the conquest , but to guard the person of his minion , piers gaveston , who being banished out of england , was made lieutenant of ireland , that so his exile might seem more honourable . he was no sooner arrived here , but he made a journey into the mountains of dublin ; brake and subdued the rebels there ; built new-castle in the birnes country , and repaired castlekeuin ; and after passed up into mounster and thomond , performing every where great service , with much vertue and valour . but the king , who could not live without him , revokt him within less than a year . after which time the invasion of the scots , and rebellion of the barons , did not only disable this king to be a conqueror , but deprived him both of his kingdom and life . and when the scottish nation had over-run all this land under the conduct of edw. le bruce ( who stiled himself king of ireland ) england was not then able to send either men or mony to save this kingdom . only roger de mortimer then justice of ireland , arrived at youghall , cum 38. milit . saith friar clinn in his annals . but bremingham , verdon , stapleton , and some other private gentlemen , rose out with the commons of meth and vriel , and at fagher near dondalke , a fatal place to the enemies of the crown of england , overthrew a potent army of them . et sic ( saith the red book of the exchequer , wherein the victory was briefly recorded ) per manus communis populi , & dextram dei deliberatur populus dei a servitute machinata & praecogitata . in the time of king edward the third , the impediments of the conquest of ireland , are so notorious , as i shall not need to express them ; to wit , the war which the king had with the realms of scotland , and of france ; but especially the wars of france , which were almost continual for the space of forty years . and indeed , france was a fairer mark to shoot at , than ireland , and could better reward the conqueror . besides , it was an inheritance newly descended upon the king ; and therefore , he had great reason to bend all his power , and spend all his time and treasure in the recovery thereof . and this is the true cause why edward the third sent no army into ireland , till the 36. year of his reign , when the lord lionel brought over a regiment of 1500. men , as is before expressed : which that wise and warlick prince did not transmit as a competent power , to make a full conquest , but as an honorable retinue for his son ; and withall , to enable him to recover some part of his earldom of vlster , which was then over-run with the irish . but on the other part , though the english colonies were much degenerate in this kings time , and had lost a great part of their possessions , yet lying at the siege of callis , he sent for a supply of men out of ireland , which were transported under the conduct of the earl of kildare , and fulco de l● freyn , in the year 1347. and now are we come again to the time of king richard the second ; who for the first ten years of his reign , was a minor , and much disquieted with popular commotions ; and after that , was more troubled with the factions that arose between his minions , and the princes of the blood . but at last , he took a resolution to finish the conquest of this realm . and to that end he made two royal voyages hither . upon the first , he was deluded by the faigned submissions of the irish ; but upon the latter , when he was fully bent to prosecute the war with effect , he was diverted and drawn from hence by the return of the duke of lancaster , into england , and the general defection of the whole realm . as for henry the fourth , he being an intruder upon the crown of england , was hindered from all forraign actions , by sundry conspiracies and rebellions at home , moved by the house of northumberland in the north ; by the dukes of surrey and exceter in the south ; and by owen glendour in wales ; so as he spent his short raign in establishing and setling himself in the quiet possession of england , and had neither leisure nor opportunity to undertake the final conquest of ireland . much less could king henry the fifth perform that work : for in the second year of his reign , he transported an army into france , for the recovery of that kingdom , and drew over to the siege of harflew , the prior of kilmaineham , with 1500. irish . in which great action , this victorious prince , spent the rest of his life . and after his death , the two noble princes his brothers , the duke of bedford and glocester , who during the minority of king henry the sixth , had the government of the kingdoms of england and france , did employ all their counsels and endeavours to perfect the conquest of france , the greater part whereof being gained by henry the fifth , and retained by the duke of bedford , was again lost by king henry the sixth ; a manifest argument of his disability to finish the conquest of this land. but when the civil war between the two houses was kindled , the kings of england were so far from reducing all the irish under their obedience , as they drew out of ireland to strengthen their parties , all the nobility and gentry descended of english race , which gave opportunity to the irishry , to invade the lands of the english colonies , and did hazard the loss of the whole kingdom . for , though the duke of york did , while he lived in ireland , carry himself respectively towards all the nobility , to win the general love of all , bearing equal favour to the giraldines and the butlers ( as appeared at the christning of george duke of clarence , who was born in the castle of dublin , where he made both the earl of kildare , and the earl of ormonde his gossips : ) and having occasion divers times to pass into england ; he left the sword with kildare at one time , and with ormonde at another : and when he lost his life at wakefield , there were slain with him divers of both those families . yet afterwards , th●se two noble houses of ireland , did severally follow the two royal houses of england ; the giraldines adhering to the house of york , and the butlers to the house of lancaster . whereby it came to pass , that not only the principal gentlemen of both those sur-names , but all their friends and dependants did pass into england , leaving their lands and possessions to be over-run by the irish . these impediments , or rather impossibilities of finishing the conquest of ireland , did continue till the wars of lancaster and york were ended : which was about the twelfth year of king edward the fourth . thus hitherto the kings of england were hindred from finishing this conquest by great and apparent impediments : henry the second , by the rebellion of his sons : king john , henry the third , and edward the second , by the barons wars : edward the first by his wars in wales and scotland : edward the third , and henry the fifth , by the wars of france : richard the second , henry the fourth , henry the sixth , and edward the fourth , by domestick contention for the crown of england it self . but the fire of the civil war being utterly quenched , and king edward the fourth setled in the peaceable possession of the crown of england , what did then hinder that war●ick prince from reducing of ireland also ? first the whole realm of england was miserably wasted , depopulated and impoverished by the late civil dissentions ; yet as soon as it had recovered it self with a little peace and rest , this king raised an army and revived the title of france again : howbeit this army was no sooner transmitted and brought into the field , but the two kings also were brought to an interview . whereupon , partly by the fair and white promises of lewis the 11. and partly by the corruption of some of king edwards minions , the english forces were broken and dismissed , and king edward returned into england , where shortly after find●ng himself deluded and abused by the french , he dyed with melancholy , and vexation of spirit . i omit to speak of richard the usurper , who never got the quiet possession of england , but was cast out by henry the seventh within two years and a half , after his usurpation . and for king henry the seventh himself , though he made that happy union of the two houses , yet for more than half the space of his reign , there were walking spirits of the house of yorke , as well in ireland as in england , which he could not conjure down , without expence of some bloud and treasure . but in his later times , he did wholly study to improve the revenues of the crown in both kingdomes ; with an intent to provide means for some great action which he intended : which doubtless , if he had lived , would rather have proved a journey into france , than into ireland , because in the eyes of all men , it was a fairer enterprize . therefore king henry the eighth , in the beginning of his raign , made a voyage royal into france ; wherein he spent the greatest part of that treasure , which his father had frugally reserved ; perhaps for the like purpose . in the latter end of his reign , he made the like journey , being enricht with the revenues of the abby lands . but in the middle time between these two attempts , the great alteration which he made in the state ecclesiastical , caused him to stand upon his guard at home ; the pope having sollicited all the princes of christendom to revenge his quarrel in that behalf . and thus was king henry the eighth , detained and diverted from the absolute reducing of the kingdom of ireland . lastly , the infancy of king edward the sixth , and the coverture of qu. mary ( which are both non abilities in the law ) did in fact disable them to accomplish the conquest of ireland . so as now this great work did remain to be performed by queen elizabeth ; who though she were diverted by suppressing the open rebellion in the north ; by preventing divers secret conspiracies against her person ; by giving aids to the french , and states of the low-countries ; by maintaining a naval war with spain , for many years together : yet the sundry rebellions , joyned with forraign invasions upon this island , whereby it was in danger to be utterly lost , and to be possessed by the enemies of the crown of england , did quicken her majesties care for the preservation thereof ; and to that end , from time to time during her reign , she sent over such supplies of men and treasure , as did suppress the rebels , and repell the invaders . howbeit , before the transmitting of the last great army , the forces sent over by queen elizabeth , were not of sufficient power to break and subdue a●l the irishry , and to reduce and reform the whole kingdom ; but when the general defection came , which came not without a special providence for the final good of that kingdom ( though the second causes thereof , were the faint prosecution of the war against tyrone ; the practises of priests and jesuites , and the expectation of the aids from spain ) then the extream peril of loosing the kingdom ; the dishonour and danger that might thereby grow to the crown of england ; together with a just disdain conceived by that great minded queen , that so wicked and ungratefull a rebell should prevail against her , who had ever been victorious against all her enemies , did move , and almost enforce her to send over that mighty army : and did withall enflame the hearts of the subiects of england , chearfully to contribute towards the maintaining thereof , a million of sterling pounds at least : which was done with a purpose only to save , and not to gain a kingdom ; to keep and retain that soveraignty , which the crown of england had in ireland ( such as it was ) and not to recover a more absolute dominion . but , as it faileth out many times , that when a house is on fire , the owner to save it from burning , pulleth it down to the ground ; but that pulling down , doth give occasion of building it up again in a better form : so these last wars , which to save the kingdome did utterly break and destroy this people , produced a better effect than was at first expected . for , every rebellion , when it is supprest , doth make the subject weaker and the prince stronger . so , this general revolt , when it was overcome , did produce a general obedience and reformation of all the irishry , which ever before had been disobedient and unreformed ; and thereupon ensued the final and full conquest of ireland . and thus much may suffice to be spoken touching the defects in the martial affairs and the weak and faint prosecution of the war ; and of the several impediments or employments , which did hinder or divert every king of england successively , from reducing ireland to their absolute subjection . it now remaineth , that we shew the defects of the civil policy and government , which gave no less impediment to the perfection of this conquest . the first of that kind , doth consist in this , that the crown of england did not from the beginning give laws to the irishry ; whereas to give laws to a conquered people , is the principal mark and effect of a perfect conquest . for , albeit king henry the second , before his return out of ireland , held a council or parliament at lissemore ; vbi leges angliae ab omnibus sunt gratanter receptae , & juratoria cautione praestita confirmatae , as matth. paris writeth . and though king john in the twelfth year of his reign , did establish the english laws and customes here , and placed sheriffs and other ministers to rule and govern the people , according to the law of england : and to that end , ipse duxit secum viros discretos & legis peritos , quorum communi consilio scatuit & praecepit , leges anglicanas teneri in hibernia , &c. as we finde it recorded among the patent rolls in the tower , 11 hen. 3. m. 3. though likewise , king henry the third did grant and transmit the like charter of liberties to his subjects of ireland , as himself and his father had granted to the subjects of england , as appeareth by another record in the tower , 1 hen. 3. pat. m. 13. and afterwards , by a special writ , did command the lord justice of ireland , quod convocatis archiepiscopis , episcopis , comitibus , baronibus , &c. coram : eis legi faceret chartam regis johannis ; quam ipse legi fecit & jurari à magnatibus hiberniae , de legibus & constitutionibus angliae observandis , & quod leges illas teneant & observent , 12 hen. 3. claus . m. 8. and after that again , the same king by letters patents under the great seal of england , did confirm the establishment of the english laws made by king john , in this form , quia pro communi utilitate terrae hiberniae , ac unitate terrarum , de communi consilio provisum sit , quod omnes leges & consuetudines quae in regno angliae tenentur , in hiberniâ teneantur , & eadem terra ejusdem legibus subjaceat , ac per easdem regatur , sicut johannes rex , cum illic esset , statuit & firmiter mandavit ; ideo volumus quod omnia brevia de communi jure , quae currunt in anglia , similiter currant in hibernia , sub novo sigillo nostro , &c. teste meipso apud woodstock , &c. which confirmation is found among the patent rolls in the tower , anno 30. hen. 3. notwithstanding , it is evident by all the records of this kingdom , that onely the english colonies , and some fews septs of the irishry , which were enfranchised by special charters , were admitted to the benefit and protection of the laws of england ; and that the irish generally , were held and reputed aliens , or rather enemies to the crown of england ; insomuch , as they were not onely disabled to bring any actions , but they were so far out of the protection of the law , as it was often adjudg'd no felony to kill a meer irishman in the time of peace . that the meer irish were reputed aliens , appeareth by sundry records ; wherein judgement is demanded , if they shall be answered in actions brought by them : and likewise , by the charters of denization , which in all ages were purchased by them . in the common plea rolls of 28 edward the third ( which are yet preserved in breminghams tower ) this case is adjudged . simon neal brought an action of trespass against william newlagh for breaking his close in clandalkin , in the county of dublin ; the defendant doth plead , that the plaintiff is hibernicus , & non de quinque sanguinibus ; and demandeth judgement , if he shall be answered . the plaintiff replieth , quod ipse est de quinque sanguinibus ( viz , ) de les oneiles de vlton , qui per concessionem progenitorum domini regis ; libertatibus anglicis gaudere debent & utuntur , & proliberis hominibus reputantur . the defendant rejoyneth , that the plaintiff is not of the oneals of vlster , nec de quinque sanguinibus . and thereupon they are at issue . which being found for the plaintiff , he had judgement to recover his damages against the defendant . by this record it appeareth , that five principal bloods , or septs , of the irishry , were by special grace enfranchised and enabled to take benefit of the laws of england ; and that the nation of ô neals in vlster , was one of the five . and in the like case , 3 of edward the second , among the plea-rolls in breminghams tower : all the five septs or bloods , qui gaudeant lege anglicana quoad brevia portanda , are expressed , namely , oneil de vltonia ; o molaghlin de minia ; o connoghor de connacia ; o brin de thotmonia ; & mac murrogh de lagenia : and yet i find , that o neal himself long after , ( viz. ) in 20 edw. 4. upon his marriage with a daughter of the house of kildare ( to satisfie the friends of the lady ) was made denizen by a special act of parliament , 20 edw. 4. c. 8. again , in the 29 of edw , 1. before the justices in eire at droghedah , thomas le botteler brought an action of detinue against robert de almain , for certain goods . the defendant pleadeth , quod non tenetur ei inde respondere , eo quod est hibernicus , & non de libero sanguine . et praedictus thomas dicit , quod anglicus est , & hoc petit quod inquiratur per patriam , ideo fiat inde jurat . &c. jurat . dicunt super sacrament suum , quod praedict thomas anglicus est , ideo consideratum est quod recuperet , &c. these two records among many other , do sufficiently shew , that the irish were disabled to bring any actions at the common law. touching their denizations , they were common in every kings reign , since henry the second , and were never out of use , till his majestie that now is , came to the crown . among the pleas of the crown of 4. edw. 2. we finde a confirmation made by edward the first , of a charter of denization granted by henry the second , to certain oostmen , or easterlings , who were inhabitants of waterford long before henry the second attempted the conquest of ireland . edwardus dei gratia , &c. justitiario suo hiberniae salutem : quia per inspectionem chartae dom. hen. reg. filii imperatricis quondam dom. hiberniae proavi nostri nobis constat , quod ostmanni de waterford legem anglicorum in hibernia habere , & secundum ipsam legam judicari & deduci debènt : vobis mandamus quod gillicrist mac gilmurrii , willielmum & johannem mac gilmurrii & alios ostmannos de civitate & comitatu waterford , qui de predictis ostmannis praedict . dom. henr. proavi nostri originem duxerunt , legem anglicorum in partibus illis juxta tenorem chartae praedict . habere , & eos secundum ipsam legem ( quantum in nobis est , deduci faciatis ) donec aliud de consilio nostro inde duxerimus ordinand . in cujus rei , &c. teste meipso apud acton burnell . 15. octobris anno regni nostri undecimo . again , among the patent rolls of 1 edward the fourth , remaining in the chancery here , we finde a patent of denization granted the 13 of edward the first , in these words , edwardus dei gratia , rex angliae , dom. hiberniae , dux aquitaniae , &c. omnibus ballivis & fidelibus suis in hibernia , salutem : volentes christophero filio donaldi hibernico gratiam sacere specialem , concedimus pro nobis & haeredibus nostris , quod idem christopherus hanc habeat libertatem , ( viz. ) quod ipse de catero in hibernia utatur legibus anglicanis , & prohibemus ne quisquam contra hanc concessionem nostram dictum christopherum vexet in aliquo vel perturbet . in cujus rei testimonium , &c. teste meipso apud westm . 27. die junii , anno regni nostri , 13. in the same roll , we finde another charter of denization , granted in the first of edward the fourth , in a more larger and beneficial form . edw. dei gratia , &c. omnibus ballivis , &c. salutem . sciatis quod nos volentes willielmum o bolgir capellanum de hibernica natione existentem , favore prosequi gratioso , de gratia nostra speciali , &c. concessimus eidem willielmo , quod ipse liberi sit status , & liberae conditionis , & ab omni servitute hibernicâ liber & quietus , & quod ipse legibus anglicanis in omnibus & per omnia uti possit & gaudere , eodem modo , quo homines anglici infra dictam terram eas habent , & iis gaudent & utuntur , quodque ipse respondeat , & respondeatur , in quibuscumque curiis nostris : ac omnimod . terras , tenementa , redditus , & servitia perquirere possit sibi & haere dibus suis imperpetuum , &c. if i should collect out of the records , all the charters of this kind , i should make a volume thereof ; but these may suffice to shew , that the meer irish were not reputed free subjects ; nor admitted to the benefit of the laws of england , until they had purchased charters of denization . lastly , the meer irish were not onely accounted aliens , but enemies ; and altogether out of the protection of the law ; so as it was no capital offence to kill them ; and this is manifest by many records . at a gaol-delivery at waterford , before john wogan lord justice of ireland , the fourth of edward the second , we finde it recorded among the pleas of the crown of that year , quod robertus le wayleys rectatus de morte johannis filii juor mac gillemory felonice per ipsum interfecti , &c venit & bene cognovit quod praedictum johannem interfecit : dicit tamon quod peri● ejus interfectionem feloniam committere non potuit , quia dicit , quod praedictus johannes fuit purus hibernicus , & non de libero sanguine , &c. et cum dominus dicti johannis ( cujus hibernicus idem johannes suit ) die quo interfectus fuit , solutionem pro ipso johanne hibernico suo sic interfecto petere voluerit , ipse robertus paratus erat ad respondend ' de solutione praedict prout justitia suadebit . et super hoc venit quidam johannes le poer , & dicit pro domino rege , quod praedict . iohannes filius iuor mac gillemory , & antecessores sui de cognonime praedict . à tempore quo dominus henricus filius imperatricis , quondam dominus hiberniae , tritavus domini regis nunc , fuit in hibernia , legem anglicorum in hibernia usque ad hunc diem haberc , & secundum ipsam legem judicari & deduci debent . and so pleaded the charter of denization granted to the oostmen recited before ; all which appeareth at large in the said record : wherein we may note , that the killing of an irish man , was not punished by our law , as man-slaughter , which is fellony , and capital , ( for our law did neither protect his life , nor revenge his death ) but by a fine or pecuniary punishment , which is called an erick , according to the brehon , or irish law. again , at a gaol-delivery , before the same lord justice at limerick , in the roll of the same year , we finde , that willielmus filius rogeri rectatus de morre rogeri de canteton felonice per ipsum interfecti , venit & dicit , quod feloniam per interfectionem praedictam committere non potuit , quia dicit quod praedict . rogerus hibernic . est , & non de libero sanguine ; dicit etiam quod praedict . rogerus fuit de cognomine de ohederiscal & non de cognonime de cantetons , & de hoc ponit se super patriam , &c. et jurati dicunt super sacram. suum , quod praedictus rogerus hibernicus fuit & de cognonime de ohederiscal & pro hibernico habebatur tota vita sua : ideo praedict . willielmus quoad feloniam praedict . quietus . sed quia praedictus rogerus ottederiscal fuit hibernicus domini regis , praedict . willielmus recommittatur gaolae , quousque plegios invenerit de quinque marcis solvendis domino regi pro solutione praedicti hibernici . but on the other side , if the jury had found , that the party slain had been of english race and nation , it had been adjudged fellony ; as appeareth by a record of 29 of edward the first , in the crown-office here . coram waltero lenfant & sociis suis justitiariis itinerantibus apud drogheda in comitatu louth . johannes laurens indictat . de morte galfridi douedal venit & non dedicit mortem praedictam : sed dicit quod praedict . galfridus fuit hibernicus , & non de libero sanguine , & d● bono & malo ponit se super patriam , &c. et jurat . dicunt super sacram. suum quod praedict . galfridus anglicus fuit , & ideo praedict . johannes culpabilis e●● de morte galfridi praedict . ideo suspend catalla 13. s. unde hugo de clinton vic● com . respondet . hence it is , that in all the parliament rolls which are extant fro● the fortieth year of edward the third when the statutes of kilkenny were enacted , till the reign of king henry the eighth , we finde the degenerate and disobedient english , called rebels ; but the irish which were not in the kings peace , are called enemies . statute kilkenny . c. 1.10 . and 11.11 hen. 4. c. 24.10 hen. 6. c. 1.18.18 hen. 6. c. 4.5 edw. 4. c. 6.10 hen. 7. c. 17. all these statutes speak of english rebels , and irish enemies ; as if the irish had never been in condition of subjects , but always out of the protection of the law ; and were indeed in worse case than aliens of any forreign realm that was in amity with the crown of england . for , by divers heavy penal laws , the english were forbidden to marry , to foster , to make gossips with the irish ; or to have any trade or commerce in their markets or fairs ; nay , there was a law made no longer since , than the 28 year of henry the eighth , that the english should not marry with any person of irish blood , though he had gotten a charter of denization , unless he had done both homage and fealty to the king in the chancery , and were also bound by recognizance with sureties , to continue a loyal subject . whereby it is manifest , that such as had the government of ireland under the crown of england , did intend to make a perpetual separation and enmity between the english and the irish ; pretendng ( no doubt ) that the english should in the end root cut the irish ; which the english not being able to do , did cause a perpetual war between the nations : which continued four hundred and odde years , and would have lasted to the worlds end ; if in the end of queen elizabeths reign , the irishry had not been broken and conquered by the sword : and since the beginning of his majesties reign , had not been protected and governed by the law. but perhaps , the irishry in former times did wilfully refuse to be subject to the laws of england , and would not be partakers of the benefit thereof , though the crown of england did desire ; and therefore , they were reputed aliens , out-laws , and enemies . assuredly , the contrary doth appear , as well by the charters of denization purchased by the irish in all ages , as by a petition preferred by them to the king , anno 2 edward the third : desiring , that an act might pass in ireland , whereby all the irishry might be inabled to use and enjoy the laws of england , without purchasing of particular denizations : upon which petition , the king directed a special writ to the lord justice ; which is found amongst the close-rolls in the tower of london , in this form ; rex dilecto & fideli suo johanni darcile mepieu justic . suo hiberniae , salutem . ex parte quorundam hominum de hibernia nobis extitit supplicatum , ut per statutum inde faciendum concedere velimus , quod omnes hibernici qui voluerint , legibus utatur anglicanis : ita quod necesse non habeant super hoc chartas alienas à nobis impetrare : nos igitur certiorari volentes si sine alieno praejudicio praemissis annuere valeamus , vobis mandamus quod voluntatem magnatum terrae illius in proximo parliamento nostro ibidem tenendo super hoc cum diligentia perscrutari facias : & de eo quod inde inveneritis una cum consilio & advisamento nobis certificetis , &c. whereby i collect , that the great lords of ireland had informed the king , that the irishry might not be naturalized , without damage and prejudice either to themselves , or to the crown . but i am well assured , that the irishry did desire to be admitted to the benefit of the law , not onely in this petition exhibited to king edward the third ; but by all their submissions made to king richard the second , and to the lord thomas of lancaster before the wars of the two houses ; and afterwards to the lord leonard grey , and sir anthony saint-leger , when king henry the eighth began to reform this kingdom . in particular , the birns of the mountains , in the 34 of henry the eighth , desire that their countrey might be made shire-ground , and called the county of wicklow : and in the 23 of henry the eighth , o donnel doth covenant with sir william skeffington , quod si dominus rex velit reformare hiberniam , ( whereof it should seem he made some doubt ) that he and his people would gladly be governed by the laws of england . only that ungrateful traytor tirone , though he had no colour or shadow of title to that great lordship , but only by grant from the crown , and by the law of england ( for by the irish law he had been ranked with the meanest of his sept ) yet in one of his capitulations with the state , he required that no sheriff might have jurisdiction within tyrone ; and consequently that the laws of england might not be executed there : which request , was never before made by o neale , or any other lord of the irishry , when they submitted themselves : but contrariwise they were humble sutors to have the benefit and protection of the english laws . this then i note as a great defect in the civil policy of this kingdom , in that for the space of three hundred and fifty years at least after the conquest first attempted , the english laws were not communicated to the irish , nor the benefit and protection thereof allowed unto them , though they earnestly desired and sought the same . for , as long as they were out of the protection of the law ; so as every english-man might oppress , spoil , and kill them without controulment , how was it possible they should be other than out-laws and enemies to the crown of england ? if the king would not admit them to the condition of subjects , how could they learn to acknowledge and obey him as their soveraign ? when they might not converse or commerce with any civil men , nor enter into any town or city without peril of their lives ; whither should they flye but into the woods and mountains , and there live in a wilde and barbarous manner ? if the english magistrates would not rule them by the law , which doth punish treason , and murder , and theft with death ; but leave them to be ruled by their own lords and laws , why should they not embrace their own brehon law , which punisheth no offence , but with a fine or ericke ? if the irish be not permitted to purchase estates of free-holds or inheritance , which might descend to their children , according to the course of our common law , must they not continue their custom of tanistrie ? which makes all their possessions uncertain , and brings confusion , barbarism , and incivility ? in a word , if the english would neither in peace govern them by the law , nor could in war root them out by the sword ; must they not needs be pricks in their eyes , and thorns in their sides , till the worlds end ? and so the conquest never be brought to perfection . but on the other side ; if from the beginning , the laws of england had been established , and the brehon or irish law utterly abolished , as well in the irish countries , as the english colonies ; if there had been no difference made between the nations in point of justice and protection , but all had been governed by one equal , just , and honourable law , as dido speaketh in virgil ; tros , tyriusvè mihi nullo discrimine habetur . if upon the first submission made by the irish lords to king henry the second ; quem in regem & dominum receperunt , saith matth. paris ; or upon the second submission made to king john , when , plusquam viginti reguli maximo timore perterriti homagium ei & fidelitatem fecerunt , as the same author writeth ; or upon the third general submission made to king richard the second ; when they did not only do homage and fealty , but bound themselves by indentures and oaths ( as is before expressed ) to become and continue loyal subjects to the crown of england ; if any of these three kings , who came each of them twice in person into this kingdom , had upon these submissions of the irishry , received them all , both lords and tenants into their immediate protection , divided their several countries into counties ; made sheriffs , coroners , and wardens of the peace therein : sent justices itinerants half yearly into every part of the kingdom , as well to punish malefactors , as to hear and determine causes between party and party , according to the course of the laws of england ; taken surrenders of their lands and territories , and granted estates unto them , to hold by english tenures ; granted them markers , fairs , and other franchises , and erected corporate towns among them ; ( all which , hath been performed since his majesty came to the crown , ) assuredly the irish countries had long since been reformed and reduced to peace , plenty , and civility , which are the effects of laws and good government : they had builded houses , planted orchards and gardens , erected town-ships , and made provision for their posterities ; there had been a perfect union betwixt the nations , and consequently , a perfect conquest of ireland . for the conquest is never perfect , till the war be at an end ; and the war is not at an end till their be peace and unity ; and there can never be unity and concord in any one kingdom , but where there is but one king , one allegiance , and one law. true it is , that king john made twelve shires in leinster and mounster : namely , dublin , kildare , meth , vriel , catherlogh , kilkenny , wexford , waterford , corke , limerick , kerrie , and tipperary . yet these counties did stretch no farther than the lands of the english colonies did extend . in them only , were the english laws published and put in execution ; and in them only did the itinerant judges make their circuits and visitations of justice , and not in the countries possessed by the irishry , which contained two third parts of the kingdom at least . and therefore king edward the first , before the court of parliament was established in ireland , did transmit the statutes of england in this form : dominus rex mandavit breve suum in haec verba : edwardus dei gratia , rex angliae , dominus hiberniae , &c. cancellario suo hiberniae , salutem . quaedam statuta per nos de assensu praelatorum , comitum , baronum & communitat . regni nostri nuper apud lincolne , & quaedam alia statuta postmodum apud eborum facta , quae in dicta terra nostra hiberniae ad communem utilitatem populi nostri ejusdem terrae observari volumus , vobis mittimus sub sigillo nostro , mandantes quod statuta illa in dicta cancellaria nostra custodiri , ac in rotulis ejusdem cancellariae irrotulari , & ad singulas placeas nostras in terra nostra hiberniae , & singulos commitatus ejusdem terrae mitti faciatis ministris nostris placearum illarum , & vicecomitibus dictorum comitatum : mandantes , quod statuta illa coram ipsis publicari & ea in omnibus & singulis articulis suis observari firmiter faciatis . testè meipso apud nottingham , &c. by which writ , and by all the pipe-rolls of that time it is manifest , that the laws of england were published and put in execution only in the counties , which were then made and limited , and not in the irish countries , which were neglected and left wilde ; and have but of late years been divided in one and twenty counties more . again , true it is that by the statute of kilkenny , enacted in this kingdom , in the fortieth year of king edward the third , the brehon law was condemned and abolished , and the use and practice thereof made high-treason . but this law extended to the english only , and not to the irish : for the law is penned in this form : item , forasmuch as the diversity of government by divers laws in one land , doth make diversity of ligeance and debates between the people , it is accorded and established , that hereafter no english man have debate with another english man , but according to the course of the common law ; and that no english man be ruled in the definition of their debates , by the march-law , or the brehon law , which by reason ought not to be named a law , but an evil custom ; but that they be ruled as right is , by the common law of the land , as the lieges of our soveraign lord the king ; and if any do to the contrary and thereof be attainted , that he be taken and imprisoned and judged as a traytor : and that hereafter there be no diversity of ligeance between the english born in ireland , and the english born in england , but that all be called and reputed english , and the lieges of our soveraign lord the king , &c. this law , was made only to reform the degenerate english , but there was no care taken for the reformation of the meer irish ; no ordinance , no provision made for the abolishing of their barbarous customs and manners . insomuch as the law then made for apparel , and riding in saddles , after the english fashion , is penal only to english men , and not to the irish . but the roman state , which conquered so many nations both barbarous and civil ; and therefore knew by experience , the best and readiest way of making a perfect and absolute conquest , refused not to communicate their laws to the rude and barbarous people , whom they had conquered ; neither did they put them out of their protection , after they had once submitted themselves . but contrariwise , it is said of julius caesar : quâ , vicit , victos protegit , ille manu . and again , of another emperor : fecisti patriam diversis gentibus unam , profuit invitis te dominante capi ; dumque offers victis proprii consortia juris , vrbem fecisti , quod priùs orbis erat , and of rome it self ; haec est , in gremium vict os quae sola recepit , humanumque genus communi nomine fovit , matris , non dominae , ritu ; civesque vocavit , quos domuit , nexusque pio longinqua revinxit . therefore ( as tacitus writeth ) julius agricola the romane general in brittany , used this policy to make a perfect conquest of our ancestours , the ancient brittains ; they were ( saith he ) rude , and dispersed ; and therefore prone upon every occasion to make war , but to induce them by pleasure to quietness and rest , he exhorted them in private , and gave them helps in common , to build temples , houses , and places of publick resort . the noblemens sons , he took and instructed in the liberal sciences , &c. preferring the wits of the brittains , before the students of france ; as being now curious to attain the eloquence of the romane language , whereas they lately rejected that speech . after that , the roman attire grew to be in account , and the gown to be in use among them ; and so by little and little they proceeded to curiosity and delicacies in buildings and furniture of houshould ; in bathes , and exquisite banquets ; and so being come to the heighth of civility , they were thereby brought to an absolute subjection . likewise , our norman conqueror , though he oppressed the english nobility very sore , and gave away to his servitors , the lands and possessions of such , as did oppose his first invasion , though he caused all his acts of counsel to be published in french ; and some legal proceedings and pleadings to be framed and used in the same tongue , as a mark and badge of a conquest ; yet he governed all , both english and normans , by one and the same law ; which was the ancient common law of england , long before the conquest . neither did he deny any english man ( that submitted himself unto him : ) the benefit of that law though it were against a norman of the best rank , and in greatest favour ( as appeared in the notable controversie between warren the norman , and sherburne of sherburne castle in norfolke ; for the conqueror had given that castle to warren ; yet when the inheritors thereof , had alledged before the king , that he never boar armes against him ; that he was his subject , as well as the other , and that he did inherit and hold his lands , by the rules of that law , which the king had established among all his subjects ; the king gave judgment against warren , and commanded that sherborne should hold his land in peace . by this means , himself obtained a peaceable possession of the kingdom within few years ; whereas , if he had cast all the english out of his protection , and held them as aliens and enemies to the crown , the normans ( perhaps ) might have spent as much time in the conquest of england , as the english have spent in the conquest of ireland . the like prudent course hath been observed in reducing of wales ; which was performed partly by king edward the first , and altogether finished by king henry the eighth . for we find by the statute of rutland , made the 12. of edward the first , when the welshmen had submitted themselves , de alto & basso , to that king , he did not reject and cast them off , as out-lawes and enemies , but caused their laws and customs to be examined , which were in many points agreeable to the irish or brehon law. quibus diligenter auditis & plenius intellectis , quasdam illarum ( saith the king in that ordinance ) consilio procerum delevimus ; quasdam permissimus ; quasdam correximus ; ac etiam quasdam alias adjiciendas & faciend . decrevimus ; and so established a common-wealth among them , according to the form of the english government . after this , by reason of the sundry insurrections of the barons ; the wars in france ; and the dissention between the houses of yorke and lancaster , the state of england , neglected or omitted the execution of this statute of rutland ; so as a great part of wales grew wilde and barbarous again . and therefore king henry the eighth , by the statutes of 27. and 32. of his raign , did revive and recontinue that noble work begun by king edward the first ; and brought it indeed to full perfection ; for he united the dominion of wales , to the crown of england , and divided it into shires , and erected in every shire , one burrough , as in england ; and enabled them to send knights and burgesses to the parliament ; established a court of presidency , and orda●ned that justices of assise , and gaol-delivery , should make their half year circuits there , as in england ; made all the laws and statutes of england , in force there ; and among other welsh customs , abolished that of gavel-kinde : whereby the heirs-females were utterly excluded , and the bastards did inherit , as well as the legitimate , which is the very irish gavel-kinde . by means whereof ; that entire country in a short time was securely setled in peace and obedience , and hath attained to that civility of manners , and plenty of all things , as now we find it not inferiour , to the best parts of england . i will therefore knit up this point with these conclusions ; first , that the kings of england , which in former ages attempted the conquest of ireland , being ill advised and counselled by the great men here , did not upon the submissions of the irish , communicate their laws unto them , nor admit them to the state and condition of free-subjects : secondly , that for the space of 200. years at ●east , after the first arrival of henry the second in ireland , the irish would gladly have embraced the laws of england , and did earnestly desire the benefit and protection thereof ; which being denyed them , did of necessity cause a continual , bordering war between the english and the irish . and lastly , if according to the examples before recited , they had reduced as well the irish countries , as the english colonies , under one form of civil government ( as now they are , ) the meers and bounds of the marches and borders , had been long since worne out and forgotten , ( for it is not fit , as cambrensis writeth ) that a king of an island should have any marches or borders , ( but the four seas ) both nations had been incorporated and united ; ireland had been entirely conquered , planted , and improved ; and returned a rich revenue to the cr●wn of england . the next error in the civil pollicy which hindered the perfection of the conquest of ireland , did consist in the distribution of the lands and possessions which were won and conquered from the irish . for , the scopes of land which were granted to the first adventures , were too large ; and the liberties and royalties , which they obtained therein , were too great for subjects : though it stood with reason that they should be rewarded liberally out of the fruits of their own labours , since they did militare propriis stipendiis , and received no pay from the crown of england . notwithstanding there ensued divers inconveniences , that gave great impediment to the conquest . first , the earl strongbow was entituled to the whole kingdom of leinster ; partly by invasion , and partly by marriage ; albeit , he surrendred the same entirely to king henry the second his soveraign ; for that with his license he came over ; and with the ayd of his subjects , he had gained that great inheritance ; yet did the king regrant back again to him and his heirs all that province , reserving onely the city of dublin , and the cantreds next adjoyning , with the maritime towns , and principal forts and castles . next , the same king granted to robert fitz-stephen , and miles cogan , the whole kingdom of cork , from lismore to the sea. to phillip bruce , he gave the whole kingdom of limerick , with the donation of bishopwricks , and abbies ( except the city , and one cantred of land adjoyning . ) to sir hugh de lacy , all meath . to sir john de courcy , all vlster . to william burke fitz-adelm , the greatest part of conaght . in like manner , sir thomas de clare , obtained a grant of all thomond ; and otho de grandison of all tipperary ; and robert le poer , of the territory of waterford , ( the city it self , and the cantred of the oastmen only excepted . ) and thus was all ireland cantonized among ten persons of the english nation ; and though they had not gained the possession of one third part of the whole kingdom , yet in title they were owners and lords of all , so as nothing was left to be granted to the natives . and therefore we do not find in any record or story for the space of three hundred years , after these adventurers first arived in ireland , that any irish lord obtained a grant of his country from the crown , but onely the king of thomond , who had a grant but during king henry the third his minority : and rotherick o connor , king of conaght , to whom king henry the second , before this distribution made , did grant ( as is before declared . ) vt sit rex sub eo ; and moreover , vt teneat terram suam conactiae it a bene & in pace , sicut tenuit antequam dominus rex intravit hiberniam . and whose successor , in the 24 of henry the third , when the bourkes had made a strong plantation there , and had well-nigh expelled him out of his territory , he came over into england , ( as matth. paris writeth ) and made complaint to king henry the third of this invasion made by the bourkes upon his land , insisting upon the grants of king henry the second , and king john ; and affirming , that he had duely paid an yearly tribute of five thousand marks for his kingdom . whereupon , the king called unto him the lord maurice fitz-girald , who was then lord justice of ireland , and president in the court ; and commanded him that he should root out that unjust plantation , which hubert earl of kent had in the time of his greatness , planted in those parts ; and wrote withal to the great men of ireland to remove the bourks , and to establish the king of conaght in the quiet possession of his kingdom . howbeit , i do not read , that the king of englands commandment or direction in this behalf was ever put in execution . for , the troth is ; richard de burgo had obtained a grant of all conaght , after the death of the king of conaght , then living . for which he gave a thousand pound , as the record in the tower reciteth , the third of henry the third , claus . 2. and besides , our great english lords could not endure that any kings should reign in ireland , but themselves ; nay , they could hardly endure that the crown of england it self , should have any jurisdiction or power over them . for many of these lords , to whom our kings had granted these petty kingdoms , did by vertue and colour of these grants , claim and exercise jura regalia within their territories ; insomuch , as there were no less than eight counties palatines in ireland at one time . for william marshal , earl of pembroke , who married the daughter and heir of strongbow , being lord of all leinster , had royal jurisdiction thoroughout all that province . this great lord had five sons , and five daughters ; every of his sons enjoyed that seigniory successively , and yet all dyed without issue . then this great lordship was broken and divided , and partition made between the five daughters , who were married into the noblest houses of england . the county of catherlough was allotted to the eldest ; wexford to the sec●nd ; kilkenny to the third ; kildare to the fourth ; the greatest part of leix , now called the queens county , to the fifth : in every of these portions , the ceparceners severally exercised the same jurisdiction royal , which the earl marshal and his sons had used in the whole province . whereby it came to pass , that there were five county palatines erected in leinster . then had the lord of meath the same royal liberty in all that territory ; the earl of vlster in all that province ; and the lord of desmond and kerry within that county . all these appear upon record , and were all as ancient as the time of king john ; onely the liberty of tipperary , which is the onely liberty that remaineth at this day , was granted to james butler the first earl of ormond , in the third year of king edward the third . these absolute palatines made barons and knights , did exercise high justice in all points within their territories , erected courts for criminal and civil causes , and for their own revenues ; in the same form , as the kings courts were established at dublin ; made their own judges , seneshals , sheriffs , coroners , and escheators ; so as the kings writ did not run in these counties ( which took up more than two parts of the english colonies ) but onely in the church lands lying within the same , which were called the cross , wherein the king made a sheriff : and so , in each of these counties palatines , there were two sheriffs ; one , of the liberty ; and another of the cross : as in meath we find a sheriff of the liberty , and a sheriff of the cross : and so in vlster , and so in wexford : and so at this day , the earl of ormond maketh a sheriff of the liberty , and the king a sheriff of the cross of tipperary . hereby it is manifest , how much the kings jurisdiction was restrained , and the power of these lords enlarged by these high priviledges . and it doth further appear , by one article among others , preferred to king edward the third , touching the reformation of the state of ireland , which we find in the tower , in these words , item les francheses grantes in ireland , que sont roialles , telles come duresme & cestre , vous oustont cybien de les profits , come de graunde partie de obeisance des persons enfrancheses ; & en quescum frenchese est chancellerie , chequer & conusans de pleas , cybien de la coronne , come autres communes , & grantont auxi charters de pardon ; & sont sovent per ley et reasonable cause seisses en vostre main , a grand profit de vous ; & leigerment restitues per maundement hors de englettere , a damage , &c. unto which article , the king made answer , le roy voet que les franchese que sont et serront per juste cause prises en sa main , ne soent my restitues , auant que le roy soit certifie de la cause de la prise de acelles , 26 ed. 3. claus . m. 1. again , these great undertakers , were not tied to any form of plantation , but all was left to their discretion and pleasure . and although they builded castles , and made free-holders , yet were there no tenures or services reserved to the crown ; but the lords drew all the respect and dependancy of the common people , unto themselves . now let us see what inconveniences did arise by these large and ample grants of lands and liberties , to the first adventurers in the conquest . assuredly by these grants of whole provinces , and petty kingdoms , those few english lords pretended to be proprietors of all the land , so as there was no possibility left of settling the natives in their possessions , and by consequence the conquest became impossible , without the utter extirpation of all the irish ; which these english lords were not able to do , nor perhaps willing , if they had been able . notwithstanding , because they did still hope to become lords of those lands which were possessed by the irish , whereunto they pretended title by their large grants ; and because they did fear , that if the irish were received into the kings protection , and made liege-men and free-subjects , the state of england would establish them in their possessions by grants from the crown ; reduce their countreys into counties , ennoble some of them ; and enfranchise all , and make them amesueable to the law , which would have abridged and cut off a great part of that greatness which they had promised unto themselves : they perswaded the king of england , that it was unfit to communicate the laws of england unto them ; that it was the best policy to hold them as aliens and enemies , and to prosecute them with a continual war. hereby they obtained another royal prerogative and power : which was , to make war and peace at their pleasure , in every part of the kingdom . which gave them an absolute command over the bodies , lands , and goods of the english subjects here . and besides , the irish inhabiting the lands fully conquered and reduced , being in condition of slaves and villains , did render a greater profit and revenue , than if they had been made the kings free-subjects . and for these two causes last expressed , they were not willing to root out all the irishry . we may not therefore marvel , that when king edward the third , upon the petition of the irish ( as is before remembred ) was desirous to be certified , de voluntate magnatum suorum in proximo parliamento in hibernia tenend . si sine alieno praejudicio concedere possit , quod per statut . inde fact . hibernici utantur legibus anglicanis , sive chartis regiis inde impetrandis , that there was never any statute made to that effect . for the troth is , that those great english lords did to the uttermost of their power , cross and withstand the enfranchisement of the irish , for the causes before expressed ; wherein i must still clear and acquit the crown and state of england , of negligence or ill policy , and lay the fault upon the pride , covetousness , and ill counsel of the english planted here , which in all former ages have been the chief impediments of the final conquest of ireland . again , those large scopes of land , and great liberties , with the absolute power to make war and peace , did raise the english lords to that height of pride and ambition , as that they could not endure one another , but grew to a mortal war and dissention among themselves : as appeareth by all the records and stories of this kingdom . first , in the year , 1204. the lacies of meath , made war upon sir john courcy ; who having taken him by treachery , sent him prisoner into england . in the year , 1210. king john coming over in person , expelled the lacies out of the kingdom , for their tyrannie and oppression of the english : howbeit , upon payment of great fines ▪ they were afterward restored . in the year , 1228. that family being risen to a greater heighth ( for hugh de lacy the younger , was created earl of vlster , after the death of courcy without issue ) there arose dissention and war between that house , and william marshal lord of leinster ; whereby all meath was destroyed and laid waste . in the year , 1264. sir walter bourke having married the daughter and heir of lacy , whereby he was earl of vlster in right of his wife , had mortal debate with maurice fitz-morice the geraldine , for certain lands in conaght . so as all ireland was full of wars between the bourkes and the geraldines ( say our annals . ) wherein maurice fitz-morice grew so insolent , as that upon a meeting at thistledermot , he took the lord justice himself , sir richard capel , prisoner , with divers lords of munster being then in his company . in the year , 1288. richard bourke , earl of vlster , ( commonly called the red earl ) pretending title to the lordship of meath , made war upon sir theobald de verdun , and besieged him in the castle of athlone . again , in the year , 1292. john fitz-thomas the geraldine , having by contention with the lord vesci , gotten a goodly inheritance in kildare , grew to that heighth of imagination ( saith the story ) as he fell into difference with divers great noblemen ; and among many others , with richard the red earl , whom he took prisoner , and detained him in castle-ley ; and by that dissention , the english on the one side , and the irish on the other , did waste and destroy all the countrey . after , in the year , 1311. the same red earl ( coming to besiege bonratty in thomond , which was then held by sir richard de clare as his inheritance ) was again taken prisoner ; and all his army ( consisting for the most part of english ) overthrown and cut in pieces , by sir richard de clare . and after this again , in the year , 1327. most of the great houses were banded one against another , ( viz. ) the giraldines , butlers , and breminghams , on the one side , and the bourks and poers on the other . the ground of the quarrel being none other , but that the lord arnold poer , had called the earl of kildare rimer : but this quarrel was prosecuted with such malice and violence , as the counties of waterford and kilkenny were destroyed with fire and sword , till a parliament was called of purpose , to quiet this dissention . shortly after , the lord john bremingham , who was not long before made earl of louth , for that noble service which he performed upon the scots , between ●undalk and the faher , was so extremely envied by the gernons , verdons , and others of the ancient colony , planted in the county of louth , as that in the year , 1329. they did most wickedly betray and murther that earl , with divers principal gentlemen of his name and family ; using the same speech that the rebellious jews are said to use in the gospel : nolumus hunc regnare super nos . after this , the geraldines and the butlers being become the most potent families in the kingdom ( for the great lordship of leinster was divided among coparceners , whose heirs for the most part lived in england ; and the earldom of vlster , with the lordship of meath , by the match of lionel duke of clarence , at last discended upon the crowne ) had almost a continuall warre one with another . in the time of king henry the sixt ( saith baron finglas in his discourse of the decay of ireland , ) in a sight betweene the earles of ormond and desmond , almost all the townes-men of kilkenny were slaine . and as they followed contrary parties during the warres of yorke and lancaster , so after that civil dissention ended in england , these houses in ireland continued their opposition and feud still , even till the time of k. henry the eight ; when by the marriage of margaret fitz-girald to the earl of ossory , the houses of kildare and ormond were reconciled , and have continued in amity ever since . thus these great estates and royalties granted to the english lords in ireland , begate pride ; and pride , begat contention among themselves , which brought forth divers mischiefs , that did not onely disable the english to finish the conquest of all ireland , but did endanger the loss of what was already gained ; and of conquerors , made them slaves to that nation which they did intend to conquer . for , whensoever one english lord had vanquished another , the irish waited and took the opportunity , and fell upon that countrey which had received the blow ; and so daily recovered some part of the lands , which were possessed by the english colonies . besides , the english lords to strengthen their parties , did ally themselves with the irish , and drew them in , to dwell among them , gave their children to be fostered by them ; and having no other means to pay or reward them , suffered them to take coigne and livery upon the english free-holders ; which oppression was so intollerable , as that the better sort were enforced to quit their free-holds and flye into england ; and never returned , though many laws were made in both realms , to remand them back again : and the rest which remained , became degenerate and meer irish , as is before declared . and the english lords finding the irish exactions to be more profitable than the english rents and services ; and loving the irish tyranny , which was tyed to no rules of law or honour , better than a just and lawful seigniory , did reject and cast off the english law and government , received the irish laws and customs , took irish surnames , as mac william , mac pheris , mac yoris , refused to come to the parliaments which were summoned by the king of englands authority , and scorned to obey those english knights which were sent to command and govern this kingdom ; namely , sir richard capel , sir john morris , sir john darcy , and sir raphe vfford . and when sir anthony lucy , a man of great authority in the time of king edward the third , was sent over to reform the notorious abuses of this kingdom , the king doubting that he should not be obeyed , directed a special writ or mandate to the earl of vlster , and the rest of the nobility to assist him . and afterwards , the same king ( upon good advise and counsel ) resumed those excessive grants of lands and liberties in ireland , by a special ordinance made in england , which remaineth of record in the tower , in this form : quia plures excessivoe donationes terrarum & libertatum in hibernia ad subdolam machinationem petentium factae sunt , &c. rex delusorias hujusmodi machinationes volens elidere , de consilio peritorum sibi assistentium , omnes donationes terrarum & libertatum praedict . duxit revocandas , quousque de meritis donatoriorum & causis ac qualitatibus donationum melius fuerit informat . & ideo mandatum est justiciario hiberniae quod seisiri faciat , &c. howbeit , there followed upon this resumption , such a division and faction between the english of birth , and the english of blood and race , as they summoned and held several parliaments apart one from the other . whereupon , there had risen a general war betwixt them , to the utter extinguishing of the english name and nation in ireland , if the earl of desmond , who was head of the faction against the english of birth , had not been sent into england , and detained there for a time : yet afterwards , these liberties being restored by direction out of england , the 26. of edward the third complaint was made to the king of the easie restitution ; whereunto the king made answer , as is before expressed : so as we may conclude this point with that which we find in the a●nals , published by master camden : h●bernici debellati & consumpti fuissent nisi seditio anglicorum impedivisse● whereunto i may add this note , that though some are of opinion , that grants of extraordinary honours and liberties made by a king to his subjects , do no more diminish his greatness , than when one torch lightet● another ; for it hath no less light , that it had before , quis vetat apposito lumen de lumine sumi ? yet many time● inconveniences do arise thereupon and those princes have held up their soveraignty best , which have been sparing in those grants . and truly as these grants of little kingdoms , and great royalties , to a few private persons , did produce the mischiefs spoken of before : so the true cause of the making of these grants , did proceed from this ; that the kings of england being otherwise employed and diverted , did not make the conquest of ireland , their own work , and undertake it not royally at their own charge ; but as it was first begun by particular adventurers , so they left the prosecution thereof , to them , and other voluntaries , who came to seek their fortunes in ireland ; wherein if they could prevail , they thought that in reason and honour they could do no less , than make them proprietors of such scopes of land as they could conquer , people , and plant at their own charge , reserving only the soveraign lordship to the crown of england . but if the lyon had gone to hunt himself , the shares of the inferiour beasts had not been so great : if the invasion had been made by an army transmitted , furnished , and supplyed only at the kings charges , and wholly paid with the kings treasure , as the armies of queen elizabeth , and king james have been ; as the conquest had been sooner atchieved , so the serviters had been contented with lesser proportions . for , when scipio , pompey , caesar , and other generals of the roman armies , as subjects and servants of that state , and with the publick charge had conquered many kingdoms and commonweals , we find them rewarded with honourable offices and triumphes at their return ; and not made lords and proprietors of whole provinces and kingdoms , which they had subdued , to the empire of rome . likewise when the duke of normandy had conquered england , which he made his own work , and performed it in his own person , he distributed sundry lordships and mannors unto his followers , but gave not away whole shires and countreys in demeasne to any of his servitors , whom he most desired to advance . only , he made hugh lupus county palatine of chester , and gave that earldom to him and his heirs , to hold the same , ita liberè ad gladium , sicut rex tenebat angliam ad coronam . whereby that earldom indeed had a royal jurisdiction and seigniory , though the lands of that county in demeasne , were possessed for the most part by the ancient inheritors . again , from the time of the norman conquest , till the raign of king edward the first , many of our english lords , made war upon the welshmen at their own charge ; the lands which they gained they held to their own use , were called lords marchers , and had royal liberties within their lordships . howbeit , these particular adventurers , could never make a perfect conquest of wales . but when king edward the first , came in person with his army thither , kept his residence and court there ; made the reducing of wales , an enterprize of his own ; he finished that work in a year or two , whereof the lords marchers had not performed a third part , with their continual bordering war , for two hundred years before . and withall we may observe , that though this king had now the dominion of wales in jure proprietatis , as the statute of rutland affirmeth ; which before was subject unto him , but in jure feodali : and though he had lost divers principal knights and noblemen in that war , yet did he not reward his servitors with whole countries or counties , but with particular mannors and lordships : as to henry lacy earl of lincolne , he gave the lordship of denbigh ; and to reignold gray , the lordship of ruthen , and so to others . and if the like course had been used in the winning and distributing the lands of ireland , that island had been fully conquered before the continent of wales had been reduced . but the troth is , when private men attempt the conquest of countries at their own charge , commonly their enterprizes do perish without success : as when , in the time of queen elizabeth , sir thomas smith , undertook to recover the ardes : and chatterton , to reconquer then fues and orier . the one lost his son ; and the other , himself ; and both their adventures came to nothing . and as for the crown of england , it hath had the like fortune in the conquest of this land , as some purchasers have ; who desire to buy land at too easie a rate : they finde those cheap purchases so full of trouble , as they spend twice as much as the land is worth , before they get the quiet possession thereof . and as the best pollicy was not observed in the distribution of the conquered lands ; so as i conceive , that the first adventurers , intending to make a full conquest of the irish , were deceived in the choise of the fittest places for their plantation . for they sate down , and erected their castles and habitations in the plains and open countries ; where they found most fruitful and profitable lands , and turned the irish into the woods and mountains : which , as they were proper places for out-laws and thieves , so were they their natural castles and fortifications ; thither they drave their preys and stealths : there they lurkt , and lay in wait to do mischief . these fast places they kept unknown , by making the wayes and entries thereunto impassible ; there they kept their creaghts or heardes of cattle , living by the milke of the cow , without husbandry or tillage ; there they encreased and multiplied unto infinite numbers by promiscuous generation among themselves ; there they made their assemblies and conspiracies without discovery : but they discovered the weakness of the english dwelling in the open plains ; and thereupon made their sallies and retreats with great advantage . whereas , on the other side , if the english had builded their castles and towns in those places of fastness , and had driven the irish into the plains and open countries , where they might have had an eye and observation upon them , the irish had been easily kept in order , and in short time reclaimed from their wildeness ; there they would have used tillage , dwelt together in town-ships , and learned mechanical arts and sciences . the woods had been wasted with the english habitations , as they are about the forts of mariborough and philipston , which were built in the fastest places in leinster , and the wayes and passages throughout ireland , would have been as clear and open , as they are in england at this day . again , if king henry the second , who is said to be the king that conquered this land , had made forrests in ireland , as he did enlarge the forrests in england ( for it appeareth by charta de foresta , that he afforrested many woods and wasts , to the grievance of the subject , which by that law were disaforrested , ) or if those english lords , amongst whom the whole kingdom was divided , had been good hunters , and had reduced the mountains , boggs , and woods within the limits of forrests , chases , and parks ; assuredly , the very forrest law , and the law de malefactoribus in parcis , would in time have driven them into the plains and countries inhabited and manured , and have made them yield up their fast places to those wilde beasts , which were indeed less hurtful and wilde than they . but it seemeth strange to me , that in all the records of this kingdom , i seldom find any mention made of a forrest ; and never of any parke or free-warren ; considering the great plenty both of vert and venison within this land ; and that the chief of the nobility and gentry are descended of english race ; and yet at this day , there is but one parke stored with deer in all this kingdom : which is a parke of the earl of ormonds , neer kilkenny . it is then manifest , by that which is before expressed ; that the not communicating of the english laws to the irish ; the over large grants of lands and liberties to the english ; the plantation made by the english in the plains and open countries , leaving the woods and mountains to the irish , were great defects in the civil pollicy , and hindered the perfection of the conquest very much . howbeit , notwithstanding these defects and errours , the english colonies stood and maintained themselves in a reasonable good estate , as long as they retained their own ancient laws and customs , according to that of ennius : moribus antiquis res stat . romana virisque . but when the civil government grew so weak and so loose , as that the english lords would not suffer the english laws to be put in execution within their territories and seigniories , but in place thereof , both they and their people , embraced the irish customs : then the estate of things , like a game at irish , was so turned about , as the english , which hoped to make a perfect conquest of the irish , were by them perfectly and absolutely conquered ; because victi victoribus leges dedere . a just punishment to our nation , that would not give laws to the irish , when they might : and therefore now the irish gave laws to them . therefore , this defect and failing of the english justice , in the english colonies ; and the inducing of the irish customs in lieu thereof , was the main impediment that did arrest and stop the course of the conquest ; and was the only mean that enabled the irishry to recover their strength again . for , if we consider the nature of the irish customs , we shall find that the people , which doth use them , must of necessity be rebels to all good government , destroy the commonwealth wherein they live , and bring barbarisme and desolation upon the richest and most fruitfull land of the world. for , whereas by the just and honourable law of england , and by the laws of all other well-governed kingdoms and commonweals , murder , man-slaughter , rape , robbery , and theft , are punished with death ; by the irish custom , or brehon law , the highest of these offences was punished only by fine , which they called an ericke . therefore , when sir william fitz-williams , ( being lord deputy , ) told maguyre , that he was to send a sheriff into fermannagh , being lately before made a county ; your sheriff ( sa●d maguyre ) shall be welcome to me , but let me know his ericke , or the price of his head afore hand ; that if my people cut it off , i may cut the ericke upon the countrey . as for oppression , exto●tion , and other trespasses , the weaker had never any remedy against the stronger : whereby it came to pass , that no man could enjoy his life , his wife , his lands or goods in safety , if a mightier man than himself had an appetite to take the same from him . wherein they were little better than cannibal , who do hunt one another ; and he that hath most strength and swiftness , doth eat and devour all his fellowes . again , in england , and all well ordered common-wea●s , men have certain estates in their lands and possessions , and their inheritances descend from father to son , wh●ch doth give them encouragement to build , and to plant , and to improve their lands , and to make them better for their posterities . but by the irish custom of tanistry , the chieftanes of every country , and the chief of every sept , had no longer estate than for life in their cheefe●ies , the inheritance whereof , did ●est in no man. and these cheeferies , though they had some portions of lands allotted unto them , did consist chiefly in cuttings and cosheries , and other irish exactions , whereby they did spoile and impoverish the people at their pleasure . and when their chieftanes were dead , their sons or next heirs did not succeed them , but their tanistes , who were elective , and purchased their elections by strong hand ; and by the irish custom of gavel-kinde , the inferiour tennanties were partible amongst all the males of the sept , both bastards and legitimate : and after partition made , if any one of the sept had dyed , his portion was not divided among his sons , but the chief of the sept , made a new partition of all the lands belonging to that sept , and gave every one his part according to his antiquity . these two irish customs made all their possessions uncertain , being shuffled , and changed , and removed so often from one to another , by new elections and partitions ; which uncertainty of estates , hath been the true cause of such desolation and barbarism in this land , as the like was never seen in any countrey , that professed the name of christ . for though the irishry be a nation of great antiquity , and wanted neither wit nor valour ; and though they had received the christian faith , above 1200 years since ; and were lovers of musick , poetry , and all kinde of learning ; and possessed a land abounding with all things necessary for the civil life of man ; yet ( which is strange to be related ) they did never build any houses of brick or stone ( some few poor religious houses excepted ) before the reign of king henry the second , though they were lords of this island for many hundred years before , and since the conquest attempted by the english : albeit , when they saw us build castles upon their borders , they have onely in imitation of us , erected some few piles for the captains of the countrey : yet i dare boldly say , that never any particular person , either before or since , did build any stone or brick house for his private habitation ; but such as have lately obtained estates , according to the course of the law of england . neither did any of them in all this time , plant any ga●dens or orchards , inclose or improve their lands , live together in sett●ed vi●lages or towns , nor made any provision for posterity ; which be●ng against all common sense and reason , must needs be imputed to those unreasonable customs , which made their estates so uncertain and transitory in their possessions . for , who would plant or improve , or build upon that land , which a stranger , whom he knew not , shou●d possess after his death ? for that ( as salomon noteth ) is one of the strangest vanities under the sun. and th●s is the true reason why vlster , and all the ir●sh countreys are found so waste and desolate at this day ; and so would they continue till the worlds end , if these customs were not abolished by the law of england . again , that irish custom of gavil-kinde , did breed another mischief ; for thereby , every man , being born to land , as well bastard , as legitimate , they all held themselves to be gentlemen . and though their portions were never so small , and themselves never so poor ( for gavel-kinde must needs in the and make a poor gentility ) yet did they scorn to descend to h●sbandry or merchandize , or to learn any mechanical art or science . and this is the true cause why there were never any corporate towns erected in the irish countries . as for the maritime cities and towns , most certain it is , that they were built and peopled by the oostmen or easterlings : for the natives of ireland never performed so good a work , as to build a city . besides , these poor gentlemen were so affected unto their small portions of land , as they rather chose to live at home by theft , extortion , and coshering , than to seek any better fortunes abroad : which encreased their septs or sirnames into such numbers , as the●e are not to be found in any kingdom of europe , so many gentlemen of one blood , family , and sirname , as there are of the oneals in vlster ; of the bourks , in conaght ; of the geraldine● and butlers , in munster and leinster . and the like may be said of the inferior bloods and families ; whereby it came to pass in times of trouble and dissention , that they made great parties and factions , adhering one to another , with much constancy ; because they were tied together , vinculo sanguinis ; whereas rebels and malefactors , which are tied to their leaders by no band , either of duty or blood , do more easily break and fall off one from another . and besides , their co-habitation in one countrey or territory , gave them opportunity suddenly to assemble , and conspire , and rise in multitudes against the crown . and even now , in the time of peace , we finde this inconvenience , that there can hardly be an indifferent trial had between the king and the subject , or between party and party , by reason of this general kindred and consanguinity . but the most wicked and michievous custom of all others , was that of coigne and livery , often before mentioned ; which consisted in taking of mans-meat , horse-meat , and money , of all the inhabitants of the countrey , at the will and pleasure of the souldier , who as the phrase of scripture is , did eat up the people as it were bread ; for that he had no other entertainment . this extortion was originally irish , for they used to lay bonaght upon their people , and never gave their souldier any other pay . but when the english had learned it , they used it with more insolency , and made it more intollerable ; for this oppression was not temporary , or limited either to place or time ; but because there was every where a continual war , either offensive , or defensive ; and every lord of a countrey , and every marcher made war and peace at his pleasure , it became universal and perpetual ; and was indeed the most heavy oppression , that ever was used in any christian , or heathen kingdom . and thefore vox oppressorum , this crying sin , did draw down as great , or greater plagues upon ireland , than the oppression of the israelites did draw upon the land of egypt . for the plagues of egypt , though they were grievous , were but of a short continuance . but the plagues of ireland , lasted four hundred years together . this extortion of coigne and livery , did produce two notorious effects . first , it made the land waste ; next , it made the people idle . for , when the husbandman had laboured all the year , the souldier in one night , did consume the fruits of all his labour , longique perit labor irritu● anni . had he reason then to manure the land for the next year ? or rather might he not complain as the shepherd in virgil : impius haec tam culta novalia miles habebit ? barbarus has segetes ? en quo discordia cives perduxit miseros ? en queis consevimus agros ? and hereupon of necessity came depopulation , banishment , and extirpation of the better sort of subjects : and such as remained , became idle , and looke●s on , expecting the event of those miseries and ev●l times : so as this extream extortion and oppression , hath been the true cause of the idleness of this irish nation ; and that rather the vulgar sort have chosen to be beggars in forreign countreys , than to manure their own fruitful land at home . lastly , this oppression did of force and necessity make the irish a crafty people : for such as are oppressed and live in slavery , are ever put to their shifts ; ingenium mala saepe movent ; and therefore , in the o●d comedies of plantus and terence , the bondslave doth always act the cunning and crafty part . besides , all the common people have a whining tune or accent in their speech , as if they did still smart or suffer some oppression . and this idleness , together with fear of imminent mischiefs , which did continually hang over their heads , have been the cause , that the irish were ever the most inquisitive people after news , of any nation in the world. as s. paul himself made observation upon the people of athens ; that they were an idle people , and did nothing but learn and tell news . and because these news-carriers , did by their false intelligence , many times raise troubles and rebellions in this realm , the statute of kilkenny , doth punish news-tellers ) by the name of skelaghes ) with fine and ransome . this extortion of coigne and livery , was taken for the maintenance of their men of war ; but their irish exactions extorted by the chieftains and tanists , by colour of their barbarous seignory , were almost as grievous a burthen as the other ; namely cosherings , which were visitations and progresses made by the lord and his followers , among his tenants : wherein he did eat them ( as the english proverb is ) out of house and home . sessings of the kern , of his family , called kernety , of his horses and horse-boys ; of his dogs and dog-boys , and the like : and lastly , cuttings , tallages , or spendings , high or low , at his pleasure ; all which , made the lord an absolute tyrant , and the tennant a very slave and villain ; and in one respect more miserable than bond-slaves . for commonly the bondslave is fed by his lord , but here the lord was fed by his bondslave . lastly , there were two other customs proper and peculiar to the irishry , which being the cause of many strong combinations and factions , do tend to the utter ruine of a commonwealth : the one , was fostering ; the other , gossipred ; both which have ever been of greater estimation among this people , than with any other nation in the christian world. for fostering , i did never hear or read , that it was in that use or reputation in any other countrey , barbarous or civil , as it hath been , and yet is , in ireland : where they put away all their children to fosterers : the potent and rich men sellings ; the meaneri sort buying , the alterage of their children ; and the reason is , because in the opinion of this people , fostering hath always been a stronger alliance than blood ; and the foster-children do love , and are beloved of their foster-fathers , and their sept , more than of their own natural parents and kindred ; and do participate of their means more frankly , and do adhere unto them in all fortunes , with more affection and constancy . and though tully in his book of friendship doth observe , that children of princes being sometimes in cases of necessity , for saving of their lives delivered to shepherds to be nourished and bred up , when they have been restored to their great fortunes , have still retained their love and affection to their fosterers , whom for many years they took to be their parents : yet this was a rare case , and few examples are to be found thereof . but such a general custom in a kingdom , in giving and taking children to foster , making such a firm alliance as it doth in ireland , was never seen or heard of , in any other countrey of the world besides . the like may be said of gossipred , or compaternity , which though by the canon law , it be a spiritual affinity , and a juror that was goship to either of the parties , might in former times have been challenged , as not indifferent by our law , yet there was no nation under the sun , that ever made so religious account thereof , as the irish . now these two customs , which of themselves are indifferent in other kingdoms , became exceeding evil and full of mischief in this realm , by reason of the inconveniences which followed thereupon . for , they made ( as i said before ) strong parties and factions , whereby the great men were enabled to oppress their inferiors ▪ and to oppose their equals : and their followers were born out and countenanced in all their lewd and wicked actions : for fosterers and gossips by the common custom of ireland ; were to maintain one another in all causes lawful , and unlawful ; which as it is a combination and confederacy punishable in all well-govern commonweals , so was it not one of the least causes of the common misery of this kingdom . i omit their common repudiation of their wives ; their promiscuous generation of children ; their neglect of lawful matrimony ; their uncleanness in apparel , diet , and lodging ; and their contempt and scorn of all things necessary for the civil life of man. these were the irish customs , which the english colonies did embrace and use , after they had rejected the civil and honorable laws and customs of england , whereby they became degenerate and metamorphosed like nebuchadnezzar : who although he had the face of a man , had the heart of a beast ; or like those who had drunk of circes cup , and were turned into very beasts ; and yet took such pleasure in their beastly manner of life , as they would not return to their shape of men again : insomuch , as within less time than the age of a man , they had no marks or differences left amongst them of that noble nation , from which they were descended . for , as they did not onely forget the english language , and scorn the use thereof , but grew to be ashamed of their very english names , though they were noble and of great antiquity ; and took irish sirnames and nick-names . namely , the two most potent families of the bourks in conaght ( after the house of the red earl failed of heirs males ) called their chiefs , mac william fighter , and mac william oughter . in the same province , bremingham , baron of athenrie , called himself mac yoris . dexecester or de'exon , was called mac jordan . mangle , or de angulo , took the name of mac costelo . of the inferior families of the bourkes , one was called mac hubbard , another mac david . in munster , of the great families of the geraldines planted there ; one was called mac morice , chief of the house of lixnaw ; and another , mac gibbon , who was also called the white knight . the chief of the baron of dunboynes house , who is a branch of the house of ormond , took the sirnames of mac pheris . condon of the county of waterford , was called mac maioge and the arch-deacon of the county of kilkenny , mac odo . and this they did in contempt and hatred of the english name and nation ; whereof these degenerate families became more mortal enemies , than the meer irish . and whereas the state and government being grown weak by their defection , did to reduce them to obedience , grant them many protections and pardons ( the cheapness whereof , in all ages , hath brought great dishonor and damage to this commonweal ) they grew so ungrateful and unnatural , as in the end they scorned that g●ace and favour , because the acceptance thereof , did argue them to be s●bjects , and they desired rather to be accounted enemies , than rebels to the crown of england . hereupon was that old verse made , which i finde written in the white book of the exchequer , in a hand as ancient as the time of king edward the third . by granting charters of peas , to false english withouten les , this land shall be mich undoo . but gossipred , and alterage , and leesing of our languge , have mickely holp theretoo . and therefore , in a close roll in the tower , bearing this title , articuli in hibernia observandi : we finde these two articles among others . 1. justiciarius hiberniae non concedat perdonationes de morte hominis , nec de roberiis , seu incendiis , & quod de caetero certificet dominum regem de nominibus petentium . 2. item , quod nec justiciarius nec aliquis magnas hiberniae concedat protectiones alicui contra pacem regis existent . &c. but now it is fit to look back and consider when the old english colonies became so degenerate ; and in what age they fell away into that irish barbarism , rejecting the english laws and customes . assuredly , by comparing the ancient annales of ireland , with the records remaining here , and in the tower of london , i do finde that this general defection , fell out in the latter end of the reign of king edward the second , and in the beginning of the reign of king edward the third . and all this great innovation , grew within the space of thirty years : within the compass of which time , there fell out divers mischievous accidents , whereby the whole kingdom was in a manner lost . for first , edward de bruce invaded ireland with the scottish army , and prevailed so far , as that he possessed the maritime parts of vlster , marched up to the walls of dublin , spoiled the english pale , passed thorough leinster and munster , as far as limerick , and was master of the field in every part of the kingdom . this hapned in the tenth year of king edward the second , at what time the crown of england was weaker , and suffered more dishonour in both kingdoms , than it did at any time since the norman conquest . then did the state of england send over john de hotham to be treasurer here , with commission to call the great lords of ireland together ; and to take of them an oath of association , that they should loyally joyn together in life and death to preserve the right of the king of england , and to expel the common enemy . but this treasurer brought neither men , nor mony , to perform this service . at that time , though richard bourk earl of vlster ( commonly called the red earl ) were of greater power than any other subject in ireland , yet was he so far stricken in years , as that he was unable to manage the martial affairs , as he had done during all the raign of king edward the first : having been general of the irish forces , not only in this kingdom , but in the wars of scotland , wales , and gascoign . and therefore , maurice fitz-thomas of desmond , being then the most active noble man in this realm , took upon him the chief command in this war : for the support whereof , the revenue of this land was farr too short , and yet no supply of treasure was sent out of england . then was there no means to maintain the army , but by sessing the soldiers upon the subject , as the irish were wont to impose their bonaught . whereupon , grew that wicked extortion of coigne and livery spoken of before , which in short time banished the greatest part of the free-holders out of the county of kerry , limerirk , corke , and waterford ; into whose possessions , desmond and his kinsemen , allies , and followers , which were then more irish than english , did enter and appropriate these lands unto themselves , desmond himself taking what scopes he best liked for his demeasnes in every countrey , and reserving an irish seigniory out of the rest . and here , that i may verifie and maintain by matter of record , that which is before delivered touching the nature of this wicked extortion , called coigne and livery ; and the manifold mischiefs it did produce , i think it fit and pertinent to insert the preamble of the statute of 10. of henry seventh , c. 4. not printed , but recorded in parliament rols of dublin , in these words : at the request and supplication of the commons of this land of ireland , that where of long time there hath been used and exacted by the lords and gentlemen of this land , many and divers damnable customs and usages , which been called coigne and livery , and pay ; that is , horse meat and mans meat , for the finding of their horsemen and foot-men ; and over that , 4. d. or 6. d. daily to every of them to be had and paid of the poor earth tillers , and tenants , inhabitants of the said land , without any thing doing or paying therefore . besides , many murders , robberies rapes , and other manifold extortions and oppressions by the said horsemen and footmen , daily and nightly committed and done ; which been the principal causes of the desolation and destruction of the said land , and hath brought the same into ruine and decay , so as the most part of the english free-holders and tenants of this land been departed out thereof , some into the realm of england , and other some to other strange lands ; whereupon the foresaid lords and gentlemen of this land , have intruded into the said free-holders and tenants inheritances ; and the same keepeth and occupieth as their own inheritances ; and setten under them in the same land the kings irish enemies , to the diminishing of holy churches rites , the disherison of the king , and his obedient subjects , and the utter ruine and desolation of the land. for reformation whereof , be it enacted , that the king shall receive a subsidy of 26. s. 8. d. out of every 120. acres of arable land manured , &c. but to return to thomas fitz-maurice of desmond ; by this extortion of coigne and livery , he suddainly grew from a mean , to a mighty estate ; insomuch as the baron finglas in his discourse of the decay of ireland , affirmeth ; that his ancient inheritance being not one thousand marks yearly , he became able to dispend every way , ten thousand pounds , per annum . these possessions being thus unlawfully gotten , could not be maintained by the just and honourable law of england , which would have restored the true owners to their land again . and therefore , this great man found no means to continue and uphold his ill-purchased greatness , but by rejecting the english law and government , and assuming in lieu thereof , the barbarous customs of the irish . and hereupon , followed the defection of those four shires , containing the greatest part of munster , from the obedience of the law. in like manner ( saith baron finglas ) the lord of tipperary ( perceiving how well the house of desmond had thrived by coigne and livery , and other irish exactions ) began to hold the like course in the counties of tipperary and kilkenny ; whereby he got great scopes of land , especially in ormond ; and raised many irish exactions upon the english free-holders there ; which made him so potent and absolute among them , as at that time they knew no other law , than the will of their lord. besides , finding , that the earl of desmond excluded the ordinary ministers of justice , under colour of a royal liberty , which he claimed in the counties of kerry , corke , and waterford , by a grant of king edward the first , ( as appeareth in a quo warranto , brought against him , anno 12. edw. 1. ) the record whereof , remaineth in breminghams tower , among the common plea-rolls there . this lord also , in the third of edward the third , obtained a grant of the like liberty in the county of tipperary , whereby he got the law into his own hands , and shut out the common law and justice of the realm . and thus we see that all munster fell away from the english law and government , in the end of king edward the second , his raign ; and in the beginning of the raign of king edward the third . again , about the same time , ( viz. ) in the 20. year of king edward the second , when the state of england was well-ny ruined by the rebellion of the barons , and the government of ireland utterly neglected , there arose in leinster , one of the cavanaghes , named donald mac art , who named himself mac murrogh , king of leinster , and possessed himself of the county of catherlogh , and of the greatest part of the county of wexford . and shortly after lisagh o moore , called himself o moore , took eight castles in one evening , destroyed duamase the principal house of the l. mortimer in leix , recovered that whole country , de servo dominus , de subjecto princeps effectus , saith friar clynn in his annalls . besides the earl of kildare , imitating his cosin of desmond , did not omit to make the like use of coigne and livery in kildare , and the west part of meath , which brought the like barbarisme into those parts . and thus a great part of leinster was lost , and fell away from the obedience of the crown , near about the time before expressed . again , in the seventh year of king edward the third , the lord william bourke , earl of vlster , and lord of conaght , was treacherously murdered by his own squires at knockfergus , leaving behinde him , vnicam & unius anni filiam ( saith friar clinne . ) immediately upon the murder committed , the countess with her young daughter fled into england ; so as the government of that country , was wholly neglected , until , that young lady being married to lionel duke of clarence , that prince came over with an army , to recover his wives inheritance , and so reform this kingdom , anno 36. of edward the third . but in the mean time , what became of that great inheritance both in vlster and conaght ? assuredly , in vlster , the sept of hugh bog o neal , then possessing glaucoukeyn and killeightra in tyrone , took the opportunity ; and passing over the banne , did first expel the english out of the barony of tuscard , which is now called the rout ; and likewise , out of the glynnes and other lands up as far as knockfergus , which countrey or extent of land , is at this day called , the lower clan hugh-boy . and shortly after that , they came up into the great ardes ; which the latin writers call , altitudines vltoniae , and was then the inheritance of the savages ; by whom , they were valiantly resisted for divers years : but at last : for want of castles and fortifications ( for the saying of henry savage mentioned in every story , is very memorable ; that a castle of bones , was better than a castle of stones . ) the english were over-run by the multitude of the irishry : so as about the thirtieth of king edward the third , some few years before the arrival of the duke of clarence , the savages were utterly driven out of the great ardes , into a little nook of land near the river of strangford ; where they now possess a little territory , called the little ardes ; and their greater patrimony took the name of the upper clan hugh-boy , from the sept of hugh boy o neale , who became invaders thereof . for conaght , some younger branches of the family of the bourkes , being planted there by the red earl and his ancestors , seeing their chief to be cut off , and dead without heir-male , and no man left to govern or protect that province , intruded presently into all the earls lands , which ought to have been seized into the kings hands , by reason of the minority of the heir . and within a short space , two of the most potent among them , divided that great seigniory betwixt them the one taking the name of mac william oughtier ; and the other of mac william fighter ; as if the lord william bourke the last earl of vlster , had left two sons of one name behind him to inherit that lordship in course of gavel-kind . but they well knew , that they were but intruders upon the kings possession during the minority of the heir ; they knew those lands were the rightfull inheritance of that young lady ; and consequently , that the law of england would speedily evict them out of their possession ; and therefore , they held it the best pollicy to cast off the yoak of english law , and to become meer irish : and according to their example , drew all the rest of the english in that province , to do the like ; so as from thenceforth they suffered their possessions to run in course of tanistry and gavel-kinde . they changed their names , language , and apparel , and all their civil manners and customs of living . lastly , about the 25. year of king edward the third , sir richard de clare was slain in thomond , and all the english colonies there utterly supplanted . thus in that space of time , which was between the tenth year of king edward the second , and the 30. year of king edward the third , ( i speak within compass ) by the concurrence of the mischiefs before recited , all the old english colonies in munster , conaght , and vlster ; and more than a third part of leinster , became degenerate , and fell away from the crown of england ; so as only the four shires of the english pale , remained under the obedience of the law ; and yet the borders and marches thereof , were grown unruly , and out of order too , being subject to black-rents and tribute of the irish ; which was a greater defection , than when ten of twelve tribes departed , and fell away from kings of juda. but was not the state of england sensible of this loss and dishonour ? did they not endeavour to recover the land that was lost , and to reduce the subjects to their obedience ? truly king edward the second , by the incursions of the scottish nation , and by the insurrection of his barons , who raised his wife and his son against him , and in the end deposed him , was diverted and utterly disabled to reform the disorders of ireland . but as soon as the crown of england was transferred to king edward the third , though he were yet in his minority , the state there began to look into the desperate estate of things here . and finding such a general defection , letters were sent from the king , to the great men and prelates , requiring them particularly to swear feal●y to the crown of england . shortly after , sir anthony lucy , a person of great authority in england in those dayes , was sent over to work a reformation in this kingdom , by a severe course ; and to that end , the king wrote expresly to the earl of vlster , and others of the nobility to assist him , as is before remembred ; presently upon his arrival , he arrested maurice fitz-thomas earl of desmond ; and sir william bremingham , and committed them prisoners to the castle of dublin : where sir william bremingham was executed for treason , though the earl of desmond were left to mainprize , upon condition , he should appear before the king by a certain day , and in the mean time to continue loyal . after this , the king being advertised , that the over-large grants of lands and liberties , made to the lords of english blood in ireland , made them so insolent , as they scorned to obey the law , and the magistrate , did absolutely resume all such grants , as is before declared . but the earl of desmond above all men , found himself grieved with this resumption , or repeal of liberties ; and declared his dislike and discontentment : insomuch , as he did not only refuse to come to a parliament at dublin , summoned by sir william morris , deputy to the lord john darcy the kings lieutenant : but ( as we have said before ) he raised such dissention between the english of blood , and the english of birth , as the like was never seen , from the time of the first planting of our nation in ireland . and in this factious and seditious humour , he drew the earl of kildare , and the rest of the nobility , with the citizens and burgesses of the principal towns , to hold a several parliament by themselves , at kilkenny ; where they framed certain articles against the deputy , and transmitted the same into england to the king. hereupon , sir raphe vfford , who had lately before married the countess of vlster ; a man of courage and severity , was made lord justice : who forthwith calling a parliament , sent a special commandment to the earl of desmond , to appear in that great councel ; but the earl wilfully refused to come . whereupon , the lord justice raised the kings standard , and marching with an army into munster , seized into the kings hands , all the possessions of the earl , took and executed his principal followers , sir eustace le poer , sir william graunt , and sir john cotterell ; enforced the earl himself to fly and lurk , till 26. noblemen and knights , became mainpernors for his appearance at a certain day prefixed : but he making default the second time , the uttermost advantage was taken against his sureties . besides at the same time , this lord justice caused the earl of kildare to be arrested and committed to the castle of dublin , indited and imprisoned many other disobedient subjects , called in and cancelled such charters asw ere lately before resumed ; and proceeded every way so roundly and severely , as the nobility , which were wont , to suffer no controulment , did much distaste him ; and the commons , who in this land have ever been more devoted to their immediate lords here , whom they saw every day , than unto their soveraign lord and king , whom they never saw ; spake ill of this governor , as of a rigorous and cruel man , though in troth he were a singular good justicer ; and , if he had not dyed in the second year of his government , was the likeliest person of that age , to have reformed and reduced the degenerate english colonies , to their natural obedience of the crown of england . thus much then then we may observe by the way , that maurice fitz-thomas , the first earl of desmond , was the first english lord that imposed coign and livery upon the kings subjects ; and the first that raised his estate to immoderate greatness , by that wicked extortion and oppression ; that he was the first that rejected the english laws and government , and drew others by his example to do the like ; that he was the first peer of ireland that refused to come to the parliament summoned by the kings authority ; that he was the first that made a division and distinction between the english of blood , and the english of birth . and as this earl was the onely author , and first actor of these mischiefs , which gave the greatest impediment to the full conquest of ireland ; so it is to be noted , that albeit others of his rank afterwards offended in the same kinde ; whereby their houses were many times in danger of ruine , yet was there not ever any noble house of english race in ireland , utterly destroyed and finally rooted out by the hand of justice , but the house of desmond onely ; nor any peer of this realm ever put to death ( though divers have been attainted ) but tho : fitz-james the earl of desmond onely , and onely for those wicked customs brought in by the first earl , and practised by his posterity , though by several laws they were made high-treason . and therefore , though in the 7 of edward the 4. during the government of the lord tiptoft , earl of worcester , both the earls of desmond and kildare were attainted by parliament at droghedah , for alliance and fostering with the irish ; and for taking coigne and livery of the kings subjects , yet was desmond onely put to death ; for the earl of kildare received his pardon . and albeit the son of this earl of desmond , who lost his head at droghedah , were restored to the earldom ; yet could not the kings grace regenerate obedience in that degenerate house , but it grew rather more wilde and barbarous than before . for from thenceforth they reclaimed a strange priviledge , that the earls of desmond should never come to any parliament or grand council , or within any walled town , but at their will and pleasure . which pretended priviledge , james earl of desmond , the father of girald the last earl , renounced and surrendred by his deed , in the chancery of ireland , in the 32 of henry the eighth . at what time , among the meer irishry , he submitted himself to sir anthony saint-leger , then lord deputy ; took an oath of allegiace , covenanted that he would suffer the law of england to be executed in his countrey ; and assist the kings judges in their circuits : and if any subsidies should be granted by parliament , he would permit the same to be levied upon his tenents and followers . which covenants , are as strange as the priviledge it self , spoken of before . but that which i conceive most worthy of observation , upon the fortunes of the house of desmond , is this ; that as maurice fitz-thomas , the first earl , did first raise the greatness of that house , by irish exactions and oppressions ; so girald the last earl , did at last ruine and reduce it to nothing , by using the like extortions . for certain it is , that the first occasion of his rebellion , grew from hence , that when he attempted to charge the decies in the county of waterford , with coigne and livery , black rents and coshe●ies , after the irish manner , he was resisted by the earl of ormond , and upon an encounter , overthrown and taken prisoner ; which made his heart so unquiet , as it easily conceived treason against the crown , and brought forth actual and open rebellion , wherein he perished himself , and made a final extinguishment of his house and honor . oppression and extortion did maintain the greatness : and oppression and extortion , did extinguish the greatness of that house . which may well be exprest , by the old emblem of a torch turned downwards , with this word , quod me alit , extinguit . now let us return to the course of reformation , held and pursued here , after the death of sir raphe vfford , which hapned in the twentieth year of king edward 3. after which time , a●be●t all the power and council of england was converted towards the conquest of france , yet was not the work of reformation altogether discontinued . for , in the 25 year of king edward the third , sir thomas rookeby , another worthy governor ( whom i have once before named ) held a parliament at kilkenny , wherein many excellent laws were propounded and enacted for the reducing of the english colonies to their obedience ; which laws we finde enrolled in the remembrancers office here ; and differ not much in substance , from those other statutes of kilkenny , which not long after ( during the government of lionel duke of clarence ) were not onely enacted , but put in execution . this noble prince having married the daughter and heir of vlster ; and being likewise a coparcener of the county of kilkenny , in the 36 year of king edward the third , came over the kings lieutenant , attended with a good retinue of martial men , as is before remembred , and a grave and honorable council , as well for peace , as for war. but because this army was not of a competent strength to break and subdue all the irishry , although he quieted the borders of the english pale , and held all ireland in awe with his name and presence . the principal service that he intended , was to reform the degenerate english colonies , and to reduce them to obedience of the english law , and magistrate . to that end , in the fortieth year of king edward the third , he held that famous parliament at kilkenny ; wherein many notable laws were enacted , which do shew and lay open ( for the law doth best discover enormities ) how much the english colonies were corrupted at that time , and do infallibly prove that which is laid down before ; that they were wholly degenerate , and faln away from their obedience . for first , it appeareth by the preamble of these laws , that the english of this realm , before the coming over of lionel duke of clarence , were at that time become meer irish in their language , names , apparel , and all their manner of living , and had rejected the english laws , and submitted themselves to the irish , with whom they had many marriages and alliances , which tended to the utter ruine and destruction of the commom-wealth . therefore alliance by marriage , nurture of infants , and gossipred with the irish , are by this statute made high-treason . again , if any man of english race , should use any irish name , irish language , or irish apparel , or any other guise or fashion of the irish ; if he had lands or tenements , the same should be seized , till he had given security to the chancery , to conform himself in all points to the english manner of living . and if he had no lands , his body was to be taken and imprisoned , till he found sureties , as aforesaid . again , it was established and commanded , that the english in all their controversies , should be ruled and governed by the common law of england : and if any did submit himself to the brehon law , or march law , he should be adjudged a traytor . again , because the english at that time , made war and peace with the bordering enemy at their pleasure ; they were expresly prohibited to levy war upon the irish , without special warrant and direction from the state. again , it was made paenal to the english , to permit the irish to creaght or graze upon their lands : to present them to ecclesiastical benefices ; to receive them into any monasteries , or religious houses , or to entertain any of their minstrels , rimers , or news-tellers : to impose or sess any horse or foot upon the english subjects against their wills , was made felony . and because the great liberties or franchises spoken of before , were become sanctuaries for all malefactors , express power was given to the kings sheriffs , to enter into all franchises , and there to apprehend all felons and traytors . and lastly , because the great lords , when they levied forces for the publike service , did lay unequal burthens upon the gentlemen and freeholders , it was ordained , that four wardens of the peace in every county , should set down and appoint what men and armor every man should bear , according to his freehold , or other ability of esate . these , and other laws , tending to a general reformation , were enacted in that parliament . and the execution of these laws , together with the presence of the kings son , made a notable alteration in the state and manners of this people , within the space of seven years , which was the term of this princes lieutenancy . for all the discourses that i have seen of the decay of ireland , do agree in this , that the presence of the lord lionel , and these statutes of kilkenny , did restore the english government , in the degenerate colonies , for divers years . and the statute of the tenth of henry the seventh , which reviveth and confirmeth the statutes of kilkenny , doth confirm as much . for it declareth , that as long as these laws were put in ●ure and execution , this land continued in prosperity and honor : and since they were not executed , the subjects rebelled and digressed from their allegeance , and the land fell to ruine and desolation . and withal , we finde the effect of these laws in the pipe-rolls , and plea-ro●ls of this kingdom : for , from the 36 of edw. 3. when this prince entred into his government , till the beginning of richard the second his reign , we finde the revenue of the crown both certain and casual in vlster , munster , and conaght , accounted for ; and that the kings writ did run ▪ and the common law was executed in every of these provinces . i joyn with these laws , the personal presence of the kings son , as a concurrent cause of this reformation : because the people of this land , both english and irish , out of a natural pride , did ever love and desire to be governed by great persons . and therefore , i may here justly take occasion to note , that first the absence of the kings of england ; and next , the absence of those great lords , who were inheritors of those mighty seigniories of leinster , vlster , conaght● , and meath , have been main causes why this kingdom was not reduced in so many ages . touching the absence of our kings , three of them onely since the norman conquest , have made royal journeys into this land ; namely , king henry the second , king john , and king richard the second . and yet they no sooner arrived here , but that all the irishry ( as if they had been but one man ) submitted themselves ; took oathes of fidelity , and gave pledges and hostages to continue loyal . and , if any of those kings had continued here in person a competent time , till they had settled both english and irish in their several possessions , and had set the law in a due course throughout the kingdom ; these times wherein we live , had not gained the honor of the final conquest and reducing of ireland . for the king ( saith salomon ) dissipat omne malum intuitu suo . but when moses was absent in the mount , the people committed idolatry : and when there was no king in israel , every man did what seemed best in his own eyes . and therefore , when alexander had conquered the east part of the world , and demanded of one what was the fitest place for the seat of his empire , he brought and laid a dry hide before him , and desired him to set his foot on the one side thereof ; which being done , all the other parts of the hide did rise up : but when he did set his foot in the middle of the hide , all the other parts lay flat and even : which was a lively demonstration , that if a prince keep his residence in the border of his dominions , the remote parts will easily rise and rebel against him : but if he make the centre thereof his seat , he shall easily keep them in peace and obedience . touching the absence of the great lords : all writers do impute the decay and loss of leinster , to the absence of these english lords , who married the five daughters of william marshal earl of pembroke , ( to whom that great seigniory descended ) when his five sons , who inherited the same successively ; and during their times , held the same in peace and obedidence to the law of england , were all dead without issue : which hapned about the fortieth year of king henry the third : for the eldest being married to hugh bigot earl of norfolk , who in right of his wife , had the marshalship of england ; the second , to warren de mountchensey , whose sole daughter and heir was match to william de valentia half brother to king henry the third , who by that match , was made earl of pembroke ; the third , to gilbert de clare , earl of gloucester ; the fourth , to william ferrers , earl of darby ; the fifth , to william de bruce , lord of brecknock : these great lords , having greater inheritances in their own right in england , than they had in ireland in right of their wives ( and yet each of the coparceners , had an entire county allotted for her purparty , as is before declared ) could not be drawn to make their personal residence in this kingdom ; but managed their estates here , by their seneschals and servants . and to defend their territories against the bordering irish ; they entertained some of the natives , who pretended a perpetual title to those great lordships . for the irish after a thousand conquests and attainders by our law , would in those days pretend title still , because by the irish law no man could forfeit his land. these natives taking the opportunity in weak and desperate times , usurped those seigniories ; and so donald mac art cavanagh , being entertained by the earl of nolfork , made himself lord of the county of catherlough : and lisagh o moor , being trusted by the lord mortimer , who married the daughter and heir of the lord bruce , made himself lord of the lands in leix , in the latter end of king edward the seconds reign , as is before declared . again , the decay and loss of vlster and connaught , is attributed to this ; that the lord william bourk , the last earl of that name , died without issue male ; whose ancestors , namely , the red earl , and sir hugh de lacy , before him , being personally resident , held up their greatness there ; and kept the english in peace , and the irish in awe : but when those provinces descended upon an heir female , and an infant , the irish over-ran vlster , and the younger branches of the bourkes , usurped connaught . and therefore , the ordinance made in england , the third of richard the second , against such as were absent from their lands in ireland ; and gave two third parts of the profits thereof unto the king , until they returned , or placed a sufficient number of men to defend the same , was grounded upon good reason of state : which ordinance was put in execution for many years after , as appeareth by sundry seizures made thereupon , in the time of k. richard the second , henry the fourth , henry the fifth , & henry the sixth , whereof there remain records in the remembrancers office here . among the rest , the duke of norfolk himself was not spared , but was impleaded upon this ordinance , for two parts of the profits of dorburies island , and other lands in the county of wexford , in the time of king henry the sixth . and afterwards , upon the same reason of state , all the lands of the house of norfolk , of the earl of shrewsbury , the lord barkley and others , who having lands in ireland , kept their continual residence in england ) were entirely resumed by the act of absentees , made in the 28 year of king henry the eigth . but now again , let us look back and see , how long the effect of that reformation did continue , which was begun by lionel duke of clarence , in the fortieth year of king edward the third , and what courses have been held , to reduce and reform this people by other lieutenants and governors since that time . the english colonies being in some good measure reformed by the statutes of kilkenny , did not utterly fall away into barbarism again , till the wars of the two houses had almost destroyed both these kingdoms ; for in that miserable time , the irish found opportunity , without opposition , to banish the english law and government , out of all the provinces , and to confine it onely to the english pale : howbeit , in the mean time , between the government of the duke of clarence , and the beginning of those civil wars of york and lancaster , we find that the state of england did sundry times resolve to proceed in this work of reformation . for first , king richard 2. sent over sir nicholas dagworth , to survey the possessions of the crown ; and to call to accompt the officers of the revenue ; next to ( draw his english subjects to manure and defend their lands in ireland ) he made that ordinance against absentees , spoken of before . again , he shewed an excellent example of justice , upon sir philip courtney , being his lieutenant of that kingdom , when he caused him to be arrested by special commissioners , upon complaint made of sundry grievous oppressions and wrongs , which during his government , he had done unto that people . after this , the parliament of england did resolve , that thomas duke of glocester the kings uncle , should be imployed in the reformation and reducing of that kingdom : the fame whereof , was no sooner bruted in ireland , but all the irishry were ready to submit themselves before his coming : so much the very name of a great personage , specially of a prince of the blood , did ever prevail with this people . but the king and his minions , who were ever jealous of this duke of glocester , would not suffer him to have the honour of that service . but the king himself thought it a work worthy of his own presence and pains : and thereupon , himself in person , made those two royal journeys mentioned before : at what time , he received the submissions of all the irish lords and captains , who bound themselves both by indenture and oath to become and continue his loyal subjects . and withall , laid a particular project , for a civil plantation of the mountains and maritime counties , between dublin and wexford ; by removing all the irish septs from thence , as appeareth by the covenants between the earl marshal of england , and those irish septs : which are before remembred , and are yet preserved , and remain of record in the kings remembrancers office at westminster . lastly , this king being present in ireland , took special care to supply and furnish the courts of justice with able and sufficient judges ; and to that end , he made that grave and learned judge , sir william hankeford , chief justice of the kings bench here ( who afterwards for his service in this realm , was made chief justice of the kings bench in england , by king henry 4. ) and did withall , associate unto him , william sturmy , a well learned man in the law ; who likewise came out of england with the king , that the legal proceedings , which were out of order too ( as all other things in that realm were ) might be amended , and made formal , according to the course and presidents of england . but all the good purposes and projects of this king , were interrupted and utterly defeated , by his suddain departure out of ireland , and unhappy deposition from the crown of england . howbeit , king henry the fourth , intending likewise to prosecute this noble work in the third year of his raign , made the lord thomas of lancaster , his second son , lieutenant of ireland : who came over in person , and accepted again the submissions of divers irish lords and captains , as is before remembred ; and held also a parliament , wherein he gave new life to the statutes of kilkenny , and made other good laws tending to the reformation of the kingdom . but the troubles raised against the king his father in england , drew him home again so soon , as that seed of reformation , took no root at all , neither had his service in that kind , any good effect or success . after this , the state of england had no leisure to think of a general reformation in this realm , till the civil dissentions of england were appeased , and the peace of that kingdom setled , by king henry the seventh . for , albeit , in the time of king henry 6. richard duke of york a prince of the blood ; of great wisdom and valour , and heir to a third part of kingdom at least , being earl of vlster , and lord of conaght and meath , was sent the kings lieutenanr into ireland , to recover and reform that realm where he was resident in person for the greatest part of ten years , yet the troth is , he aimed at another mark , which was the crown of england . and therefore , he thought it no pollicy to distast either the english or irish , by a course of reformation , but sought by all means to please them , and by popular courses to steal away their hearts , to the end , he might strengthen his party , when he should set on foot his title ( as is before declared . ) which pollicy of his took such effect , as that he drew over with him into england , the flower of all the english colonies , especially of vlster and meath , whereof many noblemen and gentlemen were slain with him at wakefield ( as is likewise before remembred . ) and after his death , when the wars between the houses were in their heat , almost all the good english blood , which was left in ireland , was spent in those civil dissentions : so as the irish became victorious over all , without blood or sweat . only , that little canton of land , called the english pale , containing four small shires , did maintain a bordering was with the irish , and retain the forme of english government . but out of that little precinct , there were no lords , knights , or burgesses , summoned to the parliament , neither did the kings writ run in any other part of the kingdom : and yet upon the marches and borders , which at that time were grown so large , as they took up half dublin , half meath , and a third part of kildare and lowth ; there was no law in use , but the march-law , which in the statutes of kilkenny , is said to be no law , but a leud custom . so as upon the end of these civil wars in england , the english law and government was well nigh banisht out of ireland , so as no foot-step or print was left , of any former reformation . then did king henry 7. send over sir edward poynings to be his deputy , a right worthy servitor both in war and peace . the principal end of his employment , was to expel perkin warbecke out of this kingdom ; but that service being performed , that worthy deputy finding nothing but a common misery , took the best course he possibly could , to establish a common-wealth in ireland : and to that end , he held a parliament no less famous , than that of kilkenny ; and more available for the reformation of the whole kingdom . for whereas all wise men did ever concur in opinion , that the readiest way to reform ireland , is to settle a form of civil government there , conformable to that of england : to bring this to pass , sir edward poynings did pass an act , whereby all the statutes made in england before that time , were enacted , established , and made of force in ireland . neither did he only respect the time past , but provided also for the time to come . for he caused another law to be made , that no act should be propounded in any parliament of ireland , but such as should be first transmitted into england , and approved by the king and council there , as good and expedient for that land , and so returned back again , under the great seal of england . this act , though it seem prima facie to restrain the liberty of the subjects of ireland ; yet was it made at the prayer of the commons , upon just and important cause . for the governors of that realm , specially such as were of that country birth , had laid many oppressions upon the commons : and amongst the rest , they had imposed laws upon them , nor tending to the general good , but to serve private turns , and to strengthen their particular factions . this moved them to refer all laws that were to be passed in ireland , to be considered , corrected and allowed , first by the state of england , which had alwayes been tender and carefull of the good of this people , and had long since made them a civil , rich , and happy nation , if their own lords and governors there , had not sent bad intelligence into england . besides this , he took special order , that the summons of parliament should go into all the shires of ireland ; and not to the four shires onely ; and for that cause specially , he caused all the acts of a parliament , lately before holden by the viscount of gormanston to be repealed and made void . moreover , that the parliaments of ireland , might want no decent or honorable form that was used in england , he caused a particular act to pass , that the lords of ireland should appear in the like parliament robes , as the english lords are wont to wear in the parliaments of england . having thus established all the statutes of england in ireland , and set in order the great council of that realm , he did not omit to pass other laws , as well for the encrease of the kings revenue , as the preservation of the publick peace . to advance the profits of the crown ; first he obtained a subsidy of 26 shillings eight pence out of every six score acres manured , payable yearly for five years . next , he resumed all the crownland which had been aliened ( for the most part ) by richard duke of york : and lastly , he procured a subsidy of pondage , out of all merchandizes imported and exported , to be granted to the crown in perpetuity . to preserve the publick peace , he revived the statutes of kilkenny . he made wilful murther high-treason ; he caused the marchers to book their men for whom they should answer ; and restrained the making war or peace , without special commission from the state. these laws , and others as important as these , for the making of a common-wealth in ireland , were made in the government of sir edward poynings . but these laws did not spread their vertue beyond the english pale , though they were made generally for the whole kingdom . for the provinces without the pale , which during the war of york and lancaster , had wholly cast off the the english government , were not apt to receive this seed of reformation , because they were not first broken and mastered again with the sword . besides , the irish countreys , which contained two third parts of the kingdom , were not reduced to shire-ground , so as in them the laws of england could not possibly be put in execution . therefore these good laws and provisions made by sir edward poynings , were like good lessons set for a lute , that is broken and out of tune ; of which lessons , little use can be made , till the lute be made fit to be plaid upon . and that the execution of all these laws , had no greater latitude than the pale , is manifest by the statute of the thirteenth of henry the eighth , cap. 3. which reciteth , that at that time , the kings laws were obeyed and executed in the four shires onely ; and yet then was the earl of surrey lieutenant of ireland , a governor much feared of the kings enemies , and exceedingly honored and beloved of the kings subjects . and the instructions given by the state of ireland , to john allen master of the rolls , employed into england neer about the same time , do declare as much ; wherein among other things , he is required to advertise the king , that his land of ireland was so much decayed , as that the kings laws were not obeyed twenty miles in compass : whereupon , grew that by-word used by the irish , ( viz. ) that they dwelt by-west the law , which dwelt beyond the river of the barrow , which is within thirty miles of dublin . the same is testified by baron finglas , in his discourse of the decay of ireland , which he wrote about the twentieth year of king henry the eighth . and thus we see the effect of the reformation which was intended by sir edward poynings . the next attempt of reformation , was made in 28 year of king henry the eighth , by the lord leonard gray , who was created viscount of grane in this kingdom , and held a parliament , wherein many excellent laws were made . but to prepare the mindes of the people to obey these laws , he began first with a martial course : for being sent over to suppress the rebellion of the giraldines , ( which he performed in few moneths ) he afterwards made a victorious circuit round about the kingdom ; beginning in offaly , against o connor , who had aided the giraldines in their rebellion ; and from thence passing along through all the irish countreys in leinster , and so into munster , where he took pledges of the degenerate earl of desmond , and thence into conaght , and thence into vlster ; and then concluded this warlike progress with the battel of belahoo , in the borders of meath , as is before remembred . the principal septs of the irishry being all terrified , and most of them broken in this journey , many of their chief lords upon this deputies return came to dublin , and made their submissions to the crown of england ; namely , the o neals , and o relies of vlster , mac murrogh , o birn , and o carrol of leinster , and the bourks of conaght . this preparation being made , he first propounded and passed in parliament these laws , which made the great alteration in the state ecclesiastical ; namely , the act which declared king henry the eighth to be supreme head of the church of ireland . the act prohibiting appeals to the church of rome : the act for first-fruits , and twentieth part to be paid to the king : the act for faculties and dispensations : and lastly , the act that did utterly abolish the usurped authority of the pope . next , for the encrease of the kings revenue ; by one act , he suppressed sundry abbies and religious houses ; and by another act , resumed the lands of the absentees , ( as is before remembred . ) and for the civil government , a special statute was made , to abolish the black-rents and tributes , exacted by the irish , upon the english colonies ; and another law enacted , that the english apparel , language , and manner of living , should be used by all such , as would acknowledge themselves the kings subjects . this parliament being ended , the lord leonard gray , w●s suddenly revokt , and put to death in england , so as he lived not to finish the work of reformation , wh●ch he had begun : which notwithstanding was we●l pursued by his successor , sir anthony saint leger ; unto whom , all the lords and chieftains of the irishry , and of the degenerate english throughout the kingdom , made their several submissions by indenture ( which was the fourth general submission of the irish , made since the first attempt of the conquest of ireland ) whereof the first was made to king henry the second ; the second to king john ; the third to k. richard the second , and his last to sir anthony saint leger , in 33 h. 8. in these indentures of submission , all the irish lords do acknowledge king henry the eighth to be their soveraign lord and king , and desire to be accepted of him as subjects . they confess the kings supremacy in all causes and do utterly renounce the popes jurisdiction , which i conceive to be worth the noting , because , when the irish had once resolved to obey the king , they made no scruple to renounce the pope . and this was not onely done by the meer irish , but the chief of the degenerate english families did perform the same : as desmond , barry , and roche , in munster ; and the bourks , which b●re the title of mac william , in conaght . these submissions being thus taken , the lord deputy and council for the present government of those irish countreys , made certain ordinances of state , not agreeable altogether with the rules of the law of england ; the reason whereof , is exprest in the preamble of those ordinances ; quia nondum sic sapiunt leges & jura , ut secundum ea jam immediate vivere & regi possint : the chief points or articles of which orders registred in the council book are these : that king henry the eighth , should be accepted , reputed , and named king of ireland , by all the inhabitants of the kingdom ; that all archbishops and bishops should be permitted to exercise their jurisdiction in every diocess throughout the land : that tythes should be duely set out , and paid : that children should not be admitted to benefices ; that for every man-s●aughter , and theft above fourteen pence , committed in the irish countrys , the offendor should pay a fine of forty pound , twenty pound to the king , and twenty pound to the captain of the countrey ; and for every theft under fourteen pence , a fine of five marks should be paid , forty six shilling eight pence to the captain , & twenty shillings to the tanister : that horsemen & kearn should not be imposed upon the common people , to be fed & maintained by them : that the master should answer for his servants , and the father for his children . that cuttings should not be made by the lord upon his tenants , to maintain war with his neighbours , but onely to bear his necessary expences , &c. these ordinances of state being made and published , there were nominated and appointed in every province , certain orderers or arbitrators , who instead of these irish brehons , should hear and determine all their controversies . in conaght , the archbishop of tuam , the bishop of clonfert , captain wakeley , & captain ovington . in munster , the bishop of waterford , the bishop of cork and ross , the mayor of cork , and mayor of youghal . in vlster , the archbishop of ardmagh , and the lord of lowth . and if any difference did arise which they could not end , either for the difficulty of the cause , or for the obstinacy of the parties , they were to certifie the lord deputy & council , who would decide the matter by their authority . hereupon , the irish captains of lesser territories , which had ever been oppressed by the greater and mightier ; some , with risings out , others , with bonaght , and others , with cuttings , and spendings at pleasure , did appeal for justice to the lord deputy ; who upon hearing their complaints , did always order , that they should all immediately depend upon the king ; and that the weaker should have no dependancy upon the stronger . lastly , he prevailed so much with the greatest of them ; namely , o neal , o brien , and mac william , as that they willingly did pass into england , and presented themselves to the king , who thereupon was pleased to advance them to the degree and honor of earls , and to grant unto them their several countreys , by letters-patents . besides , that they might learn obedience and civility of manners , by often repairing unto the state , the king upon the motion of the same deputy , gave each of them a house and lands neer dublin , for the entertainment of their several trains . this course , did this governor take to reform the irishry ; but withal , he did not omit to advance both the honor and profit of the king. for in the parliament which he held the 33 of hen. the eighth , he caused an act to pass , which gave unto k. henry the eighth , his heirs and successors , the name , stile , and title of king of ireland ; whereas before that time , the kings of england were stiled but lords of ireland : albeit indeed , they were absolute monarchs thereof , and had in right all royal and imperial jurisdiction and power there , as they had in the realm of england . and yet because in the vulgar conceit the name of king , is higher than the name of lord ; assuredly , the assuming of this title , hath not a little raised the soveraignty of the king of england in the mindes of this people : lastly , this deputy brought a great augmentation to the kings revenue , by dissolving of all the monasteries and religious houses in ireland , which was done in the same parliament : and afterward , by procuring min and cavendish , two skilful auditors , to be sent over out of england . who took an exact survey of all the possessions of the crown , and brought many things into charge , which had been concealed and substracted for many years before . and thus far did sir anthony saint leger proceed in the course of reformation ; which though it were a good beginning , yet was it far from reducing ireland to the perfect obedience of the crown of england . for all this while , the provinces of conaght and vlster , and a good part of leinster , were not reduced to shire-ground . and though munster were anciently divided into counties , the people were so degenerate , as no justice of assize durst execute his commission amongst them . none of the irish lords or tenants were setled in their possessions , by any grant or confirmation from the crown , except the three great earls before named ; who notwithstanding , did govern their tenants and followers , by the irish or brehon law ; so as no treason , murther , rape , or theft , committed in those countries , was inquired of , or punisht by the law of england ; and consequently , no escheat , forfeiture , or fine ; no revenue ( certain or casual ) did accrew to the crown out of those provinces . the next worthy governor that endeavoured to advance this reformation , was thomas earl of sussex ; who having throughly broken and subdued the two most rebellious and powerful irish septs in leinster ; namely , the moores and o connors , possessing the territories of leix and offaly , did by act of parliament , 3. and 4. phil. and mariae , reduce those countries into two several counties ; naming the one , the kings , and the other , the queens county ; which were the first two counties that had been made in this kingdom , since the twelfth year of king john ; at what time the territories then possessed by the english colonies , were reduced into twelve shires , as is before expressed . this noble earl , having thus extended the jurisdiction of the english law into two counties more , was not satisfied with that addition , but took a resolution to divide all the rest of the irish countries un-reduced , into several shires ; and to that end , he caused an act to pass in the same parliament , authorising the lord chancellor , from time to time , to award commissions to such persons , as the lord deputy should nominate and appoint , to view and perambulate those irish territories ; and thereupon , to divide and limit the same into such and so many several counties as they should think meet ; which being certified to the lord deputy , and approved by him , should be returned and enrolled in the chancery , and from thenceforth be of like force and effect , as if it were done by act of parliament . thus did the earl of sussex lay open a passage for the civil government into the unreformed parts of this kingdom , but himself proceeded no further than is before delared . howbeit afterwards , during the raign of queen elizabeth , sir henry sidney , ( who hath left behind him many monuments of a good governour in this land ) did not only pursue that course which the earl of sussex began , in reducing the irish countries into shires , and placing therein sheriffs , and other ministers of the law ; ( for first he made the annaly a territory in leinster , possessed by the sept of offerralles , one entire shire by it self , and called it the county of longford ; and after that he divided the whole province of conaght into six counties more ; namely , clare ( which containeth all thomond ) gallaway , sligo , mayo , roscomon , and leytrim : ) but he also had caused divers good laws to be made , and performed sundry other services , tending greatly to the reformation of this kingdom . for first , to diminish the greatness of the irish lords , and to take from them the dependancy of the common people , in the parliament which he held 11. eliz. he did abolish their pretended and usurped captain-ships , and all exactions , and extortions incident thereunto . next , to settle their seigniories and possessions in a course of inheritance , according to the course of the common law , he caused an act to pass , whereby the lord deputy was authorised to accept their surrenders , and to regrant estates unto them , to hold of the crown by english tenures and services . again , because the inferiour sort were loose and poor , and not amesuable to the law ; he provided by another act , that five of the best and eldest persons of every sept , should bring in all the idle persons of their surname , to be justified by the law . moreover , to give a civil education to the youth of this land in the time to come , provision was made by another law , that there should be one free schoole , at least , erected in every diocess of the kingdom . and lastly , to inure and acquaint the people of munster and conaght , with the english government again ( which had not been in use among them , for the space of 200. years before : ) he instituted two presidency courts in those two provinces , placing sir edward fitton in conaght , and sir john perrot in munster . to augment the kings revenue in the same parliament , upon the attainder of shane o neale , he resumed and vested in the crown , more than half the provinne of vlster : he raised the customs upon the principal commodities of the kingdom : he reformed the abuses of the exchequer , by many good orders and instructions sent out of england ; and lastly , he established the composition of the pale , in lieu of purveyance and sess of souldiers . these were good proceedings in the work of reformation , but there were many defects and omissions withall ; for though he reduced all conaght into counties , he never sent any justices of assize to visit that province , but placed commissioners there , who governed it only in a course of discretion ; part martial , and part civil . again , in the law that doth abolish the irish captain-ships , he gave way for the reviving thereof again , by excepting such , as should be granted by letters patents from the crown ; which exception did indeed take away the force of that law . for no governor during queen elizabeths reign , did refuse to grant any of those captain-ships , to any pretended irish lord , who would desire , and with his thankfulness deserve the same . and again , though the greatest part of vlster were vested by act of parliament , in the actual and real possession of the crown ; yet was there never any seisure made thereof , nor any part thereof brought into charge , but the irish were permitted to take all the profits , without rendering any duty or acknowledgement for the same ; and though the name of o neale were damned by that act , and the assuming thereof made high-treason ; yet after that , was tirlagh leynnagh suffered to bear that title , and to intrude upon the possessions of the crown , and yet was often entertained by the state with favour . neither were these lands resumed , by the act of ii of elizabeth neglected only ( for the abbyes and religious houses in tyrone , tirconnell , and fermanagh , though they were dissolved in the 33. of henry 8. were never surveyed nor reduced into charge , but were continualy possest by the religious persons ) untill his majesty that now is , came to the crown : and that which is more strange , the donations of bishopricks , being a flower of the crown ( which the kings of england did ever retain in all their dominions , when the popes usurped authority was at the highest . ) there were three bishopricks in vlster ; namely , derry , rapho , and clogher , which neither queen elizabeth , nor any of her progenitors did ever bestow , though they were the undoubted patrons thereof . so as king james was the first king of england that did ever supply these sees with bishops , which is an argument either of great negligence , or of great weakness in the state and governors of those times . and thus far proceeded sir henry sidney . after him , sir john perrot , who held the last parliament in this kingdom , did advance the reformation in three principal points . first , in establishing the great composition of conaght , in which service the wisdom and industry of sir richard bingham did concur with him : next , in reducing the unreformed parts of vlster into seven shires ; namely , adrmagh , monahan tirone , colerain , donagall , fermannagh , and cavan ; though in his time the law was never executed in these new counties by any sheriffs or justices of assize , but the people left to be ruled still by their own barbarous lords and laws : and lastly , by vesting in the crown , the lands of desmond and his adherents in munster , and planting the same with english , though that plantation were imperfect in many points . after sir john perrot , sir william fitz-williams did good service in two other points . first , in raising a composition in munster ; and then , in setling the possessions both of the lords and tenants in monahan , which was one of the last acts of state , tending to the reformation of the civil government that was performed in the raign of queen elizabeth . thus we see , by what degrees , and what pollicy and success the governors of this land from time to time , since the beginning of the raign of king edward the third , have endeavoured to reform and reduce this people to the perfect obedience of the crown of england ; and we finde , that before the civil wars of yorke and lancaster , they did chiefly endeavour to bring back the degenerate english colonies to their duty and allegiance , not respecting the meer irish , whom they reputed as aliens or enemies of the crown . but after king henry 7. had united the roses , they laboured to reduce both english and irish together ▪ which work , to what pass and perfection it was brought in the latter end of qu. elizabeths raign , hath been before declared . whereof sometimes when i do consider , i do in mine own conceit compare these later governors , who went about to reform the civil affairs in ireland , unto some of the kings of israel , of whom it is said ; that they were good kings , but they did not cut down the groves and high places , but suffered the people still to burn incense , and commit idolatry in them : so sir anthony saint-leger , the earl of sussex , sir henry sidney , and sir john perrot , were good governors , but they did not abolish the irish customs , nor execute the law in the irish countries , but suffered the people to worship their barbarous lords , and to remain utterly ignorant of their duties to god and the king. and now i am come to the happy reign of my most gracious lord and master k. james ; in whose time , as there hath been a concurrence of many great felicities : so this among others may be numbred in the first rank ; that all the defects in the ●overnment of ireland spoken of before , have been fully supplyed in the first nine years of his raign . in which time , there hath been more done in the work and reformation of this kingdom ; than in the 440. years which are past since the conquest was first attempted . howbeit , i have no purpose in this discourse , to set forth at large all the proceedings of the state here in reforming of this kingdom , since his majesty came to the crown , for the parts and passages thereof are so many , as to express them fully , would require a several treatise . besides , i for my part , since i have not flattered the former times , but have plainly laid open the negligence and errors of every age that is past , would not willingly seem to flatter the present , by amplifying the diligence and true judgment of those servitors , that have laboured in this vineyard since the beginning of his majesties happy raign . i shall therefore summarily , without any amplification at all , shew in what manner , and by what degrees , all the defects , which i have noted before in the government of this kingdom , have been supplyed since his majesties happy raign began ; and so conclude these observations concerning the state of ireland . first then , touching the martial affairs , i shall need to say little , in regard that the war which finished the conquest of ireland , was ended almost in the instant , when the crown descended upon his majesty ; and so there remained no occasion to amend the former errors committed in the prosecution of the war. howbeit , sit hence his majesty hath still maintained an army here , as well for a seminary of martial men ; as to give strength and countenance to the civil magistrate ; i may justly observe , that this army hath not been fed with coign and livery , or sess ( with which extortions the souldier hath been nourished in the times of former princes ) but hath been as justly and royally paid , as ever prince in the world did pay his men of war. besides , when there did arise an occasion of employment for this army against the rebel odoghertie ; neither did his majestie delay the re-inforcing thereof , but instantly sent supplies out of england and scotland ; neither did the martial men dally or prosecute the service faintly , but did forthwith quench that fire , whereby themselves would have been the warmer , the longer it had continued , as well by the encrease of their entertainment , as by booties and spoil of the countrey . and thus much i thought fit to note , touching the amendment of the errours in the martial affairs . secondly , for the supply of the defects in the civil government , these courses have been pursued since his majesties prosperous reign began . first , albeit upon the end of the war , whereby tyrones universal rebellion was supprest , the mindes of the people were broken and prepared to obedience of the law ; yet the state upon good reason , did conceive , that the publick peace could not be settled , till the hearts of the people were also quieted , by securing them from the danger of the law , which the most part of them had incurred one way or other , in that great and general confusion . therefore , first by a general act of state , called the act of oblivion , published by proclamation under the great-seal ; all offences against the crown , and all particular trespasses between subject and subject , done at any time before his majesties reign , were ( to all such as would come in to the justices of assize by a certain day , and claim the benefit of this act ) pardoned , remitted , and utterly extinguished , never to be revived or called in question . and by the same proclamation , all the irishry ( who for the most part , in former times , were left under the tyrannie of their lords and chieftains , and had no defence or justice from the crown ) were received into his majesties immediate protection . this bred such comfort and security in the hearts of all men as there upon ensued , the calmest , and most universal peace , that ever was seen in ireland . the publick peace being thus established , the state proceeded next to establish the publick justice in every part of the realm . and to that end , sir george cary ( who was a prudent governor , and a just , and made a fair entry into the right way of reforming this kingdom ) did in the first year of his majesties reign , make the first sheriffs that ever were made in tyrone and tirconnel ; and shortly after , sent sir edmund pelham chief baron , and my self thither , the first justices of assize that ever sat in those countreys : and in that circuit , we visited all the shires of that provinces besides ; which visitation , though it were somewhat distasteful to the irish lords , was sweet and most welcome to the common people ; who , albeit they were rude and barbarous , yet they quickly apprehended the difference between the tyrannie and oppression under which they lived before , and the just government and protection which we promised unto them for the time to come . the law having made her progress into vlster with so good success , sir arthur chichester ( who with singular industry , wisdom , and courage , hath now for the space of seven years and more , prosecuted the great work of reformation , and brought it well-neer to an absolute perfection ) did in the first year of his government , establish two other new circuits for justices of assize ; the one in conaght , and the other in munster . i call them new circuits , for that , although it be manifest by many records , that justices itinerant have in former times been sent into all the shires of munster , and some part of conaght ; yet certain it is , that in two hundred years before ( i speak much within compass ) no such commission had been executed in either of these two provinces . but now , the whole realm being divided into shires , and every bordering territory , whereof any doubt was made in what county the same should lie , being added or reduced to a county certain ( among the rest , the mountains and glyns on the south side of dublin , were lately made a shire by it self , and called the county of wicklow ; whereby the inhabitants , which were wont to be thorns in the side of the pale , are become civil and quiet neighbours thereof , ) the streams of the publick justice were derived into every part of the kingdom ; and the benefit and protection of the law of england communicated to all , as well irish as english , without distinction or respect of persons ; by reason whereof , the work of deriving the publick justice , grew so great , as that there was magna messis , sed operarii pauci . and therefore , the number of the judges in every bench was increased , which do now every half year ( like good planets in their several sphaeres or circles ) carry the ●ight and influence of justice , round about the kingdom ; whereas the circuits in former times , went but round about the pale , like the circuit of the cinosura about the pole. quae cursu interiore brevi convertitur orbe . upon these visitations of justice , whereby the iust and honourable law of england was imparted and communicated to all the irishry , there followed these excellent good effects : first , the common people were taught by the justices of assize , that they were free subjects to the kings of england , and not slaves and vassals to their pretended lords : that the cuttings , cosheries , sessings , and other extortions of their lords , were unlawful , and that they should not any more submit themselves thereunto , since they were now under the protection of so just and mighty a prince , as both would and could protect them from all wrongs and oppressions : they gave a willing ear unto these lessons ; and thereupon , the greatness and power of those irish lords over the people , suddenly fell and vanished , when their oppressions and extortions were taken away , which did maintain their greatness : insomuch , as divers of them , who formerly made themselves owners of all ( by force ; ) were now by the law reduced to this point ; that wanting means to defray their ordinary charges , they resorted ordinarily to the lord deputy , and made petition , that by license and warrant of the state , they might take some aid and contribution from their people ; as well to discharge their former debts , as for competent maintenance in time to come : but some of them being impatient of this diminution , fled out of the realm to forreign countreys . whereupon , we may well observe , that , as extortion did banish the old english free-holder , who could not live but under the law ; so the law did banish the irish lord , who could not live but by extortion . again , these circuits of justice ( did ( upon the end of the war ) more terrifie the loose and idle persons , than the execution of the martial law , though it were more quick and sudden : and in a short time after , did so clear the the kingdom of thieves , and other capital offendors , as i dare affirm , that for the space of five years last past , there have not been found so many malefactors worthy of death in all the six circuits of this realm ( which is now divided into thirty two shires at large ) as in one circuit of six shires ; namely , the western circuit in england ; for the truth is , that in time of peace , the irish are more fearful to offend the law , than the english , or any other nation whatsoever . again , whereas the greatest advantage that the irish had of us in all their rebellions , was , our ignorance of their countreys , their persons , and their actions : since the law and her ministers have had a passage among them , all their places of fastness have been discovered and laid open ; all their paces cleared ; and notice taken of every person that is able to do either good or hurt . it is known , not onely how they live , and what they do , but it is foreseen what they purpose or intend to do : insomuch , as tyrone hath been heard to complain , that he had so many eyes watching over him , as he could not drink a full carouse of sack , but the state was advertized thereof , within few hours after . and therefore , those allowances which i finde in the ancient pipe rolls , pro guidagio , & spiagio , may be well spared at this day . for the under-sheriffs and bailiffs errant are better guides and spies in the time of peace , than any were found in the time of war. moreover , these civil assemblies at assizes and sessions , have reclaimed the irish from their wildness , caused them to cut off their glibs and long hair ; to convert their mantles into cloaks ; to conform themselves to the manner of england in all their behaviour and outward forms . and because they finde a great inconvenience in moving their suits by an interpreter ; they do for the most part send their children to schools , especially to learn the english language : so as we may conceive and hope , that the next generation , will in tongue and heart , and every way else , become english ; so as there will be no difference or distinction , but the irish sea betwixt us . and thus we see a good conversion , and the irish game turned again . for heretofore , the neglect of the law , made the english degenerate , and become irish ; and now , on the other side , the execution of the law , doth make the irish grow civil , and become english . lastly , these general sessions now , do teach the people more obedience , and keep them more in awe , than did the general hostings in former times . these progresses of the law , renew and confirm the conquest of ireland every half year , and supply the defect of the kings absence in every part of the realm ; in that every judge sitting in the seat of justice , doth represent the person of the king himself . these effects , hath the establishment of the publick peace and justice produced , since his majesties happy reign began . howbeit , it was impossible to make a common-weal in ireland , without performing another service ; which was , the setling of all the estates and possessions , as well of irish , as english , thoroughout the kingdom . for , although that in the twelfth year of queen elizabeth , a special law , was made , which did enable the lord deputy to take surrenders , and regrant estates unto the irishry ( upon signification of her majesties pleasure in that behalf ; ) yet were there but few of the irish lords that made offer to surrender during her reign ; and they which made surrenders of entire countreys , obtained grants of the whole again to themselves onely , and to no other , and all in demesn . in passing of which grants , there was no care taken of the inferiour septs of people , inhabiting and possessing these countreys under them , but they held their several portions in course of tanistry and gavelkinde , and yielded the same irish duties or exactions , as they did before : so that upon every such surrender and grant , there was but one free-holder made in a whole countrey , which was the lord himself ; all the rest were but tenants at will , or rather tenants in villenage , and were neither fit to be sworn in juries , nor to perform any publick service : and by reason of the uncertainty of their estates did utterly neglect to build , or to plant , or to improve the land. and therefore , although the lord were become the kings tenant , his countrey was no whit reformed thereby , but remained in the former barbarism and desolation . again , in the same queens time , there were many irish lords , which did not surrender , yet obtained letters-patents of the captain-ships of their countreys , and of all lands and duties belonging to those captainships : for the statute which doth condemn and abolish these captain-ries , usurped by the irish , doth give power to the lord deputy to grant the same by letters patents . howbeit , these irish captains , and likewise the english , which were made seneschalles of the irish countries , did by colour of these grants , and under pretence of government , claim an irish seigniory , and exercise plain tyranny over the common people . and this was the fruit that did arise of the letters patents , granted of the irish countries in the time of queen elizabeth , where before they did extort and oppress the people , only by colour of a lewd and barbarous custom ; they did afterwards use the same extortions and oppressions by warrant , under the great seal of the realm . but now , since his majesty came to the crown , two special commissions have been sent out of england , for the setling and quieting of all the possessions in ireland ; the one , for accepting surrenders of the irish and degenerate english , and for regranting estates unto them , according to the course of the common law ; the other , for strengthening of defective titles . in the execution of which commissions , there hath ever been had a special care , to settle and secure the under-tenants ; to the end , there might be a repose and establishment of every subjects estate ; lord and tenant , free-holder and farmer , thoroughout the kingdom . upon surrenders , this course hath been held from the beginning ; when an irish lord doth offer to surrender his country , his surrender is not immediately accepted , but a commission is first awarded , to enquire of three speciall points . first , of the quantity and limits of the land whereof he is reputed owner . next , how much himself doth hold in demeasne , and how much is possest by his tenants and followers . and thirdly , what customs , duties , and services , he doth yearly receive out of those lands . this inquisition being made and returned , the lands which are found to be the lords proper possessions in demeasne , are drawn into a particular ; and his irish duties ; as cosherings , sessings , rents of butter and oatmeal , and the like ; are reasonably valued and reduced into certain sums of mony , to be paid yearly in lieu thereof . this being done , the surrender is accepted ; and thereupon a grant passed , not of the whole country , as was used in former times , but of those lands only , which are found in the lords possession , and of those certain sums of mony , as rents issuing out of the rest . but the lands which are found to be possest by the tenants , are left unto them , respectively charged with these certain rents only , in lieu of all uncertain irish exactions . in like manner , upon all grants , which have past by vertue of the commission , for defective titles , the commissioners have taken special caution , for preservation of the estates of all particular tenants . and as for grants of captain-ships or seneschal-ships , in the irish countries ; albeit , this deputy had as much power and authority to grant the same , as any other governors had before him ; and might have raised as much profit by bestowing the same , if he had respected his private , more than the publick good ; yet hath he been so far from passing any such in all his time , as he hath endeavoured to resume all the grants of that kind , that have been made by his predecessors ; to the end , the inferiour subjects of the realm , should make their only and immediate dependency upon the crown . and thus we see , how the greatest part of the possessions , ( as well of the irish as of the english ) in leinster , conaght , and munster , are setled and secured since his majesty came to the crown : whereby the hearts of the people are also setled , not only to live in peace , but raised and encouraged to build , to p●ant , to give better education to their children , and to improve the commodities of their lands ; whereby the yearly value thereof , is already encreased , double of that it was within these few years , and is like daily to rise higher , till it amount to the price of our land in england . lastly , the possessions of the irishry in the province of vlster , though it were the most rude and unreformed part of ireland , and the seat and nest of the last great rebellion , are now better disposed and established , than any the lands in the other provinces , which have been past and setled upon surrenders . for , as the occasion of the disposing of those lands , did not happen without the special providence and finger of god , which did cast out those wicked and ungrateful traitors , who were the only enemies of the reformation of ireland : so the distribution and plantation thereof , hath been projected and prosecuted , by the special direction and care of the king himself ; wherein his majesty hath corrected the errors before spoken of , committed by king henry 2. and k. john , in distributing and planting the first conquered lands . for , although there were six whole shires to be disposed , his majesty gave not an entire country , or county , to any particular person ; much less did he grant jura regalia , or any extraordinary liberties . for the best brittish undertaker , had but a proportion of 3000. acres for himself , with power to create a mannor , and hold a court baron : albeit , many of these undertakers , were of as great birth and quality , as the best adventurers in the first conquest . again , his majesty did not utterly exclude the natives out of this plantation , with a purpose to root them ou● , as the irish were excluded out of the first english colonies ; but made mixt plantation of brittish and irish , that they might grow up together in one nation : only , the irish were in some places transplanted from the woods and mountains , into the plains and open countries , that being removed ( like wild fruit-trees ) they might grow the milder , and bear the better and sweeter fruit . and this truly , is the master-piece , and most excellent part of the work of reformation , and is worthy indeed of his majesties royal pains . for when this plantation hath taken root , and been fixt and setled but a few years , with the favour and blessing of god ( for the son of god himself hath said in the gospel , omnis plantatio , quam non plantavit pater meus , eradicabitur ) it will secure the peace of ireland , assure it to the crown of england for ever ; and finally , make it a civil , and a rich , a mighty , and a flourishing kingdom . i omit to speak of the increase of the revenue of the crown , both certain and casual , which is raised to a double proportion ( at lest ) above that it was , by deriving the publick justice into all parts of the realm ; by setling all the possessions , of both of the irish and english , by re-establishing the compositions ; by restoring and resuming the customs ; by reviving the tenures in capite , and knights-service ; and reducing many other things into charge , which by the confusion and negligence of former times , became concealed and subtracted from the crown . i forbear likewise to speak of the due and ready bringing in of the revenue , which is brought to pass by the well ordering of the court of exchequer , and the authority and pains of the commissioners for accompts . i might also add hereunto , the encouragement that hath been given to the maritime towns and citties , as well to increase their trade of merchandize , as to cherish mechanical arts and sciences ; in that all their charters have been renewed , and their liberties more inlarged by his majesty , than by any of his progenitors since the conquest . as likewise , the care and course that hath been taken , to make civil commerce and entercourse between the subjects ; newly reformed and brought under obedience , by granting markets and fairs to be holden in their countries , and by erecting of corporate towns among them . briefly , the clock of the civil government , is now well set , and all the wheels thereof do move in order ; the strings of this irish harp , which the civil magistrate doth finger , are all in tune ( for i omit to speak of the state ecclesiastical ) and make a good harmony in this common-weal : so as we may well conceive a hope , that ireland ( which heretofore might properly be called the land of ire , because the irascible power was predominant there , for the space of 400. years together ) will from henceforth prove a land of peace and concord . and though heretofore it hath been like the lean cow of egypt , in pharaohs dream , devouring the fat of england , and yet remaining as lean as it was before , it will hereafter be as fruitfull as the land of canaan ; the description whereof , in the 8. of deutronomy , doth in every part agree with ireland ; being terra rivorum , aquarumque & fontium ; in cujus campis , & montibus , erumpunt fluviorum abyssi ; terra frumenti , & hordei ; terra lactis , & mellis ; ubi absque ulla penuria comedes panem tuum , & rerum abundantia perfrueris . and thus i have discovered and expressed the defects and errors , as well in the managing of the martial affairs , as of the civil ; which in former ages gave impediment to the reducing of all ireland , to the obedience and subjection of the crown of england . i have likewise observed , what courses have been taken ; to reform the defects and errors in government , and to reduce the people of this land to obedience , since the beginning of the raign of king edward 3. till the latter end of the raign of queen elizabeth . and lastly , i have declared and set forth , how all the said errors have been corrected , and the defects supplyed under the prosperous government of his majesty ; so as i may positively conclude in the same words , which i have used in the title of this discourse ; that untill the beginning of his majesties raign , ireland was never entirely subdued , and brought under the obedience of the crown of england . but since the crown of of this kingdom , with the undoubted right and title thereof , descended upon his majesty ; the whole island from sea to sea , hath been brought into his highness peaceable possession ; and all the inhabitants , in every corner thereof , have been absolutely reduced under his immediate subjection . in which condition of subjects , they will gladly continue , without defection or adhaering to any other lord or king , as long as they may be protected , and justly governed , without oppression on the one side , or impunity on the other . for , there is no nation of people under the sun , that doth love equal and indifferent justice , better than the irish ; or will rest better satisfied with the execution thereof , although it be against themselves ; so as they may have the protection and benefit of the law , when upon just cause they do desire it . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a37237-e230 two main impediments of the conquest . the faint prosecution of the war. what is a perfect conquest how the war hath been prosecuted since the 17 year of henry the second . in the time of henry the second . giraldus cambrensis . the first attempt but an adventure of private gentlemen . with what forces the king himself come over . archiu . remem . regis . apud west what manner of conquest k. henry the second made of ireland . bodin de repub. the true marks of soveraignty . hoveden in henrico secundo fol. 312. 6 johannis claus . membrana . 18.17 . johannis chart. m. 3. 6. hen. 3. chart . m. 2. archiu . in castro dublin . ●2 . hen. 3. co●po●●● will de la zouch 36. h●n . 3. ●om●●tus huberti de rouly . how the war● was prosecuted in the time of king john. giraldus cambrensis . giraldus cambrensis . geraldus cambrensis . matth. pacis in richardo primo ●● 15 19. matth. paris . this charter yet remaineth perfect , with an entire seal in the treasury at westminster ▪ archiu . in castro dublin & archiu turr. 52● hen. 3 patent . m. 9. how the martial affairs were carried from the 12 ▪ year of king john , to the 36. year of king edward the third . archiu . in castro dublin . stat. 10. h. 7. c. 4. rot . parliam . in castro dublin . annales hiberniae in camden . baron finglas . manus . stat. 10. h 7. cap. 4. rot. parli . in castro dublin . stat. 11. h. 4. c. 6. baron finglas . m. s. the army transmitted with lionel duke of clarence , the 36 of edw. 3. archiu . remem . regis apud westm . the manner of levying souldiers informer ages . what service lionel duke of clarence performed . archiu . tur. 36. edw. 3 claus . m. 21. in dorso . & m. 30. ●●r will. winsor . lieutenant , 47 ed. 3. his forces & service . 47 ed : 3. claus . m. 1. stow in rich 2. the state of the revenue of ireland , in the time of edw. 3. walsingham in rich. 2. archiu turr. 11 h. 3. patent m. 3. 21 ed. 3. m. 41. 47 ed. 3. claus . pers . 2. m. 24. & 26. archiu . in castro dublin . hollingshead in r. 2. archiu . in castro dublin . 5 edw 3. how the war proceeded in the time of king richard the second . 3 rich. 2. archiu . tur rot. parl. 42. pat. 2. pars . 9. rich. 2. m. 24. walsingham in rich. 2. annales , tho. otterbourne manuscript . stow in rich. 2● archiu . in officio rememorat . regis apud westmon . hollingshead in richard the 2. henry 4. the lord thomas of lancaster his service . archiu . rememorat . regis apud westm . henry 5. the lord furnival his service . alb. libr. scacc. dublin . henry 6. richard duke of york his service . archiu . in castro dublin . hollingshead in henry the sixth . rot. parl. in castro dublin . archiu . tur. 17. hen. 6. clausam . 20. manuscript of baron finglas . hollingshead in hen. 6. edw. 4. how the war was maintained in the time of king edw. 4. hollingshead in edw. 4. book of howth m●rus . the fraternity of saint george in ireland . 14. of edw. 4. rot. parl. dublin . henry 7. how the war was prosecuted in time of k hen. 7. ar●●●● . remem . regis apud west . the book of howth manus . holinshead in hen. 7. sir ed : poynings service . rot. parl. in castro dublin . the book of howth the battle of knocktow . henry 8. how the war was carried , during the reign of king henry the eight . the earl of surries service . the lord leonard grayes service . the fight at belahoo . book of howth . manus ▪ sir anthony st. leger . sir edw. b●llingham , in the time of king edw. 6. archiu . remem . regis apud west ' tho : earl of sussex in the time of queen mary . queen elizabeth . how the war was prosecuted in the time of qu elizabeth . shane o neales rebellion . archiu . remem . regis apud westm . desmonds rebellion . tyrones rebellion . four main defects in the prosecution of the war. why none of the kings of england , before qu. elizabeth , did finish the conquest of ireland . giraldus cambrensis . how the several kings of england were diverted from the conquest of ireland . king henry 2. the book of howth manus . rich. 1. k. john. henry 3. edw. 1. archiu . in castro dublin . annales hiberniae in camden . edw. 2. annales hiberniae in camden . archiu . in castro dublin . manuscript of friar clinn . rubr. libr. scac. dublin : edw. 3. annales hiberniae in cam den . rich. 2. henry 4. henry 5. annales hiberniae in camden . henry 6. hollingshead in hen. 6. manuscript of baron finglas . edw. 4. rich. 3. henry 7. henry 8. king edward 6. and qu. mary . qu. elizabeth . 2. the defects in the civil policy & government . 1. the laws of england were not given to the meer irish . matth. paris hist . major , fol. 121. matth. paris histor . major . 220 b. 11 hen. 3. pat . m. 3. 30 h. 3. pat . m. 20 the meer irish not admitted to have the benefit of the laws of england . the meer irish reputed aliens . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . that the meer irish were reputed enemies to the crown . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . stat. de kilkenny c 2. & 3.10 hen. 6. c. 1.28 hen. 8 c. 13. the irish did desire to be admitted to the benefit and protection of the english laws , but could not obtain it . 2. ed. 3. claus . 17. the council book of ireland , 34 hen 8 what mischief did grow by not communicating the english laws to the irish . what good would have ensued , if the meer irish had been governed by the english laws . three general submissiof the irish . the english laws were executed only in the english colonies . archiu . in castro dublin . statut. de kilkenny . c. 4. the romans did communicate their laws to the nations , which they conquerred . tacitus in vita agricolae . william the conqueror governed both the normans and the english under one law. camden in norfolke . k. edw. 1. did communicate the english laws to the welshmen . giraldus cambrensis . l. 2. de hibernia expugnata . 2. the lands conquered from the ir●sh were not well distributed . the proportions of land granted to the first adventurers were too large● giraldus cambrensis , l. 2. de l●●bernia expugnata . in arch. tur. 5 ed. 3. escheat numero 104. 2 johan . chart. m. 15. & m. 38. 6 johan chart. m. 1. 7 johan . chart. m. 12. & n. 109. 6 edw. 1. chart. m. 19.18 ed. 1. m. 29. girald . cambr. l. 2. de hibernia expug . all ireland distributed to ten persons of the english nation . 6 h. 3. chart. m. 2. hovend . in h. 2. fol. 302. archiu . tur . 17 johan . chart. m. 3. 6 johan . claus . m. 18. matth. paris in henry the third 3 hen. 3. the liberties granted to the first adventurers were too great . eight counties palatines in ireland at one time . annales hiberniae in camden . in arch●u● . 1● e●w 3. 〈…〉 . five counties palatines in leinster . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . tur. pat . 3. e. 3. m. 28. archiu . in castro dublin . the inconveniences which grew by the large grants of lands & liberties . the english lords in ireland made war & peace at their pleasure . the war and dissention of the english lords one with another . annales hiberniae in camd. annal hiber in ca● annales johan . clyn. manusc . baron finglas manusc stat. 10 h. 7. c. 4. rot. parl. in castro dublin . baron finglas , manuscript . archiu . tur. 5. ed. 3. claus . m. 4. archiu . tur . 15. ed. 3. claus . m. 4. annales hiberniae in camden . the first adventurers obtained these liberal grants , because the kings of england d●d not prosecute the war at their own charge . how the state of rome rewarded their men of war. william the conqueror . camden in chester . wales distributed to the l. marchers . the english lords did not reduce the woods and wasts in forrests and parks chart. de forest . c. 2. & . 3. the english colonies rejected the english laws and customs , and embraced the irish . the nature of irish customs . the irish laws and customs , differing from the laws and customs of all civil nations . the irish law in criminal causes . the irish custom of tanistry . the irish custome of gavel-kind . the mischiefs that arise , by these two customs . the wicked customs of coigne and livery . the mischiefs that did arise by coigne and livery . the cause of idleness in the irish . why the irish are beggars in forreign countrys why the irish are reputed a crafty people . why the irish are inquisitive after news . cosherings . sessings . cuttings . gossipred how the english colonies beca●●e degenerate . alb. libr. scacc. dubl . 5 ed. 3. m. 25. when & how the english colonies became degenerate . the scots overrun ireland . annales hiberniae in camden ▪ desmond chief commander in the war against the scots . when and how the extortion of coign and livery began among the english . the rising mac murrogh and o m●re in leinster . annales hiberniae in camden . annales johan . clynne . manus . the defect and loss of a great part of leinster . the earl of vlster murdered . annales johan , clynne , manus . the earldom of vlster recovered by the irish . abridgement of salus populi mascript . baron finglas , manus . annales hiberniae in camden . the defection of conaght . baron finglas , manus . annales hiberniae in camden . what courses have been taken to reform this kingdom , since the english colonies became degenerate . edw. 2. k. edw. the third did first endeavour a reformation . archiu . tur. 2. e. 3● clau . pers . 1. m. 16. sir anthony lucy . annales hiberni● in camden . resumption of liberties . annales hiberniae in camden . sir raphe vfford . annales jo●an . manus . clynn . annale hibern● in ca●de● . maurice fitz-thomas the first earl of desmond , the author of the great oppressions and dissentions which destroyed the english colonies . the fortune of the house of desmond . the council-book of ireland ▪ 32 h. 8. the course reformation pursued by lio● duke clare● archiu . in castro dublin . statutes of kilkenny . c. 2. c. 3. c. 4. c. 10. c 12. c. 13. c. 15. c. 17. c. 22. c. 24. the statutes of kilkenny did much , reform th● degenerate english ▪ stat. 10 h. c. 8. the presence of the kings son , did much advance the reformation . absence of our kings & great english lords , a chief cause why the kingdom was not reduced . abse●● of o●● king the absence of the great english lords . baron . finglas , manusc . baron finglas , manusc . arch tur ● parli● n. 42. arch in o● rem● dubl● act of absentees , 28 h. 8. the reformation intended by k. ric● 2. archi● tur. 3 rich. claus . 3. ri● 2. rot● parl● 11.42 9 ri● 2. cl . walsiham ● rich 349. plac. coram . reg● in hibernia . hillar . 18. rich● 2. the reformat●on int●●ded by hen. ● the course of reformation held by sir edward poynings , in the time of k. hen 7. poynings act. the co●● boo● irel● 16 ● the reformation intended by the l. leonard gray , 28 h. 8. annal●● hiber●● manu● the coun●● book● 〈◊〉 irela●● 2● ●● the c●urs● refor●●tion ●sued sir a●thony s. l● four nera● subm●ons the i● the cou● boo● irel● 32 , 3● 34 ● the and gen● ea● ren● the the council book of ireland , 33 h. 8. the course of reformation prosecuted by tho. earl of sussex , in the time of queen mary . li●x and offaly made two counti●s , 3. & 4. phil. & mariae . the course of reformation followed by sir henry sidney , in the time of queen elizabeth . 〈◊〉 re●●●mati●● ad●●●ced 〈◊〉 sir ●ohn ●errot . the service of william fitz-williams , tending to reformation . how the defects and errors in the government of irel. have been supplied and amended since the beginning of his majesties reign . errors ●n the carriage of the martial affairs amended . how the defects in the civil government have bin supplied . ● . by establishing the publick peace . 2 by establishing the publick justice in every part of the kingdom . the good effects which followed the execution of the law throughout the kingdom 3. the setling of the states and possessions of the irishry , as well as of the english . how the commissions for surrenders , and defective titles have been p● in execution . no gran● of irish captain-ships , o● s●nescha●ships , since ●i● majestie reign . the plantation on of vlster . whereas the late horrid plot & conspiracy of divers priests and jesuits, and other papists, against his majesties sacred person, and for the subversion of the protestant religion and his majesties government, hath been so far discovered, that the said effects thereof have by his majesties care and the blessing of almighty god been hitherto prevented, and the most notorious offenders therein brought to condigne punishment in england, or are secur'd, or fled from justice ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) 1679 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46182 wing i908 estc r36944 16159296 ocm 16159296 104934 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46182) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104934) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:52) whereas the late horrid plot & conspiracy of divers priests and jesuits, and other papists, against his majesties sacred person, and for the subversion of the protestant religion and his majesties government, hath been so far discovered, that the said effects thereof have by his majesties care and the blessing of almighty god been hitherto prevented, and the most notorious offenders therein brought to condigne punishment in england, or are secur'd, or fled from justice ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin took and john crook ... and are to be sold by mary crook ..., dublin : [1679] title from first 11 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. date of publication suggested by wing. "given at the council chamber in dublin, the 10th. day of december, 1679." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng popish plot, 1678. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council ormonde . whereas the late horrid plot & conspiracy of divers priests and jesuits , and other papists , against his majesties sacred person , and for the subversion of the protestant religion and his majesties government , hath been so far discovered , that the said effects thereof have by his majesties care and the blessing of almighty god , been hitherto prevented , and the most notorio●s offenders therein brought to condigne punishment in england , or are secur'd , or fled from justice . and whereas nothing would more conduce to the lasting safety of his majestie , his kingdom , and the protestant religion therein established , then that there might be a full and perfect discovery of the said conspiracy ; and it is to be suspected , that many persons contrary to the duty of their allegiance , do still conceal their knowledg of the said plot , and the conspirators therein , presuming that at any time hereafter ( though never so late ) when they shall offer a discovery , they may obtain his majesties pardon for all their offences . now for the more speedy and full discovery of the said conspiracy , and to deter all persons whatsoever from concealing any longer their knowledg thereof . we the lord lieutenant and council by his majesties commands , do by this our proclamation , strictly require and command all and every person and persons whatsoever within this kingdom of ireland , who know , or can make discovery of any person or persons ingag'd in the said conspiracy , or of any matter or circumstance relating thereunto , to discover and make known the same to us the lord lieutenant and council , or his majesties principal secretary of state , or to the lord chief justice , or one of the justices of the court of kings bench within this kingdom , before the last day of february next ; his majestie having declared , that after that time his pardon is not to be expected for any such treasons or misprisions of treason . given at the council chamber in dublin , the 10th , day of december , 1679 . mich. armach . c. arran . blesinton . granard . lanesborough . hen. midensis . r. coote . ro. fitz-gerald . ca : ●illon . char. meredith . ro. booth . john keating . jo. davys . theo. jones . wm. flower tho : newcomen . god save the king. dublin , printed by benjamin took and john crook , printers ; to the king 's most excellent majestie and are to be sold by mary crook at his majesties printing-house , in skinner-row . the political anatomy of ireland with the establishment for that kingdom when the late duke of ormond was lord lieutenant ... : to which is added verbum sapienti, or, an account of the wealth and expences of england, and the method of raising taxes in the most equal manner ... / by sir william petty ... petty, william, sir, 1623-1687. 1691 approx. 302 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 125 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a54620 wing p1931 estc r4596 12579614 ocm 12579614 63710 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54620) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63710) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 328:10) the political anatomy of ireland with the establishment for that kingdom when the late duke of ormond was lord lieutenant ... : to which is added verbum sapienti, or, an account of the wealth and expences of england, and the method of raising taxes in the most equal manner ... / by sir william petty ... petty, william, sir, 1623-1687. tate, nahum, 1652-1715. [17], 205 p., [3], 24 p. printed for d. brown and w. rogers ..., london : 1691. dedication signed: n. tate. reproduction of original in columbia university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ormonde, james butler, -duke of, 1610-1688. taxation -england. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2003-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-09 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-09 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the political anatomy of ireland with the establishment for that kingdom when the late duke of ormond was lord lieutenant . taken from the records . to which is added verbum sapienti ; or an account of the wealth and expences of england , and the method of raising taxes in the most equal manner . shewing also , that the nation can bear the charge of four millions per annum , when the occasions of the government require it . by sir william petty , late fellow of the royal society , and surveyor-general of the kingdom of ireland . london : printed for d. brown , and w. rogers , at the bible without temple-bar , and at the sun over-against st. dunstans church , fleetstreet . 1691. to his grace the duke of ormond . my lord , the celebrated author of the following treatise , had not only the honour to be known to your grace's grand-father , the late illustrious duke of ormond , but was likewise held by him in that just esteem , which he never fail'd of expressing towards men of learning and ingenuity . this was a sufficient encouragement to me ( having the manuscript-copy deliver●d into my hands by a worthy and intimate friend of the authors , to dispose of it to the press for the publick benefit ) to address it to your grace's patronage . you are so true a successor in all the generous virtues of your ancestry , that i cannot doubt of your favourable reception of this posthumous work. your generosity , that takes all occasions of exerting it self towards the living , cannot fail in doing justice to the memory of the dead . more especially to such persons as in their life took care to oblige posterity . the usefulness of the ensuing discourse at this time , when there is so fair a prospect of a new settlement in ireland , were sufficient to recommend it to your grace's protection . your grace's interest in the re-establishment of that kingdom ( tho it be considerable ) yet is much less than your share in the glorious enterprize towards its recovery . you had the honour of accompanying his majesty in an adventure that shall shine in the annals of fame , as long as the boyne shall maintain its course . but a single gallantry appear'd not sufficient for the heir of ormond and ossery . you have since accompanied our royal master to other shores , to be partaker with him in new scenes of action , undertakings of no less consequence and importance , than the deliverance of europe . this will afford sufficient matter for panegyrick , and oblige the muses to place you in the same high rank of renown with your noble and heroick predecessors . in the mean time , be pleas'd to permit this useful treatise to wait on you to the camp , and bring you the hearty wishes of all good men here , for your happy expedition , and your safe return , which is desir'd by none with a more particular zeal , than by your grace's most devoted servant , n. tate . the author's preface . sir francis bacon , in his advancement of learning , hath made a judicious parallel in many particulars , between the body natural , and body politick , and between the arts of preserving both in health and strength : and it is as reasonable , that as anatomy is the best foundation of one , so also of the other ; and that to practice upon the politick , without knowing the symmetry , fabrick , and proportion of it , is as casual as the practice of old-women and empyricks . now , because anatomy is not only necessary in physicians , but laudable in every philosophical person whatsoever ; i therefore , who profess no politicks , have , for my curiosity , at large attempted the first essay of political anatomy . furthermore , as students in medicine , practice their inquiries upon cheap and common animals , and such whose actions they are best acquainted with , and where there is the least confusion and perplexure of parts ; i have chosen ireland as such a political animal , who is scarce twenty years old ; where the intrigue of state is not very complicate , and with which i have been conversant from an embrion ; and in which , if i have done amiss , the fault may be easily mended by another . 't is true , that curious dissections cannot be made without variety of proper instruments ; whereas i have had only a commōn knife and a clout , instead of the many more helps which such a work requires : however , my rude approaches . being enough to find whereabout the liver and spleen , and lungs lye , tho' not to discern the lymphatick vessels , the plexus , choroidus , the volvuli of vessels within the testicles ; yet not knowing , that even what i have here readily done , was much considered , or indeed thought useful by others , i have ventur'd to begin a new work , which , when corrected and enlarged by better hands and helps . i believe will tend to the peace and plenty of my country ; besides which , i have no other end . advertisement . the reader is desired to take notice , that by letter●es , are meant persons restored to land by virtue of the letters of king charles the second ; and by nominees , such persons are intended , as were restored to their lands by being named in the act of settlement ; and papists per proviso , were such as had provisoes in that act for their lands : and by the 49 officers , are meant such commission officers under the king , who served in ireland before the year of our lord , 1649. the following treatise of sir william petty's political anatomy of ireland , is printed after a copy transcribed from the original , writ by the author 's own hand ; and all the blanks , as here printed , were in that original : and which , tho' it may be suppos'd he could easily have fill'd up , yet was it not held proper for any other to attempt , or to add to any thing done by so great a master . this his work of the political anatomy of ireland ends in page 113. p. 114. begins the famous report from the council of trade in ireland , which was not only drawn , but wholly composed by sir william petty ; and with which that council concurred unanimously . p. 132. followeth the copy of the commission of the late duke of ormond to be lord lieutenant ; and an account of the establishment of the civil and military list in his time ; faithfully and carefully taken out of authentick records : and to the nature of which , the continued title of the political anatomy of ireland , on those pages , agrees well enough . the volume concludes with sir william petty's verbum sapienti , which relates wholly to england , and shews how taxes may be equally laid , and how the nation may well bear the tax of four millions per annum . the reader is now left with his most critical attentive judgment , to enjoy the benefit of the great political knowledg that sir william petty hath taught the age ; and for which ( as one of the greatest ornaments of it ) he deserveth perpetual celebrations . know reader in a word , that nulla ferent talem saecla futura virum . the contents of the political anatomy of ireland . of the lands of ireland , with the present distribution and values of the same . page 1 of the people , houses and smokes ; their number , differences and values , 7 of the church and benefices , 16 concerning the late rebellion and its effects , 17 of the future settlement of ireland , prevention of rebellions , and its union with england , 25 of the government of ireland , apparent and internal . 36 of the militia and defence of ireland , 42 of the coelum , solum , & fruges ; or the air , soil and product of ireland , 48 of the rate which the lands in ireland do bear to each other , with the history of the several valuations of the same , 58 of the money of ireland , and the causes of its decrease , with the remedy for the same , 68 of the trade of ireland , and its impediments ; the commodities , and aptitude for traffick , and incidently of the cloaths and dyet of the people : of sumptuary laws , absentees , &c. 75 of the religion , language , manners , and interest of the present inhabitants of ireland ; as also of the present and ancient divisions and names of the lands , 93 some miscellany remarques and intimations concerning ireland , and the several matters aforementioned , 103 a report from the council of trade in ireland , to the lord lieutenant and council , &c. 114 considerations relating to the improvement of ireland , 115 inferences from the premises , 120 propositions to his majesty concerning the government of ireland , 146 the list for civil affairs , &c. 157 the establishment and list , containing all the payments to be made for military affairs , &c. 181 officers provincial , 184 constables , 186 sundry ministers belonging to the ordnance , viz. in lemster , 188 connaught , 189 munster , 190 ulster , 191 temporary payments , 196 a catalogue of the peers , 199 a list of the arch-bishopricks and bishopricks , 200 barons , 201 a list of those places that return parliament-men , &c. 202 verbum sapienti . introduction , page 1 chap. 1. containing several computations of the wealth of the kingdom , 3 chap. 2. of the value of the people , 7 chap. 3. of the several expences of the kingdom , and its revenue , 10 chap. 4. of the method of apportioning taxes , 11 chap. 5. of money , and how much is necessary to drive the trade of the nation , 13 chap. 6. the causes of irregular taxing , 15 chap 7. the collateral advantages of these taxes , 16 chap. 8. of the expence of the navy , army , and garisons , 18 chap. 9. motives to the quiet bearing of extraordinary taxes , 19 chap. 10. how to imploy the people , and the end thereof , 22 licensed , may the 11th . 1691. the political anatomy of ireland 1672. of the lands of ireland . there are in ireland of acres of land , irish measure ( whereof 121 acres makes 196 english measure ) near about m. ac. 10,500 whereof there is of rivers , highways , loughs , unpassable bogs , rocks and shrubs , about m. 1,500 of very course land , commonly call'd unprofitable 1,500 consequently of good meadow , arrable and pasture 7,500   10,500 of which anno 1641 , there did belong to papists and sequestred protestants 5,200 to the church , viz. bishops , deans , chapters and glebes 300 to the protestants planted by queen elizabeth and king iames 2,000   7500 of the 5,200 belonging to papists and sequestred protestants anno 1641. there was restored to 26 that proved their constant good affection , per est . 40 210 to his grace the d. of ormond . 130 to the lord inchiquine , lord roscommon , and others 40 to innocent papists , near 1,200   to the church , near 20 140 to the duke of york , near 120 to letterees and nominees irish-men 60 420 to papists , per proviso with collonel vernon 360 left in the common-stock of course-land 80 470 to adventurers 390 to soldiers since 49. 1,440   to the 49 officers 280 550 to protestants per proviso 270 upon transplantation decrees 700   restored to mortgagees protestants , about 100       5,200 so that of all the lands seiz'd by the usurpers , the papists have recovered about m. 2,340 the new protestants and churches additions 2,400 of a more indifferent nature , ut supra 460 / 5200 mem. that protestants in connaught purchased of the transplantees per estimate . m. 60 wherefore of the whole 7500 m. of good land , the english , and protestants and church have this christmas 1672. 5,140 and the irish have near ½ as much , viz. 2,280   7,500 remains in the common-stock , near 80 m.   the said 7,500 acres of good , and the 1,500 of course , making together 9000 m. is worth per annum . m. l. 900,000 out of which the king's quit-rents , old-rents , and composition , 90,000 rests 810,000 the tythes whereof are one fifth , viz. 162,000 rests 648,000 the benefit of leases , and the value of tenants improvements upon the said lands , is ⅓ viz. 216,000 for the landlords 432,000 if the whole 7500 be clearly worth but 432000 l. per ann. then the 2,520 gain'd by the rebellion , is worth but about ⅓ thereof ( the 80 m. in the common stock being worth very little ) , viz. 144,000 and the adventurers and soldiers lands , who served since 1649 , worth about ¾ of the same , viz. 108,000 and the said soldiers alone ⅗ of the whole , viz. m. 86,400 per an. mem. that by the successes of the army , who serv'd since 1649. and who have 854 col . per an. for their labour , his majesty hath received the several advantages following , viz. 1. augmented the church , the duke of york , and by provisoes . 770 m. acres . 2. hath paid the adventurers , and 49 officers , besides housing in walled towns 670 m. acres . 3. gain'd a revenue worth above 80000 l. per ann. and 15 years purchase l. 1200,000 4. gain'd the years value , &c. worth . 300,000 5. hath freed himself from the 1648. articles with the irish. 6. restored many of his friends to their own estates . the value of the said army's lands at ten years purchase , is 854000 l. out of which deduct a years value and charge , there remains now but l. 700,000 mem. that whereas until anno _____ england always sent money and other supplies into ireland , now the revenue is 200,000 l. and the charge civil and military but 170,000 l. which is the gain or ease of england . the debentures of commission officers , who serv'd eight years till about december 1649. comes to l. 1,800,000 wherefore the pay of private soldiers to 5,400,000   7,200,000 the ⅛ whereof is 900,000 l. the one half whereof being for foot , was , 450,000 l. per ann. which , at 15 l. each , maintains 30,000 foot , and the rest 15000 horse , general officers , and train of artillery included ; so as there was a british army , for eight years , of at least 45000 men. the army who reduced the rebelllon , did anno 1652 , consist of near 35000 men , as per debentures . the irish transported into foreign parts , between 1651 and 1654. were 34,000 men. the irish army could not but be more than double to the english. the claymants of land , or the number of proprietors before the war was . of all that claimed innocency 7 in 8. obtained it . the restored persons by innocence and proviso have more than what was their own , anno 1641. by at least ⅕ they have gotten by forg'd feofments of what was more than their own , at least ⅓ . of those adjudged innocents , not 1 / 20 were really so . the king's revenue in ireland anno 1641. the yearly charge of the army for 20 years last past . of people , houses , and smoaks ; their number , differences , and values . there are of people , men , women and children . 1,100,000 there are of families 200,000 of smoaks 250,000 viz of the people , there are english 200,000 of papists 800,000 of non-papists 300,000 scots 100,000 irish 800,000   2,200,000 the scots are presbyterians , and the irish , papists . but the english are above 100,000 legal protestants or conformists , and the rest are presbyterians , independants , anabaptists and quakers . of the families . such as have no fix'd hearths , are 160,000 such as have but one chimney 24,000 such as have more than one 16,000 of smoaks . the single-smoak-houses , are ut supra 184,000 and those houses that have more than one chimney , have but one with another above four in each house , viz. in all 66,000   250 , m. the number of them of all degrees , who paid poll-money , anno 1661. was about 360,000 dublin hath houses of more than one smoak . 3,400 other cities , towns , and corporations of the like . 6,000 the rest of ireland of the like 6,600   165 , m. and of smiths forges , near the same number , or rather more . a more particular account of the houses in ireland , which have more than one chimney , viz. the castle of dublin hath chimneys 125 the earl of meath's house in dublin 27 the houses of dublin which have above 10 , are 164 t he number of coaches , besides hackneys , near the same number , or rather fewer . there be ( ut supra ) 160,000 cabins without chimneys , whose worth are not reckoned ; but as for the others , we rate as follows , viz. houses of 1 chimny of 24000 at 5 l. each 120,000 l. of 2 , and 3 , 6800 at 40 l. 272,000 l. 4 , 5 , 6 , 5600 at 100 l. 560,000 l. 7 , 8 , 9 , 2500 at 300 l. 750,000 l. 10 , 11 , 12 , 700 at 600 l. 420,000 l. 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. 400 at 1000 l. 400,000 l.     2,522,000 for 20 transcendental-houses , per estimate   78,000   total 2,600,000 memorandum , that not ● / 8 ; part of the value of all those houses do belong to other than english protestants .   325,000   to the english 2,275,000 there are of non-papists in dublin   28,000 in the other cities , towns , corporations , &c.   72,000 in the country   100,000     2,000,000 there is in nature but one in 500 at most who are blind , lame , and under incurable impotence ; so as not above 2000 in ireland , whom 12000 l. would maintain without scandal . the number of young children under seven years old , and not fit for labour , is ¼ of the whole , viz. 275,000 the said number of impotents 2000 the number of soldiers 3000   280,000 the masters and mistresses of 360 families , wherein are above six smoaks , are 7,200 their servants to their persons 14,400 the servants to the persons of such as live in 5600 families of 4 , 5 , 6. smoaks , are 11,200 servants in families of 2 , and 3 , smoaks 6800 ministers , students , &c. 400   320,000 people in all 1100 m. of above 6 years old 704 16 462 26 297 36 198 46 132 56 88 66 77 so as there are in ireland fit for trade 780,000 which are imployed as followeth , viz.   for the tillage of 500,000 acres of land for corn , men , and their wives 100,000 for cowherds and shepherds to cattel , grazing upon seven millions of acres , viz. six millions of black cattel , or their equivalent in horses and sheep . men and their wives . 120,000   220,000 by the other side . 220,000 imployed about the taking of 5000 hogsheads of pilchards , boats , nets , hewers , &c. men and women . 1000 imployed about making 1000 tuns of iron , men and women 2000 smiths as by account , men and women 15,000 their servants to the trade 7,500 taylors and their wives 45,000 carpenters and masons , and their wives 10,000 shoemakers and their wives 20,000 and servants 2500 millers and their wives 1600 workers of wooll and their wives . 30,000 tanners and curriers , and their wives . 10,000   331,600 trades of fancy and ornament and their wives . 48,400   380,000 wherefore if the present employment be performed with 380,000 persons , it follows that there are to spare for other uses 400,000 memorandum , that in dublin , where are but 4000 families , there are at one time 1180 ale-houses , and 91 publick brew-houses , viz. near ⅓ of the whole ; it seems , that in ireland , there being 200 m. families , that about 60 m. of them should use the same trade . and consequently , that 180,000 viz. 60 men , 60 women , and 60 servants do follow the trade of drink . 180,000 so as there are yet to spare , who are casherers and fait-neants . 220,000   400,000 whereas it is manifest , that ⅔ of the alehouses may be spared , even although the same quantity of drink should be sold ; then there will yet be further to spare of them 120,000 and 220,000   340,000 having shew'd that 340,000 of spare hands are in ireland , it follows to find employments for them , which is at 7 l. per head , to earn per ann. 2,380,000 this imployment may be either in order to local wealth , or universal wealth . local wealth i understand to be the building of 168,000 small stone-wall houses , with chimneys , doors , windores , gardens and orchards , ditch'd and quicksetted ; instead of the lamentable sties now in use ; the which may cost 3 l. each , in all l. 544,000 the planting 5 millions of fruit-trees at 4 d. each . 83,000 planting 3 millions of timber-trees upon the bounds and meers of every denomination of lands at 3 d. each 360,000 l. of inclosures and quicksets one million of perches at 12 d. per perch . l. 50,000 fortifying the city of dublin 30,000 building a new palace for the chief governour . 20,000 making there a mold for shipping . 15,000 making several rivers navigable and mending high-ways . 35,000 building of 100 churches , at 200 l. each 20,000 workhouses of several sorts , tan-yards , fishing crofts , rape-mills , allom and copperas-works , as also madder , lead , salt , &c. 50,000 in order to money and vniversal wealth . for ten thousand tuns of shipping 100,000 for a stock of wool , hemp , flax and rawhides for one years work 400,000 for the labour of men to manufacture the same . 1000,000 of the church and benefices . if 1 / ● the non-papists are non-conformists , then there are but 50000 legal protestants in dublin and all other cities , towns , &c. which require but 50 preaching ministers . and if there are but 50 m. legal protestants in the rest of ireland , they require but 100 ministers , at 500 to a flock , whereof ● / 3 , viz. 166 are children . if there be in england and wales about 9000 parishes , and under 30 bishops , then every bishop must have above 300 parsons in his charge . so as one bishop in ireland is more than 30 in england . wherefore 25,000 l. would afford 150 l. per ann. of each of 150 ministers , and 2500 l. to the bishop . the value of the church lands and appropriate tythes , is per ann. above the kings rent due out of them . if 100 ministers can serve all ireland , they must have precincts of neer 13 / 14 miles square , and consequently they must be itinerants , and as lecturers on week-days ; and other honest ordained men must be priests . if 150 , nay , if 250 ministers would serve all ireland , then 10 per ann. will supply their mortality : and consequently a nursery of 100 will send forth 10 yearly of 10 years standing . perhaps the nursery need not be above half so large . concerning the late rebellion . the number of the people being now anno 1672 about 1100,000 . and anno 1652. about 850 m. because i conceive that 80 m. of them have in 20 years encreased by generation 70 m. by return of banished and expelled english ; as also by the access of new ones , 80 m. of new scots , and 20 m. of returned irish , being all 250 m. now if it could be known what number of people were in ireland , ann. 1641. then the difference between the said number , and 850 , adding unto it the encrease by generation , in 11 years will shew the destruction of people made by the wars , viz. by the sword , plague , and famine occasioned thereby . i find , by comparing superfluous and spare oxen , sheep , butter and beef , that there was exported above ⅓ more ann. 1664. than in 1641. which shews there were ⅓ more of people , viz. 1466,000 ; out of which sum take what were left ann. 1652. there will remain 616,000 . destroyed by the rebellion . whereas the present proportion of the british is as 3 to 11 ; but before the wars the proportion was less , viz. as 2 to 11. and then it follows that the number of british slain in 11 years was 112 thousand souls ; of which i guess ⅔ to have perished by war , plague and famine . so as it follows that 37,000 were massacred in the first year of tumults : so as those who think 154,000 were so destroyed , ought to review the grounds of their opinion . it follows also , that about 504 m. of the irish perished , and were wasted by the sword , plague , famine , hardship and banishment , between the 23 of october 1641. and the same day 1652. wherefore those who say , that not ⅙ of them remained at the end of the wars , must also review their opinions ; there being by this computation near ⅔ of them ; which opinion i also submit . there were transported of them into spain , flanders , france , 34,000 soldiers ; and of boys , women , priests , &c. no less than 6000 more , where not half are returned . 40,000 . if ireland had continued in peace for the said 11 years , then the 1466 m. had increased by generation in that time to 73 m. more , making in all 1539 , which were by the said wars brought anno 1652 , to 850 , viz. 689 m. for whose blood some body should answer both to god and the king. m. 689 anno 1650. there were before the great plague , above one million of people , viz. 2½ more than in london anno 1665. but in that year there died in london by account 97,000 people , but really were 110 m. wherefore , if the plague was no hotter in ireland than in england , there must have died in ireland 275 m. but 1300 dying in a week in dublin , the plague of london was but ⅔ as hot ; wherefore there died in ireland m. 450 so as substracting 412 m. 500 dying of the plague , and 37 massacred english , it follows that 167 m. died in 11 years by the sword and famine , and other hardships . which i think not incredible ; for supposing ½ the number , viz. 87 m. died in 11 years , of famine and cold , transportation to spain and barbadoes , &c. it is not hard to believe , that the other 87 m. perished by the sword , when the british had armies of near 40 m. men , and the irish of near double , sometimes on foot. ann. 1653. debentures were freely and openly sold for 4 s. and 5 s. per l. and 20 s. of debenture , one place with another , did purchase two acres of land ; at which rate all the land of ireland , if it were 8 millions of profitable acres , might have been had for a million of money , which ann. 1641. was worth above 8 millions m. 1. the cattel and stock which ann. 1641. was worth above 4 millions , reckoning one beef of 20 s. value , or the equivalent in other stock to two acres ; but ann. 1652. the people of dublin fetch'd meat from wales , there being none here , and the whole cattel of ireland not worth l. 500,000 corn was then at 50 s. per barrel , which is now , and 1641. under 12. the houses of ireland , ann. 1641. was worth 2½ millions ; but ann. 1652. not worth ⅓ of the same l. 500,000 the value of people , men , women and children in england , some have computed to be 70 l. per head , one with another . but if you value the people who have been destroyed in ireland , as slaves and negroes are usually rated , viz. at about 15 l. one with another ; men being sold for 25 l. and children 5 l. each ; the value of the people lost will be about 10,355,000 the forces kept on foot by all parties for the said 11 years , were at least 80,000 horse and foot ( for even ann. 1652. the english were 35,000 and 34,000 irish transported ) the charge whereof , train of artillery , and general officers included , cannot be less than 15 l. per head per ann. which for 11 years comes to 13 millions and 200 m. l. 13,200,000 the superlucration above expressed , of all which adult men ( among which were no women nor children ) cannot be reckoned at less than 5 l. per head , or ⅓ of the last mentioned sum , viz. m. 4,400,000 wherefore the effects of the rebellion were these in pecuniary value , viz. by loss of people 10,335,000 by loss of their superlucration of soldiers 4,400,000 by the superlucration of the people lost , at 10 l. per head for the whole 11 years , deducting 80 m. soldiers 6,000,000 by impairing of the worth of lands 11,000,000 of the stock 3,500,000 of the housing 2,000,000   37,255,000 and the 20 years rent of all the lands forfeited , by reason of the said rebellion , viz. since the year 1652 , to 1673. hath not fully defray'd the charge of the english army in ireland for the said time ; nor doth the said rents at this day do the same with ½ as much more , or above 100 m. l. per an. more and the adventurers after 10 years being out of their principal money , which now ought to be double by its interest , they sold their adventures for under 10 s. per l. ann. 1652. in open and free market . the number of landed irish-papists , or freeholders before the wars , was about 3000 ; whereof , as appears by 800 judgments of the court of claims , which fate ann. 1663. upon the innocence and effects of the irish , there were not above 1 / 7 part or 400 guilty of the rebellion , unto each of whom i allow 20 followers , which would have made up an army of 8000 : but by the 49 officers account , the british army before 1649. must have been about 40 m. men ; upon whom the said 8000 nocent irish so prevail'd , as that the peace ended in the art●cles of 1648. by which the irish were made at least equal partners with his majesty in the government of ireland ; which sheweth , that the irish were men of admirable success and courage : unless we should rather think , that the said court of claims were abused by their perjuries and forgeries , which one would think , that a nation , who caus'd the destruction of so many thousand lives , for the sake of god and religion , should not be so guilty of . the estates of the irish before the wars , was double to that of the english ; but the number and natural force of the irish quintuple to that of the english. the cause of the war was a desire of the romists , to recover the church-revenue , worth about 110 m. l. per ann. and of the common irish , to get all the englishmens estates ; and of the 10 or 12 grandees of ireland , to get the empire of the whole . but upon the playing of this game or match upon so great odds , the english won and have ( among , and besides other pretences ) a gamester's right at least to their estates . but as for the bloodshed in the contest , god best knows who did occasion it . of the future settlement of ireland , prorogation of rebellions , and its union with england . the english invaded ireland about 500 years since ; at which time , if the irish were in number about 1,200,000 . anno 1641. they were but 600 m. in number , 200 years ago , and not above 300,000 m. at the said time of their invasion ; for 300,000 people will , by the ordinary course of generation , become 1200 m. in 500 years ; allowance being made for the extraordinary effects of epidemical diseases , famines , wars , &c. there is at this day no monument or real argument that , when the irish were first invaded , they had any stone-housing at all , any money , any foreign trade , nor any learning but the legend of the saints , psalters ; missals , rituals , &c. viz. nor geometry , astronomy , anatomy , architecture , ●nginery , painting , carving , nor any kind of manufacture , nor the least use of navigation , or the art military . sir iohn davys hath expressed much wit and learning , in giving the causes why ireland was in no measure reduced to english government , till in queen elizabeths reign , and since ; and withal offers several means , whereby what yet remains to be done , may be still effected . the conquest made by the english , and described in the preamble of the act of parliament past ann. 1662. for the settlement of ireland , gave means for any thing that had been reasonable of that kind ; but their forfeiters being abroad , and suffering with his majesty from the same usurping hands , made some diversion . wherefore ( rebus sic stantibus ) what is now to be done is the question , viz. what may be done by natural possibility , if authority saw it sit ? some furious spirits have wished , that the irish would rebel again , that they might be put to the sword. but i declare , that motion to be not only impious and inhumane , but withal frivolous and pernicious even to them who have rashly wish'd for those occasions . that the irish will not easily rebel again , i believe from the memory of their former successes , especially of the last , had not many providences interpos'd ; and withal from the consideration of these following particulars , viz. 1. that the british protestants and church have ¾ of all the lands ; ⅚ of all the housing ; ●●● of all the housing in wall'd towns , and places of strength ⅔ of the foreign trade . that 6 of 8 of all the irish live in a brutish nasty condition , as in cabins , with neither chimney , door , stairs nor window ; feed chiefly upon milk and potatoes , whereby their spirits are not dispos'd for war. and that although there be in ireland 8 papists for 3 others ; yet there are far more soldiers , and soldierlike-men of this latter and lesser number , than of the former . that his majesty , who formerly could do nothing for , and upon ireland , but by the help of england , hath now a revenue upon the place , to maintain , if he pleases , 7000 men in arms , besides a protestant militia of 25000 more , the most whereof are expert in war. that the protestants have housing enough within places of strength within 5 miles of the sea-side ; to receive and protect , and harbour every man , woman and child belonging to them , and have also places of strength of their own properly , so situate in all parts of ireland , to which they can easily travel the shortest day of the year . that being able so to secure their persons , even upon all sudden emergencies , they can be easily supplied out of england with food sufficient to maintain them , till they have burnt 160 m. of their afore-described cabins , not worth 50 m. l. destroy'd their stacks and haggards of corn , and disturbed their tillage , which the embody'd british can soon and easily atchieve . that a few ships of war , whereof the irish have none , nor no skill or practice of navigation , can hinder their relief from all foreign help . that few foreigners can help them if they would . but that none , not the king of france , can gain advantage by so doing , even tho he succeeded . for england hath constantly lost these 500 years by their medling with ireland . and at this day , than when ireland was never so rich and splendid , it were the advantage of the english to abandon their whole interest in that countrey ; and fatal to any other nation to take it , as hath been elsewhere ( as i think ) demonstrated ; and the advantage of the landlords of england , to give them the equivalent of what they should so quit out of their own estates in england . lastly , let the irish know , that there are , ever were , and will be men discontented with their present conditions in england , and ready for any exploit and change , more than are sufficient to quell any insurrection they can make and abide by . wherefore , declining all military means of setling and securing ireland in peace and plenty , what we offer shall tend to the transmuting one people into the other , and the thorough union of interests upon natural and lasting principles ; of which i shall enumerate several , tho seemingly never so uncouth and extravagant . 1. if henry the ii. had or could have brought over all the people of ireland into england , declining the benefit of their land ; he had fortified , beautified and enrich'd england , and done real kindness to the irish . but the same work is near four times as hard now to be done as then ; but it might be done , even now , with advantage to all parties . whereas there are now 300 m. british , and 800 m. papists , whereof 600 m. live in the wretched way above mentioned : if an exchange was made of but about 200 m. irish , and the like number of british brought over in their rooms , then the natural strength of the british would be equal to that of the irish ; but their political and artificial strength three times as great ; and so visible , that the irish would never stir upon a national or religious account . 3. there are among the 600 m. above-mentioned of the poor irish , not above 20 m. of unmarried marriageable women ; nor would above two thousand per ann. grow and become such . wherefore if ½ the said women were in one year , and ½ the next transported into england , and disposed of one to each parish , and as many english brought back and married to the irish , as would improve their dwelling but to an house and garden of 3 l. value , the whole work of natural transmutation and union would in 4 or 5 years be accomplished . the charge of making the exchange would not be 20,000 l. per ann. which is about 6 weeks pay of the present or late armies in ireland . if the irish must have priests , let the number of them , which is now between 2 and 3 thousand secular and regulars , be reduced to the competent number of 1000 , which is 800 souls to the pastorage of each priest ; which let be known persons , and english-men , if it may be . so as that when the priests , who govern the conscience , and the women , who influence other powerful appetites , shall be english , both of whom being in the bosom of the men , it must be , that no massacring of english , as heretofore , can happen again . moreover , when the language of the children shall be english , and the whole oeconomy of the family english , viz. diet , apparel , &c. the transmutation will be very easy and quick . add hereunto , that if both kingdoms , now two , were put into one , and under one legislative power and parliament , the members whereof should be in the same proportion that the power and wealth of each nation are , there would be no danger such a parliament should do any thing to the prejudice of the english interest in ireland ; nor could the irish ever complain of partiality , when they shall be freely and proportionably represented in all legislatures . the inconveniencies of the not-union , and absurdities seem to be these , viz. 1. it is absurd , that english-men born , sent over into ireland by the commission of their own king , and there sacrificing their lives for the king's interest , and succeeding in his service , should therefore be accounted aliens , foreigners , and also enemies , such as were the irish before henry the vii . time ; whom , if an english-man had then killed , he had suffer'd nothing for it ; for it is but indulgence and connivance , that now the same is not still in force . for such formerly was the condition of irishmen ; and that of english-men is now the same , otherwise than as custom has relieved them . it is absurd , that the inhabitants of ireland , naturally and necessarily bound to obey their sovereign , should not be permitted to know who , or what the same is , i.e. whether the parliament of england , or that of ireland ; and in what cases the one , and in what the other . which uncertainty is or may be made a pretence for my disobedience . it is absurd , that english-men in ireland , should either be aliens there , or else to be bound to laws , in the making whereof they are not represented . it is absurd if the legislative power be in ireland , that the final judgment of causes between man and man , should be in england , viz. the writs of error should remove causes out of ireland , to the king's bench in england . that the final determination of admiralty-causes , and of some causes-ecclesiastical , should be also ended in england ; nor that men should know whether the chancery of england have jurisdiction in ireland ; and whether the decrees of chancery in one chancery , can be executed in the other . as for inconveniences , it is one , that we should do to trade between the two kingdoms , as the spaniards in the west-indies do to all other nations ; for which cause all other nations have war with them there . and that a ship trading from ireland into the islands of america , should be forced to unlade the commodities shipt for ireland in england , and afterwards bring them home ; thereby necessitating the owners of such goods to run unnecessary hazard and expences . it is inconvenient that the same king's subjects should pay customs as aliens , passing from one part of the same their own king's territories to another . the chief objection against the remedy of these evils is ; that his majesty would by the union lose much of his double-customs . which being true , let 's see what the same amounts unto ; and if it be sufficient to hinder the remedy of these evils , and if it be irreparable by some other way . ann. 1664. which was the best year of trade that hath been these many years in ireland , when neither plague nor wars impeached it , and when men were generally disposed to splendor and liberality , and when the act for hindring cattel coming out of ireland into england , was not yet made ; nor that made for unlading in england ships bound from america into ireland ; i say , in that year the customs upon exported and imported commodities , between ireland and england , was but — but not ⅙ thereof , which since , how easily may it be added to the other charges upon england and ireland , which are together perhaps 1500 m. per ann ? 2. if it be for the good of england to keep ireland a distinct kingdom , why do not the predominant party in parliament ( suppose the western members ) make england beyond trent another kingdom , under commerce , and take tolls and customs upon the new borders ? or why was there ever a union between england and wales , the good effects and fruits whereof were never questioned ? and why may not the entire kingdom of england be farther cantoniz'd , and infinitely for the advantage of parties ? as for the practice ; the peers of ireland assembled in parliament , may depute so many of their number , as make the ⅛ part of the peers of england , to be call'd by writ into the lords house of england : and the commons in ireland , assembled in like manner , may depute the like proportion of other members to sit with the commons of england , the king and that house admitting of them . but if the parliament of england be already the legislative power of ireland , why may they not call a competent number out of ireland , 〈◊〉 , or in some other more convenient manner ? all these shifts and expedients are necessary but for the 〈◊〉 tim● , until the matter be agreed upon by both nations , in some one parliament . 't is s●ppos'd that the wealth of ireland is about the ● or ● of that of england ; and the king's revenue in both kingdoms seems about that proportion . of the government of ireland . the government of ireland is by the king , 21 bishops ( whereof four are arch-bishops ) and the temporal peers ; whereof some part , — by reason of the late rebellion , do not sit in parliament . by about 3000 freeholders , and the members of about 100 corporations , the university at dublin reckoned for one , represented in the house of commons , by about 270 knights , citizens and burgesses . the parliament so constituted , have a negative upon any law that the lord lieutenant and councel shall offer to the king , and which the king and his councel in england shall under the great seal remit to the said parliament . the sheriffs of counties , and of cities and counties in ireland are 40 , finally appointed by the lord lieutenant , each of which hath about ten bailiffs . the chief governour , called sometimes lord-lieutenant , sometimes lord-deputy , sometimes lords justices , with a council , at this time consisting of about 50 members , do govern in all matters belonging to the peace , prerogative , &c. there be five courts , viz. a chancery , consisting of a lord-chancellor , master of the rolls , and two , three or four sallariated masters of chancery . the king's-bench , of a lord-chief-justice , and two other judges . the common-pleas of the like : the exchequer , of a lord-chief-baron , and two other barons , with the treasurer and chancellor of the exchequer : and a prerogative , whereof the primate of armagh is judge . there is also a palatinate-courtih tipperary , whereof the duke of ormond is lord of the liberties and regalities to it belonging . there is also a court of admiralty : every bishop hath also two courts . and there have been formerly and lately ( but now an. 1672. suspended ) a presidency of munster , and another of connaght , who meddle not with life or limb , nor titles of land. there is also a court marshal , for the affairs of the army , who in times of peace often transmit accus'd persons to the civil-power . to all these courts do belong — officers , — councellors of law , whereof i reckon — are of the first classis , gaining by estimation about 600 l. per ann. each — of the 2d . gaining about 300 l. per ann. and — of the 3d gaining not above 100 l. per ann. there are also — sworn attornies , gaining about 120 l. per ann. one with another . there are in ireland about 950 justices of the peace , appointed by the lord-chancellor ; an head-constable for each barony or hundred , being 252 ; and a petty constable for each parish ; whereof are about 2278. the ecclesiastical government is by arch-bishops , bishops , arch-deacons , deans of cathedral-churches , in all which there are now actually but one quire entire , and that in dublin , serving both at christ-church , and st. patrick's . and the parsons , vicars and curates for the protestant-religion , are in all ireland at this day near 500 , and about half the tythes are impropriate , and belonging to lay-men . this is the state of the external and apparent government of ireland , so far as it concerns the number and species of persons managing the same . but the internal and mystical government of ireland is thus , viz. 1. there are always about twenty gentlemen of the irish nation and popish-religion , who by reason of their families , good parts , courtly education and carriage , are supported by the irish to negotiate their concernments at the court of england , and of the vice-roy in ireland these men raise their contributions by the priests ( who actually and immediately govern the people . ) the priests are govern'd by at least 24 romish bishops , all of whom have a long time been conversant in france , spain , italy , germany , england , whereas chaplains and almoners , &c. they have made an interest with the governing men and ministers of state in those several kingdoms , and have obtained some benefits and preferments from them . so as the body of the irish-papist's ( being about 800 m. whereof near 700 m. do live in wretched cabbins , without chimney or window ) are govern'd by about 1000 secular priests , and 2500 friars and regulars of several orders ; whereof most are franciscans , next dominicans and augustins , but few capuchins and iesuits or carthusians . these , i say , are govern'd by their respective bishops and superiors , whom the ministers of foreign states do also govern and direct . so as upon the whole matter , the irish , who are the bulk of the nation , are govern'd indirectly by foreign power ; and so are the aforenamed lay-patriots , their support coming from the clergy constituted as aforesaid , and who do notoriously exercise their spiritual jurisdiction in ireland : and do also exert a temporal power , by prevailing with papist justices of the peace , to send such to gaol as are disobedient to the clergy , upon feigned or frivolous complaints , which they cause to be brought against them . the judges aforenamed , all but the chancellor , go circuits , whereof there are five twice every year , excepting only the one county of kerry . there is an university at dublin , but lying for the most part within one college , wherein are a provost and seven senior and ruling fellows ; nine junior fellows ; sixty sch lars ; and at this time — commoners and other students there was about the year 1669 erected a college of physicians , consisting of a president , and 13 fellows . there are belonging to the prerogative , arch-deacons courts , court-martial and admiralty-courts , not above to advocates , and 30 proctors . there are in the city of dublin a lord-mayor , 2 sheriffs , 24 aldermen , 48 sheriffs peers , and 96 of the common-council . there are besides , companies or corporations of trades-men . there is lately instituted an hospital for poor children , not yet fully perfected nor endowed . there is also an hospital for sick , lame , and old soldiers , but without endowment , and standing but at discretion and pleasure . there are in and near dublin , three publick prisons , and one house of correction . lastly , i must intimate , that the footmanship for which the irish 40 years agone were very famous , is now almost quite lost among them , every man now keeping a small garran to ride on , unless in such rocky and craggy places , where 't is easier to go a foot than to ride . of the militia and defence of ireland . there be in ireland , as elsewhere , two militias ; one are the justices of peace , their militia of high and petty constables ; as also the sheriffs militia of his servants and bailiffs , and posse comitatus upon extraordinary occasions . of these all together there are in ireland near 3000 ; all of which are bound within their several districts , there to act , and not elsewhere . there is , or hath lately been an army in ireland , of about thirty troops of horse , and sixty companies of foot , with a regiment of guard at dublin , as a life-guard for the lord lieutenant , making in all about five thousand men. there is also a protestant militia , of about 24000 men , viz. about ten thousand horse , and the rest foot. the people of ireland are all in factions and parties , called english and irish , protestants and papists : though indeed the real distinction is vested and devested of the land belonging to papists , ann. 1641. of which the irish that are vested by restoration , seem rather to take part with the devested . and the chief pique which the popish-clergy have at the protestants is , that they have the church livings and jurisdictions ; for the exercise of their function they have most freely , and had , when they undertook their project in 1641. the differences between the old irish , and old english papists is asleep now , because they have a common enemy . the old protestants of queen elizabeth and king iames's plantation ( till of late ) did not much love the new english ; who came over since 1641. or rather since 1646. & 1648. because they envied the great shares which they had gotten of the forfeited lands from the late usurpers . but now they also are well enough together , since the said old protestants have had good proviso's in the acts of settlement and satisfaction for their service before iune 1649. and since the church-revenues have been augmented by the forfeitures ; but chiefly , for that the said old protestants have all the power and preferments civil , military , and ecclesiastical . of the new english , some are conformists , others not : and some have fallen in with other parties , and others not . of the old protestants , there are also parties , i cannot say factions , chiefly denominated by the names of their families , as the butlers and fitz-gerralds were of old . but to return ; the chief factions are the vested and devested of forfeited lands : all irish and papists generally fearing the latter , and most english and protestants the former , as appears in all juries and testimonies given where the lands or lives of one or other are concerned . now in some counties , as in kerry , many forfeitures happened , and few restorations , and there also few english were ever planted , nor can well endure to live : so as the first sort of militia in these and other like counties , are irish-papists , devested and discontented persons . whereby the few english there , can have no justice executed , for want of hand wherewith to do it : nor can they easily get indifferent juries , but that the sheriffs are english for the most part , and most commonly protestants . in which case , some have been of opinion , that the other militia , namely the army , may both in law and reason supply this defect in times when there is not occasion for them , to guard the land from invasion and rebellion . for why might not 30 sheriffs be taken out of 120 officers of the army , viz. 60 captains and lieutenants of horse , and 60 captains of foot ? and why may not such be as responsible for executing just sentences , as any other ? and what tenor is there in the force which a bailiff useth , more than in that which one call'd a soldier carries with him . and why should the military officer or sheriff use more force or terror than to make the debtor or malefactor answer the law , and obey the sentence of a civil court ? and is it not more convenient and easy in great riotous contempts , to bring a troop or company , whose trade it is to use arms and apply force dexterously , than to use the posse-comitatus ; that is , to call abundance of men from their labour and calling , to attempt things of danger , which they do not understand ? moreover , if the general can quarter the army where he pleases , and that the sheriffs or constable can , in their respective precincts , call whom he pleases to his assistance ; then the general can cause such a competent force to be quartered in those thin peopled counties . and the sheriffs and justices can call such to their assistance , excepting where such soldiers are in formal garisons upon actual duty , or in other cases to be agreed upon between the civil and military powers so call'd , although there can be no countrey without force , nor any army without a policy and discipline . but of this let the lawyers talk further . as for the military force of ireland , vulgarly and properly so call'd , 1. the standing army is such as the present revenue can well maintain , which perhaps is , or very lately was about 6000 , and is every year or other year changed , as to his majesty seems best . 2. the protestant militia now already established and formed , is about 24 or 25 thousand men , most of them already experienc'd in the wars of ireland . the third , of grand force against foreign invasions , i conceive may be 70 m. men of the best affected , and least popeaffected irish ; for so many i conceive the 30000 of the standing army and present militia could well officer and command . now that 100 m. may be spar'd to send as soldiers in a time of extremity , i think it plain , for that there are 550 m. males in ireland , whereof 150 m. can perform all the necessary labor of husbandmen and trades-men ; 200 m. of them are perhaps under 16 , and above 60. nor doth the quality of the remaining , exempt them from service , who are to stand for a reserve . and this force i take to be sufficient to resist any number of men which any prince of the world hath shipping enough to bring into ireland , with such horse , arms , ammunition and victuals as are for such an enterprize . to say nothing , that the substance of ireland is chiefly cattel , which be easily removed to waste the countrey where the enemy shall land . and how considerable the standing army of 6000 men , and the veteran militia , of above 24000 , who have not only the command , but the possession and propriety of all the strong and terrible places in ireland , and ¾ of all the horse serviceable in war , and at least ¾ of all shipping , and england to help and countenance , hath been competently mentioned before ; and that the bulk of the irish are the inhabitants of the aforenamed 160 m. wretched cabins-men , slavishly bred and dealt with by their own lords and patriots ; and that the restored irish , restored to their estates almost by miracle , will be careful how they engage any more upon a frivolous , impious undertaking . of the coelum and solum of ireland . by the coelum or sky , i understand the heat , coldness , drowth , moisture , weight and susceptions of air , and the impressions made upon it , viz. the state of the winds , as whether the wind blows in ireland in comparison with , or differently from other places ; as from what points of the compass the wind blows most frequently or fiercely , and what proportion of the whole year from each point . 2. as to heat and cold , i conceive the same ought to be measur'd by the weather-glass or thermometer . 3. as to wetness or moisture , by the shrinking of lute-strings , by the quantity of rain falling upon a certain quantity of level superficies , and by the quantity of water dried up with the same time out of a vessel of like figure , and equal dimensions . as for other changes in the air , supposed to depend upon the gravity or levity thereof , i suppose the same is to be known by the instrument call'd the barrimeter . lastly , to the much or ●ittle sunshine , whereof ireland hath be●n much abus'd ; the same is to be measur'd by an instrument found for that purpose . wherefore since it is small satisfaction to say the air of ireland is mild and temperate , inclin'd to moisture , &c. and since the true and clear knowledge thereof depends upon several long , tedious , and r●terated observations , simple and comparative , made in the several parts of ireland , in the several seasons of the year , and compar'd with the like observations , made with the same or like instruments , in the several parts of the earth ; we must for the present only say , that there are in being the several instruments following , viz. 1. an instrument to measure the motion of the wind , and consequently its strength . 2. how many hours in the day in the whole year it blows from any point of the compass . 3. to measure what quantity of rain falls in the year upon any quantity or space of ground . 4. what air is most desiccative of moistness . 5. what alterations are made in the gravity and levity of the air from hour to hour . 6. the thermometer or weather-glass of the better sort . 7. the instrument to measure and foretel frost and snow . which instruments many men must make use of in the several parts of ireland , and the rest of the world , and corresponding with each other , communicate and correct their observation by reason . in the mean time let it suffice to say , that at dublin the wind blows 2 parts of 5 from the south-west to the west , one part from south-west to the south ; one other from the west to north-east , and the rest from the north-east to the south ; 3 parts of 10 between west and south-west 2 / 10 between s. w. and s. s. ● . 2 / 10 between s. s. e. and n. e. by n. 2 / 10 n. e. by n. to n. & w. or very near thereabouts . 2. that from the 10th of septemb. to the 10th of march , it blows a kind of storm for some time or other almost every day . 3. that the snow lies not long in the lower ground of ireland . nor doth it freeze more than what it doth in france , holland , or england . 4. the rain falling at dublin and london for the month october , 1663. was but 20 to 19. that the windiness of the same month was at dublin 20. and at london but 17. 5. as for the healthfulness of the climate , city , or other space of land ; it must be first known how many people are in a certain day living in it , and then the quota pars which die per ann. for many years together ; and for the fruitfulness , how many births . 6. as to longaevity , enquiry must be made into some good old register of ( suppose ) 20 persons , who all were born and buried in the same parish , and having cast up the time which they all lived as one man , the total divided by 20 is the life of each one with another ; which compared with the like observation in several other places , will shew the difference of longaevity , due allowance being made for extraordinary contingences , and epidemical diseases happening respectively within the period of each observation . wherefore matters being not as yet prepared for these experiments , i can say nothing clearly of them ; only , that it seems by the best estimates and approaches that i have been able to make , that london is more healthful than dublin by 3 in 32. having said thus much of the coelum or air , or rather of the ingenium , and way of distinguishing airs in a better manner than usual : we come next to try the nature of the soil by the like expedients . to which purpose , first know , that the perch of ireland is 21 foot , that of england but 16½ ; wherefore the acre of 160 perches is as 121 to 196 , that is 121 irish acres do make 196 english statute acres . now in ireland a milch-cow , if english breed , upon two acres of pasture , and with as much hay as will grow upon ½ acre of meadow , will yield prae●er propter 3 gallons of milk for 90 days , one with another , and one gallon at a medium for 90 more , and for 90 more scarce ¼ of a gallon one day with another , and for 90 more , dry . wherefore it follows , that such a cow upon such feeding , gives above one tun and half ; nay , 384 gallons of milk per ann. and that if the rent of the said two acres of pasture be 5 s. per ann and of the half acre of meadow 3. in all 8 s. that the gallon of milk comes but to a farthing , expecting what the value and hazard of the cow , and the labour of milking and looking to her , shall add unto that price ; which i suppose not above as much more . the said quantity of milk will make 2● c. of raw-milk-cheese , and 1 c. of whey-butter , besides whey for the swine : or else 2 c. of butter , and 1 c. of skim-milk-cheese , besides whey as abovesaid , for drink to the people , and food for swine . mem. that one bull suffices for about 20 cows . that a cow continues milch and bearing , from 3 or 4 years old to 12 , sometimes 20 , tho seldom suffer'd to live so long . and that three dairy-women will manage 20 cows , and do much work of other kind between while ; and that one man will look to them and their food . an ox of 6 or 7 years old will not require so much feeding as a milch-cow , but will be maintained with two acres of good pasture only , or with 1½ acres of pasture , and ½ acres of hay , in hard winters . an horse requires 2½ acres , as a garran , and a small horse or irish garran ⅔ , or thereabouts . eight or ten sheep are equivalent for feeding to an ox. it is further to be noted , that a calf at a month old weighs 1. c. ½ that an ox is come to its full growth at 6 years old , and then may weigh alive 7 c. the 4 quarters of such an ox weighs 5 c. the hide , ¾ the tallow 80 l. and consequently the said ox gaineth every year of weight in flesh to eat l. in hide — in tallow — the offal worth , besides half of the whole .   the difference between lean-beef and fat beef in value is as 5 to 9. in sheep the increase of their flesh , skin and tallow , is about the same proportion . and yet sheeps flesh is sold dearer than beef , because of the great trouble and hazard about sheep . a fleece of wool in ireland is about 2 l. weight . an hog eats such things as sheep and oxen do not , viz. roots , acorns , and consequently the same land will maintain a proportion of hogs above sheep and oxen. one-cowherd will serve an hundred oxen ; one shepherd 1000 sheep . from all that hath been said , we collect , that the natural and genuine rent of lands in ireland , not that of money , or gold and silver ; is of milk , deducting charges — gall. of beef and mutton — of hides and skin — of offall — of wooll . — so as where lands produce more or less per ann. communibus annis of these commodities , the same is to be accompted more or less fertil than that of ireland . moreover from hence we shall endeavour to gather the number of cattel in ireland , as followeth , viz. there being 7½ millions of acres of good meadow , arrable , and pasture-land in ireland , besides bog with shrub-wood , &c. commonly call'd unprofitable land ; and for that ½ a million supplies the inhabitants with corn for bread and drink , man and beast , hemp flax and rape , as shall be hereafter shewn ▪ from the number of the people , their manner of eating , from the number of mills , and from the value of the tythes , &c. supposing the other 7 millions to be competently well stockt , let us first see how many houses there may probably be . to which purpose , remember that there are 184 m. families , whose houses have but one or no chimney . now i guess , that about ● of this number keep a small horse call'd a garran , which is 61,000 garrans for tillage ; and i suppose that the 16,000 families have for the coach and saddle near 4● m. horses . so as in ireland there are about 100 m. horses , whose food requires 100 m. acres of good pasture , 50 m. acres of meadow , and the ⅙ of an acre of oatland , viz. about 16,000 acres . in all 166 m. acres : or if the horses be such as require little or no hay and oats , as the horses of poor people do not , then as aforesaid 2 or 2● acres is allowed to each horse . the wooll which is usually exported , being a little above 2 millions of pounds , grows upon 1000 m. sheep : and the wooll which cloaths the nation , being about 1100 m. bodies , at — l. each for cloths , hats and stockins , requires 6000 m. more ; and so 3 millions more of sheep , in all 4 millions . the feeding whereof at 5 to an acre , require 800 m. acres . so as horse and sheep require one million of acres . so as there remains ½ , a million being allow'd for all other cattel , beasts and vermine ) 5½ millions for great cattel , which will feed about 3 millions of that species . if there be 3 millions of black cattel , there be 1500 m. of males , viz. 25 m. bulls . 700 m. under 3 years old . 600 between 3 and 6.175 above 6. of females 1500 m. whereof ⅕ are milchcows , viz. 600 m. 600 m. calves and heifers under 3 , and 300 of other sorts . where note , that of all the black-cattel above-named , there are 60 m. exported alive , and 30 m. dead in barrels . of the sheep not 100 m. of butter , whereof one of the 600 m. milch-cows may well yield 1 c. weight per ann. but 26000 c , or the proceed of 26000 cows . from whence may be seen whether the trade of those commodities be yet at best : for i guess that the ⅙ of the whole stock may be annually spent at home , or exported abroad . it remains only to say , that one irish acre of irish land , requires of seed , and returns as followeth . seed .   wheat 4 bushels , and produces 16 to 36. rye 4 20 to 40. bean-barly 6 20 to 48 oats 6 16 to 32 barley 4 20 to 40 pease 4 12 to 18 one horse plows 10 acres , and there goes 1 man to 3 horses . of the proportion in value , which the several counties in ireland do bear to each other , viz. the value or proportion of the several counties in ireland , doth seem much to depend upon the number of acres which each doth contain . and therefore , and for several other reasons , most of the land of ireland hath , within these last 10 years , been admeasured by the chain and instrument , viz. the king and queens counties , about the year 1630. the county of londonderry , when the city of london undertook the plantation by one mr. raven ; connought and tipperary , in the earl of strafford's time , by several hands , sometimes conducted by mr. william gilbert . the lands belonging to papists ann. 1641. in the three provinces of munster , lemster and vlster , by sir william petty . other protestant lands in the same three provinces , in order to regulate contributions , by the owners of the said lands themselves : but in so divided and separated a manner , that little accompt can be given of them , besides what was collected by the said sir william petty ; who at his own charge , besides those maps of every parish , which by his agreement he delivered into the surveyor-general's office , he hath caused distinct maps to be made of every barony , or hundred ; as also of every county , engraven in copper , and the like of every province , and of the whole kingdom . all which , could the defects of them be supplied with the yet unmeasured ▪ lands , would be exposed to publick view . now as to the value of these lands , they were ann. 1642. rated to and by the adventurers as followeth , viz. in lemster at 12 s. per acre ; in munster at 9 s. in connaught at 6 s. and in vlster at 4 s. and to pay 1 farthing per ann. quit-rent to the king out of each shillings-worth of land so rated , viz. 3 d. or 12 farthings for an acre in lemster rated at 12. s. 9 q. or 2¼ an acre for lands in munster , rated at 9 s. & sic de caeteris . wood , bog , and mountain , to be cast in over and above . afterwards the soldiers , who were to have the satisfaction of their arrears at the same rate , not being willing to cast lots upon such desperate hazards , did ann. 1653. equalize counties within each province , viz. took some in lemster , at 1 l. 2 s. per acre , some at 1 l. &c. and those who were satisfied ann. 1655. and afterwards , did equalize not only counties , but baronies also , valuing some baronies in lemster at 1 l. 4 s. per acre , and some but at 6 s. and others at all rates between these two extreams . but so as that , notwithstanding all the said differences , the whole province should be given and taken at 12 s. per acre , according to the then law. and the inequality remaining after this equalization , was to be corrected by a lot. i could here insert all the particulars of these transactions , but conceive it impertinent to my purpose , especially since they may be seen upon record . the next and best of all preceding equalization , was that which the concernees of each county made in order to regulate the heavy contributions paid to the usurpers before his majesties restoration , and when no quit-rent was yet due . and in order to this work , not baronies as before , but parishes , nay , particular farms were also equalized . what was done herein , was not publickly recorded , but collected by the curious , and too bulky to be here inserted . only take notice , that these valuations were made as parties interested could prevail upon and against one another by their attendance , friends , eloquence , and vehemence ; for what other foundation of truth it had in nature , i know not . next to this valuation , there was , in order to a certain gift presented to his majesty , by the adventurers and soldiers , of a years value of all their lands as it yielded ann. 1659. next immediately before his restoration . there issued a commission , ann. 1663. to enquire and settle the said values . and about 1667. there were made two several valuations more ; the one in order to reprize such who had restored lands to the innocent irish in equal value ; and another was a determination what each land was worth ann. 1659. ( whatever it yielded ) : both which , especially the latter , are upon record most authentically . moreover , ann. 1653 , and 1654. there were inquisitions taken of the values which all and every parcel of land in ireland yielded ann. 1641. there have been also several acts of the chief powers pro tempore , for apportioning what proportion of a certain sum to be levied in general , should in particular be charg'd on each county , viz. ann. 1657. there was an act of the usurper's parliament to that purpose . ann. 1662. there was an act for raising 30 m. l. as a present to his grace the duke of ormond ; and another for raising of 〈◊〉 for several publick uses . and ann. 1672. for the equal raising of 30000 l. per ann. upon all the lands and houses of the whole nation . there be also accompts of what was raised out of each county by way of subsidy and pole-money , paid ann. 1661. all which may be of much light to those who have such designs as the same will answer . but i being assur'd by whom , and for what ends , and by what means every such valuations and inquisitions were respectively made , had rather attempt some rule in nature , whereby to value and proportionate the lands of ireland : the first whereof i propose to be ; that how many men , women and children live in any countrey parish , that the rent of that land is near about so many times 15 s. be the quantity and quality of the land what it will. 2. that in the meanest of the 160 m. cabbins , one with another are five souls , in the 24000 six souls . in all the other houses ten a piece , one with another . the table . but to make nearer approaches to the perfection of this work , 't would be expedient to know the content of acres of every parish , and withal , what quantity of butter , cheese , corn , and wooll , was raised out of it for three years consequent ; for thence the natural value of the land may be known , and by the number of people living within a market-days journey , and the value of their housing , which shews the quality and expence of the said people ; i would hope to come to the knowledg of the value of the said commodities , and consequently the value of the land , by deducting the hire of working-people in it . and this brings me to the most important consideration in political oeconomies , viz. how to make a par and equation between lands and labour , so as to express the value of any thing by either alone . to which purpose , suppose two acres of pasture-land inclosed , and put thereinto a wean'd calf , which i suppose in twelve months will become 1 c. heavier in eatable flesh ; then 1 c. weight of such flesh , which i suppose fifty days food , and the interest of the value of the calf , is the value or years rent of the land. but if a mans labour — for a year can make the said land to yield more than sixty days food of the same , or of any other kind , then that overplus of days food is the wages of the man ; both being expressed by the number of days food . that some men will eat more than others , is not material , since by a days food we understand 〈◊〉 part of what 100 of all sorts and sizes will eat , so as to live , labour , and generate . and that a days food of one sort , may require more labour to produce , than another sort , is also not material , since we understand the easiest-gotten food of the respective countries of the world. as for example , i suppose a pint of oatmeal equal to half a pint of rice , or a quart of milk , or a pound of bread , or a pound and quarter of flesh , &c. each , in the respective place where each is the easiest gotten food . but if rice be brought out of india into ireland , or oatmeal carried from ireland thither ; then in india the pint of oatmeal must be dearer than half a pint of rice , by the freight and hazard of carriage , & vice-versa , & sic de caeteris . for , as for pleasant tast , i question whether there be any certainty , or regularity of the same in nature , the same depending upon novelty , opinion of virtue , the recommendation of others , &c. wherefore the days food of an adult man , at a medium , and not the days labour , is the common measure of value , and seems to be as regular and constant as the value of fine silver . for an ounce , suppose , of silver in peru is equivalent to a days food , but the same in russia is equivalent to four days food , by reason of the freight , and hazard in carrying the same from peru to russia ; and in russia the price of silver shall grow to be worth more days labour , if a workman can by the esteem and request of silver utensils earn more than he can on other materials . wherefore i valued an irish cabbin at the number of days food , which the maker spent in building of it . by the same way we must make a par and equation between art and simple labour ; for if by such simple labour i could dig and prepare for seed a hundred acres in a thousand days ; suppose then , i spend a hundred days in studying a more compendious way , and in contriving tools for the same purpose ; but in all that hundred days dig nothing , but in the remaining nine hundred days i dig two hundred acres of ground ; then i say , that the said art which cost but one hundred days invention is worth one mans labour for ever ; because the now art , and one man , perform'd as much as two men could have done without it . by the same way we make an equation between art and opinion . for if a picture-maker , suppose , make pictures at 5 l. each ; but then , find that more persons would employ him at that rate than his time would extend to serve them in , it will certainly come to pass that this artist will consider whether as many of those who apply to him at 5 l. each picture , will give 6 l. as will take up his whole time to accommodate ; and upon this computation he pitcheth the rate of his work. by the same way also an equation may be made between drudging labour , and favour , acquaintance , interest , friends , eloquence , reputation , power , authority , &c. all which i thought not amiss to intimate as of the same kind with finding an equation between land and labour , all these not very pertinent to the proportionation of the several counties of ireland . wherefore to return to the matter in hand , i say , that the quantity of commodity produced , and the quantity of the — shews the effects of the land ; and the number of people living thereupon , with the quality of their housing , shews the value of the commodity ; for one days delicate and exquisit food may be worth ten of ordinary . now the nature of peoples feeding may be estimated by the visible part of their expence , which is their housing . but such helps of knowing the value of lands , i am not yet able to furnish . of the money of ireland . money is understood to be the uniform measure and rule for the value of all commodities . but whether in that sence there be any money , or such rule in the world , i know not , much less in ireland , tho most are perswaded that gold and silver money is such . for 1. the proportion of value between pure gold and fine silver , alters as the earth and industry of men produce more of one than of the other ; that is to say , gold has been worth but twelve times its own weight in silver ; of late it has been worth fourteen , because more silver has been gotten . that of gold proportionably , i. e. about twelve times as much silver has been raised as of gold , which makes gold dearer . so there can be but one of the two metals of gold and silver to be a fit matter for money . wherefore , if silver be that one metal fit for money ; then gold is but a commodity very like money . and as things now stand , silver only is the matter of money ; and that elsewhere as well as in ireland . 2. the value of silver rises and falls it self ; for men make vessels of coyned silver , if they can gain by the workmanship enough to defray the destruction of the coynage , and withal , more than they could expect by employing the same silver as money in a way of trade . now the accidents of so doing , make silver rise and fall , and consequently take from the perfect aptitude for being an uniform steady rule and measure of all other things . the mischiefs and inconveniences hitherto mentioned , are common to all times and places ; but in ireland are more particular ; and stand thus , viz. a piece of 8 rials being full 17. penny weight , passeth for 4 s. 9 d. if it want but ½ a grain of the weight , tho half a grain of silver be worth but the ¼ of a farthing , or ⅙ of a penny , then it passes for 3 d less , viz. 4 s. 6 d. and if it weigh ten grains above 17 d. weight , it passes but for 4 s. 9 d. on the other hand , if it weigh but 12 d. weight , it passes nevertheless for 4 s. 6 d. and if the silver be course , if not so course , as not to be called silver , yet still it passes for the same moreover , the fineness cannot be determined by common eyes scarce at all , by the best not within 4 d. in an ounce , by the touchstone not within 2 d. and by the test it self not within an half-penny . lastly , the scales and weights differ so much from each other , as what is 4 s. 9 d. in one house , is but 4 s. 6 d. in the next , & vice versa . from whence it comes to pass , that all pieces weighing above 17 d. weight , are cull'd out to buy or make pieces of 14 d. weight pass for 4 s. 6 d. 2. other species of coyn , which pro rata contain the same quantity of the like gold and silver , with the piece of eight rials , goes in one species for more , in another for less . what hath been said of the silver-species , may be said of the gold-species ; and what differences are between silver and silver , and between gold and gold , is also between silver and gold coyns . so as it becomes a trade to study and make advantages of these irregularities , to the prejudice of the good people , who are taught , that whatever is called money , is the same , and regular , and uniform , and a just measure of all commodities . from whence it hath happened , that all english money which hath a great and deserved reputation in the world for its intrinsick goodness , is quite carried away out of ireland , and such money brought instead of it , as these studied merchants do from time to time bring in for their advantage upon the common people , their credulity and ignorance . but money , that is to say , silver and gold , do at this day much decrease in ireland , for the following reasons . 1. ireland , anno 1664. did not export to a much greater value than it imported , viz. about 62 m. since which time there hath been a law made to prohibit the importation of great cattel and sheep , alive or dead , into england ; the value whereof carried into england in that very year 1664. was above 150 m. l. the which was said to have been done , for that ireland drained away the money of england . whereas in that very year england sent to ireland , but 91 m. less than it received from thence ; and yet this small difference was said to be the reason why the rents of england fell ⅖ , that is 1600 m. in 8 millions . which was a strange conceit , if they consider farther , that the value of the catrel alive or dead , which went out of ireland into england , was but 132 m. the hides , tallow , and freight whereof were worth about ● that money . 2. whereas the owners of about ¼ , both of all the real and personal estate of ireland , do live in england , since the business of the several courts of claims was finished in december 1668. all that belongs to them goes out , but returns not . 3. the gains of the commissioners of that court , and of the farmers of the revenue of ireland , who live in england , have issued out of ireland without returns . 4. a considerable part of the army of ireland hath been sent into england , and yet paid out of ireland . 5. to remit so many great sums out of ireland into england , when all trade between the said two kingdoms is prohibited , must be very chargeable ; for now the goods which go out of ireland , in order to furnish the said sums in england , must for example go into the barbados , and there be sold for sugars , which brought into england , are sold for money to pay there what ireland owes . which way being so long , tedious and hazardous , must necessarily so raise the exchange of money , as we have seen 15 per cent. frequently given , anno 1671 , and anno 1672. altho in truth , exchange can never be naturally more than the land and water-carriage of money between the two kingdoms , and the ensurance of the same upon the way , if the money be alike in both places . but men that have not had the faculty of making these transmissions with dexterity , have chose rather to give 15. per cent. exchange , as aforesaid , than to put themselves upon the hazard of such undertakings , and the mischief of being disappointed . now the extraordinary decrease of gold and silver , put men , whose affairs were much disturb'd , thereby upon extraordinary conceits , and some very absurd ones for remedy , as namely the raising of spanish pieces of eight , called cobs in ireland , from 4 s. 9 d. to 5 or 6 shillings , which were before about 5 d. above the value of english , that is 4 s. 4 d. english money weighed the same with a cob called 4 s. 9 d. for these distracted people thought , that calling their money by a better name , did encrease its value . 2. they thought that no man would carry cobs of 5 s. out of ireland into england , where they were called but 4 s. 4 d. altho he was necessitated to pay 4 s. 4 d. in england , and had no other effects to do it with . they thought that all men who lived in england , would return to their estates in ireland , rather than pay 15. per cent. for exchange ; not considering , that when cobs were raised , that exchange would also rise proportionably . they fancied , that he who sold a stone of wooll for two cobs , call'd 9 s. when cobs were rais'd , would sell his stone of wooll of 1● cob when called 9 s. nor did they think how this frivolous conceit would have taken away a proportionable part of all land-lords estates in ireland . as for example , those who acted moderately , would have the money rais'd 1 / 20 part , and the 1 / 20 part of all the money of ireland , was then thought to be but about 20,000 l. the whole cash of ireland being then estimated , but 400 m. l. whereas the landlords of ireland , whose revenue is 800 m. l. per annum , must have lost 1 / 20 part of their whole estates for ever , viz. 40 m. l. per annum upon that empty expedient . but others , no less sensible of the distress of the people , and the obstructions of trade by reason of the said decay of bullion , considering that about 600 m. l. would drive the trade of that kingdom ; for that 300 m. would pay one half years gale of all the land ; 50 m. would pay ¼ rent of all the housing , and that 150 m. would more than pay a weeks expence of all the people of ireland ; and that the whole cash moved chiefly in those three circles ; they therefore thought to make up their 400 m. l. present cash by a bank of 200 m. l. more , the bottom and support whereof should be land ; for the lands and houses of ireland being worth about 8 millions , whereof 200 m. l. was but the 1 / 4● part . 't was thought easy to find many fortieth parts so free from incumbrances or question as to give a being to such a bank. note , that interest in ireland is 10 per cent , which is a great hinderance to trade ; since the interest must enflame the price of irish commodities , and consequently give to other nations the means of underselling . of the trade of ireland . if it be true , that there are but about 16,000 families in ireland , who have above one chimney in their houses ; and above 180 m. others ; it will be easily understood what the trade of this latter sort can be , who use few commodities ; and those such as almost every one can make and produce . that is to say , men live in such cottages as themselves can make in 3 or 4 days ; eat such food ( tobacco excep●ed ) as they buy not from others ; wear such cloaths as the wool of their own sheep , spun into yarn by themselves , doth make ; their shoes , called brogues , are but ¼ so much worth as a pair of english shoes ; nor of more than ¼ in real use and value . a hat costs 20 d. a pair of stockins 6 d. but a good shirt near 3 s. the taylors work of a doublet , breeches and coat , about 2 s. 6 d. in brief , the victuals of a man , his wife , three children , and servant , resolved into money , may be estimated 3 s. 6 d. per week , or 1 d. per diem . the cloaths of a man 30 s. per ann. of children under 16 , one with another 15 s. the house not worth 5 s. the building ; fuel costs nothing but fetching . so as the whole annual expen●e of such a family , consisting of 6 in number , seems to be but about 52 shillings per ann. each head one with another . so as 950. m. inhabitants of these edifices , may spend 2,375 . m. l. per ann. and the 150,000 who inhabit the 16,000 other houses , may spend 10 l. per ann. each one with another , viz. one million and half . so as the whole people of both sorts spend under 4 millions , whereof 1 / 10 part , viz. 400 m. l. is for forreign commodities , tobacco included , whereof every 1000 souls spend one tun per ann. or every 1000 tobacco-takers , viz. people above 15. years old , spend two tuns one with another : for it appears by the latest accompt of importance , that what is here said , is true to a trifle . from whence i observe by the way , that the king's revenue , viis & modis , being about 200 m. l. per ann. that it is ● part of the whole expence ; which in some of the grecian commonwealths was thought too much , although the israelites allowed 1 / 10 to the levites only , tho perhaps to defray the whole charge of the government , the supremacy amongst that people being then sacerdotal . i observe also by the way , that the lands and housing of ireland being worth about one million per ann. that the labour of the people may be worth three millions , which is earned by about 750,000 ( of the 1,100 m. ) who by their age and quality are fit and applicable to corporal labours , and consequently each labouring person earns but 4 s. per ann. if all work. or if each earns 8 l. then but half of them work , or all but half their full time , or otherwise in other proportions . but be it one way or the other ; i am as certain that the hands of ireland may earn a million per ann. more than they now do , as i am certain that there are 750,000 in ireland who could earn 2 s. a week , or 5 l. per ann. one with another , if they had sutable employment , and were kept to their labour . i further observe , that if there be naturally but 2000 impotents in ireland , and that 50 shillings per ann. doth maintain the poorer sort of people ; it follows , that 8,000 l. per ann. would amply maintain all the impotent● of ireland , if well apply'd . for other beggers , as also thieves , and rebels , which are but bigger thieves , are probably but the faults and defects of government and discipline . as for the fitness of ireland for trade , we say as followeth . 1 st . that ireland consisting of above 18,000 square miles ; it is not one place with another above 24 miles from the sea , because it is 750 miles about . wherefore forasmuch as the land-carriage of gross that will be easy in such a country ; it is fit for trade , because the greatest and most profitable part of trade , and the imployment of shipping , depends upon such goods , viz. metals , stones , timber , grain , wood , salt , &c. 2 dly . ireland lieth commodiously for the trade of the new american world ; which we see every day to grow and flourish . it lyeth well for sending butter , cheese , beef , fish , to their proper markets , which are to the southward , and the plantations of america . thus is ireland by nature fit for trade , but otherwise very much unprepared for the same ; for as hath been often said , the housing thereof consists of 160 m. nasty cabbins , in which neither butter nor cheese , nor linnen , yarn nor worsted , and i think no other , can be made to the best advantage ; chiefly by reason of the soot and smoaks annoying the same ; as also for the narrowness and nastiness of the place ; which cannot be kept clean nor safe from beasts and vermin , nor from damps and musty stenches , of which all the eggs laid or kept in those cabbins do partake . wherefore to the advancement of trade , the reformation of these cabbins is necessary . it may also be consider'd , whether the institution of these following corporations would not be expedient , viz. 1. of cattel , 2. of corn , 3. of fish , 4. of leather 5. of wool , 6. of linnen , 7. of butter and cheese , 8. of metals and minerals : for unto these , almost all the commodities exportable out of ireland , may be referred . it may also be consider'd , whether the taxing of those cabbins with hearth-money be proper , but rather with days labour ; the former being scarce possible for them to have , but the latter most easy . insomuch as 't is more easy for them to give 40 days labour per ann. at seasonable times , than to pay 2 s. in silver at a pinch , and just when the collectors call for it . the dyet , housing and cloathing of the 16,000 families abovementioned , is much the same as in england : nor is the french elegance unknown in many of them , nor the french and latin tongues . the latter whereof is very frequent among the poorest irish , and chiefly in kerry , most remote from dublin . the housing of 160 m. families , is , as hath been often said , very wretched . but their cloathing far better than that of the french peasants , or the poor of most other countreys ; which advantage they have from their wooll , whereof 12 sheep furnisheth a competency to one of these families . which wool , and the cloth made of it , doth cost these poor people no less than 50 m. l. per ann. for the dying it ; a trade exercised by the women of the countrey . madder , allum , and indico , are import●d , but the other dying stuffs they find nearer home , a certain mud taken out of the bogs serving them for copperas , the rind of several trees , and saw-dust , for galls ; as for wild and green weeds , they find enough , as also of rhamnus-berries . the diet of these people is milk , sweet and sower , thick and thin , which also is their drink in summer-time , in winter small-beer or water . but tobacco taken in short pipes seldom burnt , seems the pleasure of their lives , together with sneezing : insomuch , that 2 / 7 of their expence in food , is tobacco . their food is bread in cakes , whereof a penny serves a week for each ; potatoes from august till may , muscles , cockles and oysters , near the sea ; eggs and butter made very ra●cid , by keeping in bogs . as for flesh , they seldom eat it , notwithstanding the great plenty thereof , unless it be of the smaller animals , because it is inconvenient for one of these families to kill a beef , which they have no convenience to save . so as 't is easier for them to have a hen or rabbet , than a piece of beef of equal substance . their fewel is turf in most places ; and of late , even where wood is most plentiful , and to be had for nothing , the cutting and carriage of the turf being more easy than that of wood. but to return from whence i disgressed , i may say , that the trade of ireland , among 12 / 22 parts of the whole people , is little or nothing , excepting for the tobacco abovementioned , estimated worth about 50,000 l. for as much as they do not need any forreign commodities , nor scarce any thing made out of their own village . nor is above ⅓ part of their expence other than what their own family produceth , which condition and state of living cannot beget trade . and now i shall digress again to consider , whether it were better for the common-wealth to restrain the expence of 150 m. optimates below 10 l. per ann. each ; or to beget a luxury in the 950 m. plebeians , so as to make them spend , and consequently earn double to what they at present do . to which i answer in brief , that the one shall encrease the sordidness and squallor of living already too visible in 950 m. plebeians , with little benefit to the common wealth ; the other shall increase the splendor , art and industry of the 950 m. to the great enrichment of the common-wealth . again , why should we be forbid the use of any foreign commodity , which our own hands and countrey cannot produce , when we can employ our spare hands and lands upon such exportable commodities as will purchase the same , and more . 3. the keeping or lessening of money , is not of that consequence that many guess it to be of . for in most places , especially ireland , nay , england it self , the money of the whole nation is but about 1 / 16 of the expence of one year ; viz. ireland is thought to have about 400 m.l. in cash , and to spend about 4 millions per ann. wherefore it is very ill-husbandry to double the cash of the nation , by destroying half its wealth ; or to increase the cash otherwise than by increasing the wealth simul & semel . that is , when the nation hath 1 / 10 more cash , i require it should have 1 / 10 more wealth , if it be possible . for , there may be as well too much money in a country , as too little . i mean , as to the best advantage of its trade ; onely the remedy is very easy , it may be soon turn'd into the magnificence of gold and silver vessels . lastly , many think that ireland is much impoverished , or at least the money thereof much exhausted , by reason of absentees , who are such as having lands in ireland , do live out of the kingdom , and do therefore think it just that such , according to former statutes , should lose their said estates . which opinion i oppose , as both unjust , inconvenient , and frivolous . for 1st . if a man carry money or other effects out of england to purchase lands in ireland , why should not the rents , issues and profits of the same land return into england , with the same reason that the money of england was diminished to buy it ? 2. i suppose ¼ of the land of ireland did belong to the inhabitants of england , and that the same lay all in one place together ; why may not the said quarter of the whole land be cut off from the other three sent into england , were it possible so to do ? and if so , why may not the rents of the same be actually sent , without prejudice to the other three parts of the interessors thereof ? 3. if all men were bound to spend the proceed of their lands upon the land it self ; then as all the proceed of ireland , ought to be spent in ireland ; so all the proceed of one county of ireland , ought to be spent in the same ; of one barony , in the same barony ; and so parish and mannor ; and at length it would follow , that every eater ought to avoid what he hath eaten upon the same turf where the same grew . moreover , this equal spreading of wealth would destroy all splendor and ornament ; for if it were not fit that one place should be more splendid than another , so also that no one man should be greater or richer than another ; for if so , then the wealth , suppose of ireland , being perhaps 11 millions , being divided among 1,100 m. people , then no one man having above 101. he could probably build no house worth above 31. which would be to leave the face of beggery upon the whole nation : and withal such parity would beget anarchy and confusion . of the other impediment of trade , the not raising of money above the value which the generality of the whole world hath of it , that is , the intrinsick value , i have spoken before : and now return to other matters relating to the trade of ireland . having shewn that there is little or no trade or commutation of commodities , where people live so simply , and as it were exsponte creatis ; as the inhabitants of 184 m. do live ; it follows , that what trade is in ireland must be found in the 16,000 other houses of above one chimney in each , and amongst the inhabitants of them . though trade , properly speaking , be the commutation of commodities ; that generally speaking , 't is the way whereby to purchase riches and power , the parents of pleasure : not only by getting commodities out of the earth and sea ; by ploughing , fishing , mines , vecture , &c. by getting away those commodities from them , who first got them out of the earth and sea , as aforesaid . and not only , or at all encreasing the whole wealth of the nation , but ones own former share and proportion of the whole , though diminish'd ; that is to say , supposing the whole wealth of ireland were 10 millions , and the share of a. was 1000 1. thereof ; i say , 't is commonly more the care of a. to make his 1000 l. 3000 , though by lessening the whole stock 2000 l. than to make the whole stock 30 millions , by lessening his own 1000 l. to 300.l . now this is the trade of ireland , and i think of most other places , but exercised in ireland by the following ways , viz. whereas the lands of ireland have within 150 years been most of them forfeited , and the lands of monasteries have since then fallen into the king's hands , by the dissolution of the said monasteries , and several defects found in the titles , older than that of time ; it hath come to pass , that all the said lands have been granted to several others ; some legally and formally , some otherwise ; some under one condition , some under another . so as by several defects in the said grants , or by non-performance of conditions , and many other ways needless to enumerate , the king in strictness may find a title to the estates of many men who have been long in possession of their respective holdings , ( tho some more , some less , some upon better , and some upon worser grounds . ) a principal trade in ireland , to find out these flaws and defects , to procure commission for such inquiries . and a branch of this trade , is to give to such seekers flattering and delusive informations to bring on other designs ; and withal , prevail with persons conversant with the higher powers , to give grants of these discoveries , and thereupon , right or wrong to vex the possessors , at least into such a composition , as may be of profit to the prosecutors . whereby it falls out , that the time of all the persons exercised pro & contra in these matters , who do only take from one another like gamesters ( the lawyers taking from both ) is lost , without advancing at all the publick wealth . now this is no trade , but a calamity upon the nation . 2. whereas the branches of the publick revenue being manifold ; and the accompts of the same vast and numerous , and the laws , with the cases and accidents relating to the same , intricate and new ; but chiefly the officers employed about the premises , such as could make friends for their places , whether persons of skill , experience and trustiness , or not ; it hath come to pass , even in ireland , in former times , that principal officers of the exchequer have represented the state of the publick treasury near 200 m. l. differently from each other : so as new men have been admitted to take the whole to farm , who expected vast advantages , by mending and clearing what others had marr'd and confounded , though they had still their places and perquisites notwithstanding : and in this case the people thought fit to pay any thing that was required , rather than to pass the fire of this purgatory , even tho they need no burning . this and other practices of farming , taken with the whole doctrine of defalcations , hath been a great trade in ireland , but a calamity on the people who have paid great wages to them that have made faults , but three times greater to those who would but undertake to mend them , tho indeed they could not . a third great trade and calamity to the people of ireland , hath been the gains made by the aforementioned . difference , confusion , and badness of coins , exorbitant exchange , and interest of money , all following also from the premises . a fourth calamity is implicating poor work-men , and trapanning them into crimes , indictments , bishops-courts , &c. feigning and compounding of trespasses , not without making benefit by the office of justice of peace . a fifth may be from the manner of making sheriffs , the execution of their offices , accompts in the exchequer , &c. a sixth , from raising moneys at the assizes , by authority of the grand juries , but raising too much , and in spending or not spending what was to be raised . none of these six trades do add any more to the common-wealth than gamesters , and even such of them as play with false dice , do to the common-stock of the whole number . and in these trades 't is thought ⅔ of those who inhabit the aforementioned 16,000 houses , do exercise themselves , and are the locusts and catterpillars of the common-wealth , as the inhabitants of the other 184 m. cottages are the untilled part of the same . wherefore it remains to see what trade is to be found among the rest ; which i take to be as followeth , viz. 1. in domestick wealth : of which sort is building fine houses and gardens , orchards , groves , inns , mills , churches , bridges , highways , causeys ; as also furniture for houses , coaches , &c. in which kind i guess the improvement of ireland has since the year 1652. 1673. advanc'd from one to four , and i think to a better state than before 1641. that is , than perhaps ever it yet was . the foreign trade , if you will believe the accompts of customs , ann. 1657. and now , hath been advanced from one to seven , but in reality , i think , from one to two : for the customs yielded ann. 1656. clear under 12,000 l. but were within a year or two , let for above three times the sum , but are now at about 80,000 intrinsecally . but to speak more clearly and authentically upon this subject , i shall insert the following tables of exported and imported commodities , and from them make the subnexed observations , viz. the tables . 1. that the customs , managed by the states-officers , yielded anno 1657. under 12,000 l. but was farm'd ann. 1658. for above thrice that sum. 2. that the stock which drives the foreign trade of ireland , doth near half of it belong to those who live out of ireland . 3. that ann. 1664. before the cattel-statute , ¾ of the ireland foreign trade was with england , but now not ¼ part of the same . 4. that the manufacture bestowed upon a years exportation out of ireland , is not worth above 8000 l. 5. that because more eatables were exported anno 1664. than 1641. and more manufactures 1641. than ann. 1664. it follows , there were more people in ireland , ann. 1641. than 1664. and in that proportion as was formerly mention'd . 6. that the exportations appear more worth than the importations , excepting that the accompts of the former are more true , but of the latter very conjectural , and probably less than the truth . of the religion , diet , cloaths , language , manners , and interest of the several present inhabitants of ireland . we said , that of the 1100 m. inhabitants of ireland , about 800 m. of them were irish ; and that above 600 m. of them lived very simply in the cabbins aforemention'd . wherefore i shall in the first place describe the religion , diet , &c. of these , being the major part of the whole ; not wholly omitting some of the other species also . the religion of these poorer irish , is called roman catholick , whose head is the pope of rome , from whence they are properly enough called papists . this religion is well known in the world , both by the books of their divines , and the worship in their churches : wherefore i confine my self to what i think peculiar to these irish. and first , i observe , that the priests among them are of small learning ; but are thought by their flocks to have much , because they can speak latin more or less ; and can often out-talk in latin those who dispute with them . so as they are thereby thought both more orthodox and able than their antagonists . their reading in latin is the lives of the saints , and fabulous stories of their country . but the superior learning among them , is the philosophy of the schools , and the genealogies of their ancestors . both which look like what st. paul hath condemned . the priests are chosen for the most part out of old irish gentry ; and thereby influence the people , as well by their interest as their office. their preaching seems rather bugbearing of their flocks with dreadful stories , than persuading them by reason , or the scriptures . they have an incredible opinion of the pope and his sanctity , of the happiness of those who can obtain his blessing at the third or fourth hand . only some few , who have lately been abroad , have gotten so far , as to talk of a difference between the interest of the court of rome , and the doctrine of the church . the common priests have few of them been out of ireland ; and those who have , were bred in covents , or made friars for the most part , and have humble opinions of the english and protestants , and of the mischiefs of setting up manufactures , and introducing of trade . they also comfort their flocks , partly by prophecies of their restoration to their ancient estates and liberties , which the abler sort of them fetch from what the prophets of the old-testament have delivered by way of god's promise to restore the iews , and the kingdom to israel . they make little esteem of an oath upon a protestant bible , but will more devoutly take up a stone , and swear upon it , calling it a book , than by the said book of books , the bible . but of all oaths , they think themselves at much liberty to take a land-oath , as they call it : which is an oath to prove a forg'd deed , a possession , livery or seisin , payment of rents , &c. in order to recover for their countrey-men the lands which they had forfeited . they have a great opinion of holy-wells , rocks , and caves , which have been the reputed cells and receptacles of men reputed saints , they do not much fear death , if it be upon a tree , unto which , or the gallows , they will go upon their knees toward it , from the place they can first see it . they confess nothing at their executions , though never so guilty . in brief , there is much superstition among them , but formerly much more than is now ; for as much as by the conversation of protestants , they become asham'd of their ridiculous practices , which are not de side . as for the richer and bettereducated sort of them , they are such catholicks as are in other places . the poor , in adhering to their religion , which is rather a custom than a dogma amongst them , they seem rather to obey their grandees , old landlords , and the heads of their septes and clans , than god. for when these were under clouds , transported into spain , and transplanted into connaught , and disabled to serve them as formerly , about the year 1656. when the adventurers and soldiers appeared to be their landlords and patrons , they were observ'd to have been forward enough to relax the stiffness of their pertinacity to the pope , and his impositions . lastly , among the better sort of them , many think less of the pope's power in temporals , as they call it , than formerly ; and begin to say , that the supremacy , even in spirituals , lies rather in the church diffusive , and in qualified general-councils , than in the pope al●ne , or than in the pope and his cardinals , or other iuncto . the religion of the protestants in ireland , is the same with the church of england in doctrine , only they differ in discipline thus , viz. the legal protestants hold the power of the church to be in the king , and that bishops and arch-bishops , with their clerks , are the best way of adjusting that power under him . the presbyterians would have the same thing done , and perhaps more , by classes of presbyters national and provincial . the independents would have all christian congregations independent from each other . the anabaptists are independent in discipline , and differ from all those aforemention'd in the baptism of infants , and in the inward and spiritual signification of that ordinance . the quakers salute not by uncovering the head , speak to one another in the second person , and singular number ; as for magistracy and arms , they seem to hold with the anabaptists of germany and holland ; they pretend to a possibility of perfection , like the papists ; as for other tenents , 't is hard to fix them , or to understand what things they mean by their words . the diet of the poorer irish , is what was before discoursed in the chapter . the cloathing is a narrow sort of frieze , of about twenty inches broad , whereof two foot , call'd a bandle , is worth from 3● to 18 d. of this , seventeen bandles make a man's suit , and twelve make a cloak . according to which measures and proportions , and the number of people who wear this stuff , it seems , that near thrice as much wooll is spent in ireland , as exported ; whereas others have thought quite contrary , that is , that the exported wooll is triple in quantity to what is spent at home . as for the manners of the irish , i deduce them from their original constitutions of body , and from the air ; next from their ordinary food ; next from their condition of estate and liberty , and from the influence of their governours and teachers ; and lastly , from their ancient customs , which affect as well their conscien●es as their nature . for their shape , stature , colour , and complexion , i see nothing in them inferior to any other people , nor any enormous predominancy of any humour . their lazing seems to me to proceed rather from want of imployment and encouragement to work , than from the natural abundance of flegm in their bowels and blood ; for what need they to work , who can content themselv●s with potato's , whereof the labour of one man can feed forty ; and with milk , whereof one cow will , in summer time , give meat and drink enough for three men , when they can every where gather cockles , oysters , muscles , crabs , &c. with boats , nets , angles , or the art of fishing ; can build an house in three days ? and why should they desire to fare better , tho with more labo●r , when they are taught , that this way of living is more like the patriarchs of old , and the saints of later times , by whose prayers and merits they are to be reliev'd , and whose examples they are therefore to follow ? and why should they breed more cattel , since 't is penal to import them into england ? why should they raise more commodities , since there are not merchants sufficiently stock'd to take them of them , nor provided with other more pleasing foreign commodities , to give in exchange for them ? and how should merchants have stock , since trade is prohibited and fetter'd by the statutes of england ? and why should men endeavour to get estates , where the legislative power is not agreed upon ; and where tricks and words destroy natural right and property ? they are accused also of much treachery , falseness , and thievery ; none of all which , i conceive , is natural to them ; for as to treachery , they are made believe , that they all shall flourish again , after some time ; wherefore they will not really submit to those whom they hope to have their servants ; nor will they declare so much , but say the contrary , for their present ease , which is all the treachery i have observed ; for they have in their hearts , not only a grudging to see their old proprieties enjoyed by foreigners , but a persuasion they shall be shortly restor'd . as for thievery , it is affixt to all thin-peopled countries , such as ireland is , where there cannot be many eyes to prevent such crimes ; and where what is stolen , is easily hidden and eaten , and where 't is easy to burn the house , or violate the persons of those who prosecute these crimes , and where thin-peopled countries are govern'd by the laws that were made and first fitted to thick-peopled countries ; and where matter of small moment and value must be try'd , with all the formalities which belong to the highest causes . in this case there must be thieving , where is withal , neither encouragement , nor method , nor means for labouring , nor provision for impotents . as for the interest of these poorer irish , it is manifestly to be transmuted into english , so to reform and qualify their housing , as that english women may be content to be their wives , to decline their language , which continues a sensible distinction , being not now necessary ; which makes those who do not understand it , suspect , that what is spoken in it , is to their prejudice . it is their interest to deal with the english , for leases , for time , and upon clear conditions , which being perform'd they are absolute freemen , rather than to stand always liable to the humour and caprice of their landlords , and to have every thing taken from them , which he pleases to fancy . it is their interest , that he is well-pleased with their obedience to them , when they see and know upon whose care and conduct their well-being depends , who have power over their lands and estates . then , to believe a man at rome has power in all these last mentioned particulars in this world , and can make them eternally happy or miserable hereafter , 't is their interest to joyn with them , and follow their example , who have brought arts , civility , and freedom into their country . on the contrary , what did they ever get by accompanying their lords into rebellion against the english ? what should they have gotten if the late rebellion had absolutely succeeded , but a more absolute servitude ? and when it fail'd , these poor people have lost all their estates , and their leaders encreas'd theirs , and enjoy'd the very land which their leaders caus'd them to lose . the poorest now in ireland ride on horse-back , when heretofore the best ran on foot like animals . they wear better loaths than ever ; the gentry have better breeding , and the generality of the plebeians more money and freedom . several miscellany remarks and intimations , concerning ireland , and the several matters aforementioned . without recourse to the authority of story , but rather diligently observing the law and course of nature , i conjecture , that whatever is fabled of the phoenicians , scythians , b●scayers , &c. their first inhabiting of ireland ; that the places near carrickfergus were first peopled , and that with those , who came from the parts of scotland opposite thereunto . for that ireland was planted by some body in caesar's time , is most certain . that the art of navigation was not before caesar's time so well understood and practis'd , as to bring men from any other part of the world thither , save from great britain : that from st. davids-head in south-wales , and from holy-head in north-wales ; ireland is not clearly at any time discern'd , nor often at all . that the inhabitants of those two brittish head-lands had neither boats sit to pass that sea , is most probable . but that carrickfergus may be always seen from scotland , is well known ; and that a small boat may row over in three or four hours , is experienc'd . that the language of those parts differ very little . that the country about carrickfergus is far better than that of scotland opposite . that the chief bishops seat of ireland , and probably the first , is near those parts , are all notorious truths . from all which 't is more probable , that ireland was first peopled from scotland , than all the other remote parts aforementioned . it hath been much observed , that the lieutenants and chancellors of ireland have often been at variance ; the reason whereof seems to be at their powers , and too near an equilibrium ; for the lieutenant commands an army perhaps of 3000 , and the chancellor makes 900 justices of peace , who make 2500 constables , which are the civil sword , who act in times of peace , and every where , and in all matters ; whereas the army acts only upon rare occasions , and are more mercenary men. so as the civil-sword seems of far more extent and effect than the military-sword . the lieutenant disposes perhaps of four or five hundred places and imployments ; but the chancellor , of the said nine hundred justices of peace , and several others . the lieutenant can hurt very few persons , who do not depend upon the favour of imployments ; but the chancellor can affect all men , of estates and dealing in the world , by the power of his court , and by the harmony of his own will with the king's conscience . the lieutenant is for the most part a stranger to ireland ; but the chancellor seldom such , but a person of great family and acquaintance . moreover , all the lieutenants , deputies , and lords justices , that have been these 150 years , have not , one with another , continued two years in the office ; but the chancellors have much more , and are seldom remov'd but by death , and general revolutions . the chancellor has ordinarily some other dignity and office annex'd , for they be often eminent prelates and church-men ; but the lieutenant is confin'd to temporals . the chancellor is speaker in parliament , and by keeping the seal , can check the lieutenant in many cases . the chancellors are bred to eloquence and arguing ; the breeding of a lieutenant is casual . men that bring great estates into ireland , do not encrease them proportionably with them who come over with nothing . not to quote the examples hereof on both sides , the reason seems not to be very abstruse , viz. the language of ireland is like that of the north of scotland , in many things like the welch and manques ; but in ireland the fingallians speak neither english , irish , nor welch ; and the people about wexford , tho they agree in a language differing from english , welch , and irish , yet 't is not the same with that of the fingalians near dublin . both these two sorts of people are honest and laborious members of the kingdom . the irish language , and the welch , as also all languages that have not been the languages of flourishing empires , wherein were many things , many notions and fancies , both poetical and philosophical , hath but few words ; and all the names of artificial things brought into use , since the empire of these linguists ceased , are expressed in the language of their conquerors , by altering the termination and accents only . ireland is now divided into provinces , counties , baronies , parishes , and farmlands , and those , so as that they may be , and have been geometrically delineated ; but formerly it was not so , but the country was cal'ed by the names of the lords who governed the people . for as a territory bounded by bogs , is greater or lesser as the bog is more dry and passible , or otherwise : so the country of a grandee or tierne in ireland , became greater or lesser as his forces waxed or weaned ; for where was a large castle and garison , there the jurisdiction was also large . and when these grandees came to make peace , and parts one with another , the limits of their land-agreements were no lines geometrically drawn ; but if the rain fell one way , then the land whereon it fell , did belong to a. if the other way , to b. &c. as to their town-lands , plough-lands , colps , gneeres , bullibos , ballibelaghs , two's , horsmens , beds , &c. they are all at this day become unequal both in quantity and value , having been made upon grounds which are now obsolete and antiquated . for sometimes lands were divided by what certain societies of men held , which i conceive were town-lands or tythings . sometimes by plow-lands , viz. such a — of lands as contained enough of every species of land arrable , meadow , and pasture , mountain , turf-bog , wood , &c. as serv'd for the whole use of man , especially of the owner of such a plow-land . sometimes by the share or proportion of land , which an undertaker would engage to plant and defend according to articles . sometimes by the share which each servitor had given him in reward for his service , after a rebellion or insurrection . sometimes by what belonged to the cell of some religious man or men. but now all the lands are geometrically divided , and that without abolishing the ancient denominations and divisions abovementioned . so that it is yet wanting to prevent the various spelling of names not understood , that some both comprehending the names of all publick denominations according as they are spelled in the latest grants , should be set out by authority to determine the same for the time to come . and that where the same land hath other names , or hath been spelled with other conscription of letters or syllables , that the same be mentioned with an alias . where the publick and new authenticated denominations is part of a greater antiquated denomination , that it be so expressed , as by being called the east , west , south or north part thereof . and if the said denomination comprehend several obsolete or inconsiderable parcels , that the same be expressed likewise . the last clause of the explanatory act , enabled men to put new names on their respective lands , instead of those uncouth , unintelligible ones yet upon them . and it would not be amiss if the significant part of the irish names were interpreted , where they are not , or cannot be abolished . some have thought that little shipping belongs to ireland , by the great policy of the english , who ( as they wittily expressed it ) would keep the chain or draw-bridge between both kingdoms , on the english side : but i never perceived any impediment of building , or having ships in ireland , but mens own indisposition thereunto , either for not having stock for so chargeable a work , or not having workmen of sorts enough to sit out a ship in all particulars ; as for that they could hire ships cheaper from the dutch , than to build them ; or , that the irish had rather eat potatos and milk on dry land , than contest with the wind and waves with better food ; or that there is not encouragement , to a full employment , for an able ship-wright to reside in ireland . nevertheless at this day there belongs to several ports of ireland vessels between 10 and 200 tuns , about 8000 tuns of several sorts and sizes : and there are five light-houses erected for the safety of sailing upon the coasts . concerning the ambergreece , taken upon the western coasts of ireland , i could never receive any clear satisfaction , neither of its odor , nor any other vertue , nor what use was or could be made of that stuff which has been so call'd , which is of several appearances . what is said of the herb mackenbory , is fabulous , only that 't is a tythemal , which will purge furiously , and of which there are vast quantities in that part of kerry call'd desmond , where the arbutus tree groweth in great numbers and beauty . there be in ireland not ten iron furnaces , but above 20 forges and bloomeries , and but one lead-work , which was ever wrought , tho many in view , which the pretended patents of them have hindred the working of . there is also a place in kerry , fit for one allum-work , attempted , but not fully proceeded upon . there are in the west of ireland , about 20 gentlemen , who have engaged in the pilchard-fishing , and have among them all about 160 saynes , wherewith they sometimes take about 4000 hogshheads of pilchards per ann. worth about 10,000 l. cork , kingsale , and bantry are the best places for eating of fresh fish , tho dublin be not , or need not be ill supplied with the same . the clothing-trade is not arrived to what it was before the late rebellion . and the art of making the excellent , thick , spungy , warm coverlets , seems to be lost , and not yet recovered . near colrane is a salmon-fishing , where several tuns of salmon have been taken at one draught , and in one season . the english in ireland before henry the vii's time , lived in ireland as the europians do in america , or as several nations do now upon the same continent ; so as an englishman was not punishable for killing an irish-man , and they were governed by differe●t laws ; the irish by the brehan-law , and the english there by the laws of england . registers of burials , births and marriages , are not yet kept in ireland , though of late begun in dublin , but imperfectly . english in ireland , growing poor and discontented , degenerate into irish ; & vice versa ; irish , growing into wealth and favour , reconcile to the english. eleven iri●● miles make 14 english , according to the proportion of the irish perch of 21 feet , to the english of 16● . the admeasurement of land in ireland , hath hitherto been made with a circumferencer , with a needle of 3⅔ long , as the most convenient proportion ; but 't will be henceforth better done by the help of some old geometrical theoremes , joyn'd with this new property of a circle , demonstrated by dr. r. wood. the diagram . altho the pro●estants of irel●nd , be to papists , as three to eight ; yet , because the former live in cities and towns , and the scots live all in and about five of the 32 counties of ireland ; it seems , in other open counties , and without the corporations , that the irish and papists are twenty to one . a report from the council of trade in ireland , to the lord lieutenant and council , which was drawn by sir william petty . in obedience to your lordship's act of council , of january the 2●th . 1675. we have spent several days in considering how , as well the wealth of this kingdom in general , as the money thereof in particular may be increased . and in order thereunto , we have first set down to the best of our knowledge , the state of this kingdom in reference to trade . secondly , we have noted such inferences from the same , as do sh●w the several causes of the smalness of trade , want of money , and the gen●ral poverty of this nation . and in the last place , we have offered such general remedies and expedients , in the respective cases , as may be obtained and practised , without any new law to be made in ireland . and we are ready so to inlarge upon the branches we have offered , as to make such of our proposals practicable , as your lordships shall please to select and approve of for that purpose . march the 25th . 1676. considerations relating to the improvement of ireland . 1. the whole territory of ireland consists of about 12 millions of acres ( english measure ) of arrable , meadow , and good pasture land ; with about two millions of rocky , boggy , and scrubby pasture , commonly call'd unprofitable , ( tho not altogether such ) : the rest being absolute boggs , loughs , rocks , sands , strands , rivers and high-ways , &c. of all which , several lands , the yearly rent ( comprehending their majesties quit-rents , tythes and tenants improvements ) is supposed to be about 9●0,000 l. and worth to be purchased at nine millions . 2. the value of all the housing in ireland , which have one or more chimneys in them , ( excluding all cabbins which have none ) is supposed to be two millions and a half . 3. the cattel and live-stock , three millions . 4. corn , furniture , merchandise , shipping , &c. about one million . 5. the coyned and currant money , now running in trade , is between 300 , and 350 , ●00 l. or the 5●th part of the value of the whole kingdom , which we suppose to be about 16 millions . 6. the number of people in ireland is about 1100,000 , viz. three hundred thousand english , scotch , and welch protestants , and 800,000 papists , whereof ●th are children unfit for labour , and about 75,000 of the remainder are , by reason of their quality and estates ; above the necessity of corporal labour ; so as there remains 750,000 labouring men and women , 5●0,000 whereof do perform the present work of the nation . 7. the said 1100,000 people do live in about 200,000 families or houses , whereof there are but about 16,000 which have more than one chimney in each ; and about 24,000 which have but one ; all the other houses , being 160,000 , are wretched nasty cabbins , without chimney , window or door shut , and worse than those of the savage americans , and wholly unfit for the making merchantable butter , cheese , or the manufactures of woollen , linnen or leather . 8. the houses within the city and liberties of dublin , are under 5,0●0 , viz. in the city 1150. and the ale-houses within the same about 1200. and it seems , that in other corporations and countrey towns , the proportion of ale-houses is yet greater than in dublin , viz. about ⅓ of the whole . 9. the counties , baronies and parishes , of ireland , are now become marvellously unequal , so as some are twe ty times as big as others , the county of c rk seeming in respect of people and parishes to be ●th of the whole kingdom , and other counties not being above the 2●th part of the county of cork ; it hath been found very difficult to get fit persons for sheriffs , and juries ; and the often holding of assizes and quarter-sessions in the said smaller counties , hath been found an unnecessary burthen upon them . 10. there are now in ireland 32 counties , 252 baronies , and 2278 parishes ; so as the number of sheriffs , and sub-sheriffs , sheriff bailiffs , high and petty-constables , are about three thousand persons , whereof not above ● are english or protestants . so as the remainder ( being about 27●0 ) are irish papists , and are the civil militia of this kingdom , and have the executing of all decrees of courts , and of justices of the peaces warrants . 11. this civil militia , and the rest of the irish papists being ' about 80●,000 , are influenced and guided by about 3000 priests and fryars , an● they governed by their bishops and superiors , who are for the most part , of the old irish gentry , men of foreign education , and who depend upon foreign princes and prelates , for benefices and preferments . 12. the irish papists ( beside● sundays and the 29 holidays appointed by the law ) do one place with another , observe about 24 days more in the year , in which they do no corporal labour , so as they have but about 266 working-days ; whereas protestants not strictly observing all the legal holy-days , by a total forbearing of labour , have in effect 300 working-days in the year , that is , 34 days more than the papists , or at least five of six days in each , or ● part of the whole year . 13. the expence of the whole people of ireland is about four millions per ann. the ⅓ part whereof being 80,000 l. and the quarter of annual house-rent being about 6●,000 l. together with 450 , ●00 l. more , being the value of half a years rent , tythes and quit-rent , do make 59●,000 l. as that sum of money which will compleatly and plentifully drive the trade of this kingdom . 14. the value of the commodities exported out of ireland , and the fraight of the shipping imployed in the trade of this nation , together with the fishing of herrings , is about five hundred thousand pounds per annum . 15. the value of the estates in ireland of such persons as do usually live in england ; the interest of debts of ireland , due and payable to england ; the pay of the forces of ireland , now in england ; the expence and pensions of agents and solli●itors commonly residing in england about irish affairs ; the expence of english and iri●h youth now upon their education beyond the seas ; and lastly , the supposed profit of the two great farms now on foot , do altogether make up near 2●0,0●0 l. per ann. as a debt payabl● to england out of ireland . 16. the value of the cattel , viz. live oxen and sheep , carried out of ireland into england , was never more than 140,000 l. per annum ; the fraight , hides , tallow , and wooll of the said live cattel , were worth about 60,000 l. of the said 140,000 l. and the value of the goods imported out of england into ireland ( when the cattel-trade was free ) was between treble and quadruple , to the neat value of the ox , and she●ps fle●h transported from hence into england . 17. the customs of exported and imported goods , between england and ireland , abstracted from the excise thereof , was in the freest trade , about 32,000 l. per ann. inferences from the premisses . 1. by comparing the extent of the territory with the number of people , it appears that ireland is much underpeopled ; for as much as there are above 1● acres of good land to every head in ireland , whereas in england and france there are but four , and in holland scarce one . 2. that if there be 250 000 spare●●ands capable of labour , who can earn 4 or five l. per ann. one with another , it follows that the people of ireland , well employed , may earn one million per ann. more than they do now , which is more than the years rent of the whole country . 3. if an house with stone-walls , and a chimney well covered , and half an a●re of land well ditched about , may be made for 4 or 5 l. or thereabouts ; then ⅓ of the spare hands of ireland can in one years time build and fit up 160,000 such houses and gardens , instead of the like number of the wretched cabbins above-mentioned : and that in a time when a foreign-trade is most dead and obstructed , and when money is most scarce in the land. 4. the other third part of the said spare hands within the same year ( besides the making of bridges , harbors , rivers , high-ways , &c. more fit for trade ) are able to plant as many fruit and timber-trees , and also quick-set hedges , as being grown up , would distinguish the bounds of lands , beautifie the countrey , shade and shelter cattel , furnish wood , fuel , timber and fruit , in a better manner than ever was yet known in ireland or england . and all this in a time when trade is dead , and money most scarce . 5. if the gardens belonging to the cabbins above mentioned , be planted with hemp and flax , according to the present statute , there would grow 120,000 l. worth of the said commodities , the manufactures whereof , as also of the wooll and hides now exported , would by the labour of the spare hands above-mentioned , amount to above one million per annum more than at present . 6. the multitude and proportion of alehouses above-mentioned , is a sign of want of employment in those that buy , no less than those that sell the drink . 7. there being but 800 thousand papists in ireland , and little above 2,000 priests ; it is manifest that 500 priests may , in a competent manner , officiate for the said number of people and parishes . and that two popish bishops if any at all be necessary ) may as well govern the said 500 priests , and two thousand parishes ; as the 26 bishops of england do govern near ten thousand parishes . 8. if the protestants , according to the present practice and understanding of the law , do work one tenth part of the year more than the papists : and that there be be 750 thousand working people in ireland , whereof about 600 thousand papists . it follows that the popish religion takes off 60 thousand workers , which , at about 4 l. per annum each , is about 250 thousand pounds per annum of it self ; besides the maintenance of 25 hundred superfluous churchmen , which at 20 l. per annum each , comes to fifty thousand pounds per annum more . 9. the sheriffs of ireland at 100 l. per annum , the high constables at 20 l. per annum , and the petty constables at 10 l. per annum , each , being all english protestants ( with some other incident charges for the administration of justice ) may be fallarated and defrayed for thirty thousand pounds per annum , consistent with his majesty's present revenue , forces , &c. which said sallaries , may also be lessened , by uniting some of the smaller countie's , baronies and parishes , according to the proportion of people inhabiting within them . 10. if there be not 350 ●housand pounds coyned money in ireland ; and if 590 thousand pounds ( or near double what there now is ) be requisite to drive the trade thereof ; then it follows , that there is not enough in ireland to drive the trade of the nation . 11. if the lands of ireland and housing in corporations , be worth above 10 millions to be now sold ( and if less than one million of stock will drive all the trade afore-mentioned , that ireland is capable off ) reckoning but two returns per annum : it is certain that the lesser part of the said ten millions worth of real estate , being well contrived into a bank of credit , will with the cash yet remaining , abundantly answer all the ends of domestick improvements , and foreign traffick whatsoever . 12. if the whole substance of ireland be worth 16 millions , as above said : if the customs between england and ireland , were neverworth above thirty two thousand pounds per annum : i● the titles of estates in ireland , be more hazardous and expensive , for that england and ireland be not under one legislative power : if ireland till now , hath been a continual charge to england : if the reducing the late rebellion did cost england three times more in men and money , than the substance of the whole countrey , when reduced , is worth : if it be just , that men of english b●rth and estates , living in ireland , should be represented in the legislative power ; and that the irish should not be judged by those who , they pretend , do usurp their estates : it then seems just and convenient , that both kingdoms should be united and governed by one legislative power . nor is it hard to shew how this may be made practicable , nor to satisfy , repair , or silence those who are interested or affected to the contrary . 13. in the mean time , it is wonderful that men born in england , who have lands granted to them by the king , for service done in ireland to the crown of england , when they have occasion to reside or negotiate in england , should by their country-men , kindred and friends there , be debarred to bring with them out of ireland food whereupon to live , nor suffered to carry money out of ireland , nor to bring such commodities as they fetch from america directly home , but round about by england , with extream hazard and loss , and be forced to trade only with strangers , and become unacquainted with their own country ; especially when england gaineth more than it loseth by a free commerce ; as exporting hither three times as much as it receiveth from hence : in so much as 95 l. in england , was worth about 100 l. of the like money in ireland , in the freest time of trade . 14. it is conceived that about ⅓ d of the imported manufactures , might be made in ireland and ⅓ d of the remainder might be more conveniently had from foreign parts , than out of england , and consequently that it is scarce necessary at all for ireland to receive any goods of england , and not convenient to receive above th part from hence of the whole which it needeth to import , the value whereof is under 100 thousand pounds per annum . the application of the premisses , in order to remedy the defects and impediments of the trade of ireland . 1. forasmuch as the consideration of raising money , hath already , and so lately , been before your lordships ; therefore without giving this board any further trouble concerning the same : we humbly offer , in order to the regulation of the several species thereof ; that whereas weighty plate pieces , together with ducatoons , which estimate to be three quarters of the money now currant in ireland ; do already pass at proportionable rates ; and for that all other species of silver money , are neither rated proportionably to the said weighty pieces , nor to one another ; that whole , half and quarter cobbs of sterling silver ( if light ) may pass at 5 s. 7 d. per ounce ; but that the other species of courser silver , as the perrues , &c. may pass as commodity , or at 5 s. per ounce , until there shall be conveniency for new coyning thereof into smaller money . 2. that forthwith application may be made unto england , to restore the trade from the plantations , and between the two kingdoms ( and particularly that of cattel ) as heretofore ; and in the mean time to discover and hinder , by all means possible , the carrying of bullion out of ireland into england ; to the end that those in england who are to receive moneys from hence , may be necessitated to be very earnest in the said negotiation . 3. that endeavours be used in england , for the union of the kingdoms under one legislative power , proportionably , as was heretofore and successively done in the case of wales . 4. for reducing interest from ten to five , or six , per centum , for disposing moneyed men to be rather merchants than usurers , rather to trade than purchase , and to prevent the bad and uncertain payments , which gentlemen are forced to make unto tradesmen , whose stock and credit is thereby soon buried in debts , not to be received without long and expensiv● suits , and that a bank of land be forthwith contrived and countenanced . 5. that the act of state which mitigates and compounds , for the costoms of some foreign goods , purposely made high to hinder their importation , and to encourage the manufacture of them here , be taken into consideration ( at least before it be renewed ) . 6. that the lord lieutenant and council , as also the nobilit , courts of justice and officers of the army , and other gentlemen in and about dublin , may by their engagement and example , discountenance the use of some certain foreign commodities , to be pitched upon by your lordships : and that gentlemen and freeholders in the country , at their assizes , and other country meetings ; and that the inhabitants of all corporations , who live in houses of above two chimneys in each , may afterwards do the same . 7. that there be a corporation for the navigation of this kingdom , and that other societies of men may be instituted , who shall undertake and give security to carry on the several trades and manufactures of ireland ; and to see that all goods exported to foreign markets , may be faithfully wrought and packt : which societies may direct themselves , by the many several proposals and reports formerly , and of late made by the council of trade , and which they are now again ready to enlarge and accommodate to the said several proposals respectively , and more particularly to the manufactures of woollen , linnen , and leather . 8. that the corporations of ireland , may be obliged to engage no manufactures , but according to their primitive instructions ; which was to carry on such great works , as exceeded the strength of single persons ; and particularly that they may cause some such like proportions of yarn , linnen , and woollen , as also of worsted , to be spun , as mr. hawkins hath propounded . 9. that the pattents , which hinder the working of mines may be considered . 10. that the justices of peace , may be admonished to protect the industrious , and not suffer their labours to be interrupted by vexatious and frivolous indictments . 11. that the inhabitants of the wretched cabbins in ireland , may be encouraged to reform them ; and also compelled thereunto , as an easy and indulgent committing for the penalty of nine-pence per sunday payable , by the statute ; and likewise to make gardens , as the statute for hemp and flax requires . and that other the wholesome laws against idlers , vagabonds , &c may be applied to the prevention of beggary and thievery : whereunto the orderly disposing of the said cabbins into townships would also conduce . 12. that the people be dissuaded from the observations of superfluous holy-days . 13. that the exorbitant number of popish-priests and fryars , may be reduced to a bare competency , as also the number of ale-houses . 14. that the constable , sheriff , and bailiffs , may also be english protestants , ( though upon salary ) from all which , and from the settlement of estates ; it is to be hoped , that men seeing more advantage to live in ireland than elsewhere , may be invited to remove themselves hither ; and so supply the want of people , the greatest and most fundamental defect of this kingdom . carolus secundus , dei gratia , angliae , scotiae , franciae & hiberniae rex , fidei defensor , &c. omnibus ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint salutem . cum praedilectus , perquam fidelis consanguineus & consiliarius noster jacobus dux ormondiae in r●gno nostro hiberniae , qui plurima egregia servitia serenissimo patri nostro beatissimae memoriae in eodem regno , in loco & qualitate domini locum-tenentis generalis & generalis gobernatoris ejusdem regni nostri per multos annos in temporibus maximae calamitatis summa cum prudentia & integritate praestiterit , ac sese fidum & fortem assertorem coronae angliae jurium continuè comprobaverit , ut pote qui dicto patri nostro per totam flagitiosam illam subditorum suorum nuperam defectionem , magnanimiter adhaerescens in praelio primus & audax , in consilio prudens , & nemini secundus extiterit ; at que nobis etiam tum extremis exilii nostri angustiis , tum restitutione nostra , inseparabilis & indesatigabilis adfuerit comes & adjutor : nos praemissa perpendendentes aequum duximus , in tesseram favoris nostri , eundem ducem ormondiae locum-tenentem nostrum generalem regni nostri hiberniae praedicti , & generalem in eodem regno gubernatorem constituere . sciatis , quod nos de provida circumspectione & industria praefati iacobi ducis ormondiae plurimum consitentes de advisamento concilii nostri & ex certae scientia & mero motu nostris assignavimus , fecimus , or●inavimus , constituimus & deputavimus & per praesentes assignamus , facimus , ordinamus , constituimus & deput amus eundem duc●m ormondiae locum-tenentem nostrum generalem regni nostri hiberniae praedict ' necnon g●bernator nostrum generalem regni nostri illius , habendum tenendum , gaudendum , exercend ' & occupand ' offic ' praed ' praefato jacobo duci ormondiae una cum omnibus & singulis vad ' feod ' stipend & assocation ' eidem officio spectan ' & pertinen ' durante beneplacito nostro ; dante 's & concedentes èidem locum-tenenti nostro generali & gubernatori nostro generali plenam tenore praesentium potestatem & authoritatem ad pacem nostram & ad leges & consuetudin●s regni nostri praedict ' custodiend ' & custodi●e faciend ' & ad omnes & singulos ligeos nostros tam anglicos quàm hibernicos dicti regni nostri ac alios quoscunque , per nos super dictum locum-tenent ' nostrum generalem & gubernatorem nostrum generalem , stipendiatos & alias quascunque personas , ibidem contra nos , aut pacem , consu●tudinem & leges praedict ' qualecùnque delinquend ' & contraveniend ' juxt a eorum demerita , secundum leges & consuetudines nes praedictas , viis & modis quibus melius pro honore & proficuo nostro fieri poterit : ac pro bana gubernatione dicti regni nostri ac ligeorum & subditor ' nostrorum ibidem juxta discretionem dicti locum-tenentis nostri general ' & gubernatoris nostri general castig and ' & puniend ' ac puniri & castigari faciend ' necnon ordinationes & statuta pro salvo & bono regimine regni nostri praedict ' juxta advisamentum consilii nostri ibidem ordinand ' statuend ' & stabiliend ' ac super inde proclamationes faciend ' debitaeque executioni demandand ' ac quoscunque contravenientes & delinquentes castigand ' & incarcerand ' at que incàrceratos solvend ' & deliberand ' necnon ad recipiend ' & admittend ' per dictum advisament ' consilii nostri ad fidem & pacem nostram , tam anglicos quàm hibernicos , & alios quoscunque infra praedict ' regnum nostrum hiberniae habitantes vel commorantes intutand ' seu commorand ' qui nobis , legibus nostris consuetud ' praedict ' rebelles & contrarii extiterint aut existunt vel existent ; & ad concedend ' faciend ' & dand ' per hujusmodi advisament ' plenam pardonationem , remissionem , relaxationem & absolutionem tam general ' quàm specialem , illis & eorum cuilibet hujusmodi pardonationem petent ' aut habere volen ' ac sectam pacis nostrae quae ad nos pertinet tam pro homicid rober ' felon ' murdr ' rapt mulierum , latrociniis , falsis allegation ' adhaesion ' inimicis vtlagar ' transgression ' contempt ' & aliis offensis quibuscunque in dicto regno nostro per aliquas hujusmodi personas ante haec tempora fact ' seu in posterum faciend ' & corum forisfactur ' & firmam pacem nostram eis & eorum cuilibet literas patentes sub magno sigillo quo ●timur in regno nostro praedicto in forma debita concedend ' donand ' & deliberand ' ac etiam eosdem alios quoscunque ad fines & redemptiones hujusmodi offens ' & eorum quamlibet qui fines & redemptiones facere debuerunt seu voluerunt ' accipiend ' & recipiend ' et singul ' personis juxta leges & consuetudines praed ' justitiam faciend ' & fieri niandand ' ac etiam ad universos & singulos tam anglos rebelles quàm hibernicos dicti regni nostri & alios quoscunque dictum regnum nostrum in posterum invadend ' ac ipsum regnum nostrum subditosque nostros ejusdem depraedare , gravare seu alio modo destruere seu devastare intendent ' ac se juxta leges , & consuetudines praedict ' justificare volentes , si necesse fuerit , cum potestate nostra regia , ac aliis viis & modis , quibus melius fieri poterit juxta eorum demerita puniend ' & si opus fuerit ultimo supplicio demandand ' ac subditos nostros providè commovend ' convocand ' & levand ' ac cum eisdem subditis nostris sic levat ' contra dictos rebelles congrediend ' cesque invadend ' vincend ' & castigand ' & si opus fuerit terr' ipsorum aliis qui nobis servire volunt & intendunt de advisamento praedict ' locand ' & demittend ' ac etiam cum eis pacisicand ' & pacem componend ' ac ipsos paci nostrae restorand ' toties quoties in praemissis vel circa ea opus fuerit . proviso tamen semper , quod super quamlibet talem dimissionem & location ' per praefat iacobum ducem ormondiae ac praedict ' advisament ' consilii nostri praed ' in posterum virtute harum literarum nostrarum patentin ' saciend annual ' reddit ' superinde debit sit nobis , haeredibus & successoribus nostris , omnino reservat ' damus insuper & concedimus eidem iacobo duci ormondiae locum-tenenti nostro generali & gubernatori nostro generali , tenore praesentium , plenam potestatem & authoritatem omnes proditiones , necnon felon ' murdr ' rapt ' mulier ' ibidem & alias causas & offensam quascunque per subditos ejusdem regni nostri hiberniae , vel alios ibidem residend ' commiss ' sive comittend ' prodition ' quae destructionem vitae nostrae concernerunt tantummodo except ' pardonand ' abolend ' remittend & relaxand ' literasque nostras patentes sub dicto magno sigillo nostro superinde cuicunque personae regni nostri hiberniae praed nomine nostro concedend ' componend ' & ad casdem sigilland ' cancellar ' nostro vel custod ' sigilli dicti nostri regni nostri hiberniae mandand ' tradend ' & deliberand ' . damus praeterea & concessimus eidem iacobo duci ormondiae locum-tenenti nostro generali & gubernatori nostro generali , plenam potestatem & authoritatem quoscunque de stirpe anglicano existend ' in officio in regno praedict tam secundo baroni scaccar ' nostri & quorumcunque computand ' ac aliar ' officiar ' persicere , ipsosque officiar ' intra regnum nostrum praedictum facere , deputare & constituere ; habendum eis & corum cuilibet & quibuslibet , durante beneplacito nostro , & quamdin in eodem se bene gerunt ad libitum ejusdem locum-tenentis nostri general ' & gubernatoris nostri general ' una cum vad ' & . regard ' eisdem officiar ' ab antiquo , debit ' & consuet ' offic ' cancellar ' thesaurar subthes●urar ' iusticiar ' utriusque banci & capital ' baron ' scaccar ' nostri offic ' magistri rotulorum ac offic ' ●hesaurar ' ad gueram offic ' marescall ' offic ' magistri ordination clerici de le checque ' offic ' praesiden ' munster & connaght , ac officium attor & sollicitator ' nostri ejusdem regni nostrae hiberniae tantumodo except ' statut & parliamen ' domini henrici nuper regis angliae septimi progenitor nostri inclytae memoriae , anno regni sui decimo , coram edwardo poyning milite tunc deputato regni nostri hiberniae tent ' edit ' & provis ' non obstante . concessimus etiam praefato locum-tenenti nostro generali potestatem quod ipse durante beneplacito nostro omnia officia ecclesiastica , tam jurat ' quam non jurat ' viz. vicar ' parsonat praebendar ' cantur ' capeil ' hospital ' dignitat ' archionat ' & alia beneficia quaecunque nominatione archiepiscopor ' & episcopor ' tantum except ' tam in ecclesiis cathedral ' quam collegiat ' hospitat ' & paroch ' in quocunque loco in regnum nostrum hiberniae quocunque titulo jam vacan ' seu in posterum ex causa quacunque vacare contingen ' & ad praesentationem , collationem sive donationem nostram quocunque modo spectan ' personis idoneis quibuscunque sibi placuerit dand ' concedend ' & conferend ' & ad eadem omnia & singula quorum ad nos praesentationis , donationis sive collationis spect ' & pertinent , & stat ' & possess ' omnium & singulorum qui de eorum aliquibus possessionat ' existunt ratificand ' approbanda ' & confirmand ' ac privileg ' libertat ' imunitat ' & concess ' per praedecessores nostros quoscunque aut aliquos alios ante haec tempora fact ' sive concess ' prout eidem locum-tenenti nostro general ' & gubernatori nostro general ' per advisament ' & consensu consilii nostri in regno nostro praed ' melius expedire videbitur ratificand ' approband ' & confirmand ' concessimus in super eidem iacobo duci ormondiae locum-tenenti nostro generali & gubernatori nostro general ' potestat ' & fidelit ' provision ' & renuntiation ' archiepiscopor ' & episcopor ' in codem regno nostro hiberniae , tempore praeterito sive futuro , fact ' ordinat ' & consueta acceptand ' faciend ' ordinand ' & constituend ' ac omnia alia ad nos debit ' nomine nostro recipiend ' eisdem archiepiscopis , episcopis & car ' quilibet temporalia sua cancellar ' nostro regni nostri praedict ' deliber ' mandand ' cum omnibus & singulis juribus emolumen ' proficuis & reven tionibus ratione vacationis deor ' beneficior ' dignitat ' archiepiscopat ' sive episcopat ' nobis reservat ' ac etiam homag ' omnium & singulorum tam spiritual ' quàm temporal ' tenen & subditor ' nostrorum quorumcunque in regno nostro praedicto nomine nostro recipiend ' & terras & tenement ' sua de hereditate sua cancellar ' nostro deliba●i mandand ' manusque nostras exinde amovend ' ac victual ' sufficien ' & necessar ' pro expens ' hospitii sui & soldar ' suor ' in quocunque infra dictum regnum hiberniae per provisor ' hospitii sui & alios ministr ' suos una cum carria● ' sufficien ' pro eisdem , tam infra libertates quàm extra , pro denar ' suis rationabil ' solvend ' providend ' & capiend juxta formam statuti de hujusmodi provision ' ante haec tempora fact ' nisi aliter per composition ' fact ' cum intutan ' com' infra partes vulgariter vocatos the english pale aliosque com' extra deces partes provisum sit aut post hac provideatur , quod praed locum-tenens general ' & gubernator noster general habeat vel habere possit summam pecuniae annuatim in dicta compositione ante haec limitat ' pro compensatione & recompensatione pro hujusmodi virtual ' providend ' & capiend ' pro provisor hospitii sui , quam quidem compositionem censemus observand ' pro beneficio subditor ' nostror ' necnon ad summonend ' & sumonire faciend ' atque tenend ' secundum leges , statut ' & consuetudin ' regni nostri hiberniae praedict ' unum duntaxat parliament ' quandoquidem sibi melius expediri videbitur , consensu tamen nostro in ea parte semper habit ' & ad idem parliament ' prorogand & adjournand ' toties quoties necesse fuerit , & infra deos annos à tempore interceptionis ejusdem plenè determinand ' & siniend ' & quoscunque sic summonit ' absentes & non legitime impedit ' mulctand ' & puniend ' concessimus insuper dicto locum-tenenti nostro general ' & gubernator ' nostro ' general ' plenam & sufficien ' authoritatem & potestat ' ad omnimod ' officiar ' computabil ' thesaurar ' & subthesaurar ' regni nostri praedict ' duntaxat except ' coram eisdem thesaurar ' , subthesaurar ' nostris & baron seaccarii nostri dicti regni nostri hiberniae , computare faciend ' & ad hujusmodi comput ' reddend ' compelland ' ac etiam ad inquirend ' & inquiri faciend ' viis & modis quibus melius sibi videbitur , faciend de quibuscunque bonis & cattallis quae fuer ' ill ' sive alior qui erga nos seu progenitores nostros forisfecerunt vel forisfacient , & à nobis concelat ' existunt vel imposterum existent , & ad omnia & singula alia quae ad offic ' locum tenentis nostri generalis & gubernatoris nostri generalis jure , usu & consuetud ' regni nostri praed ' pertinent aut pertinere deberent & pro bono regimine & salvatione & pro bono custod ' pacis regni nostri praed & quiete populi nostri ibidem , & recuperatione jurium nostrorum in regno nostro hiberniae necessar ' fuerit ; salvis super reservatis faciend ' exercend ' exequend ' & ordinand ' omnia alia nomine nostro & pro nobis in dicto regno nostro hiberniae faciend ' exercend ' & ordinand sicut nos faceremus aut facere possemus si ibidem in propria persona nostra essemus . damus insuper praefato iacobo duci ormondiae locum tenenti nostro generali & gubernatori nostro generali potestatem & authoritatem navibus nostris quibuscunque aut aliis quae circa littora dicti regni nostri hiberniae sunt in servitio nostro , aut in posterum quacunque occasione erunt & mittentur pro defensione dicti regni nostri hiberniae , imperand & utend ' pro servitio nostro & tutamine dicti regni nostri , prout ipse secundum discretionem suam & per advisamentum concilii nostri ejusdem regni nostri hiberniae visum , erit ' nisi nos special ' commission ' nostra aut admiralli nostri angliae ordinatione special ' gubernator ' & capitan ' praed ' navium nostrarum aut aliis mittend ' speciali instructione mandat ' & servic ' imperaverimus aut imperaverit . constituimus etiam praesat . iacobum ducem ormondiae gubernator ' & praefect . nostrum general ' exercitûs nostri in dicto regno nostro hiberniae , tam praesentis quàm futuri , quàm diu nobis placuerit , cum alacationibus inde debit ' & consuet . ac eidem duci praefecto generali ex ercitus nostri ibidem plenam potestatem & authoritatem concedimus faciend ' constituend ' & ordinand ' leges , ordinationes & proclamationes de tempore in tempus , ut casus exegerit , pro bono regimine exercitus nostri praedict ' ac omnes quorumcunque sub mandato & gubernatione ejusdem praefectus generalis exercitûs nostri eas demque leges , ordinationes & proclamationes exequendi ac debitae executioni mandand ' ac etiam insligere , adjudicare & assidere timor ' poenas corporales , imprisonamenta , fines , forissactur ' ac omnes alias poenas & penalitates quascunque in & super omnes delinquentes si ve offendentes contra hujusmodi leges , ordinationes & proclamationes qualis & quae eidem gubernatori & praefecto nostro exercitûs nostri requisit ' & necessar ' fore videbuntur ' quae omnia leges , ordinationes & proclamationes , sic ut praefert ' faciend ' observari volumus sub poenis in eisdem continend ' . et ei damus potestatem & authoritatem utendi & exercendi infra regnum nostrum praedictum si opus fuerit , lege mariscal ' sive martial ' necnon substituend ' assignand ' & appuntuand ' sub se infra dictum regnum nostrum per literas nostras patentes sub magno sigillo nostro dict' regni nostri praedict ' faciend ' tot & tales marriscallos , commissarios & al' officiar ' ad legem armor ' sen legem martial ' exercend ' & exequend ' prout praefat ' locum-tenenti nostro general ' & gubernator ' nostro general ' de tempore in tempus expedire videbit ad exercend ' utend ' & exequend ' praed ' leges , quotie● opus & necesse fuerit , & juramenta praestare , aliaque omnia per se vel per alios facere , erigere , quae ad leges praedictas exercend ' aliqualiter pertineant . et quia valde necessar ' nobis videatur ut praefat ' locum tenens noster generalis & gubernator noster generalis pro negotiis nostris magni momenti personam nostram regiam in propria persona sua sicut nobis visum suerit attendat ' ideo ulterius damus , & per praesentes praefato iacobo duci ormondiae locum-tenenti & gubernator ' nostro general ' plenam potestatem & authoritatem concedimus nominand ' & assignand per literas nostras patentes sub magno sigillo nostro , dicti regni nostri hiberniae nomine nostro , tam nunc quàm de tempore in tempus imposte um , consiciend ' quamcunque aut quoscunque dictus locum-tenens & gubernator noster general ' in hac pa●te idoneum sive idoneos duxerit sore deputat vel deputatos quocunque nomine assignatos durante beneplacito nostro pro gubernatione dicti regni nostri hiberniae in a●sentiae sua , donec idem locum-tenens & gubernator noster in dictum regn ' hiberniae gubernatione ejusdem ut praefert ' redierit , volentes tamen quod in eisdem literis patentibus alicui personae seu personis sicut praefert ' faciend deputat ' aut deputatos in absentia sua tantum provis & nomine nostro mand ' sit quod non licebit alicui tal deputat ' vel deputatis the saurar ' seu pecunias nostras cuicunque solvere vel erogare , authoritat ' seu warrant ' ipsius deputat ' vel ipsorum deputat ' tantum sed quod omnia erod ' mandat ' & warrant ' per thesaur ' & pecuniis nostris per ipsum sient & signabunt non solum manu propria praefat ' deput ' vel praefator ' deputator ' sed etiam manibus praedilectorum & sidel consiliar ' nostrorum magistri curiae wardor ' capital ' baron ' scaccar nostri ' cancellar ' scaccar ' nostri & primar ' secretarii nostri ibidem pro tempore existente vel saltem manibus duorum illorum . damus ulterius universis , singulis archiepiscopis , ducibus , comitibus , vice-comitibus , episcopis , baron ' iusticiar ' militibus , liberis hominibus & aliis subditis nostris de regno nostro praedict ' firmè in mandatis , quòd praefato iacobo duci ormondiae locum-tenenti nostro general & gubernatori nostro general ' in eodem regno nostro intendentes sive assidentes , auxiliantes & consultantes , ac ipsius mandatis in omnibus prout decet aut decebit obedientes sint , aliquo statut ' actu , ordinatione , provisione , jure , usu , consuetudine sive restriction ' in contrar ' inde fact edit ' ordinat ' sive provis ' aut aliqua alia re , causa vel materia quacunque in aliquo non obstante . in cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes teste meipso apud westmonaster ' vicessimo primo die februarii ann. regni nostri quarto decimo inrotulat ' in rotulls patentibus cancellariae hiberniae de ann. regni regis caroli secundi decimo quarto & examinat ' per i. temple . per ipsum regem barker . at the court at hampton court , iune 22. 1662. propositions to be consider'd of by his majesty , concerning the governing of ireland . charles r. 1. that his majesty may declare his express pleasure , that no irish suit by way of reward be moved for by any of his servants , or others , before the ordinary revenue there become , able to sustain the necessary charge of that crown , and the debts there of befully cleared . this is most reasonable , it standing with no sound rule of judgment , to exercise the acts of bounty in a place which doth not discharge it self , and will prove the readiest and most expedient way to recover his majesties affairs thereby , thus carrying the revenues in their natural channell ; and indeed this course being constantly pursu'd , will much encrease the annual profits above what they now are , and intirely draw the dependance of the inferiors from the great lords upon his majesty , and so the interest and assurance the crown shall have in the natives thereof , be of no less consequence and advantage than the very profits : 2. that there be an express caveat entred with the secretary , signet , privy seal and great seal here , that no grant , of what nature soever , concerning ireland , be suffered to pass , till the lord lieutenant be made acquainted , and it first pass the seal of that kingdom , according to the usual manner . this will be of great intelligence and safety to his majesty ; for on the one side he will clearly see into the true inward value all things , which formerly , albeit of very great worth , have from so great a distance slipt away here , as little understood by the crown ; as is acknowledged by those that obtain them ; who generally , in these causes , sacrifice rather to their own wit , than the goodness and bounty of kings . and on the other side , nothing can pass to the disadvantage of the crown ; and proper ministers , instructed with these affairs , may be immediately faulted and justly called to a severe account for their negligence and unfaithfulness therein ; which will give them good reason to look more narrowly into his majesties rights , and their own duties . 3. that his majesty signify his royal pleasure , that special care be taken hereafter , that sufficient and credible persons be chosen to supply such bishopricks as shall be void , or admitted of his privy councel , or sit as iudges , and serve of his learned councel there ; that he will vouchsafe to hear the advice of his lieutenant before he resolve of any in these cases , that the lieutenant be commanded to inform his majesty truly and impartially , of every mans particular diligence , and care in his service there , to the end his majesty may truly and graciously reward the well-deserving , by calling them home to better preferment here . this will advantage the service ; it being altogether impossible for the lieutenant , be he never so industrious and able , to administer the publick justice of so great a kingdom , without the round assistance of other able and well-affected ministers . this will encourage the best men to spend their stronger years there , when they shall see their elder age recompensed with ease and profit in their own native soyl ; and content and settle the natives , when they find themselves cared for , and put in the hands of discreet and good men to govern them . 4. that no particular complaints of injustice or oppression be admitted here against any , unless it appears , that the party made first his address unto the lieutenant . this is but justice to the lieutenant , who must needs in some measure be a delinquent , if the complaint be true ; for that he ought as in chief , universally to take care that his majesties justice be truly and fully administered ; and therefore good reason that his judgment should be informed , and his integrity first tryed , before either be impeached ; nay , it is but justice to the government it self , which would be exceedingly scandalized through the liberty of complaints , and the ministers therein extreamly discouraged upon any petty matter , to be drawn to answer here , when as the thing it self is for the most part either injurious or such as the party might have received good satisfaction for at his own doors : but where the complaint appeareth formally grounded , that is , where due application hath been made to the lieutenant , without any help or relief to the party , as may be pretended ; let it in the name of god be throughly examined , and severely punished , wheresoever the fault prove to be ; especially if it be found to be corrupt or malitious : for thus shall not his majesty only magnify his own justice , but either punish an unfaithful minister , or a clamorous complainer ; and so his service be better'd by either example . 5. that no confirmation of any reversion of office within that kingdom be had , or any new grant of reversion hereafter to pass . that disposing of places thus aforehand , much abates mens endeavours , who are many times stirred up to deserve eminently in the commonwealth , in hope of those preferments ; and being thus granted away , there is nothing left in their eye , for them to expect and aim at , which might nourish and quicken those good desires in them , besides places there closely and covertly passed , the persons are not for the most part so able and fitted to the duties thereof , as when there is choice made out of many publick pretenders , which commonly occur , when they actually fall void by death . 6. that the places in the lieutenants gift , as well in the martial as civil list , be left freely to his disposing ; and that his majesty may be graciously pleased not to pass them to any person , upon suits made unto him here . this course held , preserves the rights of the lieutenants place , and his person in that honour and esteem which can only enable him to do service ; and if the contrary happen , it is not only in diminution to him , but draws off all necessary dependance upon him , and regard that ought to be had of him , in all ready obedience in such things he shall command , for the kings service , when they shall discern that the natural powers of the place are taken from him , whereby he might kindle their chearful endeavours by the preferring and furnishing such as deserve those places . 7. that no new offices be erected within that kingdom before such time as the lieutenant be therewith acquainted ; his opinion first required and certified accordingly . suits of this nature , however they pretend the publick , their chief end is the private profit of the propounder ; and for the most part , in the execution prove burthens , not benefits to the subjects ; therefore throughly to be understood before they pass , as more easy and less scandalous to the state , to be staid at first than afterwards recalled , and if they be really good , his majesty may be better informed by his lieutenants approbation , and so proceed with more assurance to the effecting thereof . 8. that his majesty would be pleased , not to grant any licence of absence out of that kingdom , to any councillors , bishops , governours of any province or county , or officers of state , or of the army , or to any of the iudges , or learned council , but that it be left to his lieutenant to give such licence . this is but reasonable , because the lord lieutenant who is chiefly intrusted under his majesty with the care and government of that kingdom , is the most competent and proper judge , who in publick employment may be spared , and how long , without prejudice to his majesty , or the publick . 9. that all propositions moving from the lieutenant , touching matters of revenue , may be directed to the lord treasurer of england only , and that the address of all other dispatches for that kingdom be by special direction of his majesty applyed to one of the secretaries singly , and his majesty , under his hand-writing doth specify , that his majesty will have this done by mr. secretary nicholas . these propositions made unto his majesty , by his grace the duke of ormond lord steward of his majesty's houshold , and lord lieutenant of ireland , were received and approved at the council board , the 22 day of iune 1662 , there being present the king 's most excellent majesty his royal highness the duke of york , his highness prince rupert , the lord chancellor , the lord treasurer , duke of albemarle , duke of ormond , marquess of dorchester , lord great chamberlain , lord chamberlain , earl of barkshire , earl of portland , earl of norwich , earl of anglesey , earl of lauderdail , the lord hatton , lord hollis , lord ashly , sir william compton , mr. treasurer , mr. vice chamberlain , mr secretary nicholas , mr. secretary morris . by his majesties command , edward nicholas at the court at hampton-court , iune 22. 1662. present , the king 's most excellent majesty . his highness , the duke of york . his highness , prince rupert . lord chancellor . lord treasurer . duke of albemarl . duke of ormond . marquess of dorchester . lord great chamberlain . earl of berkshire . earl of portland . earl of norwich . earl of anglesey . earl of lauderdale . lord hatton . lord hollis . lord ashly . sir william compton . mr. treasurer . mr. vice-chamberlain . mr. secretary nicholas . mr. secretary morris . charles r. his majesty's express pleasure is , that the masters of requests , and every of them , in their several months of attendance at court , do constantly observe these ensuing directions , viz. not to move his majesty in petitions for any irish suit , by way of reward , either for any of his majesty's servants , or others before the ordinary revenue of that kingdom become able to maintain the necessary charge of that crown , and the debts thereof be fully cleared . for any particular complaint of injustice or oppression , pretended to be done there , unless it appear the party made his first address unto the lord lieutenant , for confirmation of any reversion of offices within that kingdom , or any new grant of reversion hereafter ; any places in the lord-lieutenants gift , either of the civil or military list , when any such shall fall void . any erection of a new office in that kingdom , before such time as the lord-lieutenant be therewithall acquainted , his opinion required and certified back accordingly . by his majesty's command , edward nicholas . charles r. there being nothing more conducible to the quiet and safety of a kingdom , than a frugal and regular ordering and disposing of the revenue that is to maintain the publick charge and expence of the government , both civil and military ; we have thought fit , with the advice of our council , upon a prospect made of all our revenue , certain and casual , and the just means in view upon the settlement of estate in that kingdom , now in hand for improveing thereof , to begin by this establishment , both to bring our payments as near as may be to the compass of our receipts , and to provide especially for our publick affairs , by supporting civil justice and government , and by maintaining our forces in the present strength and fulness ; intending hereafter , as our charge may grow less , and our means encrease , to extend our favour and bounty according to our gracious inclinations , and the merit of persons , to the further encouragement of particulars , as cause shall require : whereof we have already given a proof , in the liberal addition we have made to the judges , for their better support , in the impartial administration of justice . the list for civil affairs ; containing the several entertainments , by the year , of all officers and others , serving in our courts of justice , in the several provinces of ireland : officers belonging to the state ; officers of our customs ; officers of the excise : creation-money ; with other perpetuities and particular payments for our service ; which we require henceforth to be duely paid out of our revenues there , by the hands of our vice-treasurer , or receiver general for the time being , according to the cautions here mentioned ; the same to begin for , and from the first day of april . 1666. these following payments are the constant fees to be continued to the several officers , without change from time to time .   l. s. d. the right honourable arthur , earl of anglesey , vice-treasurer , and general receiver . 050 00 00 sir robert meredith kt. chancellor of the exchequer . 100 00 00 iohn busse esq lord chief baron of the exchequer . 600 00 00 sir richard kennedy kt. second baron of the exchequer . 300 00 00 iohn povey esq third baron of the exchequer . 220 00 00 sir audly mervin kt. his majesty's prime serjeant at law. 020 10 00 sir william domvile kt. his majesty's attorney general . 075 06 00 sir iohn temple kt. his majesty's sollicitor-general . 075 00 00 philip fernely , esq his majesty's chief remembrancer 030 00 0● sir iames ware , kt. his majesty's auditor-general , for his ancient fee per ann. ●84 l. 6 s. 3 d. and for an augmentation thereof , allowed by the former establishment 50 l. in all 234 06 0● sir allen brodrick , kt. his majesty's surveyor-general . 060 00 00 frances lee , escheatour of the province of leinster . 006 13 04 escheatour of the province of vlster . 020 05 00 escheatour of the province of munster . 020 05 00 escheatour of the province of connaght . 020 05 00 henry warren , esq second remembrancer . 007 17 06 nicholas loftus , esq clerk of the pipe. 015 00 00 roger moor , esq chief-chamberlain . 010 00 00 sir robert kennedy , bart. second chamberlain . 005 00 00 maurice keating , controllor of the pipe. 007 00 00 iohn longfield , usher of the exchequer , for his fee per annum , 2 l. 10 s. and for his allowance for ink , for the exchequer , 10 l. per annum . in all , per annum . 012 10 00 thomas lea , transcriptour and forreign opposer . 015 00 00 edward ludlow , summonitor of the exchequer . 007 05 00 iohn burniston , marshal of the four courts . 004 00 00 sir theophilus iones , kt. clerk of the pells . 030 00 00 iohn exham , clerk of the first fruits , and twentieth parts . 027 10 00 thomas gibson , cryer of the court of exchequer . 001 14 04 the right honourable iames , baron of santry , lord chief justice of his majesties bench. 800 00 00 sir will. aston , kt. second justice of the said court. 300 00 00 thomas stockton , esq third justice of the said court. 300 00 00 sir will. vsher , kt. clerk of the crown , of the said court. 007 10 00 the most reverend father in god , michael lord arch-bishop of dublin , lord chancellor of ireland . 1000 00 00 sir iohn temple sen. kn t. master of the rolls . 144 03 04 dr. dudley loftus one of the masters of the chancery . 020 00 00 robert mossom , esq another master of the chancery . 020 00 00 george carlton clerk of the crown in chancery . 025 00 00 the said george carlton , clerk of the hanaper , for his fee per annum 10 l. 1 s. and for an allowance of paper and parchment for the chancery , per annum 25 l. in all 035 10 00   1244 13 04 sir edward smith , kn t. lord chief justice of the common-pleas . 600 00 00 sir ierome alexander , kn t. second justice of the said court. 300 00 00 robert booth , esq third justice of the said court. 300 00 00 sir walter plunkett , kn t. prothonotary of the said court. 007 10 00   1207 10 00 sir george lane , kn t. clerk of the star-chamber . 010 00 00 george rutlidge , marshall of the star-chamber . 010 00 00   020 00 00 sir paul davis , knt. secretary of state , for his fee 200 00 00 the said sir paul davis for intelligences 100 00 00 the said sir paul , clerk of the council , for his ancient fee , per ann. 7 l. 10 s. and for an allowance for paper and parchment 40 l. in all 047 10 00 richard st. george , esq vlster king at arms 026 13 04 richard carvy athlong , pursivant , 010 00 00 philip carpinter , esq chief serjeant at arms , at 5 s. 6 d. per diem 100 07 06 george pigott , second serjeant at arms for like allowance 100 07 06 george wakefield , pursivant , 020 00 00 william roe , pursivant , 020 00 00 arthur padmor , pursivant , 020 00 00 thomas lee , keeper of the council-chamber . 018 05 00 six trumpeters and a kettle-drum , at 60 l. each per ann. 420. for their fee , and 6 l. per an. each board-wages 42 l. in all per ann. 162 00 00   1125 03 04 the chief , and other justices of assizes in every of the five circuits twice a year , per annum 1000 00 00 robes for the judges , viz. three in the exchequer , three in the king's bench , three in the common-pleas , master of the rolls , and three of the king's council , at 13 l. 6 s. 8 d. apiece per annum , making in all 173 06 08 liberates under the seal of the exchequer yearly , viz. the chancellor of the exchequer 13 l. 6 s. 8 d. the chief remembrancer 6 l. 13 s. 4 d. clerk of the pipe 6 l. 13 s. 4 d. the usher 10 l. the second remembrancer 5 l. the chief chamberlain 5 l. the second chamberlain 5 l. clerk of the common-pleas of the exchequer 5 l. summonister and comptroller of the pipe 5 l. the customer at dublin for wax paper , parchment and ink 3 l. 15. s. in all per ann. 082 01 08 rent of a house for the receipts 025 00 00 keeper of the house for the receipts 005 00 00 singers of christ-church in dublin for singing in the exchequer , and praying for his majesty , at 10 s. for every term per ann. 002 00 00 pursivants of the exchequer for carrying writs 071 05 00 paper and parchments to the courts 150 00 00 the nobility , bishops and councellors which shall reside and keep house in ireland for impost of wines , according to his majesty's special grace   508 13 04 william halsy , esq chief justice of the province of munster 100 00 04 iohn nayler , second justice of munster 066 13 04 henry batthurst , attorney of the province of munster 013 06 08 william carr , esq clerk of the council of the said province 007 10 00 walter cooper , serjeant at arms there 020 00 00 oliver iones , chief justice in the province of connaght 100 00 00 adam cusack , esq second justice of that province 066 13 04 iohn shadwell , esq attorny for the said province 020 00 00 sir iames cuss , kn t. clerk of the council there 007 10 00 thom. elliot , serjeant at arms there 020 00 00 officers of the customs . l. s. d. thomas worsop , esq customer of the port of dublin 007 10 00 will. maul , esq comptroller 007 10 00 will. scott , esq searcher 005 00 00   020 00 00 george wakefeild , customer 010 00 00 hugh poulder , comptroller 005 00 00   015 00 00 sir iohn stephens , customer 015 00 00 frederick christian , comptroller 015 00 00 thom. tint , searcher 006 13 04   036 13 04 rich. scudamore , customer 006 13 04 robert williams , searcher 005 00 00   011 13 04 robert southwell , customer 13 06 08 iohn brown , searcher 06 13 04   20 00 00 iohn selby , customer 05 00 00 the customer 13 06 08 montfort westrop comptroller . 13 06 08 iohn lynch , searcher . 05 00 00   31 13 04 iohn morgan , customer . 13 06 08 the searcher . 05 00 00   18 06 08 thomas willis , customer . 07 10 00 iohn bulteele , comptroller . 07 10 00 hugh mountgomery , searcher . 05 00 00   20 00 00 roger lindon , customer . 07 10 00 samuel willby , searcher . 06 13 04   14 03 04 nicholas ward , customer at strangford . 07 10 00 robert hard , searcher at newcastle , dundrum , killaleagh , bangor , hollywood , bellfast , olderst●ct , st. david , whitehead , ardglasse , strangford , ballintogher , and donagh●dee . 06 13 04 for the salaries due to the officers of the excise . 4269 00 00 the contingent charge of the excise . 1200 00 00   5469 00 00 these two sums are to be distributed and apportioned as the lord lieutenant , or other chief governor , or governors , and council , shall think fit , the custom and excise being now farm'd . these two sums are to cease for the time of the farm , and are not cast up in the total . the said commissioners , which are to be but five in number , are to have the allowance of one penny in the pound each , for all money to be received for customs and excise .   l. s. d. for the salaries of four commissioners of appeals in causes of excise , and new impost . viz. sir iames ware , kt. iohn povey , esq sir william vsher , kt. and peter weybrants , alderman , at 150 l. a piece , per annum . 600 00 00 dr. robert wood , and iames bonnell , accomptants general of the customs and excise , per annum . 200 00 00 the duke of ormond 40 00 00 the marquiss of antrim 40 00 00 the earl of castlehaven 20 00 00 the earl of desmond 15 00 00 the earl of westmeath 15 00 00 the earl of arglasse 15 00 00 the earl of carbury 15 00 00 the earl of cavan 15 00 00 the earl of donnegale 15 00 00 the earl of clanbrazill 20 00 00 the earl of inchiquin 20 00 00 the earl of orrery 20 00 00 the earl of montrath 20 00 00 the earl of tyrconnel 20 00 00 the earl of clancarty 20 00 00 the earl of mount-alexander 20 00 00 the earl of carlingford 20 00 00 the lord viscount grandison 10 00 00 the lord viscount willmot 10 00 00 the lord viscount valentia 10 00 00 the lord viscount dillon 10 00 00 the lord viscount nettervil 10 00 00 the lord viscount killulla 10 00 00 the lord viscount magennis 10 00 00 the lord viscount sarsfield and kilmallake 10 00 00 the lord viscount ranelaugh 10 00 00 the lord viscount wenman and tuam 10 00 00 the lord viscount shannon 13 06 08 the lord viscount clare 10 00 00 the lord baron of cahir 11 05 00   484 11 08 where creation-money is granted to one and the same person for two honours , that sum which is granted with the highest title , is only to be paid .   l. s. d. the provost and fellows of trinity-colledge near dublin , by patent , dated 12. august , 1612. as a perpetuity , per annum . 388 15 00 the dean and chapter of christ-church , dublin , grant in perpetuity , 12. iunii , 1604 per annum . 045 06 08 the lord archbishop of dublin , for proxies due unto him out of divers churches belonging to the late monasteries of thomas court , st. maries abby , and st. iohn of ierusalem , near dublin , per annum . 018 05 06 the lord bishop of meath out of the mannor of trim. 003 15 00 the mayor , sheriffs , commons , and citizens of dublin , per annum . 500 00 00 the chaunter of christ-church , dublin , for the rent of a plat of ground , near his majesties castle of dublin . 027 00 00 983 02 02 the payments hereafter following , are to be continued to the present gran●ees , during their grants ; but to cease afterwards , and not to be regranted , or paid to any other .   l. s. d. the most reverend father in god , mich●el lord arch-bishop of dublin , lord chancellor of ireland . 814 17 06 the right honourable richard earl of cork , treasurer . 365 00 00 nicholas lostus esq , clerk of the pipe. 025 00 00 maurice keating , comptroller of the pipe. 008 00 00 sir theophilus iones k t. , clerk of the pells . 061 05 00 bryan iones esq auditor of the foreign accompt● and prests , at 6 s. 8 d. per diem granted him by letters patents ; dated 2. april . anno 2 do . caroli primi , during his good behaviour , per annum . 121 13 04 edward cook esq , one of the masters of the chancery . 020 00 00 iohn westly esq , one of the masters of the chancery . 020 00 00 anthony walsh , keeper of the room , as also of the robes , hanging and clock in the castle of dublin at 12 d. per diem . 018 05 00 iohn crooke , printer to his majesty in ireland . 008 00 00 thomas mall esq , surveyor general of the customs . 100 00 00   1649 16 10 william maule , comptroller of the customs at dublin . 012 10 00 marcus viscount dungannon , master of the game . 050 00 00 sir george lane k t. , for his fee , as keeper of the records in brimingham's tower. 010 00 00 iames buck , clerk of the market of all ireland . 020 00 00 the countess of tyrconnell . 300 00 00 edward fitz-gerrald . 100 00 00 sarah king , widow . 080 00 00 iane cary , widow . 050 00 00 iohn dogharty at 18 d. per diem . 027 07 06 iepson macquire . 040 00 00 sir robert meredith . 100 00 00 sir george blundell at 6 s. per diem . 109 10 00 ann conocke . 050 00 00 william awbry , at 1 l. per week 052 00 00 patrick archer . 205 00 00 to be paid unto him until he be satisfied the sum of 5883 l. 19 s. 6 d. and 410 l. 5 s. 6 d. by letters patents dated 13 march 1662. and his majesties letters of the 2 d of may 1663.   l. s. d. dr. iohn sterne . 060 00 00 luke german esq , per annum 100 00 00 patrick cowurcey , and his son iohn cowurcey , per annum . 150 00 00 sir iames dillon per annum 500 00 00 dr. robert george , per annum 109 10 00 thomas piggot esq , per annum 300 00 00 mrs. mary warren , per annum 080 00 00 arthur earl of anglesey , per annum 600 00 00 captain william rosse , per annum 300 00 00   3313 07 06 commissioners of accompts , for the yearly accompts by them to be taken by virtue of his majesty's commission at 20 l. each of them per annum , 220 l. and to the clerks and others imployed in the said accompts , 65 l. 10 s. in all , 285 10 00 for fraught and transportation , carrying of letters and other expresses , gifts and rewards , sea-service , repairing and upholding sufficiently our houses , maintaining our forts , finishing of needful undertakings of that kind , begun in other places , but not finished ; erecting of more strengths of the like kind , and other fit and necessary places . diets and charges , in keeping of poor prisoners , and sick and maimed soldiers in hospitals ; printing , riding and travelling charges ; prests upon accompt , and all other payments by concordat of our lieutenant , or other chief governor or governors , and council , not to be exceeded without special direction first had from us , or our privy-council in england . 9000 00 00 sum total of the payments aforesaid upon the civil list amounts unto per annum . 25601 4 8 memorandum . that the impost of wines , for the nobility , bishops and councillors , the officers of the excise , and commissioners-general of the customs and excise , are not included in the abovesaid sum. and our pleasure is , that no payment or allowance be made by concordat , but by warrant drawn by the clerk of the council of ireland , and passed openly at our council-board there , and signed by our lieutenant or other chief-governour , or governour , chancellor , treasurer , or vice-treasurer , chief-baron and secretary , or other four of them at the least , the lieutenant or chief-governour being one ; and in default , either by exceeding the sum limited by anticipation or otherwise , or by not observing of this our direction and commandment in every point ; our pleasure is , that all sums which shall otherwise be allowed and paid there , shall be set insuper , as debts upon our said lieutenant , or other chief-governour , or governours ; and our vnder-treasurer , upon his accounts to be defaulked to our use , upon their several entertainments . and our further pleasure is , that this establishment and list , containing all our payments to be made for civil-causes , be duly paid according to our directions , and be not exceeded , nor any of the payments which are no ed to be but temporary , or to cease after death , or surrender of the party , or upon determination of his grant , to be continued or renewed to any other , either in concurrence , reversion or otherwise . and we require our auditor-general , that once every year , immediately upon the passing the accounts of our vice ●reasurer , or receiver general , a transcript of the same accompts , both for receipts of every nature , and the particular payments , be returned to our treasurer of england , to the end we may be truly informed , both of the increase of our said revenues yearly , and also of the abatements of payments contained in this list. arlington . by the lord-lieutenant-general , and general governor of ireland . instructions for our dearest son , thomas earl of ossory , nominated by vs by virtue of his majesty's letters patents , under his great seal of england , bearing date the 21st day of february , in the 14th year of his reign , and constituted by his majesty's letters patents , under the great seal of this kingdom of ireland , bearing date the 21st day of may , in the 16th year of his reign , his majesty's deputy of this his said kingdom , during his majesty's pleasure , and only in our absence , until we shall return into this kingdom . ormond . whereas we the lord-lieutenant received instructions from the king 's most excellent majesty , under his royal signatures , bearing date the 22d day of june , 1662. we do herewith deliver you a copy of the said instructions signed by vs. and we do hereby require you to observe those instructions , inall such parts of them , as were to be observed by vs , and are now appliable to you , in the place of his majesty's deputy of this his kingdom . you are to take care , that in your giving commands , or warrants for payments of any of his majesty's treasure , or moneys , you observe the rule prescribed to you , in such cases , by his majesty's letters patents , whereby you are constituted his majesty's deputy of this his kingdom . given at his majesty's castle of dublin , the 30 th day of may , 1664. g. lane . the establishment and list ; containing all the payments to be made for military affairs in ireland , to be duly paid by the hands of our vice-treasurer , and treasurer at wars , according to the cautions hereafter mentioned ; the same to begin for and from the 1st day of april , 1666. signed , charles rex . officers general .   l. s. d. the lord-lieutenant and governour-general of ireland , for his fee per ann. viz. for his diet , at 100 l. per mensem ; a retinue of 50 horse , with officers at 2 l. 19 s. 6 d. per diem ; an allowance of 1000 l. per ann. in lieu of cess , an allowance of 235 l. per ann. in lieu of 235 beefs , formerly paid to the lord-lieutenant , out of the county of cavan ; an allowance of 240 l. per ann. formerly paid to the lord lieutenant out of the tythes of dunbogne , making in all per ann. 3860 17 06 as general of the army per ann. 4331 06 08 as cap t. of a troop of horse per ann. 0723 18 04 as collonel of foot , per ann. 0608 06 08 as cap t. of a foot-company , per ann. 0261 11 08   9786 00 10 for his guard of halberteers , consisting of a cap t. at 11 l. 4 s. each calendar month ; a lieutenant at 9 l. 16 s. two serjeants at 3 l. 10 s. each ; and 60 halberteers at 2 l. 2 s. each , making per ann. 1848 00 00 the lieutenant-general of the army at 1 l. per diem . 365 00 00 to cease post mortem , or other determinations of the grant made to thomas earl of osserey .   l. s. d. the serjeant major-general of the army , at 1 l. per diem , per ann. 365 00 00 to cease post mortem , or other determinations of the grant made to roger earl of orery .   l. s. d. sir henry titchburn , k t. marshal of ireland , for his entertainment at 3 s. 9 d. per diem ; a trumpeter at 6 d. ob q. per diem , and a retinue of 30 horse , at 9 d. a piece per diem , making per ann. 489 06 07 the commissary general of the horse , at 1 l. per diem , per ann. 365 00 00 to cease post mortem , or other determinations of the grant , to iohn lord kingston .   l. s. d. the muster-master general , and clerk of the cheque , for his entertainment , at 4 s. per diem , at 10 horse-men , at 1 s. the piece per diem ; for any encrease of his entertainment 3 s. 6 d. per diem , with an allowance for one clerk at 2 s. 6 d. per diem making per ann. 365 00 00   3066 08 03 six commissaries of the musters , at 100 per ann. each . 600 00 00 one corporal of the field , viz. collonel beverly vsher , at 5 s. per diem ; per ann. 091 05 00 to cease post mortem , or other determinations of the grant in being .   l. s. d. the advocate general of the army at 6 s. 8 d. per diem . 121 13 04 the physician-general of the army at 10 s. per diem . 182 10 00 chirurgion of the army in ireland , and of the hospital of dublin . 121 13 04 officers provincial .   l. s. d. q. the lord president of munster , for his fee at 100 l. sterling per an. for his diet , and the councils there , at 7 l. 10 s. per week , and for his retinue of 30 horsemen , and 20 foot-men , at 1 l. 2 s. 6 d. ob . per diem , in all per annum . 908 19 09 ob . the lord president of connau●ht , for his fee at 100 l. sterling per ann. for his diet , and the councils there , at 7 l. 10 s. per week , and for his retinue of 30 horse-men , and 20 foot-men , at 1 l. 2 s. ● d. ob per diem , in all per ann. 908 19 09 ob . the provost-marshal of lemster , for his entertainment at 4 s. 2 d. ob . q. per diem , making per ann. 077 03 07 ob .   2126 14 02 ob . the provost-marshal of munster , for his entertainment at 4 s. 2 d. ob q. per diem , making per ann. 077 03 07 ob . the provost-marshal of connaught , for his entertainment , at 4 s. 2 d. ob . q. per diem , making per ann. 077 03 07 ob . the provost marshal of vlster , for his entertainment at 4 s. 2 d. ob . q. per diem , making per ann. 077 03 07 ob . all the said provost-marshals , with the entertainment due unto them respectively , to cease post mortem , or other determinations of their grants . constables .   l. s. d. q. the constable of dublincastle , for his entertainment at 20 l. per ann. 020 00 00   the porter of dublin-castle at 9 d. per diem , per ann . 013 13 09   the constable of limerickcastle , for his entertainment , at 10 l. per ann . and a porter at 6 d. ob q. per diem , per ann . 018 07 09 ob . the constable of athlone-castle , for his entertainment , at 8 l. 2 s. 6 d. per ann , and a porter at 6 d. ob q. per diem , per ann . 018 07 09 ob . the constable of roscomon-castle , for his entertainment , at 3 s. 4 d. per diem . 060 16 08   the constable of carrickfergus , for his entertainment , at 2 s. 6 d. per diem , per ann . 045 12 06     178 06 00 ob . the master of the ordnance , with other officers thereunto belonging , and train of artillery .   l. s. d. the master of the ordnance , for himself at 6 s. 8 d. per diem ; a lieutenant at 1 ● . 6 d. per diem ; a cornet ● 9 d. and 18 horsemen at 1 s. the piece per diem , per an . 491 04 07 the lieutenant of the ordnance , at 7 s. per diem , per an 127 15 00 to cease after the death of albert cunningham , now patentee , or other determination of his grant.   l. s. d. the ingineer , overseer , surveyor , and director-general of his majesties fortifications , &c. at 5 s. per diem , per annum 091 05 00 to cease after the death of captain iohn payne and capt. iohn ha●●am , now patentees , or other determinations of their grant.   l. s. d. captain hugh magill , comptroller of the ordnance , for his fee , at 5 s. per diem , and for an allowance of 1 s. per diem for his clerk , both per annum . 109 10 00   819 14 07 sundry ministers belonging to the ordnance , viz. in lemster .   l. s. d. a master-gunner at 3 s. per diem , his mate at 1 s. 6 d. per diem ; six gunners for the train , at 1 s. 2 d. each per diem ; one gentleman of the ordnance at 3 s. per diem ; clerk of the ordnance and stores at dublin at 4 s. per diem , his clerk at 1 s. per diem ; gunsmith , blacksmith , carpenter and wheeler , at 1 s. 4 d. per diem each , armorer , cutler , cooper , at 9 d. each per diem ; six matrosses at 8 d. each per diem ; three waggoners at 10 d. each per diem ; at duncannon , a clerk of the stores 1 s. 8 d. per diem , a gunner at 1 s. per diem , a matross , at 8 d. per diem ; at passage , a gunners-mate at 10 d. per diem ; making per annum 774 02 01 connavght .   l. s. d. at athlone , a clerk of the stores at 1 s. 8 d. per diem ; a gunner at 1 s. per diem ; a matross at 8 d. per diem . galloway , a clerk of the stores at 1 s. 8 d. per diem ; a gunner at 1 s. per diem ; a matross at 8 d. per diem . at sligo , a gunner at 1 s. per diem ; isle of arran , a gunner at 1 s. per diem ; innisbussin , a gunner at 1 s. per diem ; making per annum , 176 08 04 mvnster .   l. s. d. waterford , a gunner , at 1 s. per diem ; a matross at 8 d. per diem . limerick , a clerk of the stores at 1 s. 8 d. per diem ; a gunner at 1 s. per diem ; a matross at 8 d. per diem . cork , clerk of the stores at 1 s. 8 d. per diem ; a gunner at 1 s. per diem ; a matross at 8 d. per diem . at halvowling , a gunners-mate 10 d. per diem ; youghall , a gunner , at 1 s. per diem ; kingsale , a gunner , at 1 s. per diem ; at the block-house , a gun-ners-mate , at 10 d. per diem ; at crook-haven , a gunner , at 1 s. per diem ; at innisherkin , a gunners mate , at 10 d. per diem ; valentia , a gunner , at 1 s per diem ; in all per annum . 270 14 02   1358 02 10 vlster .   l. s. d. londonderry , a clerk of the stores , at 1 s. 8 d. per diem ; a gunner at 1 s. per diem ; a matross , at 8 d. per diem . at culmore , a gunners-mate at 10 d. per diem . at carrickfergus , a clerk of the stores , at 1 s. 8 d. per diem ; a gunner at 1 s. ; a matross at 8 d. per diem . in all , per annum . 136 17 06 horse .   l. s. d. the king's guard of horse consisting of a captain at ●9 l. 12 s. each calendar month ; a lieutenant at 12 l. 12 s. ; a cornet at 12 l. 12 s. ; a quartermaster at 9 l. 16 s. ; six corporals at 6 l 6 s. each ; two of the king's trumpets at 6 l. 6 s. each ; four more of the king's trumpets , and a kettle drum at 3 l. 10 s. each , besides their standing-allowances in the civil list : a sadler , farrier , and armorer , at 4 l. 18 s. each ; and 100 horsemen at 4 l. 18 s. each making in all per mens . 627 l. 4 s. which amounts for the whole pay of the said guard per an. unto 7526 8   the lord lieutenant's troop , consisting of a captain at 19 l. 12 s. each calendar month ; a lieutenant at 12 l. 12 s. and a cornet at 9 l. 16 s. ; a quarter-master at 7 l. three corporals and two trumpets more at 6 l. 6 s. each ; and fifty private horsemen at 2 l. 2 s. each ; making in all per mens . 184 l. 2 s. which amounts for the whole pay of the said troop per an . unto 2209 4   five troops more belonging to the general officers , viz. to the lieutenant general of the army , the serjeant major general of the army , the lord president of connaught , the commissary general of the horse , and the scoutmaster-general of the army , each troop consisting of a captain at 19 l. 12 s. each calendar month , a lieutenant at 12 l. 12 s. a cornet at 9 l. 16 s. a quartermaster at 7 l. three corporals , and two trumpets at 3 l. 10 s. each , and 50 private horsemen , at 2 l. 2. s. each making in all per mensem for each troop , 171 l. 10 s. which amounts for the whole pay of the said five troops per annum unto 10290       1226 8   twenty three troops , which consisting of the like officers , and forty five private horsemen , making in all per mensem to each troop 16 1 l. which amounts for the whole pay of the said twenty three troops per annum unto 44436     foot   l. s. d. the lord lieutenant's company , consisting of a captain at 11 l. 4 s. each callendar month. a lieutenant at 5 l. 12 s. an ensign at 4 l. 4 s. two serjean●s at 2 l. 2 s. each ; three corporals and two drums at 1 l. 8 s. each , and one hundred private footmen ●t 14 s. each , making in all per mensem 102 l. 4 s. which amounts for the whole pay of the said company per annum unto 1226 8 0 fifty nine companies more , each consisting of a captain at 11 l. 4 s. each calender month , a lieutenant at 5 l. 12 s. an ensign at 4 l. 4 s. two serjeants at 2 l. 2 s. each ; three corporals , and one drummer at 1 l. 8 s. each , and sixty private footmen at 14 s. each , making in all per mensem for each company 72 l. 16 s. which amounts for the whole pay of the said fifty nine companies per annum unto 51542 0 3 a ward at sligo under the command of major robert e●geworth consisting of two serjeants at 2 l 2 s. each , every calender month ; three corporals , and one drummont 1 l. 8 s each and sixty private footmen , a 14 s. each ; making in all per mensem 51 l. 16 s. which amounts per annum unto 0621 12     53390 8   regiment of guards .   l. s. d. the royal regiment of guards , consisting of twelve companies , viz. a colonel as colonel and captain at 28 l. per mensem a lieutenant-colonel , and captain at 21 l. per mensem . a major and captain at 16 l. 16 s. nine captains more at 11 l. 4 s. each ; twelve lieutenants at 5 l. 12 s. each ; twelve ensignes at 4 l. 4 s. each ; forty serjeants at 2 l. 2 s. each ; thirty six corporals at 1 l. 8 s. each ; drum-major at 2 l. 16 s. twenty four drummers at 1 l. 8 s. each ; a piper to the kings company at 1 l. 8 s. twelve hundred soldiers at 1 l. 3 s. 4. d. each ; a chaplain at 9 l. 6 s. 8 d. an adjutant , quarter-master , and chyrurgeon at 5 l. 12 s. each , and chirurgeons mate at 3 l. 10 s. making in all per mens . at 28 days to the month 1886 l. 00. 08. which amounts unto per annum 24518 8 8 temporary payments .   l. s. d. sir henry titchburn , knight , marshall of ireland , 198 1 9 to cease post-mortem or other determination of his grant.   l. s. d. sir theophilus iones , scout-master general of the army , for his entertainment at 6 s. 8 d. per diem , and for an encrease of his entertainment at 100 l. per annum making in all 221 13 4 to cease post-mortem or other determination of his grant.   l. s. d. sir george lane knight , for his entertainment as secretary at war to his majesty , at 1 l. per diem for himself , and 5 s. per diem for his clerk per annum 456 5 0 to cease post-mortem , or other determination of his grant.   l. s. d. captain richard st. george the pay of a captain of foot towards his maintenance during his life being 11 l. 4 s. per mensem ; per annum 134 8   arthur earl of donnegall for his entertainmont at 4 s. 2 d. per diem for himself and for nine horsemen at 9 d. each per diem during his life , by vertue of a grant thereof , dated the last of iuly in the 13 th . year of king iames , per ann . 199 4 7 the mayor of the city of dublin for his entertainment at 8 s. per diem 146       2255 9 4 particular governours .   l. s. d. the governour of the county of clare for his fee at 10 s. per diem ; per annum 182 10   the governour of the castle of dublin for his fee 1 l. per diem ; per annum 365     the governour of the fort of sligo for his fee at 10 s. per diem ; per annum 182 10   the governour of the fort of halbolling for his fee at 6 s. per diem ; per annum 109 10   the constable of hilsboro●gh at 3 s. 4 d. per diem ; per annum 060 16 8 these temporary payments to cease post mortem , or other determination of the said grants , except that of the halboling .   l. s. d. sum total of the payments aforesaid upon the military list amounts unto per ann . 163810 3 11 ob . by his majesties command arlington . a catalogue of the peers . duke of ormond duke of leinster marquess of antrim earls kildare thomond cork desmond barrymore meath ossory roscommon londonderry donnigall arran conaway carberry ardglass rannalagh cavan inchiquin clancarty orrery mamtroth drogheda waterford mount-alexander down longford tyrone bellomont . clanrickard castlehaven westmeath fing all castlemaine carlingford viscounts . grandison wilmot losius of fly swords kilmurry valentia mareborough castleton chaworth sligo waterford strangford tuam cashell carlo cullen shannon mazareene dromoor dungarvan dungannon kells fitzharding clare charlemount powerscourt blesington granard lansborough ross. castalo merrion fairfax fitz williams gormanston rathcoole barefore brucher galmoy kingsland mountgarret douth evagh killmallock ikernie glanmalegra claine downe trazey . archbishopricks and bishopricks in ireland . archbishoprick of armagh — dublin — cashells archbishop . of tuam bishoprick of — — meath — kildore — vvaterford — clonfert — elphin — fernes & laghlin — clogher — dromore — ossory — derry — down — killallow — cork — limerick — cloyne — killalla — rapho — kilmore barons . kingsale kerry hoath mountjoy folliot maynard dundalk digby lifford herbert lochlin colraine leitrim donamore blare killard kingston colooney sautrey lough glawnalley castle-steward atheury cashir baltimore strabane slane trimleston dunscany dunboyne vpper ossery castle-comell brittas a list of those places that return parliament men in ireland leinster . county of catherlough 2 burrough of catherlough 2 b. of old-leighlen 2 county of dublin 2 city of dublin 2 university of dublin 3 bur. of newcastle 2 b. of swords 2 village de drogheda 2 county of killkenny 2 bur. of callen 2 b. of thomas-town 2 b of gowrin 2 b. of kells 2 b. of emisteogue 2 b. of knoctopher 2 b. of st. kennis 2 city of kilk●nny 2 county of kildare 2 bur. of kildare 2 b. of nass 2 b. of athy 2 com. regis 2 bur. of phillipps-town 2 b. of byrr 2 b of banagher 2 county of meath 2 bur. of trim 2 b. of kells 2 b. of navan 2 b. of athbuy 2 b. of duleeke 2 b. of ratooth 2 com. regine 2 bur. of bellakill 2 b. of marlborough 2 port arlinton 2 county of westmeath 2 bur. of athlone 2 b. of fower 2 b. of kilbegan 2 b. of mullingar 2 county of wicklow 2 bur. of wicklow 2 b. of carisford 2 b. of baltinglass 2 county of wexford 2 town of wexford 2 town of ross 2 bur. of eniscourthy 2 b. of featherd 2 b. of bannow 2 b. of cloghmaine 2 b. of arkloe 2 b. of taughman 2 b. of newburrough 2 county of longford 2 burrough of lanisborough 2 county of louth 2 bur. of dundalke 2 b. of arthdee 2 b. of carlingford 2 munster . county of cork 2 city of cork 2 burrough of mallow 2 b. of baltimore 2 b. of clognekilty 2 b. of bandonbridge 2 b. of kingfaile 2 b. of youghall 2 county of clare 2 bur. of insh 2 county of kerry 2 bur. of traly 2 b. of dinglecough 2 b. of ardsart 2 county of limerick 2 city of limerick 2 bur. of kilmallock 2 b. of askaton 2 county of tipperary 2 town of tipperary 2 bur. of clonmell 2 b. of feathard 2 town of cashell 2 b. of thurles 2 county of waterford 2 city of waterford 2 bur. of dungarvan 2 b. of lismore 2 b. of tallow 2 ulster . county of armagh 2 burrough of armagh 2 b. of charlemont 2 connty of antrim 2 bur. of belfast 2 b. of carickfergus 2 b. of lisborne 2 b. of antrim 2 county of cavan 2 bur. of cavan 2 b. of bellturbet . 2 co●nty of down 2 bur. of down 2 b of newtown 2 b. of newry 2 ballkillaleagh 2 b. of bangor 2 b. of hilsburough 2 county of donnegal 2 bur. of lisford 2 b. of ballishannon 2 b. of kilbegs 2 b. of donnigall 2 bur. of st. john's town 2 county of farmanaugh 2 bur. of inniskilling 2 county of londonderry 2 city of londonderry . 2 bur. of colerain 2 b. of lanmevaddy 2 county of monaghan 2 bur. of monaghan 2 county of tyrone 2 ●ur . of donnegall 2 ●own of clogher 2 〈◊〉 of agber 2 ●●● . of strabaine 2 connaught . ●●ounty of galloway 2 ●ur . of galloway 2 ●● of athenry 2 ● . of tuam 2 ●ounty of leitrim 2 ●●r . of james-town 2 bur. of carickdrumrusk 2 county of mayo 2 bur. of castle-bar 2 county of roscomon 2 bur. of roscomon 2 b. of tulsk 2 county of sligo 2 bur. of sligo 2 the whole number . 285. verbum sapienti . the introduction . 1 vvhereas many are forced to pay 1 / 10 of their whole estates towards the raising of but 70000 l. per mensem , besides what they pay more insensibly and directly , as customs , excise , chimny-money , &c. ( viz. in london , they pay 2 d. per mensem per pound rent , that is 2 s. per annum , or 1 / 10 of the whole . ) it must come to pass , that the same persons must from christmas , 1665. pay ⅓ of their whole estates , if the war with holland continue two years longer● at the value of the last years expence , provided his majesty be kept out of debt . 2. but if the publick charge were laid proportionably , no man need pay above 1 / 10 of his whole effects , even in case the tax should rise to 250 000 l. per mensem , which god forbid . 3. that is to say , according to the present ways , some pay four times as much more as they ought , or needed ; which disproportion is the true and proper grievance of taxes , and which must be felt when the tax happens to be great and extraordinary : whereas by meer method and proportion , the same may be corrected as aforesaid ; and withal , just accounts might be kept of the people , with the respective increases and decreases of them , their wealth , and foreign trade . chap. i. containing several computations of the wealth of the kingdom . 1. there are of men , women , and children , in england and wales , about six millions , whose expence at 6 l. 13 s. 4 d. per annum , or near 4½ d. per diem , for food , housing , cloaths , and all other necessaries , amount to 40 millions , per annum . 2. there are in england and wales , of acres of land ( worth 6 l. 1 s. 8 d. per acre , and 18 years purchase ) 24 millions , that is , which yields 8 millions per annum rent , and which are worth 144 millions to be sold. 3. there be 28000 houses within the liberties of the city of london , worth 15 l. per annum , and twelve years purchase ( viz. which yield 420,000 l. per annum , and are worth 5,040000 l. there are without the liberties , but within the bills of ●ortality ¼ more in number , perhaps not of greater value , viz. 5,040000 l. 4. there is in all england and vvales near ten times as many chimneys as within the liberties of london , as appears by the returns ; whereof those within the bills are ⅓ of the whole . 5. 't is probable , that the housing of all the cities and market-towns , are double in number to those of all london , though of no more worth . 6. 't is also probable , that the housing without the cities and towns , are more in number than those within ( london excepted ) but of no more value . 7. so as the housing of england may be estimated worth 30 millions ; and that if their values be estimated by chimneys , those of london are worth 12 d. per chimney ; those in the suburbs 10 d. other cities and market-towns 6 d. and those without both , about 4 d. 8. the shipping of england , &c. is about 500 000 tuns , which at 6 d. per tun , including their ordnance , apparel , &c. is worth three millions . 9. the stock of cattel on the aforementioned 24 millions of land , and the waste thereunto belonging , is worth ¼ of the said land , viz. 36 millions comprehending horses , oxen , sheep , swine , deer , fisheries , parks and warrens . 10. the coined gold and silver of the kingdom , is scarce worth six millions 11. the wares , merchandizes , and utensils of plate , and furnitures , may be estimated at 31 millions to make the ships and money 40. and the whole 250 millions . 12. the most uncertain part of this estimate , seems to be rating personal estates at above 30 millions , which i make probable thus . ( 1 ) first it is not unlikely that what is contained in all the shops , warehouses , cellars , barns , and graineries , together with household furniture , cloaths , ornaments , &c. should be less worth than housing it self that contains them . ( 2 ) if the value of all the cattel , viz. 36 millions , were added to the 31 personal estates , making 67 together ; both will not make up 1¾ years provision for the whole nation , whose expence we estimated at 40 millions per annum ; and poorer than so , we hope it is not . ( 3. ) i find by the particular estimate of the values of all the plate , lead , iron , copper and tin , and of all the timber , planks , and woods , and of all silks , linnen , and callicoes ; of all clothes , stuffs , and leathers ; of all grains , and salts , and of all wines , oyles , and other liquids ; of all grocery and spicery , and drugs ; of jewels , and hangings , beds , and other ornaments , ( too troublesome to particularize ) that this general account may stand . ( 4. ) the city of london being commonly esteemed and rated at the 15 th part of the whole , which we reckon at 250 millions , that is 16 ⅔ . i think the sum may be well made up by reckoning 5 ⅙ millions for the housing as aforesaid , and 1 ½ for the shipping ( half the shipping of the nation belonging to london ) and about the double of the value of the housing for what is contained in them . the which upon considering many several houses , i find not unreasonable . ( lastly , ) supposing that in the houses within the liberties of london ( worth 5 millions ) there be 10 millions worth of goods ; i conceive that to allow about as much more , viz. 21 millions ) to all the rest of the houses in the kingdom , which are ten times as many as aforesaid , will not overcharge them . 13. now if the land worth 144 millions , yield 8 millions per annum , the other estate converted into the like species must yield 5 8 / 9 more ; but because money and other personal estates yield more per annum than land ; ( that is ) doubles it self under 17 years purchase at 6 l. per centum , then instead of 5 8 / 9 , suppose it to yield 7 , making the whole annual proceed 15. chap. ii. of the value of the people . now if the annual proceed of the stock , or wealth of the nation , yields but 15 millions , and the expence be 40. then the labour of the people must furnish the other 25 ; which may be done , if but half of them , viz. 3 millions earned but 8 l. 6 s. 8 d. per annum , which is done at 7 d. per diem , abating the 52 sundays , and half as many other days for accidents as holy days , sickness , recreations , &c. 2. if ⅙ of these 3 millions earned but 2 d. per diem ; another ⅙ 4 d. another ⅙ 8 d. per diem , another 10 d. and another 12 d. the medium will be this , 7 d. per diem . 3. whereas the stock of the kingdom , yielding but 15 millions of proceed , is worth 250 millions ; then the people who yield 25 , are worth 416 ⅔ millions . for although the individiums of mankind be reckoned at about 8 years purchase ; the species of them is worth as many as land , being in its nature as perpetual , for ought we know . 4. if 6 millions of people be worth 417 millions of pounds sterling , then each head is worth 69 l. or each of the 3 millions of workers is worth 138 l. which is 7 years purchase , at about 12 d. per diem ; nor is superlucration above his subsistence to be reckoned in this case . 5. from whence it follows , that 100,000 , persons dying of the plague , above the ordinary number , is near 7 millions loss to the kingdom ; and consequently how well might 70,000 l. have been bestowed in preventing this centuple loss ? 6. we said , that the late mortality by the pest , is a great loss to the kingdom ; whereas some think it but a seasonable discharge of its pestilent humours : to clear which difficulty , i say , 7. if the plague discerned well , between the well and the ill-affected to peace and obedience , or between the bees and the drones , the fact would determine the question : but if it destroy promiscuously , the loss is proportionable to the benefit we have by them that survive ; for 't is they that make england worth above 600 millions , as aforesaid : it being certain , that if one person only had escaped : the whole territory , and all that is in it , had been worth but a livelihood for that one ; and he subject to be a prey to the next two that should invade him . 8. it seems reasonable , that what we call the wealth , stock , or provision of the nation , being the effect of the former or past labour , should not be conceived to differ from efficiencies in being , but should be rated alike , and contribute alike to the common necessities : and then of all and every summ to be raised , the land and stock must pay 3 parts ; and the people considered without any estate at all , 5 more ; the whole into 8 divided . 9. if the expence of the nation be 40 millions ; it seems but the same hardship to set apart 4. viz. 1 / 10 of the whole for the publick use , as what now lies upon many already : but 4 millions would afford one for the ordinary expence , and three for the extraordinary wars , that is 250 000 l. per mensem ; that is 3 ½ as much as 70. for the raising whereof , many now pay above a 1 / 10 of their whole estates , for want of method and proportion . 10. labouring men work 10 hours per diem , and make 20 meals per week , viz. 3 a day for working-days , and two on sundays ; whereby it is plain , that if they could fast on fryday nights , and dine in one hour and an half , whereas they take two , from eleven to one ; thereby this working 1 / 20 more , and spending 1 / 20 less , the 1 / 10 abovementioned might be raised , at least with more ease , than to take up arms , and resist it . chap. iii. of the several expences of the kingdom , and its revenues . 1. the ordinary expence of the kingdom for the navy , ordnance , garisons , land-forces , tangier , iamaica , bombay , ambassadors , pensions , intelligence , kings and royal families expence , consisting of the houshold , of the king , queen , duke , &c. privy-purse , wardrobe , robes , angel-gold , master of the horse , mews , armory , tents , parks , lodges , goldsmiths , jewels , &c. hath been computed to be about one million ; reckoning 200 000 l. for the navy , 60 for the ordnance and powder , 290 for land-forces , garisons , &c. and 450 000 for other things . 2. towards this , there is in crown-lands 70 000 , post-office 20 , coynage and pre-emption of tinn 12 , forest of deer 4 , courts of justice 6 , first fruits 18 ; in all 1,30 000. customs at 2 per centum 170. in all 300 000. without the duties of wares , wine-licence , aulnage or butlerage , excise , chimney-money , land-tax , pole and assesments , being regulated and proportionated as followeth : viz. chap. iv. of the method of apportioning taxes . 1. if a million is to be raised above the 300 000 l. last mentioned , then 375000 l. is to be levied on the stock , and 625000 l. on the people . of the 375,000 . on the stock , 216 on the lands , 54 on the cattel , &c. 60 on the personal estates , 45 on the housing . in all 375   2. to raise 216,000 l. out of 8,000,000 m. rent , requires 1 / 37 of the rent , and 1 / 27 of 1 / 37 ; but allowing the charge of collecting , we may express it to a 1 / 3● part . 3. to raise 5 1000 l. per annum , out of 36,000000 m. requires the annual payment of a 666 th part of the whole value ; but in regard of charges , let it be reduced to a 600 th part . 4. the like for the 60000 l. of personal estates . 5. to raise 45000 l. per annum , from all the housing worth 30 millions , or 7500 for the housing in london-liberties , worth about 5 millions , and whose rent is 4,20 000 l. per annum , requires but 1 / 33 of the annual rent , which cannot be above 12 d. a chimney per annum , reckoning 5 to each house . without the liberties , about 10 d. the chimney will effect the same ; 6 d. in the cities and market-towns , and 4 d. elsewhere . 6. as for the 625,000 l. to be raised by the people , it requires but 2 s. 1 d. per pole per annum , which let rather be divided into a pole of 6 d. a head , and an excise of 19 d. which is not the full 1 / 84 part of the mean expence , 6 l. 13 s. 4 d. so as the 11 / 84 of the value of consumptions , will with the said 6 d ▪ pole , raise 625,000 l. per annum . chap. v. of money ; and how much is necessary to drive the trade of the nation . 1. it may be asked , if there were occasion to raise 4 millions per annum , whether the same 6 millions ( which we hope we have ) would suffice for such revolutions and circulations thereof as trade requires ? i answer yes ; for the expence being 40 millions , if the revolutions were in such short circles , viz. weekly , as happens among poor artizans and labourers , who receive and pay every saturday , then 40 / 52 parts of 1 million of money would answer those ends : but if the circles be quarterly , according to our custom of paying rent , and gathering taxes , then 10 millions were requisite . wherefore supposing payments in general to be of a mixt circle between one week and 13. then add 10 millions to 40 / 52 , the half of the which will be 5 1⅓ , so as if we have 5 ½ millions , we have enough . 2. and thus i have shewed , that if one half of the subjects of england ( playing 78 days in the year ) will earn 7 d. per diem all the rest of the days one with another ; and if they would work 1 / 20 more , and spend 1 / 20 less , they might enable their king to maintain double the forces he now doth , without suffering in the general more than many well affected persons do now through negligence , or mistakes in their particulars . nor is money wanting to answer all the ends of a well policed state , notwithstanding the great decreases thereof , which have happened within these twenty years . nor were it hard to substitute in the place of money ( were a competency of it wanting ) what should be equivalent unto it . for money is but the fat of the body-politick , whereof too much doth as often hinder its agility , as too little makes it sick . 't is true , that as fat lubricates the motion of the muscles , feeds in want of victuals , fills up uneven cavities , and beautifies the body ; so doth money in the state quicken its action , feeds from abroad in time of dearth at home ; evens accounts by reason of it's divisibility , and beautifies the whole , altho more especially the particular persons that have it in plenty . chap. vi. the causes of irregular taxing . 1. the causes of error in this great affair of publick levies , have been these . first , laying too great a stress on the matter of money , which is to the whole effect of the kingdom but as 6 to 667. that is , not one to 100. secondly , laying the whole burthen on the past effects , and neglecting the present efficiencies , exceeding the former as 417 doth 250. thirdly , reckoning all the personal estates of the city of london ( shipping included ) at scarce ½ the value of the very housing , whereas they are double : which happens because the housing of london belongs to the church , companies , or gentlemen , and are taxed by the citizens their tenants . fourthly , a fallacious tenderness towards the poor , ( who now pay scarce 1 s. per head per ann . towards all manner of charges ) interwoven with the cruelty of not providing them work , and indulging laziness in them , because of our own indisposition to employ them ; so some are overcharged through evil custom , and others left to sordid want , and bruitish irregularity . fifthly , an opinion , that certainty of rules is impossible , and but an idle notion ; and then having made such as are not so , and training them to be applied by affection and humour ; so as ¼ of the whole paying needlesly four times too much , may be thereby so netled , as to do more mischief than the other unconcerned , and thankless ¾ can allay . chap. vii . the collateral advantages of these taxes . 1. besides the equality of taxes , we make this further use of trying it by way of customs , poles , excises , chimney-money , land-tax , and assesments upon the personal estates , viz. ( 1. ) of the customs , which we reduce from 1 / 40 to 1 / 50 , to keep an account of foreign ▪ trade , and of its balance ; for by levying , a duty , and encreasing the penalty , these accounts will be less obscured . ( 2. ) the simple and universal pole keeps an account of the great wealth and strength of the kingdom , the people . ( 3. ) rating the houses per chimney , gives a good account of improvements and dilapidations . ( 4. ) excize gives an account of domestick expences , and publisheth exorbitances . ( 5. ) land-taxes keep the payments to the proportion of entire value , not of annual rent : so as an estate in housing pays no more than if it were in lands , nor considerable less than goods , and may bring mortgages to their just contribution ; many lenders not being so formidable for their money , as some have thought them . ( 6. ) assessments upon personal estates ( if given in as elsewhere upon oath ) would bring that branch which of it self is most dark , to a sufficient clearness . 2. there is also a pole upon titles and dignities worth consideration , tho we now omit it ; which as it may check mens forwardness to undeserved pre-eminence , so it may be employed in the encouragement of true worth . 3. we have hitherto computed the old immutable revenue at but 130,000 l. per annum , nor supposed above 170,000 l. ( viz. less than ½ what it is at present ) to be raised by customs ( wholly neglecting wards , butlerage , aulnage , and other obsolete imposts . ) we have also designed the several proportions towards the raising of a million more per ann. to be raised by the pole , excise , land-tax , assessments and chimneys . chap. viii . of the expence of the navy , army , and garisons . we come next to shew , that if 3 millions per ann . or 250,000 l. per mensem ( to make up the whole 3,300,000 l. per ann . ) were raised , what might be performed thereby for the safety , establishment , and honour both of the king and subject . unto which , i say , considering the present condition of the navy , two millions will maintain 50,000 men , in ships of war for eight months of the year , and 30000 for the other four months : which i take to be near double the best fleet we ever have seen in europe , computing the ordnance , and harbor-charges of the navy : nor will the maintenance of 12,000 foot , and 3000 , horse , allowing 100,000 l. for inland garisons , and 60,000 l. for tangier , &c. put all together , exceed 600,000 l. so as there remains 700,000 l. for other matters , whereof his majesty's royal family , by all the accounts i have seen , doth not spend 500,000 l. per ann . nor need the charge of all those levies be above 1 of the 33 , ( viz. 〈◊〉 part for the 500 officers , without ever going five miles from the centre of their abode ) who might perform this work ; nor would more than 200 l. per an . for each of them , and their under instruments be necessary for their respective sallaries : for there are 450 areots of 10 miles square in england and wales . chap. ix . motives to the quiet bearing of extraordinary taxes . having shewed how great and glorious things may be done with no less difficulty than what ¼ of the king's subjects do already endure ; i offer these further reasons to quiet mens minds , in case this utmost 250,000 l. per mensem should be ever demanded upon this holland-war . 1. that of all naval expence , not 1 / 20 is ●or forreign commodities , nor need it be ●f , if the people would do their part , and the governours direct them the nearest ways . 2. that stoppage of trade is considerable , but as one to eight ; for we exchange not above five millions worth per ann . for our 40. 3. that the expence of the king , &c. being about 400,000 l. per ann . is but 1 / 100 part of the expence of the nation , who all have the pleasure and honour of it . 4. that the money of the nation being but about 5 millions and ½ , and the earning of the same 25 ; it is not difficult for them to encrease their money a million per ann . by an easie advance of their industry , applyed to such manufactures as will fetch money from abroad . 5. the wealth of england lies in land and people , so as they make five parts of six of the whole : but the wealth of holland lies more in money , housing , shipping and wares . now supposing england three-times as rich as holland in land , and people ( as it is ) and holland twice as rich as we in other particulars ( as it scarce is ) ; we are still upon the balance of the whole near twice as rich as they : of which i wish those that understand holland , would consider and calculate . 6. there are in england above four acres of arrable , meadow and pasture-land , for every soul in it ; and those so fertile , as that the labour of one man in tilling them , is sufficient to get a bare livelihood for above 10 : so as 't is for want of discipline that any poverty appears in england , and that any are hanged or starved upon that account . chap. x. how to employ the people , and the end thereof . we said , that half the people by a very gentle labour , might much enrich the kingdom , and advance its honour , by setting apart largely for publick uses ; but the difficulty is , upon what shall they employ themselves . to which i answer in general , upon producing food and necessaries for the whole people of the land , by few hands ; whether by labouring harder , or by the introducing the compendium , and facilitations of art , which is equivalent to what men vainly hoped from polygamy . for as much as he that can do the work of five men by one , effects the same as the begetting four adult workmen . nor is such advantage worth fewer years purchase than that of lands , or what we esteem likest to perpetual . now the making necessaries cheap , by the means aforesaid , and not by raising more of them than can be spent whilst they are good , will necessitate others to buy them with much labour of other kinds . for if one man could raise corn enough for the whole , better than any one man ; then that man would have the natural monopoly of corn , and could exact more labour for it in exchange , than if ten others raised ten times as much corn as is necessary ; which would make other labour so much the dearer , as men were less under the need of engaging upon it . 2. by this way we might recover our lost cloth-trade , which by the same the dutch got from us . by this way the east-indians furnish us from the other end of the world with linnen cheaper than our selves can make them , with what grows at our own doors . by this means we might fetch flax from france , and yet furnish them with linnen ( that is ) if we make no more than we can vend , but so much with the fewest hands , and cheapest food , which will be when food also is raised , by fewer hands than elsewhere . 3. i answer generally we should employ our selves by raising such commodities , as would yield and fetch in money from abroad : for that would supply any wants of ours from the same , or any other place at all times . which stores of domestick commodities could not effect , whose value is to call a temporary ( i. e. ) which are of value but pro hic & nunc . 4. but when should we rest from this great industry ? i answer , when we have certainly more money than any of our neighbour states , ( though never so little ) both in arithmetrical and geometrical proportion ( i. e. ) when we have more years provision aforehand , and more present effects . 5. what then should we busie our selves about ? i answer , in ratiocinations upon the works and will of god , to be supported not only by the indolency , but also by the pleasure of the body ; and not only by the tranquility , but serenity of the mind ; and this exercise is the natural end of man in this world , and that which best disposeth him for his spiritual happiness in that other which is to come . the motions of the mind being the quickest of all others , afford most variety , wherein is the very form and being of pleasure ; and by how much the more we have of this pleasure , by so much the more we are capable of it even ad infinitum . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a54620-e2490 for all their pay and hazard . by sir john bodly . the court of exchequer . the court of kings bench. the court of chancery . the court of chancery . the court of common-pleas . star-chamber . officers attending the state. charge of circuits . incidents . besides impost of wines . provincial officers . 〈◊〉 waxford waterford and r●st . corke . kingsale . dingle , ●oush . limerick . galloway : drogheda , dundalle , and carlingsord . carricksergus . strangford newcastle , dundrum , &c. the office and officers of the excise commissioner-general of the customs and excise . commissioners of appeal . accomptants-general of the customs and excise . creation-money . perpetuities . temporary payments . pensions and annuities . commissioners of accompts and clerks allowances . payments for extraordinaries by concordatum . lord lieutenant . general officers . provinci officers . officers of the ordnance . 〈…〉 . the true impartial history and wars of the kingdom of ireland its situation, division into provinces; shires &c., its ancient inhabitants, manners, customs and the state it was in at its being first invaded and conquer'd by the english in the reign of k. henry ii : with the several revolts and rebellions of the natives and by what means they have been reduced to obedience in the reign of our several kings and queens : but most particularly relating to all the memorable skirmishes, battels, sieges ... since the grand revolution under the reign of their present majesties k. william and q. mary ... shirley, james, 1596-1666. 1692 approx. 292 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 102 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a59994 wing s3489a estc r30144 11249998 ocm 11249998 47135 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59994) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 47135) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1450:12) the true impartial history and wars of the kingdom of ireland its situation, division into provinces; shires &c., its ancient inhabitants, manners, customs and the state it was in at its being first invaded and conquer'd by the english in the reign of k. henry ii : with the several revolts and rebellions of the natives and by what means they have been reduced to obedience in the reign of our several kings and queens : but most particularly relating to all the memorable skirmishes, battels, sieges ... since the grand revolution under the reign of their present majesties k. william and q. mary ... shirley, james, 1596-1666. [8], 192 p. printed for nicholas boddington ..., london : 1692. attributed by wing and nuc pre-1956 imprints to shirley. "epistle to the reader" signed: j.s. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -17th century. 2003-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 rina kor sampled and proofread 2003-06 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the true impartial hlstory and wars of the kingdom of ireland , describing its situation , division into provinces , shires , &c. it s ancient inhabitants , manners , customs , and the state it was in at its being first invaded and conquer'd by the english , in the reign of k. henry ii. with the several revolts and rebellions of the natives , and by what means they have been re●uced to obedience in the reign of our several kings and queens . but more particularly relating to all the memorable skirm●shes , battels , sieges , and other extraordinary transactions , since the grand revolution under the reign of their present majesties k. william and q. mary , to the siege and surrender of lymerick , and that has since happened to iune 1692. being a history full of variety , and worthy the perusal of the ingenious reader . the second edition with additions . london : printed for nicholas boddington at the golden ball in duck-lane . 1692. the epistle to the reader . reader , in this small book you are presented with a long prospect of an opulent kingdom , not only in its dimension and description , but historically treated of from the time it was first known to be peopled , to this present year 1691. as well before the english had any knowledge of it , or so much as navigated the rough hibernian seas , as after it allured them to its conquest in the reign of henry ii , since which time it has been a dependant kingdom by right of conquest , and now inseparably annexed to the imperial crown of england . to shake off which soveraignty it has often strugled in vain , and smarted under the many wars and rebellions that have been raised on that account ; yet , as if infatuated , those warnings have been little available to the natives , as will appear in the relation we give you of what has happened worthy of notice , in the reigns of our kings and queens since its subjection , but more particular in the transactions for three years past , as relating to councils , policies , skirmishes , sieges , and what else materially happened . a history so full of variety , that we cannot conceive but it will give ample satisfaction beyond what has been published of this kind : and so not doubting but upon that score it will find acceptance and approbation in the hands of the impartial and vnprejudic'd perusers , i make bold to subscribe my self the candid reader 's well wisher , and most humble servant , i.s. the introduction ▪ that ireland has been very anciently inhabited , it appears not only by their own , but many other historians , to whom a greater credit is to be given ; and tho' ( the natives being little given to navigation ) its fame has not much spread into the remoter parts of the world ; yet for its situation and fertility , if the provident care and frugality of the irish would but have help'd the soil in any reasonable degree , it might be compared with most islands in producing things necessary not only for the supplying its inhabitants , but such as could command the most valuable commodities of europe ; yet the people of the ancient stock not accustoming themselves to labour , but rather to spoil and war , desirous to live idly upon the product of the country , and manufacture of the industrious english , by such unlawful ways as opportunity has put into their hands , have in a great measure neglected their own patrimonies , and suffered them in many places to become of no considerable value , as being eaten up by the encroachment of boggs , and over-grown with such excrements of nature as hinder fertility ; and this mainly out of not altogether so much sloth and neglect , as their irreconcilable hatred to those of the brittish nation that inhabit amongst them , that they should get nothing by their lands , tho' by their friendly instruction and conversation they might have been exceedingly bettered in their fortunes and manners , and such manufactures of sundry kinds improved , as might have redounded , not only to their particular interests , but to the inhansment of the value of the island among the neighbouring nations ; for it not only abounds in iron , but other useful minerals , and many other things that might , if well improved , set the poorer sort on work , and not only put an end to that poverty that too much pinches the natives , but likewise make their traffick abroad considerable enough to be taken notice of , and bring them a trade , that in a short time would much contribut to the encrease of a greater plenty , and prove a comfortable maintenance to some thousands , who for several yearts past have been destitute of such a livelyhood as might render them capable of subsisting , and for want of which they have been forced to travel abroad and serve other nations , where they are for the most part treated little better than slaves , as well in war as other employments , many of them , if we impartially consider their merits , as to education , natural endowments , deserving better usage ; for it must be confessed by all unbiafied persons , that the irish gentry are qualified sufficiently ( at least the greatest number of them ) for great undertakings , if they would , according to what they understand , labour to improve their own advantage , by putting themselves forward in the world to acquire those preferments and undertakings they are capable of , and might be very serviceable to the government , but that most of them being roman catholicks , and so superstitiously zealous in their way , that they are absolutely swayed and guided in all their undertakings by their priests , who labour all that in them lies to keep up their idolatrous traditions , and themselves in esteem to their great advantage , in gathering the wealth of the kingdom , and as they see their opportunity , stir them up to a disesteem of the government , which has been the occasion of much bloodshed , and brought misery and desolation upon the land , that at sundry times has made it uneasie for many years ; and we are not insensible that in the last revolt , which has been a smarting one to the irish , the priests hurried them , especially the meaner sort , into a fruitless rebellion by threats of excommunication , and all the bugbear fulminations of the romish church . tho' at last it is hoped , seeing the stream of blood is now so kindly stopped in the kingdom , that the natives will see their former errors , and stick to their obedience , notwithstanding any insinuations or under-hand dealings that may hereafter be inculcated , or cladestinely carried on . never had the irish nation a better opportunity to lay hold on , for settling a lasting happiness to themselves and their posterities , under the auspicious reign of a king and queen , who make it their utmost endeavours , and think it their greatest felicity , to do their subjects good , sparing no charge , nor shunning any hazard or danger that may conduce to the settlement of a glorious peace , not only in their own dominions , but in all europe , and restore thereby , as far as lies in human possibility , the golden age , wherein all appeared serene and calm , whilst universal joy spread her downy wings to shelter the delighted nations from the storms of discontent and trouble . from all which we may conclude , that if ireland ever was desirous to be in a prosperous state , the time is come that puts that opportunity into the hands of her inhabitants to become a happy people . when on the other hand , had things succeeded , as too many of them unadvisedly wished some few months since , they might , instead of being at perfect liberty , been the sons and daughters of slavery , and the most severest of bondages , under the french tyranny ; which how easie that yoke is to bear , the subjects of france have fatally experienced in the reigns of many of their former kings , but more especially under lewis xiv . to avoid which , the more discerning part have undergone a voluntary exile , and become a scattered people over the face of the earth , finding better usage in barbarous nations . this , i hope , may suffice to warn the irish , to consider where their interest lies , and to embrace their majesties protection , as their true asylum . a true and impartial history of the kingdom of ireland , describing its situation , ancient inhabitants , manners , customs , and the state it was found in at the time it was invaded and conquered by the english , in the reign of king henry ii. &c. the kingdom of ireland is of no mean extent , but rather very large and considerable ; it is an island , it is bounded on the east with england and scotland , on the west with the main ocean , on the south with part of france and normandy , and on the north with the ducalidonian sea. it is , as all other islands , sur●ounded with water , containing in length 40● and in breadth 200 miles , and is especially parted or divided into four provinces ▪ viz. munster , which is again divided into the counties of limerick , kerrey , waterford , cork , desmon , and the holy cross in tipperary . 2. the province of leinster , divided into the counties of the east and west meaths , kilkenney , caterlough , king's county , kildare , wexford , dublin and wicklow . 3. the province of conno●●●● , divided into the counties of clare , thumond , majo , sligo , letarim , and roscomon . 4. the province of vlster , divided into the counties of tyrconnel , tyrone , cavan , coleraine , monaghan , antrim , down , armah , and lough ; and these are for the most part at this day replenished with many considerable cities and towns , of which i shall have occasion to speak in the series of this history , as they shall fall in their proper places . the country is naturally very fruitful , and seems by the soil always to have been so , though the natives have not appear'd very active in improving it , as being naturally given up to floath , or to live by war and rapine . as for the first peopling it after noah's flood , it remains very much , if not altogether in the dark , the natives having been imposed on by monks and bards , a sort of rimers and fortune-tellers , with fables for reality , though it is conjectured by the learned , that this island was peopled upon the confusion of tongues at babel , soon after the flood ; and the irish historians of the best account , tell us , that one bastolenus , encouraged by the example of nim●od in syria , settled his monarchy in the western islands , and amongst others peopled this ; yet where he kept his head residence no mention is made , but that his three sons ruling there , had war with giants that grew up in the land and rebelled against them ; and that afterward divers scythians roving to seek adventures , got footing there ; and so they go on in the doubtful paths of uncertainty a great way farther : but true it is , that according to our own histories , and those of other nations , the irish began very early to rove abroad , and in their boats , and such kind of ships as they had , coming frequently ashore in england and scotland , and other places ▪ did great mischief by burning and plundering , but were frequently met withal , and a great many of them killed . nor do we find that the romans , when they conquered britain , extended their arms to ireland . it is held they were converted to the christian religion by st. iames the apostle ; and some give large grounds for it : but their authors will have it done by one pala●inus , sent thither to that purpose by pope celestine , but more especially perfected by st. patrick , to whom they ascribe a thousand incredibilities : but to leave these conjectures that are not greatly pertinent to our matter , we now come nearer to that for which we have more warrant and certainty . the first acquaintance that the english had with the irish , as to any thing that is remarkable , was in the reign of henry the second of england , their chief communication being with france , whether they sent several bands of soldiers to help them against the english , who were waring there under their king for the recovery of his right in the provinces that were his grand-father's , which he having pretty well settled , turned his thoughts upon ireland , where he heard they were at variance among themselves , the whole land being divided under many petty princes , when it luckily happened a business fell out that gave him an easie inlet to the conquest of it ; for in the year 1167. the eastern part of the island along the sea being possessed by dormat mac-mur , king of leinster , his cruelties had highly incensed his subjects against him , and what more raised their fury , was , the injury he did to morice king of meath , by wheedling away his queen , and living with her in adultery ; so that the inraged husband seeking reparation and revenge , invaded his countries , by the assistance of roderick o conor , king of connaught , at the terror of whose approach , dormat being detested by , and forsaken of his subjects , was forced to flie to england , and there implored protection ; which upon taking an oath of fidelity and obedience to the king , was freely given him ; and henry , with a sum of money , procured leave of pope adrian , an english-man , promoted to st. peter's chair , that he might conquer ireland , promising moreover , throughly to establish the christian religion , and bring it to an acknowledgment of the see of rome ; but whilst he was preparing to pass the seas , new troubles arose in his french territories , that required his presence ; yet by his letters patents he gave leave , with encouragement to his nobles , and such others as were willing to go for ireland . dormat impatient of his exile , mainly upon this concession , solicited richard the king's son , promising not only his daughter , a very beautiful young lady in marriage , but great possessions in the country , when he should be restored , and all his territories after his death . the young prince being of a warlike temper , and thirsting after glory , resolved , though his father was absent , to undertake this expedition ; and early the next spring sailed from bristol with divers ships , on board which were thirty knights , sixty esquires , and three hundred archers , the first english-men ever known to land in a hostile-manner in ireland ▪ and being met by dormat with such forces as he , going over a little before , had raised , they seized upon the town of wexford , which was given to one fitz-stevens , a welch gentleman , according to agreement upon his raising part of the forces ; so that news of this , and other successes flying to england , many adventurers came over ; and although the petty kings joyned their forces , yet were they beat in divers bloody battels : and dormat being restored , had dublin submitted to him , inflicting grievous punishments upon such of his capital enemies as he found there . the prince being now in ireland , greatly increasing in strength , that came over to him , carried all before him ; which made king henry , who feared the prince's aspiring upon such successes , and willing to have the honour of conquering so large a kingdom himself , sent his mandate to recall the english out of ireland , so that but a few being left with the prince in dublin , and they reduced to a great streight by the irish that had taken heart , they nevertheless sallied upon an army of 30000 with not above 1500 men , and utterly routed them , taking great spoil ; and then coming for england , he surrendered all the cities and forts he had taken into his father's hands , for dormat by this time was dead ; and in the year 1172. king henry landed with a royal army , which brought such a terrour upon ireland , that roderick , and most of the petty princes that were independent , or his tributaries , came witn their humble supplications to intreat him , that he would take the government upon him , as their supream prince and lord : so that at christmas he made them a noble feast in dublin ; and settled the kingdom in civil and ecclesiastical matters , reforming abuses and barbarities : and soon after those that held out in vlster were brought to submit , from which time we may date the conquest of ireland by the english , under which soveraignty it has ever since remained as a conquered kingdom , and now annexed to the crown : yet the natives who are generally hot spirited , uneasie , and restless under restraint , have often strugled to break this chain , though to the loss and disadvantage mostly of themselves . king richard the first , by reason of his wars in the holy land , his imprisonment upon his return in austria and the empire , and other disappointments he met with at home , had no war with the irish , nor happened there any thing extraordinary , but care and industry to settle the government ; which was done with such tenderness , that the natives being more civilized , began to think themselves happy in the change , and that they were redeemed from perpetual war , which when so many princes governed as absolute in their dominions , could not be avoided among so rough and stubborn a people . but because king edward the first had sent for forces out of ireland , to help him against the scots , with whom he had mortal wars , the wilder sort of the irish in edward the second's time invited them over , and many of the leading men of the natives revolting , ruining the country ; but upon the english joyning battel with them they were routed , and about 11000 slain , among whom was a king of connought , and one okly a lord of great possessions : but soon after the lord roger mortimer being sent over as lord justice of ireland , he managed matters so ill , that the scots were again called in under edward bruce , brother to the scots king , who taking several places by the revolt of the irish from the english obedience , caused himself to be crowned king of ireland ; but in a great battel his forces being routed , and he labouring to restrain their flight , was killed by one morepass whom he likewise requited with death before his fall , and the dead bodies fell by that means on each other , which happened in the year 1320. however , they were rather dispersed than broken , doing considerable mischief where they found an opportunity to fall upon the english , that had settled themselves in the towns and villages near the sea , &c. in the year 1329. during the reign of king edward the third , the irish in leinster and meath rebelled ; against whom the earl of ormond drew out what forces he could , but being over-poured in number , was defeated , and the irish made great spoils of the english possessions , and amongst other barbarities , burnt eighty of them in a church where they had fled for refuge ; but at last the english fortified themselves in wexford , and upon their approach to besiege it , sallied out upon them with such courage , that success crowned it , and 4000 of the irish were killed , most of them that fled being hotly pursued , were drowned in the river slane ; which with some other encounters , where victory declared on our side , so quelled them , that in this king's reign they rebelled no more . anno 1398. in the reign of king richard the second , the irish fell again into rebellion , and by surprize fall upon the king's lieutenant , and divers persons of quality , whom they slew ; which made the king with considerable forces haste thither , and landing , he put them in all parts to the rout , killing a great many , and taking several of their ring-leaders , and keeping his court of state at dublin , to him resorted the nobility and chief of the irish , submitting and paying him homage , promising to keep the country in quiet for the future : but troubles arising in england , the king hastily left ireland , and was no sooner arrived in wales , but finding himself deserted , he betook him to a castle , where he was seized by henry duke of lancaster , to whom he resign'd his crown , and was afterward inhumanly murthered . upon whose death many troubles and contentions arose ; so that the english being embroyled at home , ireland was little minded , the people there doing , in a manner , what they pleased . but in the reign of henry the fifth , we being setled at home , more care was taken to prevent the outrages and depradations of the irish ; insomuch , that several who had been formerly offenders were punished , and others fled , amongst whom were divers of their great 0nes , who notwithstanding the care of the earl of ormond , then lieu●enant of the kingdom , to repress them , drew a great multitude of people into rebellion : but the earl gave battel at redmore-athy , where the irish under the leading of o moor , stood stoutly to it , as men in despair ; but after a bloody fight , that coloured all the ditches of the fens with blood , the battel swerved , and the irish were defeated with great slaughter . which quelled them in so terrible a manner , that for a long time after they seemed out of love with war : so that nothing memorably occurs in history , till the reign of henry the seventh , when the earl of kildare being deputy , one richard symons a priest , wheedled him into a belief , that one lambert a youth , whom he had brought up as his scholar , was really the earl of warwick son to george duke of clarence , brother to king edward the fourth , that had escaped out of the tower , and was come thither for protection ; and the young spark having been well tutored ; and of a graceful carriage , so well acted his part , that not only the lieutenant , but a great many of the irish nobility sided with him , raising considerable forces to espouse his quarrel , crowning him king in dublin , and not content to keep him there , they brought him with a considerable army into england , landing in lancashire , and proclaiming him . but the king's forces advancing , they were in a set-battel over-thrown , and the imposter taken prisoner , the priest hanged , &c. they likewise in the king's reign aided another called perkin , or peter warbeck , who stiled himself duke of york , younger son to edward the fourth ; but in this they had no better success than in the former , a great many being killed , the impostor taken , after several attempts , and bloody encounters , having engaged the scots as well as irish , on his part , marrying the lady catharine gourdon , niece to that king ; he was first obliged to confess his impostor , how he was set on , maintained and encouraged by the dutchess of burgundy , sister to edward the fourth , and then being publickly punished , was sent to the tower , from whence endeavouring to escape , he was executed , and with him the real earl of warwick , who had been kept a prisoner there a considerable time : all that was alledged against him was , that he attempted to make his escape with perkin , to raise new commotions . in the reign of henry the eighth , great commotions were stirred up , which were at first suddenly appeased , but the earl of kildare being deputy , the people exhibited their complaints against him to the court of england , as the cause of many disturbances by his severe using them , and amongst other articles they had this , viz. all ireland is not able to rule this earl. then , said the king , this earl is the fittest man to rule all ireland : and thereupon he continued him deputy ; it appeared this hatred against him proceeded only from the strict hand he had over them to keep them from rebelling . and another was , that he had caused to be burned the cathedral church of cashal . the archbishop of that place being his chief accuser , and when every one would have denied it , he humbly replied , by chreest i would never have done it , had i not byen told the archbishop was in it . which plain dealing made the king smile , and the archbishop storm and fret : however , the earl was ordered to rebuild it at his own charge , and so continued in his deputyship ; but often fell into displeasure by reason of his plain downright dealing ; and cardinal wolsey now ruling all at court , for speaking too plain to him upon his examination at the council-board , where wolsey sat as president , he sent him to the tower , and ordered a warrant for his execution without the king's knowledge ; of which the king having notice by the lieutenant , was mightily incensed at wolsey , and that great favourite soon after falling into disgrace , the earl was released and sent to ireland , with one sir william sheington , who was made deputy : however the o moors fell into rebellion , but being opposed by forces drawn out of dublin , they were dispersed , and many of them killed , and for that time the tempest blown over ; however it lasted not long , for the earl of kildare's enemies , having again upon many grievous complaints prevail'd to have him sent for to england , he was committed to the tower ; whereupon his son , the lord thomas , notwithstanding the perswasions of the chancellor to avert him from it , fell into rebellion , and drew great forces after him ; yet driven at last to extream necessities , he was perswaded by the lord grey , then deputy of the kingdom , to submit himself to king henry's mercy , without hope of pardon ; but some of his followers having killed alen archbishop of dublin , he was upon his arrival committed to the tower ; and king henry being informed , that the geraldine family had vowed never to have peace with him , he sent for the earl's five brothers in custody ; when one of them during their crossing the seas , demanded of the master , what the name of the ship was ? who replied , the cow : nay then , said he , looking on the rest with a dejected countenance , we are all lost men ; for now a prophecy comes into my head , that says , five brethren of an earl should be carried into england in the belly of a cow , and never come back again : and i doubt not , but all things hitting so pat , we are they . and indeed so it happen'd ; for being accused of the late rebellion , though two of them were ignorant of it ; the lord thomas , son to the earl , was beheaded on tower-hill , and the five brethren hang'd drawn , and quartered at tyburn , and the earl soon after died in the tower of grief , which destroyed the center of that noble family ; for although one brother escaped , yet travelling through many countries , he at last came to naples , and there died childless . nor did the lord grey escape , for being countermanded , and accused of holding correspondency with this family , though without any notable proof , he was condemned for high-treason , and beheaded on tower-hill . the kings of england , the better to please the natives of ireland , having been all this while only called lords of ireland , the parliament sitting at westminster in the 33d year of henry's reign , invested with the title of king of ireland : whereupon the earl of tyrone , and divers others rebelled ; but in some bloody encounters being defeated , the earl was at last subdu'd , and brought prisoner for england ; yet upon his humble submission released and sent over , upon promise of keeping the country in quiet ; which he pretty well observed during the short reigns of king edward the sixth , and queen mary , only some petty commotions happened that were soon quieted . in the year 1566. being the seventh year of queen elizabeth's reign , one of the chief lords of ireland , named donald mac carti more , upon some little stirs that happened , came over , and not only cleared himself to the queen , but delivered up to her all his territories , vowing perpetual fealty ; but she in gratitude restored them again , and made him earl of glencare , giving him a considerable sum to bear his expences ; so that by his great authority amongst the natives , it was thought the kingdom would be kept quiet ; but it proved otherwise : for after some private conspiracies , that never broke out , were defeated , the earl of desmond , the eleventh earl of that title , who had great territories and abundance of followers broke into open rebellion , and did great damage to the english , driving them out of many places , killing divers gentlemen in revenge , as he said , of the earl of kildare and his family being put to death ; and amongst others , one with whom he had contracted a strict friendship , and usually called father , who when he saw him with his drawn sword breaking into his chamber , and relying upon his former friendship , cried out , what is the matter , desmon , my son ? to whom the bloody earl sternly replied , i am no longer thy son , nor thou my father ; but thou shalt surely die : and thereupon they put him , and all they found in the house to the sword. these outrages allarmed the lord deputy , who drawing out his forces , after divers skirmishes put the earl to the rout , who being forsaken of his followers , lurked for sometime in the bogs and mountains ; but miserable want driving him thence among the cottages , he was there found and slain by a private souldier , when his head being conveyed to england , was set upon london-bridge ; and so fell this eleventh earl of desm●nd . but in his grave the restless spirits of the irish were not buried , for casting their eyes on the family of the bourks , they gave out they would have an eminent person of that family to be their king , or governour ; and many tumults were raised : but this prudent queen , notwithstanding some intestine troubles at home , took such care , that she a long time by policy and force reduced the unruly natives to their obedience ; the former of which was particularly effected by driving away their cattel , and making them submit through extream necessity , after they had been got together in the woods , about forty days . the second was by the timely notice the deputy had of two thousand scotch highlanders landing to joyn with the irish , and knowing nothing that they had laid down their arms , as to their greatest number , they came on with such as fell in with them by the way , in hopes to joyn the rest , breaking into the province of connaught , where indeed a great many of the country peasants took arms on their part ; but the lord-deputy by speedy marches towards them , and finding they were got into bogs and fastnesses , after he had encamped within sight a-while , feigned a retreat , and they , by reason of their over-numbring him , supposing he had fled , immediately followed ; but were no sooner trained on the firm ground , e're the english fac'd about , charged their front and flanks , piercing the array of their battel , and put them to utter rout and confusion , so that not above eighteen of them escaped of upwards of three thousand , which crushed the scots attempting to help them in their rebellion . these bad successes shewing plainly , the hand of heaven against them , did not however make them sensible of their misfortune , in taking up arms against a powerful nation ; for perceiving themselves too weak to struggle in the lyons paws , they began to tamper with other nations , alledging after the reformation , religion , as a ground to justifie their rebellions , though they were ever starting from their allegiance , when both nations professed that of the roman catholick communion ; but now taking this for a plausible pretext , the earl of tyrone began und●r hand to deal with philip the second of spain , for succours of men and ammunition , promising to hold the kingdom at his devotion : but this being about to be discovered by hugh o neale , tyrone in a rage clapped a cord about his neck , and strangled him with his own hands . notwithstanding this , it was known , and he summoned to answe● it in the english court ; and upon some assurance of pardon he went , submitting himself , and making such plausible protestations of innocency , that times running high by reason that the spaniards were about to invade england , he was pardoned , and sent over again , but afterward proved ingrateful , and a very dangerous enemy . much about this time one mac malcoon , a leading man among the irish , stirred up commotions about paying taxes , for which he was taken , tried , and executed , his estate being given partly to his family , and partly to the english , that living upon it they might curb and over-awe the rest : whereupon one brian o roch , who had sided with him , to prevent a present punishment , fell into an open rebellion ; but upon the rout that immediately was given him , he fled into scotland for protection ; but the queen's influence was so great upon that kingdom , that she had him delivered up ; and being tried at westminster , he was there found guilty , and being carried to tyburn , he was there executed without being concerned at death . these things having been buzzed in the ears of the multitude , to have been done in an arbitrary way , the earl of tyrone thought it a fit time to lay hold on their discontents , and raised all the forces he could , calling in the spaniard , and imploring the other roman catholick nations to assist him , as he pretended , to prevent heresies over-running that kingdom ; nor was the pope , to whom he had sent one ste●●ley , an english renagado , as his agent , wanting to further his design , causing 600 harquibussers to be levied in the territories of the church , for the service of tyrone ● but s●ewkley , who commanded them , coming into the port of lisbon with them , at what time king don sebastian was going to invade africa , he retained them for his service , when at the fatal battel of alcazaz against the moors , they were all cut to pieces : however , tyrone being very much strengthned , gave the english a great overthrow , and put all connaught , vlster and munster in arms ; and the war after that went on with doubtful success , sometimes one party prevailed , and sometimes another . here the famous earl of essex , the great favourite of queen elizabeth , commanded ; but whilst he was fighting in ireland , he was undermined by his foes at the english court , and being called home , and some misdemeanours in this war , and other things charged against him , he was confined to his house , where falling into discontent , he after having imprisoned the privy counsellors that were sent to him from the queen , he broke out into open violence , for which he lost his head on tower-hill . the fall of so brave a souldier proving afterward to small cause of grief to the queen ; and his loss was greatly regretted by the people , whose darling he was . the lord norrice being deputy of ireland in the stead of the earl of essex , he followed his business so close , that giving tyron● several overthrows , and beating out the spaniards that came to his assistance , he at last was left by his followers , who cursing him for bringing them into such troubles , shifted as they could ; so that after he had lurked up and down some months , suffering extream necessity , he came and surrendred himself to the lord-deputy , upon promise he should be sent over to england , there to throw himself at the queen's feet for mercy ; and according he was sent over and committed to the tower ; but the queen dying before he could be brought to trial , king iames the sixth of scotland , and first of england , coming to the crown , he was by an act of indempnity pardoned , and set at liberty , he and all his adherents , promising exact obedience for the future ; and that wise king knowing how to settle a troublesome nation , as having been brought up in one himself , he knew it was best to prevent and lay aside animosities , and therefore by his proclamation of pardon , he utterly extinguished all offences , not only against the crown , but between subject and subject , as to particular trespasses ; and the like to every one that at a set day would appear and claim the benefit of his pardon before the justice of assize , and publick justice for that purpose being setled in every country , it abated much of the tyranny their petty lords had over them , and made the vulgar sort of them sensible of the goodness of the english laws , of which before they had purposely been kept in ignorance : being now for the most part freed from their servitude , and in the king 's immediate protection , so that if their lords had a mind to rebel , they could not compel their tenants to rise as they had formerly done : and ireland being now divided into shires , the circuits were erected in every province ; and the english had their lands alotted , and more particular colonies established , so that trade began to flourish ; and several corporations of the city of london having purchased large proportions of land , built a strong town for their securi●y , against the incursions of the irish that might happen , very advantageously situate on the bank of a river and lough , which made a wonderful change , to all appearance , in the face of things ; but what can hinder a people from being miserable that will make themselves so , as may not improperly say , in spight of providence : the chief of the irish were displeased at these proceedings , finding the english improvement rendred such plenty in the kingdom , as made their land of little value ; and therefore many of them spightfully let them lye neglected to be over-run with thistles and briars , cursing their posterity if ever they had any communication with the english , or so much as ploughed or sowed ; by which their irreconcileable hatred to us may be measured . the ordinary sort of people notwithstanding their lords di●●wasions , finding they had not their former power to compel , perceiving advantage to arise by this new settlement , inhabited very friendly with the english , and by their examples began to improve themselves in industry , and seemed averse to be stirred up as formerly upon every slight occasion to rebel , insomuch that a long peace ensued , and that brought with it extraordinary plenty ; but as nothing is certain or permanent upon earth , so in process of time this golden cord of union between the two nations was violently cut in sunder . troubles arising in the year 1641. thro' a mis-understanding , and fomented heats blown by secret enemies , and war being in prospect between england and scotland , several of the native irish chiefs , not finding the people prone to hearken to them , incited the popish priests , who by promising them heaven for obedience to their commands , and damnation on the contrary , with many other strange stories and things , pushed them headlong on to one of the blackest iniquities ●he sun has for many ages beheld , and was too late discovered to be prevented , for it happened , that on the 23d of october , the irish headed by a great many of their nobility and gentry , rose generally in arms , seizing upon divers strong places , arms , ammunition , and all that came to hand , vowing the utter destruction of all the english in ireland , to extirpate them from the face of the irish earth , both root and branch ; and this was discovered but one night before it was to be executed ; by which providence however dublin and some other places , by the imprisoning the conspirators , and fortifying them with good garisons , were secured , and became a refuge to the lives of many ; so that now one might every where behold houses flaming , the miserable people fly every where for their lives , whilst the blood of many were mingled with flames , and the earth made red by the blood of those that were slaughtered in the fields and ways ; thousands were drowned in rivers and lakes till the stream was glutted with the dead bodies , and they bridged over the waters ; many were ripped up alive , and others tortured in a more cruel manner ; some were turned out into snows and frost and starved to death ; the priests and fryers going along with the murtherers , and beating them on to it with their crucifixes , telling them , they were hereticks , and no longer to be suffered alive on the earth ; and that it was so far from a sin to kill them , that it was meritorious , and even damnation it self to spare them ; giving the sacrament to the more scrupulous of conscience to confirm them in the bloudy enterprize ; so that in a short space , before any succour could come from england , they destroyed by sundry barbarous ways 20000 men , women , and children , burnt most of their houses and villages , killing their cattel , and suffering them to rot upon the ground , roo●ing up likewise their newly sprouted corn , as maliciously bent not only to destroy the people , but in hatred and utter detestation all that appertained to them ; flattering themselves by the inducement of old lying prophesies , to shake off the english yoke , and choose them a king from among their country-men , but fate consented no● . the king was at the beginning of this fatal mischief in ireland , upon the borders of scotland , labouring to compose the differences ; recommending the care of ireland to his parliament then sitting at westminster , who promised a speedy relief and assistance to the protestants that were got together in arms , and stood upon their defence ; voting 50000 pound for to raise forces ; and the earl of ormond was made lieutenant-general of the royal forces in that kingdom ; to joyn whom sir simon harcourt was sent out of england with a regiment . so that the poor remnant of the protestants getting together , made the irish papist that was so good at base and unmanly murthers , fly the face of war. but troubles growing fast on in england , by the misunderstanding between king charles the first and his parliament , and sprouting up into a miserable civil war , most of the guilty persons at this time escaped unpunished : but the small force of the prote●●ants that were left , being once united , forced the irish out of their strong hold , and restored the face of government ; yet about eigh● years after a bloody scene was acted , for king charles the first loosing his kingdoms with his life , his eldest son charles , as his undoubted right , taking upon him the kingly dignity , though in exile , england being cast , as they termed it , into a model of a free state or republick , the marquess of ormond , lord-lieutenant of ireland , was commissioned to labour the securing that country to the behoof of his master king charles the second ; and finding no other means to do it in that imergency , he closed his interest with the chief of the leading irish , concluding a peace in the king's name , with the most considerable of them , upon submission and obedience to his majesty , there being a concession of certain articles on the part of the marquess to be performed , when being joyned by the marquess of clanricard , and the lord inchequeen , the earl of castlehaven , &c. trim and tredah or drogheda , upon a defeat they gave the forces that came from england , surrendered : and now dublin , wherein was a strong garison commanded by colonel iones , being the only place of strength that held out , the marquess laid siege to it , with a brave army to appearance , but it seems there were too many irish in it , for the besieged taking the advantage of the carelesness of the camp , made at first very slender sallies , but finding the advantage , they sallied with their whole strength , and beating the besiegers out of their works , followed them into their camp , which occasioned such terrour and confusion , that the irish fled , and left the english and some few french to stand to it , but being over●owered by the vigorous attacks , they at ●ength , after a sharp and bloody dispute , gave ●way , and were forced to raise the siege , whilst ●he besieged became masters of their camp , ●nd an extraordinary rich booty ; and more forces arriving from england , fortune went against them almost every where . and now london-derry being besieged , that siege was ●aised by sir charles coot ; but what yet was a greater terrour , cromwell , a vowed and mor●al enemy to the irish , landed with seven regiments of foot , four regiments of horse , ●nd one of dragoons , bringing along with him ●he title of lord governour , or lieute●ant of ireland , and had to bring over ●hese forces forty sail of ships , with ●attering pieces , mortars , ammunition , ●nd all other warlike stores and materials . he staid a while to visit dublin , and ●hen marched with a compleat army to ●esiege drogheda , wherein was a strong gar●ison of english and irish , it being upon ●he rumour of his approach reinforced with two thousand five hundred foot , and three ●undred hor●e ; and although it was stoutly ●efended , yet it was carried by force , and by the too cruel order of the general , all were put to the sword , not respecting age ●or sex , except a very few who hid them●elves for many days , till the fury was over : and here it is the more to be lamented , be●ause this brunt fell mostly upon many brave english gentlemen , who were got into the place to defend it for their king. othe● towns were likewise taken by storm , an● treated at the like rate ; so that a bloody vengeance seemed to fall heavy upon a great many that were innocent for the sins of the guilty , who had so lately polluted the land wit● innocent blood , and now kept mostly out o● the way in the mountains , bogs , and fastne●ses ; however , being at last hunted from plac● to place , a great number fell by the swor● , famine , and pestilence , insomuch that the lan● was greatly depopulated , a third part of th● people being wasted , and had severe task masters over them that made them groan ●nder their burthens , till charles the secon● came to lighten their sholders , and resto●● them again their peace and ea●e , by accessio● to the crown upon the happy restauration so that the people wearied with their forme● miseries , began to be out of love with wa● and insurrections , and seemed mightily inclin●ble to peace . and indeed the king too care to place such ministers of state among them , especially the lords lieutenants an● lords justices , that they had no reasonabl● cause to complain of their usage , either i● affairs civil or military ; and indeed th● tranquility the kingdom enjoyed , made th● people in a great measure forget what the● had suffered : they traded to france an● spain with the product of their native soil the rivers and lakes likewise affording the● plenty of fish , which they transported fo● wine and other commodities . nor did the●● thoughts appear to be elevated above what was reasonable , till the death of the king. but when king iames the second ascended his brother's throne , and declared himself a roman catholick , then it was the irish papists began to prick up their ears , and to expect advantages beyond their abilities , publickly declaring , the day was their own , and that the protestant religion must go down . but it seems in this , as in their other aims , they took such measures as made them shoot wide of their mark. the earl of tyrconnel , who had been raised by king iames , when duke of york , from a mean to a considerable figure , was looked upon as a fit instrument to carry on the design in that kingdom ; and therefore upon the re-calling of the right honourable the earl of clarendon , he was made lord-lieutenant , and soon gave the irish great hopes of superiority over the english in that kingdom , by first cashiering the protestant soldiers and officers that were in arms , and then the officers and ministers of justice : and though there were complaints made against him at the english court , yet they were not regarded , but he the rather encouraged in his enterprizes ; insomuch , that things run so high that many feared a fatal event , and divers left thereupon the kingdom ; some going for holland , others for scotland and england : and in such a method matters continued to be pushed violently on , till news came of a purposed invasion of the kingdom of england by the prince of orange , now our soveraign , then tyrconnel be●tir'd himself to secure ireland , imprisoning such as he suspected , and disarming others ; draining the garrisons of the most expert irish soldiers that were papists ▪ and sending them over to the number of three thousand , or thereabout , to the assistance of his master ; but they did him far more hurt than good by increasing the peoples fears that were but before suggested . and indeed , the whole english nation revolting in a manner from king iames , and what was more remarkable , a great part of the army he had been so long training up at a vast expence . upon the landing of the prince with his forces , the irish forces that had been sent over in expectation of mountains , found that they were not only dwindled into less than mole-hills , but themselves in a miserable condition , not only at the point of starving when disbanded with the rest of the forces , by the earl of feversham , but almost exposed to the fury and violent resentment of the people , who had conceived a hatred against them ; so that at last , submitting , they were taken care of , and most of them shipped for the emperour's service against the turks . tyrconnel was not idle in ireland upon the news he had from england of king iames his flight to france ; but calling a council mostly of his creatures , told them , that now it was their time to stand up for their country , and secure it against all opposers ; and that for his part , if even his master should command him to deliver up the sword , he should think it , in such ● iuncture , his duty to refuse it . and immediately not only spread the news throughout the country , but caused the irish every where to take arms , such as they could get ; ●o ●ha● the tumultuous rabble getting together , plundered the protestant houses , drove away their cattel , fired their stacks of corn and hay , murthered some , and barbarously used others , insomuch that the terrour working in all , such as could fled for their lives , leaving their substance behind them , and happy they thought themselves in that condition , if they could pass the seas ▪ either to england or scotland ; for although several of the protestant n●bility and gentry made head in the north , yet the enemy having in their posse●sion all the strong towns , they found themselves too weak to make any extraordinary resistance against so mighty a torrent as came roaring on ; however , they gave several o● their parties notable overthrows , fortifying london-derry , slego , and the ●●le of inniskilling , and such other places and difficulties of access as they found opportunity ; for by this time tyrconnel had given orders for s●opping the ports , and made many large and plausible offers to bring them over to his party , but they prevailed on a very few . the prince and princess being proclaimed king and queen of england , france and ireland , on the 14th of february , 1688. upon the humble address of both houses of parliament , great care was taken for the speedy succouring the oppressed protestants of ireland ; and that the papists in arms against them , might be left without excuse , a proclamation was sent over , offering , among other things , a pardon and indempnity for all that should in obedience to it lay down their arms and retire to their respective places of abode , and there peaceably behave themselves as obedient subjects ought to do , upon which condition they should in full freedom enjoy their estates according to law , and that the roman catholicks upon such a consideration should have all the favour that the law allows for the private exercise of their religion ; with a further promise , that a parliament should be speedily called in that kingdom : but upon refusing to comply with the royal mandate , to be esteemed as rebels and traytors to the crown of england , &c. their lands and possessions to be forfeited , and disposed of by way of distribution among those that should be aiding and assisting in the reducing the kingdom to its obedience . this royal concession , though tyrconnel laboured what in him lay to hinder its being dispersed , wrought some good effects , notwithstanding that earl , to counter-ballance it , put forth a paper which he termed his declaration , not only therein insinuating what great advantage the kingdom would reap by ●anding out . but that their fears might be dissipated , he promised speedy aids and succours from france , and that they should not want for either money or provision ; and moreover , the better to encourage them , gave hopes of king iames's speedy landing there with a numerous army . and the better to secure himself , and keep up the courage of his party he sent out detachments to secure divers protestant gentlemen in the country , and make garrisons of their houses . but the greatest part of them having timely notice , made their escapes ; by which the protestants grew stronger in the north ; however their goods and possessions were destroyed and harassed . the priests being the greatest incendiaries to stir up those that were actually in arms to spoil and rapine , as being sure of a share , as likewise to arm the madding multitude ; so that one might see droves of the latter , some half naked , others tattered , and all in miserable rags , armed with pitchforks , bills , staves , and what other merciless weapons they could get on the suddain , running like so many furies to spoil and plunder , and in their greediness of prey , not many times distinguishing papists from protestants . and it was strongly reported , that there was a great debate in the council , to which some popish bishops were admitted , about a general massacre , as the best expedient to clear the country of hereticks : but tyrconnel ( let it be to his praise ) had the generosity to oppose and detest it , and put a stop in some measure to the mischievous progress of the rabble , yet when some of the chiefs who had got protections from him , made their complaints : that they were notwithstanding plundered : he only shook his head , and told them , it was necessity that made his men to do it ; and he could no ways help or restrain it . these violent proceedings made those that thought upon the earl's protection , they might have some confidence in their continuance as to safety , begin to make away for the sea-coast ; and although the masters of ships were commanded on pain of death to transport none , yet many escaped to england and scotland , where they were well received , and provision made for them by way of publick brief and collection , &c. about the latter end of march the abdicated king landed in ireland , with a great train of officers , but very few forces , and was received at dublin with a mixture of joy and sorrow , bringing with him as his supervisor monsieur d'avaux , with some french generals . the recorder of dublin made a long speech to him upon his arrival , extolling him for courage , conduct , and all the heroick vertues imaginable , above the skies ; and a general joy spread in the faces of the roman catholicks , thinking now the day was all their own , and not doubting to carry every thing by force or submission ; and more soldiers were listed and regimented under the french officers that came over , and care taken to lay up stores . money was every where extorted , and the plundered cattel , corn and hay brought in , and sold at inconsiderable rates ; insomuch that they soon gathered an army of between forty and fifty thousand men. whilst these things were doing at land , the english navy being out at sea with a strict charge to hinder correspondence between france and ireland , the squadron under the command of admiral herbert , had notice by their scout ships , that part of the french fleet was abroad , and stood away to the irish coast : whereupon he made all the sail he could after them , and the next day found they stood into bantry bay , a very spacious bearing in of the sea , and though for fear of the shallows , and other difficulties that might offer , it proved a work of difficulty to enter upon them , for they seemed no ways willing to come out to an engagement ; notwithstanding they were much superiour in number ; yet the admiral drawing his ships into a line , and lying upon the stretch , battered them extreamly from ten in the morning , till five in the afternoon , at what time the french admiral tacked from us , and stood farther into the bay. we killed them a great many men ; and some of our men declare● , they saw one of their great ships go to the bottom . on our side we lost captain aylmer of the portland , with a lieutenant , and about three hundred seamen killed and wounded , and could our fireships have entred upon them , most of their ships , which were forty four in number , to about twenty eight of ours , might have been destroyed . our fleet after this engagement came back to portsmouth , and there refitted , whether the king of england went to take a view of them , and dining aboard the admiral , created him earl of torrington , &c. and distributed about six thousand pound among the seamen . and now the french having violated the peace , and undeniably begun the war in invading ireland , the king delayed not to denounce the war against them by a declaration to that purport , bearing date the seventh of may , 1689. and great preparations were made for passing over to ireland , forces were levied in all parts of england , and money prepared for defraying the charge of the expedition ; which was the more facilitated , upon the estates of scotland submitting their crown to king william and queen mary , and taking of them upon their being owned and invested king and queen of that kingdom , which they did by their commissioners , who waited upon their majesties to that purpose , in the banquetting-house at whitehall . and the viscount of dundee , who had headed the rebel highlanders , and others in that kingdom , being killed in a fatal battel near st. iohnstown , things began to go better , and the success of the scotch affairs gave way to a more speedy prosecuting those in ireland , where the inniskilling-men being abroad , pierced the enemies quarters , and got great booties , defeating divers parties , and making themselves terrible to the enemy . upon news brought that maccarty was in those parts with a strong party , plundering and ravaging the country . lieutenant-colonel berry , with three companies of foot , eight troops of horse , and three of dragoons , marched towards them ; but upon their approach , found they were made stronger than they were reported , by another party that had joyned them , and were much superiour to him in number ; which obliged him before he found himself sufficiently strong to attack them , to send to colonel woolsey at inniskilling , for a re-inforcement ; which he no sooner obtained , but he charged them with much bravery , killing a considerable number , taking some prisoners , and putting the rest to flight ; but the flyers in their way being greatly re-inforced , rallied , and came to second encounter , which for a time continued bloody and doubtful , they by reason of their advantageous post , much galling our horse with their cannon ; but the defiles , or dirty narrow passages being resolutely passed by our foot and dragoons , they made themselves masters of the cannon , which gave our horse the advantage to charge the enemies horse , who thereupon deserted the foot and fled , and the foot after them , a great many being killed , and some taken prisoners , by which defeat the country was freed from great incumbrances . this part of the enemies army that had a long time lain heavy upon it , being by this means , and in this battel , fell of the enemy by the sword , and those that were drowned in desperately throwing themselves into the lough to escape the pursuers , about three thousand . there happened likewise divers other rencounters of lesser note , wherein the protestants for the greatest part gained the advantage . whilst these things were doing , the irish army , with king iames at the head of it , marched towards london-derry , promising themselves , the terrour of their arms would oblige it to a surrender upon their first approach ; but found they were extreamly mistaken ; for although colonel lundy the governour , and the two regiments sent from england , under the colonels cunningham and richards , had withdrawn and slighted it , as a place not tenable against an army of forty thousand men , with a train of artillery and divers mortars ; providence so ordered , it became the bulwark of the sinking nation , and gave the enemy their first considerable check ; for divers troops that were abroad , mostly composed of undisciplined soldiers , throwing themselves into it , they , together with those that were found there were regimented , even the multitude seizing the keys , and undertaking with great alacrity to defend it , having chose mr. george walker , minister of an adjacent village , their governour , and major baker , his co-adjutor , or assitant-governour during the siege . and now those in arms in the town consisted of 117 companies , and every company contained sixty men , being in all 7020 common soldiers , and 341 officers . the next thing taken in hand , was to view the stores , and ordering their better security from any embezling , as resolving to defend the place to the last extremity , having already rejected the offers the enemy made them , in case they would readily submit , which consisted of much promised favour and protection ; but the hard dealings others had met with , who had put themselves into their hands , made them deaf to all proposals , and their great guns being mounted on the wall , they fired upon the advance-guard of the enemy , who had been promised to be received with open arms , by hamilton and others , who undertook to bring over the besieged , which much consternated king iames , then within the reach of their cannon , and obliged him to remove to a place of more safety . however , seeing fair words and promises could not gain it , they resolved to reduce it by force , beginning within a day or two after their appearance before it , to break ground , and run their trenches , drawing up a demi-culverine , within a furlong of the town , with which they battered the market-house , and did some damage to other houses ; but the cannon from the town playing among them , did considerable execution ; and to hinder their nearer approach , the besieged sallied , and beat them out of their trenches , killing about two hundred men , amongst whom was the french general mamow , and others of note , with little loss on our side , and of note , only lieutenant mac phedris was killed . the besiegers finding this way little availed them , drew four demi-culverine into an orchard adjoyning to the town , and kept continual firing , which hurt many people in their houses , and made some impressions in the walls : nor was the damage left unrequited from the cannon of the town , which killed them a great many men , and some considerable officers , and a sudden shot took off two fryars in their habits , as they were exhorting the besieged to press on the siege . and now to do their work more effectually , they placed two mortar-pieces , and threw in divers bombs , which did some damage to the houses and people , whereupon the besieged sallied , and killed several of the enemy at penburn-hill , losing only two of their own and eighteen wounded . the same day a shot from the town broke and dismounted one of their pieces on the battery , and killed the gunner , whereupon they drew a trench a-cross windmil-hill , from the bog to the river , and there raised another battery , lining the hedge with dragoons ; but at the same time the besieged sallied in a considerable number , and dividing one part , made them masters of the trenches and advantageous ground , killing about two hundred ; whilst the other party beat the dragoons from the hedges . which reiterated losses so enraged the enemy , that having captain cunningham , and lieutenant douglass upon some sallies , they , after quarter given , put them to the sword , which served to confirm the besieged in the belief of the mercy they were to expect if they fell into their hands , and made them more obstinate in a resolute defence : and alluring the governour out , under pretence of treaty , they fired a hundred shot at him , yet none of them had the power to hurt him , by reason upon their first presenting , he sheltred him behind the ruines of an old house , and retired into the town , cautious how he trusted them any more . the besiegers by this time grown weary of continual duty , and the danger they were exposed to , drew off their main body , and encamped on a hill about two miles from the town , yet left it entirely besieged . on the fourth of iune , a squadron of voluntier horsmen , who promised upon oath to do great things , supported by a detachment of foot , made an attack upon the windmil-work , resolving to force the line , coming on with loud shouts and huzza's ; but were frustrated in their enterprize , being beat off with considerable loss , four hundred of them were accounted to be killed ; and to secure their retreat , the foot carried faggots at their backs , and those that had none , hoised the dead bodies , and carried them away on their backs to dead the shot . on the part of the besieged , the loss was very inconsiderable , only captain butler pressing too eagerly after the enemy , was taken prisoner , and a few killed by a great shot coming over the river . these sev●●al defeats and disappointments of taking a place they before had thought so easie , that the french general upon the first view , swore he would beat down the walls with pot-guns , so enraged the enemy , that they were resolved to make all the effort imaginable , and the next night played bombs , some of them 273 pounds , which broke up the streats , beat down several houses , and killed divers persons ; which occasioned some consternation , and the more when their stores of provision began to fail , and famine to encrease , so that they needs must have been disheartned , had they not been encouraged by the discovery of thirty sail of ships in the lough , which were sent to their succour from england , under the command of major-general kirk , with provision , men , and ammunition : but the river being chained up with a floating boom a-cross it , and batteries of the enemy on the bank , he could not only for several days get up , but had much ado to have communication by letter ; yet the hope of relief so near at hand , kept up the spirits of the besieged , and encouraged them to a vigorous defence , though many died daily for want . monsieur de rosen the french marshal , by this time arrived in the enemies camp , and understanding the little progress they had made in carrying on the siege , fell a swearing , by the belly of god , he would not only demolish the town , but bury the besieged in their own ruins . but upon the attacks he made , found no better success than the rest : and the lord clancar●y , who they said was destined by an old prophecy to take the town , making an attack , and being beat off with great loss , lieutenant-general hamilton , who had falsified his trust to king william , and revolted to the enemy , upon his being sent from england to pacifie matters in the beginning , came to make large offers , but was rejected by the besieged with indignation ; nor was rosen's promises and threats regarded . whereupon he pitched upon a french politick , imagining that would inf●de●●ly do , viz. he caused all the miserable protestants to be gathered out of the countries round about , and driven half naked and starved there to perish , if the besieged refused to succour them , whose wants , though they pierced their hearts , having very slender provision in the town , they could not relieve , and therefore kept the gates shut against them , yet fired among the enemies party that drove them , four or five of them fell dead with the shot . and now there being several prisoners in the town , who had several relations of note and command in the enemies camp , the governour , and the rest , caused a gallows to be set up in the sight of the enemy , threatning to hang the prisoners thereon , if those miserable people were not suffered to return to their habitations , yet leave given them to write to their friends , to know what they would do on their behalf . rosen returned them no answer ; but hamilton returned them a slight one . however , this stratagem prevailed , and the people were permitted to return ; which proved advantageous to the garrison ; for amongst them five or six hundred poor starvlings were shuffled out , and some able bodies taken in . another stratagem they had to shoot letters into the town in the dead shell of a bomb , viz. not filled with powder , as imagining the governour , and other superiour officers kept their proposals from the soldiers ; but this enraged them the more , and it was ma 〈…〉 th so much as to discourse of a surrender . about the thirtieth of iune , major baker died ; yet the defence continued as vigorous as ever , and divers sallies were made , though the garrison through famine , diseases and loss was lessened near one half , and the famine increased so fast , that horse-flesh was fold for eighteen pence the pound , and but little of that to be had : a quarter of a dog , that fead upon the dead irish , at five shillings and six pence , his head at half a crown , a cat at four shillings and six pence ; rats , mice , tallow , greves , and all noysome things that could be possibly eaten , proportionably ; so that in the whole town there was but nine lean horses left , and a pint of meal , and a little tallow to each man , when providence so ordered , whilst they were at their devotions , news came that ships were making their way up the river ; which to their great joy and comfort proved true : for major-general kirk having notice that the town could hold out no longer , ordered the mountjoy and phoenix , and mountjoy guarded by the dartmouth , to force their way at any hazard , which they did through the showers of the enemies shot , and found the boom broke ; one of them however struck upon a shelve , yet the stock of her guns set her free again , and they came safe to the town , bringing life to a dying people : which the enemy perceiving , thought it to no purpose of staying longer before it , least they should receive worse disgrace , but in some confusion raised their camp , firing culmore , and divers other places in their retreat , breaking for haste some of their great guns ; and had a party of the inniskilling-men , and some of the garrison upon their rear , who cut off , or took prisoners the s●raglers , with some booty , the former having before defeated lieutenant-general maccarty , they likewise threw about twelve care load of arms into the river for want of carriages to bear them off ; and lost before the town in a siege of one hundred and five days , for so long it lasted , between 18 and 19000 men , and among them 100 of their best officers . and now pardon me , reader , for insisting so long upon this particular , which i could not slightly pass over , since ( if we consider the weakness of the place , few of the men that defended trained up in war , and scarcity it endured , and the time it held out against a powerful army , backed by almost a whole kingdom ) it may very well compare with the most famous siege that ever was mentioned in history . major-general kirk soon after these succours got in , came to london-derry , and was received with all the demonstrations of joy a people in so ruinous a condition , could bestow ; and having viewed the walls and fortifications , blessed himself to think that such slight works could ever have been defended so long against such an army . things in london-derry being settled as well as the shortness of time would permit , it was agreed that mr. walker should go for england , and present his majesty with an address in his own , and the names of the principal persons that had been in the town during the siege ; where he was very graciously received , and his majesty , as a mark of his favour , for the signal services he had done him , ordered him 5000 pound , and a promise of his further regard . whilst this siege lasted , the inniskilling-men and others of the protestant party abroad were not idle , but a detachment of 600 men were sent under the cammand of colonel stewart , got into the isle of inch ; and hearing the irish had fortified themselves in tully , he sent a commanded party of sixty musquetiers , and beat them out , when more forces coming to him , he and other commanders raised some small fortifications in the island , and there succoured a great many protestants who fled from the enemy with their cattel and substance , and others that had been stripped of all , and came naked ; beating divers parties of the irish that attempted to force him from his strength ; and the duke of berwick being sent this way with 1500 horse , attempted to force ralfamulin , where a small party of our men quartered ; but having timely notice , getting to their arms , and barrocading the street , the enemy , after a sharp dispute , drew off with the loss of 240 men ; and on our part only lieutenant coningham , and a few private soldiers , and a lieutenant wounded : however , very desirous to bring these parts into subjection , nothing was omitted that threats or alurements could effect ; but neither of them prevailed against the stedfast loyalty of the protestants ; they too sadly remembred how often they had broke their words , and how little they esteemed keeping it with those they termed hereticks . one fatal instance of which take for many : it happened that the lord galmoy being abroad with a party , took captain dixie prisoner by surprize in his father's house , which house he set on fire , and with him brought away cornet charlton : but hearing one brian mac king●or mac gurrie , a captain of the irish army , had been taken by our men , and was prisoner at cran , he sent to the governor of the castle , to offer captain dixie in exchange , vowing upon his honour , so soon as gurrie came , dixie should be sent them . this was well accepted , and guerrie was sent , but galmoy thereupon ordered the two young gentlemen to be tried by a council of war , for receiving a commission from england ; and being sentenced , had orders to prepare to die the next day , but in the mean time great endeavours were used , and promises made them of life and preferment , if they would turn papists , and adhere to king iames. but they generously rejected the offer , and preferred their religion before the saving their lives ; and although mac gurrie interceded mainly for them , and reproached the lord galmoy with the stain of his honour after his solemn promise in writing ; yet he would hear nothing on their behalf , but caused them to be hanged upon one russel's sign post ; whilst he made merry there ; and not content with their lives , he ordered their heads to be cut off , and tossed to the soldiers to play at foot-ball with , which when they had misused for a time , he caused to be set up on the market-cross at belturbet . this made , i say , the rest more cautious to trust their mercy ; whereupon the french general rosne , resolute to subdue them , came within the shot of their cannon to encourage the soldiers that were gathering in those parts against them , but a shot had spoiled his undertaking , had it not fallen a little too short , yet it beat up the stones , which wounded him in the leg , and his horse in the body , and killed two troopers , insomuch , that frighted with this disaster , he gave over the attempt : but greater actions than these attended the fate of ireland ; the english army so long expected was embarqued , and came on with a fair wind , being discovered some leagues at sea , by the longing people who watched for it on the shore , and proclaimed its arrival by their loud shouts and acclamations of joy : and on the thirteenth of august , 1689. duke schombergh , who commanded the forces , landed at carickfurgus ; and after a short enquiry into the state of the kingdom , he sent two regiments to belfast ; and having refreshed himself , and that part of the army that landed with him , he directed his march to find out the enemy , being every where received by the protestants with the greatest expressions of joy imaginable : at the terrour of whose approach the castle and town of antrim was deserted , and our men took possession of it , leaving there a garrison of fif●y soldiers , under the command of captain ormsby ; and many other places and passes were secured : but carickfurgus refusing upon summons to surrender , a part of the army sate down before it ; and the next day the cannon and mortars were planted against it whilst the trenches were opened , and no sooner they heard the english speak to them in a dialect of war , from the mouths of their cannon , but they beat a parley ; but the main import of their request being to send to king iames to have his leave to surrender : it was rejected , and the mortars and cannon began to play against the town very furiously , they answering us with their cannon in like manner , especially anoying our men with two pieces advantageously planted in the lord dungale's house ; yet our bombs did great execution , beating down and setting many houses on fire . several of our ships that lay in a line , played likewise their cannon on the other side , and no less indamaged the besieged ; whereupon they again desired a parley , but insisting to march out with their cloaths and baggage , the duke would not agree to it , only allowing them to be prisoners of war ; and again the batteries were renewed ; they again hung out a white flag to parley , and upon submitting to a surrender , were allowed to be conducted to the next irish garrison ; whereupon sir henry ingoldsby marched in with his regiment , and took posse●sion of the place . by this time fifty sail of ships came up the lough , on board which were a regiment of horse , and four of foot , who joyning the army , the general marched towards belfast , and were two miles beyond lisnoygarney on the 2d of september , which made the enemy retreat with much precipitation ; yet they took so much time as to set divers places on fire ; whereat the general was so incensed , that he sent to tell the commanders of those parties , that if they desisted not from using such french tricks , they must expect no quarter , if they fell into his hands ; which made them upon quitting dundalk leave it intire . the duke finding the plains of dundalk commodious to encamp on , and the winter season approaching , caused the tents to be pitched , whilst the enemy's army between 40 and 50000 fortified and entrenched about ardee . slego being still in the hands of the english , a party of the enemy consisting of about 5000 horse and foot , advanced that way in hopes by force or surprize to make themselves masters of it : but colonel lloyd , who commanded the inniskilling-men , having notice of their design , drew out about a 1000 horse , dragoons , and foot , and lining the hedges of the lanē of boyle , where they were to pass , with his foot , he drew up his horse on a rising ground , and charged the enemy so suddenly , that after a smart engagement he put them to flight in great confusion ; and taking a nearer way with his horse and dragoons , got into boyle before the enemy , and charged them again in the front , whilst the food did the like in the rear ; so that 700 were cut off , and about 400 taken prisoners , with o kelly their commander , and forty other officers of note ; and by this rout 8000 head of cattel were recovered , which the enemy in their ravaging the country had got together , also a great many arms , ammunition and provision ; so that those parts continued in quiet a long time after : so that the enemy perceiving force in vain , undertook to ruine our affairs by treacherous policy , bu● they failed in that , as in all the rest . the project was thus : it happened that 4 regiments of french protestants were raised in englan● for the service , and amongst them divers were listed that came over just then by the way o● holland , which being done in haste , the colonels had no time strictly to examine them ▪ so that amongst these there was one du plessey ▪ who had been formerly a captain in france ▪ and fled thence for a murther , but now served as a private soldier ; this man sent ●● monsieur d'avaux , to let him know , that if he would get him his pardon in france , an● let him have the command of such as 〈◊〉 brought over , he would inveagle the papists that had been unwittingly regimented to the irish camp. which upon his trial before a council of war appearing by his intercepte● letter , and confession , he , with four others hi● accomplices , were found guilty , and executed ; and upon a strict scrutiny a great many papists were found in those regiments , and sent prisoners to england . providence by thi● timely discovery frustrating the design they might have to revolt , and endeavour the turning the scale of victory , if it came to a battel . the plains of dundalk , by reason of the fogs and wetness of the place , incommoding ●he camp with sickness and inconveniency , about the middle of november it broke up , and marched away to the newry pass ; and beat●ng out the enemy , possessed themselves of ●he town , and upon their attempting to recover it , were beaten with considerable loss . brigadier stewart falling upon them with 250 horse and foot so resolutely , that they fell ●nto confusion , thirty being killed on the place , ●nd about eighteen taken prisoners , and among the number five officers . and colonel woolsey took belturbet upon the first summons . nor did only the men , but the women ●affle the courage of the irish : for a strong party of them attempting to make themselves masters of the lady newcomens , house , that heroick fortified it , and garrisoned with her tenants , beating off the enemy , and killing ●everal in the attacks they made , though she ●ad no great guns , and but a few small shot ; ●hereupon they found themselves obliged to ●ring some cannon and a mortar before it ; ●hich caused her to surrender , in considera●ion , that dismissing the garrison to march ●ith their baggage to lisnigarvy , she and her ●omesticks might continue there in quiet . ●ut this was not virtually observed ; for get●ing into her house , they took away many ●●ings of value . whilst these things happened at land , some●hing remarkab1e , and not amiss to be recited , was done on the water , in the bay o● dublin , in spight of all the power and for●● of the irish , that then possessed that gre●● city . sir clously shovel being on that coast , afte● cruising thwart the bay , he stood into it , an● could then perceive a ship a mile within th● bar , whereupon resolving to fetch her out if possible , he came to an anchor , and we●● on board the monmouth yatch , and at a litt●● more than half flood , the wind being no●therly , he with that yatcht , two men of wa● hoys , a catch , and the pinnace , got over th● barr ; whereupon the ship being aware of h●● coming , weighed anchor , and moved up 〈◊〉 salmon-pool , about a mile nearer to dubl●● and there run a-ground , within shot of 〈◊〉 french man of war of twelve guns , and t●● or three english ships that lay a-ground fill●● with soldiers , who continually kept firing 〈◊〉 our vessels ; however , they followed the a●tack , and after some dispute , sir clously s●●vel made a sign for the fireship to enter a●● bear up ; which when the enemy perceive● they left their ships , and got away in th● boats ; whereupon our men went on boar● her , and having somewhat lightned her brought her off , in turning out the wind , ●●ring out of the sea , one of sir clously's hoys r●● a-ground , and could not be got off before t●● water fell away from her , so that the 〈◊〉 were forced to lye by her , and get out her ●●chors , ready to heave off , when the ty●●● should return ; and the hoy being upon 〈◊〉 ●round , thousands of people came upon the ●trand , among which was king iames with ●is guards , as spectators of what might hap●en , and two protestants that had escaped ●rom dublin , got to our armed boats , and with much supplication intreated to be taken ●n . however , a french trooper to shew his bravado , came riding up within half musquet ●hot , and reviling our men as well as he could ●abble english by the epithets of rebels , & c. ●e had so much courage as to discharge his pistol at that distance ; but a shot from the boat that lay next the shoar killed his horse , whereupon monsieur pulling off his boots , left ●hem to our men , betaking him to his heels as ●ast as he could run , for fear an unwelcome messenger should overtake him , and make him ●ay dear for his vain-glory. the ship thus taken was the pellican , the ●iggest of the two scotch frigots taken by the ●rench the precedent summer , carrying a●out twenty guns . three or four of those ●hat were aboard her , were killed by the fi●ing of our men , and found dead upon the deck , besides those that were carried off , as ●ell killed as wounded : and our vessels ha●ing done what they came for , returned in ●riumph with their prize , in the sight of a ●umerous people , who thought it for the most ●art safest to keep at a distance . this ship lay here to carry off some of the ●rotestants goods that had been seized in dublin ; but the freighters by this means were ●isappointed of their expectations . colonel woolsey being still abroad with a party to observe the enemies motions , having with him a party of 700 men , out of the regiment of kirk , earl , grover , and the inniskilling troops , he ordered half o● them to make an incursion towards finag● under the command of lieutenant-colone● creichtoune , he with the rest marched to kilislia , a strong castle between belturbet and cavan , where he by secret marching came by break of day , and brought his men withi● musquet shot of the fortress , under the shelte● of the hedges and ditches , and immediately fixed his miners to the wall , where they soo● finished a mine , and were ready to spring i● by ten the next morning ; whereupon th● colonel sent to summon the garrison , upo● which they sent out an officer to treat , and about two hours after the conditions were agreed on . which were , that the garrison shoul● march out with their arms and baggage ▪ and accordingly the castle gate was delivere● about noon , and the garrison commanded b● one captain darchy , marched out within a● hour after , consisting of 160 men detache● out of several regiments ; and according t● articles agreed on , were guarded to cavan ▪ so that this strong place was reduced with th● loss of three men on our side , and four or fiv● wounded ; it being of great importance t● their majesties affairs ; by reason it opene● a free passage into connaught , and all that par● of leinster that lies on the shannon ; and afte● having put in a garrison of one hundred men , he returned to belturbet , and was there reinforced by a battalion of danes , to enter upon further action , as he found it advantageous to the service . insomuch , the irish parties were so frequently met withal , that they came not abroad so often as they were wont ; by which means our men had the better leisure to get in hay and corn to the magazines , which they frequently adventured for in the enemies quarters , and for the most part succeeded so well , that they mainly encreased the stores ; so that with that , and what came from england , the camp , and out-quarters were plentifully supplied ; and even the papists chose rather to bring in their provisions to our camp than the enemies , so self-interest , by reason of the disproportion in the money , as taking valuable coin in ours , and only copper and mixed mettal at a vast disproportion ; in the other promised to be changed hereafter into better coin , though they knew not when , nor cared to rely upon such uncertainties . about this time the damp fogs arising in the country a great many officers and soldiers died in either camp ; but the destruction light mostly on the french , in comparison of their number , who coming out of a warm dry country , could not so well endure the incommoding vapours and cold damps , which the frequent rains that fall in ireland , especially when the season is any thing considerably advanced towards the winter quarter and now that the blessing of god might be upon their majesty's arms , and judgments averted , the general caused his proclamation to be published throughout the camp , and in other places , strictly prohibiting swearing , cursing , and prophaneness in the officers and soldiers on pain of displeasure , and such punishments as might be inflicted , which for a time stopped those volleys of oaths and curses , that were wont to be heard on every trivial occasion . the general went out with a party to view the enemies posts , and situation of the country , and upon his return to lisburn , where now his head-quarters were , he received the welcome news , that colonel woosley marching from belturbet with seven hundred foot , and three hundred horse , notwithstanding his being discovered by the centinels , who gave the alarm , and the badness of the weather , he got thither half an hour after break of day , and there , contrary to his expectation , found the duke of berwick arrived with twenty five hundred men , which with the garrison made up about four thousand , and these were drawn up in good order near the fort ; yet the colonel took courage , resolving to charge them , ordering his men as the ground gave opportunity , and soon they joyned in a fierce encounter , the inniskilling-men standing to it manfully ; so that notwithstanding the great odds , in two hours time they beat the enemy out of the field with considerable slaughter ; in which action the duke of berwick had his horse shot under him , and colonel o rely , governour of cavan was killed , as also two lieutenant colonels , and divers other officers of note . the enemy beaten out of the field , our men too eager of plunder , entered the town before they had gained an entire victory ; which the irish perceiving , rallied , and those in the fort sallied upon them ; so that in the scattered disorder they were in , they had been mostly cut off , had not the colonel with a reserve of two hundred and fifty foot , and eighty horse hasted to their rescue , and given them leave to get to their arms , and although he beat the salliers into the fort , and made the others retire ; yet the town being a magazine , and full of plunder , he could not get his men out , till he was forced to fire it about their ears , whereby great stores , of provisions were consumed ; for most of the houses were filled with bread , meal , oats , and the like , being a six months provision for the garrison : and by this defeat and the ruine of the town , the duke of berwick was disappointed of his design , which by his orders , was to post there with ten thousand men , to be composed of a detachment of all the regiments , and so to keep the country in awe , and make incursions as he perceived it advantageous . in this action , on our side were only twenty men killed , of which number were captain armstrong , major trahern , captain mayo , and captain la maugere ; but the enemy lost above three hundred , and two hundred taken prisoners ; many that fled threw away their arms and baggage for haste . upon this success , sir iohn lanier being at the newry with a strong party , advanced to dundalk , and from thence to bedlow castle , where was a company of foot , consisting of between thirty and forty men ; but the dragoons soon stormed it , killed divers of them , and set the castle on fire , and upon their return attacked dundalk , wherein the enemy had a garrison ; but they kept close and would not venture to sally , and our men not being strong enough for a formal siege , plundered the houses thereabout , and marched away with a considerable booty . about this time the prince of wirtemberg landed with the danish forces under his command for their majesties service , and in a short time joyned the army . col. callimot attempting to surprize the strong fort of charlemont , but being too soon discovered , he was obliged to retreat ; which he did with the loss but of one man. spring coming on , lewis the fourteenth was not altogether unmindful of his promise , but sent five thousand french , with some cloaths and ammunition , in lieu of which succours , as many irish were sent to france , under the leading of lieutenant general maccarty , who having been taken prisoner by the inniskilling-men upon the great overthrow , had by this time made his escape , for which colonel hamilton , governour of inniskilling , where he had been detained prisoner , was questioned ; but upon trial , producing a letter from his superiour officer , for what he had done , the matter passed over . colonel woosley about this time had the castle of killesandra delivered to him upon summons , the garrison being terrified into a compliance , upon notice he was about to spring a mine under it , the garrison consisting of 160 men , were conducted to cavan ▪ and many other castles and advantageous places were frighted at the approach of our forces , or compelled to surrender ; and great plenty abounded in the english camp , by reason those that brought it received silver money : when on the other side king iames had caused brass money to be coined , and an order to pass it at certain rates , though it was not a twentieth part of the value ; yet prohibited it in payments in his custom-house and exchequer : and having called a pretended irish parliament , they anulled the act of settlement , and all other acts favourable to the protestants , relating to matters civil or ecclesiastical ; so that protestant bishops and ministers were out , and popish bishops and priests advanced to their benefices , and great oppressions used on all hands : but whilst this was doing , charlemont , a strong fortress of the enemies , that had been all the winter blocked up , finding no succours of provision , though some of our men got in over the morass , which hastened the consumption of their provision , beat a parley , and after some debate about articles they were agreed upon , they being in their orders as followeth : that all the garrison , viz. the governour , officers , soldiers , gunners , and all other inhabitants , the deserters who run from our camp , since the first of september precedent , only excepted ; and all other persons in the said garrison , shall have their lives secured , and march out with their arms , bag and baggage , drums beating , colours flying , match lighted , and bullet in mouth , each officer and soldier twelve charges of powder , with match and ball proportionable , and their horses without any molestation in their persons and goods now in their possession , not belonging to the stores upon any pretence whatsoever , that the said garrison may march the nearest way to dundalk , and not be compelled to march above 8 or 9 miles a day . that all sick and wounded officers , and all other persons that are not able to march at present , may remain within the said garrison , till they are able to march , and then to have a pass to go to the next irish garrison . that none of the army under his grace the duke of schomberg's command , shall enter the said fort , except such as are appointed by him to take possession , till the garrison be marched clear out of the gates . that there shall be a sufficient convoy appointed for the said garrison to conduct it to the place before-mentioned . that they shall deliver fully and wholly without any embezelment or diminution , all the stores belonging to the said fort ; and that an officer shall be immediately admitted to take an account of them . that the fort shall be put into the possession of such forces as his grace shall think fit at eight of the clock on wednesday the fourteenth of may , 1690. and the garrison shall march out an hour before the outward gate shall be delivered to such forces as the general shall appoint in case a supply of one months provision for 800 men be not brought into the garrison for relief between the signing of these articles , and the time the place is articled to be delivered up . that the above-mentioned articles shall be inviolably performed on both sides , without any equivocation , mental reservation , or fraud whatsoever , according to the true intent and meaning thereof . lastly , that all acts of hostility shall cease between the said garrison and army , so soon as notice can be given on both sides . thus after a long holding out , this strong place was forced into a compliance , notwithstanding the enemy had put such confidence in it , that many of those abroad proposed it as a last refuge , if things came to a greater extremity , its scituation and strength giving them incouragement to hope it was impregnable ; and indeed , it had baffled our men in some attempts they made on it and held out so long , contrary to expectation ; however at last ; we find that was agreed to be surrendred , and accordingly it was surrendred , and the governour teague o regan , and the garrison , who had near consumed all their provision , marched out in number 800 ; they left 17 pieces of brass cannon , 2 mortars , and a considerable quantity of ammunition . and this place by nature and art being exceeding strong , greatly availed to the keeping all that part of the country in awe . and what more exceedingly heartned the soldiers , was the news that the king of england had left whitehall on the fourth of iune , and was coming for ireland with a considerable army , great sums of money , stores of ammunition , and all things necessary for the vigorous carrying on and expediting the war. nor were they deceived in the report ; for on the fourteenth of iune he landed at carickfergus , and went from thence to belfast , where he was waited on by duke schomberg , and many of the great officers , and with him came not only some of the irish nobility , but a great many of that country , who had fled for england to avoid the danger that threatned from the papists ; and great was the joy of the protestants for his arrival , and as much on the other hand the terrour and consternation of the papists . his majesty , soon after his landing , ordered 200000 1. to be brought on shoar , and fifteen tun of half-pence and farthings of the new tin coin , and gave notice to all the agents of regiments to bring in their accompts within three days , that they might receive the moneys due to the soldiers ; and care thereupon was taken to clear their quarters , and discharge the country . the king thus landed , to the great joy of all the protestants , every one laboured who should be formost in shewing their humble gratitude for his exposing his royal person to so many dangers for their safety , whereupon the gentlemen of the county of down , &c. presented this address . to the king 's most excellent majesty . great sir , we the sheriffs and iustices ●f the peace , and gentlemen of the county of down and antrim , do most heartily congratulate your majesty's safe arrival into this kingdom , and do humbly offer your majesty our unfeigned thanks for the great pains and hazard your majesty does undergo in restoring us to our religion , liberties and properties , and do not doubt but as god has made your majesty miraculously instrumental in re-establishing those blessings in the kingdom of england , so he will in this distressed country ; which that he may do , and grant your majesty a long and prosperous reign over us , is the hearty wish and prayer of your majesty's faithful and most obedient subjects and servants , &c. on this occasion likewise the clergy of the churches in the province of ulster presented their address , as did the presbyterians , and those of their perswasion in the north of the kingdom . the like from the mayor , aldermen , &c. of london-derry ; and another from the soveraign burgesses and inhabitants of belfast , which created a high satisfaction and more general rejoycing . and here it was that mr. walker , that so bravely defended london-derry accompanied with divers of the clergy , waited upon his majesty , and congratulated his happy arrival in the kingdom . and parties were sent out to observe the motions of the enemy . the king , intent upon the great affair he came about , stayed not for many ceremonies and complements ; but being well refreshed , went to hilsbourgh , and from thence to newry , where a great part of the army that had been under the general lay , of which he took a view , and ordered all things to the best advantage for carrying on the war , nor was the measures taken slow in executing . and now whilst this is doing , let us turn a little towards dublin , and see how affairs stand in the metropolis of the kingdom . it was not to be doubted , but upon the king 's landing with an additional army , the papists would have been more concerned than they were , but i know not upon what false topick they grounded their hopes , their concern was not so great , as might have been expected from so eminent a danger ; whether it was to abate the courage of the protestants , and startle them into a mistake of some private design they had against the king ; or that they had some old prophesies , which they too much relied upon for their success ; or that they trusted to the number of their army , remains doubtful ; but however they kept up their courage beyond expectation . the protestants in dublin guessed it proceeded from the false news that 100000 men were ready to rise in england , and recall king iames , or declare for a common-wealth , and that the french fleet being very powerful at sea , would not fail to intercept the king of england's return , and so they fancied they had him as it were in a trap. and indeed in this immergency , the affronts the protestants every where received , without any hope of redress , made them not know what to think of their condition ; nor was it long e're the chief of them were imprisoned ; and the rest were told , they would be glad e're long to go to mass in a short time . and they were put into frequent frights of having their houses fired about their ears , or at the least to be plundered of all they had . and it seems it was debated , that if it came to a battel , and the irish were worsted , the city should be set on fire , if not the protestants massacred . but it is said king iames opposed it ; and on the 16th of iuly marched out of dublin , to joyn with about 5000 foot sent from france , and one regiment of them being dutch , and mostly protestants , great care was taken to keep them from startling , and the whole irish army was composed of about 40000 men , besides 15000 that remained in garrisons , and 6000 of the militia , under the command of colonel luttrel and mac gillicuddy , who was ordered as his assistant in the government of the city . and hereupon a hasty order came out , that all who walked the streets without bayonets or swords , should be seized . and thereupon a great many protestants , who could not get such weapons , were taken up , and many of them imprisoned . and another order , that upon pain of death , not above five protestants , besides the family , should meet together : so that the churches , which had till this time been kept open , were shut up , and dr. king dean of st. patrick's imprisoned : yet such was the zeal of the protestants in these dangerous times , that they gathered considerable contributions for the maintenance of the dispos sest clergy , and for such as were prisoners , till they were forced to desist ; all the goals and many of the churches , being crowded with prisoners , not only citizens , but such as had been brought from galloway , kilmainham , and other places ; many of them were stifled by crowding and wanting of air , and others almost famished for want of sustenance . it would be too tedious to enumerate all the particular sufferings of the protestants , their frequent allarms , fears and many other disturbances . therefore let it suffice , that though sorrow lasted for a night , joy came in the morning , as by the sequel will be evident . the two armies being now in the field , the irish however declined fighting all they could ; and it was given out , that king iames designed to lead them about the banks of the river boyne to weary out the english , as thinking they could not pass that stream , if defended on the other side ; and after he had so done , to cross the country and go for limerick . however , least the english should push on , and give him battel , he resolved to provide for the worst , and therefore ordered sir patrick trant , the first commissioner of his revenue , to have shipping ready at waterford to carry him off , if things came to extremity ; for at last he found , unless he abandoned dublin , which was proposed to be defended , he could not avoid fighting above ten days ; for the king of england , impatient of delay , possessed himself of almost all the passes and posts that were advantageous to bring the enemy to a battel ; and many skirmishes happened between parties abroad , wherein our men gained the advantage . the enemy by this time being encamped near dundalk , and strongly guarding a pass , call'd four-mile-bridge , which was very difficult to force , it was resolved that our army should march to market-hill , and therefore to fall into the great road that leads from armagh to dundalk ; whereupon major scravenmore was sent out with a detachment of 300 horse and 20 dragoons , to view the road and passes , and find a convenient place to en●●mp in , and discover , if possible , the posture of the enemy ; which was so well performed , that a small party of theirs , seeing this detachment betimes in the morning marching towards market-hill , supposed it to be the vauntguard of the whole army , and therefore gave the alarm to their camp that our army was almost upon them , which , without sending to know the certainty , put them into such a fear , that they fired their camp , and marched away ; which being certified to the king , it appeared so strange , that it could not presently gain credit : but being in a short time confirmed from all hands , the order of the march was changed , and a dispatch sent to the forces at armagh and tenargee , that they should immediately march by the great road towards dundalk . but a detachment of 200 foot and 50 dragoons going from the newry towards dundalk , were incompassed by an ambush of 500 of the enemies horse ; and though our men fought desperately , yet above 20 of them were killed and wounded , and the enemy lost as many , with the officer that commanded them , whose horses our men in their retreat brought away with them . on the 31th of iune the king marched early in the morning from his camp at ardee towards drogheda , and found the irish army encamped along the boyne above the town ; but the foot not coming up before it was late , and with them the artillery ; nothing could be done that night , but visiting the posture of the enemy , and the fords of the river ; which appeared very difficult to pass . however , the king encamped within shot of the enemies cannon , which had like to have proved very fatal to these kingdoms , by sending death so near a precious life that is so dear to them ; for as his majesty was taking a view of their posture , a six pound shot brushed his shoulder , and razed the skin , making a large though not a deep wound ; yet he nothing daunted thereat , only caused it to be dressed , and mounting again , kept on horseback for several hours after ; and toward the dusk of the evening , he commanded count schomberg , with the right wing of the horse , two regiments of dragoons , and trelawney's brigade , to take five field-pieces , and go early in the morning to try the fords some miles above the enemies camp , and if he found an opportunity to pass over and attack them in the flank , or oblige them to decamp . and almost beyond expectation , he passed with good success , beating off 8 squadrons that stood ready to oppose him ; and having gained firm ground on the other side the river , drew up his men in battalia , sending to acquaint the king what he had done , and to receive his further orders : but the king no sooner received the news , and perceived the enemy were drawing up to charge the right wing , but he caused an attack to be made in three places ; the first before a small village , at a very good ford ; at the second the foot waded the middle ; and at the third the horse were forced to swim . the dutch foot-guards that first passed over , sustained the shock of the enemies shot , whilst they were in the water , not firing till they came up close , and then pouring in their bullets . those that were in the village , and behind the ditches gave way ; but five of the enemies battalions came up to charge them , before the third battalion of that regiment had passed the river , yet ours maintained their ground , and made them retreat in disorder , leaving one of their colours , and many dead men upon the place ; but our men pressing eagerly on , and advancing beyond the village , were twice vigorously attacked by the enemies horse , but received no great damage ; whereupon the danish forces advanced to the left and the brigadiers melionere and hanmore came on the right , one being attacked by the dragoons , and the other by the horse , but neither did any great matter , by reason they had no pikes . and now the thundering of the guns , clashing of swords , and the cries and shouts made a confused noise ; so that the irish trembled at the din of war. duke schomberg having passed the river with a few forces , at what time about thirty officers , and others of the enemies life-guard , had desperately charged the king's battalion , and were all killed except five , and those attempting to escape through the village , unhappily met with the duke , who in the firings that were made , received a shot in the neck , doubtful whether from the enemy , or accidentally from his own men , whereupon he fell from his horse , and died without speaking in arms of a french captain , who alighted to relieve him , and as he had been trained up in war almost from his youth , so now he ended his days in the bed of honour . he received in this action likewise two cuts over the forehead , but not ve●y considerable . and the famous mr. walker , who held out the siege of london-derry , passing the river , received a shot in his belly , of which he died soon after , much lamented of all that knew his vertue and courage . the king all this while discharging the part of a great general and a valiant soldier , was every where at hand to give orders , and succour those that stood in need , marching with seventeen battalions of foot , and the horse he had about him , to inforce those troops that had engaged the enemy , though they had not much advanced towards the right wing ; which he did with nine squadrons of horse , and twelve battalions of foot , and so marched them against the enemy ; who upon their approach fled , without staying to be charged , retiring in much disorder ; but our horse pressed on to overtake them in such haste , that the foot could not keep pace with them ; they took with them likewise five small field-pieces ; and our dragoons supported by the horse , charged the rear of the flying enemy , and killed a great many of them ; so that for the more speed they threw away their arms , and what else was cumbersome ; yet finding themselves hard pressed by so small a part of our army , some of the french faced about , and made as if they would stand the charge ; but the king appearing on the hills with his troops , they fled faster than before , many of them scattering and making their escapes through the bogs and narrow passes , our foot pursued them but to duleek , yet our horse had the chase of them four miles further , till night came on , and then the king sent them orders to return to the foot , and sent for tents and baggage from his camp at drogheda , that the weary soldiers might repose themselves that night . the greatest part of the enemies baggage fell into the hands of our army , as their chariots , tents , arms , cannon , ammunition , provision , and some money ; and what was more remarkable , a great many arms were found laid down in rank and file , those that owned them being run away , without so much as staying to recover them . about three thousand were slain , and divers prisoners of note taken , amongst whom was lieutenant-general hamilton , who deserted the king , the trust he reposed in him ; yet he was used very kindly , notwithstanding his former ingratitude : and upon this defeat the strong town of drogheda surrendred , as did many other places thereabout . the late king iames , who had stood at a distance to view the fight , as soon as he perceived his army in rout , fled with all speed towards dublin , with a very few attendants , where he immediately called a council , and acquainted the magistrates of the city with the misfortune that had befallen him , declaring never to trust himself more at the head of an irish army , who would not stand a single charge , and then told those about him , they must shift for themselves as he intended to do ; but strictly commanded the papists not to fire the city , saying , though he left it , he did not quit his claim to it . the french horse under monsieur lauzun , having stood the hottest of the fight against ours , were extreamly broken and shattered ; of between five and six thousand , there not remaining above three thousand five hundred . king iames having slept very ill upon his loss , was the next morning alarmed with the news that king william was on his way to dublin ; which put him into such a fear , that accompanied with the duke of berwick , the marquess of p●wis , and some others , scarce giving himself time for refreshment , he left the city , and hasted to waterford , where a ship lay ready to receive him , and neither slept nor eat till he got out to sea , and stood away for france : where it ●eems , he received no extraordinary welcome when the great loss and expence of treasures was known . the protestants that were prisoners in dub●in , having news of what had happened , got 〈◊〉 liberty , and possessing themselves of the militia arms , secured the city , and the bishop of limerick and meath being there , got together the gentry and chief citizens , and formed a committee to regulate and settle the affairs , which in the hurry and confusion were put much out of frame and order , and pursuant thereto , they garrisoned the castle , and secured the stores for the king's use , sending to acquaint the king with what had happened , and to intreat him to hasten thither , and quiet the tumult and disorder some unruly people had raised . the king upon this notice immediately sent thither a troop of dragoons , and the next day the duke of ormond and monsieur overkirk were sent with nine troops of horse , and joyfully received . whereupon the papists , especially such as had been over-active in oppressing the protestants , got away with such things as they could carry either by land or water , as fearing to be called to account for their misdoings : so that they who had a little before tyrannized over the protestants , found the scene changed , and the stream turned against them ; some indeed the rabble had seized , and prevented from flight ; but such was the clemency of the king upon his coming to that city , most of them were not only set at liberty , but that the kingdom might be quieted , he published his declaration in these words : william r. as it hath pleased almighty god to bless our arms in this kingdom with a late victory over our enemies at the boyne , and with the possession of our capital city of dublin , and with a general dispersion of all that did oppose us , we are now in so happy a prospect of our affairs , and of extinguishing the rebellion of the kingdom , that we hold it reasonable to think of mercy , and to have compassion upon those whom we judge to have been seduced : wherefore we do hereby declare , we shall take into our royal protection all labourers , common soldiers , country farmers , plough-men , and cottiers whatsoever : as also citizens , towns-men , trades-men , and artificers , who either remain at home , or having fled from their dwellings , shall by ●he first day of august next repair to ●heir usual places of abode , surrendring what arms they have , to such iustices of ●he peace as are , or shall be appointed by ●s to receive them , and register such the ●aid appearance of such of the said persons ●s shall come and render themselves to our authority : for our royal intention is , and we do hereby declare , that we will not only ●ardon all those poor seduced people , as to their lives and liberties , as shall come in by the time aforesaid , from all violences they have done or committed by the command of their leaders during the war ; but we do also promise to secure them in their goods , their stocks of cattel , and all their chattels personal whatsoever , willing and requiring them to come in ; and where they were tenants , there to preserve the harvest of grass and corn for the winter supply . but forasmuch as many of them had a legal right to the tenancy of several lands , some holden from protestants , and some held from popish proprietors , who have been concerned in the rebellion against us , our will and pleasure is , that all those tenants that do hold from our good protestant subjects , do pay their rents to their respective landlords ; and that the tenants of all those who have been concerned in the present rebellion against us , do keep their rents in their hands , until they have notice from the commissioners of our revenue , unto whom they are to account for the same : and we do here strictly forbid all violence , rapine , and molestation to any who shal● thus come in , and remain obedient to us : so for those of this , or any other rank o● quality , who are already in our quarters , o● within our power , or obedient to us , w● do hereby charge and require , that they be not disquiet in any sort , without our particular command . as for the desperate leaders of the present rebellion , who have violated those laws by which this kingdom is united , and inseparably annexed to the imperial crown of england ; who have called in the french ; who have authorised all violences and depredations against the protestants ; and who rejected the gracious pardon we offered them in our proclamation of the 21st of february , 1688. as we are now by god's great favour in a condition to make them sensible of their errors , so are we resolved to leave them to the event of war , unless by great and manifest demonstrations we shall be convinced they deserve our mercy , which we shall never refuse to those that are truly penitent . given at our royal camp at finglass near dublin , the seventh of iuly , 1690. in the second year of our reign . upon this offer of pardon , a great many of the meaner sort of the irish laid down their arms , and complied with the contents of the declaration , some going home to their habitations , and many of those that were destitute of any , took the service ; and things began to carry a face of settlement , wonderfully altered from what before it was : so that the people , who a little before were , as it were , in slavery , and in danger of their lives , now found themselves at liberty , and utterly freed from those fears that had so long afflicted them . and soon after his majesty came to that city , and heard a sermon at st. patrick's church , preached by dr. king , suffering only his guards , and some of his great officers , to enter the city with him , and went that day back to his camp to dinner , when he had given the magistrates such necessary orders as he thought conducing to the happiness of the place , and was addressed by them , and by the bishops and clergy , wherein they expressed their abundant joy and gratitude for his majesty's having been the instrument , in the hand of heaven , for their great deliverance , &c. and the town and castle of wexford being deserted by the governour , who fled amongst others to france , it declared for the king , and a garrison was put into it . and now the main strength of the irish army being broken by the last defeat ▪ the popish priests every where made it their business to stir up the rabble and looser sort of people , who plundered and made great spoil , especially in the countries where the king's forces were not at hand to quell them ; however , the militia frequently met with them , and many of their ring-leaders being taken , were hanged up as thieves and robbers . and that the counties might be the better settled and guarded , his majesty made his progress into divers of them , and appointed sheriffs and other officers , as he passed , conferring upon count menard , the duke of schemberg's son , in respect of the great affection he bore his father , the place of great master of the artillery , and soon reduced wexford and many other places . yet the enemy held by garrisons many towns of strength , as cork galloway , athlone , limerick , &c. near to the last of which tyrconnel and lauzun had rallied the broken army , so that to dislodge them , the siege of that place was resolved on , though the season began to advance apace towards the usual coming on of bad weather in that kingdom . the king having pretty well settled the affairs of those counties where his army had passed , and those that put themselves under his protection , took it into his princely consideration , that his subjects had , during this war , been very much imposed upon , and abused by moneys coined in the enemies quarters , and by the order of the late king , of no value , in competition of its premium directed by the exhibitors , for the relief of such abuse to the subject , issued out his proclamation for the suppressing it , or reducing it to its intrinsick value , in the following tenor , viz. william r. having taken into our consideration the great oppression and abuses committed by our enemies in our kingdom of ireland , by making currant brass-money of copper , or mixed metals , and raising the value thereof to an extravagant height , thereby to enable them to continue the war against us , and to impoverish our loving subjects in our said kingdom , we have therefore thought it necessary to put a stop thereto ; and to the end that such part of the said copper , or mixed metal money , which remains in the hands of our said subjects , may not be wholly lost , we have thought fit to reduce the former value of the said copper-money to the value or standard of the like copper-money formerly currant in this our kingdom : and accordingly we do will and require hereby all our subjects within our said kingdom of ireland , to take and receive of all such copper and mixed-metal money , lately coined in the mint erected in our city of dublin , at the several and respective valuations following , and that the same do pass currant in the exchange of money , and for all manner of goods and provisions whatsoever , and shall be received by all officers and collectors of our customs , excise , or other branches of our revenue accordingly ; viz. the large half-crown of copper-money , together with the crown-piece of like metal and weight , lately stamped , shall pass at one peny sterling . the small half-crown of copper , lately stamped , shall pass at three farthings . the large copper shilling shall pass at a half-peny sterling . the small shilling lately stamped and six pence , shall pass each at one farthing . and our will and pleasure is , that all such pewter-pence as have been lately coined in the said mint , shall pass for half-pence ; and all half-pence of the like metal , stamped in the said mint , shall pass for farthings . which several sorts of coin shall be deemed as currant money , at the rates before-mentioned , in all payments whatsoever , within this our kingdom . given at our camp by dublin this 10th of july , 1690. and in the second 〈◊〉 of our reign . by this we may see the great loss people of all qualities sustained , the money being as we elsewhere have mentioned , ordered , upon great penalties in case of refusal , to pass at the values mentioned , though extraordinarily superiour to the value of the metal , as appears by its being reduced to its intrinsick value ; yet little of this fell to the share of the protestants , who in their extremities thought themselves well to escape with their lives , having no considerable opportunities to handle money , and therefore came off with as little loss in the reducement of it . on the 19th of iuly the royal camp lying at chappel-izard , removed thence towards waterford , that still held out , when as the king sent a summons to the town , requiring lieutenant-colonel hevesey , governour of the place , immediately to surrender , and that if he obeyed the royal mandate , the garrison should be permitted to march out quietly , and the citizens to enjoy their houses , goods and the benefit of trade ; but upon refusal to expect no quarter . 200 horse , under the command of col. comboon and col. matthews , went with the trumpeter , who delivered his message : but the governour making divers extravagant demands , which would have been answered with a sudden attack , but that his majesty had compassion of about 〈◊〉 protestant families in the town , that 〈◊〉 have suffered in the common calamity ; wherefore in singular clemency , he commanded the same capitulation to be sent them which had been granted to drogheda the day after the battel of the boyne , with this addition , that the garrison might depart each man with his own arms , but not with drums beating and colours flying ; which , after some debate , they thankfully accepted ; and on the 25th of iuly marched out , to the number of about 1600 men , being conducted to mallow , a small town , lying in the way to lymerick ; but some of their officers stayed behind , and implored his majesty's protection ; when on the same day the king viewed the walls of the place , but entered not into the town , and so returned back to the camp , sending a summons to captain michael bourk , governour of duncannon fort , offering the like capitulation that had been granted to waterford , in case he immediately surrendred , but upon refusal to expect no mercy . when instead of a positive answer , he only desired six days to consult tyrconnel ; which being refused , he declared he would take that time . whereupon the cannon was commanded to be brought and planted against the place , in order to a battery . but on the 26th in the evening , sir clously shovel appearing with 16 frigats , mounted with guns of considerable force , within shot of the fort , it brought such a terrour upon the garrison , that the governou● wrote to major-general kirk , that h● would accept of the terms offered ; which his majesty being made acquainted with , he was pleased to order , that they should still have the benefit of the articles that were as first proposed ; and the fort accordingly was surrendred . after which the king marched towards dublin . during these transactions , divers parties were abroad , who hindered the scattered irish from getting together , reducing some castles , forts , and other advantageous fortresses and posts , to their majesties obedience . his majesty now resolving , as is said , to besiege the strong town of lymerick , scituate on the river shannon , under the shelter of which the greatest part of the enemies rallied forces were retired , being about 25000 strong , lieutenant-colonel douglas , who had for some time blocked up athlone , was ordered to draw off , and to joyn the royal army on its way . the garrison was composed of a mixture of french and irish ; they had various disputes about surrendring that important place upon honourable terms ; but at last were prevailed with by the earl of tyrconnel to stand upon their defence . whilst the army prepared to march towards lymerick , and his majesty to be present at that siege , had put off his intended passing over from england , 50 of our dragoons approaching the town of youghall , the place surrendred : to bring it to which , the contrivance was in this manner ; the garrison that marched from waterford , was conducted by those dragoons under the command of captain pownal to youghall , who telling the governour of the place , who was the same that surrendered up carickfergus the precedent year , the certain ruin he would bring upon himself , if he thought of holding out ; and thereupon advising him to a surrender : he after some further debate , only desired him to expect his answer till ten at night , at which time he privately marched out with three companies of foot , giving the captain an unexpected possession of the town , where he found 14 guns mounted , and 2 without carriages , 350 barrels of oats , 215 stone of wooll , and several other sorts of provisions , but neither powder nor ball. the king being thus far on his march , a deserter came out of lymerick to our camp , and gave information , that the french had marched out of the town with eight field-pieces , and took their way towards galloway , there , if urgency required it , to be ready for imbarcation to france ; and not only those in the town were unsettled and discontented , and that others , displeased at tyrconnel 's proceeding , were retired to the mountains of kerry ; and such fear the approach of our army brought upon the enemy , made them break down the bridges to retard their march. however , that hindered but little , for where they found them in that condition , they forded the rivers ; and that the people might be still assured of his majesty's clemency towards them , another declaration was published ; and also that a blessing might attend his arms , a fast was proclaimed to be observed through all the provinces of the kingdom under their majesty's obedience on the 15th of august , and to be observed constantly , during the war , on friday in every week ; which was religiously kept , as well out of a due sense of god's mercies and favours already extended towards the late languishing kingdom , in a wonderful deliverance , as what they further expected . the approach of our forces was no sooner known to tyrconnel and lauzun , but they retired further into the country , leaving monsieur boisteau governour in the town , with a very good garrison , and store of provision , the french retiring under the walls of galloway ; but the inhabitants not liking such unfriendly guest , who sought their master's interest more than the welfare of ireland , shut their gates , and denied them entrance . however , at last being received into the town at the instance of tyrconnel and others , they shewed their resentments by dealing very severely with the inhabitants ; and we had an account that they hanged up two of those that were most active in opposing their admittance . the army approaching lymerick , found the enemy strongly posted about a mile from the town , and that they had lined the hedges , from whence they fired upon our men , but were soon dislodged , and obliged to fly to their main-guard ; and the english passed the river shannon without any considerable resistance , the enemy that guarded the further shoar flying at their approach , and for haste left behind them several tents and other materials , and encamping within the reach of their great guns , they raised works to secure them from the shot , though some were killed by random bullets . the army was no sooner encamped , and entrenchers made some advance , but the king sent to summon the governour to surrender , withal , offering him very good conditions , but he utterly refused it ; returning answer , that he was resolved to defend the place to the last extremity . upon which the trenches were opened , and the great guns being on their way to the camp , colonel sarsfield , with a strong party , taking a great compass , set upon those that had them in charge , and over-powering the convoy , killed divers of the waggoners , not sparing their wives , with their children in their arms , burning some of the waggons and carriages of the cannon , nailing up part of the great guns , and breaking others . but upon the approach of captain coningham with a party of the inniskilling-men , they made a hasty retreat ; yet the captain fell in with their rear , killed some , took other prisoners , and recovered a considerable booty . so that these , and other great guns , being brought to the camp , clonmel , a small fort near lymerick surrendred upon discretion , and the garrison made prisoners of war. and now the batteries being raised , the cannons spoke english language in thunder against the town , and the trenches were advanced within 300 paces of the wall , and two redoubts taken , the which , and other successes of the like nature , made them advance towards another redoubt . whenas colonel douglas mounting the guard , and the sign appointed given by firing 8 guns for attacking it , those that were detached for the service being 150 , besides officers , fell on with extraordinary bravery , and entering the fort , drove out the enemy , killing about 40 , possessed themselves of it , though the enemy from the town made a vigorous sally with horse and foot ; and the new batteries being levelled against the high towers , soon laid them in rubbish ; also the bombs and carkasses thrown in set a great many houses on fire : so that under the favour of these consternations the enemy were put unto , our men made their advances within thirty paces of the ditch , and the cannon still playing , not only widened the breach , but beat down part of the counterscarp and palisado's ; so that an attack was made on the counterscarp , begun by a detached party of granadiers , seconded by other detachments , who soon gained it ; as also a fort the enemy had under the wall ; but instead of lodging themselves as they were commanded , thinking fortune was altogether now on their side , they pushed on to enter the breach in pursuit of the irish that ran thither , but the cannon being turned upon them , charged with cartridge-shot , the greater part of those that were advanced were cut off , and some blown up by the springing of a mine in the ditch ; so that by computation 100 men were killed and wounded , yet they came not off without leaving the marks of their valour upon the enemy . but by this time , the army having the elements to contend with , as well as the enemy , by reason of the stormy winds and incessant rains , which not only made the river over-flow , but filled the trenches knee-deep with water , and would in a short time , in all probability , have cut off the communication , and hindered the forrage from coming in , his majesty , upon mature deliberation , thought fit to raise the siege , and refer it to a more seasonable opportunity . so that on the 30th of august the heavy cannon and baggage were sent away , and the next day the army decamped and marched off in good order , strong detachments being sent towards cork and kingsale : and the king having appointed the lord viscount sidney and sir thomas conningsby governour● of the kingdom , and setled the other affairs , as advantageously as might be , sailed for england , and landed at bristol , where , as in other places , he was received with a general joy. upon the king's departure , the irish garrisons thought themselves safe for the winter at least , but found in a short time they were deceived , for other measures were taken . the english fleet had orders to stand away to the coast of ireland , and soon arrived in cork harbour ; and upon notice of their arrival , the land forces drew down to joyn them upon their landing . upon which the duke of berwick who stiled himself lord general of ireland , drew off , lauzun and tyrconnel being already gone to france . lieutenant-general douglas followed after the duke with a strong party , to fall upon his rear , but he encamped so advantagiously behind the bogs , that it was not thought feasible to attempt the forcing his camp. a battery of 8 guns was raised to hinder the landing of our men , but two or three armed boats forcing ashoar those that were to manage and guard the guns fled , and our men dismounted them , throwing the carriages into the sea ; so that on the 24th of september , 5 or 6000 seamen , gunners , and carpenters were detached to be employed in raising the batteries and mounting the cannon against the town of cork and divers boats of arm●● men were sent to assist the taking it by water ; so that upon the approach of the army , the enemy set fire to the suburbs , and the earl of marlborough , who commanded the king's forces in chief , having taken a view of its scituation , and finding the enemy had quitted a post called cats-fort , sent a detachment to take possession of it , and then advanced his camp within musquet shot of the south-side of the town , which occasioned the enemy to set fire to the suburbs , for fear our soldiers should lodge themselves in it ; yet our men advanced to the ruins , and played upon the old fort from two batteries they had raised , and the next day made a breach in the wall so wide , that the besieged fearing our men would enter by storm , and dreading the consequences of delay , they beat a parly , and sent out an officer to capitulate , and hostages were exchanged ; but the besieged standing high upon terms , four regiments under the command of brigadier churchil , were ordered to get into the island near the wall , where the breach was made , which they performed by fording it to the middle , the granadiers , commanded by the lord colchester , leading the van , being exposed to all the fire of the enemy : amongst those that attempted this were a great many noble voluntiers , as the duke of grafton , the lord o brian , colonel granvil , captain leighton , captain cornwal , captain nevel , captain fairborn , and others ; but it proved fatal to the duke , for by a shot he received , he soon after died , and his body being carried for england , was there honourably interred . the besieged finding that our men would not enter , as not being above 20 paces from the breach , beat another parley , but could have no other conditions than to be prisoners of war ; to which , with some difficulty , they agreed , and the capitulation was signed which in the articles was to this purpose , viz. that upon the garrisons being received as prisoners of war , no prejudice should be done to the officers , soldiers , or inhabitants , but that the general should make it his endeavour to obtain his majesty's mercy and favour towards them . that the old fort should be delivered up within an hour , and the two gates the like , by 8 in the morning the next day . that all the arms of the garrison and inhabitants should be put into secure places , and the protestant prisoners immediately released . that a due account should be given of the magazines as well of provision as ammunition . and the same night 200 men took possession of the old fort , and the next morning of the town ; the garrison , between 4 and 5000 being made prisoners of war ; and of note amongst them were the earls of clancarty and tyrone , colonel macgillicot the governour , and divers others . this place thus taken and put into trusty hands , the army immediately marched towards kingsale , and took their posts about the new fort , whilst major general teteau was commanded with 800 men to make an attack upon the old fort ; whereupon passing the river in boats , he on the 3d of october , gave an assault , and entered it by storm , making at the same time , to divert the enemy , a false attaque ; and our men at one and the same time giving the bastions , some barrels of powder took fire , and destroyed about 50 of the enemy , and in the heat of fury many were killed . those that escaped , some fled unto the old castle in the midst of the fort , and some endeavouring the new fort , by the help of a boat , the tide being against them , they were mostly killed by the shot of our men , from the shoar , the governour and several officers were killed in defending the ramparts , and found dead in the places where they fell , and the soldiers got considerable plunder . the old fort thus entirely won , the general sent a summons to the new fort to demand its immediate surrender ; but the governour sent back word , that it would be time enough to talk of that a month after . but the general , not to be dallied , caused the heavy cannon to be mounted , and two attacks were ordered to be made by the english on the right , and the danes on the left ; and the more to amuse the enemy , a false attack was made , and on the 15th of october the cannon played all the morning , and the galleries were preparing to lay over the ditch , when about one of the clock the enemy beat a parly , proposing that hostages might be exchanged in order to a treaty ; which done , articles were agreed on , and signed about midnight ; and pursuant thereto the middle bastion was to be delivered up the next morning , and about 1200 men , of which the garrison consisted , were to march out the day after . and the principal of the prisoners taken here , and at cork were shipped for england ; but some of them met with a sad disaster on the coast ; for being put on board the breda , by what means is uncertain , her powder taking fire , she blew up , and most of those who were on board were desteoyed ; the rest of the fleet returned in safety . the irish that yet kept the field , were not above 10000 , yet they promised themselves great recruits against the spring . in the mean while the protestants conceived great joy at this success , and in a grateful acknowledgment to his majesty , who had been so signally instrumental in the hand of heaven for their deliverance , his birth-day being the fourth of november , old stile , was observed in the reduced places in an extraordinary manner , but especially at dublin , where the militia , consisting of 2500 foot , and two troops of horse , and as many of dragoons were drawn out , and gave several vollies ; and in the evening there was very fine fireworks before the lords justices house on colledge-green , and by their order claret was distributed to the people , who drank their majesty's healths with all the expressions of duty and loyalty ; and most of the nobility and gentry in and about the city , were invited by the lords justices to a splendid entertainment and banquet , the day concluding with ringing of bells , and the night with bonefires and illuminations , as also other publick demonstrations of joy and triumph . the fifth of november , being the anniversary of the popish powder-plot , the lords justices attended by the nobility , judges , and other persons of quality in the town , with the king and herauld at arms and the ensigns of honour carried before them , went to st. patrick's church , and after their return the lords justices gave the nobility and gentry another splendid entertainment , their majesties titles being at the second course proclaimed in latin , french , and english , by the king at arms , the great guns in the castle continually thundring the general joy in their roaring language . and that the common people might not be wanting in sharing of their bounty , a whole ox , and an hogshead of strong bear was dealt out amongst them , and at night the general joy was concluded with bonefires , and other demonstrations of publick satisfaction . the soldiers being now mostly in their winter-quarters , that they might have good usage , and the inhabitants of those towns where they were quartered at the same time receive no damage , the lords justices thought it neccessary to give their orders concerning those matters , and accordingly issued out their proclamation for regulating the quarters of the army , and ascertaining the rates to be allowed for the soldiers diet , the prizes of provisions , and the manner how the inhabitants that trusted them should be paid for what they delivered out to them . the rapparies having already been fairly warned to desist from their ravages , and burnings in the countries under obedience ; they notwithstanding enterprizing the like , captain archer upon notice that a party of them were abroad , marched against them with about twenty of the militia ; but upon his approach finding them much stronger than he had been informed , after a hot dispute he found himself obliged to retire with the loss of four of his men ; however , not giving it over , he immediately raised more of the militia , and the next morning by break of day fell upon them a second time with better success for having put them to rout , he killed about twelve of them , and took twenty prisoners , enriching his men with such booty as those people had scraped together , in those countries where they had been for a considerable time doing much mischief . and now the lords justices and councel having reason to suspect that several dangerous persons coming to the city of dublin , as spies from the enemies quarters , and upon other wicked designs , were sheltered in that city by papists , natives , who kept taverns , and other publick houses , and there frequently met to continue as much as in them lay , the subversion of their majesties government , and the ruin of their good subjects of the kingdom of ireland , thought fit to put out their proclamation , to prohibit and forbid all papists , natives of the kingdom , to sell any wine , beer , ale , or other liquors by retail , after the 25th of decemb. 1690. upon pain of being proceeded against as retailers of wine and other liquors without license . by this time one mac finnan having got together about four hundred men , being a mixture of the irish army and rapporees , marched towards castle-town , to surprize thirty dragoons , commanded by a lieutenant detached thither from their quarters at iniskeen , and although they had all the advantage they could wish , yet the lieutenant and his men behaved themselves so bravely , that they killed ten of their enemies , but having spent their ammunition , and five of their own party being killed , they found themselves constrained to surrender , and had quarter given them , yet the lieutenant , his serjeant , and several of his men were put to the sword in cold blood : however the alarm reaching iniskeen , major culleford , who commanded there , advanced with another detached party , and falling upon them in the height of their success , put them to the rout killing about 12 on the place , took 5 prisoners , without the loss of a man on our side . nor were the commanders his majesty had intrusted less watchful on all parts ; for major-general tettau marching from cork to killcreagh , and on his way being joyned by others , so that he made up a body of 2200 men , he entred the county of kerry , where the enemies troops retired before him , and coming into a fortification at scrovolard , he attacked it , and in two hours took it with little difficulty ; when advancing along the edge of the mountains , and sustaining the rapparees fire , without receiving any considerable damage , they discovered towards brewster field , some of the enemies scouts , whereupon 70 of our dragoons and horse having the vanguard , came up with a party of 160 of the enemies horse , who not enduring the fire of our men , upon the first charge retreated , and falling by degrees into confusion , at last came to plain running , though there were several irish nobility , and some considerable officers amongst them ; yet such as our men had not yet attacked , put , by this time , the country round about in a flame , and our forces not being far from killarny , hasted thither with all the speed they could to save that place ; and notwithstanding the enemy upon their approach left it , yet about twenty cabbins were burnt by two troopers that stayed behind for that purpose , who as a reward of their undertaking , were killed by our men , and brewster's forge saved , and put divers of the enemies parties , then abroad , to the rout , clearing the country in a manner on that side whilst the irish only bore up the little courage they had left , relying much upon the further aid they expected from france . however , though the season was far advanced , our men gave it not over as yet , but for the better securing winter-quarters , and preventing the country from plunder , they took in several castles , as the castles of b●ham and rea , into which baldorick mac donnel had put a garrison of 100 men , confining by this means the irish that were in arms 〈◊〉 the province of v●ster ; whereupon the ground of our army went into winter-quarters , leaving some flying parties abroad to keep under the rapparees , who thought it now their time to rob and steal ; and indeed they not only burnt the lord orrery's house at charleville , but committed many other outrages , though divers of them came short home ; for this kind of black guard not being looked upon to be soldiers , plundering sometimes as well the papists as the protestants , were frequently cut off in their attempts ; and now when force began to fail , the enemy had recourse to stratagems ; but in this they failed , by a timely discovery , by letters that were dropt by some persons as they were flying to the woods or mountains ; one of them written by one mr. hogen , who had been a colonel in the irish army , acquainting him , that the protestants were secure and supine in their quarters ; and that her friends had lately done several strange feats in the places that were under the english obedience , and especially in the county of wicklow , and that the french in the kingdom were very industrious to take all advantages ; that tyrconnel would soon return with forces from france ; that the soldiers , in dublin were poor and miserable , and would do any thing for bread ; so that if sarsfield had a mind to come over the shannon with his forces , not only the army , but the militia would be drawn out of the city , and then every papist firing his own house or lodging , whilst the consternation lasted , they might destroy the protestants and secure the city , and that which had hitherto hindered them from putting the projec● in execution , was the records of the kingdom being there , which must needs perish i● the flames ; but however , they had at last removed that scruple , and were resolved to go o● with it , &c. this woman was taken and brought before the privy council , where she was so fa● from denying it , that she with confidence affirmed she writ it ; and though she could no● be blamed for doing what she had done , upo● which she was committed to prison . th● lords justices upon this discovery put out ● severe proclamation against the papists , to di●able them from putting such wicked desig● in practice , by banishing some for several mile● and taking strict recognizance of the rest which according to its true tenor , for the s●tisfaction of the curious in so weighty a ma●ter concerning the safety of the whole kin●dom , will not be amiss to be inserted . the lords justices proclamation , & ● . it having been observed that divers p●pists , and others , disaffected to the g●●ernment , some of whom are lately come 〈◊〉 of the enemies quarters , do daily reso●● unto th● city of dublin , and into the l●berties of st. sepulchre , thomas cou● and donore , and do presume not only 〈◊〉 the day , but in the night time , to meet in numbers , to the intent , as we have great reason to apprehend them , to consult how to raise disturbances , to the prejudice of their majesties government , and to continue the rebellion of this kingdom , as also to destroy the city of dublin by fire , which some of them , as we are credibly informed , have threatned and designed : for remedy therefore of the mischi●f that may happen upon such resorts and meeting , we do hereby strictly charge and require all persons whatsoever of the popish religion , who have not been noted house-keepers within the city or liberties aforesaid , for the space of three months last past , that within 48 hours ●fter the publication of this proclamation , they depart out of the said city and liberties , and repair to their several habitations , or other places in the country , at least ten miles distance from this city : which ●f they neglect or refuse to do , they shall be apprehended , and proceeded against as spies , and persons designing the disturbance of the publick peace . and in order to the more ●ffectual execution of this our proclamation , we hereby require the lord mayor of the ●ity of dublin , and seneschals of the said liberties , to cause diligent search to be made immediately after the time hereby limited for the departure of such persons , as aforesaid , into all houses and places throughout the city and liberties , and a true account to be taken of the names and qualities of such as shall be found therein not qualified as aforesaid , which is forthwith to be returned to us , under the hands of the said lord mayor , sheriffs and senaschals of the said city and liberties , whereupon we will give order to have them proceeded against with the utmost rigour of their majesties laws . and we do hereby further declare , that if any such papist or other disaffected person , after the fourth of december next , not being house-keepers , as aforesaid , shall repair unto the said city or liberties , and there abide by the space of 24 hours after such proclamation , without rendring him , or her , or themselves to the lord mayor , or one of the sheriffs or aldermen of the said city , or one of the seneschals of the said liberties , to the end it may be known in what house , he , she or they take up his , her , or their lodging , or if above the number of five papists , or disaffected persons , as aforesaid , whether house-keepers or any others , shall meet within any house within the said city or liberties , on any pretence whatsoever , either by day or night , or shall be out of his , her , or their lodgings after nine of the clock at night ; in either of these cases , if any person shall be so hardy , as not to give due obedience to our direction aforesaid , they shall be prosecuted as contemners of their majesties royal authority : and because rewards , as well as punishments are necessary , conducing to the discovery of such as shall offend in the particulars aforesaid , we do hereby publish and declare , that as we will severely punish such offenders as aforesaid , the receivers and harbourers of them , contrary to this our proclamation , so we will give a reward of twenty shillings to each person who shall give information against any such offenders , in any of the said particulars , to be immediately paid out of their majesties treasury upon proof of such offence or offences , made before the lord mayor of the said city , &c. this , and the diligent search made after suspected persons , startled the caballars and conspirators in such a manner , that they either dispersed or concealed themselves . so the pernicious design of laying the metropolis of ireland in ashes , and mixing those ashes with the blood of its inhabitants , was frustrated . and indeed this appeared not to be grounded upon light suspition , but upon substantial reason ; for the enemies troops abroad were about that time moving nearer towards dublin , then any other occasion but such intelligence or correspondence could reasonably require , but upon this discovery retired , and the city guards were augmented , and all manner of caution and circumspection used that might prevent , in any probability , the threatned danger . d●ring these transactions , those troops we had abroad were not idle , but often marching many miles into the enemies quarters , not only beat them from their posts , and killed a great many of them ; but gave the villages opportunity to rest in quiet under their majesties protection , and freeing them from those ravagements wherewith before they were distressed ; so that many , who before stood out for fear of being plundered or destroyed , came in , and joyfully laid hold of the gracious pardon offered them ; so that the face of things seemed to put on a calm , considering the tempest that a little before had in a manner disjointed and put them out of frame . the enemies regular troops missing of the advantages they expected , now gave way to the outrages of the rapperees more than ever , having before a little restrained their insolencies , that the advantage of plunder might accrue to themselves ; so that they committed many barbarous murthers in villages and loan-houses , where their force prevailed , being mainly incited thereto by the revengeful priests , who shared with them in their booty which made our troops , though the season was very incommodious for marching , by reason of the rains and quagginess of the ground , and incroach upon them , and frequently surprize them in their randezvous , beating them out of their cabins , and firing them over their ears . and now his majesty providing for the civil affairs , the privy council were , the lord primate of ireland , the lord chancellour , high treasurer , and archbishop of dublin for the time being , the duke of ormond , earls of meath , drogheda , longhford , ranelagh , granard , and viscount lisburn , the bishop of meath , the vice-treasurer , the chancellor of the exchequer , the chief justices of the king's bench , common pleas , chief baron of the exchequer , master of the rolls , principal secretary of state , and master of the ordnance for the time being , robert fitz-gerrard , sir henry , and william hill esquires . the judges appointed by his majesty were , for the king's bench sir richard raynel , mr. justice lyndon , sir richard stephens ; for the common pleas , mr. justice cox , mr. justice ieffersdon ; for the exchequer , lord chief baron hely , mr. baron echlin , sir standish harstrong . nor was the civil settlement alone considered , but likewise the ecclesiastical promotions , for the good and tranquility of the protestant churches of ireland ; viz. dr. march bishop of feras , was advanced to the archbishoprick of cashel , dr. tenison bishop of killala , to be bishop of cloglier , dr. william king to be bishop of london-derry , dr. digly bishop of lymirick to be bishop of elphin , dr. vigor● dean of armagh , to be bishop of ferus , dr. wilson dean of rapho , to be bishop of lymerick , dr. fitz-gerrald dean of cloim , to be bishop of cloufort , dr. lloyd dean of achonry , to be bishop of killala . so that now the face of things began to look pleasant ; however , though it was in the dead of winter , our troops abroad found some action ; for one of our advanced parties , setting upon the enemy near castle-town , they killed 22 of them , and took 5 prisoners , and colonel foulks gave a considerable defeat to about 1500 rapperees and trained soldiers , killing many of them , and taking some prisoners near the bogg of allen. whilst these successes were carried on with a high hand , colonel brewer possessed himself of the forts and town of lansborough , and defeated about 3000 of the enemy . soon after major-general tetteau , heightned with his frequent success , and the beating some small parties of the enemy , he marched his forces towards the strong town of ross , which had in it a carrison of 600 men , under the command of colonel maccarty , the lords coursey and slane , and others of note were also in the place , upon the approach of our men , but not thinking themselves secure enough , they poasted away for lymerick , and thereupon our approaches being made , 50 danes , and 50 of the detachment out of kingsale , were ordered to storm a fort cut out of a rock , which they did with so great a resolution , that they froze the enemies courage , and soon made themselves masters of it , putting most they found therein to the sword , and many of those that endeavoured to swim from thence to another rock , were killed in the water ; and marching thence to tralee , general sheldon abondoned it with such speed , that they had no time to set it on fire , and so it fell entire into our hands ; and we having a small fort at fermoy-bridge in the county of cork , the enemy advanced with about 2000 horse and foot , under the command of one carrol , who upon his approach sent to have it surrendred , declaring that he knew the strength of the place , and that it was not tenable . but upon his approach found such a warm reception , that after divers firings , he being kill'd upon the place , his men took to their heels , and that they might glory of something , they burnt one house in their return . soon after this defeat , and the routing divers parties of the rapparees , colonel brewer and major board went out with a detached party of 150 horse , and about 200 foot from mullengar , to relieve marescourt and mayvore with provision ; and that done , they took their way towards ballymore , and dislodged the enemy on those passes , opening and freeing the country , and then returned to their stations , without the loss of any men ; and soon after this lieutenant taylor defeated 400 of the irish near endery . lieutenant-general ginkle , upon notice that a great body of the enemy was gathering , and some of them advancing towards athlone , he and sir iohn lanier drew out a party to oppose them ; who upon their approach , retired in great confusion , but being pursued by our horse and foot , they were beat from the retrenchments they had made , as their last refuge ; and the chace being continued , about 200 of them were killed and wounded , and several taken prisoners , and our men got a great booty of horses ; for the enemy in their flight , being hard pressed in the rear , quitted them , and got into the woods . colonel hamilton being abroad , meeting with a party of the enemy as they were ravaging the country , near a place called bautrey , set upon them , and at the first charge put them into disorder , and soon after to open flight , killing about 70 of them , and taking some prisoners with booty , &c. and captain derby defeated another party of them at birre . and now the rapparees being more terrible to the country people than the enemies regular forces , a party was sent out to suppress them ; so that being frequently met withal , a great many of them were killed , and some that were taken prisoners were executed ; and lighting on a party of about 400 irish , though he had then 100 foot , and 34 horse , having lessened his number by detachments , sent to find out the rapparees ; he however drew up , and charged them with such bravery , that during the action some more of his men coming in , he put them utterly to the rout , killed and took prisoners most of their officers , and recovered a great booty . and indeed the winter , not fit for the motion of great bodies , was spent in the piquering of parties , and settling the civil , as well as military affairs of the kingdom , and so continued till his majesty went to head the conf●derate army in flanders sarsfield having a great command among the irish , many of the enemies chief officers being gone for france , under pretence of bringing fresh recruits early in the spring , he drew together part of the shattered army , and some of the militia , at knockany , with a design to attack some of our troops that were advantageously posted ; but was so warmly , received , that he found his attempts very disadvantageous to himself , and thereupon picking the most serviceable men out of the militia troops , sent them to joyn the forces he had ordered to encamp in the province of connaught , and put some of his troops into garrison and winter-quarters . notice being given to lieutenant spencer , that a hundred men of the enemies troops were advanced within a mile of copperquin in the county of waterford , with a design to surprize and carry off the recruit horses sent from england , for brigadier's regiment , he immediately marched with a corner and 12 troopers , most of his men being gone a forraging , and finding the enemy in some disorder , charged them with his small party , and pressed them so hard , that they retired into a wood within a mile of the place , and thereupon 18 more of his men coming up , part of them dismounted , entering the wood , whilst the rest on horseback secured the pass , the dispute lasted without firing on both sides for several hours , in which they killed 40 of the enemy , and took the captain that commanded them , with 7 soldiers prisoners , also their arms and accoutrements , only one of the lieutenant's party being killed , and two or three wounded . lieutenant purcel being abroad with a party , fell in with the rapparees , and in several encounters with them killed about 100 , but attempting to burn their cabbins in the county of longford , was way-laid by sir daniel o neal's regiment of dragoons , part on horse-back , and part on foot ; but 35 of the royal regiment of dragoons , broke their whole body upon a furious charge , killing 10 of them , and taking 4 prisoners , with a lieutenant , and pursued the rest to newcastle , a garrison they held in those parts , yet in the hasty flight many of them quitted their horses , and took to the bogs , where some were lost : these successes were followed with others no less advantageous to us , and unfortunate to the enemy ; for colonel lillingstone being gone from roscreagh , joyned by another from a neighbouring garrison , marched to nonagh , where he found the enemy strongly posted ; yet charging them with great resolution , he dispossest them of those posts , and beat them into the castle , burning the town where they had laid up great store of provision , and brought off a booty of 300 head of cattel , with the loss of 2 soldiers and a trooper's horse , the manner of the attack being thus : the colonel detached 18 horse , and as many foot , and having them on garrans , or irish horse , made all the haste he could to secure the bridge of nenagh , about half a mile from the town , whereupon the whole garrison came out to make opposition ; but he maintained the pass till his foot came up , and then leaving them at the bridge , he advanced with his horse towards the enemy , who made many firings , but so soon as our men came near , began to retreat , and by degrees disordering themselves , fell to running , but being hotly pursued , about 20 of them were killed , and a cornet taken prisoner ; after which he sent a detachment to secure the pass on the other side of the town towards lymerick , whilst the rest of his men entred with the flying enemy ; however , many of them got into the castle , but our men burnt the town , and got considerable plunder . and now open force failing the enemy , they betook them to cruel stratagems ; for a part of colonel foulk's regiment being in their quarters , near yaughal , about 8 of them were set upon in a private house , and murthered by surprize in a most despiteful manner , the like treatment being supposed to be intended to all the rest , had not this timely alarm'd them to stand to their arms , and defend themselves . upon suspicion of which murthers divers ; were taken up and strictly examined at dublin , amongst which one of them being found guilty , and executed in the castle-yard , owning at his execution he buried the murthered corpse , but by no means could be induced to discover his accomplices ; and several other were thereupon missing in other places , supposed to be made away by them by the same means ; insomuch that the lords justices found themselves constrained to publish the following proclamation to terrifie and deter the protected irish from such unmanly enterprizes of barbarism . the proclamation of the lords justices , &c. whereas notwithstanding the great clemency extended by their majesties to the popish irish inhabitants of this kingdom ; whereby , upon their submission , they have had equal protection with their brittish and protestant subjects ; yet such is the inveterate and implacable malice of many of the popish irish , that upon all occasions they not only relieve their majesties enemies , but joyn with them in the committing and concealing many horrid murthers , one of which of eight soldiers of their majesties army inhumanly strangled at one time , and in one place , has by god's providence been lately discovered near this city , to have been committed by the inhabitants of the place where the said soldiers were quartered , for which some of the criminals have received just and deserved punishment , and the lords iustices being fully satisfied that such offences cannot be committed within the open and well-planted counties of this kingdom , without the contrivance and help , or at least the connivance of the protected inhabitants ; and having received full information that there is a confederacy among many of the said protected irish , to give all aid and relief in their power to their majesties enemies upon all occasions , and to take all opportunities to destroy the officers and soldiers of their majesties army , and other their good subjects , their lordships being resolved to prevent as much as in them lies such their cruel and malicious designs , and to punish with all necessary severity those who shall be guilty , or justly suspected of the same , do publish and declare , that if any such murther shall hereafter be committed in any place within their majesties quarters , if the popish inhabitants of that neighbourhood shall not use their utmost endeavour and diligence to apprehend the malefactors , and immediately discover all they know of such fact , to some magistrate living near the place where the said offence shall be committed , so as the said offenders may be apprehended and brought to punishment , that then the popish irish inhabitants of the parish where the said murther shall be committed , shall be immediately put out of their majesties protection , and orders shall thereupon be given , that they be proceeded against as spies and enemies , according to the course of law. and soon after another proclamation was published on the occasion of these murthers , setting forth , that whereas by examination of divers persons , it does appear that a romish priest , calling himself father christopher brown , who has lived many months in several places within his majesties iurisdiction and power , without being molested on account of his orders or religion , has been , if not the first contriver and principal director and counsellor , yet a main abettor and encourager of the late barbarous murthers of their majesties soldiers near this city ; and whereas several others have been found to have been guilty of the said murthers , who are fled from iustice , their lordships do promise a reward of five pounds to such persons , not guilty of the same , as shall apprehend and secure the said christopher brown , and ten pounds for every of the other persons , and a pardon to such , though privy to the said murthers , as shall apprehend any of the said offenders . this proceeding stopped the issue of blood that way , and rendred the soldiers more secure in their quarters and other places where they came , the irish for fear of being taken notice of , giving them every where , in the places subject to their majesties , better usage . about the latter end of april , lieutenant-general ginkle came from kilkenny to dublin , and many of the general officers , to consult with the lords justices about the affairs of the campaign , and concert matters advantageous to their majesties service ; and the monmouth yatch arrived with money to that purpose , as likewise several ships with recruits of horse and foot. so that the train of artillery being by this time drawn out , the soldiers began to draw from their winter-quarters nearer dublin , and waggons and carriages were provided on all hands , and parties were sent out to remove the enemies posts , that the spring being come , the forage might not be wastfully destroyed . some of captain green's militia dragoons , marching into the enemies quarters , killed divers of the rapparees , and set fire to the place that harboured them : and quarter-master chalagan with a party , beat the enemies party abroad , took divers prisoners , and some of note , with a considerable booty ; and by lying in the marish fields , a great many of the enemies best horse died , and their provision grew very scanty , which occasioned many to desert , some going to their habitations , and others coming over to us , where such as were able were received . about the middle of april , 1691. one captain fitz-gerald , of the enemies party , marched out with about 700 men of the standing troops , to attack a strong stone-house called croghan , near philips-town , which although it was guarded only by a corporal and 8 or 9 soldiers , made a resolute defence , killing about 12 of the enemy , and had done them greater damage , had not their powder failed , at what time they were constrained to capitulate , and give up the place . however , we were not long behind-hand with them , for on the fourth of the next month a small party of our troops was marched by major wood , from mountmelick to castle-cuff , with 300 foot , being detachments of colonel lloyd's and the lord george hamilton's regiments , and 50 horse of colonel bierly's , and dividing his foot into several parties , in order to surprize the rapparees in the bogs and woods , and with his horse kept along the skirts of the bogs , to hinder their getting off , by which mea●s about 70 of them were killed , and a booty recovered , which he sent away , and a guard of 30 men , and in the mean while , with 30 foot and 34 horse , beyond the toger of mallyhone , when about ten in the morning he discovered two bodies of men of the enemies army , each about 400 , marching silently between the woods and the mountains , but when they found our men had espied them , they beat up their drums . upon this the major drew up his horse and foot in a ploughed field , and bid them defiance ; so that the enemies granadiers , thinking that our men , discouraged at their number , would have run , came over the hedge , but finding they stood firm to expect them , they stood , not advancing any further : in the mean while , a detachment of the enemy charged those men on the side of the wood that were sent away with the booty ; whereupon the major wheeled off by the skirts of the wood , to succour them , who defended themselves by firing very briskly on the enemy , being commanded by lieutenant ellis , and having got the horse and foot over the bog , 80 more of his men came to him , and thereupon he ordered the foot to march in two divisions on each side the river , he marching between them with the horse , when being advanced somewhat near the enemy , and thinking the horse might do most service , in taking a compass about , and falling on the rear , wheeled about with an intention to surround them , which they perceiving , and at the same time being pressed very hardly by the foot , began to make an orderly retreat ; which the major perceiving , broke in upon their flank with the horse , which put them to rout and disorder , and soon after to open flight , whilst our horse and foot pursued them through the woods , and down to the bogs killing about 150 , and among them captain charles , and 2 lieutenants , taking prisoners major iohn fitz-patrick , who commanded them , and 5 captains , 9 lieutenants , and 2 ensigns , belonging to the several regiments of colonel butler , colonel robert grace , colonel luttrels dragoons , colonel moor , and sir maurice eustace , and about 150 private soldiers , among which were 6 serjeants , 17 corporals , an adjutant-major , a chyrurgeon , 3 drums , and about 150 musquets . which victory is to be accounted the more brave and great , because the courage and resolution of our men carried it against such odds , we having only a corporal killed , and adjutant robinson , with two foot soldiers and a trooper wounded . nor was this all the success about this time , for 110 foot , commanded by captain clayton , being sent for from cork to relieve the garrison of ballymaggooly ; they were in their march observed by a considerable body of the enemies horse , but they durst not attack them ; yet those that were relieved , marched out about twelve in the evening , commanded by captain thorncroft and lieutenant hays ; and about break of day they were discovered by about 300 of the enemies horse and and dragoons , who it was thought lay in wait for them ; as also a considerable number of rapparees : and our men being all foot , thought not the open fields secure against the horse , but for their better defence , drew into an old pound , having a wall about it breast-high ; when by this time the enemies advance party coming up offered them quarter ; but they answered only by the firing of their musquets ; however , all the enemies troops being come up , they made many attacks upon our men , to force them from their strength , yet they sustained their firings with little hurt ; but in returning it , killed a great many of the enemy , who were commanded by brigadier carrol and sir iames cotton , which so discouraged them , that after they had offered our men quarter upon surrendring , and it was refused , that they marched off , carrying away the wounded and most noted of those that were killed ; yet they left behind 3 captains and 10 troopers slain , and major slingsby desperately wounded , which they thought were too near our shot to be carried off ; and in all they had between 40 and 50 killed and wounded , and of ours 10 were killed , and 5 wounded , and major slingsby was carried prisoner to cork . and much about this time one walter brown , who had been high constable of the barrony of delwin , being taken as a spy , was executed , and captain pallasor , being abroad with a party of our men , consisting of about 40 firelocks of the army , and 20 of the militia , was by the subtil insinuation and treachery of one terence megral , drawn into an ambush of two of the enemies regiments of foot , and some troops of horse , which in that exigency made him betake to the ruins of an old castle , where he caused his men to fortifie and defend themselves , which they did , continually firing upon the enemy , till all their powder was spent , and then prayed for quarter ; and having it granted them , they were carried prisoners to nenagh ; yet the militia and others under the command of col. piper , had good success in clearing the country in dispersing the rapparees , and dispossessing the enemies regular troops of such advantageous posts , from whence they might annoy by-inroads , the countries under their majesties obedience , so that they began to shrink together into a narrower circumference . now great stores coming daily from england , and a recruit for our army every day expected . the time for action drawing near , the lords justices ( that nothing might be wanting that was conducing to their majesties service ) caused their proclamation to be published for the armies better accommodation , the substance being in the following manner , viz. whereas the army is now to draw into the field , where it will be necessary that provisions be brought in from time to time for its supply ; and that in order thereunto , all due encouragement be given to sutlers and other persons that shall repair thither for that purpose , they do strictly charge and command all officers civil and military , and soldiers of their majesties army , not to disturb or molest any sutler , or other person that shall have a warrant from the colonel of any regiment , or leave from the lords iustices , or the commander in chief of their majesties forces , to follow the camp for this service , that they do not presume to take any thing from them , or use any violence towards them , upon pain of being proceeded against with the utmost severities : and all colonels , and other officers in chief , are to take care , that the officers and soldiers ad pay for all such things as they shall be furnished with by the sutler , according to the rates that shall from time to time be settled . and that the forces may be more plentifully supplied , and and those unnecessary persons prevented from following the camp , who are only an incumbrance to it ; and it being found by experience , that the country has suffered extreamly by them , they have not only robbed and plundered it themselves , but have inticed the soldiers to do the same ; for the preventing of it for the future , and that the quarters may be the better secured , whilst the army is in the field , from rapparees and other disaffected people , the lords iustices do hereby order and direct all their majesties protestant subjects , as well as papists , to stay at , or repair to their respective habitations , for the preservation and improvement of the same , and that no person or persons whatsoever , except such as come thither with provisions for the use of the army , or upon some lawful occasion approved of by the commanders in chief , do follow the camp upon pain of death . and that the people whom this war had scattered into divers places , leaving many destitu●● of habitations , might again be settled , anothe● proclamation was issued out to this effect ; that all the inhabitants of the counties of w●terford and tipperary , do retire within three da● to their respective houses or habitations , or to som● adjacent garrison , if they could not go home wit● security . and those belonging to the counties of cork , l●●merick and kerry , are forthwith to repair eithe● to their own houses or habitations , if they have a●● or else to some of the garrisons there , to be employ●● in the militia for the defence of the country wh● the army is in the field , according to such 〈◊〉 orders as shall be given them for the publick se●●vice . and lieutenant-general ginkle , command in chief of their majesties forces in ireland , 〈◊〉 to be behind or wanting in any thing , exhibi● an order to this effect , viz. that all officers and soldiers , and other pers●●● whatsoever , were strictly charged not to press 〈◊〉 horse , carts or carriages , without licence first 〈◊〉 from the lords iustices , or himself in writing . and whereas that the militia being to be in arms for the defence of the country , whilst the army remained in the field , no person should press any horse actually listed in the said militia , under any pretence whatsoever . about this time some other transport ships arrived from england , and brought a great quantity of all sorts of military provisions , and about twenty thousand arms , also ordinance and stores ; whilst the enemies great expecta●ion of the like supply from france failed ●hem in great measure , that king seeming now ●o grow weary of a war that proved so expensive to him without profit , and expecting ●o be sharply pressed this summer in flanders , by the confederate army , under the command of the king of england , send indeed some officers , and a few clothes , and such like mat●ers , but seemed frugal in husbanding his troops for a shelter from a storm he expected ●earer home ; which did not a litte discou●age the irish , and made them again to desert 〈◊〉 numbers : and their falling off had been ●reater , had not their priests taken them to ●ask , and insinuated how meritorous it was to ●●ght with and destroy the hereticks . while these things passed , captain white of ●●e lord george hamilton's regiment , detach'd 〈◊〉 hundred men under the command of captain iohnston , who marched to belnamona in tings county , and surprized by break of day ●wo troops of dragoons of brigadier clifford's , and three troops of horse of the lord merriony's regiment , killing lieutenant archibald , quarter-master barnwell , and 15 dragoons , took 2 ensigns , and 9 other prisoners . the governour of clonmel marching from that place with a detachment of horse , and two troops of the militia dragoons came by night into the enemies quarters , towards michael's town ; but not finding them there , th● rapparees upon his return fired out of th● wood , which he immediately causing to be surrounded , so ferreted them about , that 30 o● them , together with casheen their ring-leade● or captain , were killed . and 250 foot , and 20 horse commanded by lieutenant-colone● hodson , marching from mountmelick , he posted them at kilkapog by break of day , where th● foot entred the woods and bogs , and th● horse securing the skirts , they hunted out and killed about 18 of the enemy that lay lurking there to surprize such as passed that way ; an● indeed these sort of enemies were more dangerous and cruel where they mastered , tha● the regular troops , but so cowardly witha● that they would not stand a charge , if the● perceived the match was but any thing nea● equal ; an instance of which may be observe● in this , viz. a party of colonel brewer's men being upon their march towards ki●negad , a great body of rapparees lay in ambush , yet durst no● come out for fear of being worsted , though ou● men were much inferiour to them in number but let them pass ; when so it happened , thoug● very unfortunately , that a serjeant and 4 soldiers of this party lagged behind a considerable way ; upon these the rapparees seized , and though on their knees they begged for quarter , yet they murthered them , and not satisfied with their deaths , they bored out their eyes , and mangled their dead bodies ; but the next day three of the murtherers were taken and brought to mullingar , where one of them accused the other two of the fact ; they were upon such conviction immediately hanged up : ●nd captain poyn soon after falling upon the whole knot of them with a party of 110 men of the garrison of mullingar , put to the rout , and dispersed throughout the country , killing ●etween 40 and 50 of them . and now since ●e have had occasion to speak so much of these rapparees in the series of this history , some ●ay be inquisitive to know what manner of ●eople they are : to which i answer , they are a sort of vagabonds and thieves , ●ot caring to work , or take any employment ●pon them ; a mixture of irish with other na●ions , who herding together , take all opportu●ities , where they are strongest , to plunder , ●urn and murther , their hands being against ●ll , and the hands of all against them , to de●troy as beasts of prey . they rejoyce at wars ●od troubles , because then they have liberty ●hey think to do what they please . their dwel●ings for the most part are cabins , or moveable houses , and their skulking places bogs , woods ●nd mountains . they are not held as soldi●rs , nor included in the articles of war , but lie at the mercy of those that take them , without their being obliged to give them any quarter , though they crave it . their apparel , unless they rig themselves by plunder , is so misserable , that they go in a manner naked . yet these hopeful sticks , the commanders of the irish army encourage , and put weapons into many of their hands , to harress and destroy the countries under their majesties obedience . yet they have been so often met with upon their incursions , that about 4000 of them have come short home since this war begun . and furthermore to encourage the people to be vigilant , and to discourage such rakeshame● the lords justices and council of ireland , pu● forth a proclamation in these words or to thi● effect : that to prevent the robberies , wilf●● burnings of buildings , corn and hay●● murthers and insurrection , with which th● parts of the kingdom under their majestie● obedience was threatned by the rebels an● their adherents , during the time their majesties army should be upon their march t● the frontiers , or in the quarters then po●sessed by the rebels , they have thought it n●cessary , and do thereby publish and declare that the popish irish inhabitants of the r●spective baronies under their majesties ob●dience , where any rebels commonly call●● rapparees , shall commit any such robberies burnings or murthers ; or where any such insurrection shall happen , if they do not immediately give notice of such rapparees and insurrections respectively to the iustice of peace , or chief officer of the militia next to their habitations , and assist him in the taking and destroying them , and in the suppression of insurrections ; that then they , where such fact shall be committed , neglecting their duties , shall be deemed confederates with the said rebels , and enemies of their majesties government : and by order to be given by the lords iustices , as occasion shall require , shall be proceeded against with the utmost severity of military execution . and they do further order , that no protectted irish papist shall be abroad out of his or their dwelling-place of abode , after the hours of nine at night , or before the hours of four in the morning , under the pain and penalty of being put out of their majesties protection . and if after the thirtieth of may , 1691. any arms or ammunition shall be found upon the persons , or in the possession of any such irish papists , he or they shall be looked upon as rebels , and punished accordingly : and as they intend severely to punish all such as shall offend in the particulars above-mentioned , so they do assure all those . irish papists who live under their majesties protection , that they behaving themselves as becomes good subjects , shall have the benefit thereof . these proceedings made many of the papists stir to prevent the mischief , who before stood laughing in their sleeves at the damages their protestant neighbours sustained , though to curry favour in a dissembling manner , they often shewed them a fair countenance , and seemed to pity their losses . and major o neal and some others , came over from the enemy , and took the advantage of their majesties protection . but whilst these things were transacting , one mark baggot apparelling himself in womens clothes , made it his business to spy into our quarters , and the manner of affairs ; but his too much inquisitiveness discovering him , he was seized , and being sentenced by a court marshal , he was executed at dublin on the 20th of may. the season thus far in a forwardness , gave a favourable invitation to the army , for their taking the field , when a party of the irish army , consisting of 150 men , thinking to be early at it , and do some notable exploit to be talked on , came to castle-lions , and took thence a few of the poor peoples cows ; but colonel donep with about 20 danes , and a like number of the militia dragoons pursued , over-taking them at ballyderdawn , where a lieutenant with 8 danes , and 6 dragoons , beat off 60 of them who had lined the hedges , in which action the lieutenant was killed ; but the colonel coming up with his party , and being reinforced with 50 fresh men , he still pursued them , killing about 50 of them , of which 2 were commission officers , took 40 horses , and his men got indifferent store of plunder . this was followed with other successes of the like nature , nor could any great actions be expected , by reason the armies were not as yet in the field , our staying for the arrival of more ships from england ; and the irish upon the like account from france . and about the latter end of may , 8 ships with 500 carriage-horses , and other necessaries for the army came to dublin , and lieutenant-general scravenmore , major-general mackay , and major-general ruvigny came likewise on shoar . and now the train of artillery consisted of 39 pieces of cannon , 12 field-pieces , and 6 mortars . and in the mean while the french general st. ruth proceeded to model the irish army , and give commissions in his master's name , ordering things with an absolute power , where their troops drew together at loghera in connaught . and in the beginning of iune all things on our part was in a manner in a readiness , the soldiers by this time being well recruited of the hardships , found many of them in their winter quarters ; and being often out in parties . the army indeed lay still longer than the irish expected , which made them promise themselves more success than they were like to meet withal , for the general intending to make a vigorous war , and push on for speedy victory , and the reducing all places that yet held out , and had refused to submit to their majesties obedience , took care so effectually to provide for all things necessary for enterprizing so great an undertaking , that nothing might be wanting to retard in the least the progress of their majesties arms ; and because the stores laid up the year before as to forrage , and other things of that nature , whereby the army might subsist in its march , it was prudently taken into consideration , that nature should have time to do her part , in furnishing the earth with such a sufficiency as might supply what was wanting , if any delays by cross accidents should happen , that so every thing that could be expected might contribute to the sudden and effectual reducing the kingdom , and putting an end to so chargeable a war ; whereby the forces upon so happy a conclusion , as must be at leisure to oppose the grand disturber of europe in a more sensible manner ; seeing it was concluded his main policy in assisting the irish , was only to divert those troops he otherwise could not without reason expect , would make him an unwelcome visit upon his own frontiers , and joyntly labour to plant the rightful monarch in the field of golden lilies . these considerations , i say , being of weight , presaged the unparallel'd success in a great measure , that attended and crowned them to our wishes . the irish , and the french in confederacy with them , held several strong towns ; such as were not thought easily to be reduced ; as bal●ymore , the two towns of athlone , galloway and lymerick , besides a numerous army that had already taken the field , and promised to themselves great matters from their valour and conduct , as now supporting themselves better disciplined than the year before ; for they had amongst them a great many french officers , who laboured to exercise and train them up in the arts and methods used in the french army . and indeed , had they had to do with any other nation but the english , they might have come off better than they did in the oppositions they made ; but the ancient british valour revived in so short a war , took again its insuperable vigour , resolving to overcome all difficulties , and stick at no danger , but furiously press on where the least glimmering of victor presented , and so like a rapid torrent forcing the opposing dams , carrying all before it , and crown their monarchs with sprouting laurels and triumphs . but not longer to detain the reader from matter of fact , which is mainly the intended scope of this history : the supplies expected from england being seasonably arrived , and every thing that was thought necessary in a readiness , there wanted but orders to march ; which were not delayed ; for now , as is said , the army being ready to take the field , our forces were commanded to decamp , and accordingly decamped from mullingar ; and the same day the army was joyned by lieutenant-general douglas , with the northern troops , and on the seventh of iune came before ballymore , seizing upon all the enemies out-posts , which they quitted upon the approach of our men ; but being taken , the serjeant was hanged for firing after the communication was then cut off between him and the town . in the afternoon a battery of four field-pieces was bent against the fort , and five batteries were raised the night following , from whence our cannon rent the walls and curtains ; and the general sent to the governour to let him know , that if he and the garrison would surrender within two hours , he would save their lives , and make them prisoners of war ; if not , they must expect no quarter . to which the governour made no direct answer ; but reply'd , he hoped to get better terms . our cannon having made two great breaches , and four boats brought from mullingar , put into the water , the fear of a present storm made the besieged hang out a white flag , and colonel bourk , with several officers , came and submitted to the general at discretion : so that colonel earl with 400 men marched in and took possession of the place ; in which there was a garrison of 780 soldiers , besides 259 rapparees well armed , and about 1000 women and children . in this action we had 8 men killed , and the enemy above 150. this important place thus reduced , and the prince of wirtemberg having joyned the army with about 12000 horse and foot , the march was directed towards athlone . on the nineteenth our men came before the place , where they had put up the french colours in four parts of the town , to make us believe there were a great many french ingarrisoned in it : but this hindred not ; for by ten in the morning a battery of ten eighteen pounders was finished ; and playing upon the great bastion , in a short time the face-flank and curtain were laid in rubbish , and the general ordered the assault to be made in this order . first there advanced 300 detach'd granadiers . then 50 pioneers with more faggots . then 200 feusileers , supported by two regiments of foot. after them 200 pioneers with more faggots . then 20 men with axes to cut the barrocades , if any opposed . so that about six in the evening , on the twentieth of iune , the signal was given to fall on , which was the discharge of all the cannon in battery . at first the enemy seemed resolved to defend the breacb ; but upon the first flight of the english granadoes , they scattered and fled in much confusion over the bridge to the irish town on connaught side , some leaping into the shannon for haste , and there perished in the waters . our men immediately entred the english town ; but lying somewhat open to the enemies shot on the other side the river , some few were killed , and others wounded ; but the engineers soon raised blinds to shelter them . on our part of note , lieutenant-colonel goar , and lieutenant-colonel kirk of villier's regiment were killed , one entring the breach , and the other surveying the town from a hill. the siege was carried on against the other town with great resolution ; so that having battered it till the walls and castle were partly beat down , and perceiving it saultable , order was then given for the storming of the place . on the 28th of iune , about seven in the morning , much in the same order as the former attack was made , yet the detachments were greater , as being a stronger place : but before our men could be in a readiness , a small part of the enemy came and set fire to a close gallery laid over the arch of a stone-bridge , they had broken down , but were many of them killed in the attempt ; yet it deferred the attack till the thirtieth . however the cannon and bombs ceased not to play , and do terrible execution , setting the houses on fire , and beating down all before them . about six in the afternoon the signal was given to fall on by ringing the church-bell ; whereupon they entred the ford below the bridge , and pressed with such vigour upon the enemy , that they forced them to quit the trenches , and within the space of half an hour made themselves masters of all their outworks , and the ruins of the castle where they had fortified themselves with sconces ; and major-general maxwell with 200 soldiers , and divers officers of note , were made prisoners . yet in the soldiers over-running the town in the first fury , a great many were killed ; insomuch , 2000 are computed to be slain from the beginning of the siege , till the english were entire masters of the town . the place was taken in the sight of the irish army , who , when too late , were sending a detachment to their relief . there were found only 6 pieces of brass cannon , and 2 mortars , but little store of provision and ammunition . the principal officers kill'd of the irish were brigadier mackellicuddy . the colonels mac mahon , o neal , o gard , and grace . the lieutenant-colonels , mac genis and barnwell , also major murray . the enemy had all the advantage imaginable to relieve this important place , as lying with their whole army on the other side , but a little distance from it , where we had no forces ; or if any , none capable of opposing them at that time ; yet so infatuated they were , that relying on its strength , they still had a confidence that the town beyond the river would baffle the english courage , notwithstanding they saw the other town was taken with a very little resistance . monsieur st. ruth , and other of their chief commanders , were reported to be often in it , viewing its works and fortifications , and assured themselves it would at least be a great part of the summers work to reduce it , if they were not in the end obliged to draw off from before it ; and the rather , because some part of our army had been before it , and gone off without any considerable success , or doing any great matters against the place . but their imaginations answered not , as it has appeared . their expectations , and those supplies , as is said that they sent , came so unsonably late , that all the advantage they had , was to put a stop to our mens pursuing too far such as got out of the town , and fled for shelter towards their army . this sensible blow greatly damped the courage and resolution of the enemy , who before had promised to do great things , and made them bethink themselves of taking new measures ; insomuch that some took the opportunity , as they found occasion , to desert . the french seemed discontented with the weak resistance of the irish ; and every thing appeared more and more dreadful to this numerous army . when several consultations were held what was best to be done , whether to remove or expect the english in that camp ; for they could not propose any thing less to themselves , than that after this success our forces would give them a nearer visit , and attempt the dislodging them from a place so near a town newly taken , now very weak in it self by battery . and though they talked high , yet in all their debates it did not , it seems , appear they had any great mind to come to a fight ; but rather to delay our army , till the season should advance to put a stop to any considerable opportunity , or till they might find some great advantage to further their purpose . whilst the enemies considerations run to this purpose , our men were gathering the plunder of the place ; which was not so considerable as in so strong a town might have been expected ; for besides what had been burnt in the fires that had happened by throwing in of bombs , and destroyed in the beating down of houses , some of the chief inhabitants early apprehending this siege , had removed what was valuable , together with themselves , to distant places , where they thought them more secure ; though by the way part fell into the hands of the rapparees , who distinguished not between friend or foes , where they found opportunity to get booty . but to come nearer . the enemy , after several debates , perceiving our men were absolute masters of the place , which was in a manner laid in rubbish by the throwing in 600 bombs , and the force of 1200 great shot , they came to a result ; and it was concluded immediately to raise their camp , and march some miles further ; which they did : and to increase their number , drew the garrisons of sligo , iames-town , and lanesborough , quitting them to those that would come and take possession . as soon as the walls of athlone were a little repaired , the general left a garrison there under the command of colonel lloyd ; and drew out to observe the enemies motion . the enemy , to amuze us , gave out , they were resolved to come to a battel ; when for the supply of our army , divers vessels with ammunition and other stores , arrived from england , and bringing over likewise the earl of portland's regiment of horse , who soon joyned the army . it was now resolved to dislodge the enemy , or oblige them to fight . their majesties forces on the tenth of iuly passed the river , the foot over a bridge of boats below the town , and the horse over a stone-bridge that had been repaired for their more advantagious passage , and marched to ballinsloe , a place on the river sac. the enemy lying three miles distant , very advantagiously encamped at a place called aghrim , a small town , stretching their left towards kilconnel-abbey , and their right upon the hills of kilcomodon , having two very difficult bogs before them , through which the roads go to galloway : and on the left was the ruines of an old castle , where an intrenchment was made and lined with musquetiers ; and on the right likewise were several retrenchments for the security of their camp. the english army passed the river sac , the foot and artillery over a stone-bridge , and the horse by two fords , forcing the out-guards to retreat , whilst our left wing of horse advanced beyond the bog that covered the enemies right , and made way for the foot to come in , between them and that . our cannon fired upon the enemies guards at the end of the defile or dirty lane that leads to aghrim , dislodged them that defended it , whilst our horse and foot took their posts , pouring in their shot . the enemy drew down a great body of horse towards our left , and were so strongly possessed behind the high banks of the ditches , that they held our foot in dispute for 2 hours , before they could gain any thing considerable upon them ; but at last we prevailed , and forced them to give way , notwithstanding fresh recruits of horse and foot were sent to sustain them , as they were pushed back ; and although three battalions of foot advanced on the right , over the skirts of the bog , and a small rivulet that discharged it self into the sac , where in a corn field others of the enemies battalions and squadrons stood firm to the charge ; yet they notwithstanding maintained their ground , till more of our regiments and squadrons advanced to support them ; and then charging up the hills where the enemies squadrons were posted , gave them a warm entertainment . in the mean time our left had opportunity to beat the irish from their ground ; and at the same time the right pressing upon them , disordered them to that degree , that a general rout of their horse ensued ; and their foot thereupon being hotly charged , fell into disorder ; and though they had made a resolute resistance , they were obliged to quit the field , and were pursued by our army four miles ; but then night coming on , and the difficulty of the ways hindred the further pursuit , it being 6 in the evening when the armies engaged , and near 9 before they broke and fled . the enemies army was superiour to ours , consisting of 20000 foot , and 8000 horse , and had by their encampment all the advantage ; yet our men gained an entire victory , 7000 of the enemy being killed upon the place . among the slain of note were the lord galloway , colonel moor , colonel baker , colonel gourdon , a great many captains , lieutenants , ensigns , cornets , &c. and more particularly monsieur st. ruth , the french general , who received here his reward for the many cruelties he used towards the protestants in france . many of note were wounded , of which many mortally , and soon after died of their wounds . about 100 officers and 500 soldiers were made prisoners ; and all the enemies provision , tents , baggage and cannon fell into the hand of our men , with a great many colours and standards , and most of the arms of the foot , which to help their speed in flight , they threw away . this great and entire victory was obtained with the loss of 600 men on our side ; and of note major-general holstable , colonel mongats , colonel charles herbert , major-general petit , major davenish , major colt , major cornwal , major fox , with divers subalternate officers . the wounded of note were the prince of hesse darmstadt , the lord cutts , the lord george hamilton , colonel earl , lieutenant-colonel burdwell , with several subalternates . the enemy in this flight and total rout scattered their arms and baggage all the way they fled , thinking as it may be by that means to stay the pursuit : but it availed them little ; for such trifles were not regarded , in comparison of the great work that was in hand , to subdue and bring the kingdom under their majesties obedience by an entire conquest ; insomuch , that urged by the sword behind , and not finding way to escape through the press and throng that was before them , a great many cast themselves into the bogs and water-plashes , and of these not very many escaped . others that were more nimble of foot , and had got the start of the press , scampered by known ways , and never left running when the pursuit was given over , till they got to the woods or mountains , or into such bogs where they thought it was impossible to follow them . the french , who were not so nimble as the irish , or if they had , yet but very little acquainted with the country , came mostly by the worst on it , where they were broken and scattered , throwing away their arms , and crying for quarter , which in the heat of the soldiers fury could not be always obtained . some of the enemies horse indeed retreated pretty indifferently , keeping together as well as the confusion would permit ; but thought it not safe to stay in the countries thereabout , for fear of being attacked by some of our detachments the next day ; but being got at a great distance , and those that were scattered coming to their rendezvous , they made a small body under the command of colonel sheldon , and some other officers ; but the foot was so entirely dispersed , that we heard little of them afterward , unless such as got into the places that yet held out , and even there many of the fugitives were refused , the garrisons being already filled up and straitned for provision , so that for a time lying under the walls , and hankering about without any thing wherewith materially to subsist , many disbanded of themselves , and others by the leave of their officers , as finding this great blow had broken their hopes and interests in the kingdom so far , that they even despaired of piecing it together again by force ; and withal knowing no doubt , that this would be such unwelcome news to france , that although the late king resided in that court to solicite on their behalfs , they could expect but little succours , seeing all that had been already sent had turned to so little account ; and that the english heightned by this success , knew well enough how to take the advantage , and push on to the walls of lymerick , wherein , as their last refuge , they had placed some hopes . whilst these things were employing the enemies serious consideration , care was taken of our wounded men ; and such prisoners as had been secured , who received very good usage , and what else was requisite , till they should be disposed of as prisoners of war. the victory thus entirely gained , the army encamped beyond the place of battel , and brigadier eppinger going out with a strong party , possessed himself of portumney , whereupon the fort and castle of bavaher surrendred , and many of the scattered forces fled to galloway and lymerick . as for the greatest part of the standards and colours taken in this battel , they were sent to england , and there exposed to the publick view of the people , as eminent trophies of so signal a victory . the english army upon the former successes , resolute to push on for the entire reducing the kingdom to their majesties obedience , after some refreshment , marched towards galloway . being before the place , the general sent a trumpet to the lord dillon , governour of the town , to offer him advantagious terms in case he surrendred before the cannon were planted against the walls . but he returned for answer , that monsieur ussone the french lieutenant-general , who commanded , was of the same opinion with himself , and the rest of the officers ; and that they were resolved to defend the place to the last . upon which the approaches were made , and on the 20th of iuly by break of day , a fort or ravelin on the hill was attacked , and our granadiers that were ordered for that purpose , marched with great silence ; insomuch that they were not discovered till they were at the foot of the glacis , where they delivered their granado's , and went on to the pallisado's , entring the fort. the enemy perceiving all was lost , cried for quarter , leaving our men masters of it ; so that they strongly retrenched themselves : but hearing that baldorick o donnel was on his march to throw himself into galloway , the water was bridged over with the tin boats , over which passed 6 regiments of our foot , and 4 squadrons of horse to oppose his attempt : so that finding he could not effect his design , he retreated into the county of mayo , burning and plundering in his way . the taking this fort so alarm'd the town , that the governour desired a parley , and leave to send some persons to the general to treat about articles of surrender ; so that three of their lieutenant-colonels came out , and as many of ours-entred the town , by way of hostage ; and after some debate it was agreed , that the town should be delivered to such officers as the general should appoint ; and in the mean time five hostages should be sent for the due performance of the agreement on the articles ; and all the outworks of the town put into the generals hands , the enemy forbearing to fortifie any thing in the mean-time ; and to withdraw all their cannon from the walls ; but that our men might be permitted to work and post themselves ●s they saw convenient , provided they came not within three yards of the wall , or placed any cannon on the batteries that should be made : and that the garrison and townsmen should have the benefit of the lords iustices proclamation of indempnity , which gives them their estates and liberties . and further , that those who were desirous to depart , might be conducted to lymerick , with their arms , drums beating , &c and six pieces of cannon ; and have liberty to send to tyrconnel , and acquaint him with what they had done , and invite him to do the same at lymerick . that pursuant thereto they sent the lord clanrickard , with four officers of note as hostages , and allowed two persons sent from the general to enter the town , and take an account of the stores , &c. the treaty upon these considerations coming to a final conclusion , the garrison marched out on the 26th of iuly , d'vssone the french lieutenant-general having leave to be on his way to lymerick , three hours before the rest marched out . on the 28th of iuly matters being settled , and the place garrisoned , the army marched away towards lymerick the only strong place the irish held in the kingdom . whilst these things passed , sir teague o regan delivered up slego to colonel mickleburn , and divers other places of no considerable defence were surrendred by others . baldarick o donnel , whose success an old prophecy had foretold , fearing by the ill luck ●he all along had had , it was but a fable , willing to submit with the men under his command , sent to desire a cessation on this particular , and that some place might be assigned him and his followers , till his majesty was acquainted with his proposals for coming over ; which was in part allowed him , and he afterward was received into their majesties protection . now our parties being abroad , entred those counties that held out , and brought away great booties of cattel , defeating divers of the enemies detachments that were abroad , plundering the country . upon the approach of the english army towards lymerick , the enemy , who were encamped near it , no sooner perceived the advanced parties , but their foot entred the town , and their horse drew off further into the country . and now tyrconnel finding the thread he had spun grew too fine , and ready to break in sunder , vexing at the crosness of affairs , fell sick and died , as 't is reported , of grief , being buried in lymerick , the place where he died . on the 11th of august our army marched from nenagh to shalley , about two miles from the silver mines . the next day to tusla , where to refresh them they remained one day . but the next day the general being resolved to push on and prosecute the success , they had orders to march to larrick-en-lysh , about 4 miles from lymerick , the only place wherein the enemy reposed their last hopes , as having yet some small glimmering of hope , which they reposed in a continual expectation of some fresh succours from france . from carrick the next day the general went with 1500 horse and dragoons within sight of lymerick , beating in their out-guards , and taking a view of their out-works from a hill that over-look'd the city where our artillery encamped the last year ; and upon his being there , sev●●al deserters came over , and confirmed an account before received , that the horse were retired to the other side of the shannon , and their foot drawn within the retrenchments . further informing , that upon tyrconnel's death , a commission was produced under the late king's hand , which mr. plowden ( formerly one of the commissioners of the revenue ) had brought lately from france , impowering sir alexander fitton , sir richard neagle , and the said plowden , justices of ireland . and a further account was given , that divers persons were seized and made prisoners in lymerick , by the order of the french general vssone , for having made some proposals in order to a timely surrender . upon which the general sent them word by a trumpet , that if they put any man to death for having a mind to come over to him , he would retaliate it on the irish prisoners that had been lately taken , and were now in his power . of which indeed there were a great many , and some of no mean quality in titles , besides officers of considerable note , upon the account of their late commands ●n the irish garrisons or army . on the 16th sir iohn hanmore joyned the general with five regiments of foot from cork , and the neighbouring garrisons ; as also some other re-inforcements from divers adjacent places , as well horse as foot. the same day major-general la-forest was sent out with a strong detachment to meet the cannon , but with some impatience had been expected from athlone , under the convoy of colonel loyd's regiment ; and though in the mean time a great deal of rain fell , yet it nothing abated the courage of the officers and soldiers , to go on in prosecuting the intended siege of lymerick . to further whose purpose , a squadron of english ships were in the shannon , who made themselves masters of a french ship of considerable burthen , which had taken in st. ruth's horse and equipage , in order to carry it for france ; after which they braved the city of lymerick , by coming almost within cannon shot of it . whilst these things were doing and the lord justice coningsby , who had been to concert matters in the army , was returning from dublin , the militia were in a readiness to keep those parts in quiet , consisting of 1000 foot , and 500 horse and dragoons , having with them 3 field-pieces ; whilst others of the militia of the neighbouring counties were advancing to augment their number , and make them up 3000 effectual men , under the command of the earl of granard , their business being likewise to secure such places as might fall into their hands by force , or being abandoned by the enemy . the english army having been some time retarded at carrick-en-lesh , in expectation of the heavy cannon , upon its arrival in the camp , marched on the 25th of august nearer to lymerick , and took in divers places by the way , and especially those near lymerick . in one fort new built , and garrison'd with 600 men , made great shew of resistance , yet upon an attack made by 8 of our granadiers , ●fter they had fired upon them , killing one of our men , they made a running retreat , and ●y a covert-way got within their flank-lines ●rawn about the town . w●ilst the army was preparing for a for●al siege , a considerable detachment of foot ●nd horse , with some cannon , was sent under ●he command of the prince hesse darmstadt , ●o take in castle conel , where the enemy had garrison . another party was sent to take in three o●●er castles which the enemy had garrison'd ●n the river below the town , and enterprized ●●em with good success ; yet at the first co●ing on of our army before lymerick , several ●ield-pieces and canno● were planted so ad●antagious to the enemy , that playing upon a ●egiment of dragoons , and another of horse , ●●ey obliged them to draw off to a further di●●ance ; yet our men advanced to cromwel's ●ort , which was quitted , as also was the line ●● communication they had made to the ●hurch , retiring within the retrenchments ●●at were better secured by the cannon of the ●own . however , to come into action , a detachment of 80 granadiers were commanded to attack one of their out-works , which was a new fort guarded by 600 men , notwithstanding upon the approach of our granadiers , having discharged their pieces , they fled by a covered-way into the town , and left us masters of the fort ; yet our men pushing on , pursued the fliers , killing some , and taking about 20 prisoners , losing but one man in the action ; and the same night colonel d●nep , a commander of the danish horse , was killed by a random shot . on the 26th of august the heavy cannon and mortars came up , and our men began to work on the lines of communication , and the next day the batteries were raised against thomond-bridge , whilst the prince hesse darmstadt march'd with a detachment of horse , foot and drrgoons , and 3 pieces of cannon to attack castle connel ; and lieutenant-general scravenmore , with another detach'd party , marched to carrick gunnel , which surrendred upon the first summons , ●●e garrison consisting of 250 men , being made prisoners of war. and our light frigats with ammunition and provision came to an anchor within sight of lymerick ; which the besieged taking for succours from france , were mainly heightned with joy ; but upon being undeceived , were as much dejected . castle connel , a very strong fortress , was surrendred to the prince , and several other small castles at divers times , in all which were taken about 900 prisoners . the siege began by this time very much to streighten lymerick , insomuch that the besieged could not without great difficulty have any considerable communication with their parties abroad ; for their horse had been removed by our shot from their camp that was under the cannon of the town , and obliged to march a great way further ; yet they appeared very vigilent in guarding the passes of the shannon , posting their troops upon many of the fords , and frequently sent their scouts along the further bank , to observe the motion of our men , and to give notice to their main-guards , if they perceived them about to make an attempt for passing it . however , that little a●ail●● , as will by and by appear . the reducing of lymerick b●ing firmly resolved , our men went on vigorously with the works , making a line of contravallation with 4 forts , for the better defending it from any attack the enemy might make upon it in their sallies , and raised new batteries on the right , almost in the same place where the attack was made upon the place the last year , the largest of them being within carbine-shot of the wall , in a place where it was held not to be extraordinary strong ; and indeed the cannon being mounted , and playing furiously against it , made the stones shiver , and with a few balls rent it in several places , that the breaches began to appear at a great distance , whilst the bombs thrown into the town made great havock , so that the flames of the fired houses frequently ascending very dreadful , especially when it happened in the night time , so that it might be discerned for many miles round the country , and divers were killed by the breaking of the shell , blowing up and beating down of houses , and amongst those that had their lot to fall this way , was the lady dillon , and a great many were wounded and disabled from the service ; so that according ●● the report of some deserters , they began greatly to murmur , especially the militia , who ●ad been forced thither after the battel o● aghrim , complaining that their wives and children in their absence , were many of them in very great distress ; and unless they might have liberty speedily to go and take care of them , they must perish for want : some of them urged the danger the place was in , and not likely to make a long resistance against fo● powerful an army , that had all manner of recruits and supplies at hand , as occasion should require it ; when on the contrary , they were shut up within stone walls , and could reasonably expect none . however , to di●●ipate these discontents , i● was caused to be rumored abroad among●● the citizens and soldiers , that the french were speedily expected with large succours ; but when it appeared very difficult to gain credit that they could be that way effectually relieved , by reason we had several frigats carrying a considerable strength of guns , and men up●on on the river to hinder their coming up tha● way ; likewise a prevailing and victoriou● army in the field , to obstruct their putting in succours by land ; it was then to quiet the clamour , promised by monsieur d'vsson , the french governour , that the militia should be dismissed if succours did not come from france within 12 days . but he failed them : or had he intended to have sent them home , the difficulty of getting away would have been very great , if not impossible , had they not first had leave from the general ; for it was apprehended they would have thrust out a great many useless people to save their provision , which occasioned a watchful eye upon the passes , that few could get away without permission ; yet some they thrust into an island in the river , being mostly protestants , where they must have starved , had not our men in compassion fetched them off . during this care , and the vigorous carrying on of the siege , further care was likewise taken for the suppressing the parties abroad ; whereupon 300 horse and dragoons were sent to re●inforce those that were abroad , and bring into subjection the small garrisons the enemy yet h●ld out against their majesties in kerry , and the neighbouring parts ; and six pieces of cannon were likewise ordered for that servic● ; so that upon the approach of our forces , m●st of them surrendred without opposition , a●d all the country round about b●came free and open , so that the country people brought in their provisions , and other necessaries , to the great refreshment of our army ; and measures were taken for setling those parts in their obedience , the people appeared every where to be highly pleased , as now being under a better assurance of safety from plunder , and the future inconveniencies of a war , that had wasted almost all they had ; so that contrary to the usual manner in this case frequently used , they were so far from flying , for the most part , with the little substance they had left , that the villagers , and others that had taken refuge there , met their conquerours with tears of joy , and welcomed them as their deliverers ; peace and rest being ever most sweet and pleasant to those , who precipitating themselves unadvisedly into misfortunes , have had leisure to consider their error ; and by the sharp convincing arguments of suffering , have known what it is to be rash , in undertaking what they could not reasonably expect to go through with against the prevailing arms of a powerful nation , contending with which ireland has always been succesless . things being thus ordered , the out-parties , unless so many as could keep the places taken in obedience , returned to the camp , carrying thither some prisoners of note ; and amongst others , the lord castle connel was brought thither ; where , notwithstanding the advancing of the season , the soldiers shewed much resolution and cheerfulness in their undertaking to carry on their works , and manage all other matters for the accomplishment of the main end of so brave an undertaking ; and though the enemies great guns from the walls , castles and towers of the town , kept a continual thundering ; yet the great shot did not obstruct the progress they made in their advances . on the 30th of august 9 mortars played against lymerick , whose bombs set fire to several houses ; but the flame was soon extinguished . the next day 9 pieces of cannon were bent upon the bridge to ruin it , and hinder thereby the enemies communication with their camp : and that night 2 mortars more of 18 inches diameter , were placed in battery ; and two batteries , one of fourteen , and the other of ten pieces , all twenty four pounders , were finished , and some deserters came over , who gave but a melancholly account of the posture of affairs in the town , as to their being badly armed , and worse provisioned . now whilst the siege went successfully on , upon advice that a great party of rapparees were drawn together in the county of kerry , mixed with some of the enemies horse , the general ordered brigadier levison , with 1500 horse and dragoons to march against them , of which they had no sooner notice , but they divided into two parties for their better retreat ; and the brigadier did the like , and with part of his detachment pursued one of the parties , whil●t colonel nieuenhuys did the like by the other ; the brigadier soon overtook his party , which consi●ted of two regiments of hors● , and a great number of rapparees , which our men charged so desperately , they making no cons●derable resistance , that they were soon broken and in rout , most of them being killed or taken prisoners , and a great booty recovered which they had got in ravaging the country . the colonel did the like by the party he pursued ; which gave the villages rest from their fears of burning and plundering , &c. our cannon and bombs continuing to play against lymerick , the former beat down thirty yards of the wall of the english town on the north-east side , dismounting the enemies cannon , and laying them in rubbish , whilst the latter set fire to three of their magazines , one of brandy , and two of biskets ; the fire lasting till morning , and doing great damage , so that to save their other provisions , they hastily removed them to more distant places ; and their horse that encamped along the river , being removed by the guns of our frigats , encamped between the town and killaloo , that they might be at hand to defend the passages of the shannon . and now the general resolving the army should pass the shannon , in order to attack the irish horse in the county of clare , and to streighten the town on that side , the better to conceal the design , a shew was made , as if he intended to ship away the heavy cannon , and quit the small castles and outward fortifications ; which the enemy taking for his being about to raise the siege gave a great shout for joy. but that night our men laid the pontons over the river , about a mile above the town , and early the next morning the royal regiment of dragoons , with a detachment of horse and foot , had passed over undiscovered by the enemy ; but as soon as brigadier clifford , who lay with 4 regiments of dragoons to guard the passage , perceived our troops had gained the banks , he brought down his men on foot , their horses being at grass ; but at the first charge they fell into disorder , and from that to open flight . being pursued by our men , a great many of them were killed , some taken prisoners in the flight , most of them flung away their arms , and left their tents , baggage , saddles , bridles , and other accoutrements to be divided amongst our men , with 2 pieces of cannon , and the standard of maxwel . the enemies horse that encamped higher near killaloo taking the alarm , drew out ; but it was only to get time to take down their tents , and cover their baggage ; for as soon as our troops advanced towards them , and had passed the first defile , they hastily marched away in some disorder towards the mountains . on the 15th of september the lord lisburn , as he was quitting the trenches , was killed with a cannon bullet ; and the next day capt. taaf came over from the enemy , giving an account , that the town was almost ruined with our bombs and great guns ; and that they had not above ten days bread for subsistance , the garrison not consisting of above 600 able men. whilst these things were doing , col. michelburn marched with a detachment of his regiment , 500 of the militia , 2 troops of dragoons , and 6 field-pieces , encamping at drumchiefle , and then advancing towards slego , which again was in the enemies hands , beat in their out-guards , and being joyned by the lord granard , who a little before had reduced the castle of balymont , that garrisom apprehensive of the danger they were in , capitulated almost upon the same articles that were allowed to galloway , including in the capitulation the castles of bellaby , new-town , and castle-bourk , which were to be taken care of , provided they surrendred within 4 hours after summons . and hereupon the fort on the 15th of september was delivered up , and 600 men marched out under the command of sir teague o regan , and left in the place 16 pieces of cannon , and col. michelburn was constituted governour : and now to return again to lymerick . whilst the siege was yet carried vigorously on , the general , with lieutenant-general scravenmore , being an the other side of the shannon with 5000 horse and dragoons , and a proportionable detachment of foot marched into the county of clare with 12 field-pieces and 7 or 8 days provision , to oblige the enemies horse to fight , or drive them further from lymerick ; whereupon they not only avoided coming to action , but many of them dispersed and disbanded , so that their number daily lessened . brigadier levison with 250 horse and dragoons had fallen upon the enemy in kerry , where they were about 3000 strong , and routed them , killing a great many , and taking divers officers prisoners ; by whi●h means their majesties forces were entire ma●ters of the county : so that the general being now on clare side of lymerick with a strong body of horse , 10 regiments of foot , and 14 pieces of cannon ; the rest of the army remaining under the duke of wirtemberg for the security of the works on the other side , on the 22d of september about noon , our troops drew up before the english town , though the enemies cannon played upon them all the while from the cas●le and several towers , as also the small shot from the flankers and outworks . about four in the afternoon the general ordered a detachment to attack the fort near thomond bridge . whereupon the enemy sent two great detachments out of the town , to support and defend those that were in the fort : but our men marched on with such courage and bravery , that notwithstanding this reinforcement , they bore down all before them , pursuing with hot execution the flying enemy over the bridge , and brought such a terrour upon the city , that monsieur d vsson , the french governour of lymerick , durst not lower the draw-bridge to let in his own men , dreading least ours should enter with them ; so that crouding on the bridge in great numbers , our men by perpetually pouring their vollies of shot amongst them made a miserable slaughter ; insomuch , that from the foot of the bridge to the draw-bridge , nothing was to be seen but heaps of dead bodies discolouring the river with blood , and 600 were computed to be killed in this action , and about 130 taken prisoners ; amongst whom was col. skelton , who being very much hurt , died soon after of of his wounds ; and our men during this hot dispute , being very much exposed to the fire of the town , were about 300 of them killed and wounded , but none of note . this resolute enterprise of our men brought such a terrour upon the garrison , that in the afternoon a parley was beaten round the town , and notice was given , that the people were very much enraged against the french governour for suffering so many men to be cut off , by keeping them out of the city , that they had insulted , and could hardly be kept from using violence . the beating this parley was to desire a cessation of firing and casting in bombs ; which was allowed till 9. the next morning , when the colonels sarsfield and wahop came out , and desired the truce might continue a day longer , and that they might send to the 1500 horse commanded by sheldon in the county of clare , to know whether they would be included in the capitulation ; which was allowed : and on septemb. 25. col. sheldon , and some of his officers 〈◊〉 to our camp , and had leave given him to go into lymerick , and consult with the officers in garrison ; and the next day sarsfield and wahop came out again , and dined with the general , and hostages were proposed to be exchanged , which being concluded on , the l. cutts , sir david collier , col. p●per , and col. tiffany were sent by the general ; and the town sent out the lords westmeath , trimelstown , lowth , and evagh ; so that the cessation was continued , and the garrison sent out their proposals ; but they were such as the general could not approve of ; and therefore instead of answering them , he sent in twelve articles which he would allow ; and not to be unready to speak his mind in another language , in case the truce should be broken by their refusal , he ordered the cannon and mortars to remain charged on their batteries , ready to fire upon the first command ; whi●h made the besieged more reasonable in their demands : so that the commissioners for the treaty coming forth again the same day , had a long conference with those appointed to treat with them by the general , and became more moderate . a very good prospect of accommodation presented at this time ; for we had of their prisoners taken in the last action , 2 lieutenant-colonels , 2 majors , 9 captains , 7 lieutenants , and 6 ensigns . and this being likely to be a general treaty for the settlement of the kingdom , the lords justices set forward from dublin to be assisting at it , and arrived in the camp the first of october , and after some conferences with the commissioners on the part of the garrison , and their troops in the county of clare , the articles of surrender of the city of lymerick , and the castles of clare and ross , with all other places and castles that were at that time in the hands of the irish , were on the third of october concluded and agreed on , and signed by the general and lords justices on the one side , and by the french governour , and the persons deputed by the garrison on the other ; and thereupon a stone-fort , and one of the gates was put into the general 's hands the same evening ; and the next day five of our regiments marched into the irish town , it being among other things agreed , that the french , and such as are willing to go beyond the seas , may continue in the english town and the island , till they can be transported , and shipping are to be got ready for that purpose . and seeing upon the articles of this capitulation , the quiet and settlement of the country consisted , and upon signing which , 〈◊〉 entirely returned to its obedience , it is requisite the reader should not be ignorant at least of the substance or chief matters contained in them : they consisting in two parts , civil and military . as for the civil part , it gave the roman catholicks the exercise of their religion , as far as was consistent with the laws of ireland , and as they enjoyed it in the reign of king charles the second , &c. and to all persons in general that had been in arms , or otherwise under king iames , except forfeiting persons out of the kingdom , should be repossesed of what they could justly claim , or were lawfully entituled to in the reign of king charles the second , and at any time since , by any law or laws that were in force in his reign . and those of trades or callings to return to them , and exercise them as in the reign of king iames the second , on condition they took the oath of allegiance made by the english parliament the first year of their majesties reign . merchants , and reputed merchants , that were beyond the seas , and had not born arms since their majesties declaration of february 1689. were included , and to have the same benefit if they returned within the space of eight months after the date of the articles . as also were several officers , viz. colonel simon lutterel , captain rowland white , morice eustace , and others who were gone beyond the seas , upon the account of their regiments remaining in ireland , upon their returning in the space of eighth months , and taking the oath above-mentioned ; and those comprised and so submitting to the government , to have general pardons of all attainders , treasons , and other crimes and offences against the government , committed since the beginning of the reign of king iames the second . and that all things that have happened since the war , whereby troubles , suits , or vexations may arise , should be passed over and indempnified to those comprised in the articles to the date thereof , to be mutual and reciprocal on both sides . every nobleman and gentleman comprised is allowed to ride with a sword and case of pistols , and to have a gun for the defence of his house , or for recreation ; and that inhabited the city of lymerick , or other garrisons , might depart with their goods , chattels and provisions out of it , without being sear●hed , or paying any duties ; and moreover , not to be compelled to leave their lodgings in six weeks ensuing the date of the articles . the roman catholicks that submit , to take the oath of allegiance , and no other . and if any person or persons , at any time break any of these premisses , he shall shall not cause any other , not concerned in such breach , to forfeit the benefit of them ; and that such persons as are included , shall have the favour of the lords justices and general , to use their endeavours to have them protected from arrests , execution , debts and damages for the space of eight months . that provision be made to enable colonel iohn brown , by restoring so much of his estate and effects as were taken away , to pay his debts : the matter to be stated , and agreed , &c. thus things proceeded of this kind advantageous for the quieting of the minds of the people , and settling in peace and tranquility . as for the military articles , the substance of them were : that any persons willing to leave the kingdom , might pass with their goods and families , except into england , scotland ; and for the officers and soldiers , and those called rapparees , that are minded to go , ships should be prepared to transport them , and days and places appointed for those that were willing to go to declare their minds to that purpose , and be reduced under their officers that are to conduct them : and the english and scotch officers that serve in ireland , to be included in the capitulation , for the security of their estates and effects in the three kingdoms , if they are content to remain here , or for passing freely into france , or any other country to serve , and land-carriage and shipping to be furnished for those of all conditions that are not prisoners of war , that have a mind to be transported , and they to be protected from all wrongs and injuries : and the ships that are to transport them , to be furnished with neccesaries for horse and men , to be paid for by those transported upon their safe arrival in france , and hostages were to be left for the safe return of the ships , the danger of the sea excepted ; and till their embarkation quarters to be assigned them , they having liberty to transport gratis , including those of their officers nine hundred horse ; and for the troops remaining behind , to dispose of themselves as they thought convenient , delivering up their horse and arms to such as the generals should nominate to receive them . horse-provender for those that were to be transported , to be bought at the king's rate , and all necessaries to be had without molestation . and all those prisoners of war on both sides , that were in the kingdom of ireland on the 28th of september , to be set at liberty ; the general promising his endeavour for the release of those likewise in england and flanders : and medicines and other necessaries be furnished for the sick and wounded . and that notice of these things upon signing , be sent to france , and those that are to pass thither not to be stopped upon the account of debt , or any other pretence : and that french ships for transportation shall freely resort to any parts , and have passports ; and upon the arrival of such ships a free communication shall be between it and the said troops , more especially for those who have passes from the fleet , and monsieur de tumeron the intendant ; in consideration of which the town of lymerick was to be put into the hands of the general , or whom he shall appoint ; viz. the irish town , except the magazine and hospital , upon the day of signing : but the english town , with the island and free passage to thomond-bridge , to be in the hands of the irish garrison , or those that shall come from clare , cork , kerry , &c. till a conveniency offer to transport them . and that no disorders might happen between the garrisons , the irish troopers were to remain in the english town and island , until they should embarque on the fifty ships that should first go to france , and to keep from any injury on either side , under pain of punishment . and when they are to march , they may march out together , or at sundry times , as opportunity of embarking requires , with arms , baggage , beat of drum , lighted match , bullet in mouth , colours flying , six brass guns and two mortars , with some ammunition and other stores , and that an inventory of the ammunition shall be given to that end , the day after the signing . the magazines and provisions to remain in the hands of those appointed for their care , for the subsistance of the irish that are to pass for france , and they to be further furnished , if occasion required . and a cessation of arms at land and sea to be had , in respect to the ships , either english , dutch or french , to be used in the transportation , until they are returned to their harbours ; and that sufficient passports shall be on both sides as to ships and men ; and that any violating the cessation shall be punished , and satisfaction made for the wrong ; and that persons should be sent to give the english and french ships notice of this cessation of arms for the time ; and hostages be given on both sides : and if there happen any change in the government , or command of the army ; before the capitulation be fully executed , it shall yet stand in force . this being briefly the heads and substance of these famous articles , i shall now proceed to what ensued upon so happy a juncture , in which the nation had so great a promise of peace and tranquility ; which has since raised its drooping head from the dust. about the time of this agreement , news came that divers french men of war , with transport-ships , were on the coast , and endeavoured to put into some places , though very distant from lymerick ; but either not well knowing the harbours , or being fearful , as having no certainty of what had happened , they continued cruizing , being seen sometimes off one place , and at other times off another , as being doubtful and uncertain of their enterprizing any thing to the end for which they came ; as perhaps , having intelligence that a squadron of our men of war , under the command of sir ralph delaval , was making towards ireland , to prevent any evil design they might have , notwithstanding the capitulation , considering on our part , that the french maxim is much the same with that of the ottomon port , viz. to consider nothing against their interest ; but in the firmest peace to take all the advantages of open hostility , where any thing offers that may render their attempts successful . but whether they sooner or latter had an account of what had happened at lymerick , and that with the rendering up that important place , all their measures had been broken , considering in those articles , the few places of no considerable strength were included , we determine not ; but certainly so it happened , they attempted nothing worthy of note on the coast of that kingdom , but kept out at sea as well as they could . during the cruizing of the french , we had at length certain knowledge that they had notice of what had happened , viz. that lymerick had submitted , and with it all those places that yet held out , if in the time limited , they , by surrendring , took the benefit of the articles agreed on , which occasioned a greater security in them , as to the fear of being attacked by our men of war ; because in one of the articles it was agreed , that such of the irish and french as had a mind to leave the kingdom , and go for france , might stay to expect a free passage thither , without interruption , and then they more boldly appeared upon the coast of kerry , being discerned from the hills and cliffs , to be about 25 sail of men of war , with some fire-ships , and 25 transport-ships , and that it might be taken , that their design in coming at first , was no other than to carry off ●he french and irish that were unwilling to ●tay , monsieur d'vsson , the late french go●ernour , took his first opportunity to give notice of their being there to major-general tal●ash , who had been appointed by the gene●al to command at lymerick ; and upon ma●ure deliberation , it being thought more con●enient to suffer such as would transport themselves in french ships , than trust any of ●urs in the enemies port on that account , ●t last it was agreed , that the transport●●ips might come into the river shannon ; ●ut the men of war and fireships to keep ●●t at sea ; and that those transport-ships should have liberty to take on board such as would freely imbark . in the mean while divers irish gentlemen , and persons of quality , who it was by some supposed , would have embraced this voluntary exile ; considering , perhaps , how the french had insulted them in their own country , and expecting worse treatment when they should be more ablosutely under their jurisdiction , resolved not to trust their kindness by leaving their native country , but rather chose to rely upon the kindness of a generous prince , whose word in all things is inviolate , and thereupon spontaniously came in , and took the oath of fidelity to their majesties : nor were the rapparees , who are accounted the most obstinate of the irish , behind hand in this : for divers of their chiefs considering their safety depended upon a speedy submission , thought it their best way to lay hold of the grace offered , least such a favourable opportunity might for ever be out of their power ; and thereupon resolving to lay hold on it , laid down their arms , and submitted to mercy , causing many others of their subalternates to do the like , and bring in their arms ; insomuch that roads that a little before lay unfrequented by travellers for fear of this rapacious sort of people , were again frequented , and those that had been so terrible to them , now proved their guards in many places , to protect them against such as yet held out , by which means the face of things seemed won●erfully changed , and a country that a lit●le before had been so bloody a scene of war , ●ow promised , and gave a large prospect of durable peace , attended with plenty , and 〈◊〉 greater advancement by trade than e●er , in consideration of a greater assurance ●f security given , especially to the prote●●ants , by the glorious success of their majesties arms , than has been in the form●r reigns . although sarsfield , sheldon , and others , ●ho centered their fortunes and interest in ●●e late king , who had mainly raised them 〈◊〉 his favours , expected to draw after the ●reater part of the discplined soldiers to be ●●sposed of in the service of the french king , 〈◊〉 also some of the gentry and nobility ; yet ●●ey missed of their aim . matters being thus brought to a conclusion 〈◊〉 the kingdom of ireland , care was taken to 〈◊〉 our troops into winter quarters , who 〈◊〉 such extraordinary enterprizes so 〈◊〉 succeeding each other , were somewhat 〈◊〉 , and required for the recovery of ●●●ir strength and health , more refresh 〈◊〉 nt and ease than the field could any ways 〈◊〉 them . and in this such order and care was taken that none should be endamaged in the quarters ; but if any such thing happened by any oppression or unruliness of the officer or soldiers , the party grieved , upon complaint to those appointed to inspect and regulate these affairs , should have speedy redress , that the fears of the countries about lymerick might be at an end , the french an● irish that resolved for france , were furthere by the english , by way of friendly assistanc● for their embarkment on such ships as we●● ordered or allowed to carry them to the●● desired ports . the lords justices received an accou●● on the first of november , from major-general talmash , that the french and iri●● marched out of the english town on the fir●● of the said month , and part of them embarked on the french ships that were permitted to enter the river shannon , in order 〈◊〉 transport them . the general , after the many glorio●● succeses that crowned their majesties ar●● under his command in so short a tim● arriving at dublin , was received sever●●● miles from that city , by a great body 〈◊〉 the gentry on horseback ; and approachi●● through the loud shouts and acclamations 〈◊〉 the crouding people , was received at 〈◊〉 gates by the lord mayor and aldermen in ●heir formalities , and highly welcomed , and ●he ceremony performed upon the occasion ●● his coming to that capital city , ended with a general joy , and the highest marks ●● respect to a person who had been so ser●iceable to the kingdom . his majesties birth-day and the anniversary of the powder-plot , were likewise ob●erved with all imaginable demonstrations of ●oyalty , and marks of firmness to the pro●e●tant religion . nor were some of the papists wanting to express their satisfaction to see the hero , ●●o had been so mainly instrumental in re●●oring them that peace they had so ra●●ly ●orfeited ; and had leisure during almost a ●ree years , to repent of the trouble they had ●●ven the kingdom , and of the losses them●●lves sustained . whilst this joy lasted , care was taken to ●●der the garrisons , and provide them with ●●ch necessaries where they were wanting , as ●ight serve for the winter stores , and put the ●oldiers in a good plight . nor was the joy 〈◊〉 these successes bounded in this island , but ●read into remote countries ; so that in the ●amps of the allies the cannon was fired , ●nd all other demonstrations of a high satis●●ction for the success of their majesties ●●ms were set on foot : though the french commanders , especially in their camps , laboured to extenuate these brave and vigorous undertakings , crowned with such ample success , least it could dishearten and abate the courage of their men , who already by their frequent deserting , seemed to grow weary of a war , wherein they too plainly found , that instead of what they formerly gained by plundering , and laying defenceless places waste , they must expect nothing but blows , and severe treatment . on the first of november following these transactions , the irish entirely left the english town of lymerick , embarking o● the transport-ships in the shannon ; whe● sailing for france , one of those ships having on board four hundred men , beside● stores and furnitures of divers kinds , running foul on a rock overset , and about on● hundred men were drowned , though n● diligence was wanting to endeavour thei● preservation . upon the marching out of the irish , ou● soldiers marched in , and garrisoned th● english town , and now sir david collie● was made governour of the city of lymerick , and the lord o brian of th● county of the said city . and on the six●● of this month the french squadron , consisting of eighteen men of war , six fire-ships , and twenty transport-ships , who brought about ten thousand arms , wine and brandy for sale , and much provision , fell down about two leagues below scaltery , viz. the men of war , but their transport-ships were suffered to remain nearer , to take in provisions and other necessaries for transportation of the people they were to take on board . and major-general talmash having settled and ordered things to the best advantage in the city , gave place to the new governour , and departed for dublin , where he was received with many expressions of joy , according to the true merit of his courage and conduct in this war. upon this great turn of fortune , many of their ringleaders going away in the french ships , the rapparees found themselves abandoned , and in great distress , so that they were constrained to come in and submit ; so that the face of things appeared to be strangely changed , uproar and confusion being turned into a calm peace ; so that most of the english and dutch regiments , &c. prepared to embark for england , where they soon after arrived , and passed for flanders , where they were for the winter season quartered advantagiou●ly in divers towns , to hinder the incursi●ons of the french. the general having put an end to the war of ireland , being highly caressed and treated in dublin , embarked for england on the monmouth yatch , where he received the applause and high commendations of the people in all places where he passed . the king received him very graciously , and created him earl of athlone , &c. the parliament likewise sent their thanks to him for the good service he had done , desiring him to communicate the same to all the officers that had served under him in this expedition : and he , together with them , was highly entertained at a noble treat by the city of london . the soldiers now returning , a proclamation was issued forth for their well abearing and behaving themselves in their march , quarters , and making due payment . and so great was the joy of the irish nobility and gentry for restoring that kingdom to peace and tranquility , that in humble gratitude they made the following address to his majesty , viz. we your majesties most dutiful and loyal subjects , crave leave in the first place to offer our most humble thanks to the divine majesty , by whom you reign , for having raised and inspired your majesty for the deliverance of these oppressed nations , and for preserving your royal person , so frequently exposed to danger , but never in greater than in the kingdom and cause of the protestants in ireland : what was then so graciously undertaken by your majesty in person , is now so happily finished by the success of your arms , that we owe to your majesty's courage and conduct , next to the divine providence , the restoration of our religion and civil rights and liberties . we beseech your majesty to accept this recognition as the first fruits of our redemption , till we are able to make a more solemn and parliamentary acknowledgment to your majesties iust title to our allegiance , not only in right of this crown , but in gratitude to our great deliverer and conqueror of your majesty's enemies . we are sure your majesty will effectually preserve those you have so generously delivered ; and we hope your majesty shall never have occasion to doubt the steady and united affections of the protestants of ireland in the service of your crown and dignity , from principles of inclination , duty and interest ; all which makes us unanimously and heartily to pray for the sacred person , victorious arms , and iust and gentle government of king william and queen mary , with peace and continuance over us . on the two and twentieth of december , sarsfield having got together two thousand six hundred men , women and children , set sail from cork for france : he thought to have carried a greater number , but was deceived by their deserting him ; as did the whole regiments of mac dermo , brian o neal , and colonel felix o neal , upon the advice they received of the ill treatment of the irish that were already landed in france , where the officers were generally displaced , or made to serve in lower stations , even to common soldiers , and french men set over them . ireland being now in a fair way to a settlement , colonel foulk , governour of dublin , had orders to disband the irish regiments that came over to us upon the surrender of lymerick , except fourteen hundred which were appointed for the emperour's service ; the which , though they prosessed a great willingness to serve their majesties , they submitted to , and had two cobs a man given them gratis , most of them going to their habitations or employments . on the three and twentieth of ianuary , being the first day of the term , the right honourable sir charles porter , lord chancellour , and thomas conningsby esquire , lords justices of the kingdom , came to the court of kings bench , accompanied by divers of the privy council , and other persons of quality ; where they took the oaths , and subscribed the declaration required by the late act of parliament made in england : after which the judges of other courts , and persons of different quality and employments did the like . about this time there happened an extraordinary storm , which did much damage at land , but more by sea : the adventure of london was cast away on the coast and all her men drowned . a vessel laden with corn was driven from her anchor in the road , and beaten to pieces , but her men saved , and divers other shipwracks were driven on shoar in the ports of this kingdom . and now the poor being very numerous , by reason of losses in the war , care was ordered every where to be taken of them till they could better provide for themselves having conveni●●●● houses appointed for their shelter . and the militia of the country was reviewed , to know in what condition it stood . and the lords justices issued out a declaration , prohibiting any officer , clark , or other person or persons whatsoever , depending upon their majesties treasury , either by himself or any other , to use in part , or in whole , directly or indirectly , to buy any arrears or debenture ●ue to any officer , soldier , or any person or persons that have been employed in their majesties service the preceding war , upon pain of forfeiting the benefit of every contract or agreement for such arrears which shall be paid to the party to whom they are due , when the same shall come to be paid ; as also upon communication of such a fault , be dismissed from his or their employment , and declared being uncapable of serving in the treasury for the future . this saved a great many officers and soldiers much money , who to supply presant need , would have taken a small matter for what was after paid them to the full . and now though it had been stipulated and agreed by several articles made with the garrison of lymerick , galloway , &c. that all arms were to be delivered up , unless such of the nobility and gentry as were allowed them for defence of their houses , &c. and this not being punctually observed , a proclamation was issued out by the lords justices , to command all persons who had any to surrender , or cause to be surrendered to the sheriff of the city , town , or county , or to the next justice of the peace , all their fire-arms , swords , pikes , half-pikes , halbards , partisans , skenns , bayonets , and all other arms , offensive and defensive . and upon failure or contempt , to be prosecuted to the utmost severity of the law : a reward of ten shillings was likewise proposed to any person who should , after the tenth of march , discover any arms ; and the concealer to be prosecuted at the next assizes as a contemner of their majesties royal authority , to be looked upon as disturbers of the peace , and to forfeit the benefit of the said articles . this made a great many of the papists bring in their arms , for fear of a discovery , which they had kept till now perhaps to so sinister an end : so that by this means the peace being better assured , the protestants found themselves out of danger ; the husbandmen manured their ground with cheerfulness , as not doubting to reap the benefit of their labours , which they had been long debarr'd , to the undoing of many thousands . the artificers fell again to their respective crafts with courage . so that the land casting off its bloody stain , laboured to forget its sorrow ; and though the usual trade with france was prohibited , yet ●rom england , scotland and spain , 〈◊〉 necessaries were brought tha● u●ually supplied the kingdom from abroad . and that they might yet be more easie , some illegal proceedings being represented to the lords justices , they put forth a proclamation for suppressing them , running to this tennor ; viz. that the lords iustices being informed that several iustices of the peace , sheri●ffs , and other magistrates , presuming on their power in the countries , have by colour of their authority , in a most illegal and arbitrary manner , contrary to the known laws of the kingdom , dispossessed several of their majesties subjects , not only of their goods and chattels , but of their lands and tenements ; they therefore command and require all iustices of the peace , mayors , sheriffs , and other magistrates , to forbear such illegal proceedings , and not to intermeddle with the right , property , title , or possession of the estates , goods , or chattels of any of their majesties subjects , other than by due course of law they are required , and as they shall be able to justifie . this was thrice proclaimed in all the market-towns that every one might take notice of it , and have redress of their grievances , if any should afterward be committed upon them , or their possessions ; yet it extented not to the prohibiting the searching for , and taking away of arms. and the better to confirm and inform all sorts of people , being dutiful and loyal , in their majesties good intentions towards them , their majesties proclamation was published in the following words , viz. whereas by an act made in our parliament at westminster , in the first year of our reign , entituled , an act for the better security and relief of their majesties protestant subjects of ireland , it was amongst other things enacted , that all and every person and persons whatsoever , should be absolutely discharged and acquitted of any from the payment of all the quit-rents , composition-rents , heart-money , twenti●th-parts payments , and other chief rents , arising or payable out of any houses , lands , tenements , hereditaments , rectores , tythes or church-livings , incurring or becoming due to us at any time after the five and twentieth day of december , 1688. until the said kingdom of ireland should by us be declared to be reduced , and the war and rebellion there ended : we have now , pursuant to the said act of parliament thought fit , by and with the advice of our privy council , to issue out this our royal proclamation , hereby declaring , that the said kingdom of ireland is reduced to our obedience , and the war and rebellion there ended . and we do hereby will and require , that all and singular such rents and payments , and all other duties payable to the crown , which shall henceforth grow , incur , or become due , be duly answered and paid unto us , in such manner , and under such penalties and forfeitures as if the said act had not been made . dated the 3d of march , 1691 / 2. and to the end that none of the irish might be ignorant of what was intended for the good of the nation , another proclamation was published in all the chief towns of the kingdom , to ascertain a day to those that should be distinguished to be comprehended within the articles of lymerick &c. , to shew their said rights and claims to the said articles ; the lands and other matters they desire restitution of , with the place of their being and situation ; and that they should have fair hearings and favourable constructions made on their claims and petitions : the days and places of hearing to that purpose be set and appointed , that none might pretend any mistake on that account , not to come provided with sufficient proof and testimony of such their rights and claims , according to the tennor of the articles of lymerick and galloway &c. , and that seeing several protestants did inhabit galloway and lymerick , during the sieges of those places , it was required that three witnesses should give testimony as to the premisses , one of them to be a protestant , in every particular matter for proof of each persons qualification , as to the articles , who claims to have been within the said city or town , and thereby to be comprised within the said articles , or either of them . and on the sixth of april the lord's justices of the council and kingdom sat to hear and examine the claims exhibited before them , by such persons as made their application to them , sitting m●nday , wednesday and friday weekly for that purpose . and that nothing might be wanting to encourage and promote the trade of the kingdom , ships daily arrived in the ports with provision and other necessaries , insomuch , that after a long scarcity , plenty began again to be restored to a prospect of a greater height than ever , by which the calamities and sufferings appeared to vanish , and the joy of the people , the protestants especially , to be restored more than ever , especially under the conduct and government of affairs of those prudent persons that are put into power and trust. the kingdom of ireland thus settled , and in a fair way to happiness , his majesty was in flanders , drawing his forces together to prosecute his victories on that side , and compleat the felicity of his kingdoms , when in the mean while some ill men of restless spirits at home , were labouring under hand to disquiet us by endeavouring to hold correspondence with the common enemy , and encouraging him to invade their native kingdoms ; but providence , as at all times , so now more particularly , timely discovered their dark projects and sinister designs , whereupon many were apprehended and imprisoned in divers places , in order to be brought to justice and condign punishment ; yet this did not so much discourage the french king , but that he got his fleet very early in a readiness , as it is generally supposed to invade england ; but the winds appeared to stand on our side , and kept them in their harbours , contrary to their expectations , though he had drawn down his forces on the coast of normandy &c. , to embark on his men of war and transport-ships , as occasion should offer . our fleet in the mean while was hastned out to oppose them , and the dutch squadrons with much celerity joyned us , so that on the 19th of may they stood away to the south-west in search of the french fleet , and about six leagues from cape barsleur got sight of them , who with much presumption bore down upon us , having the weather-gage , the wind at south-west ; and about eleven in the morning they engaged admiral russel , who commanded our red squadron . the sight continued hot on both sides till about three in the afternoon , turville the french admiral being very much worsted , and fearing to be hemmed in by our blue squadron ; and the dutch , who laboured to get the wind of the enemy , bore away , but not so speedily but that the blew squadron had time enough to come in and engage him about six , so that another hot dispute continued till about ten at night , the french making a retreating fight , in which some of their ships were blown up , and others sunk : all night it was very calm , and foggy the next morning ; and ab●ut eight it began to clear up , the wind at east-north-east , when the french fleet appeared about two leagues to the leeward of ours , much less in number than the day before , being but thirty six men of war , standing away to their own coast , whilst ours pursued them ; and both fleets , upon a great calm , came to an anchor , the dutch , who now had the van , being within a league of them ; and on the one and twentieth they weighed and stood away , and we after them , admiral russel taking his course towards barsleur , having sight of several ships under the shoar ; but by this time many of them were got into the first harbours they came to ; so that fear and too much haste , caused several of them to run aground to prevent our coming up with them . but it availed little , for vice-admiral delaval hotly pursuing fliers who put in , made , under cape de wick , their squadrons , being now broken and separated , with much difficulty got in with light frigats , fire-ships , and armed-boats , and in spight of the fire the french made from their ships , and from their platform on shoar . captain heath laid the royal sun of france on board with his fireship , and burnt her , being the french admiral of 104 guns ; and captain green burnt the conquerdant , of 102 guns ; and another ship of 80 guns was burnt by the boats that were sent out after the men were taken from it , and some other vessels , with little loss of men on our side . captain fowlis attempted to burn the royal sun , but was set on fire by an accidental shot from the enemy , supposed to be made red hot for that purpose . monsieur gaberet's ship , admiral of the french blew squadron , perished in the fight amongst the rest . whilst these things were doing , admiral russel , with the red squadron , stood with the enemies ships , who were got into the bay of la hogue , and sent vice-admiral rook , with a squadron of light frigats and fireships , and all the boats he had with him , well armed , to burn the ships he had there penn'd up ; which succeeded so well , that six were burnt that night , and with the same resolution six more were burnt the next morning , three of them being three-deck'd ships , carrying a great force of men and guns , and the other three from sixty to seventy guns : and one of fifty six guns was overset , and utterly lost : so that the whole number in that bay was destroyed ; the men in the boats on this occasion behaving themselves with much bravery and resolution , insomuch that they took possession of several of the french ships ; and turned the guns upon the platform that fired upon them from the land , in the sight of the french and irish camp that lay near the shoar . many of the french seamen perished with their ships , those on shoar refusing to fetch them off ; and a great many were taken prisoners . so that in the main we destroyed about one and twenty of their biggest ships , and of other frigats , crafts , and transport-ships , to the number of thirty ; and this without the loss of any ship on our side , unless fireships that were spent on the enemy . for this signal victory the admiral caused a solemn thanksgiving to almighty god to be held on board the fleet ; and had the wind been more timely favourably , few of the french that engaged had escaped . this happy news caused great rejoycing in all their majesties dominions , and in the courts of the confederate princes . and now to shew god's more signal favour and mercy towards us , a hellish conspiracy was discovered , that had been carried on to destroy his majesty beyond the seas by assassination , influenced by the greatest persons in the french court , to their eternal infamy , as it was deposed upon oath ; and this was undertaken by one de grandual , a captain of dragoons in the french service , and one dumot a walloon , who had the last year agreed together to kill the king ; and for that purpose went to loo , whilst his majesty was there , but missing of their wicked purpose , they went back to paris , and there remaining during the winter , they engaged one leefdale in the same pernicious design , agreeing to attack the king , either upon a march , or when he should ride out to see the troops ; but an almighty hand held them from their executing what they so wickedly intended , and saved his anointed to be a joy and comfort to his people , and a scourge to the common enemy , who , though good at close villanies , and purchasing of towns , yet not to stand in competition at fair valour and heroick bravery , as has all along appeared by retreats and strong encampments , when urged to battel in a fair field ; yet , no doubt , a short time will let us see the difference between true manhood and politick d●lays and precautions . ireland is now waiting to receive her right honourable lord deputy with all the demonstrations of joy that a willing nation can express , sutable to the great expectations she has to be yet more happy under the auspicious conduct of so worthy a hero , and wise dispencer of justice ; and an encourager and propagator of the protestant religion , &c. thus we see , through god's blessing upon their majesties arms , this kingdom is once again in a happy way to be prosperous , and more entirely happy than ever . finis . a trip to ireland being a description of the country, people and manner : as also some select observations on dublin. ward, edward, 1667-1731. 1699 approx. 55 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a63248 wing t2285 estc r22635 12364466 ocm 12364466 60362 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a63248) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60362) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 900:26) a trip to ireland being a description of the country, people and manner : as also some select observations on dublin. ward, edward, 1667-1731. [4], 12 p. s.n., [london? : 1699] reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng voyages and travels. ireland -description and travel. ireland -description and travel -early works to 1800. 2003-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-04 john latta sampled and proofread 2003-04 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a trip to ireland , being a description of the country , people and manners : as also some select observations on dublin . printed in the year , 1699. the preface . since observations of the same nature with those which follow , have prevail'd of late for a general approbation ; and it has been more acceptable to the reader to make enquiries into the imperfections of the people which have given being to the papers under his perusal , than to search after their excellencies and survey their beauties ; i could not but think it adviseable to gratify his palate , and consult my own interest , in presenting him with the following remarks . and as two other authors ( viz. those of the trips to jamaica and holland ) have giv'n him the sight of monsters of a foreign growth , and one of 'em under no dependance on the english government ; so i have now remov'd the scene , and brought my farce to be acted in a country which dr. molineux , a late writer , would insinuate to be independent on the british nation , tho' reduc'd by force of arms to acknowledge her conquest . if teigue can but please as well as myn-heer , the bookseller has gain'd his aim , the author his , and the reader more than he could expect , since in drawing the picture of a dutch man he might have thought nature had been exhausted of all her deformities . but michael angelo's cardinal in his representation of the day of iudgment is a beauty to an irish man , who tho' he does not look with the same horror for his crimes as his diabolical eminence , yet takes pains to merit the same punishment ; and it s enough to send one in search of the parish-register to know the truth of his nativity , if one of the meaner sort of this people happens to be suspected of honesty . as for the nobility , who are generally sprung from english parentage , here are those who are renown'd for their valour , admir'd for their iustice , and esteem'd for their wisdom ; and we have seen those things perform'd by the present duke of ormond , and the earl of arran his grace's noble brother , which have been the admiration of this age , as they will command the wonder of the times which succeed . but panegyrick is not my business ; and i who am to give such a description of ireland , as should make my reader laugh at its inhabitants , should not dwell on two such instances in its commendation , unless i would be laught at my self . to go on therefore with my subject , and persuade the buyer as much as i can that he has a very good bargain , and enough in conscience for his mony ; here are the vices of all nations practis'd by those people , who have not wit enough to know but what they are solely of their own growth , and who if they should chance to be told by some one among 'em that can read , that other nations are guilty of the same sins , would bite their nails off but they would find out some less common road to damnation . in short , that i may'nt make the porch too big for the house , and that the reader may not expect more matter than i can afford him ; in order to proportion the treatise to the preface , i shall have said as much as i design , if i tell him , that the people of the kingdom i give him the description of , have the cruelty of a spanish inquisitor , the letchery of an italian , the levity of a french man , the cowardice of a savoyard , the perfidiousness of a scotch man , the ignorance of a muscovite , the rebellious temper of a dutch man , and the pride of — themselves ; and if all this bundle of vice won't content him , let him show me so many virtues in practice among 'em , and he shan't ask me twice to be satisfied . a trip to ireland . before i enter into the character of the people , it will not be improper to acquaint my reader with the motives which induc'd me to make observations upon 'em , since i who am about to give him an account of others , may perhaps b● expected to give some account of my self . let it therefore sufficee if i tell him , the same curiosity which leads him to the perusal of these remarks , prevaild upon me to make 'em ; and as i am not arrived to the years of those men , who think no country deserving of their notice , but that in which they were born , so my inclinations are wholly different from theirs . in short , i was forc'd to make a loose from old england , and since i had no green turf of my own to tread upon , in it , i was resolv'd to set sail for a place , whither few , but those in the same condition with my self , would direct their course . and as it was not impossible but i might recover the esteem of my friends , which i had unhappily lost ; so i was resolv'd against my coming again into favour , to furnish my self with some story or other to entertain their maids with , like other young travellers , in order to continue in their esteem . for it 's as common now , for an insinuating servant to alienate a mothers affection from her son , or a sisters from her brother , as it is for 'em to lie with their masters , or wear their mistresses old cloaths . pursuant to to these inclinations , i pick't up what money i could , and went aboard the owners-love , a ship in the river which was bound for ireland ; the commander had laid in vsquebaugh and wine enough , and so i held my self contented : and what added to my satisfaction , was , that i did not want for company to divert my self with , during my voyage . three of the directors of the old east-india-company had just brought in their goods before i came aboard , and several who had considerable posts in the office of land-credit were making the best of their way off with 'em ; we had also a bawd , who had been forc'd to quit her venerable station , on account of the act against prophanness and immorality ; and a poet who had lost all hopes of a good third day in england , since mr. collier's short view of the english stage had made its appearance in publick . for my part , i thought the man of metre much in the right , and since hot-beds are generally made out of dunghills , the only way to ripen and secure the growth of his muse , was to transplant her to an isle where there is nothing else . in short , whilest the three directors were railing against heathcot and shepherd , and the no-landed land-credit-men were cursing dr. chamberlain ; the poet being wholy taken up in biting his nails , and making wry faces , as taking leave ( as i suppose ) of his mistress in some dolefull sonnet , or meditating on some invective against collier who had made him step aside ; i could not but take incitement from his odd sort of gestures , to attempt something in verse too ; and since i had learn'd something by playing at crambo formerly with my mothers maids , and could write and read ( the chief excellencies of poets now a days ) i e'en went above-deck , and took my leave of that famous city , which fled from our sight , as we fled from it , by penning down the following lines . i. farewell , thou seat of empire and of fame , great in thy power , and awfull in thy name whose turrets tho' to heav'n they rise and strike with pain the searchers eyes , are now , just now , removing from my sight , my present grief , but past delight , whom i , forsaken by my friends must leave , and leaving must for ever grieve , torn from the embraces of a parents love , when i a parents kindness could improve . condemn'd to be an exile and forlorn my friends contempt , and my relations scorn , as i from all my hopes , and thee remove . ii. but tho' i am lost to fortune , and am made the sport of chance , and slighted and betray'd ; tho' i my country , and my parent shun , yet i am still a subject and a son. and still i 'll pay , and still i 'll show the duties which i owe , still shall my country and my parent share , a sons and subjects prayer , and in what place soever fate shall please to end my sufferings , and my grief ; whither on land i perish , or the seas give me the wish'd for death , and sure releif . iii. hear me oh heaven ! and record the vow which i am offering now , may i ne're tast thy blessings , or receive abatement of those ills for which i grieve if my last words ( do thou but grant me speech to ask thy mercy , and thy throne beseech ) mention not them , and for their welfare pour a flood of tears , grant heaven a grateful shower ; since she who gave me breath , should have my prayers , and she where i was born partake of all my tears . iv. and ye augusta's walls which now contain my only joy , and yet my only pain , preserve her safe whose abscence now i mourn , and from whose sight i down the stream am born , let angels guard her , tho' she now can bear a son's departure and without a tear , and if she once shall please to spend a thought on what i was , and what i only sought : v. then shall i joy for being thus distress'd , and bless those foes who would not have me bless'd : but 't is too late , the winds and waves are joyn'd to waft me from her sight and from her mind ; tho' she , and only she shall have a part in mine , whose image only fills my heart . and all i 'll ask for , or implore from fortune's bounty and her store , is , that she may continue to receive those blessings which for lost i grieve ; and i 'll no other wish , but this prefer , losing my sorrows in my ioys for her. these were the hasty thoughts i committed to paper ; and i who retir'd to my muse to divert my self , found that instead of removing from the ideas of those troubles i would have avoided , i had by making application to her , a more lively representation of ' em . wherefore i return'd again to my company , whom i found sitting in for a hearty cup , the only preservative against melancholly . you may judge i wanted not many persuasions to make one among 'em , and to endeavour the dislodgment of a guest , which had taken up free quarters , and liv'd at descretion , as the temper i was then in had . accordingly i pledg'd the bawd , who i must tell you , took something of a liking to me , and did me the honour to drink to me so heartily , and i over my left thumb , et sic deinceps ; that the east-india bankrupts had quite forgot that another company had got the royal establishment , the land-credit men were in such a temper , as if the iron chests they have laid in at their office in queen-street , were full of those millions the undertaker propos'd to have in 'em ; and the virginity broker , and the haberdasher of hexameters were as merry , as if each of 'em had acts of parliament for their respective employs : and i , for my part , with my illuminated phiz , and my eyes ready to drop out of my head , had such entertaining conceptions , that i could not but imagine my fortunes bore a proportion to my countenance , and had never been under any such thing as an eclypse . in short , not to be tedious , we did not spare the bottle during our voyage , and had such a smooth passage over st. george his channel , as if neptune had known us all to be bankrupts , and consequently not worth the drowning ; since we had nothing to feed his luxury with but our flesh , and that was meat hardly good enough for the fish. but since the reader may be in haste to know something of the country we were bound for , i shall close the journal at sea , by telling him we got safe to dublin ; where , as it was our business to conceal our selves , we took leave of one another , and went to our respective quarters . a plague on the place ; a garret in grub-street is one story high to it , and i was forc'd to rest three or four times before i could reach my bed , which was nothing but a quilt over some rushes ; and this the son of a whore my landlord would have eighteen-pence per week for . i was forced to submit for a time , till i had provided all things for travelling ; and so i visited the several counties of which the reader may take the following account . ireland ( at present the land of ire , or heavens wrath ) hath little in it , now , of god's blessing , and never had very much of the warm sun. it seems in the opinion of some , to be part of the refuse of the earth at the creation , and that when the rest of europe was compleated and polished , some of the scrapings and rubbish was cast out at this back-door , which being half dried by the squinting beams of sol , was in some measure dough-baked , into an island , of what worth and quality shall be hereafter described . if europe be compared to a piece of fine cloath , this must needs be some of the list , or fagg-end : if to a stately palace , this is the postern : if to a humane figure , where ever we place the head , this will surely hold more proportion and similitude with the tail , as will appear upon farther consideration . some formerly have thought fit to call it the watering-pot of the planets ; and the french have named it , le pot● de chambre du diable , i. e. the devil's piss-pot , seldom dry , but often running over , the rains falling down so frequently , as if the heavens were a wounded eye , perpetually weeping over it it , or the clouds dropping spunges , so fast it rains , and so profusely pours heav'ns liquid-wrath in elemental show'rs , that ev'n an irish doctor must disown the clouds distemper there to be the stone ; but rather with the common emp'ricks hold , since they so drop at nose , it is a cold. and then for the often gusts of wind , it may well be reck'ned , as nature's bellows ; but for this , they may perhaps have reason to thank the bantamites , who sowing so much pepper yearly in the east-indies in the bowels of our grandmother earth , it must needs cause her to break wind backwards in these western parts , where she eases her self of the collick : what advantage they reap by it i know not , but the old proverb says , it 's an ill wind blows no one any good. says one , it is a frippery for bankrupts , or the grand hospital for such as are troubled with a consumption in their estate and credit . but whatever it were formerly , there is small hopes now that strangers should be there cured of such desperate diseases , since the whole country may well pass for a map of general misery and poverty , the natives and inhabitants being most of them the lively portraitures of the prodigal lad in his most swinish condition ; so that it were no less difficult now to get into an estate there ( unless by the conquering sword ) then to get out of their deepest bogs , when one is sinking , and can neither help ones self out , nor persuade teague to assist , unless st. patrick does prompt him in a most special manner . yet is the soil in many parts fat , and liking , ( as dunghils are ) and were it well husbanded , would yield a plentiful encrease ; but what through laziness , and want of industry , ( i speak of the meer irish , to whom the whole character relates ) and their innate pride , and self-conceitedness , which make them disdain to be taught by foreigners , they do so little improve their lands , that unless it be themselves , nothing to an ingenious eye can be a sadder spectacle . inclosures are very rare amongst them , and those no better fenced than an old midwife's toothless gums , or those parts of northamptonshire , where the hedges were grubbed up by the rebellious rout of the commoners . much of their land is reserved for grazing and pasturage ; and there , indeed , the grass being very sweet , and holding a constant verdure , it is in many places so indented with purling brooks and streams , that their meadows look like a new green carpet border'd or fring'd with the purest silver : yet hay is a rarity amongst them , and would cost them more pains than they can well afford , towards the making of it ; therefore they seldom or never trouble their heads or hands about it . and then for their arable ground , it lies most commonly as much neglected and unmanured as the sandy desarts of arabia , or a ranting young gallant 's old bed-rid spouse . and , not to particularize every circumstance , their national custom of ploughing , by tying their wooden harness to the horse's-tail , and that other senseless improvidence of burning their oates to save the labour of thrashing , are two such very remarkable proofs of their husbandry , that it would be needless to describe it further : so that whatever the country be , they are a wild herd of brute animals inhabiting , but not improving it . this sloath and carelessness is judged to be one reason why all sorts of grain-fruits are of a less and more degenerate growth , than in other well cultivated and improved countries ( which is also noted in most of their vegetables and animals , women and grey-hounds only excepted ) the corn seldom shoots up to that aspiring height upon its spindle , as may be seen elsewhere , nor does it attain so full and weighty an ear as to make it bend down to kiss its mothers bosom ; but grows so dwarfish , thin , and full of weeds , that it resembles the field in the parable , which the evil one sowed with tares . their dwellings or cabans , i should more exactly describe if i durst have adventured oftner into them ; or could have staid long enough to have survey'd them at my being there ; which i did once essay , but found it as hazardous almost , as orpheus his descent into hell , where there might be indeed a greater fire , but not more smoak , which thick cloud in the midst of the room did so blind me , and conceal the house , that i could scarce remember any thing , but my sore eyes , when i came out again : should they be as much troubled with that other noisom disease of scolding wives , as they are with smoaky houses , they might well upon each door write , lord have mercy upon us , for certainly there cannot be a greater pla●ge . as for the outward structure , an english cow house hath more architecture far ; nay , my lord mayor's dog-kennel is a palace compared to them : and for sweetness , i have heard many affirm , that the soulest corner about the bear-garden is musk and amber to their sweetest rooms . the walls are made of meer mud , mixed with a little wet straw , the covering is thatch ; the floor earth ; which , by reason of the constant rains , is generally so damp , that they may be said to live over a bog ; and the thatch so ill thrashed , that ( by the sprouting of the left corn , which often springs up green ) it may be added , they live under a meadow ; or ( as a person of honour said of the like place , to which he most aptly compared the long , long parliament ) they have green ears over their heads , and a false ground under their feet . the beds are upon such a firm foundation , that nothing but an earthquake can move them ; instead of feathers or flocks , they use rushes or straw , which serves them without changing , till cast horse-litter is a fragrant nosegay to it , and iacob's sweet lodging on the fresh grass , compared to it , is like the pleasure of the marriage-bed . sheets they never provide , and to tell the naked truth , unless they can purchase a poor cadow , which is not often , they ligg together like adam and eve before the fall , not a rag to cover them , but themselves : which may be one reason why they so multiply ; for being necessitated to keep together for warmth , they ingender as thick as fly-blows , each little hutt being as full of children , as a conney-burrough in a well stock'd warren is of rabbits . they seldom have any partitions or several rooms , but sleep in common with their swine and poultrey : and for second or third story you may look long enough e're you find any . windows would discover their poverty and sluttery too much , and a chimney is reckoned as superfluous as a steeple at a new sangled conventicle : the door which perhaps is as irregular and multiform as a new made breach in a wall , serving both to let in the light , and let out the smoak ; so that you may guess their abodes are pleasant and airy as a dungeon , and unless they be compared to one another , each of them may very properly be called none-such . their women generally are very little beholding to nature for their beauty , and less to art : one may safely swear they use no painting , or such like auxiliary aids of fucuses , being so averse to that kind of curiosity , ( tho' they have as much need thereof as any i ever yet beheld ) that one would think they never had their faces wash'd but at their baptism . to whom the perpetual smoak within doors , and want of a bon-grace without , does add such a tincture of complexion , that a ploughman's sun-burnt hand , or a seaman's weather-beaten face , is snow and cream to it : so that one need not fear much temptation , they being , indeed , meer scare-crows , and their phisiognomies such a defence , such a spell for their plackets , such a refrigeratory ' against the flames of lust , that in the day-light they are secure from any violent attempt upon their chastity , though in the night they may pass muster , and the push of pike , when ioan is as good as my lady . their bodies are of a tolerable proportion , and to be born withal , but then are they mounted on such mishapen trussels or supporters , that whenever any man desires to try the pleasure of their embraces , he will be sure ( as a witty gentleman observed ) to lay their legs aside . their breasts are excepted against by some , for being of the same size with their buttocks : and their hands are so tann'd leather'd , that gloves were but thrown away upon them . amorous they are as doves , but not altogether so chast as turtles , desiring as much to be billing , and very frequently bringing forth twins , as the others hatch young ones by pairs . there needs no great ceremony or courtship , for if they yield not at first summons upon composition , a slight attack wins the fortress , and one may soon enter . these old texts being orthodox amongst them , touch and take , laugh and lye down , vp and ride , and so to the end of the chapter . on a design of marriage they are not scrupulous or cautious , and so far from selling a pig in a poke , that it is not unusual for the man to mount the beast , before he binds the bargain ; so that 't is no strange thing amongst them , to make a maid a whore first , and then to make that whore his wife afterwards ; like a sloven that first makes a close-stool of his own hat , and then claps it upon his own head. thus rather than want horns , they will have some of their own graffing , antidating themselves cuckolds ; and having taught their wives this lesson so early , who can wonder if they practise it afterwards ; a new cask still retains a touch of its first seasoning , and when once such young colts find the gap of liberty set open , they will frisk out of the bounds of all modesty , and never leave running till they have brought their husbands to cuckolds-point . the men are notorious thieves , and very skilful at leger de main , for which trade , both nature and fortune seem to have fitted them ; for as they are miserably poor , so they are more impudent than a court-page , or an italian curtezan , and have made it a common practice to enter into any house without the civility of craving leave , or knocking at the door ; and being once in , they have no creaking shoes to betray them , but either they wear broags , a kind of thin pumps , or else make so bold with nature as to use their bare feet : if they spy any portable prize , their hands are like lime-twigs , and the prey shall hardly escape them ; nor are they ever unprovided of a cloak or mantle ( large as a iesuite's conscience ) to spread over their knavery ; and lastly , for agility and swiftness of retreat , they may compare with mercury himself , being ever in a running posture , and always setting the best foot foremost . surely , of all people they are the least troubled with corns upon their toes , they walk so soundly ; but amongst a thousand of their hands , i do not think one finger could be pickt out that were not tainted with an itch after unlawful gain , or infected with a felony , for so much sweetness do they fancy in the relish of stolen-goods , that they have little gusto for any other . it is an usual saying , that a good face needs no band , and a bad one deserves none ; which may be a reason why these are so ill accoutred and negligent in their apparel ; tho' if the extreme poverty of the generality be consider'd ( which yet proceeds from their own sloath , their condition being much like iob's upon the dunghil ) we shall find more cause to pity , than wonder at them . once a year , perhaps , their stock may swell to the purchase of a frieze garment of a brace of two-pences the bundle ; higher it can hardly reach , whatever their ambition prompt them to : a coarse out-side , indeed , yet most think it suteable enough to the lining within , for a loam wall deserves but a mean hanging . the females have a head attire , which they call kerchers : among the better sort it is made of linnen , but seldom so white as a dutch-man's sail : whilst the common trull's cannot possibly be any thing , but an old rag turned out of other service , or the flappet of a month-worn smock reprieved from the wash-bowl ; and yet , as one said of the like sluttery , the poor remnant looks as briskly as if it were promised for the next whole quarter to escape many a scowring . flesh-bags they may , some of them , have for the day , but at night they ever uncase themselves and ligg in the woollen , if their wits can gather enough to cover them , otherwise they nustle together in litter with the sow and pigs , being all of a family : but their smocks cannot properly be called changes , for they seldom allow themselves more than one , till that be worn out , which is used till it be fit to be torn off their backs for touch to light tobacco as they sit in the fields , as i have seen them do . thus the smock is at last turned into smoak , having first struck fire in the devil's tinder-box the tobacco pipe , which one wittily compares to the passion of love , thus : so fares it with an amorous desire ; the more 't is kiss'd , the more 't is set on fire . their petticoats , if any , are of as many several colours as a tailor's fundamental cushion ; to which the wastcoat is the fittest match that can be , and cross their shoulders a linnen shroud of the same hue of a winding sheet after some years burial . shoes are above their price , neither are broags a purchase for every one ; no , they stand more upon their feet than so , and for stockings they have a very cheap and durable mode , one pair lasting their whole pilgrimage , and those no other than nature's knitting , which sit close , and so tight , it saves the labour of gart'ring ; having no great fault , but their too much calf . complements are as seldom used among them , as the common prayers among the non-cons ; you might as soon teach an elephant to cut a caper , as bring one of them to make a handsome leg : such block-heads have they , that 't is a trouble to them to pull off their hats ; which done , shall be seconded with a speech containing less sense and reason than that of balaam's ass ; and to be sure must either be usher'd in , or out , with a by chreesht and st. patrick , or an elegant-curse , or two : but for this nonsense perhaps their nurses are to be condemn'd , who ( especially in vlster ) when they suckle their young babes , if they chance to have a cold in their heads , seldom or never wipe their noses , but suck them with their mouths so hard , that , as one observed , 't is very probable that they suck out all their brains , and leave them for ever after empty skull'd . i wonder , said one , to an irishman , that being thirty years of age , and having travel'd through the best part of the world , you should be so great a fool still . that 's no wonder , replies another ; but the greater wonder is , that there should be a whole kingdom of such fools . shirts are no less out of date among the teagues than surplices among the dissenters ; so that one may guess what poor shift they make to keep their bodies sweet : and may not this be one reason why they so much dread to hear one break wind at the postern ? the intolerable fustiness that must needs lye lurking in their unlined breeches , adding a stench beyond the devil's pomander : otherwise they do not appear so over-nice and curious , nor would they contradict the proverb , that every man's tayl smells sweet in his own nose : neither would they let fly so often above-board , for they will belch as loud as pot-guns , and as often as a lover in absence breathes his amorous sighs : but add to the rest the straitness of their breeches , called trowsers , which sit as close as a jealous wife to her husband's tayl , and you need not wonder at their backward modesty . some count them naturally hospitable , but if they are so , it is after such an ill-favour'd manner , that 't is like the giving an alms in a nasty clout , which necessity may make welcome , but the greatest charity cannot account decent . bonny-clabber and mulahaan , alias sower milk , and choak-cheese , with a dish of potatoes boiled , is their general entertainment , to which add an oat cake , and it compleats their bill of fare , unless they intend to shew their excessive prodigality , and tempt your appetite with a dozen of eggs extraordinary , which many times , instead of being new-laid , prove like over-ridden wenches , either rotten , or else having a young chick in the belly of ' em . after this , comes tobacco ; which you must either take in smoak , or snuff , if you will be good company , while they sit chewing it with as much eagerness and desire , as the longing great-bellied woman did bite at the fat man's breech . and for a close to all this treat ( a la grandezza ) the mistress shall produce her moornaun of sower milk , and having stript up her sleeve to the shoulder , she thrusts up to the arm-pits , and stirring the curds at the bottom with her hands , she then presents you with the liquor , and if you like it , you may fill your belly with her kindness till you are satisfied . i have heard it affirmed also , by knowing persons in this country , that in some parts of it , they have a way of making a soupe , beyond all the french pottages in vogue ; the way is thus , a dame of the better sort , having had the good fortune to boil a piece of very fat pork , till a great part of it is run into an oil swimming on the top , she strips of her smock , dips it therein till it has soaked up all the grease ; then puts it on her body , and so wears it some days to smoothen her skin , and supple her ioints ; now if afterwards there be occasion , and no store of other provision about the cabban , off comes this anointed garment again , which being boiled in clear water , and a little oatmeal , and a small faggot of herbs ; the melted fat , and those other ingredients will be converted into a most savoury mess of irish-smock broath , and then 't is done in a dish . but let me not forget their butter , made up with so much filth and hair , it looks like the lime we prepare to plaister our walls withal , which being beaten up into as rude a shape as a spanish piece of eight , if eaten without sindging , or not melted and strained , you shall run as great hazard , as one that would swallow the burr of an over-grown artichoke without butter , or a pickled rope without sauce : hence one may easily guess the difference betwixt this and the dutch butter-box , the one cutting like spanish marmalad , the other like untried kitchin-stuff , and having as rank an odour as a carriers summer trotters . if they had the wit to put the hair in one dish , and the butter in another apart , it might be in a man's choice to take or leave as he pleased ; but they are so order'd , you must eat both at once . and that their bread may be suitable to their butter , and so stick the closer together , the women grind their corn on a stone placed betwixt their naked thighs upon the ground ( in the very same posture as they churn their cream ) . their mills having this advantage over others , that they are equally supplied both with wind and water at the same instant . drinking is not so much their vice , as some of their neighbouring nations , unless their so excessive smoaking be reckoned in , to which both the men and women are so generally addicted ; yea , the very children too , that an infant of their breeding , shall take more delight in handling a tobacco-pipe than a rattle , and will sooner learn to make use of it , than another shall of its sucking-bottle . surely , this indian weed is a very witch , and they have this resemblance , that both of them are very nasty and ugly . it is an irish observation ( and a notable one too ) that whenever two armies meet in battle , the one must run , for both cannot conquer , and since one must give way , why not at the beginning before much bloodshed , rather than after too many lives are lost ; and since one of them must , or generally does run , who fitter to run than they whom nature has provided with better legs to run , than hands or hearts to sight ; therefore they do commonly run , and run betimes , lest some wound in their legs should hinder their nimble retreat : this made an old experienc'd officer ( who knew the way of the reasoning of these brutes ) cause some regiments of dragoons to march on foot up towards their more numerous army , with boots on , whom when the irish beheld , they straight-way concluded that those english men being booted , would not , or could not run ; and since one party must go off at last , it must needs be themselves , and therefore they discreetly ran all away immediately . a stiff-necked generation they cannot be called , they lay them down so readily to every yoke , as if they were born to servitude , and so we find them inclined to have been indifferently under their own country-men , or under their old friends the spaniards in former times , and their new friends the french lately , if the english had not prevented it . therefore are they the less to be pitied , because by them there is no greater liberty expected , or much desired and struggled for by them . their language seems to be very ancient indeed , being almost worn quite out of date , scarce known in any other country , and not generally used in their own : to a foreigner it sounds so unpleasant , that it rather grates than tickles the ear , and seems fitter to conjure than converse in . withal , they use such a whining tone , and speak so precipitately , that considering their garb and posture , you would think they had been newly stript of their little all ; and were now hastily and earnestly craving your relief and charity , for a fresh supply . nor are they more grave or demure in their pace ; but frisk it about the streets so post-horse like , as if a bailiff pursued them , or some fiercer devil drove them . yet at their work they are on the other hand , so slow and deliberate ( digging , ploughing , thrashing , &c. with their cloaks upon their backs , and wasting so much of their time in smoaking and prating ) that it is usual to hire four of these lubbers to dispatch the same daily proportion of work , as is performed by one industrious english-hind ; which would be very chargeable , did they not humbly submit to accept of much lesser wages , which they take good care not to over-earn , lest they should surfeit themselves , or wear out their precious limbs too soon ; and either want more business , or the strength to go thorow with it next day . some historians do speak them to be very tender and careful of their young ones ; but wherein that tenderness consists , is not readily to be found out . for their food is not in the least degree better than they allow their pigs , bonny-rowre for the summer , and potato-roots in the winter are their choicest dainties : and then for their cloathing , it is yet courser ; of a whole child the third part is scarce cover'd with woollen ; nor so much linnen to be seen among a whole tribe , as would make a quaker's falling-band , or furnish an ordinary box with tinder , they being for the most part as naked as a young ladies neck in dog-days , or the bird in the fable , stript of its borrowed plumes ; so that unless their apish hugging them in their arms , or carrying them on their backs can make it out , i cannot . but however careless they be of the living , they are mightily concerned for the dead , having a custom , ( which sure they borrowed from the egyptians ) of howling when they carry any one to burial , and screaming over the graves , not like other christians , but like people without hope ; and sooner than this shall be omitted , they do hire a whole herd of these crocadiles to accompany the corps , who with their counterfeit tears and sighs , and confused clamour and noise , do seem heartily to bemoan the departed friend , though all this is with no more concern and reality , than an actor on the stage for the frighted death of his dearest in a tragedy . one privilege , indeed , they have to boast of above most other countries ; which is , that they are free from venomous creatures ( as england is from ravenous ) which we may believe to be a natural antipathy , like that of the islands cyprus and guernzey ; tho' they will needs attribute it to their miracle-monger st. patrick , who ( as their tradition goes ) did one day summon them all together on the tod of an high and large hill , called cruich phadrick , or st. patrick's mount ; where having by irrisistible conjuration assembled them , he , by his powerful invocation called for fire from heaven , which came down , and consumed them : to which part of the legend , some have added , that the great croud of irish witnesses whom the good saint had brought with him to see this fear , and bear testimony of it , finding he had so good interest and familiarity with god almighty to obtain what he but asked for , desired him forthwith to make a second petition , that heaven would send down a plentiful shower of gold and silver to cure them of their poverty , and make them as opulent as the richest nations : but he angerly replied , that god would work no miracles to gratifie their coveteousness ; that he had already given them a large country , which they were to cultivate and improve , and that their honest labour would bring them in a sufficient stock of wealth , &c. and therefore if they were not enough satisfied with this great blessing so freely conferred , but continued to murmur , and tempt god too far , perhaps he might for their unthankfulness and sordid desires , turn it into a curse again , to their perpetual punishment . but they still importuning him , he at last made a second essay , not petitioning for gold or silver , but that god would send down what he knew to be fittest for that generation . which word he no sooner had pronounced , but there arose a great and furious whirlwind , which blew and dispersed the ashes of those poisonous creatures over all the whole country ; and the same being forthwith converted all into lice , they have for ever since continued a most nasty and lowzy generation , and could never find a cure , or remove this epidemical , egyptian bosom-plague , so close it yet sticks to them . a most excellent country it is for a young traveller to be first seasoned in , for let him but once taste of their entertainment and usage , and i dare undertake he shall love all the rest of the world much better ever after ( except scotland . ) a certain portion of the county of galloway is very well worth observation ; for in a considerable extent thereof , nature affords 'em neither water enough to drown 'em , wood enough to hang 'em , nor earth enough to bury 'em ; yet 't is very well inhabited : now what sort of creatures , unless a race of spanish gennets , that are said to engender by the wind , or a brood of cameleons that seed upon air , can subsist where three of the most necessary elements are so scarce , i leave oedipus to judge . it is reported of the germans , and some other war-like people , that when they come within sight and hearing of the enemy , being drawn up in battalia , and almost ready to engage , they draw out their broad sword , and each with a whet-stone , they carry for that purpose , falls to work to set a keen edge on his weapon , with so much eagerness and noise , that it begets no little terrour in the listening foe , and proclaims with what undaunted resolution they prepare to assault them . whereas the teagues do only gaze about to see what wood or bog lies nearest , and can best shelter or favour them in their retreat , or , perhaps by greazing their broags , or anointing their joints , make ready for a more speedy flight ; then throwing down their arms , and trusting solely to their legs , dare not so much as once look back , but leave the devil to take the hindmost . ask many of them , what was the name of the blessed virgin mary , and 't is ten to one , but they 'll answer , it was iane , or susan , and that st. patrick was her godfather ; and to any the like questions , they will furnish you with the like answer , &c. so that if ignorance be the true mother of devotion , the city of rome it self cannot produce such devout catholicks as these teagues ; and therefore it 's pitty but they should be transplanted into the territories of the holy church , as being the most submissive members thereof . but here is enough of the midling sort of people ; i shall therefore proceed to give him the prospect of a place in which he has all the reason in the world to expect a more agreeable sight , tho' perhaps he may find the resemblance of what he has already seen in it . of dvblin . we have hitherto treated of the middle sort of people , and those who are to be found in the several country towns and villages ; but we are now come to a city , which is the cheif of the several provinces , and the capital in respect of the several courts of judicature which are held here , and where the supream court of the whole kingdom , ( viz. ) the high court of parliament is now assembled ; but which notwithstanding the great concourse of nobility who now keep their residence here , bears a proportion in its inhabitants , to the people whose manners in the foregoing papers , we have submitted to the censure of the publick . dublin is a city situated on an arm of the sea , and might be made very strong , did those who are in the supream power there think it advisable to make it so ; it gives name to an arch-bishoprick , and is the place where the deputies , or lords-justices of ireland hold their court : at present their excellencies the lord marquiss of winchester , and the earl of gallaway have that character , and if the inhabitants of this city had any disposition to industry or vertue , they might find such encouragement from these two noble lords , as might sufficiently endear it to their practice . but they are people not to be persuaded by example or precept , and if any of 'em are so lucky as to tread in the paths of goodness , you may conclude it wholy owing to themselves , for they are all too proud to follow one anothers directions . by this one might imagine they were excellent at inventions , and might be very serviceable to the publick by ingenious acquirments ; but that man is mistaken if he expects any such matter from 'em , and for several years we have had but two or three experiments from their whole royal society , and those so far from being new , that they had not been printed but as a compliment to dr. molineux ; who perhaps without some such notice taken of him , would have made no more observations than the rest of his brethren . but tho' they are not over successful in the search after knowledg for the publick good , there is no body like 'em in things which is against it , and they have twenty ways at least for the breach of one commandment , when their whole study will not furnish 'em with one to keep it . their buildings partake much of the constitution of their owners , vast foundations like their legs , at the bottom , but built so very high , that he is a rich man who can furnish one story , whilst the upper rooms bear proportion to his upper part , and are as destitute of furniture as his skull . the two principal churches are st. patricks , and christ-church , edifices tolerable enough , did not the man in the pulpit disgrace 'em ; and unless dr. king or some eminent bishop transplanted from england preaches there , you may as soon expect an ingenious discourse from dr. meriton at st. martins in the afternoon , or a piece of oratory from the mendicant divine , who holds forth upon the rails in moor-feilds , as a sentence worth observation , from any man of god among 'em all . to say the lord's-prayer , and ten commandments , is a sufficient plea for holy orders ; and that bishop's chaplain who shall offer any text in greek to be constru'd by the would be a deacon , or examin him as to the sense of the fathers about original sin , shall be look'd upon as one not capable of performing the office of a priest himself . they have but one colledge here , bat yet it bears the title of an university , like a certain peer in the same kingdom , who has the sonorous title of an earl of * ten worlds , when his lordship has scarce a foot of land. and i think it well enough deserves the name of university , if vniversal ignorance , pride and poverty , which has taken lodgings here , may deserve that name . the founder who endow'd it , knew well enough the dispositions of those who should be his tenants , and therefore provided well enough for their bellies , tho' none but the provost has any provision for their backs ; but for books he gave 'em none , well knowing the little use they would make of 'em , tho' the irish parliament is contriving ways and means for a library for 'em , which some think will be built much about the time , as the students who are design'd to make use of it , shall arrive to the knowledge requisite for such studies , and that is never . as for the inhabitants of this place in general , we will rank 'em under 2 degrees , viz. lords and commons . the first are spiritual and temporal . for the spiritual , out of the veneration i have for the holy office they bear , i shall say little further , than that they may be very knowing gentlemen , tho' i could not edifie by 'em ; and tho' i never amongst the whole set of 'em could find the learning of a city lecturer ; yet they may be men of singular parts , and their devotion may have brought 'em so near heaven , that for all that i know , their heads may be lost in the clouds . for the nobility , the greatest part of 'em may be compared to their own mountains , who are so very high that they seem to wear the stars for a coronet , but yet are indeed no better dighted , then with a dirty bog on the top , more deep and dangerous then the lowest road in the vallies . their estates for the generality are not greater than an ordinary english gentlemans , yet their pride so excessively great , that disdain is written on their brows , where you may read , i am too good for thee . for their commonality , writing is a rarity among 'em , and reading would be utterly laid aside , were it not of great and important consequence , when they are allow'd the benefit of their clergy in their neck-verse , and often-times poor culprit goes to pot , because mr. ordinary and he can't agree which reads truest . but i have forgot the right honourable his lordship , therefore i must tell you this pitiful city has its lord mayor too , who is at present much such another as that pious gentleman who preceded sir francis child in london , was ; and tho' one would think that the better sort of irish-mens poverty might entitle 'em to beg , this venerable magistrate will not permit the worser . to conclude , this is a city powerful in its privileges , but weak in its exchequer , empty in its churches , but full in its prisons ; has very few fortifications for its security , yet has cowards for its inhabitants ; the nobility which live in it have titles beyond their estates , the clergy benefices beyond their deserts , the merchants great houses beyond their trade ; and every house-keeper in it promises beyond performance . if this ben't enough to make me wish my self in england again , i am sufficient proof for any place whatsoever ; and so much for the kingdom of ireland , which i shall describe no otherwise than it deserves , if i shall say it is , a land which does no pois'nous beast afford , but in its natives , with all poisons stor'd : where vice is fruitful and sedition shoots and shews its head , from fix'd and lasting roots ; which often tempts the british sword , and dares the fate of caesar , who as often spares . false to her promise , insolent , and base , her friends dishonour , and her own disgrace ; ready for change , tho' not in changes long , forsaking what is right , embracing what is wrong . conquer'd in fight , vnconquer'd in her pride , rescu'd , tho' never of the rescuer's side . but if example may prevail , and gain repute , within a land so false and vain ; if goodness may persuade , or virtue win a people drown'd in vice , and lost in sin ; ev'n she , has those who o're her sons preside , whose lives can teach her , and whose precepts guide ; instructive in their actions , as their laws , iust to the people , and their master's cause . and winchester may yet retrieve her name , tho' lost to honour , and unknown to fame ; whilst she may practice what her lord has done , and follow england's virtues , in her son. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a63248-e300 * desmond . whereas we are informed by the earl of ranelagh, and his partners, that several sheriffs and collectors within the respective counties of this kingdom, have received by vertue of his majesties process, divers considerable summs of money due to his majestie, and which do belong to the earl of ranelagh and partners undertaking, some of whom have accompted lately in the exchequer, but not paid in the money due from them ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) 1680 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46209 wing i977 estc r36974 16170209 ocm 16170209 104966 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46209) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104966) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:72) whereas we are informed by the earl of ranelagh, and his partners, that several sheriffs and collectors within the respective counties of this kingdom, have received by vertue of his majesties process, divers considerable summs of money due to his majestie, and which do belong to the earl of ranelagh and partners undertaking, some of whom have accompted lately in the exchequer, but not paid in the money due from them ... by the lord lieutenant and council, ormonde. ireland. lord lieutenant (1677-1685 : ormonde) ormonde, james butler, duke of, 1610-1688. 1 broadside. printed by benjamin took and john crook ... and are to be sold by mary crook ..., dublin : 1680. title from first 10 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin the 24th day of march 1679" [1680] reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tax collection -ireland. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord lieutenant and council . ormonde . whereas we are informed by the earl of ranelagh , and his partners , that several sheriffs and collectors within the respective counties of this kingdom , have received by vertue of his majesties process , divers considerable summs of money due to his majestie , and which do belong to the earl of ranelagh and partners undertaking , some of whom have accompted lately in the exchequer , but not paid in the money due from them ; and others have not as yet accompted ▪ upon consideration whereof , we think fit by this our proclamation , to require such of the said sheriffs and collectors who have accompted and not paid what remains due from them , that they do with all convenient speed , & at farthest by the twenty ninth day of april next , pay the money in their respective hands into his majesties treasurie , and such of them as have not accompted , that they do by the twelth day of may next make up their accounts : and pay such money as they have received into his majesties said treasury : to the end the same may be applied to the uses of the said undertaking . and if they fail herein , they shall be proceeded against with the utmost severity . and we do also hereby require all collectors of the monies applotted within this kingdom for the supply of the deficiencie of the years value , who have not accompted for , and paid the moneys by them collected , that they do at or before the said twenty ninth of april next , account for , and pay in the monies by them collected into his majesties said treasurie , as they will answer the contrary at their perils . given at the council-chamber in dublin the 24th , day of march 1679. mich : armach . c. jo : dublin . blesinton . lanesbrough . hen. midensis . ro : fitz-gerald . ca : dillon . char : meredith . ro : booth . jo : davys . john cole . theo : jones . god save the king. dvblin , printed by benjamin tookand john crook , printers to the kings most excellent majestie ; and are to be sold by mary crook , at his majesties printing-house in skinner-row . 1680. some thoughts on the bill depending before the right honourable the house of lords for prohibiting the exportation of the woolen manufactures of ireland to foreign parts, humbly offer'd to their lordships. cox, richard, sir, 1650-1733. 1698 approx. 29 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34854 wing c6725 estc r17365 12727894 ocm 12727894 66381 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34854) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 66381) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 979:14) some thoughts on the bill depending before the right honourable the house of lords for prohibiting the exportation of the woolen manufactures of ireland to foreign parts, humbly offer'd to their lordships. cox, richard, sir, 1650-1733. england and wales. parliament. house of lords. 16 p. printed by joseph ray ..., dublin : 1698. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. attributed to ricard cox. cf. wing. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wool industry -ireland -sources. ireland -commerce. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-10 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion some thoughts on the bill depending before the right honourable the house of lords , for prohibiting the exportation of the woollen manufactures of ireland to foreign parts . humbly offer'd to their lordships . dvblin , printed by joseph ray in skinner row , over against the tholsel . mdcxcviii . reasons against the bill for prohibiting the exportation of the woollen manufactures of ireland , to foreign parts . the bill for prohibiting the exportation of the woollen manufacture out of ireland to foreign parts , being now under your lordships consideration , i have presumed to offer my thoughts concerning it , and shall endeavour to shew it will be detrimental to the interest of both england and ireland . if this hath the end i design by it , i shall think my time well spent ; if not , i hope the sincerity of my intentions will atone for my inability of performance . i shall begin by shewing the great advantages england reaps by the trade of ireland , that your lordships may judge how little reason there is to be jealous of them , and how tender this nation ought to be of putting unnecessary difficulties upon them . 't is a common saying amongst us , that it would be well for england if ireland was under the sea ; whereas i hope to make it appear , that england gets more by ireland than by the trade of the whole world besides ; and if in the late reigns ireland had not in a great measure supplied the losses we suffer'd by the french , indian and eastern trades , we had been long since undone , and it had not been now the common debate of the town how to undo them . this will appear to be evident , if we consider the particulars relating to both kingdoms . near a third part of all the lands of that kingdom , belonging to english proprietors who inhabit here , and have their rents constantly return'd in ready money . besides this , most of the nobility and gentry of ireland spend their estates here ; they live no longer in ireland than to raise a sum of money to spend here in their pleasures . this is the seat of government : here are the court and the societies of law : here all the nobility and gentry come for employments , education , or pleasure ; which considerations alone would exhaust that kingdom , if it had the riches of both indies i will add to this , that england supplies ireland with most of the commodities they consume ; and notwithstanding all our frights , there are nine in ten of that country , that are able to buy it , clothed in woollen manufactures sent from england , and in exchange we have very few commodities from them ; for their cattle are prohibited , there are impositions upon their tallow , leather , and corn , which almost amount to a prohibition ; and last year the tonnage and poundage was doubled upon their linen and other manufactures ; and such commodities as are suffer'd to come from thence are either absolutely necessary to us , or materials for our manufactures , as wooll , flax , cony skins , raw hides , sheep-skins , rape-seed , &c. in times of peace there was near 100000 l. per annum return'd near to the court , besides the charge of that government ; and since the war they have contributed to the publick charge as far as their late misfortunes would suffer them , and without doubt in a new war will advance large supplies of men and money , if we do not disable them . besides this , most of the trade of that kingdom is carried on by english stocks , and in english bottoms ; and a great number of their e●tates are mortgaged to english men at the unreasonable interest of ten per cent . they are but factors , and most of the profit redounds to us ; they toil for our advantage , they sow and we reap . i have enumerated these particulars , to shew , that whatsoever ireland gets by trade from the whole world centers in england , and is returned hither by bills of exchange from spain , holland , france , the west indies , and other places . if they gain'd ten millions a year , it would come to england ; and if they get but ten thousand pounds , we can have no more from them . they have no mines of silver and gold , and therefore can send none to us but what they get first from others ; and if we hinder them from making advantages of other nations , we can make none of them ; so that what is lost in the parish is got in the hundred . nor is it possible that ireland should advance in riches in any proportion to england , for the former issues will draw away their wealth as fast as ever they get it : and this is manifested by twenty years experience before the war ; for though they got a great many millions over-balance from the rest of the world , yet according to the best computations they never had above three hundred thousand pounds in that kingdom . the particulars i have mentioned amount to above 600000 l. per annum , besides the great advantages we receive by being supplied from thence with materials for our manufactures , as before-mentioned . if so , i submit to your lordships , whether the over-balance we have of the rest of the world amount to as much more : if it does , i am sure we shall quickly be a rich people ; but if not , then how tenderly ought we to use a nation that yields us so much profit ? there is a mediocrity in nature which we cannot exceed without destroying what we design to advance . moderate impositions raise large sums , and great ones often raise nothing . we may sheer our sheep so close , as to flee them that they shall never bear wooll again . i have heard of a man that try'd to bring his horse to live without meat , and then he died . i wish this be not the case of ireland , that we desire to get so much from them , till at last we put them out of a condition to pay us any thing . but there is another consideration which strikes deeper yet ; whether by bills of this kind we shall not make the possession of that kingdom insecure to us , and after so much expence of blood and treasure at last throw it again into irish hands . my lords i have heard but of two ways of keeping conquered countries in subjection , by arms , or by colonies as to the first ( besides the charge of it , which commonly eats up the whole profit ) i think few will deny but it is equally dangerous to the conquering or the conquered country : there can be no force in the province but may be brought to the mother kingdom ; and if they are sufficient without other assistance to keep one country in entire subjection , in time they will keep the other so too . the other way is by colonies , and this is the method that free governments have always taken to secure their conquests . this rome did for four hundred years , till at last their conquests were so large that their government grew top-heavy , the trunk was not large enough to support its branches . this our ancestors did to secure ireland , and is the easiest , least chargeable , and least dangerous method . now the establishing colonies , my lords , is often done by establishing the conquering army on some part of the conquered lands , sometimes by sending forth a number of your people to inhabit there ; but always by giving them such encouragements , that it shall be their interest to keep the natives in subjection . this is the case of ireland , that after five hundred years contending , 52 rebellions and massacres , to the loss of a million of english , the conquering army often planted in the country , and multitudes besides leaving england to inhabit there , almost the whole kingdom is at last got into the english hands ; and if we should lay such difficulties upon them , that they should think it their interest to leave the country , or not be very solicitous for the english interest there , i submit to your lordships great wisdom , whether that kingdom may not hereafter give us fresh trouble . france is but a new friend , and scotland for late reasons is not much in humour with us ; and we know the whole north of ireland is inhabited by that nation , and multitudes of them go over every day , and will do so notwithstanding this or any other law that can be made . i would not suggest such improbable and such wicked thoughts , as that the english of that country should join with them in any interest but in subserviency to england ; but i hope i may say without offence that the better any people are used , the better subjects they will make : and i believe no one will deny , if they had thought it their interest to have joined with the late king , we had had much more trouble in reducing the country . the town of londonderry , the iniskillen-men , and the militia of ireland , had their share , and a considerable one too , in bringing the country to obedience . no one knows what unhappy occasions may arise in ages to come of difference between our kings and people and therefore we ought to be tender how we make it the interest of a whole kingdom to be subservient to the designs of a corrupt court , who will offer them any advantages . most of us have read , and some of us have seen with our eyes , those times that courts have plaid england against scotland , scotland against england , and ireland against both ; and we have heard of the time , that an irish parliament hath been called to give money to reduce an english one . they are not contending for power or great riches ; they neither trade to the east-indies , turkey , or africa ; they have neither hamborough , hudsons-bay , greenland , or russia companies ; they have no fleets or plantations ; they ask only the common benefits of earth and air. they desire only to change their native commodities for those they want , and to manufacture a small part of their own product , which is a liberty seems to be allowed them by the law of nature , and which i don't find hath been denied by the most severe conquerors . and here , my lords , i would distinguish between colonies for trade , and colonies for empire . the first is when a small number of your people are sent forth to plant commodities which your native country does not produce , as in the west-indies , or else when they are sent to negotiate a trade with the natives , and build forts for their security , as in africa and the east indies . in both these cases it hath been usual to restrain their whole trade to their mother kingdom ; for there can be no other reason for their establishment , and their number being small , they will have sufficient encouragement for all their charge , industry , and hazard . but colonies for empire stand upon quite different reasons ; they are always planted to keep great countries in subjection , and prevent the charge and hazard of constant standing armies . these have always received the utmost encouragement , much less been restrained from making the best advantage of their natural product , and having their whole trade restrained to their mother-kingdom ; but with humble submission , the case of ireland is yet harder : for by this act they will be restrained to carry their woollen manufactures to foreign parts , and the impositions formerly laid , are sufficient to hinder them from coming hither , so that they must carry them no where . but my lords , if we had destroyed the woollen manufacture in ireland , is it necessary that all will be made in england , that is hindred from being made in ireland ? that 's a tartar's conceit , that if they kill any man , they shall immediately enjoy his wisdom and beauty ; but i am afraid this will not be the case of england : for holland , scotland , venice , germany , and france , pretend to the woollen manufacture as well as they ; and france hath been always equal , if not superiour to us , in their skill of making stuffs : and can it be conceived that they will not share , if not in a great measure engross the benefit we propose in the destruction of that manufacture in ireland ? if so , then how much more will it be to our advantage to receive the whole profit at second hand , than at best to divide it with other nations , and chiefly with france , which hath always sent stuffs to spain and portugal , as well as england ? and these are the only nations i have heard of , which ireland hath dealt with in that kind ; and thô for a few years before the war , ireland might increase in their manufacture of stuffs , yet it is very plain it was not upon the ruines of england , for those manufactures both then , and during the war , have advanced prodigiously here , as will appear by the entries in the custom-house , as well as by a greater consumption of them at home ; and it seems a very hard case to hinder ireland from enriching themselves , and in consequence this kingdom , at the expence of other nations . but it seems we are particularly afraid of ireland , because we are told they can under-work us , and send their commodities to a foreign market cheaper than we ; which fact with humble submission is otherwise . 't is true , common labour in husbandry is much cheaper there then here , but such as requires skill and knowledg is not so : and this is true not only in ireland , but in all countries thin of people , for there cannot be brought together numbers enough to carry on any manufacture with success ; and if they could , stocks and materials are wanting to set them to work : besides , naturally men choose rather to live in idleness and sloth , than labour ; and in poor countries , where they can satisfy the ordinary occasions of life with little industry , they will hardly be perswaded to learn an art , to which it will cost them seven years pains to attain ; and those who give themselves that trouble , will be sure to be better paid than in a well peopled country , where they must either work or strave . this is the reason that in the west-indies , where the labour of a black , is not worth above six pence a day , yet an ordinary artificer will earn a crown , and sometimes ten shillings . this is the reason that linnen cloth doth not thrive so well in ireland as in holland , where common labour is three times as dear ; and this is the reason that woollen cloth could never be made in ireland so cheap as it is sent from england , notwithstanding freight and great customs paid there ; which appears by their being never able to set up that manufacture with success , most of the gentry and merchants of that kingdom being cloth'd with english cloth. they make only a few stockings , stuffs , and frizes , which are different from those made in england , and the sale of them is more owing to the particular way of making them , than any advantage in the price ; and yet notwithstanding they send but very few abroad , it appearing by the custom-house books of ireland , that the woollen manufacture imported into ireland from england , is ten times the value of what is exported from ireland to the rest of the world. but admitting they could work cheaper there , yet 't is no consequence they can sell the manufacture cheaper . there are several foreign materials necessary to it , which come cheaper to us than them : besides , the difference of interest gives us a great advantage . no man will imploy his time and stock in any manufacture without trebling the common interest of his money . this consideration alone makes above fifteen per cent . difference : besides , men upon small stocks , and in a poor country , will expect to get much more in proportion , than upon great ones in a rich country , because there are so many ways in the former , of turning their money to advantage . great stocks and low interest carry away the trade of the world ; and , as is observed by sir josiah child in his book of trade , where labour is dearest , there are most manufactures , as in holland and england , more than in any countries in europe , and in the west of england more than the north. whether this is the cause or effect , is not material , since 't is plain that dearness of wages does not destroy manufactures , but always is an evidence that they thrive , as we experience every day , that when the woollen manufacture is most demanded , wages run highest . but they tell us , that ireland will drein away our people ; thô by the way they give but a scurvy argument for it , when they say , they can earn less wages there . now , my lords , i could be glad to know how many people have gone to ireland that could live in england ? few men leave their country , their acquaintance and relations , but for necessity , because they would not hang or starve at home ; men who are in debt , unfortunate , or spent what they had ; and if they had not ireland to go to , would go to the plantations , or else to holland and other countries , and be lost to the kingdom for ever . but what shall those men do , that are bred up to that manufacture in ireland , and understand nothing else ? men that have spent their whole life-time in learning an art , will not go to school again to learn a new one : they will rather leave their country , and find another , where they may receive more encouragement . they can't come to england , for the laws of the poor prohibit them to live in any parish : holland will receive the protestants , and france the papists ; or perhaps they will go to some country , and set up the manufacture where 't is not yet pretended to . all the nations in the world would promote any proposition of that kind , and with open arms receive those who would give them any assistance . 't was the duke of alva's driving out the ●●emins that set up the woollen manufacture in england , and the persecution in france hath very much improv'd it , and many of the french protestants for want of imployment in england , are gone to ireland ; and if we should drive them and other protestants out there , they will go somewhere else , where they will be sure to be received : and the consequence to the publick is the same , whether people leave their country for fear of persecution , or because they can't live in it ; but the consequence will be much more fatal to ireland , by driving out such a number of protestants , to the lessening the english interest there . and after all , are we sure , my lords , this act will answer the ends designed by it ? i would not suggest so unbecoming a thought , as that the magistrates in ireland should not do their utmost to execute it , but that we find the officers in other countries are not over-zealous for the publick interest when their own is concerned . few men are in any imployments in ireland , but either have or hope to have an interest in the country : and what probability can there be of having a law well executed , when the nobility , the gentry , and the whole body of the people have an interest against it ? we have an instance of this in the coasts of kent and sussex : for though 't is the interest of the whole kingdom besides to prohibit wooll going to france , yet because 't is the interest of a few hundreds that it should , all the laws made to the contrary have proved ine●fectual ; and in my humble opinion it is worth your lordships deepest consideration , whether this law may not put ireland upon negotiating a secret trade with france , than which nothing can be more fatal to england . but there is another country that pretends to the woollen manufacture nearer than france . scotland fies but three hours sail from ireland , and the whole north of that kingdom is inhabited by scots , and if we should put such hardships upon them , i am afraid it will not be an easy matter to hinder their trafficking with their country-men , which may be done in little boats ; and what is not work'd up in scotland , may be sent from thence to france . the whole kingdom of ireland thinks it as much their interest as ours to prohibit the carrying their wooll to foreign parts : but if we should hinder them from sharing in the benefit of that law , 't is to be feared they will send it where they can get most for it , notwithstanding this or any laws that can be made to prevent it . besides , there is another thing worthy of consideration , whether if we should hinder the people of ireland from sending any of their woollen manufactures abroad , they will not agree together to spend none but their own at home , which if they do , this act will recoil upon england with a witness . the bill prohibiting their importing irish cattel hath put them upon navigation , and an extentive trade with other nations ; and 't is to be feared , if we should hinder them from selling their manufactures to other nations , they will have wit enough to spend none but their own in ireland . but if , my lords , notwithstanding all that may be said , it shall be thought the interest of england to destroy the woollen manufacture in ireland , there is an easier and gentler way of doing it . the power of the government is very great in that country , and may give it secret discouragements , and let it decline by degrees : they may divert it by setting up the linnen manufacture in the places where the woollen most prospers . perhaps the parliament of ireland , now they see the pleasure of england , will do their endeavours to divert their stock and people to the linnen manufacture ; but with the utmost submission i say it , that it seems too severe to tell them and the whole world in so solemn a manner , that they shall not manufacture any of their own product ; it bears a sting in the tail of it , and teaches them this hard lesson , that whenever hereafter they with great charge , hazard , and perhaps forty years industry arrive to a degree of perfection in any thing , if it appears to be the real or mistaken interest of england to suppress it , all their hopes and endeavours must be dasht to pieces in a moment , their cattle are already prohibited , their corn , their leather , their tallow , are so in a great measure , they cannot come from the west-indies but must touch in england : but this bill goes farther yet ; it says , in effect , they shall not bring their manufactures here , nor carry them any where else : why may they not expect that another parliament will say , that the carrying abroad their beef will lesson the price of our beef , the carrying abroad their corn will lessen the price of our corn , and so the rest of their commodities ; and with so much the greater probability , as they have the precedent of this act to justify the reasonableness of it ; nay , my lords , 't is the common subject of the pamphlets , and discourse of the town , that it ought to be done already ; and what assurance shall they have that the linnen manufacture ( which they are so often complimented with ) will never be set up in england ? it hath been often attempted , and the want of success in my poor opinion hath been more owing to the stock-jobbing and ill conduct of the managers , than any reason from the nature of the thing : yet notwithstanding a great deal of linnen is made in lancashire , westmoreland and other parts of the north of england , who begin already to grumble at the bringing in flax and linnen from ireland . and if those countries should improve in that manufacture , i know no reason why it should not be as much justice to prohibit the linnen manufacture in ireland as now the woollen , and no doubt the parliament will not want petitions to that purpose ; they trade in no commodities that england does not produce , and if they must not trade in those , they must trade in none ; and then the english at best will quit the country , and it must be maintained by vast armies supported by the men and money of england ; and even that is an uncertain security , when all the natives are their enemies , and neighbouring nations ready to assist them . but what seeems hardest yet is , that the people of england should do that , now almost the whole kingdom is in english and protestants hands , which was never thought fit to be done whilst in irish and popish . i have often lamented that some method hath not been found out to make england and ireland joyn hand in hand in the same interest , that england may not look upon ireland as rivals of their trade , nor ireland upon england as severe masters , who would sacrifice them upon every imaginary and perhaps mistaken advantage . i doubt not but expedients of this kind may be offered , but 't is not now my province , 't is a subject worthy of the legislative power , and your lordships great wisdom ; but i humbly conceive acts to ruine their trade will work a quite contrary effect , and make ireland look upon england instead of their protectors , as the check to all their endeavours , and the obstacle to all their hopes . i know your lordships are not to be diverted from your purposes by distant surmises ; but 't is no dishonour to apprehend just consequences ; for to fear nothing is as great an extravagance , as to fear every thing . it 's your lordships noble province in this government under heaven , to redress grievances , to relieve the oppressed , and not only to correct the exhorbitances of inferiour courts , but to moderate the excesses ( if any should happen ) of the other parts of the government ; and 't is to your generous compassion that is offered the condition of an unhappy nation , who in the cause , and for the sake of england have lost their fathers , their children , their brothers , their relations ; who have seen their country every where on a light fire , their cities and towns laid in rubbish and ashes , their estates ravished from them , their faith tortured , and their own blood spilt promiscuously in the fields and lanes , in the high-ways and streets . few have escaped this general destruction ; and 't is hoped you will not let those few be in the condition of poor ●hipwrackt men on some coa●●s , who when they are thrown half dead a shore , meet their ruine from those of whom they did expect relief . they are englishmen sent over to conquer ireland , your countrymen , your brothers , your sons , your relations your acquaintance ; governed by the same king , the same laws ; of the same religion , and in the same interest , and equally engaged in the same common cause of liberty . and they hope this nation that hath so lately escaped the fetters of tyranny , will shew themselves easy and gentle masters to them ; they hope you will not let them by their service to england , their zeal to their religion , their love to their liberty , and by the loss of their stock , and benefit of their estates for a great many years , purchase the loss of them for ever . finis . the wonderfull and true relation of the bewitching a young girle in ireland, what way she was tormented, and a receipt of the ointment that she was cured with. higgs, daniel. 1699 approx. 17 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b03653 wing h1959a estc r178028 47012475 ocm 47012475 174441 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b03653) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 174441) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2689:3) the wonderfull and true relation of the bewitching a young girle in ireland, what way she was tormented, and a receipt of the ointment that she was cured with. higgs, daniel. 16 p. s.n.], [s.l. : 1699. signed at end: daniel higgs. reproduction of original in: university of glasgow. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng demoniac possession -case studies -ireland -17th century. witches -ireland -17th century. exorcism -early works to 1800. devil -early works to 1800. folk medicine -ireland -17th century. ireland -social life and customs -17th century. 2008-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 scott lepisto sampled and proofread 2009-01 scott lepisto text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the wonderfull and true relation of the bewitching a young girle in ireland , what way she was tormented , and a receipt of the ointment that she was cured with , printed in the year , 1699. the true and wonderfull relation of the bewitching of a young girle in ireland ; what way she was tormented , and a receipt of the ointment she was cured with . it seemeth hard to unruly minds , that god should keep intellectual souls so strange to the unseen world of spirits ; that we know so little of them , that our knowledge of them is no more by the way of sense ; but there is in it much of god's arbitrarie soveraign power , and much of his wisedom , and much of his justice , and also of his love. but to see the devils and other spirits ordinarly would not be enough to bring our atheists to the saving knowledge of god , without which al other knowledge is vain . they that doubt of god , the most perfect , eternal , and infinite beeing , while they see the sun , moon , and stars , the sea , and land , would not know him by seing created spirits , and finding that almost all the atheists , sadducees , and infidels , did seem to profess that were they but sure of the reality of the apparitions and operations of spirits , it would cure them ; i thought this the most suitable help for them . i confess it is very difficult to expound the causes of all mentioned in these histories of witches and spirits : but proved maters of fact must not be denied , but improved as well as well as we can , and and i confess very manie cheats of pretended possessions have been discovered which have made some weak injudicious men think that all are such . two sorts of persons have oft been found deceavers , 1. persons prepared and trained up purposely by papist priests , to honour their exorcisms , you may find in print of the boy of bilson , petrius who afterwards i heard turned quaker at bristol , many such like are recorded in history . 2. lustfull , rank girls and young widows , that plot for some amorous procacious design , or have imaginations conquered by lust , tho' i think when they come to a furor vterinus , sathan oft setts in . the instances tell us , 1. that the state converse , policy , laws of the aerial world or regions , are much , tho' not wholly , unknown to us here . 2. and so is the natural state of the departed souls of wicked men , as to their having bodies or no bodies , their power , their witts , their motions , and passions . 3. and also , whether they be proper devils when joined with , or of another species . 4. and 't is hard to know by their words or signs , when it is a devil , & when is an humane soul that appeareth . 5. and it is unsearchable to us , how far god leaveth invisible , intellectual powrs to free will about inferiour things , suspending his predetermining motion tho not his generall motion and concourss & whether those called fairies and goblins are not such . but as all these , and more such , are unknowen to us , so god seeth it meet for us that it should be so , and we should not so much as desire or indeavor that it might be otherwise . but we may know ( which must suffice us ) that no spirits can doe any thing , but by god's will or permission but now to come to this true relation which my eyes did see all along and many hundereds did see which they can atest to this day say atheists what they will i was not blinded in it . at antrim in ireland a litle girle in the ninth year of hir age , for beauty , education , or birth inferior to none where she lived , having inocently put into hir mouth a sorrel leaf , which was given her by a witch that begged at the door , to whom she had first given a peice of bread , and then some beer , it was scarce swallowed by her , when she began to be tortured in her bowels , to tremble all over , and then to be convulst , and in fine , to swon away & fall as one dead . severall doctors being caled ( for at the forsaid place wher these things happned in may 1698. it is customary for to practise physick ) tho' they so ▪ manie days experimented the remedie usual in this case ; the child found no relief , but was still aflicted with very freqent and most terrible paroxisms ; whereupon , as the custom of the country is , they consult the ministers of that place , but they had scarce laid their hands on her when the child was transformed by the daemon in to such shaps as a man that hath not beheld it with his eyes , would hardly be brought to imagine . it began first to rowl it self about , and nixt to vomit horse dung , needles , pins , hairs , feathers , bottoms of threed , fieces of glass window nails draven out of a cart or coach wheels , an iron knife above a span long , egg and fish shells in the mean while , hir parents and those of the neighbourhood , observe that whensoever the witch came near the house , or so much as turned her eye towards it , even at the distance of two hundreth paces , the poor child was in much greater torment then befor , insomuch that she could by no means be easie of her fitt , or shew one sign of life until she was at a very great ●…nce from her. this witch was soon 〈…〉 pprehended , and confest both this , 〈…〉 ite other the like feats , for when 〈…〉 ngled and burnt , being desired by the minister who assisted her in her last agony , and at that moment on which depends eternity ; when the executioner had now fitted the rope to her neck , that she would dissolve the spell , and ease the child , she said it was not in her power because the ember-weeks were past since she had bewitched her ; adding , that should she undo the villanies she had perpetarted , the child would not so quickly recover , for the two other witches , whom she named , had also given her mortal infections , from the effects whereof she could not without difficulty , and much time , be delivered , the mother as in a despicable case , brought her daughter to me about the middle of september , and i had her with me some weeks what i then saw , heard , and handled , because i know many physicians , those especially that are averse that there can be witchas , will hardly believe it upon my narrative ; so may god help me , as i shall most truly relate what i saw . the day after this unfortunat child came to my house i took care to send for a minister who still lives here , while he was yet 50 paces from my chamber , the girle fell down as one deprived of life ; i took her for dead , for she had not so much as the least breath : her fingers and toes , ( which if i had not seen it my self , i could not have believed it , ) were so writhen and convulst , that the exterior or third joint , sttuck so hard unto the second , a thing which is scarce possible narurallie , that they might seem to have been fastned together with the stiffest glue : i endeavoured to thrust a golden bodkin betwixt them , and after an iron nail , a wooden spindle , &c. but all in vain ; the mother seing the child fall , for she would never go one step from her , said , the ministers were comeing , she had no sooner said this , but they knocked at the door : when they were come in and lighted a candle , as soon as ever they had read the first words of a chapter of the gospel of s. matthew , the girle which hitherto had lain more immovable than any dead corps , fell a shaking all over , her fingers and toes continuing as they were , with that violence that she could not be held still by six of us , by no means we could use ; my self who with all my strength essayed to hold her head , observed it both by my sight and feeling , to be writhen as by an ophisthonick convulsion , together with her neck towards her shoulders ; in the mean time , her belly was ra●ed up to a prodigious bigness and was nearer her throat , than her thighs : and that with so great a noise & grumbling of her bowels , that all present could hear it at above ten paces distance . the sound was the nearest to that which is caused by tempestuous waves under the prow of a ship ; all this while the child vomited sevral of the abovementioned things i begg'd the minister , out of compassion to her , to forbear his reading , he had scarce pronounced the last sillable , when in an instant she lay as quiet as possible , and after he had quited the house , and was at a considerable distance off , she undid her fingers and toes , and open her eyes , & straight way stood up , and when she had weept a little , and chid her mother for sending for the minister , tho' she never saw them , nor as she said , heard them , she presently began to eat , drink , and play with her equals just as if nothing had ailed her , but upon the minister's returning to do his office , she was as formerly , i saw her this while cast up feathers , bundles of straw , above the bigness of my thumb , with pins stuck across the straws , points woven of threed of several colours , and a row of pins stuck in a blue paper , as fresh and new as any sold in the pedlar's stall : in fine , every thing as the innocent child affirmed , which she had seen in the witches basket when she begg'd , which favours plainly of devilsm , & which all the philosophers in the world , are not able to solve ; for by what operation could every thing she had seen in the basket , be conveyed in the same kind and tale into the bowels of the child , except the devil himself was not assisting ? but when i saw all she had cast up , was perfectly dry , and without the least wet , i told the ministers and several learned men present ( for i cal'd many out of desire of being the better informed ) that surely our eyes were inchanted ; for that these things could not possibly come out of her body , for how could it be that the pricking of so many pins , should bring up no blood ? how could a sharp knife come up the narrow throat of a young child without cutting the passage i added that it was my opinion that these things must be convyed privatly some way from some other place , and then by the malicious demon that took pleasure to deceave us , drop from the childs lips into our hands and that i was brought to mind of a verse in ovid , which i never understood , but now less than ever , it is this , devovet absentes simulacraque cerea singit , et miserum tenues in jecur urget acus . curses the absent , then forms waxen shapes runs into th' liver needles — the words are spoken of maedea a witch , but the child herself being immixt with us in our debates and of a capacity above her years , soon resolved this difficulty , for we doubt not said she , but that thes things com out of me , and with that she caught my hand , and put it to her throat ; feel , said she , a pin without an head comeing up , and which will come up presently , i felt and immediatly when i thought verily i held it fast betwixt the fingers of my left hand within her throat , i perceaved it to be forced violently from me , and presently seeing the child about to spit , i receaved in my right hand , and i have shewed since to several incredulous persons , and still keep it by me to shew to the curious , with parots feathers , threed , straw and other like materials . in like maner i have frequently at other times felt the ends of points , while they were yet in the very orifice of her stomach , and while they were comeing up , and ready to come out of her mouth , all who were curious to make experiments imagined they could hold the end of the point in the middle of her throat , but the crafty demon defeated all their attempts . after she had exorted for some weeks to no purpose , her mother had great desire to carry her to a doctor near to dublin who was belived by the vulgar , to be verie famous in the curing of these but staying severall dayes without any effect they bring the child back to my house , not on jot the better but the worse by a hydrophobia or as i would rather call it a stygrophobia or fearfullness of moist things , so called ; very sad and disconsolat , and disparing of her life , yea , praying for her death she came back to me , about the midst of autum refusing not only wine , beer , meed , and all water ; but also boiled meat , and bread steept in broath or wine , and att last wheat & wheaten bread i belive because the one was made with milk , and the other with water , as is usuall with us , for which reason for forty dayes time , she lived on nothing but apples , raisins , nuts , almonds & other fruits proper to the season yet for all this-the rosie blush in her cheeks was not diminished , nor the milky snow of her forehead , at last for fifteen dayes and nights together , she took neither meat nor drink how she could pass so many dayes without eaither meat or drink : i confess my selfe ignorant ; but that so it was , i doe avow , and all my family are ready most solemnly to depose upon oath ; on the sexteenth day when she had of her own accord , asked for some drink , and taken it she no longer refused food . i thought then season to have recourse to naturall means , not omitting divne exercise and i prepared the decoction ex fuga daemonum of southeren wood , mugwort , vervene &c. and after i had used her a while to that drink , i sent her home : in the intrim tumbling over all the books , i could find , at last i light on bartholemew carrichters , secret● who in xii . chap. of his 2 book describs a certain medicine proper to this malady finding this mightly recomended in horstius his medicinall epistles , epist. i. sect. vii . in hector schlands letter to grigory hostrus dated in the year 1612. i write to the apothecary in dublin in whose shops i thought it was sold promising any rate for the unguent and prescription but receving no advice from them , and being day and night solicitus for the childs recoverie i took carrichter again into my hands , and having much adoe to understand him by reason of a mistack of the printers who had printed in one word hoter bletter beer which should have been in three , i at last a long time after for want of necessarie materials , caused the folowing unguent to be made . take of dogs grease well dissolved and cleansed , four ounces ; of bears grease eight ounce ; of capons grease , four and twenty ounces ; three trunks of the misletoe of the hazle while green , cut in pieces & pound it smal , till it become moist ; bruise together the wood , leaves and berries , mix all in a vial , after you have exposed it to the sun for nine weeks ; you shall extract a green balsom , wherewith if you anoint the bodies of the bewitched , especially the parts most effected and the joynts , they will certainly be cured , as hath been proved by the child , who hath been now perfectly well since only an the dayes of the ember-weeks do what she can she is seized with a certain transient melancholy . and this is the reason why i have ingenously communicated to the world , the above-mentioned prescription , concealed by others , and ordered it to be printed for the good of others that may have the like ; so farewell . daniel higgs . finis . whereas the parliament stands prorogued untill the tenth day of april next, and whereas for sundry causes and considerations, we have thought it fit and convenient and necessary further to prorogue the said parliament untill the second day of may next ... by the lord deputy, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. 1665 approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46187 wing i922 estc r36948 16161744 ocm 16161744 104938 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46187) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104938) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:56) whereas the parliament stands prorogued untill the tenth day of april next, and whereas for sundry causes and considerations, we have thought it fit and convenient and necessary further to prorogue the said parliament untill the second day of may next ... by the lord deputy, ossory. ireland. lord deputy. ossory, thomas butler, earl of, 1634-1680. 1 broadside. printed by john crook ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1665. title from first 6 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. "given at the council chamber in dublin the thirtieth day of march, 1665." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland. -parliament. ireland -history -1649-1775. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c2r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the lord deputy . ossory . whereas the parliament stands prorogued untill the tenth day of april next : and whereas for sundry causes and considerations ; we have thought it fit and convenient and necessary further to prorogue the said parliament untill the second day of may next ; we do therefore will and require all persons to whom it doth or shall appertain to take due notice thereof , to the end that in the mean time they may repair to their houses or otherwise apply themselves about their private affairs at their pleasures , and then to give their attendance here again , at the day and time aforesaid , in the usual place appointed for that intended service , whereof they may not fail . given at the council chamber in dublin , the thirtieth day of march , 1665 . god save the king . dvblin : printed by john crook , printer to the kings most excellent majestie , and are to be sold by samuel dancer , bookseller in castlestreet . 1665. ; the second part of the svrvey of the articles of the late reiected peace wherein the invaliditie and nvllitie of the said peace is proved, i. by the revocation of the marques of ormands commission before any peace was legally concluded &c., 2. by the defect by walt enos ... enos, walter. 1646 approx. 301 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 62 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a38489 wing e3130 estc r3649 12413231 ocm 12413231 61604 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a38489) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61604) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 938:13) the second part of the svrvey of the articles of the late reiected peace wherein the invaliditie and nvllitie of the said peace is proved, i. by the revocation of the marques of ormands commission before any peace was legally concluded &c., 2. by the defect by walt enos ... enos, walter. [8], 119 p. [s.n.], printed at kilkenny : 1646. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. errata: p. 119. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ormonde, james butler, -duke of, 1610-1688. ireland -history -1625-1649. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 john latta sampled and proofread 2007-02 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the second part of the svrvey of the articles of the late reiected peace wherin the invaliditie and nvllitie of the said peace is proved , 1. by the revocation of the marques of ormonds commission before any peace was legally concluded &c. 2. by the defect of sufficient commission or authoritie on the part of our committee of the treaty . 3. by the revocation thereof by the protestation of the principall part of the body politique of the kingdome and other inhibitions . 4. by exceeding their commission . 5. by deviating from the rules established by assembly , by which they ought to regulat themselves , namely , from the oath of association , modell of government , acts of assembly , grievances , declarations , and propositions made by the kingdome to his majestie , &c. 6. by rejecting the kings favours and graces . 7. by their surreptitious and clancular concluding of a peace contrary to their promise made unto the lord nuncius . 8. by the kingdoms non acceptance thereof ; 9. by theire violation of the publike faith of the kingdome past by solemme contract vnto the l. nuncio 19 february 1645. whence the iustice of the clergies decree of perjurie , and excommunication against the adherents to so impious and invalid a peace , is evidently deduced . by walt. enos dublinian , priest , d. of divinitie & treasurer of ferns . viri faederis tui illuserunt tibi , inualuerunt aduersum te viri pacis tuae . abdiac . 1. printed at kilkenny , by permission of superiors , and approbation of schoolemen in the yeare , 1646. mandatvm illvstrissimi nvncii et congregationis ecclesiastici vtrivs qve cleri regni hiberniae . nos ioannes baptista rinuccini , archiepiscopus & princeps firmanus apud hibernos confoederatos nuncius apostolicus extraordinarius , necnon uenerabilis congregatio utrius que cleri regni hiberniae , uobis rr. pp , quorum nomina inferius scripta sunt , & cuilibet uestrum , facultatem facimus , & per praesentes pariter mandamus , ut post diligentem perlectionem secundae partis libelli , cui titulus est ( a sur vey of the articles of the late reiected peace ) ab eximio domino & magistro gualtero enos s. t. doctore de mandato nostro compositi , censuram uestram & calculum pro qualitate & vtilitate operis eidem apponatis , adeoque confirmetis & corroboretis , ut qui ante autoris argumenta de iniquitate reiectae pacis in primâ parte proposita comprobastis , modò eiusdem argumenta in hac secundâ parte de inualiditate dictae pacis proposita uicissim comprobetis , ut uel inde iustitia nostrorum decretorum contra authores eiusdem pacis orbi terrarum innotesceat . datum kil kenniae 18. ianuary 1646. ioannes baptista archiepiscopus firmanus nuncius apostolicus . the touchstone of disouering an act to be invalid is the law : the author sincerly conferrs the treaty of peace with the maximes of law , and finds the same lawlesse , consequentlie inualid and not obliging . this survey ingenuouslie traced ouer the iniquitie of the peace , and plainly proues the inualiditie . his worke is learned , meritorious , and intended for our good , according lie i approue it fr. patricke plvnket . abbot of st. maries abey of dublin , diffinitor & late president generall of the congregation of st. malachias , and st. bernard in ireland . this second parte of doctor enos his suruey &c. diserues no less credit and acceptance then was attributed to the first parte by the not praeiudicating opinion of tho. roth. deane and vicar generall of ossory i am of the same opinion . nicolavs taylor , sactae theol. doct. proton●tar . apostolicus & rector eccl de swords . hauing perused this second part of the survey of the late reiected peace , i thinke it to be noe lesse worthy of publique view , then the first , it beinge a plaine discouerie of the inualiditie thereof . it needes therefore noe other shew , to purchase a publique welcome , then the name of its lerned author walter enos doctor of diuinitie . ita censeo ioannes shee theol . praeb . de main , & vicarius sancti ioannis evangelistae . in obedience to the forsaid mandat we haue with diligence reade and perused this second part of the forsaid suruey , wherin we finde nothing dissonat to faith or good manners , but very many things conduceing to the honour and saftie of faith and religion . wherefore , as in the first part we approued the authors arguments proueing the iniquitie of the late reiected peace so we approue his arguments produced in his second part to proue the inualiditie of the same peace : and accordinglie we censure it no lesse worthy , than necessarie to be exposed to publike view . dated at kilkenny the 27. th of ianuary . 1646. fr. hugh duigin suprior of the frs preachers of kilkeny fr. faelix connor s. t. professor . fr. iohn . o hairt s. t. professor ex commissione supradictâ accuratè legimus hanc secundam part●m in qua nihil orthodoxa fidei dissonum reperitur , quin potius pro ea acertimè certat . hoc opere , suo solito more , author animo calamoque pote●s , delirescentem alto puteo veritatem extrahit : eaque in sua basi expositâ opposita commenta vsurpato limine deturbat . sic censemus in hoc coonobio sancti francisci kilkeniae kalendis february . 1646 fr. antonius macgeogheganus . exprouincialis hyberniae . et guardianus kilkenniensis . fr. paulus king s. t. lector vve doe finde that the learned and zealous author accordinge to his groundes and principles doth well shew and proue the inualiditie of the peace he treates of . william saint leger iohn mac egan . to the right honourable the lords , knights cittizens and burgesses of the confederat catholikes of the kingdome of ireland assembled together at kilkenny . renowned catholikes a peace contained in . 30. articles made ad published at dublin . 29 , iulij 1646 , being put vnder the consideration of the venerable congregation of the clergie at waterford in august last , was found vnsafe for religion , contrie , and the liues and liberties of the confederat catholickes , the fortes and gouernment of this kingdome being ( by that peace ) to come vnder an other power and that of an aduerse religion . some cri'd vp this peace as a blessing from god , and the period of fire , warre , and desolation , and though it was reputed a blessing , yet was an army a preparing to enforce it vpon vs : others , ( who look'd neerer vnto it ) said it would proue fatall to ireland and religion , and vnexpectedlie a great army ( as it were of mē risen out of the earth ) came from the north to oppose it . while the souldier had sword in hand to proscribe this rotten peace , my superiours put a pen in my hand , by way of suruey to lay open to the world the iniquitie and inualiditie thereof . the first part of this suruey [ containing the iniquitie ] i dedicated to the right reuerend prelats and congregation : the second part ( speaking the inualiditie of it ) i addresse with all humilitie and candor to the power and great wisedome of this assemblie . i will say with s. paul ; ueninon in sublimitate sermonis aut sapientiae : my language is low , my conceptions plaine , my thoughts the best to religion and contry . i doubt not , many iudgements will pass vpon me : some will terme me precipitant , others hott , and others bitter ; i can giue to all the answere of s. paul. si hominibus placerem , christi seruus non essem . nor are my lines to feede mens humour , but with reasons to ouercome theire vnderstanding . i may be precipitant out of weaknes of reason , and hot out of frailtie of nature . but bitter i am not out of malice . if the purgation proue bitter , the patient may not blame the nature of his phisician , but the malignant nature of his owne disease . renowned catholikes , religion and ireland are vnder your hands , you haue it in your power next god , to kill or saue both . i know , you all intend to make a peace ; let it be a good one ; i haue remoued a blocke out of your way , i meane that vniust , inualid coloured peace : vniō is the onely way to make a good peace , or a good warre ; vnion will saue you , and diuision will destroy you . my prayers shall euer be , ut pacis & non dissentionis deus may be euer with you . i am your most humble seruant walter enos . aduertisments to the reader . firstnote , that the worke is compleat ; though the pages 36. and 41. meete not together , because the worke was printed in seuerall places . 2. the number of ministers coates mentioned pag. 12. n. 11 , are but. 4. surplisses . 7. and so many robes for doctors ; they resolued to walke in station to possesse our churches . 3. the lawyer mentioned pag. 117. n. 76. is not learned mr. darcy , but mr. t. t. 4. if lay men should take upon them to censure this worke , which hath beene approued by the clergie , thei are excommunicated in bulla caenae . see tolet. excom . 9. trid. sess . 23. c. 23. de reformat . totam dist . 96. & . 11. q. 1. authent . vt cleri proprios iudices conueniant . collat . 6. yet is it left free to any man to refute ( if he can ) the arguments produced by the author . the second part of the svrvey of the articles of the late rejected peace : wherein the invaliditie and nullitie of the said peace is evidently proved out of many heads or causes . 1. in the first part of this survey we proved the injustice and iniquitie of the said peace by notable observations on cach , or most of the articles included in the same peace . in this second part wee further proceede to prove also the invaliditie , and nullitie thereof out of those heads or causes , which are expressed in the lawes , and accepted as generall maximes among divines and lawyers ; to the end the catholique confederates may be rightly enformed how farre they are exempted from any obligation to embrace such a peace , in the contriving whereof injustice accompanied with nullitie , had full and perfect concurrence . as in other contracts , so in contracts past by mandate or comission , the nullitie and invaliditie thereof is derived from many sources or heads . six are principally enumerated by schoolemen in contractu mandati ; and among those six , that nullitie or invaliditie , which proceeds from the revocation of their commission , that have power to treate & conclude the contract , before they have concluded any such contract , hath a prime place . that the like revocation of the commissions or mandates given to the marques of ormond , and to our committee of the treatie hath hapned in the concluding of this peace , before the same was concluded , is the point ( among other ) which we are to prove in the following paragraphes . in the. §. 1. the invaliditie of the foresaid peace is proved by the revocation of the marques of ormonds commission given him to conclude a peace , before the same was concluded . 2 this invalide and unjust peace was indeed signed and sealed by five of our committee on the 28. of march 1646. but never delivered interchangeably by both parties untill the 29. of iuly following : during the interjacent time it lay , as an escroule or scroule on the hands of the marques of clanrickard without any power or force to oblige in law either parties . though this be a truth confessed in private by the committee of treatie , and well knowne to the then supreme councell and committee of instructions , yet because the knowledge thereof is suppressed from the rest of the confederate catholiques , and that the peace hath beene published , as if the same were absolutely concluded on the 28. of march , i here thinke fit to discover the mysterie of iniquitie out of that , which i sinde written by mr. darcyes owne hand , ( one of the five that signed and delivered the said peace ) on the out-side of the manuscript draught of the articles of peace delivered by mr. plunket & himselfe in vvaterford to the congregation of both clergies ; signed and sealed only ( note the exclusive partticle only ) 28. march 1646. anno 22. regis caroli , in the presence of the lord digby , sir maurice eustace ; doctor fennell , and george lane , and deposited on the marques of clanrickards hands till 1. may , and untill the ten thousand be sent into england . thus farre one note . in another note there written , i reade thus : this ( meaning the articles of peace ) was delivered 29. iuly 1646. in my lords stvdy , by my lord lieutenant on the one part : lord of muskery , sir robert talbot , iohn dillon , patricke darcy , and geofrey browne of the other part , witnessed by the marques of clanrickard , lord taaffe , lord digby , monsieur du moulin the french agent , and daniel o nealc . present besides , the earle of roscoman , lord dillon , colonell trafford , and george lane , &c. on the same 29. day of iuly , and not before , the defeasance , which past betweene the marques of ormond and our committee , obliging the kingdome to send over 10000. men , were cancelled , and an instrument avoyding the defeazance then perfected & witnessed , ut supra , saith a third note written also by mr. darcyes owne hand on the foresaid manuscript copie . 3. by all which it appeareth that the peace was never concluded untill the 29. of iuly , and that both parties did suppose the same for a certaintie , aswell because they never cancelled the foresaid defeazance untill the foresaid 29. day of iuly , as also because the marques of ormond , having before that day received his majesties letter revoking his commission , supposing himselfe not to be obliged by any act , that passed on the 28. of march , rejected our committee of treatie , and would by no meanes proceede to the conclusion of the foresaid peace , affirming that his commission was recalled and that he had no authoritie to treate further with them ; as you shall heare as yet more hereafter . this is further confirmed by the letters of the late supreme councell and committee of instructions dated at lymericke the first of iune 1646. delivered unto the lord nuncius , where they confesse the peace was not then concluded , but that shortly they expected the same to be both concludedand published . 4. we presse the matter as yet more eagerly : they concluded the peace , either on the 28. of march , or on the 29. of iuly : if the later , wee have our intention ; namely , that they concluded the peace after the marques his commission was recalled , which was the eleventh of iune before : if the former ; then were our councell and committees violators of their promise made to his holynesse his nuncius apostolique , and perfidious to the whole kingdome , which in publique assembly promised and agreed , that nothing should be concluded 〈◊〉 agreed upon untill may following . such as are meanely versant , either by study or practise in the lawes of this kingdome , know that an obligation past by a debtor unto his creditor , though signed and sealed this moneth , yet bindeth not then , nor ever after , unlesse he also deliver the same obligation , and then onely , and not before , it beginneth to oblige , when the obligation , or bond is delivered : how much more in our case , is it evidently convinced , that the rejected peace began not to oblige untill the time of the deliverie thereof , which was on the 29. of iuly , and not before ; seeing that in our case , besides the defect of deliverie , the very signing and sealing it selfe was not absolute , but conditionally , that 10000. men should be sent over by the catholique confederats , and the articles were not laid on the hands of either of both parties , but deposited on the hands of a third person ? but in a truth so evident , & testified by so many witnesses , yea , confessed by the committee of treaty themselves , we need not wast much time . 5. wherfore we are to prove that the marques of ormonds commission was recalled and revoked before the foresaid 29. day of iuly ; for effecting whereof wee need no other evidence , than the kings owne letter which we exhibit unto the reader word by word , as it was written by his majestie himselfe . his majesties letter to the marques of ormond . charles r. right trusty , &c. having long with much griefe looked upon the sad condition , our kingdome of ireland hath been in these divers yeares through the wicked and desperate rebellion there , and the bloody effects have ensued thereupon , for the settling whereof wee would have wholly applyed our selves , if the difference betwixt us and our subiects here had not diverted and withdrawne us , and not having been able by force ( for that respect ) to reduce them , wee were necessitated for the present safety of our protestant subjects there , to give you power and authority to treat with them , upon such pious , honourable , and safe grounds as the good of that our kingdome did then require , but for many reasons too long for a letter , vvee thinke fit to require you to proceed no further in treaty with the rebells , nor to engage us upon any conditions with them after sight hereof , and having formerly found such reall proofes of your ready obedience to our commands , wee doubt not of your care in this ; wherein our service and the good of our protestant subjects in ireland , is so much concerned . from newcastle the 11. of iune 1646. 6. out of which letter , the catholique confederates may behold not onely the revocation of the marques his commission , but also the dangerous condition , wherein they are , while his majestie is so awed by the rebellious scot as he must say , write and doe against his faithfull subjects , what ever they please to suggest unto him . here his majesty is pleased to call us rebels , and our warre desperate rebellion ; elsewhere ( being freed from those harpies ) he calleth us his faithfull subiects , upon whose succours ( to rescue him from his present calamitie ) he wholly depends . wherefore i exhort the confederate catholiques to stand well upon their guard , and to preserve securely in their owne possession and command such forts , cities , armes and armies , as god hath prodigiously given unto them since these warres , least his majesty ( being forced by the scots , or parliamentaries ) should subscribe to such commands unto ormond , as he subscribed unto mountrosse in scotland , commanding him to lay downe armes , and to yeeld unto the scots such cities & forts as by his armes hee recovered for his majestie from them . that the parliament hath and will endeavour to obtaine such commands from the king , wee are premonished by the vote made in the house of commons of england 3. iuly 1646. where they order that a letter should be drawne up to be sent to his maiestie from both houses of parliament , to desire his maiestie to write to the marques of ormond in ireland to svrrender up severall holds and places of strength in that kingdome possessed by his forces , to such hands , as both houses of parliament shall nominate and appoint : and a committee was named presently to draw up the said letter . now in case the king be forced to send such a command unto the marques ; what assurance have the confederate catholiques that he will not forthwith yeeld obedience to such forced commands ( as he yeelded to the above letter ) and deliver up unto the parliament not onely what cities , townes , and forts , hee hath in his owne quarters , but also such cities , townes , forts , garisons armies , and magazins , as should be transferred to his government , command and trust by the confederate catholiques ? it s knowne , that the marques is of the same profession with the parliament ; that since these warres he hath continuall commerce and mutuall correspondence with them ; private letters , messages , and agents past betweene him , the parliament and the scots ; that hee never used any act of hostilitie against either ; nay since the clergy and their adherents ( the confederate catholiques ) have opposed this peace , he hath sent severall agents aswell unto the scots , as unto insequin and the parliament , praying them to send him succours , and actually entertained some of the parliament commanders in dublin , and intrusted them with places of command within that citie ; yea , had actually delivered not onely that citie , but all other cities and forts &c. in his quarters to the parliament , if the parliament vouchsafed to intrust him with the government of the kingdome ; and to grant unto him such conditions , as hee expected : for procuring whereof ( it is thought ) sir francis vvilloughby ( whom the marques sent over before to the parliament ) is now gone over againe with the parliament commissioners to elaborate the busines . i appeale then to all disinteressed divines , whether the catholique confederats may in such a case transferre from themselves ( who have sworne allegiance and fidelitie to their soveraigne , and particularly to keepe secure such forts and cities , &c. for his majesties use ) unto one so suspected , the government or command of the same cities , forts , armies , &c. seeing in so doing they doe probably hazard religion , king , and countrey . if neither parliament nor scot will intrust his excellencie with the chiefe government of the kingdome , though hee be of their profession , nor entertaine him , as their servant , shall the catholiques , ( unto whose religion he is a sworne adversarie ) inttust him not only with such a government , but also entertaine him , as their lord and master ? this i speake not ( god be my iudge ) for disrespect to so noble a personage , who ( if hee followed the steps of his noble catholique progenitors , and were disingaged from wicked councell ) might well deserve such honour ; but to discharge my conscience in a matter of such importance , as concerneth the securitie of religion , king and countrey . 7. as this letter was dated , so was it delivered and communicated to the lord marques long before the 29. of iuly , when ( and not before ) the peace was concluded ; wherein i call as witnesses the conscience of those very noble persons , who concluded , and joyned in concluding this peace . nay , the same hath beene confessed unto me even by some of them , that subscribed unto the peace . but the accompt , which mr. browne gave unto the late supreme councell at limericke after his returne from dublin in the month of iune and his publicke narration or declaration of the answer received from the lord marques in dublin , puts the question out of all doubt , wherein he declared that the lord marques his commission was confessed by himselfe to have beene recalled , and that therefore he could conclude no peace with us . his returne then without effecting any thing , and the very originall letter above mentioned shewne to mr. browne and others by the lord marques , doth confirme it . 8. it may be answered that the lord digby brought over some new commission from france authorizing the lord marques to proceede in the peace . but this is as easily denyed , as it is affirmed without apparance of truth ; it being most certaine ( and so signified by letters from paris , to the councell and congregation ) that the lord digby never saw the king , nor received letters from the king , from the time he left ireland untill he returned backe ; how then could the lord marques his commission be renewed ? some letters are said to have been brought over by the lord digby in cyphers , the interpretation whereof must be received from the lord digby onely . but this may carry asmuch truth as the former ; and though it were true , yet have the confederate catholiques no reason to give credit ( in a matter of such high concernment ) to such interpreters ; but supposing all were true , it would never be able to render the peace concluded the 29. of iuly valid ; forasmuch as the same peace is grounded on the commission given unto the lord marques 24. iunij 1644. and the 20. yeare of his majesties raigne , which ( as you have heard ) was recalled before the foresaid 29. of iuly , and not on the new imaginarie commission brought over by the lord digby ; wherefore if they would render the peace ought worth or of any validitie in law , they ought to ground the same on this new commission , and not on the old : or if this new commission were a continuation , or a reintegration of the old , both should be inserted in the articles of peace , if they intended to conclude any valid or solid peace . shall i speake the truth in simplicitate cordis mei ? as that peace alone was concluded , which pleased the marques of ormond , and all other peaces , that pleased god and man , king and countrey were rejected : so then was the peace concluded , when it pleased ormond , namely when her and his pretended protestants could no longer subsist , their brethren ( the scots and other parliamentarie rebells ) being reduced to nothing in vlster and connaught . while these monsters could craule , the conclusion of any peace was protracted ; while bunratty was in dispaire , roscoman and other places in connaught in defiance against the confederate catholiques ; then the marques his commission was recalled ; but when the catholique confederates recovered all these places , and gained two glorious victories against the enemie , then this demortued commission was suddenly revived , and a peace was concluded upon , maugre all the resistance of the lord nuncius and clergie , or the soundest part of the councell and committee , of severall acts and protestations made by the whole kingdome in the assemblies held in august , and february 1645. but , qui habitat in coelis , irridebit eos . eijce ancillam . heresie hath already too long tyranniz'd in ireland more in the following paragraph , and paragraph 3. numb . 13. where the king by his declaration ( or at least by that declaration , which was set forth under his name ) is content to leave the managing of the businesse of ireland wholly to the two houses of england , which if the reader please to compare with the vote of the commons above mentioned numb . 6. hee will finde that the catholique confederats are like to loose to their king and themselves all ireland , if they part with the government of such cities , forts or garrisons , as are in their quarters or with the command of their armies &c. to any , that is not a swor●● confederate catholique . §. 2. that neither obligation of law or honour , utilitie to his maiestie , or necessitie of the kingdom , did induce our councell to conclude this peace . 9. that no obligation of law did enforce our committee to conclude this peace is evident by what even now we expressed in the foregoing paragraph : for if the articles , though signed and sealed on the 28. day of march , yet remained still as a scrole untill the 29. of iuly following , at which time , and not before , they were delivered and begunne to oblige ; then is it certaine that during that intervall our committee were free , and at their owne libertie to perfect , or not perfect , conclude or not conclude the said articles , yea they could not with integritie of conscience and discharge of the trust imposed on them , proceede to the deliverie or conclusion of the said articles , being enformed that his majestie had now recalled the marques his commission , authorizing him to conclude a peace ; it being a maxime generally received aswell in the lawes of england as in the cesarean or common law , extingui mandatum per revocationem mandantis ; that a commission given to any is extinguished by the revocation thereof , and out of the extinction of the commission foloweth the extinction also of all obligation to pursue the contract , nay wee shall shew hereafter , that the commission given to our committee to conclude this rejected peace was not onely invalid but also sufficiently recalled before any such peace was concluded . wherefore wee may without difficultie conclude that no obligation of law did enforce our partie to conclude this peace . as then the lord lieutenant did recoyle from those articles , which he himselfe signed and sealed , esteeming himselfe not to be obliged by any such signing and sealing to deliver the same , so hereafter ( in case wee were brought to that fooles paradise to accept the peace , and hee once possesse our armies and garisons ) hee will likewise recoyle , and tell us , when wee looke for performance of the articles ; sirs , my commission was recalled when i concluded this peace with you , what i have done therein was grounded upon no authoritie , and therefore invalid , wherefore i am not obliged , neither will i stand to th● articles therein concluded . 10. the obligation of law being thus extinguished , undoubtedly the obligation of honour , which is grounded thereupon was also extinguished . this i adde , because i have heard some of our committee of instructions ingeniously confesse , that they had never consented to proceede unto the conclusion of that peace , if they had thought , they were not obliged thereunto by law and honour , of which ignorance i marvailo they were not freed by those among them , who were skilfull in the lawes : they themselves might observe in the marques of ormonds recoyling from the contract , that hee held himselfe not bound either in law or honour to conclude the same ; why then should they thinke themselves more bound than he ? if there was any obligation , it was also mutuall ; so as the marques could not be free , unlesse oūr partie were also free ; if our councell and committees would needs insist so much upon honour , they should rather in honour desist from the conclusion of any peace with his excellencie , seeing they were so fool'd by him , as having received their moneyes , to the value of three thousand pounds ( as is said ) to supply his present necessitie , hee without any respect to such favour done him , or to the precedent obligation of signing and sealing the peace , rejected them and denyed to conclude any peace with them . wherefore in very deed the conclusion of that peace did redound rather to their dishonour than honour ; and the giving of so much money to the marques was to disgrace and prey the countrey . questionlesse no good catholique would ever contribute any money to purchase such a peace . i wish this dishonour were confined within the bounds of ireland onely . 11. that utilitie to our soveraigne could be no motive to our committee of the treatie to conclude such a peace is also evident , in asmuch as the carholiques at home observing the iniquitie thereof tending directly to the maintenance of their sworne enemies and their owne destruction , had beene thereby wholly disheartned , and deterred from giving any aid to his majestie either in their persons or meanes ; and the catholique princes and prelats abroad had likewise wholly substracted their succours , deeming it against conscience to concurre to the preservation of heresie . and what can more dishearten the catholiques of ireland , than to see their service , their contributions , their prowesse and fidelitie so vilipended , as they may not be permitted to enjoy those priviledges onely and immunities , either in spirituall or temporall , which are due unto them by their birthright and which by the ancient fundamentall lawes of the kingdome they ought quietly and peaceably to enjoy ? much more might be here said , particularly touching the danger , whereunto our soveraigne had been exposed , if the possession of his forts and command of his armyes had been given to any , but to such as are catholiques . whereof else where . that the necessitie of the kingdome should induce the committee of the treatie to make this peace , it may not be , seeing the kingdome was never in a better posture to defend it selfe , or in greater hopes to chase away , and destroy the enemie , than it was , when our committee concluded this fatall peace , as you have , and shall hereafter heare more amply . certainly if the hinderance of the prosecution of our victories against the enemie be a disprofit and detriment to his majestie ( as sure it is ) the concluding of this peace ( where such hinderance followed ) must be necessarily a disprofit and detriment to his majestie . wherefore we may rightly conclude , that neither necessitie on our part nor utilitie on the kings part , nor obligation of law or honour did induce our committee to the conclusion of this peace . had our councell and committees shewd the same resolution , and used the same endeavours to procure the acceptance of the earle of glamorgans honourable and just peace in the enemies quarters by force and armes , as they used to procure the acceptance of the marques his dishonourable and unjust peace in the consederate catholiques quarters , then had the puritie of their intentions been revealed , and their endeavours applauded . st autem ●culus tuns fuerit nequam , totum corpus tuum tenebrosum erit . the marques of ormond his protestant partie had more zeale ( licet sine scientia ) to secure their new sect , than our councell or committee had to seenre the catholique religion . the protestants would rather loose their eyes ( and life to ) than joyne with them in setling glamorgans peace within their quarters , because they held it destructive to their sect ; yet they must joyne , with the proterestants to settle within the catholique confederates quarters ormonds peace , though they could not be ignorant , how it was destructive to the catholique faith . eighteen blacke coates belonging to ministers were found among the rest of the luggage , which were left in the castle of kilkenny after the marques his retraite to dublin . factum est hoc ad insidias , sanctificationi , & in diabolum malum in israel . 1. machab. 1. 38. §. 3. the marques of ormonds his commission tacitly recalled in ianuary 1645. the obiection made that the revocation of the marques his commission was enforced , is resolved . 12. in the declaration made by his majestie the 29. of ianuary 1645. recalling the earle of glamorgans peace , his majestie promiseth to make nd peace with the irish without the consont of the parliament ; this declaration coming to the knowledge of the marques of ormond , and of our councell and committees before the 28. of march , was ( at least ) a tacit revocation of the marques his commission , even before the very signing and sealing of this peace : wherefore neither of both ●●ties ought ( after notice thereof ) proceede to the signing and sealing of the same peace . our committee was inhibited by the assembly , to conclude any thing in the businesse untill may ; the marques receives the kings declaration , that hee will proceede no further in any peace with the irish , without consent of the parliament ; notwithstanding all this , both parties proceede in the peace . yet as soone as ever the same revocation appeared , our councell and committee forthwith desisted in the prosecution of glamorgans peace , though it was knowne to have beene not onely invalid , as coming after the mandate was executed ; but also to have been surreptitious and framed by glamorgans adversaries , and the adversaries of the catholique confederates : nothing ( though ever so valid ) was powerfull enough to stop or stay our councell and committees from concluding ormonds unjust peace : any thing ( though ever so invalid ) was powerfull enough to stop them from prosecuting glamorgans just and honourable peace . if our people did preferre the advancement of the catholique faith before their owne private interest and inordinate affection to private persons ; they should set upon them that opposed glamorgans peace with as much vigour , as ever they set upon the scot or other parliamentaries , especially when such persons were enformed by speciall letters from his majestie that such a commission to conclude a peace was given to glamorgan . yet from hence wee deduce this argument a minori ad maius : if glamorgans peace was cenfured invalid , because it was revoked by his majestie , though the revocation was not made untill after hee executed his commission ▪ how much more invalid is the marques his peace , seeing his commission was revoked and recalled by his majesty expressely before the marques put his commission in execution , and implicitly before it was inchoatively attempted to be put in execution ? that is worthy the observation , when our councell and committees doubted not of the conclusion and acceptation of ormonds peace , they sleighted and contemned glamorgan and his peace ; but when they saw the clergie and kingdome would by no meanes accept of ormonds peace , then did they begin to looke on glamorgan and his peace , and to coulour their owne proceedings they would make us believe , that in ormonds peace there was a relation unto glamorgans . whereupon glamorgan ( to fit them in their owne policie ) told them , the conditions were not observed , and that therefore he was not obliged , therfore would not stand to the articles past betweene him and them ; which hee said to no other end , than to affront them , that would affront him , and let them know comprehenduntur in consilijs quibus cogitant . 13. it will peradventure be answered that his majestie was not then sui iuris , at his owne libertie and freedome of will or power , when he recalled the marques his commission , being indeed then in the hands of the scots . whereunto we reply , that his excellencie the marques accepted his majesties revocation proceeding from him as being in pleno iure , in his owne full and free libertie , and yeelded obedience thereunto , notwithstanding a precedent double tie , which obliged him to goe forward , to wit , the signing and sealing of the articles of peace on the 28. of march before , and the receiving of three thousand pounds ( or thereabouts ) from the councell , not long before , on hopes to conclude such a forlorne peace . it s against the rule of justice ( which requires equallitie on both sides ) that the confederate catholiques should be tyed to stand to the peace made with the marques , notwithstanding any revocation , and that the marques should be fast and loose , and at his owne libertie , when hee please by accepting the revocation to annull the peace , and by rejecting the revocation , to render the same valid and of full force . montrosse in scotland received commands from his majestie ( being in the same condition with the scots , that hee was , when he wrote this revocation of ormonds commission ) to lay downe armes &c. whereunto he yeelded obedience , supposing his majestie to be , even then , sui iuris : of which president , wee doubt not , the marques of ormond will make use , when hee is disposed ( upon any advantage ) to invalid or make void the articles of the rejected peace . that the marques hath already resolved to yeeld perfect obedience to that revocation is ( at least indirectly ) insinuated unto us by the six agents sent from kilkenny to vvaterford in the reasons given by them to the congregation , why they concluded the peace , where they say , that the lord lieutenant conceiving that what commeth novv from his maiestie is not his free act , is resolved to give no obedience thereunto : so as this disobedience is in ordine ad futura mandata , looks upon all commands that shall come after that time , namely , after the moneth of august last , and not on the commands , that came before , among which was that revocation of his commission to make a peace . these words expressed in the foresaid declaration , recalling glamorgans commission makes this matter more dangerous : that a messenger ( saith his majestie writing to the parliament ) be immediatly sent for ireland to prevent any accident that may happen to hinder his maiesties resolution of leaving the managing of the businesse of ireland wholly to the two houses , and to make no peace there , but with their consent , which in case it shall please god to blesse his endeavours in the treatie with successe , his maiestie doth hereby engage himselfe to doe . who knowes , but the forementioned messenger hath beene accordingly sent to the marques commading him , even then , to make no peace ? incidit in foveam , quam fecit . this declaration is thought to have beene made by digby and others in dublin to destroy glamorgans peace , yet be●ng well examined , will prove as destructive to the marques his owne peace . §. 4. the invaliditie of the peace proved out of the marques his exceeding his commission , and not observance thereof . 14. if he , that hath a commission or command to doe any thing , shall exceed his commission , he doth nothing that is valid or firme , saith the law , whereof in the paragraph more amplie , herein we cōceiue the marques trāsgressed this cōmissiō namelie in grāting by the 15 article of the reiected peace an act of obliuion unto al his maiesties ●ubiects , therein cōprehending the rebellious scotts and parliamētaries , whereas his cōmission extends onely ( as we collect out of the preface of the articles , where mention is made of his commission ) to the confederat catholikes , nay his maiestie by his letters dated the 16. th . of februarie 1644. gaue expresse order to the marques of ormond to seeke to rene we the cessation with the irish for a yeare : for which ( saith his maiestie ) yow shall promise the irish ( if yow can haue it noe cheaper ) to ioyne with them against the scots and inchequin : for i hope by that time , my condition may be such , as the irish may be glad to accept lesse , or i able to grant more . marke ( i beseech yow ) the irish ( in obedience to his maiesties desire ) continued the cessation for a yeare and a halfe after , yet al that while did not the marques ioyne with them against the scots or inchequin . to gaine only a yeares cessation his maiestie was pleased that the marques should ioyne with us against the scots and inchequin : our councell and committees haue not onely consented to a cessation , but haue also made a peace , and yett haue not obliged the marques to ioyne with them against the scots or inchequin . indeed the marques and our committee haue plaid the part of good chapmen for his maiestie , but theire negotiation cost his maiestie the losse of england , if he , by whom kings raigne , repaire not the losse . 15. in the diurnals of the assemblie held in august , 1645. i reade that the marques of ormond by his letters sent from dublin to the assemblie then held at kilkenny , and there read 18. augusti 1645. declared unto the confederat catholikes , that the rebellions scots of the north were advanceing forward with theire army , and therfore prayd the said confederats to send theire armes and forces to gether with six weekes meanes to be ioyned with his forces : he prayd also he might be commander in chiefe of both forces , and that the catholike armies might be subordinat to his commands . the confederat catholikes , not esteeming any machiuilian policie , ( which herein they might forsee ) but being caried away with the firme allegiance they ought theire king , and fervent desire they had to aduance his seruice , by universall and unanimous vote condescended to the marques his request , and gaue him with all , in mony to assist his maiestie in that expedition 3000-pounds . the monyes were receiued by the marques ( as then was bruited ) the catholike confederats provided on theire parts ; but neither then nor after would the marques of ormond euer goe into the field either with his owne forces aparr , or ioynd with ours , against the scots . nay if we may give credit to the probable coniectures and strong presumptions of many , his excellencie had some influence and concurrance in the invasion made by the scots into conaught , and other parts of ireland , and it was observed , that upon such inuasions and other defections of the enemie , his excellencie endeauoured to draw our people to this uniust peace , obiecting unto us ; how could we resist so many enemies ? wherein he had enough of mercenaries in our owne bosome , who plaid the advocates for him see more § . 5. 16. it is also observable , that our councell and committees had notice of the forsaid letter dated 16. februarie 1644. the next iuly following , yet did they neither publish it , nor make use therof in the treatie of peace by causing the marques to ioyne with them against the scots or inchequin according to his maiesties direction , either aftet the peace was concluded or before , during the continuance of the cessation : see aboue in the first part , and in the marques his answere to our 7. and 8. proposition , where euery impartiall iudgment may discouer how farre the marques was from giueing obedience to his maiesties directions in this particular ; and what merueile is it , he fauour , affect and cherish those , who were then used as instruments to persecute the catholikes , and now lately called upon by the marques himselfe to assist the hereticks of dublin ? the king ( as yow may see by this letter ) was glad to giue us a remuneration for condescending to a cessation , being then necessitated ; but our committees would take noe notice therof ; they euermore cast the necessite on our selves , and in lieu of accepting graces from his maiestie , they wasted the monyes of the kingdome on the subiect . 17. our distressed soueraigne by his missive of the 16. of april 1646. advertised the marques of ormond , that he receiued very good securitie , that he , and all that did , or should adhere unto him , should be safe in theire persons honour , and consciences in the scotish army , an that they would reallie and effectuallie ioyne with his majestie for his preservation , and employ theire armies and forces to assist him , with whose assistance , and with the conjunction of the forces under the marques of montrosse in scotland he would indeavour to procure an honorable and speedie peace in england , which resolution he praied the marques of ormond to communicat to his councell and his loyall subiects with him . among these loyall subiects it pleased the marques of ormond to register major general monro , unto whom by his letters dated 21 may 1646. he communicated the kings forsaid resolution in this dialect , sir having this morning rereiued a dispach from his maiestie , and command to impart it not onely to his councell , but to all his loyall subiects , i am confident , yow haue soe good a title to aknowledge thereof , as i have held it my part instantlie to dispache it unto yow by an expresse , and soe sir , wishing yow all happines , i rest , your assured humble servant . ormond . here i observe first that monro , and such other cou●nantiers ( who have sworne the oath of couenant against the king , and his monarchie , and made warre these foure yeares past against him , are in ormonds calender loyall subiects , though ( in his maiesties calender ) they be notable rebels , and therfore he admonisheth ormond to ioyne in armes with the irish against them ; from whence this sequel may be rightlie deduced , to giue the gouernment of the citties , forts . &c. within our quarters , or the command of our armies unto ormond , is in effect to giue them unto monro , and his fellow couenantiers . 2. i observe that the marques ioyned with the scots against us , whereas the king commanded him to ioyne with us against them . 3. i observe , that the scots in england have beene soe farre from ioyning theire forces , with our partie ( the marques of montrosse in scotland ) as they haue made him lay downe his armes , and render unto them what forts , citties . &c. he had in his possession ; noe better securitie or effects may the confederat catholikes expect by any conjunction with ormond if therin he shall haue the chiefe command or gouernment . other observations i omitt , haveing heard before the impression hereof some good newes of leslyes conjunction with antrim , and of a happie victorie by them obtained against the parliamentaries . god grant it bee true . to concurre with the english parliament to dethrone theire owne naturall soueraigne , who hathe beene the greatest hōour that euer scotland had ( cōsidering the amplitude of his dominions ) is a thing soe vnnaturall , as heaven and earth may be astonished at it . t were better be subiects to him , than slaues to his rebellious subsects , the parliament , dixeruntque omnia ligna ad rhamnum , veni , & impera super nos . for the scots forwarning herein , and the incitation of all faithfull subiects to take armes against that rebellious merciles parliament of england , i will presume on the readers favour to licence me to . a difgression , wherin the parliament of england hathe manifested theire impudencie against the scots , and theire horrid treason against theire and our natural liegelord . qverees , to find ovt who it is that holds ovt in armes against the state of england , seing the king is our prisoner , as in the scottish army , who by contract are our servants and our army , and therefore not to do what they list , but what we cōmand them , seeing they receive pay from us as meer mercinaries , and serve not freely as brethren ; therefore if our state representative , the chosen commons of england assembled in parliament , shall give order to the state of scotland for tht king presently to disband all his forces in england , ireland , or else-where , and to deliver up all townes and garrisons unto our states hand ; quere , i say if it be not done thereupon , if wee may not conclude , that it is the scots hold up armes against our state , for the king being our prisoner , and in their power ( our servants ) hath no power , but must do as they will , and they will do as they list for him . for if they of themselves can prostrate their owne opposite armes of montrosse , & . and put his name thereto for a cullour , as if done by him , or inforce him to doe it , to cullour their doing why not the same forme upon order from our state aforesaid , why , oh english states is not this assayd , to discover who it is that holds up armes against you ? for what power hath one man that is in the power of others ? and if our state will not giue order for the same what may we not conclude there of ? must the lives and estates of men be sacrificed to the wilfulnesse of any ? but our state performing their parts , we shall apparantly see where it rests , for how can the king hinder what they please to doe ? do not these that are celled the french and spanish states , what them please , & put . or their king must put their names thereto , to culour it , that the state may not bee seene in it , but it may passe as if their kings act , not theirs . can any be so simple to think their kings may or can rule a state. which is as much as the wisest state can doe . in short it is the states doe all , and so doe the scot , and so ought our state and not let the weale , safety , happinesse , prosperitie and being of a kingdome or kingdomes , and millions of lives therein , lye at the will , or the vvilfulnesse , folly , or madnesse of one man , whom they call their king , though the parliament of england in their late letter to him when hee was at oxford , doetell him plainly , that he is guilty of all the innocent blood which hath beene now shedin all the three kingdomes . oh therefore , let not the world ieerus , that our prisoner can use his keepers as his prisoners , &c. vvho hath stood it out in open hostility as long as possible he could , against his earthly soveraigne , lord , king , and creator , the state vniversall ; vvhose legall and formal representative , the parliament , ( he hath vnnaturally , wickedly , uniustly , and irrationally ) proclaimed traytors and rebels for doing their duty in endeauouring the preservation of those that trusted them , from the ruine and distruction endeavoured and intended to them by him , their rebellious servant . how can it be properly said , that the engish creator , the state of england , can commit treason agasnst it's own meere creature , the king ? if it be treason to assist the king with men monies , armes and horses in this his unnaturall vvarre and rebellion against the parliament and people of england , as the parliament hath often declared , then is it not the height of treason for any of the parliaments armies privately to treat with him , and to receive him , into their army , and there protect him ( from those who requite him and have right to him ) and to disposc of him , yea , and afford him elbow room and libertie to send messages and embassages to denmark , holland , france , spain and ireland , or whether he pleaseth , that so he may lay new designes for the utter subversion and destruction of th● state and kingdome : oh the height of . &c. no longer to be put up , borne , or suffered by trustees that desire to approve themselves faithfull to their trusters . london august . 16 46. 19. reade all histories , ●acted and prophane , reuolve all chronicles domesticke and forren , and tell us , if yow haue , or can finde any treason soe abominable , any rebellion soe odious to god and man , any apostacie soe detestable to heaven and earth , as is this damnable treason , rebellion , and apostacie of the titular parliament of england ? it is not enough to be perfidious to theire king , bur they must be also blasphemons against god , by making themselues creators . here monarchie is ablegated , anarchie introduced the lords anointed made slaues to theire subiects , and theire subjects raised to noe lesse dignitie , than to earthly soueraignes , lords , kings , creators , the stato vniuersall . theire fellow subjects ( the scots ) are theire merce naries and servants , not theire brethren , and the irish are unto them opprobrium hominum , et abiectio plebis . but pride and confusion , disobedience to princes , and treason against them and theire monarchie is a propertie inseparable from moderne heretickes wherfore we must not admire that d. garrier sometime a protestant and chaplaine to k. iames burst forth into these words . i can not be persuaded , that they ever will , or can joyne togeather to advance your majesty , or your children , further then they may make a present gayne by you . they are not agreed of their own religion , nor of the principles of universall and eternall truth ; & how can they be constant in tho rules of particular , and transitory honor ? where there is nullum principium ordinis , there can be nullum principium honoris : such is their case . there is a voyce of confusion among them as well in matters of state as of religiō . their power is great , but not to edification , but to destruction : they ioyne to geather onely a gaynst good order , which they call the common enemy ? and if they can destroy that , they will in all likelihood turne their fury agaynst themselves , andlike diuells torment , like serpents deuoure one another . in the meane time if they can make their burgers , princes , and turne old kingdomes into new states , it is lyke inough they will doe it : but that they will ever agree together , to make any one prince , king or emperour ouer them all & yield due obedience unto him further , then eyther their gayne shall allure them , or his sword shall compell them , that i can not persude my selfe to belieue . and therfore i can not hope that your majesty , or your posterity can expect the like honour or security from them , which you might do from catholike princes , if you were ioyned firmely to them in the vnity of religion . § 5. the marques of ormonds commission enlarged by his majestie , but his command not executed . 20. when the marques of ormond dispachd agents unto the parliament demanding succours from them against the con , federat catholikes of ireland , it is said , s argeant eustace ( to cloake that treason ) publickelie declared in the dismembred parliament of dublin , that as it was lawfull for euery man euen by the law of nature to defend himselfe against the violence of uniust assailants , soe was it lawfull for the kings lieutenant , and the kings priuie councell in dublin ( for theire owne defence ) to looke for succour from the kings enemies , ( the parliament ) against the kings subjects the irish , who were in a violent and hostile manner to assault them . letting this passe for an hyperbole , the catholike confederats doe brieflie affirme , that they were noe assailants , but defendents of theire lives , religion , liberties , and estates against theire fellow subjects , and particularlie against the chiefe ministers of justice , who following the steps of their predecessours tirannically gouerning , made use of all the projects , that michieuous policie could invent to depriue them of theire lives , religion , liberties , and estates , wherin they have beene soe exorbitant , as neither the authoritie of the ancient fundamentall lawes of the kingdome , nor the kings owne commands could preuaile with them . here we must descend vnto particulars , and especiallie to the kings commands sent vnto the marques of ormond enlarging his power for the speedie conclusion of a happie peace . 21. the impossibilitie ( saith his majestie writing to the marques of olmond ) of preseruing my protestant subjects in ireland , by a continuation of the warr , haueing moved me to give you these powers and directions , which i haue formerly done " for the concluding of a peace there , and the same growing daily much more evident , that alone were reason enough for me to enlarge your powers , and to make my commands inthe point more positive . but besides these considerations , it being now manifest , that the english rebels have ( as farras in them lies ) given the command of ireland to the scots ; that their aime is at a totall subversion of religion and regall power , and that nothing lesse will content them , or purchase peace : here i think my self bound in conscience not to let slip the meanes of setling that kingdom ( if it may be ) fully under my obedience ; nor to lose that assistance which i may have from my irish subjects for such scruples as in a lesse pressing condition might reasonably be stuck at by me : for their satisfaction i do therefore command you to conclude a peace with the irish , whatever it cost , so that my protestant subjects there may be secured , and my regall authority preserved ; but for all this you are to make me the best bargaine you can , and not discover your inlargement of power till you needs must . and though i leave the managing of this great and necessary work entirely to you , yet i cannot but tell you , that if the suspension of poynings act for such bills as shall be agreed upon between you there , and the present taking away of the penall lawes against papists , by a law will do it ; i shall not think it a hard bargaine : so that freely and vigorously they ingage themselves in my assistance , against my rebels of england and scotland , for which no conditions can be too hard , not being against conscience or honour . 22. many things are here to be carefullie oberued by the confederat catholikes . first that this letter or enlargment of the marques his power was neuer communicated vnto our councell or committees ( though then , and after in atctuall treatie with hym for a peace , by vertue of a former commission giuen him by his maiestie the 24. th of iune before ) vntill the same was put into the presse by the parliament , who found the same in his maiesties cabinet in the battell of nasby ; from the print of london it was sent into france , and there sent by accident into ireland . yet the reuocation of the marques his commission by the letter of the 11. of iune aboue mentioned was forthwith and without delay communicated vnto vs by the marques , and soe punctuallie obserued as noe precedent obligation past betweene him and the confederat catholikes could induce him to goe forward . by which the confederat catholikes may with resentment take notice , how litle behoulding they haue beene vnto the marques of ormond for any graces or fauours shewd them by him , though his fauorits haue extolld his imaginarie fauours don the contry beyond measure . 2. whether the kingdome haue more cause to conceiue iealousie ( in this respect ) against the marques , who ( as yow may behould in the letter ) had some commaunds not to discouer the enlargment of his power till he needs must , than against the then supreme councell , who receiuing this letter in iuly or august 1645. did neuer to this day reueale or publish the same vnto the kingdome . whether this was don by them , because they were then actuallie concluding a peace ( in huggar muggar ) with the marques and therin resolued to reiect these royall graces of the repeale of the penall lawes , and suspension of poynings act , and therfore would not discouer these graces , least theire owne remisnes in the cause of god should be likewise discouered : or for what other cavse they did it , 't were fit to bring into question . 3. we are to obserue with what confidence the marques proceeded with our committee , with whom he doubted not to conclude a peace on more abiect conditions than the king himselfe did grant vnto them . 4. that as sir william parsons and the rest of the rownd-headed priuie councell of dublin did suppresse from the contry the graces sent ouer into the chtholike confederats of ireland the august before the first of these commotions ; soe our owne intrusted catholikes suppressed these other graces granted vnto vs by his maiestie since these commotions . inimici hominis domestici eius . 5. out of all which yow may further obserue the hypocrisie of some great ones in dublin ; who ( to cloake theire disloyall recourse for succours to the parliamentarie rebels ) gaue out that they were forced therunto for theire necessarie defence against the confederat catholikes : wheras it is is most certaine if the marques had granted vnto vs what the king commanded him by this letter , and not giuen ( for his owne priuat ends , to the kings irrecouerable detriment ) impediment to the earle of glamorgans articles of peace ; the catholike consederats had ioynd with armes and hearts in soe happie a peace , and ( by gods blessing ) they had ( with the hazard of theire liues , estates , and fortunes , together with the aids of forren catholike princes and prelats ) preuented and preserued his majestie from the deplorable condition wherin now he is ; and chased out the of three kingdomes his sworne enemies . in a word the marques , and those of dublin sent vnto the kings ennemies for succours , not to defend themselues as they pretended ; but to defend theire obstinat disobedience to the kings commands ; and their inordinat desires to preserue these pernicions hereticks who are known toside with and sweare for the parliament ; wherfor the confederat catholikes did discharge theire dutie to god , and theire allegiance to theire king in setting vpon such disloyall refractories wherin they proceeded ( like faithfull subjects ) in a defensiue way , endeauouring to maintaine the present grants and graces , which theire gratious soueraigne conferred vpon them , and the ancient fundamentall lawes of the kingdome , chiefly that of magna charta , wherin theire , religion , liberties , liues , and estates haue beene secured vnto them ; for defence wherof millions of noble catholike subjects in england in former ages haue sacrificed theire liues and fortunes , and taken vp armes , euen against theire owne soueraignes : how much more iustlie might the confederat catholikes , ( for defence of the same lawes ) take vp armes against theire fellow subjects , who , as they haue rebelled against god by repealing those ancient fundamentall lawes and establishing new destructiue to the catholike faith ; soe haue they , and still doe rebell against the lords annointed theire liege lord and soueraigne , by disobeying his lawfull commands ; and attempting the ruin of him and his royall issue . but these obseruations on that letter are extrinsecall ; in the fol. lowing paragraph we will present the reader with other obseruations that are intrinsecall . §. 6. his majesties confidence in the sidelitie and assistance of the confederat catholikes . parliamentaries iustlie branded by his majestle for rebels , and theire actions rebellions . 23. before the forsaid letter of the 27. th of februarie was written and sent by his majestie to the marques of ormond , his majestie wrote and sent three other letters vnto him , wherof the first was dated december 15. 1644. and continueth what followeth . as for poynings act , i referre you to my other letter : and for matter of religion , though i haue not found it fit to take publique notice of the paper which brown gave you , yet i must commande you to give him , my l. muskery and plunket particular thanks for it , asluring them that without it , there could have been no peace ; and that sticking to it , their nation in generall , and they in particular shall have comfort in what they have done : and to shew that this is more then words , i do herby promisse them , ( and command you to see it done ) that the penall statutes against roman catholiques shall not be put in execution , the peace being made , and ther remaining in them due obedience ; and further , that when the irish gives me that assistance which they have promised , for the suppression of this rebellion , and i shall be restored to my rights , then i will consent to the repeale of them by a law ; but all those against appeales to rome , and premunire must stand , all this in cypher you must impart to none , but those three already named , and that with injunction of strictest secresie : so again recommending to your care the speedy dispatch of the peace of ireland , and my necessary supply from thence , as i wrote to you in my last private letter , i rest . 24. the second letter is dated from oxford 7. ianuary 1644. and containeth what followeth . the rebels here agreed to treat ; and most assuredly , one of the first and chiefe àrticles they will insist on , will be , to continue rhe irish warr , which is a point not popular for me to break on ; of which you are to make a double vse : first to hasten ( with allpossible diligence ) the peace there , the timely conclusion of which will take off that inconvenience which otherwise i may be subject to by the refusall of that article upon any other reason . secondly , by dextrous conveying to the irish the danger there may be of their totall and perpetual exclusion from those favours i intend them , in case the rebels here clap up a peace whith me upon reasonable termes , and only exclude them ; which possibly were not councelable for me to refuse , if the irish peace should be the only difference betwixt us , before it were perfected there . these i hope are sufficient grounds for you to perswade the irish diligently to dispatch a peace upon reasonable termes ; assuring them , that you having once fully engaged to them my word ( in the conclusion of a peace ) all the earth shall not make me break it . but not doubting of a peace , i must again remember you to presse the irish for their speedy assistance to me here , and their friends iu scoland ; myintention being to draw from thence into wales ( the peace once concluded ) as many as i can of my protestant armedsubjests , and desire that the irish would send as great a bodyas they can to land about cumberland , which will put those northern counties in a brave condition ; wherefore you must take speedy order to provide all the shipping you may , as well dunkirk as irish bottomes ; and remember , that after march it will be most difficult to transport men from ireland to england , the rebels being masters of the seas . so expecting a diligent and particular account in answer to this letter , irest . 15. the third letter is dated at oxford also , february 16. 1644. in the postscript wherof ( for the letter it selfe , we haue not seene ) it is thus written : in case vpon particular mens fancies the irishpeace should not be procured vpon powers i haue alreadie giuen yow , i haue thought good to giue you this further order ( which i hope will proue needles ) to renue the cessation for a yeare : for which yow may promise the irish ( if yow can haue it noe better cheape ) to ioyne with them against the scots and inchequin , as aboue yow haue heard . where we are to note that his majestie forseing that the power alreadie giuen the marques was not sufficient to induce the irish to a peace , enlargeth by his letter dated the selfe same month , to witt , the 27. of february , aboue ( num . 21. ) mentioned , the former power giuen to the marques , and expresseth in particular the points wherein this power is enlarged : namely to the suspension of poynings act and present taking away of the penall lawes against papists , which by his letter of the 15. th december his maiestie promised to repeale , when he should be restored to his rights , and for the present commanded the same penall lawes should not be executed . but whatsoeuer the king commanded the marques to performe by these letters , the marques hath contemned ; whatsoeuer he hath promised , our committee hath neglected ; and whatsoeuer he hath actuallie granted , they haue reiected . among many obligations by which mandatorius ( or a commissioner or committee ) is obliged mandatori , to him , that giues the commission , that is a principall one , that the commissioner is dilig entlie to obserue the commands giuen him ; and as he is not to exceede his commission , soe is he not to deuiat from the same ; wherein how farre the kings commissioner on his part , and our committee on theire parte haue transgressed , we leaue to the censure of those that haue eyes to see , and iudgment to discerne . to gaine credit in court , and to be courted with letters from great ones , was more esteemed , than the aduancement of religion king , or conrry . vae filii desertores & non per spiritum meum &c. habentes fiduciam in vmbra aegipti . some of our owne committee in lieu of solliciting the cause of god , of religion , king , and contry , wherwith the kingdome intrusted them , became actiue instruments for the aduerse partie , and busie postilions from one commander , and from one gentleman to an other , to sollicit them to a defection , and some of these are knowne to haue receiued priuar letters from great ones , with whom to ingratiat themselues what would they not attempt ? though when matters are well discussed , it shall appeare to the world , that they proued such bad proctors , as marr-d all the busines , and hindred irrecouerablie ( vnles god streatch forth his helping hand ) both king and contry . were they soo diligent in promoueing the cause of god intrusted to them by the kingdome , they would ( at least ) shew themselues soe prouident and carefull , as they would cause these missiues royall ( or the substance of them , for soe much as concerned the repeale of the penall lawes and suspension of poyning act ) to be inserted in the articles of peace , that the contry might haue some consolation , and religion some securitie . but if yow marke it well ; they haue followed the instructions of the aduerse partie against whomthey were imploied , and not of the kingdome , for which they were imploied . referre all things to the king ( saith the aduerse partie ) and that is don , though they knew in theire owne soules , the king will neuer be able ( whilst he remaine in his present wofull condition ) to grant vs , what alreadie he hath commanded to grant vs : let nothing be referred to vncertainties , but obtaine an actuall execution of these commands and graces , which the king hath alreadie granted vs , and which is due vnto vs by our birth right ( saith the kingdome ) and that is not don . how seuerly the ancient iurists , or canonists haue censured such kind of commissioners , who ( vel ex culpa leuissima ) doe thus neglect or sleight the execution of the commands giuen , and what punishment are to be inflicted on them are expressed in the canons and schoolemen , wherunto we referre the learned readers . 26. obserue ( i beseech yow ) the motiues that induced his majestie to command the repeale of the penall lawes , and suspension of poynings act : the preseruing of his protestant subiects , and the kingdome of ireland from the scots : to encourage his irish subiects to assist him against the english and scotish rebels : to represse the rebellion in england , and to aduance the kings seruice in scotland by our friends there : the kings commissioner and ours haue gon the cleere contrarie way to worke , and as by preposterous accelarating this peace they haue giuen a maine impediment to the prosecution of our victories in vlster and connaught , soe haue they by theire compliance with one an other hindred the succours , which the kingdome commanded to be sent for his majestie by antrim into scotland , and by glamorgan into england . note , i pray yow the words of the letter of the 27. of februarie : for theire ( the irish ) satisfaction , i doe therfore command yow to conclude a peace with the irish what euer it cost . a generall command , yow see , this is , which hath noé other modification or restriction , than ; soe as my protestant subiects there may be seoured , and my regall authoritie preserued : the later part the irish haue sworne to doe in theire oath of association , oath of fidelitie : and in theire seuerall protestations and declarations : wherunto the doctrine of the catholike religion , ( which , in opposition to all sects , maintaineth monarchie and regall authoritie ) addeth a further obligation . the former to witt , the securitie of his maiesties protestant subiects the catholike consederats haue assured in theire seuerall declarations , and are readie to giue such further assurance , as the law of god and charitie can oblige them to giue in that case : adding further that they shal be more secure and safe among the consederat catholikes , than among the parliamentarie rownd-heads , who haue spilt most vnnaturallie and barbarously more protestants blood in england ( and that causleslie ) than ouer the catholikes ( since these warres ) haue in theire owne defence spilt in ireland . the protestants themselues may reade carefullie the treatie or conference latelie past in dublin betweene his excellencie , the marques of ormond and the fiue commissioners of the parliament , and glasse theire owne miserie . by protestants we vnderstand such as professe the protestant doctrine established in england an . 1562. and comprized in the 39. articles , and not any new parliamentarie protestants , who , as they haue demolished the ecclesiasticall hierarchie maintained in the said articles , soe haue they ( as much as in them lay ) monarchicall gouernment ; such a brood of vipers , which deuoureth both church and state , king and prelat , may not be licenced to cohabit with the confederat catholikes . qui enim dicit illis ave , communicat operibus eorum malignis . 27. obserue further that ( according the forsaid letter ) the authoritie to cōclude a peace is entirely in the marques , yet hath hi● excellencie euermore assumed to his assistance , and ioynd ( in a manner ) in the same authoritie with him , those of the priuie councell in dublin , who ( for the most part of them ) are knowne to haue either adheared to the parliament , or to haue beene impeached of high-treason by the kingdome ; they ( fearing theire heads ) would neuer suffer or aduise the marques to condescend vnto a good peace . and if my author ( who liued in dublin and was an eye-witnes of what he related vnto me ) may be belieued , those very porsons , who were knowne to adhere to the parliament , euen those foure , who for that cause were once commi●ted to the castle by the marques , haue had in the ins there priuat conuenticles , together with the lord chancellour , lord lowther , and maurice eustace , who ( i meane the three last ) after theire priuat consultation there would repaire to the priuie councell in the castle , where theire aduise ( as learned in the lawes ) was followed in promoueing this peace , and theire aduise was instilled according the infusions receiued in the parliamentarie priuat conuenticles : soe this inference may seeme more than probable : whatsoeuer was don in promouing and concluding this peace , was not done according the direction and commands of his majestie , but according the advise and and councell of parliamentarie rebels . the effects proue the veritie of this inference . 28. to conclude , the king holds it not a hard bargaine to grant vs the repeale of the penall lawes , and the suspension of poynings act , soe we freely and vigorouslie engage our selues to his assistance . noe other condition of secureing his protestant subiects ; or preseruing his regall authoritie doth herequire of vs for conferring on vs those two graces , which i wish those gentlemen did take notice of , who , when they were questioned by the congregation , wherfore they laboured not to obtaine the benefitt of the graces by this letter conferred on vs , and ( to cause the fame to be inserted in the articles of peace ) excused the marques of ormond ( or rather themselues ) saying that there were other conditions added in the letter , which yow see is not consonant to truth , for soe much as concernes these parricular graces , other more ample graces might be also granted by the marques vnto vs , if we secured the protestants , and preserued regall authoritie : for ( on those more ample conditions ) the king commanded him to make a peace with the irish whateuer it cost , and aggrauateth the matter more earnestlie in the conclusion of his letter , affirming that to gaine our assistance against the rebels of england and stolland no conditions can be hard , not being against conscience and honour . wherein euermore he supposeth the repeale of the penall lawes and suspension of poynings act to be neither against conscience or honour , or against the securitie of his protestant subiects , nay we shall els where demonstrat it , that our kings of england are tyed by the ligatures of promise royall past by thire royall progenitors , and solemne oath taken at theire coronation ( at least indirectlie ) to repeale the said penall lawes , in asmuch as they haue beene surreptitiously enacted in these later dayes of defection against that catholike faith , which our king by the said promise and oath haue beene obliged to defend and maintaine i must not here passe by , that the king commāds the repeale or present taking away of the penall lawes without any lymitation or exception : the marques of ormond in his briefe of concessions ( from which he shrunke in this peace ) limitteth this generall commission vnto the penall lawes onely that concernes the exercise of our religion , who is herein imitated by the marques of clanrichard ( or rather by the politike contriuers of his engagment ) where a promise is made of a reuocation of any penaltie &c imposed on vs for the free exercise of our riligion . vnto what wofull dayes are we come , when subjects doe presume not only to limitat theire kings commands as they please but also vtterlie to reiect them and by that disobedience to be the occasion of his present disasters , and hazard of the losse of his kingdomes ? 29. by which letter and by these other two aboue mentioned the iudicious reader may obserue what great confidencie his majestie reposeth in the aid and assistance of the confederat catholikes , aswell at home , as abroade , in england and scotland , by sea and by land , and how earnestlie he presseth a speedie dispatch of the peace to that end . be it on them and theire posteritie , that haue hindred the same . glamorgans articles do as yet further confirme aswell the kings confidence in our assistance , as our alacritie , willingnes and earnest desire to comply therein with his majestie ; but the same authors , who contemned the commands of his majestie haue also laid obstacles to the assistance promised to his majestie vpon the conclusion of glamorgans peace . it shal be euer verified what iohn dauies sometimes the kings attutnie left written to posteritic . that the irish gladlie continue obedient subiects , without defection or adhering to any other lord or king , &c , and that there is noe nation or people vnder the sunne , that doth loue equall and indifferent iustice better , then the irish , and will better rest satisfied of the execution therof &c : farre different ( i wisse ) was the censure of this well experienced lawyer , and of many others ( whose testimonie for the present i omitt ) concerning the loyaltie of the irish from the censure of the present lord chancellour of ireland , who hauing receiued in his chamber in the ins of dublin from the councell-table by the hands of a purseuant a printed booke setting forth the kings resolution to come for this kingdome ; said , god forbid his maiestie should come vnto this kingdome , for the irish would massacre him , as soone as any other . wherunto his sonne sir edward bolton , now chiefe baron answered ; nay , father , i am confident , if his maiestie came hither , that the irish would lay downe theire armes at his feete and kisse the ground he went on . the father admiring at the sonnes confidence in the fidelitie of the irish , the sonne confirmed his confidence by affirming , he would lay his head at the stake , if they would not doe it . this dialoque past betweene the father and the sonne in the presence of the lady bolton , bently the purseuant , and r. s. a cittizen of dublin , who is my author . the sonne here proues the loyaltie of the irish , the father shewes his ingratitude towards the irish , that nation , that charitablie entertained him in his flight from england to shun the censure of the castle chamber there , who being raised from the lowest ebbe of fortune , ( by ireland ) now floateth in the highest spring of posteritie . qui reddit mala pro bonis , non recedet malum a domo eius . such as repined at his maiesties coming into ireland repined at his happines ▪ and adhered in opinion and affection to the parliament . histories recount , and the present damnable rebellion of england doth confirme more bloodie warres to haue beene raised in england by the english against theire naturall soueraignes and more horrid violence to haue beene offered to theire persons , than euer hath beene raised in ireland against them , or offered by the irish vnto them wherefore what the chancellour affirmed of the irish is more applicable to him and to his ill affected contrymen , wherin , all europe may be produced as witnesses , who behould the present calamities ; wherunto the rebellions parliament haue reduced him . what here might be more particularized concerning the ill-affected of that nation , might be also particularized in the ill affected scots , who are said to haue imbrued theire hands in the blood of many theire owne naturall princes-from both i abstaine for the honour i beare vnto england the sister of ireland , and vnto scotland the daughter of ireland , wishing with all the faculties of my soule , the occasion of such recrimination among indeered fellow subjects were neuer giuen , or being giuen , might be totallie taken away . deus aeternetu scis quoniam falsum testimonium tulerunt contra , hibernos . §. 7. the marques of ormonds commission recalled ) as to somuch ) hy the earle of glamorgans commission . 30. our diuines and canonists doe teach vs , that the second mandat , or commission doth not indeed derogat vnto the first vnles it make mention therof , yet that sometime the second preuaileth and not the first , namely because the second is of a more strict obligation , as tending to the publicke vtilitie and commoditie , wheras the first conduced to the priuat onely . ormonds commission granted by his majestie is ( in our case ) the first , being giuen 24. iunij . 1644. glamorgans is the second , being giuen the 12. of march 1644. which was full eight months after . in this later commission mention is made of the first thus ; we giue you power to treate and conclude with the confederat roman catholikes in our kingdome of ireland , if vpon necessitie any thing be to be condescended vnto , wherein our lord lieutenant can not be so well seene , as not fitt for vs at the present publickelie to owne &c. loe , mention made expresselie of the first commissioner and implicitlie of his commission , and by consequence a reuocation ( as to so much at least ) of the marques his commission . yea his majestie did by his expresse letters signifie vnto the marques of ormond that he gaue vnto the earle of glamorgan this second commission , therein expressing the ends and causes , wherefore he gaue the same , and wherfore he would haue the matters and points committed to glamorgans trust exempted from all other matters comprehended in the marques of ormonds commission , and these matters concerned the spiritualtie , for example , the free and publike exercise of our religion , the securitie of our churches , the exemption of the catholikes from the iurisdiction of the protestant clergie , the repeal● of all penall lawes made against catholikes &c. this commissio● being granted by his majestie vpon the neglect of the marques his obedience to his majestiès command , requiring him to grant vnto vs the present taking away of the penall lawes , and the suspension of poynings act , i admire how his excellencie attempted to conclude a peace for these matters , soe exempted out of his commission , and to referre those matters , which were agreed and concluded by his majesties speciall commissioner ( namely the repeale of the penall lawes , the free and publicke exercise of our religion , &c. ) vnto any new or future concessions to be granted by his majestie , as if he would be moderator , or superintendent ouer king and subject . it was not enough to disobey the kings commands giuen to himselfe to repeale those lawes , &c. but he must also positiuely oppose those other commands giuen by his majestie to others , and the conclusion therupon made . wherfore it is conceaved whateuer the marques of ormond hath treated or concluded with our committees in this peace , that was comprehended in glamorgans commission , and by him concluded with the catholike confederats , were treated and concluded by the marques without any power , or commission , not onely because his commission was recalled , as , yow haue heard aboue in the first § . but also because these very . articles concerning the spiritualitie ( especiallie that first article ) where the marques would needes referre vs vnto the king , for the repealing of the penall lawes &c , which the king alreadie granted vs , were exempted out of his commission , by the commission granted vnto glamorgan ; soe as that maxime ( mandatum secundum derogat primo , si in secundo fiat mentio de primo ) must passe currant . cap. graue de officio iud ordinarij . 31. to the same effect ( but with more energie is that other maxime or interpretation admitted by schoolemen and canonists ( mandatum speciale derogat generali , etiam si eius ni hil meminerit . a speciall commission ( such as glamorgans was ) doth derogat to the generall , though therein there were noe mention made of , the generall . if we looke for other arguments to auoid this assumed pouuer of the marques of ormond , the canons will afford vs many ; this alone may suffice for the present : mandatum finitur , sirem demandatam quis alius idonee gesserit ; a commission is ended if any other hath conuenientlie accomplished the thing giuen in commission to be don ; v. g. if a man giue a procuratorie or letter of atturny to any to purchase a peece of ground ▪ if any other or he himselfe , who gaue the procuratorie , shall purchase the same peece of ground before the atturny ; cessat mandati actio . saith the law : soe ( in our case ) if the king , or glamorgan ( for the king ) hath conuenientlie and agreeable to the kings commands , accomplished that very command , which before was committed to ormond , but by him sleighted , then hoc ipso is ormonds commission expired : neither ought or could our councell or committee haue recourse to ormond to treate or conclude those things which were allreddie concluded by the kings speciall commissioner , vnlesse it were to confirme ( in the kings behalfe ) what alreadie was concluded by the same cōmissioners and to cause those articles granted by glamorgan to be cōfirmed by act of parliament , as well as any other articles or concessions granted ( for the temporalitie ) that were agreed vpon with the marques of ormond . 32. it was agreed vpon by the earle of glamorgan for and in the behalfe of his maiestie , his heires and successours that the marques of ormond or any other authorized or to be authorized by his maiestie should notdisturbe the catholikes in theire present possession or continuance . of the possession of theire churches , iurisdiction &c for assurance wherof the earle engaged his maiesties royall word and publike faith , and his majestie himselfe ( in glamorgās patent ) in the word of a king and a christian promised to ratifie and performe whatsoeuer the earle granted vnto the confederat catholikes . and least his promise royall should be frustrated , his maiestie communicated by speciall letters the commission giuen glamorgan , and his resolution in this particular , to the marques . but alas all was in vaine ; soe farre were these seeming royalests and reall parliamentaries of dublin engaged with , or at least , aw●d by the parliament of england ; as they neuer yet yeelded to any thing , or complied with the kings commāds in any thing , that they thought would be offensiue to the parliament ▪ in so much as that chiefe gouernour , who ( of all others ) should aduance this opportune seruice in the kings spressing necessitie , was the onely man that hindred the same . now after the word of a king , and a christian soe solemnely and gratiously engaged vnto the cōfederat catholikes ( but blasted by the marques of ormond ) a noble catholike peere of this realme the marques clārichard , is brought in by the marques of ormonds proctors to imbarke him selfe in a busines , wherein he was neuer authorized by his majestie , nor inuited by the catholike confederats , and he vndertakes to giue vs nothing but to procure vs some thing , and that less than the king himselfe by publicke cōtract hath actuallie grāted vnto vs. truly i am persuaded the catholike cōfederats will not be soe amused as to reiect the word of theire soueraigne , and to accept of the word of theire fellow subiect , who is less able to procure a performance of what he promiseth , than the catholicke confederats themselues are . to plant that heresie in england in the dayes of elizabeth , who now hath bathed these three ilands in theire owne blood , such art was vsed : hereticks assumed catholikes , as instrumēts to compasse theire designes ; where indeed they preuailed , but the fatall end of such catholikes , and the vtter extinction of theire noble posteritie doth manifest to present and future ages , how odjous theire enterprise was to god and his angels . caput aspidum sugent , & occidet eos lingua viperae . if the marques of ormōd fo und out a way ( as he thinks ) to crosse vs of the kings owne graces and concessions : who may doubt . he will find out a way to crosse clanrichards engagment ? we do not meane to looke for those graces and priuiledges by petitiō or sollicitation of others which are allredie granted vs by publicke contract . maugre all emulous subiects the catholike confederats shall haue the full benefitt of glamorgans articles , together with the fruit of theire possessions and victories since then acquired ; neither will they be deluded by any vnualid , vniust , and dishonourable peace , which any puritan statists would by factiōs enforce vpon them . §. 8. the invaliditie of the rejected peace proved out of the insufficiency of the commission given the committee of treaty . 33. hitherto wee have shewed the invaliditie of the rejected peace on th● part of the marques of ormond and his commission : now wee are to shew the invaliditie of the same peace on the part of our committee and their commission ; wherein ( being matter of fact ) many acts of assembly , orders of the councell , protestations of the clergie , &c. must be alleged and produced . what i could light on , i will with integritie cite what i could not light on , and may make for these noble persons that concluded , or concurred to the conclusion of that peace , i must leave to their citation , when they please to impugne this survey or any part thereof . among the acts of the first supreme councell i finde a commission made by that councell 5. april . 1645. unto thirteene persons , namely , mountgaret , muskerie , dubliniensis , antrym , alexander mac donell , nicholas plunket , sir robert talbot , sir richard everard , dermot o brien , patricke darcy , geofrey browne , iohn dillon , and richard martins esquires , authorizing them or any five of them to treate , agree and conclude with the ma●ques of ormond a firme lasting and setled peace in such manner as they in their iudgements should thinke fit , and most available for the said catholiques and generall good of this realme . 34. for the councells warrant to grant this commission they alleage in the same act , an act past in the generall assembly held at kilkenny the 20. of iuly 1644. where ( say they , in the act of their councell ) the said assembly authorized the foresaid 13. persons to treate , agree , and conclude with the marques for setling and concluding of a sirme and perfect peace , otherwise to conclude of a further cessation . where the reader is carefully to observe that the assembly ( according to the councels own relation ) appoints indeed those 13. persons as a committee of the treatie , but doth not limit the same unto any five of them , as the act of the councell hath done . i have made search among the acts of that assembly , but could not finde any act dated the twentieth of iuly 1644. i have indeed found an act of assembly made 10 ▪ augusti 1644. where it is ordered that the undernamed shall be super added to the commissioners lately authorized by commission to goe to his maiestie , now to goe to the lord lieutenant to treate with his honour , for setling a firme peace within this kingdome , or a further cessation of armes . the persons undenamed are the lord archbishop of dublin , earle of antrim , lord viscount mountgaret , sir richard everard , patricke darcy and iohn dillon esquires . the commissioners to goe to his majestie were the lord of muskerie , nicholas pluaket , alexander mac donnell , sir robert talbot , colonell dermot o brien , geoffrey browne , and richard martin . the like commission was made by the second and last supreme councell unto the same committee of treatie , de verbo ad verbum , as appeareth in the abridged registers of the acts of the same councell . 35. to shew the insufficiencie , defects , and nullitie of the said commission wee neede not entertaine sharpe-sighted lawyers , the errors , and defects thereof are so grosse and palpable , as men meanly versant in that profession may without difficulty discover them . wee say then in the first place , that it appeareth not by any act of assembly ( that i could light on ) that either of both councells were ever authorized or enabled by the kingdome , to give any commission to the foresaid committee of treatee , either to treate of , or conclude a peace with his excellency . not in any act of assembly past the twentieth of may 1644. as the foresaid commission given by the first councell doth mention ; for no such act can i finde in the records of the assembly , notwithstanding i have ( together with the clarke of the assembly ) made diligent soarch for the same . as for the act of assembly 10. augusti 1644. even now mentioned number 34. you see the kingdome selected indeed the foresaid committee of treaty , but never ( by that act ) authorized the supreme councell , to give them a commission to that effect . yet that such an authoritie is necessarie , is supposed by the councell it selfe , which groundeth it selfe on the like authoritie , as you have heard numb . 34. for as the assembly onely in the name of the whole kingdome , and not the supreme councell , had power to send commissioners to his majestie so the assembly onely and not the councell , had power to send commissioners to his lieutenaut , to treate and conclude a peace . yet supposing such a commission or power were given by the assembly unto the first supreme councell , wee say in the second place , the same or the like commission and power ought to have beene renewed by act of assembly , and given unto the new supreme councell authorizing them to give commission , to the foresaid committee of treaty to conclude a peace , and to guide and direct them therein : because , if any such commission was given by any assembly unto the first supreme councell , both that commission , and any other commission given by the councell in vertue thereof to the committee of the treaty , is extinguished , and dyes with the same supreme councell , because , as morte mandantis , so morte mandatarij extinguitur mandatum , saith the law ; as by the death of him , that gives a commission or mandat , so by the death of him that receives it , the commission or mandat is extin guished . if he , for example , that gives or receives a letter of atturney to prosecute a cause , or to doe any other service , dyes , the letter of atturney dyes with him . the same wee may say of agents or ambasladors sent from or to any p●inces or prelates . accordingly wee say , that the first supreme councell , being removed from that office , are civilly dead , and therefore any authority given them ( in this particular ) or by them ( in vertue thereof ) given to the committee of treatie ( for in these two respects the councell may be called mandatarij and mandantes ) is extinguished and dyes with the late removed councell . 36. it is true that the common power and authoritie given to the supreme councell by the modell of government may peradventure descend upon the succeeding supreme councells , because by the modell of govurnment that common power is expresly declared to be conferred by the kingdome on the supreme councell for the time being ; but the case is other wise in this weighty matter , whereon depends the securitie and safetie of religion , king and subject ; and therefore being transcendent and extraordinarie it must be acted by and concluded by transcendent and extraordinarie power : and as the commissioners appointed to goe to his majestie must have beene established and appointed by the whole kingdome , because , indeed their imployment concerned the whole kingdome ; so ( for the same reason ) the commissioners appointed to treate with his majesties lieutenant ( in this particular ) must be authorized ( either mediatly or immediatly ) by the whole kingdome ; for as much as their imployment concernes the whole kingdom . if his majestie did conferre any power or authoritie upon any corporation , which hee would have to continue in the succeeding magistrats thereof , hee is carefull in his patents or charters to use these words : to the maior , or to the maior and citizens for the time being , to shew , that his intention is not to make this power personall onely : but in that commission , which the first supreme councell pretend to have had from the assembly , there are no such words used , authorizing the supreme councell for the time being . much more may be here said , which i leave to our learned lawyers discussion , whereof some ( vnto whom i have propounded this difficultie , have assured me , that ( for this respect ) the commission given our committee of treaty by the councell . wassufficienr and inv●alid . and when i admired , that the supreme councell dared attempt such an enterprize without a full and solid authoritie from the kingdome , my admiration was augmented by the answer i received from one affected to them , to wit , that the councell made no doubt to conclude all things ( as they pleased ) by force . 37. the last supreme councell was established the second of march 1645. their commission to the committee of treaty was given the sixt of march following . after diligent search , i found among the assembly acts of that second day of march , this act ; it is ordered that the supreme councell , and the committee of instructions , as by former order in that behalfe appointed , shall sit this afternoone , and prepare all affaires conceaning the treaty of peace , and with all possible speed dispatch the commissioners to dublin : but neither this order , nor any other former order i could light on , doth give power or authoritie to this new supreme councell to give any commission to the committee of treatie , either to treate or conclude a peace at all , much lesse to conclude such a peace , as the committee of treaty in their iudgement should thinke fit , which is the commission the first supreme councell gave the committee of treaty ; for which , i am perswaded , they never yet had authoritie from the assembly : it is one thing to sit and prepare all affaires concerning the treaty which alone this order imparts : another thing to be authorized by the assembly to give commission in the name of the kingdome to the committee of trea●y , to conclude what peace they listed , which is the point here questioned . but here occurres unto the what i have beene often told , even by members of some assemblyes past , that such ( i will not say , factionists ) as precipi●a●ed into this abortive peace , had their private cabinet councels , where they moulded what orders they thought convenient● for their purpose , which they ordinarlly presented about the perclose of the assemblyes , and when they saw such as they thought would oppose them absent ; and prepared such as they knew would adhere to them and set forth the matter with a specious glosse , to be present , and so caused such orders to passe surreptitiously , without any deliberation or mature consideration by the house of such orders or of the ends the moulders of them intended . i suspect this order ( though it make little to the present purpose ) to be one of those surreptitious orders ; the cause of my suspition is ; that in the selfe same assembly 19. february , the whole kingdome unanimously agreed and promised unto the lord nuncius , that they would conclude nothing with the marques of ormond touching the peace untill the first of may following ; what appearance is there then , that the same kingdome in the same assembly should order , that with all possible speed the commissioners should be dispatched to dublin , and thereupon to signe and seale a peace the same moneth , never expecting the first day of may , as they promised ; and by that meanes so to entangle the businesse , as whether the popes peace came or no , by the first day of may , the kingdome was obliged to embrace ormonds peace , though ever so unjust ; and indeed so some of the very committee of instructions were perswaded ; but the unfolding of this mysterie wee leave unto the assembly , which , i pray the god of truth to illuminate , and preserve from faction and division . §. 9. other defects proving the insufficiency and invalidity of the said commission . 38. in the commission given by the first and last supreme councell they authorize the committee of treaty nor onely to treate and agree , but also to conclude a peace with the marques of or●n●nd ; their authotitie herein they father on the act of assembly past 20. iuly 1644. which kinde of act i could never finde among all the acts of assembly ; nay the contrary is evident , as well by both the acts of assembly above specified , numb . 34. 37. as by other acts , which hereafter i shall expresse , that they had power onely to treate of the peace , and to prepare matters conceruing the same , but not to conclude i● . i have indeed heard , that our committee of treatie laboured in severall assemblyes to have absolute power given them , not onely to treate of , but also to conclude a peace , but as yet i have not seene any such power granted , neither ought any such power at any hand be granted to any particular men , who by faction , corruption or affection , might be able to destroy religion , king and countrey . these men , 〈◊〉 desired this absolute power , are knowne to be either of allians with the marques of ormond , or to depend of him , or to have beene deluded by him with vaine hopes of promotion ; wherefore it is not secure for the kingdome to give absolute power to such persons , how honourable and faithfull soever they may be esteemed to be ; neither ought they , if they would avoid the just suspicion of the people , demand it . we must not put the cause of god to compromise to achitophel . if then it appeares cleerely our committee of treatie had no power to conclude , but to treate of a peace onely , who may doubt , but their proceeding to a conclusion without commission is altogether in valid ? peradventure they may produce some act of assembly ( for an act of the councell or committee of instructions will not serve their turne ) to p●ove they had not onely power to treate , but also to conclude such a peace , as they thought fit : but hetherto i have not seene any such , and if any such , shall be produced , it rust the kingdome will be so carefull of its owne honour and wellfare , as to disqusse the validitie thereof , and the wayes and meanes , which were used in getting forth such an act . it can hardly be exemplified , that foure or five persons in a kingdome had ever such absolute power given them , as to conclude a peace within the same kingdome for and concerning the most important affaires , that ever could be agitated in a kingdome , even then , when they might call upon an assembly of the whole kingdome to try and examine the justice or injustice , validitie or invaliditie of the said peace ; and that the power should be so unlimitted , as their commission had no expresse relation to any instructions , by which they ought to be regulated . that five secular men should be made supreme iudges in a catholique kingdome of prelate and priest , of regular and secular , of religion , church , and church-livings , of ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , administration of sacraments , celebration of divine service and office , &c. à seculo non est auditum , no not in henry the eights owne dayes . numquid omnes crumvelli ? numquid omnes vicarij in spiritualibus & temporalibus ? numquid omnes braini ? and this is the third argument , whereby wee prove the invaliditie of the said peace . 39. the fourth argument may be deduced out of the number selected by the kingdome to be of the committee of treaty , which was thirteene , as you may observe out of the act of assembly numb . 34. by which act there was no power given the councell to reduce them to the number of five , or to a lesse number than 13. this selected number of 13. did belong unto the substance , and ( as it were ) essence of the commission or authoritie given by the kingdome , and therefore could not be altered without rendring the commission invalid . when i reade in the commission given by the first supreme councell to the committee of treaty , that the number of thirteene was appointed , and no power mentioned therein authorizing them to diminish that number ▪ i was indeed astonished , and therefore laboured so much the more earnest to finde out if any act of assembly there were giving them any such authoritie ; at length i lighted on an act past 23. august 1644. wherein it is ordered by assembly , that the supreme councell shall grant commissions under seale from time to time unto such , and so many of the commissioners nominated and authorized by the house to treate with the lord marques of ormond for establishing of a firme peace within this kingdome , or a further cessation of armes , as the said supreme councell , and the additionall committee of instructions shall thinke fit . this act of assembly may seeme to quell the strength of my fourth argument : yet i cannot but resume , and urge for my argument against this order 1. that it doth not so much warrant the supreme councell to diminish the number of the committee of treaty , as it doth limit the power of the said committee ; for here ( as in the first act of assembly ) no greater power is given them , than to treate of a peace , &c. and no power at all to conclude a peace . 2. this act seemeth to me very suspicious , in as much as the same assembly ( not above thirteene dayes before ) supposing those seven agents , who were authori●ed to goe to his majestie ▪ to be too little to treate with the marques , added positively six more , as above you have seene , insinuating thereby , that they intended to have that full number alwayes in the treatie , and no lesse . 3. here my second argument may seeme to have force ; if this act of assembly , and that other of the tenth of august 1644. were not renewed upon the removall of the old councell , and institution of the new , the power and authoritie given by those acts seemes to dye , & be extinguished with that old councell , because ind●●e mandantis extinguit unmandarum . 4. the commission given the committee of the treaty is not grounded on this act , but on an act of the twentieth of iuly 1644. above number 34. 5. it must be also grounded on an act of assembly authorizing them to reduce the number of 13 to 5. which act we finde not . 6. ●ow ambiguously soever this act hath beene couched , yet it may seeme to prove that the number should be full 13. for it ordereth that the councell should grant commission to such and so many &c. as were authorized , the words ( as they shall thinke fit ) have relation either unto a treaty of peace or a cessation of armes , as they thinke fit ; and not unto any reduction of the number of 13. to the number of 5. 40. but here i must not omit to advertise the reader of the cause of my suspition . as soone as ever the foresaid number of 13. was chosen to be of the committee of treaty , forthwith ( before they could be sent unto dublin ) notice was sent in post , even by some of the supreme councell , to dublin , that such persons were elected , among whom there was one catholique bishop . the notice was sent by a letter to sir maurice eustace , inclosed in a letter to this supreme councellors nephew , then resident in dublin ; upon which letter was written , haste , haste , post haste . whereupon letters were return'd by the marques of ormond to the councell ( or assembly ) that he would not treate of any peace with us , if any catholique bishop were of the committee . that ever the marques obtained his desire herein by consent of the assembly i never heard , nay i have heard the cleere contrarie , that the assembly resolv'd never to change or diminish the number of that committee , howsoever i doe not know but this act of the 23. of august was hedg'd in upon this motion , the circumstances whereof i could wish were diligently examined . how his excellency could deny to treate with any commissioners we sent , without disobedience to the kings command & commission given , i doe not know . the summe is , as he would have a peace of his owne moulding , so would he have a committee pliable to his owne resolutions ; and it is remarkable , that when any that was of that same small number of five , which the councell cul'd cut , were suspected to stand constantly for the cause of god and the countrey , and not to yeeld to the marques his abject conditions , such art was used , that such kind of persons were then kept from the treatie , when all things were upon conclusion . among these was worthy mr. nicholas plunket ( whom for honour sake i nominate ) though hee also past not altogether free from blemish , in subscribing to the command for the publication and acceptation of the peace , wherein so well deserving a man might be excused , having thought all remedy , for redresse to be impossible . had our people machabean spirits inflamed with gods love and the advance of his holy religion , they would select no other out of that 13. but such ormond rejected , and chiefely the arch bishop of dublin ; and omit no other , but such as ormond would have admitted . 41. other argumen● against the sufficiencie of the committee of treatyes commission may be thus briefely framed : the commission given by the supreme councell was grounded on an act of assembly made 20. iuly 1644. no such act appeareth . ergo ; their commission given the committee of treaty may not subsist , quia non posita causa necessaria non ponitur effectus , non posito fundamento non ponitur tectum . againe , in no act of assembly can i reade , that the councell was authorized to give this power to the committee : to treate , agree , conclude ; &c. a firme and setled peace &c. in such manner as they in their judgements should thinke fit and most availeable for the said catholiques & generall good of this realme . yet this is the power the councell hath given them ; which how faithfully they have executed , you have already and shall hereafter heare . moreover their commission was to conclude a peace or a further cessation : they have done neither ; for in their reasons presented to the congregation . in waterford , they confesse they have made no peace , but a pacification , which they call a present union with expectancy of an absolute peace to follow . for concluding such pacification , you see their commission authorizeth them not . furthermore , by commission , the number of five at least were authorized to treate and conclude the peace : the articles of peace in the preface reduceth this number of five to foure ; telling us of a commission authorizing them or any foure or more of them to treate & conclude a peace : such a commission is not , nor never was extant in rerum natura . ergo , the peace grounded thereupon is void . in the same preface it is said , articles of peace concluded , &c. betweene the marques on the one part ; and these . 7. mountgaret , muskery , sir robert talbot , dermot o brien , patricke darcy , geffrey , browne , and iohn dillon on the other part ; yet five onely of these . 7. concluded the peace : mountgaret and dermot o brien never signed , sealed or delivered the peace . yea , mr. dermot o brien made publique protestation against it , and manifested unto the world aswell his aversion against the proceedings of the rest of the committee in that treaty , as against the iniquitie of the said peace , for which hee deserves from his countrey immortall praise . how then is it true that those 7. concluded the peace , when as 5. onely concluded it ? these , i trow , are errors , and defects sufficient enough , to prove the insufficiencie and invaliditie of the committee of the treatyes commission , and consequently the nullitie of the peace thereupon concluded , which we pray all our learned and disinterelled lawyers to discusse together with those other arguments , we produce in the rest of the paragraphes , and to strengthen the same by their approbation & apposition of the authoritie of our lawes of england , which i could not well peruse for want of leasure and commoditie . § 10. the invaliditie of the said peace proved by the revocation of our committees commission , namely by the protestation of the principall part of the body politicke of the kingdome & other inhibitions . 1. besides the nullitie of the foresaid peace by the insufficiencie of our committees commission , wee prove the same by the revocation of the same commission ( if it were ought worth ) before the peace was concluded . heare then the lord nuncius his protestation . the lord nvncivs his protestation . most illustrious and reverend lords , vvhere as before the imprisonment of the earle of glamorgan , i abundantly represented unto your honours that the peace , which then was in agibation ▪ was 〈◊〉 on any . fitles neyther honest nor , secure but scand alous in the opinion of his holyneisse & the rest of the catholicke ●rine●sland that , for that cause , ●● would in no sort ●●ndescend thereunto and whereas the same ( peace after the release of the said earle ) is as yet , lessei secure , by reason of many accidents that befell & seeing his holynesse , hath sent 〈◊〉 me the heads of the peace agreed upon at rome between his holynesse and her majesty the queenes agent with promise of the kings information thereof , which heads are both honest by reason of the persons & more ample , then all the points hitherto treated of , and doe promise all the security which may be had in these circumstances , i urge with your honours , that you expect the originals of the said heads . & that in the interim no other peace be concluded , but that the treaty of peace be deferred , least you wrong his holynes his benignity towards this kingdom , & your honors incur his indignation together with the aversion of all princes , chiefly seing that the instrument signed by your selves remaynes in my custody which before my coming over your honours delivered , as an answer to master spinola of happy memory wherein you promised to doe in this affaire , whatsoever i upon consideration of the state of the kingdome ▪ should thinke fit to be done . if otherwise you proceed , i doe ( besides the breach of your promise ) protest ; that i doe not , neyther will i consent unto any peace or change of things or government in this kingdome , untill upon view & consideration of the foresaid heads ( of the popes peace ) it shal be maturely established what shal be more profitable to this kingdome . and if ●hings be otherwise carried , i protest ( though with sadnesse of heart ) that all damages , which by this acceleration of peace shall befall the kings maiesty , and this miserable kingdome proceeded not from the faults of any other , but of those who having pos●posed the reverence and gratitude due to his holynesse , doe abuse their owne private affections and interest , to the destruction of the commonwealth . from the pallace of our residence the sixt day of february 1645. stylo veteri . your honours most addicted servant ioan. baptist . archiepiscop firman . & nuncius . 2. according to this protestation the lord nuncius , the very next day following , to wit , the seventh of february , and againe , the ninth of february , came personally to the assembly , and having decla●ed the affection , and care the see apostolique had of this nation ( sometime for learning and sanctity , called the iland of saints ) declared that his holynes ( to succour the catholique confederates ) neglected and postposed the warres by the turkes against the christians , by the swelande● against the emperor , and other warres neerer home , that he laboured ( and at length prevailed ) with his majestie , that the roman catholiques should not onely have and quietly possesse their church and church-livings ; but also that the catholique natives should be made capable of all places of command , honour , p●ofit , or trust in the civill marshall or ecclesiastique government , together with many other extraordinary graces and concessions ; that he daily expected the articles of this peace ; and therefore prayed seriously that the conclusion of any peace with ormond ( which was the worst of all other peaces ) might be protracted , at least , till may , assuring us ( if we pers●vered constantly in the cause of god ) that the popes holynes and other catholique princes would never be wanting to supply the confederate catholiques with sufficient meanes and money to maintaine the warre , and that he himselfe in the interim would defend leinster against ormond , in case he condescended not to a cessation for so long a time . this motion was seconded by noble glamorgan by two severall speeches delivered by him in the assembly 12. and 19 , february , which was accepted and entertained by the whole house with such joy and alacrity , as you might descry in their outward gesture their inward consolation . 3. our councell and committees ( contrarie to the resolution of the whole house ) would not expect so long : they were not foure dayes chosen , when they gave a new commission to the committee of treaty to conclude a peace with his excellency , which was signed and sealed 28. march , as you have heard . it was a businesse long before concluded , as you may gather by iustice vvalsh ( one of the purchasers above mentioned ) his speech delivered in the house 10. february ; wherein he affirmed that he himselfe brought all things , points ; and matters to a full period according our wishes with the lord marques ; but ( said he ) the imprisonment of glam●rgan hindred the sig●ing thereof . yet i reade in the diurnall of that day , that the chaire-man ( mr. thomas tyrell ) informed the house , that our agents were in dublin eleven weeks , and yet were not able to conclude any thing ▪ and mr. geofrey browne declared in publicke assembly 15. february , that the marques was resolved not to conclude a peace , untill we complyed in sending over 10000. men . wherein the marques might have spared his labour , the contract for sending over 10000. men being made by us with glamorgan , and not with him ; whose peace was not ( in it selfe ) worthy the acceptance onely , much lesse worthy the reward of sending over 10000. men for getting it . to be briefe , thus stands the question ; how dared the committee of treatie to signe and seale a peace before the first of may , contrary to the assemblyes resolution ; and how dared the new supreme councell ( without consent of the assembly ) to grant them a commission to that effects . by the relation of mr. browne and mr. vvalsh , you see , our committees were not engaged by all the treaties past , to conclude a peace with the marques : they might without difficultie comply with the popes holynes and the kings speciall commissioners request ; and this request was made by them , even then when glamorgans articles were in full power , because they held it not altogether so secure and profitable , when they afterward understood , that his majestie protested against glamorgans articles , doe you thinke , that either they or the assembly would ever yeeld , to accept of ormonds fordid articles apart ; either the may following or for ever : he had more need to beg a peace of us than we of him . had not the countrey beene betrayed by licencing him to receive his rents , he had beene glad to come off with better conditions , according his majesties commands , and provided better for his majestie and himselfe . the clergies subscription to the nuncius his protestation . 4. wee also the underwritten ( prelates and clergie of ireland ) doe adhere unto the opinion of the most illustrious lord nuncius , confirming what are above expressed . and we doe resolve unanimously to insist upon the same protestation . dated at kilkenney the foresaid sixt day of february 1645. stylo veteri . hugo ardmachanus . fr. thomas dubliniensis . thomas casseliensis . david ossoriensis . gulielmus cor●agiens . & duan . io. clonfertens . emerus clogherens . io. laonens . fr. patrie . vvaterford . & lismor . fr. edmund . laghliniens . nicholaus fernensis . richardus ardsertensis & accadensis . edmund . calamens . episcopus & coaedjutor linericens . fr. albertus o brien . provincial . ordin . praedicatorum . robertus nugentius societatis iesu superior . vvalterus linchaeus vicar general . tuamens . iacobus fallonus vicar . apostolic . accadens . fr. oliverus de burgo vicar . duaceus . donaldus o gripha vicar . apostolic . finiburensis . iacobus dempsy vicar . general . kildar . cornelius gafnus ardaghader vicar . oliver . deise vicarius & procurator reverendissimi medensis episcopi . carolus coghla● vicar . general . cluanensis . §. 11. an abridgement in english of the lord nuncius his latin letter dated the 5. of may 1646. sent unto the supreme councell and committee in the prosecution of the said protestation . 5. in this letter the lord nuncius doth elegantly distinguish in the marques of ormond a double qualitie , the one of a lieutenant for his majestie , the other of a chiefe peere of the realme . in the qualitie of lieutenant , hee proves no firme and solide peace can be made with him ; forasmuch as his authoritie depends of the king , and by how much the more or the lesse the securitie and power of his majestie increaseth or decreaseth , it necessariiy followeth that the authoritie also of the lieutenant increaseth and decreaseth , and that the safetie and authoritie of the king being uncertaine , the authoritie also of lieutenant becometh void and uncertaine &c. and if this be true in those articles , which belong to the politicke state of the kingdome , how much more in the ecclesiasticall state , and things belonging to the catholique faith ; against which ( he being a protestant ) hath an aversion of minde , besides the want of authoritie . vvherefore the confederate catholiques ought not by any meanes choose any other way , than by laying aside in the interim any treatie of peace . &c. untill the kings most excellent majestie be restored to that state and condition , as he may confirme by parliament the articles , which his holynes agreed upon with digby in rome : which thing seemes not onely profitable and necessarie for the affaires of ireland in the present state , but also honourable to the king himselfe , seeing all things are reserved to his authoritie untill that time , when he shall be in the full libertie of dominion , and the loyaltie of the irish shall be able to merit somewhat with his majestie &c. which shall be augmented by the catholiques publique protestation , that whatsoever they possesse or acquire shall be with all loyaltie and fidelitie preserved for his majestie ; who otherwise may be wash'd out of all , if parliamentarie harpies once fix their tallons in them . 6. hee proceedeth further shewing how glorious it shall be unto the confederate catholiques , that the advance of the catholique cause , the splendour , libertie , lawes , rites , and publike exercise of religion , proceeded rather from themselves , and from the innate love they beare to true religion , than from any treaty with the marques , whose authoritie lyes a bleeding , &c. all christian princes ( and chiefely the pope ) would be offended , that any peace ( and that of abject conditions ) should be here treated of , while the peace ( containing honourable and good conditions ) concluded upon in rome doth expect only our kings approbation ; as if particular men ( and those procestants to ) could better provide for ireland , and the catholique church ; than his holynes can doe . 7. if the marques be considered as a peere of the realme ; in that respect he may have all things common to the rest of the irish , and therefore i hold he may be a defender of his countrey against the common enemies . and if he will , as an irish man , and a servant to his majestie gather all his forces against the scots and parliamentaries , he ought to be received , yea , and to be assisted by money and other subsidies , so as the catholique religion by such kinde of conjunction receive no detriment : for effecting whereof he layeth downe ( among other ) these conditions ; if it shall ever happen that the forces of the marquis be joyned with the catholique forces , that then he may by no meanes establish any other religion , than the catholique religion in all places , which shall happen to be gained by the same armies ioynt together , otherwise the popes aides , aswell present as future may by no meanes be employed for the advance of protestanisme , which were impious that the consederates so treate with the marques , at our hopes of having or obtayning a catholique vice-roy after the expiration of his time , be not frustrated , which the securitie of religion doth chiefly require , and his holynesse doth vehemently desire . therefore to this end we must be warie , least in the interim , while the affaires of england doe waver , wee doe any thing , which may compell the nuncius apostolicus , in the behalfe of his holynesse , to protest against it , as by his private letters he hath protested a few dayes past . hee addeth further , that dublin be delivered to the possession of the confederates to be preserved for the kings most excellent maiestie ; that all hopes may be cut off from the pu●itans , who perpetually thirst after the possession thereof , &c. i trow , this should be a forewarning prevalent enough with our councell and committees not to conclude a peace with the marques upon such base conditions , as they have done . §. 12. the councell and committee of instructions latine answer 1. iunij 1646. to the foresaid letter and protestation abriged into english. 8. in the first place they acknowledge the receit of the letter and protestation , & doe observe the resolution of the lord nuncius and clergie to be such , as he will have no peace at any hand concluded with the kings commissarie , unlesse first the splendor of the catholique roligion be established , and with the articles published . in the second place they admire , that the protestation came not sooner unto their hand , and at length they answer , that the weakenesse and necessitie of the confederate catholiques enforceth them to a peace ; that by publique declaration printed 1642. and by their agents they sent to the pope and other christian princes to demand aide , & that for the space of five yeares warre , they received not so much succour as would defray the charge of warre for two moneths time ; that they looked onely for as much meanes as would maintaine 15000 foote and 2000. horse for six moneths times , and they would undergoe all hazards , and endure all discommodities to increase the splendour of the catholique religion through all parts of this kingdome ; which they obtained not . the consideration of these things ( say they ) and the obedience due to his majestie enforceth them to make any peace to prevent the fatall miseries of vvarre , and the sudden ruin of religion and nation . 9. yet they tell the lord nuncius , that they resolve to ratifie ( marke the phrase , i pray you , ratas habere ) glamorgans concessions granted by the kings authority , and to endevour by the authority of the see apostolicke , and the mediation of other catholicke princes to obtayne more plentifull graces for the establishing of the catholicke religion ; that in the treaty of peace there was place left for further priviledges of the catholicke religion . they further affirme , that in the last treaty at dublin nothing was done without consulting the nuncius , and that according his desire , the conclusion ( marke that hitherto the peace was not concluded , & therefore they were as yet at liberty to conclude the peace or not conclude it ) and publication of the peace was deferred untill the calends of may , least any impediment should be given to the cōditions , which were expected by that time to come , ( but are not yet come . ) they pray his grace to take notice , if it shall happen the peace shortly to be concluded and published without the promulgation of glamorgans concessions , that same is pro re , and to the greater good of the religion . 10. they proceede further aggravating the present state of the kingdome in the temporality : mounster exhausted with warre cherisheth many enemies in her bosome , who daily increase by the patronage of the parliament of england and revolt of thomond . in connaght all is wasted ( besides galway and mayo , ) roscoman boyle , and other forts revolting , &c. generall o neyle hath so wasted leynster , before he went to vlster , that three or foure counties thereof are unprofitable for the plow , and in themselves miserable , &c. they adde the feare of the lieutenants conjunction with the scots , &c. insomuch , as force , feare , and danger beget in all men a desire to embrace any peace : besides feare of the scots conjunction with the parliament , the king being now in their power a peace timely made may alone hinder this , which being concluded , the catholickes may serve god and their king , and free themselves from all those evils . this letter was signed thus . illustrissimae ac reverendissimae dominationis vestrae addictissimi , muskry . de mandato concisij & comitiorum , thomas tyrell . 11. why the viscount muskry alone subscribed hereunto and none else , i doe not know , unlesse it be , because the ill affected of the councell ( for so they call , in the manuscript outside of the articles , the soundest part of the councell & those that were not of the faction ) did not condescend thereunto . 13. the lord nuncius his letter 10. iunij 1646. sent to the same councell and committee . 12. least i might ( saith he ) in this most waighty circumstance of things , seeme to have sent unto your honours two severall protestations without any ground of reason ; i pray you would reade the same reasons , which moved me so to diswade the peacc in these times , which is now propounded esteeming me to have beene compelled to write these things out of ze●le onely towards religion , and the honour of the catholicks of this kingdome &c. and having repeated the substance of his foresaid letter touching the double quality of the marquesse of ormond , he saith , that though there could be a peace made , yet it ought not to be made for the following reasons . for seeing nothing is therein established concerning the catholicke religion , &c. by what meanes i beseech you , may the catholicke confederats defend themselves , if ( among others ) even the nuncius apostolicke is to become witnesse among all christian princes ; that the catholicks might have better conditions from her majesty the queene in france the last yeare ; and as yet better from the lord of glamorgan in these later moneths , and as yet the most plentifull of all concluded by his holynesse in rome , and yet that the confederate catholickes , all these peaces being contemned , after so many moneths cessations , in the very point of new difficulties in england , and after that a full halte yeare of the time to make warre is past over ; yea , when the enemies are all almost beaten backe , should accept of a worse peace , than the other three ; let every conscience beare witnesse , whether by such a resolution the oath of association taken with such glory and constancy be not violated . 13. it is therefore manifest , unlesse first the catholickes be assured , that the kings majesty would ratify the earles authority , and that the queenes majesty hath cleerely understood whether the popes conditions shall have place , or no , whatsoever shal be done , shall tend to the evident destruction of this kingdome , and to the extirpation of religion ( which is the head of all ) and to the notable injury of the princes , who hetherto have laboured for the safety and security of the catholicke confederats ; which is so much the more true , seeing no reasonable motive can be assigned by the adverse party for concluding this peace . then answering to the objection of the danger of the scots , he saith there is no danger of more scots to come over this season being busily imployed elsewhere , and as for those , that are in vlster and connaght , they are sufliciently provided against , by two armies mayntained by the popes moneys . there remaynes therefore onely the lord marquesse his forces : and those forces , how great are they , that they may not be repulsed ? and seeing we neede not feare the enemies this yeare , why should not wee hope that even the souldiers that are in mounster may , after this present expedition , be turned to the defence of leinster , and by what other wayes soever to preserve leynster . wherefore ( right honourable ) it must be concluded , that that peace must in no sort be made ; neyther must it be treated of , before the things mentioned be notifyed unto you , least by an imaginary utility of repose , you leese your estimation with christian princes . be these spoken over and above , what in my protestations , and in my letters to the supreme councell i have sufliciently declared , praying that your honours would ponder them with the same spirit i wrote them , namely for the sole increase of the catholicke church , and the true and solid felicity of ireland , which felicity god alone and the catholicke faith is able to give , all things else concluded , whatsoever the world , and the followers thereof can say . thus farre elegantly & religiously the lord nuucius in latin. §. 14. an abridgement in english of a third letter in latin dated 25. iumj 1646. and sent to the same councell and committee by the nuncius in answer to their letter . 14 having acknowledged the receipt of the councell and committees letter above mentioned , hee first shewes wherefore he did not sooner communicate the protestations to them . , know therefore ( saith he ) that therfore the said protestation hath beene made by me , when in the moneths past , it was vehemently doubted , ( and not without cause ) that the supreme councell and committees would then by all meanes conclude a peace with the lord lieutenant , and not expect the articles transacted between his holynesse and her majesty the queene of england , and by consequence that they would preferre any other peace before the popes peace , which contayned most honourable and most plentifull conditions for this kingdome . and when i presented this my griefe unto the prelats & clergy , they ( without reluctancy of any ) subscribed to my opinion , according to the reverence they ought and doe beare to his holynesse . but wherefore the protestation was suppressed , i alone am the cause thereof , being not willing to shew it , untill i were compelled through great necessity , and desiring ( for the love and observance i beare your honours ) that it could be perpetually suppressed , but wherfore i have in this present state of things manifested it : this was the cause ; that your honours might seriously consider that both clergies are yet much more ready to subscribe unto it againe , if any peace be concluded , that may be any way scandalous or lesse honourable for religion , when as for the expectation of the articles of rome they so readily subscribed thereunto . 15. he denyeth that they communicated unto him the manner of their proceeding in the treaty , saying , though they still informed him of many missions of the committee , to dublin , yet it is also certayne , that they never spoke unto him untill the moneth of march of the peace with the marquesse now subscribed , nay it was expresly denyed , although i oftentimes shewed that i understood from many places of such a thing , and when after the notable declination of the kings majesty , and the wonderfull change of the state of things , i wrote two letrers to your honours , the one the 27. of april the other ▪ rhe 5. of may sent from kilkenny , wherein i endevoured to shew that no peace could be made with the marquesse , &c. i vehemently grieved i could get no answer to them , neyther were the letters publickly reade in the committee , nor the reasons pondered , &c. whereof there can be no other cause , than that hidden conclusion of peace , which could be no way dissembled , if answer were given . whence i might easily suspect that , which for many moneths hath beene bruited , namely , the magnificent proclayming of the communication of all matters with me , and my consent therunto that by such reports the people might ▪ be drawne with more alacrity to consent unto this intended peace . which thing ( most illustrious lords ) imposed a great necessity on me ( if an honourable peace were not concluded ) to admonish the kingdome and the chiefe cities thereof , that i never gave assent thereunto , least i should seeme by my silence and presence to blemish the most holy intention of his holynesse , who urgeth nothing more , than this free & publike exercise of the catholicke religion , &c. 16. vnto the necessities alleaged by the supreme councell and committee , he answers , no necessities could be so pressing as to force the confederats to make any peace , or to accelerate politicall conclusions without an honourable addition of things ecclesiasticall also , &c. and that the cause , why such plentifull succours , as they expected from rome , came short of their expectation , was , that at rome , it was held that the supreme councell & committees by their cessations with the lord lieutenant did corrupt the good successe of the affaires , and the progresse of their victories , whereby they injur'd themselves and his holynesse , which opinion grew so strong in court , as the same was insinuated by the sacred congregation unto the nuneius himselfe , when he was there , & among those of the wisest sort grew so violent , as it can hardly be now blotted out . he addeth further , though the succour , by himselfe brought being considered abstractively , were indeed very little , in respect of what his holynesse , and other princes of italy together with the cardinals , resolved to send ; yet ought they to be esteemed much considering the povertie of the see apostolicke ; which by the last warres was in a manner exhhausted , and the charge of sending hither an archbishop , a nuncius apostolicke , &c. which was an undoubted pledge of further succours from time to time , neyther ought they to be esteemed small succours , without which the armies could not be timely sent into the field this yeare , and by which in vlster two great victories have beene obtayned , & a whole province freed , & such a slaughter made of the enemy , as was not heard of these foure hundred yeares , which with the hopes of prestons victories in connaght are strong arguments , that the monyes given by the see apostolicke for the advance of the catholicke religion doe bring forth immense fruit , even to miracle , if with due confidence & estimation they be received & employed . 17. he urgeth the affaires of vlster to proceed so well , as that province was never in better condition , & that the proceeding of connaght was not of lesse hope , and that if bunratty were besieged , as it ought , the army that was in that province might be sent to mounster and so three provinces recovered in the residue of this summer . vvherefore ( saith the zealous and incomparable prelat ) seeing the marquesse of ormond alone remaynes , who may oppose himselfe to the confederats , i pray you , what reason have you , why you should feare him , if he may neyther joyne with the scots now overthrowne , and that he is in such want of monies , as hee hath beene forced to beg three thousand pounds from your honours these later moneths to make up souldiers , for from england there is no danger that any succours shall come unto him this summer . give me leave ( right hhonourable ) to speake freely to you , this favour & miracle of heaven requires from you some compensation or thankesgiving ; this can never better be payd by you , than by laying aside all feare , and by increasing your confidence in the divine ayde . 18. he goeth on egregiously shewing , there was no necessity on our part , nor any power or authority on the marquesle his part , to make a peace ; that more prejudice would arise by such a peace , than by warre , as first the dishonour , which thereby might redowne to the nuncius . secondly , the dishonour unto the whole nation among christian princes abroad . thirdly , the distaste of the see apostolicke , that the worst of all peaces should be preferred before his , which was the best of all . fourthly , that it was as good to make no peace at all for the church , as to trust glamorgans peace being now recalled by his majesty , by glamorgan himselfe abandoned , and the condition no way performed . fiftyl , the ruin of the catholicke faith by raysing unto the chiefe government a protestant lieutenant . sixtly , the danger of resuming armies , when the enemy is put in the height of authority and power . seventhly , the assurance of no reconciliation with the pope , if the peace were concluded . eightly , the exile of the nuncius . ninthly , the just feare of loosing whatsoever the confederate catholickes have gayned . 19. he fore warnes them of their dishonour among catholicke princes , to whom he must publickely notifie his dissent from that peace , and adviseth them by no meanes to goe forward in the peace if there were any difficulty , that a generall assembly should be called upon to determine the same the least mischiefe should fall on their owne heads alone , and least they might be thought to have examined lightly and contemptibly the popes reasons . thus farre the apostolicke legat , where you are to observe that after this answer was made by the lord nuncius , and before the peace was legally concluded bunratty and roscoman were gayned by the catholick confederats , and prestons trophyes erected by purging all connaght ( sligo onely excepted ) of the scots , whereof more numb . 32. §. 15. the authors observations on the councell and committees letter above mentioned §. 12. and their reasons to conclude this peace resuted . 20. the author observes in the first place that the councell and committee acknowledge the receipt of the nuncius and clergies protestation against any peace to be made with the marquesse of ormond , together with the lord nuncius his letter to the same effect . in which the nuncius declares the cause of his opposition to such a peace , namely , untill first the splendor of the catholicke religion be ●stablished , and with the articles published . for this cause chiefly the catholicke confederats tooke up armes , as appeareth by their severall declarations , remonstrances to his majesty , solemne oath of associa●ion , modell of government , and severall acts established and published in both the assemblies held in midsummer 1645. and february 1645. the same is confessed by the councell and committee in this very answer sent by them to the nuncius : templa , aedes sacrae , altaria , aur haereticorum polluta ins●rviebant vesaniae . aut solo aequae●a jacuerunt penes protestantes , &c. pro aris & focis & regis sui indubitato jure bel lum iner●es moverunt . see as yet more amply in their owne declaration , and other evidences hereafter to be produced . upon these grounds , and upon the promise made by the same councell under their owne hands , and delivered to master spinola that they would never make any peace , but what the lord nuncius would consent unto ( whereof mention is made in the lord nuncio his protestation above , and hereafter shall be made more susely ) the lord nuncius ( and with him the clergy ) confidently avouched he would never consent unto any peace , untill first the splendor of the catholicke religion were established and with the articles published . with the lord nuncius and clergy agree the soundest and all the disinteressed part of councell and committees , whom those others , who concluded this pacification , or peace in expectancy , terme the ill affected of the councell , &c. and with these also conspire the whole kingdome in then severall protestations and acts published in the assembly held in midsommer 1645. namely , 2. 4. 9. 11. 13. iunij 1645. and 14. 18. 21. 28. of august , and in the assembly held in february 1645. namely , 5. 7. 9. 10. 12. 19. &c. the two powerfull armies ( such as never yet were seene in ireland ) raysed and gathered together on a sudden ( even then when the late councell had exhausted pope clergy and kingdome ) to defend the publicke cause , doth confirme the generall dissent of the confederat catholickes from that illegall unsafe and unsecure peace , which defence had proved the most fortunat to religion , king and countrey , that ever ireland saw , had not faction and sedition , preverted the happy successe thereof . but expecta dominum viriliter age & confertetur cor tuum . by all which it appeares how far they erred , who in their foresaid answer to the nuncius affirmed that the chiefe cities , counties , and commanders were glad to embrace any peace , &c. experience hath taught thē ere now , the contrary , notwithstanding the multitude of conspiracies wrought to seduce such cities and commanders . 21. to prove the revocation of the committees commission by the said protestation , wee say , that as the body politicke of this kingdome is composed of two parts , the spirituall and the temporall , so ought not the temporall part alone aslume such authoritie to it selfe , as to conclude a peace for the whole body , even then when the spirituall part positively resisted . that the temporall part should dispose of the lives , livelyhood , liberties and estates of the spirituall part , at their owne pleasure without their consent , was a sacrilege practised in the apostaticall dayes of henry the eight , yet did he still preserve the catholique faith , and established severall acts of parliament for securing thereof , onely hee erred in the point of supremacy . in our dayes the one and the other is taken from us ; a few secular men not only dispose of the lives , livelyhood , liberties , and estates of the church ; but also distroy faith and religion , by giving the same over unto the tutelship of the sworne enemies of faith and religion , and ( as if they were emulous of the prosperitie of holy church ) have renounced those great graces , which our soveraigne conferred on us , for the conservation and free exercise of our religion , and accepted of his subject ( whom they know to have , at least , indirectly , vowed the ruin of religion ) abject pernicious conditions destructive to religion . nothing now is wanting , but that they imitate the monstrous parliament in england , who after taking away church and church-livings , faith and religion , have at length discarded the prelats , and chiefe pastors of faith and religion , but as that body is monstrous without a head ; so is it imperfect without the chiefe members thereof : nam & corpus non est unum membrum , sed multa &c quod si essent omnia unum membrum ubi corpus ? the eye cannot say to the hand , i nee de not thy helpe : nor the head to the feete , yee are not necessary for me ; the error had been more grosse , if the temporall or materiall part of either naturall or politicke body did say to the spirituall part , i have no need of thee , you are not necesary for me : if the body did say unto the soule , or the lay man to his spirituall pastor , i have no need of thee . wee have had onely one church man ( the right reverend the archbishop of dublin ) among those 13. persons , who were selected for the committee of treatie ; but they made use of this prelate in the treaty , as accomptants doe cyphers in numbers . if the clergie attempted to conclude a peace for temporall matters without consent of the seculars ; what thinke you ; would not the seculars be justly ossended with the clergie , and reject such a peace ? how much more reason hath the clergie to be offended with those few seculars that attempted ( and that without commission ) to conclude a peace in matters of faith and religion , of church and church-livings , of sacrifices and sacraments without their consent ? the principall end of our warre being to repaire & propagate the catholique faith and to vindicate the injuries done unto the professors of the same , who ought rather to approve , authorize , or prosecute the same , than the prime prelates of faith and religion ? yee ought to know ( saith pope leo the fourth supreme pastor of holy church ) that wee never permit our people to be oppressed by any , but if any necessitie occurre we d●fend them without delay , because we ought in all things to be defender , of our fl●cke , and ●hiefe assistants : for bishops ought not onely to be keepers of papers , but also defenders of churches . wherefore the same pope wri●ing to the french army exhorts them , having layd aside all feare , to endeavour manfully to set upon the enemies of holy faith , and the adversaries of all religions : for the omnipotent knowes , if every one of you should happen to dye , that ye dye , for the 〈◊〉 of faith , and saving of your countrey and defence of christians ▪ and therefore yee shall receive from him a ●elestiall reward . 22. much more might be alleaged aswell out of the said pope , as out of others , whose steps have been traced by the late pope viban the eight , and the now pope innocent the tenth , in their severall apostolicall missives addressed unto the confederate catholiques authorizing their holy warre and exho●ting them to the prosecution thereof , which because the same is elsewhere treated of , i omit in the present survey ; i will onely here summatily lay downe what in other canons ( touching the ecclesiasticall power to make warre ) are more amply to be found . in the p●wer granted to saint peter , and his successors , there are two swords , a spirituall and a temporall &c. he that denyes the temporall sword to be in the p●wer of peter understands not rightly the word of our lord , saying , put up thy sword into thy sheath matth. 26. both then , to wit , the spirituall and materiall sword , are in the power of the church , but this indeed to be imployed for the church , that by the church ; that by the hand of the priest , this by the hands of kings and souldiers , but at the command of the priest . but one sword must be under the other , and the temporall authoritie must be subject to the spirituall power . by the popes edict warre is made not onely against heretickes , the enemies of faith & other rebells , but also when his knowne subjects ( the catholicks ) are oppressed . hee may lawfully proclaime warre , not onely against infidells , but grant tithe also for so pious an act , seeing that such a warre tendeth to the defence and ampliation of faith ; and to the recoverie of the lands whereof they have been robbed and wherein christ was worshipped , as also because by this warre the common profit aswell of the clergie , as of the laytie and churches is procured . 23. this much i have expressed for the information of out seculars , to the end they may take notice , that as a warre for the reparation and propagation of the catholique faith is authorized by holy church ; so a peace concerning the same faith ought to be established and concluded by the same church ; and not by any private lay men , whereof some peradventure have possessed themselves of our church-livings by the oppression of henry the eight , who therefore cannot but be partiall iudges in their owne cause , howbeit traepidaverunt timore ubi non erat timor ; the clergie of ireland preferring the publicke good before their own private interest , are ●eady to renounce their interest to such church-livings , according the dispensation & relaxation made or to be made by the see apostolique , and according the unanimous resolution of the kingdome assembled together . the punishment inflicted by god on vzias , ieroboam , and other seculars for intermedling with spirituall affaires , invitis sacerdotibus , may be a sufficient caveat for others to decline such negociation . neither ought they thinke it strange that church-men should interpose themselves in martiall affaires , especially when the same concernes faith and religion ; herein they have as paterns to imitate the prince and high-priest mathathias , and his posteritie , the noble machabeans , iudas machabeus , ionathas , simon , iohn , onias , &c. who in defence of holy church , and their countrey liberties defeated apollonius , seron , lysias , pto●omeus , nicanor , and gorgias , chiefe commanders for king antiochus & his sonne . more for the present i omit ; for indeed this matter deserves a speciall treati●e . our conclusion upon this first observation is , that the committee of treaties commission ( if it were ought worth ) was sufficiently recalled before the conclusion of any peace ) by the chiefe members of the body politicke of this kingdome , to wit , the clergie , who are the spirituall members thereof , and with all by the authoritie of the see apostolique , to whom it belongs to make peace or war in like case ; especially when the secular prince is not able to redresse the subjects grievance . see n. 46. &c. 24. in the second place i observe , our late councell and committees have violated the publicke faith and promise made by them to the nuncius apostolique , assuring him they would never conclude any peace , but that whereunto he would condescend , upon which conditions he came into ireland , and they accordingly accepted of him . hereof the nuncius challenged them in the above protestation ; but their silence in not answering thereunto argues their tacit confession of breach of promise . i doe not know what conscience men may frame unto themselves , to send into rome by letters and agents , praying the see apostolique , to helpe and honour this nation with a nuncius apostolique , and after so great a prince and prelat ( having exposed himselfe to many dangers by sea & by land ) arrived in this kingdome with full and ample power to aide and assist the confederate catholiques , not onely by his councell and advise , but also by the contribution of moneyes and ammunition ; to make use of him to serve their owne turnes , but never to follow his wayes or direction , never performe what they promised , but lurkingly to proceed in the conclusion of this miserable peace . whereof the nuncius being privately advertised , and observing the sudden sending of the committee of treaty to dublin , challenged them of their promise ; unto whom by their lelter dated at kilkenny mense marcij 1645. they answered that the committee concluded no articles of peace , neither could there be any articles of peace perfected or have any power before the calends of may , and that nothing was done contrarie to the sense of the paper signed and delivered to his most illustrious domination , and therefore prayed him to give credit unto them , professing these things . it s not without mysterie , that the day of the moneth of march is omitted in this letter : least they should be found guiltie of notable falshood ; for at this very time were the committee in dublin actually labouring in drawing up the articles of peace , and in signing and sealing the same ; for ( if you be remembred ) their commission was given them the 6. day of the same moneth of march , the draught of the articles was given mr darcy by the viscount muskerie on the 14. of the same moneth , and signed and sealed on the 28. wherefore the councell did purposely abstaine from putting to the letter the precise day of the date thereof , to conceale their owne sinister and clancular proceeding in concluding that peace , contrarie to their promise past unto the nuncio , which in this last letter of the first of iune they tacitly confesse . but by their good leave , they went beyond their commission ; for neither had they , nor our committees of treaty any further power . but to prepare all affaires concerning the treaty of peace , not to conclude the peace , as appeareth by the act of assembly , dated the second day of the same moneth of march. twelve answers refuting the obiection affirming that the lord nuncius desired to protrast the peace with ormond no longer than untill may. 25. in this letter of the first of iune the councell and committee of instructions affirme that , according to the desire of the lord nuncius the conclusion and publication of the peace was deferred untill the calends of may , least any impediment should be given to the conditions ( of peace ) which by that time were expected from rome . whereunto answer is made first , that as they broke their first promise freely made unto the nuncius by that instrument , which they delivered to spinola , whereby they obliged themselves never to conclude any peace , but what should bee to his liking ; so here also have they fouly broken their promise by signing and sealing a peace on the 28. day of march , which was upwards of a moueth before the calends of may , which they themselves ( in their confirmation of the peace ) doe call a concluding or agreeing upon , &c. secondly , i answer that in the diurnals of the assembly held in february 1645. i reade of an agreement past betweene the lord nuncius , glamorgan ; and the committee of instructions , which was published in the assembly by glamorgan 19. of february 1645. but this agreement , or happy conclusion of peace ( for so my note termes it ) could not receive full satisfaction untill may. how the selfe same committee could without breach of faith conclude , or give order to the committee of treaty , to signe and seale a peace the 28. of march following , contrary to this agreement , i conceive not . thirdly i answer that the full satisfastion , which by may was expected was the coming of a more secure , more honourable & more advantagious peace from rome ; which was imagitation betweene his holyness● and our queene , then glamorgans owne peace , which the nuncius publickely declared in the assembly 9. of february 1645. but as the heretickes of england did hinder this more secure & more honourable peace from the pope , so did our councell and committees ( i meane still , the corrupt part of both ) hinder not onely that peace , but glamorgans peace also : for their preposterous acceleration of the sealing and signing of ormonds disadvantagious and unwarrantable peace , could produce no better effect , than to give occasion to his majesty to recall glamorgans peace , and to give command to desist in the prosecution of the treaty with his holynesse , his majestie having once notice that the marquesse of ormond had concluded with us upon farre in feriour conditions ; for we are to know that this unjust peace was a moulding halfe a yeare before , and that the marquesse had time enough to informe his majesty thereof , thereby to invite his majesty to the revocation of glamorgans commission . 25. hence proceedeth a fourth answer ? that the lord nuncius seing the delay of the popes peace , and the revocation ( though invalid ) of glamorgans peace before may , verie providently and carefully sent unto the councell and committee of instructions before the kalends of may the foresaid protestation made by himselfe and the clergy against any peace to be made with the marquesse of ormond ; and least that should not prevayle with them , he sent unto them ( before may also ) his speciall letters dated the 27. of aprill inhibiting them from proceeding on ormonds peace , which he confirmed by those three other letters of the fift of may , 10. and 27. of iune above mentioned , which ( i trow ) was a sufficient revocation of any allowance they could pretend to have had from the nuncius to conclude a peace with ormond after may ; a thing neyther he nor any good catholick would ever consent unto , having seene the revocation of glamorgans peace , and the damnable practises of his and our adversaries , & for this very cause the nuncius fl●tly denied at limmericke ( as is said ) to give his benediction to any of our committee of treaty going to dublin , plunket onely expected , whose re-iuctancy and aversion against that unhappy peace is wel-knowne . 26. here i must prevent such nimble wits , as thus ar●ue : the nuncius desired the conclusion of the peace with cr●on● should be protracted untill may. ergo he consented , it should be concluded after may ; this consequence i deny , as they themselves would deny this sequel , if one bidding them adieu , would say , god be with you untill i see you againe . ergo he mindeth that god shall not be with them after he see thē againe . vnto micol the daughter of saul ( saith the holy text ) was there no childe borne untill the day of her death . will our committees or any other thence inferre , by reason of the word ( untill ) that she had a child after her death . vntill heaven and earth passe , one jot or one tittle , shall not passe of the law . it followes not that after heaven and earth passe , that then the law shall passe . he had beene an helvidian hereticke , who against our blessed ladies perpetuall and unspotted virginity , would inferre out of this passage of the scripture : ioseph did not know our lady untill she brought forth her first hegotten child . ergo he knew her after . more you may reade in the scriptures , fa●hers , and schoolemen . it is knowne what sinister practises the corrupt part of that councell and committees , used in this matter , when they pleased to say a peace was concluded with ormond ( to hinder any other peace ) it was and must have been so ; when they pleased to say there was no peace concluded with ormond ( for their owne advantage ) it was so : and their faction grew so strong , and their art so indust●ious , as in our later assemblies , they seemed to rule and governe faith and religion ; kingdome and people , as they pleased . that would i once see well discussed , how and by what commission the committee of treaty signed and sealed the rejected peace before the kalends of may , contrary to their owne promise and the promise made by the whole kingdome to the nuncius ? by what commission or authority did the late councell and committees immediatly after the signing ●nd sealing of th●t rejected peace betray the country in sending over d●gby into frunce , there to make a faction , and by the power of the armes of france to force that unsafe peace upon the confederate catholickes of ireland , & upon sending him over , to racke this kingdome by taking up by force 1200. or 1500. pounds in money from the catholickes to furnish a knowne adversa●y to religion and country in that voyage , and to disappoint the kingdome of the best shipping they had by trusting the same unto him ? 27. it hath beene observed , that the late supreme councell and committee of instructions have exhausted this distressed nation in succouring & relieving , maintayning and supplying with monyes the two greatest adversaries to religion and countre● , that ever ireland saw ; & have evermore substracted all meanes & sustenance from the two great noble catholicke subjects antrim and glamorgan , who have been chiefly intrusted by king and countroy to bring these unhappy disorders to a happy attonment . by publicke assembly antrim was allowed to carry , into scotland a certaine number of men for the kings service , & to defray that charge a considerable summe was granted unto him by the catholicke confederats . our late councell by influences ( as is said ) from dublin , cross'd all that designe , and had stop'd the marquesse of antrim himselfe , had he not timely slip'd anker , and got him away . can there nothing bee done for religion , king or countrey but by the adversaries of religion , king and countrey ? ah , let never any inordinat affection towards any privat subject diminish in any their zeale to religion , loyalty to soveraigne , & love to their owne native countrey ? mr. brent the lawyer standing neere the crosse of kilkenny seing proper irish gentlemen walke in the streets , was heard to pronounce these words , or words to that effect , were it not pitty that these proper gentlemen were forced to employ their armes against , and kill one another , which undoubtedly they will doe , if they accept not of what peace the marquesse of ormond will prescribe unto them . the very like words he was heard to iterate in dublin . doctor meara wrote from england to dublin to a friend in dublin words to this effect : here ( with the king ) all things concerning ireland are squared according the rule prescribed by your great one there , his will is that the dismembred parliament there ( in dublin ) continue , and prayed the king to turne the irish over unto him , and be would draw them to what conditions he pleased . others say , the same great one protested , that he would spill the least drop of bloud that runne in his veines before he would suffer the least lustre of the protestant church to be diminished . whether he meant the church , which the kings majesty cals protestant church , or that synagogue , which the parliament in these later dayes hath baptized protestant church , i leave to the interpretation of his owne ghostly father in dublin . see the marquesse his treaty with the parliament commissioners . pag. 21. 28. when the councell and committee promised under their hand unto the nuncius , that they would conclude no peace , but what would be to his liking , they limitted no time , untill may or mid-somer ; neither did the nuncius or congregation in their severall protestations made against any peace to be so concluded with the marques of ormond limit any such time . it is therefore certaine , that neither nuncius nor clergie did ever consent , that such a peace should be concluded after may. yet if wee did suppose a falshood , that they consented a peace should be concluded after may , with the marques , it followeth not , that they consented , such a peace should be concluded , which is knowne not to be the same with that , which then ( in the moneth of february & august ) was in agitation , and publickely reade in the assembly , as we have observed in the first part , chiefely on the first article . nay , if we may give credit unto some of integritie , who were of the committee of instructions , those very articles , which were read among themselves privately , were notably changed unawares of the said committee . matters were carried with such secrecie , as they were not communicated unto any disinteressed person of councell or committee : for , qui male agit , edit lucem . againe , though we did suppose , that not only the nuncius and clergie , but also the whole kingdome should once consent , yea , authorize the committee of treaty to goe forward in the peace with the marques , which once was read in assembly , being then assured of the full benefit of glamorgans peace , and in expectation of the popes peace , doth it therefore follow , that when this assurance of glamorgans peace was taken away and our expectation of the popes pe●ce frustrated , the same consent of nuncius , clergie and kingdome , together with the mandat given to the committee of treaty , must still remaine , especially when that very peace , they concluded with ormond put an obstacle not onely to the benefit of glamorgans peace , but also to all other peaces , the law tells us that in this case the mandat or commission given is extinguished : extinguitur euim mandatum mutatione status in deterius . consensus autem conditionatus sublata conditione tollitur . 29. out of all which the reader may resolve that objection , which the councell and committees commonly object against the clergie , as if the clergie themselves did agree and consent in all points unto this peace , for ( say they ) the archbishop of tuam in open assembly , admonished us not to trouble our selves about the affaires of religion & church ; for ( saith the archbishop ) the clergie are fully satisfied , and doe rest content with what already is agreed upon concerning that particular . words to the same effect i reade in my diurnalls of the assembly 19. 20. 23. february 1645. wherein the nuncius himselfe confirmed the above mentioned speech of glamorgan ; and glamorgan himselfe signified againe in publicke assembly that our peace then was to our owne hearts desire . but all this being after changed ( as you heard ) and the king himselfe being reduced to that deplorable condition , as neither his majestie nor his lord lieutenant were able to make good any conditions to be agreed upon in the behalfe of the confederate catholiques ; the committee of the treaties commission ( if any they had ) was extinguished ; and they ( to discharge their owne conscience , and the trust imposed in them , and withall to avoid the suspicion , which the kingdome conceived of them ) should endeavour by the mediation of the supreme councell and committee of instructions , to have an assembly forthwith called , as the lord nuncius earnestly desired in the behalfe of the clergie and kingdome . and seing by the words of the archbishop of tuam the point of religion , and church was otherwise concluded and agreed upon betweene the clergie and the kings speciall commissioner , they had no commission to treate or conclude any thing to the prejudice thereof with any other . now , if they will obstinately insist upon it , that the clergie or spirituall member of the body politicke of this kingdome could not recall the power or commission granted unto them by the whole body ; surely they will not be so perversly obstinate , as to deny , they may recall the commission , for so much of the matter to be treated of , as belonged to themselves , namely the affaires of religion , church and church-livings , iurisdiction , &c. yet , i am of opinion , if one of three marchants , who are partners ( contractu societatis or otherwise ) recall a procuration , or letter of atturney made by the three to one factor , to negotiate their affaires , the revocation is valid and good . more examples and authorities i leave to our lawyers to be alleaged . lastly ( to come to a period in this particular ) you see by the diurnall of the acts of assembly 19. february above mentioned , the words goe not so , that our councell or committees should expect untill may the conclusion of any peace , and that the nuncius desired no further time ( as they insinuate in their answer ) but that the conclusion of the peace betweene the lord nuncius , glamorgan and committee , could not receive full satisfaction untill may. by which words alone ( if all other reasons were wanting ) their objection is blasted . yet , let us againe suppose a falshood , that the clergy did once consent , that the committee of treatie should after may conclude a peace with the ma●ques of ormond ; who may doubt , but they might afterward absolutely recall any such consent , and that the committee ( being certified of such revocation ) could not validly proceede ? see the decretalls lib. 1. de rescriptis tit. 3. cap. 33. and the glosse thereupon , where a rescript obtained by a proctor or atturney after revocation of his procuratorie is declared invalid by pope gregory the ninth , which may very fitly be applied aswell to the revocation of the marques of ormonds commission , as to the revocation of our committies commission . a fourth observation refuting the allegation of the councell and committee , affirming that the necessitie and calamitie of the kingdome , enforced them to conclude this peace . 30. to the objection made concerning the necessity of our countrey and want of meanes to prosecute the warre a threefold answer is returned . first , that by conjunction with the marquesse of ormond upon such sordid conditions such necessity is rather augmented , than any way decreased , as appeareth by what wee have observed above and in the first part of this survey in our observations on the 25. article : for by that peace ( were it accepted ) we were tyed to maintayne not onely the catholicke confederats army and the garisons in their quarters , but also all the armies and garisons belonging to the pretended protestants in the foure provinces of ireland ; wee should be at the charge to maintayne the marquesse of ormond his followers , the lord digby , and other pretended protestants , that throng hether , which would be more burdensome to the kingdome , than the maintenance of an army in the field ; to speake nothing of the danger , whereunto the catholicke religion would be driven by entertayning such guests , whose imaginations and endevours are wholy employed in sowing sedition , and division among the confederate catholicks , to the end they might ruine this poore nation , suppresse religion , and rayse up heresie , unto whom when the catholickes have done the most charitable offices they may , they must expect no other reward than that which the * ten leopards gave unto the martyr saint ignatius . we may foresee our future calamitie by such conjunction in the present calamity wherin the distressed catholicks in their quarters are . the pretended protestant party have neither meate , money , amunition , or other provision for warre : how then doe they expect to be relieved , but by the confederate catholickes ? there were but three hundred pounds in our treasury at kilkenny , when the marquesse of ormond came thither , which were commanded by the late councell to be forthwith given to that handfull of souldiers , that wayted on his excellency to kilkenny from dublin . there are , at least , fourteene thousand pounds due on the marquesse of ormond for the maintenance of the protestant army , and garisons in his quarters , as appeareth by the treaty past betweene his excellency and the commissioners sent unto him by the parliament . who doubts but that great summe would be racked from the confederate catholickes , if once they joyned with him upon the rejected peace ? i p●sse by the 1200. or 1500. pounds given to the lord digby , &c. adde hereunto upon conjunction ( upon a peace so disadvantagious to the catholicke faith ) the succours expected from catholicke princes and prelats abroad would be wholy subtracted from us , without whose succours wee shall never be able to subsist ; on the other side the p●otestant party expect nor a groat from any their allyes at home or abroad . 31. our second answer is , that the loud cry of the people ( and that confirmed by the lord nuncius his letters above ) is , that our late supreme councell themselves are the chiefe cause of such weakenesse and necessity , aswell because they continued for the space of three yeares a tedious , chargeable , and needlesse cessation with the marquesse of ormond : by which meanes the parliamentary rebels in the north , conaght and mounster ( who at first accepted the cessation ) had leasure enough to strengthen themselves , who having sufficiently furnished themselves from england and other places , rejected the cessation , and put in practise their hidden treason : as also because they consumed vast summes of mony on the marques of ormond and other known enemies of religion without any necessitie , which being observed by catholique princes , and prelates abroad , gave occasion unto them to subtract the aid and succours , they resolved to give unto the confederate catholiques for the advance of religion , and conservation of monarchie . our frequent missions to dublin were knowne to have corrupted men of integritie , increased division , multiplied faction : conversi sunt in arcum pravum . besides the extraordinarie summes bestowed on the lord marques of ormond , our late councell licenced him ( yea were active instruments for him ) to receive all his rents and revenues out of the confederate catholiques quarters ; and whereas the confederate catholiques themselves contributed to the publicke the fourth part of their rents , the marques of ormond had so great favour with our councell , as not only himselfe , but many of his friends also contributed no more , but the eight part of such rents , as they had within the confederate catholiques quarters . this was not all : they licenced him also to take up in mortage , lone , and otherwise upwards of twentie thousand pounds worth : great yearely rents were given by them unto those very persons , who were knowne to have beene husband men for his excellency in sowing division among the confederate catholiques : those that affected that partie were preferred to places of honour , command and profit ; others that affected the publicke , rejected : p●mphelets made by the enemies against the justice of our war , entertained and admitted ; books made ( even by advise and command of councell and convocation ) suppressed , so powerfull were factionists among our councell and committees . were the rents due to the marques of ormond employed with fidelitie for the catholique cause , well nigh a thousand men might be maintained thereby every day in the yeare ; or if the same were charitably dispensed among those catholique noble men and gentlemen , whom the marques burned , wasted , and banished ; then had they been provided for with competencie to relieve themselves , and not necessitated to fawne on the marques for any desperate peace , who otherwise would be glad to fawne on them , and the rest of the confederate catholiques , being reduced to their necessitie , if his meanes were substracted from him . our owne subsidies subministred unto the marques , have beene the chiefe occasion , why his excellency hitherto disobeyed his majesties commands , in not yeelding to such a peace , as he commanded ? the sending of suspected generals ( whose treacherie is now discovered ) unto vlster & mounster , where they did little service , and wasted upwards of threescore thousand pounds , did concurre to this necessitie and weakenesse ; which was augmented by decrying the p●ice of bullion , procured by privat men for their particular interest , contrary to the act of the first generall assembly , whereby marchants & others doe now make it a trade to export bullion out of the kingdome , who before made it a trade to import bullion into the kingdome . i passe by the lamentable division , which if daily fomented among our selves , and causeth many to be more tenacious of their moneys , and lesse free in their contributions to the advance of the catholicke cause ; lesse service irdone , and yet our necessity increased ; what we gayned by gods powerfull hand , wee are like to loose by our owne facall division . in a word , not out enemies forces , but our selves have brought upon us all the necessity and weakenesse , the late councell and committees have thus complayned of . sed tantum confidenter state , & videbitis auxilium domini super vos 33. our third answer is , that our necessity or weakenesse is not so great ( for all that ) as they seeme to aggravate . first , because we received from catholicke princes and prelates abroad in money and money-worth well nigh an hundred thousand pounds . secondly , we had the assistance of the excise . thirdly , of customes . fourthly of the kings rents . fiftly , of the tenths of prizes gotten at sea . sixtly , the estats of the fugitive parliamentary rebels ▪ seventhly , two thirds of the church livings . eightly the fourth part of our owne catholicke confederats rents . ninthly , severall grand applotments , which amounted to large summes of money . tenthly , other great summes borrowed by way of ione , &c. certes these subsidies are farre greater , than those , which our enemies in all the provinces of ireland have had , and ( being well managed ) had maintayned yearely in the field a greater army , than ever hath beene maintayned by the late councell & committee ; but when great pensions are given to many , who doe but little service to the cause , or who may well serve for nothing being other wise rich enough , what mervayle is it that the meanes appointed to relieve the souldiers are thus eaten up ? yet are many of those men , who thus heavily complaine of necessity so farre from being really necessit●ted , as ( among them ) they have made purchases of twenty thousand pounds worth ; and many of them who had not where withall to subsist , are now furnished with many thousand . trepidaverunt timore , ubi non erat timor . vvhen we contributed large summes of money to the enemy , wee never complayned of necessity ; but when we are to contribute to the maintenance of the catholicke cause , then are our complaynts multiplyed . to maintayne heresie against god , and treason against our soveraigne , the london heretickes contributed in one morning welnigh a million of money , and since that time have contributed many millions more , and yet never complayned of necessity : shall catholickes to maintayne religion towards god , and loyaltie towards their soveraigne , be inferiour to such miscreants ? were our necessityes relieved , or our warre diminished , and the catholicke faith in some sort secured , by the late rejected peace , some colourable excuse these men might have for their complaint of necessity . but when by such a peace our necessities are rather augmented , & our warre increased , and ( which is worse of all ) our religion extinguished , what just cause of complaint may they pretend ? you will say , having peace with ormond we have lesse enemies to oppose , & the warre is ( by so much ) diminished . i answer , the catholicke confederats gaine not somuch tranquility by that peace , as they gayne woe and misery , infamy among christian princes on earth and the indignation of god and his angels in heaven . seeing they are tyed to maintayne all the heretickes of the kingdome , and all the armies & garisons belonging to their enemies , wheras before they had onely the catholickes and the armies and garisons in their owne quarters to be maintained , and besides that , by that peace , they loose all the subsidies above mentioned , which hitherto they had to maintayne such armies and garisons , so as they are like to be reduced to the most miserable condition , that ever any nation hath been reduced unto . adde hereunto , that in very deed , when we suppose by this peace , that wee have peace , yet wee have no true peace , but the marquesle is at his owne liberty to breake off , when he finds his best opportunity , seing the peace is invalid and grounded on no commission , et curabant contri●i●nem f●liae p●puli mei cum ignominia dicentes , pax ; pax , & non erat . pax . ierem. 6. 14. see 1. part . art . 15. &c. and p. 2. § . 2. see hereafter numb . 35. the danger of the kingdome aggravated by the foresaid councels letter unto the nuncius , taken away before they concluded any peace . 33. in that letter you have heard the councell and committee aggravat vehemently the dangerous state and condition , wherein then ( 1. iunij 1646. ) the kingdome was ; and to avoyde this danger they would needs make any peàce upon what conditions soever . this was the chiefe pretence they had to make this unhappy peace . now , marke the just judgement of god discovering the corruption of this pretence ; before ever they concluded this peace this dangerous state and condition , wherein the kingdome then stood , was quite taken away by the wonderfull hand of god , insomuch as ireland was never in a better posture or condition than it was , when they concluded this peace . marke it well , i pray you : the peace was never concluded untill the 29 , of iuly 1646. neyther were they by vertue of any anteriour contract bound then to conclude that contract , as above i have proved , but they remayned still in their full liberty till the foresaid 29. day of iuly to conclude or not conclude a peace . before that 29. day of iuly , namely , the sift day of iune the glorious victory against the scots in vister was obtayned by the confederate catholickes , under the conduct of the renowned commander eugenius o neyle ; and by that meanes the dangerous state and condition of that part of the kingdome quite taken away . on the 7. of iuly ( which was 22. dayes before the peace with ormond was concluded ) the noble and vigilant commander preston ( after deleating all the power & strength of the scots-horse , which was upwards of 600. ) reduced to the obedience of the confederate catholickes ( for his majesties ufe ) roscoman , abbey of boyle , &c. and immediatly freed all that province of connaght ( slygo onely excepted ) from the infesture of the rebellious scot , and had cleerely chased them out of slygo also , had not this wret . ched peace given interruption to his fortunat endevours . s● as the dangerbus condition , wherein that province was likewise taken away before the foresaid 29. of iuly . on the 13. of iuly , ( which was 16. day●s before the foresaid peace was concluded ) bunratty was taken in , & the enemies chased out of that part of the province of m●unster ; so as the greatest danger , which might be there feared , was also taken away . et persecuti sunt filios superbiae & prosperatum est opus in mamb●● eoru● . this expedition was done by the army commanded by the lord viscount muskry , seconded by the auspicious accesse of the most illustrious iohn baptist archbishop & prince of firmo nuncius apostolicke ; by whose largesses the foresaid armies of vlster and connaght were maintayned . 34. compare these with the lord nuncius his answer , ( judicious reader ) and judge whether our intrusted councell and committees have proceeded bona side , in concluding this unwarrantable peace , whether they have with that integritie , which is sutable to the qualitie of such noble catholiques discharged the trust imposed in them by the whole kingdome in the weightiest affaires , that ever concerned a nation ? after that the god of hosts had prodigiously rescued ireland from those dangers and calamities , which were imminent ; after that those great clouds , which were feared to burst into a terrible storme , had beene in a moment dissipated ; after the revocation of the marques of ormonds commission , and of the commission given unto our committee of treatie , after so many advertisments given unto them by the nuncius and clergie not to conclude any peace ; after so many exclamations of the catholique confederates at home and of christian princes and prelats abroad against the oblique proceedings of our intrusted partie ; and after the opposition made by the soundest part of the councell and committee , it pleased the rest of them ( notwithstanding all this ) to conclude ( without power or commission ) this fatall peace , whereby they have stopped our happy progresse in further victories , and given occasion of the greatest division , that ever yet hath : been in ireland . whereas if they were pleased to abstaine from concluding this fantasticall peace with our enemie in one part of the kingdome , we had , ere now , had a true peace with all our enemie in all parts of the kingdome : for indeed ( by gods blessi●g ) we had either chased them out of the kingdome , or we had forced them to such conditions , as would secure religion , king and countrey . so as in very deed , the making of this peace hath made a warre and no peace , increased our da●g●rs necessities , weakenesse and calamities , but tooke no●e away . deceperunt populum meum dicentes , pax & non est pax ezech 13 10. 34. it s remarkable how in then foresaid answer they aggravate only the present state & condition of the kingdome , in the temporallitie ; as if they weighe●● not the staie and condition of the kingdom in the spirituallitie , which was the point the nuncius urged , and the whole kingdome in their severall decla●a●ions resolved to rectifie . they ●ffi●me ; that obedience due to his majestre enforced them to any peace . with what divines did they consult , to informe them , how farre the subjects obedience to his prince did extend ? is it not knowne , the divines that sa●e in the same councell with them , were against them ? can not wee render due obedience to our king without dis●b●ying our god ? they ought to rem●mber that lesson of the aposties oportet obedire deo magis quam hominibus ▪ how shall we give to god what is due to god , if we give all to cefar , and leave nothing for god ▪ but this was a worke of supererogation of theirs ; the kings majestie looked for no such blind obedience from them . he gave them the repea●e of the penall lawes ; they rejected them ; he gave them by publicke contract their churches , church-livings jurisdiction , and free exercise of religion ; they contemned them . yet , if they would needs appeare such obedient subjects ; why did they disobey the kings let●er of the eleventh of iune , commanding no peace should be made with them . i wish it appeare not , their obedience was to the subject , and disobedience to the prince . the lord nuncius in his letters exhorteth them to fidelitie to their prince , and yet diswadeth them to m●ke any peace with the marques , protesting that all the damage , that should befall the king and this kingdome by concluding that unjust peace should be imputed to them , as to men , who abuse their private affection , and lucre to the destruction of the common-wealth . so as in the lord nuncius his opinion ( by whom our councell and committee should be directed ( if they stood to the principles of catholique doctrine , and their owne covenant with him ) its disobedience to the king to obey ormond , and to disobey him is obedience to the king. 35. but the councell and committee in their foresaid letter to the nuncius say they will ratify glamorgans peace , and yet they blash not to tell the nuncius , that they will not publish it . vae duplici corde : they contracted with ormond to publish his peace without glamorgans : and contracted the contrary with the lord nuncius . a man of quality writes thus concerning renowned prestons expedition in connaught : after r●scoman was yeeded , wee were constrained to loiter for fifteen dayes without moneyes to pursue our victories , the enemie at sligo being frighted , sent away all their goods , and happy was he , that could get into the north severall letters were in the meane time written to our campe , that the councell detained our moneyes by devises fearing our victories should increase , and thereby their peace with ormond should vanish . but wee getting one weeks meanes marched to boyle , and in our march cleered that wentie miles together with drumrush , and camboe , and within three dayes tooke in boyle and castle-conor in the countie of sligo and notwithstanding all our messengers to the councell not one penny did they send us which if they had in time , besides cleering of connaught , wee had advanced to the north to the lagan ( whose strongest and best men were defeated formerly at roscoman ) where with great terror wee were expected with little or no resistance . they on the report of our coming to the county of slig● broake downe the●r fortifications at bellabofeagh on the soord of f●n . so as the want of meanes made us stay at the boyle from the 25. of iuly untill the 24. of august , &c. whereas ( were we supplyed ) we had lodg'd this winter in the north in despit of them or any their adherents . here , because i shall never be able to aggravate this matter with such energie , as it requires , i leave the same to the judicious readers censure & aggravation , as also what other observations might be made upon the foresaid letter written by the councell to the lord nuncius . §. 16. the invaliditie of the foresaid rejected peace , proved out of our committee of treatyes exceeding their commission . 36. if be that hath a commission or command ( saith the law ) to doe any thing , shall exceede his commission , he doth nothing , that is valid or firme . if he passe beyond the bounds of his commission , he seemeth to doe another thing , and not the thing , for which he had a commission . and this hath place not onely when he doth contrarie to the prescript forme of his commission , but also when he doth besides , or beyond his commission , saith the glosse in c. si cui de electionibus in 6. &c p●udentiam de offic . iud. deleg ▪ to prove that our committee of the treatie in concluding this peace , did proceede not onely besides and beyond , but also contrary to their commission may seeme a hard taske , seeing they pretend to have from the kingdome an absolute and an unlimitted commission . as the marques of ormond would treat with no other commissioners , but with those whome he himselfe did seeme to cull out of the foresaid thirteene persons , so would he not daine to treate with any , unlesse they had absolute power given them by the kingdome , not onely to treate of , but also to conclude a peace , and nor onely to conclude a peace ; but to conclude a peace , as they thought fit . this commission ( to conclude a peace , as they thought fit ) is not from the assembly , but from the councell ; and therefore are not capable to oblige the kingdom : for if the councell did exceed their commission , in giving that power , which they had nor , unto the committee of treaty ; the kingdome is not liable to any thing they have done beyond the commission or authority they gave them . yet have the councell themselves limitted this power ( to conclude a peace , as they should thinke fit ) given to the committe to these bounds ( and most available for the said catholickes , and generall good of this realme . ) 37. wherefore ( that we may now come ad radicem ( we aske ( and in this our interrogation we assume as iudges all indifferent catholickes breathing ) whether it was most available for the catholickes and generall good of this realme , that the catholickes should still remayne under the yoke of the penall lawes ▪ and all the calamities that thereupon follow , ( where of in our first part pag 6. ) as by this peace our committee of treaty ( without any necessity ) hath left us ; or whether they should be freed from that yoke ? whether it conduced more to the generall good of this realme , to have a present suspension of poynings acts , whereof we have disputed so amply in our foresaid first part , or to let the same remayne in full force against us ? whether to have our churches and church livings free exercise of our religion , exemption from the iurisdiction of protestants clergy , as his majesty by his speciall commissioner hath granted us ; or to want our churches and church-livings , free exercise , &c. as our committee hath concluded . much more you may reade in our fi●st part § . 14. numb 26. 27. where i have layd downe aswell their wilfull omissions in procuring those things , which was given them in commission to procure , as also their disdainefull reiection of those things , which his majesty granted , us , and which were most available for the catholickes and generall good of this realme . whether it was more available for the catholickes , &c. to preserve in the hands of the confederate catholickes , excises , customes , and other subsidies to m●intayne alone the armies and garisons under the confederate catholicks command , or to give away from the confederate catholickes all the said subsidies & yet to charge them with the maintenance not onely of their owne armies and garisons , but also with the maintenance of the enemies armies and garisons as our committee of treaty have done ? whether it was more available for the catholickes , &c. to preserve their armies under their owne command , and their garisons under their owne government , at least untill all things were secured unto them ; or to deliver the same over unto the enemy before any security was had for our religion , lives , liberties , and estates , as the committee have done , were that peace accepted ? more to the same purpose may be collected by the judicious reader out of our observations in the first part . 38. and though their commission were generall and not limitted , as you have heard , yet could they never by any power given them make any contract or peace to the prejudice of faith or common-wealth , which could be valid in law ; because , as all contracts made by a tutor or curator to the prejudice of the pupill , are ( by the law ) altogether invalid , and voyde ; so all contracts or any peace made by any committee to the prejudice of faith and common-wealth are altogether invalid and voyde . see the canons established aswell for the defence of ecclesiasticall immunities , as also against the alienation of things ecclesi●sticall . and if this be true , even then when they are appointed committees or agents for the church ; how much more is it true , in case the same church did positively recall all commissions given to such committees or agents , as the clergy of ireland hath done in this present peace ? how generall soever a commission may be , yet this exception is alwayes involved therein , that nothing , that is unlawfull may be done by vertue thereof : mandatum si generale sit , solum prohibet quae licita non sunt ; which the law exemplyfieth by this case , if a commission be given to elect any one , in generall tearmes , to any dignity , office , or benefice ; it is to be understood , that a fit one be chosen : vnde mandatum de aliquo eligendo intelligitur de eligendo id●neo . what could be done more unlawfull in the execution of any commission , than what hath beene done by our committee of treaty in the execu●ion of their commission ; they rejected the graces our soveraigne granted unto us for gayning whereof they had a commission ; and engaged the kingdome in matters of high concernment , for which they had no commission . can that peace be a good peace , wherein thereis no securitie for our religion , lives , liberties , or estates ? the limitation of our committee of treaties commission proved out of the modell of government , by which magna charta is to be maintayned and the church livings granted to the catholicke clergy . 39. in the very first article of the modell of government i reade thus . inprimis , that the roman catholicke church in ireland shall have and enioy its priviledges and immunities according t● the great charter enacted and declared within the realme of england , in the ninth yeare of the raigne of king henry the second , sometimes king of england and lord of ireland , and ofterward enacted and confirmed in ireland ; and that the common-law of england , and all the statutes in force in this kingdome , which are against the catholicke roman religion , and liberties of the natives ( marke the resolution to procure the repeale of the penall , lawes , &c ) and other subiects of this kingdow , shal be observed , &c. that every branch of magna charta , & all other statutes confirming , expounding , or declaring the same , shal be punctually observed . know yee ( saith the king in that charter ) that we in the honour of almighty god , & the salvation of the sovles of our progenitors and successors kings of england ▪ to the advancement of holy-chvrch , and the amendment of our realme , of our meere and free-will , have given and granted unto the archbishps , abbots , pryors , &c. that the churches of england shall be free , and shall have all her whole rights , and liberties inviolable , reserving to all archbishops , abbots , pryors , templers , hospitlers , earles , barons , and all persons , aswell spirituall as temporall ▪ all their free liberties and free customes , which they had-in times past , and all these customes and liberties aforesaid which we have granted to be holden within this our realme , asmuch as pertayneth to us , and our heires , we shall observe . and all men of this our realme , aswell spirituall , as temporall ( asmuch as in them is ) shall observe the same against all persons in likewise . this great charter ( which contayneth the immunities of the church and liberties of the subject ) hath beene confirmed by thirty parliaments in the succession of 18. kings . edward the third in the 14. yeare of his raigne augmented the same by the addition of five speciall priviledges granted the church and clergy ; and in the 25. yeare of his raigne added a surplus of nine priviledges more . and this is it , which the earle of glamorgan hath in part granted unto us , and which our kings of england have sworne to maintayne unto us . henry the 8. indeed deprived us of the benefit thereof . i wish our owne bosome friends at home had not too neerely imitated him . in all the articles of peace there is not somuch as once mention made of this great charter , though it be the first and prime article the kingdome resolved to insist upon . 40. in the six and twentieth article of the same modell of government . it is ordered , and established , that the possessions of the protestant archbishops or bishops ; deanes , dignitaries , and pastors in the right of their respective churches , or their tenants , in the beginning of these troubles , shall be deemed taken , & construed as the possessions of the catholicke archbishops , deanes , dignitaries , pastors , and their tenants respectively , to all intents & purposes ; and that those possessions are intended within the precedent order for setlement of possessions . and this publicke order of the kingdome ( you see ) is conformable to magna charta ( for somuch ) and agreable to the publick declarations of the kingdome and other acts of assembly . the like limitation of the same commission is expressed in both our declarations made anno 1642. 41. in our declaration printed in france , 1642. we declared it to be a meanes to reduce ireland to peace and quietnes , ( among other things ) that by act of parliament it be declared that the parliament of ireland hath no subordination to the parliament of england ; that poynings act & the penall lawes be repealed . that all marks of nationall distrinction betweene english and irish be taken away by act of parliament . that the bishopricks , deaneries , and all other spirituall promotions of this kingdome , and all frieries and nunneries may be restored to the catholique owners , and that impropriations of ti●hes may be likewise restored and that the scity , ambits and precincis of the religious houses of the mo●ks may be restored to thē ▪ but as to the residue of their temporall poss●ssions it is not desired to be taken from the present proprietareis but to be left to them , untill that god shall otherwise encline their owne hearts . that all plantations made since a. 1610 may be avoyded by parliament , if the parliament should hold this act ●ust , and their possessions restored to those or their heires , from whom the same was taken , they neverthelesse answering to the crowne the rents and services proportionably reserved upon the undertakers . 42. in our remonstrance delivered to his majesties commissioners at the towne of trim 17. march. 1642. ( among many other grievances ) we desired redresse against the penall lawes of 2. eliz. imposing incapacities on the catholiques in places of trust , honour , or profit both in church and commonwealth ; against false inquisitions taken upon feined titles of the catholiques estates against many hundred yeares possession ; against the two impeached iudges , who illegally avoided 150. letters patents in one morning ; for securing the subjects lives , liberties and estates ; for exempting the parliament of ireland ; from any dependency on the parliam●nt of england ; and for the power and authoritie of the same parliament of ireland ; against the dismembred parliament of dublin ; against the continuance of poynings ast , the lawes and incapacitie to sit in the next parliament . while our commissioners ( the lord viscount gormanston , sir luke dillon , sir robert talbot , and iohn vvalsh esquire ) presented this remonstrance to his majesties commissioners at trim 17. march 1642. with hopes of redresse for our grievances , and a happy accommodation , the marques of ormond ( taking advantage of the time and occasion ) marched out of dublin with his forces , tooke in timolin , and attempted rosse , where he lost his shipping , was frustrated of his expedition , and his army so infeebled , as he was not able to make any considerable excursions in halfe a yeare after , wherein god shewed his indignation against perfidie , and remunerated the innocencie and integritie of the confederate catholiques by giving into their possession thirty or fourty of the enemies garrisons ; within few monethes after , in so much as the marques of ormond was glad to make a speedy cessation with them , otherwise they had gone to the very gates of dublin , there being no considerable resistance against them . 43. the limitation of their commission according to the 17. propositions propounded unto his majestie in aprill 1644. and the 14. additionall propositions thereunto annexed , whereunto the 30. articles of the late rejected peace are answerable , is sufficiently explicated in the first part , particularlarly § . 14. numb ▪ 26. whereunto we referre the reader . the limitation of the foresaid commission by severall acts of assembly . 44. quarto iunij 1645. it is ordered ( saith the kingdome then in publicke assembly ) upon the question ( nemine contradicente ) that the committee of instructions shall draw an act , that as to the catholiques of ireland whether clergie or la●y , all penalties , pressures , incapacities prejudice and inconvenience laid on the professors of the roman catholique religion by the statute of 2. elizabeth , or any other act or law in force in this kingdome should be taken away and repealed . this act was concluded and agreed upon after mature deliberation and serious debate had of this matter by the committees of instructions , whose opinion the chaire-man reported unto the house at two severall sessions , to wit , the second and fourth of iune 1645. it was likewise unanimously ordered by the said assembly 9. iunij 1645. that as to the demand made by the lord marques of ormond lord lieutenant of ireland to the commissioners of the treaty of peace for the restoring of the churchesto the protestant clergie , the commissioners shall give an absolute denyall , & th● committee of instructions are to prepare an instruction to that effect . 11. iunij 1645. the article concerning ecclesiasticall and spirituall iurisdiction ( saith my diurnall ) received in publicke assembly a long and learned debate concerning the severall statuts of premunire and provision , and concerning excommunications fulminated by protestant prelats against catholiques , whereby they were perpetually forced to repaire to the protestants tribunall , to obtaine absolutions from them , or else to be imprisoned by a writ de excommunicate capiendo ; also concerning the maine difference betweene our religion and protestancie , in dispensing with mariage within degrees &c. much more appertaining to the ecclesiasticall iurisdiction was then debated , and at length generally referred that day unto the comissioners with instructions from the committee of instructions . the marques of ormond in his abridgement of concessions reade in assembly 14 ▪ augusti propounded three manner of remedies for that g●ievance : none pleased the assemby ; because the cure was worse than the discease ; tandem 28. augusti 1645. it was unanimously agreed upon by the lords spirituall and temporall in full assembly ( nullo discrepante ) that the catholique confederates of ireland should never submit or be subordinate to the protestant clergie , or to any their jurisdiction . see also for this the councells letter , numb . 51. 45. what dispensation our committee of the treatie had to conclude a peace without procuring a repeale of the penall lawes , assurances for our churches , and exemption from the protestant clergies iurisdiction , we have not read or heard of . so great were the pressures suffered by the catholiques in ireland by the exorbitant power of the protestant prelates , as many of our cathliques breathed their last in miserable captivitie , others were forced to keepe their owne dwelling houses , as if they were in restraint , to shun the greedy parators and hapshares ; whereof some ( namely alderman doud and alderman goodwing , mr. thomas long , mr. iames vvalsh , mr. robert hacket , and others ) continued in such restraint for the space of seaven yeares or thereabouts . alderman francis tayler was prisoner in the castle of dublin 18. whole yeares , if my memorie faile me not ; and alderman patricke b●owne after so many yeares also imprisonment in the castle dyed in the prison . but hereof much more might be said , which i am forced to omit . shall we ; shall we , wilfully fall againe into the same servitude , and incurre the malediction of chanaan , to be servi servorum fratribus nostris . the learned debate in the assembly and convocation house touching this question , whether the confederate catholiques be bound in conscience by vertue of the oath of association , or other tye , to make an expresse article with the protestant partie for keeping in our hands such chuches , abbeyes , &c. now in our possession ? 46 for the negative part it was suggested that if any such article be made his maiesty will breake off and consent to no peace betweene us and the above specified party , to the great danger of the estates , lives and liberties of all our party . and it was further urged that in not demanding such an article as above , his maiesty will grant us toleration of religion . for the affirmative part it was likewise suggested , that without an expresse article gods patrimony was not secured ; that however men might be prodigall in the dispensation of their owne goods , yet without danger of gods indignation , they ought not to be prodigall in the dispensation of gods goods ; that this his majesties kingdome of ireland had beene more securely preserved for him and his royall issue by preserving the churches in the catholiques hands , than in suffering the seeming protestants to pos●esse the same , who indeed have as great an antipathy against the protestant doctrine established in england , as they have against the catholique doctrine ; and therefore might be justly feared to so journe in such places , where the churches & church-livings are , as intelligentiers for the parliament . 47. for these reasons and many more , the house of convocation wholly inclined to the affirmative part . the integrity of the whole kingdome ( in this particular ) appeares by their act of assembly of the 9. of iune one thousand six hundred fourty and five above mentioned . they debated indeed learnedly for a long time , how they might observe that divine lecture of christ iesus : give unto cesar what is due unto cesar , and unto god what is due unto god. some feared , if the catholicke confederats had demanded an expresse article for their churches , they had not given to cesar what was due unto cesar , and therefore thought a negative act , that is to say , an act of our owne assembly denying to give unto the lord lieutenant our churches , might serve the turne ; others thought , they had not given unto god what was due unto god ; if the kingdome had concluded a peace without an expresse article for conservation of their churches . god , the supreme moderator , decided the pious controversie , and gave sentence ( as it may seeme ) for the resolution of the clergy , when by the articles of the peace concluded upon betweene the earle of glamorgan and the confederate catholickes , his majesty was pleased to grant unto the clergy , what they demanded herein . 48. how our late councell and committees may be excused , at least , of negligence in not providing for the conservation of our churches when they saw glamorgans peace revoked , i doe well know . by the fourth article of the rejected peace they provided carefully for securing secular mens lands by the vacating of all indictments , attayndors , outlawries , &c. and all processes and other proceedings thereupon ; and of all latters patents graents , leases custodiums inquisitions &c. that were taken on secular mens lands ; o●●ing secured for the spiritual●y ; the arke is exposed to the depredation of the philistines , gods house to the profanation of heretickes ; christs patrimony to the inv●sion of vultures . nay , in lieu of procuring any act to secure us our chu●ches or church l●vings , by the second branch of the first article and by the second article of the rejected peace they rej●cted all former graces granted unto us , that might any way secure us of our churches &c. as you may reade in the first part and first article . whether it was a greater sacriledge in henry the 8. to take away by force our churches and church-livings , or in us to give them back freely without compulsion to be polluted by heretickes , we leave to the censure of the judicious reader : this much we adde to aggravate the offence , that wee seeme to concurre with the sacriledge hetherto committed by such as injustly possessed christ pa●rimony , and doe approve their usurpation by making restitution ; the title , which hetherto in them was invalid , we render valid . chrysostome , ambrose stanislaus , liberius . hosius . athanasius , hilarius , and other orthod ox● champions of holy church , denyed to yeeld , even unto cesars , so much as the possession of one only consecrated church to be profaned by heretickes ; and shall posterity record that the renowned confederate catholickes of ireland , without cause o● necessity . yeelded unto any hereticke subject what their cesar granted them . to secure the protestants against the parliamentaries ormond was carefull to article with their commissioners ; because he was sure the parliamentaries would turne the protestants out of their possessions , as soone as ever they concluded upon the treaty ; but with the commissioners for the confederate catholickes in concluding the rejected peace , he scorned to article any thing for the protestants security , or possessions , because he was sure of them , seeing there was no act or article of the peace eyther to debarre them from entring into possession , or to preserve us in our possessions . §. 17. the committee of treaty exceeded their commission by obliging the kingdome upon the marques his peace to send into england 10000. men . 49. vpon what conditions the consederate catholiques offered at first to his majestie ten thousand men to succour him in england , in appeareth out of our remonstrance presented to his majestie in aprill 1642. whereof numb . 42. how afterward we actually resolved to send them over , and upon what conditions , it appeareth by glamorgans articles . but that ever the kingdome agreed to send over 10000. men upon the bare conditions of ormonds peace , as i never heard or read it ; so doe not i meane ever to believe it . it is written on the backside of the rough dranght of the articles of peace delivere● by mr. plunket and mr darcy to the congregation , that the ill affected of the councell would never consent to the articles but that they saw the impossibility of performance by the day of our part , by the time limi●ted 28. march , 1646. marke , i beseech you , how first without any commission they engage the confederate catholiques in a thing impossible , v g. to send over 10000. men by the 28. day of march ( which was the very day they entred into the engagement ) or by the last day of march ( for so i understood from one of the committee , wherein i referre my selfe to the defeasance pe●fected to that pu●pose . ) to performe such an obligation by either of those dayes is knowne to be impossible ; after , to cancell this obligation or engagement , they force their fellowes of the councell and committees to consent , unto those unfortunate articles of peace : so as to escape the unjust obligation to send over ten thousand men , we contracted a more unjust obligation to assent to an unjust peace . 50 but what if glamorgan would set upon us , and demand of us to send over the ten thousand men , according the contract past with him , and present us as good assurance for the performance of his contract with us , as ormond can doe for his , what will ormonds dispensation given us not to send them over a vayle us ? sure i am the catholicke confederates were ready enough on their part , and ( as i have beene informed ) the marquesse his owne commissioners from dublin tooke aview of the muster of sixe thousand of them ( for so many were to be first sent over . ) but the marques●e had not provided any shipping to carry them away . wee were tyed to bring them no further than to the sea-ports ; and every man knowes the marquesse provided not the least vessell to bring them away : neither had he so much as a chiefe commander to conduct them over ; so as , whereas our committee would needs purchase a dispensation at so deere a rate , as the condescending to so unjust a peace , they ought rather to stand upon their justification , and to shew , the confederate catholiques performed their part , but that his excellency performed not his part , in providing shipping . but , alas , it is knowne , these projects have beene invented to cast of noble glamorgan , as heretofore they cast of noble antrim , both whose powers , if wee made use of , as wee ought , wee might have spared many frivolous and chargeable journeyes to dublin . §. 18. an abstract of the letter sent by the supreme councell in october 1645. upon mr spinola's arivall unto the lord nuncius , then being in france . wherein the state of the kingdome is set forth , and a promise made to conclude what peace the nuncius should thinke fit . 51. most illustrious and most reverend lord , in the last generall assembly of the confederate catholiques , aswell the ecclesiasticks as the seculars by unanimous consent did determinatly agree upon certaine postulations , conditions , and upon the meanes to obtaine them , which if they may be obtained , the honour , utilitie , and splendour of the catholique religion , and of the professors thereof in ireland shall bee excellent well provided for &c. and unlesse these postulations and conditions be obtained , and the promisses thereupon made , fulfilled , and by a free act of parliament confirmed &c. necessarily the warre must be continued . 52. the treatte of peace upon the foresaid postalations and condi●ions long since instituted is continued , they dispute for the least thing ; in no part thereof is it yet con●luded , neither is i● knowne when any conclusion shal be certes if peace were concluded , nothing else thence followeth , than rep●se , and as it were a certaine cessation , untill it receive sull perfection and accomplishment by parliament : and when this parliament shal be , yea , whether it shall ever be , seeing it de pendson very many accidents , it s altogether uncertaine , and when the parliament shal be assembled we have recourse to armes , if any d●ssention arise : meane while the government of their owne quarters , as hetherto , and of their churches , of their emoluments , and of the passessions of all their things doth remaine in the hands of the confederate catholiques . 53. out of which , and out of many more reasons , which in the same epistle the councell doth alleage ; they prove the necessirie of the nuncius his p●esence in ireland , and to that end doe not onely invite , but also u●ge and presse him , as well by this and other letters , as also by speciall messengers sent into france , to come into ireland as●●ing him further , that the ecclesiasticall ●urisdiction in the conditions of peace deman ded , and derived from his holinesse , is and shall be in the hands of the catholiques independent of the protestants ; to the promotion , pro pagation and secure preservation whereof the presence of the nuncius apostolicke is necessarily required , &c. having promised unto him a place of residence , where the supreme government of the kingdome should be , together with a guard to wait on his person , they shew the constancie of the catholiques of ireland in their religion , & their christian fortitude in attempting this holy warre , even without armes , ammunition , or other provision , against he enemies of religion , king and countrey , and unto the difficulties propaunded by the most noble spinola , concerning the oath of ●upremacie the admission of catholique bishops to the next parliament , and the governement whither the same should remaine in the hands of the protestant vice roy ; they answer , that the irish nation by no meanes , dangers , or hazard of life and fortunes for these hundred yeares past , could ever be induced to acknowledge the temporall prince to be s●p●eme head of the church , or to submit themselves to such an oath , much lesse doe they meane hereafter to submit themselves thereunto , and that in the last assembly by universall voice and vo●e●t was concluded , that they would perpetually * insist upō the taking away of the same oath ; that they believed the pseudo ▪ bishops would not dare appeare in the next parliament & that they had great hopes and grounds to exclude them from thence , and though they were present , yet may ●ot they prejudice our affaires , s●eing it is extant in our conditions that they are to have no ●urisdiction in causes appertaining to the catholique religion and the professors thereof . &c. 54. vnto the third difficultie , concerning the government of the kingdome by a prot●stant vice roy , they answer , that neither the whole govermn●nt , nor the government of all the sorts or cities shall be in the hands of the vice-roy : there shall be catholiques in the councell of state and they ●hall be governours of many cities : the ecclesiasticall hierarch●e shall be the catholique clergie ; out of all these there shall be a body politicke composed of catholiques , &c. the chiefe member of which body shall be the nunoius of the see apostolique , who shall make choice of the most secure citie wherein he may keepe his residence , and that body politicke of catholiques shall defend his dignitie and securitie with the hazard of life and fortunes ; so we in the name of all the conf●derate catholiques ( ex nunc & ●unc ) doe promise ; and therein oblige the publicke faith of the whole kingdome . and this meane , and this remedy is sufficient , &c. to secure the apostolicke nuncius ( being in this kingdome ) from any disgrace or danger ▪ adde hereunto , presently upon the arivall of the most illustrious and most reverend nuncius , having considered the conveniences and inconveniences of our-state and affaire . vve vvild doe vvhatsoever he shall thinke expedient . observations on the foresaid letter or obligation . 55. the reader is first prudently to observe that the postulations mentioned number 51. are the seaventeene propositions and the 14. additionall propositions , whereof wee have made frequent mention in the first part , those acts of assembly and other orders above mentioned . vvhich unlesse they were obtained and by parliament confirmed , the warre was still to be continued . our committee have concluded the rejected peace , and the same councell , that made this promise in the name of the kingdome ( two onely excepted ) hath confirmed the same ; and yet the conditions or postulations above mentioned , nor the tenth part of them have been by our committee of treaty obtained ▪ as the reader may cleerely behold in our observations on the articles of peace part 1. 2. the councell numb 52. doe acknowledge , they know not when the parliament will be and doe informe the nunc●us , that untill t●e pa●liament be , the government and jurildiction , church●s possessions , &c. must still remaine in their owne hands ; a●d yet by the articles of the peace they are taken frō us before , & not the least appearance of securitie for our churches or church-livings , much lesse of exemption from the iurisdiction of the protestans clergie . it is true , that when this obligation was made , glamorgans peace was in force , by which our churches and church-livings , iurisdiction and exemption from the power of the protestant clergie was in some sort secured unto us ; but that peace being recall'd by his majestie before ormonds peace was concluded ; and the condition on our part ( upon which tha● peace was grounded ) being not performed , it w●s a notab●e breach of publicke faith , in our councell inexcusable , ever to approve or condescend to ●he marques of ormonds peace : and the matter is so much the more to be aggravated , that the councell themselves did seeme to wave the b●nefit of glamorgans peace upon the protestation made against it by the marques of ormond 3. by our observations on the first article in our first part it appeareth that neither ecclesiasticall ●or secular is exempted from the oath of suprem●cie ; so as in this particular also whereof numb . 53 ) publicke faith is broken with the nuncius . touching the protestant bishops sitting in parliament , and the continuation of a protestant vice-roy see our observations on the 10. 12. and 14. article part 1. 4. nothing that is promised numb 54. is performed , or true ; and if the rejected peace were accepted , the body politicke of the confederate catholiques had beene dissolved , the nuncius forced with disgrace to fly the countrey , and no confederate catholique secured of his religion , life , libertie or estate . 5. by the last particle our councell obliged the kingdome upon the arrivall of the lord nuncius not to rely upon the earle of glamorgans owne peace , if the lord nuncius thought any other peace more expedient , which is the matter , which he so earnestly urgeth in his letters above mentioned . and herein we charge the councell and committees with notable breach , who contrarie to their promise and vow , and contrarie to the severall protestations and inhibitions of the said lord nuncius concluded a peace , which he thought not expedient and whereunto he would never yeeld consent . see our observations on the 14. article numb . 26. 27. §. 19. a publicke contract made by the kingdome with the lord nuncius not to conclude any peace untill he and glamorgan concluded on a peace for the spiritualtie , &c. 56. articles agreed upon betwixt the most illustrious and most reverend lord iohn b●●●ist , lord ●rchbishop and prince of ●●rmo , extraordinary ●postolicke nunc●o to the confederate catholickes of ireland ; and the nobility , imployed by the said consederate catholickes together with the earle of glamorgan to the said illustrious nuncius at kilkenny the 19 of february 1645. inprimis a cessation shal be continued till the first of may by which time or sooner if the most ●llustrious lord nuncius doe not bring the originall agreements under hand and seale betwixt his helynesse and the queene of great britaine the said most illustrious lord nuncius shall ratifie whatsoever shall seeme meete to him on the behalfe of his holynesse , and the earle of glamorgan in the behalfe of the king of england , that an honourable and wished peace be not any longer deferred . 57. secondly , in the meane time if the confederate catholickes doe send from hence to treate with the vice-roy about politicall affaires and differences , it is declared that no prejudice shall be inferred by that treaty to this treaty , that is to be betwixt the most illustrious and most reverend lord nuncius and the earle of glamorgan , that untill there be a conclusion and publication of it , the other also may not be concluded or published . and that there be no change in the in●erim of the politicall or civill government , so that both may be at once and together concluded and published by the approbation of the generall assembly if it shall be seene necessary to the said lord nuncio , and earle of glamorgan to call it . thomas tyrell emerus clogherensis nich. plunket gerald fenell richard bellings patricke darcy thomas cashell castle-haven audly net ●ervile muskry thomas preston daniell o brien lucas dillon terlagh o neyle george comin 58. here we are to note . first , the circumstance of time , to wit , the 19. of february , which was when the assembly of the kingdome was fully gathered together . within 12. dayes after , namely the second of march , an order was conceived by the same assembly to treate with the marquesse of ormond , and to prepare things for a peace with his excellency , but not one word authorizing the committee to conclude a peace ; for that had been a manifest violation of this contract made with the nuncius : nay , by this very act of assembly and solemne contract ( whereunto the whole kingdome condescended ) i● before then eyther conncell or committees had any power communicated unto them by any former act of assembly ( which i could never yet reade ) it was now sufficiently recalled . secondly , we are to note the persons , that subscribed to the contract in the behalfe of the confederate catholickes , are the persons chiefly intrusted by the kingdome , m tyrell chayreman of the committee of instructions , the lord viscount muskry and m. darcy are two of th● five that subscribed to the peace contrary to their owne contract here agreed upon , the rest were then of the supreme councell or committee , whereof most of them being of the following supreme councell or committee of instructions , approved also the peace contrary to this their own contract wherein they engaged themselves and the kingdome never to conclude or publish any peace untill the peace to be agreed upon betweene the nuncius and clamorgan were concluded and published together with it . th●●d●y , this contract cleerely discovers how frivolous that part of the councell and committees answer to the nuncius . 1. of iune , was , wherein they say , they expected untill the first of may according the nuncius his pleasure before they concluded any peace ; for they were indeed to expect vntill a conclusion or publication were made of the peace to be agreed upon between him and glamorgan in the behalfe of his holynesse and his maiestie , and if the orig●nals came not from rome by may , they were to expect untill the nuncius did ratifie whatsoever should seeme meete unto him &c. which was agreable to the publicke faith of the kingdome past by them unto him before his coming unto the kingdome by the above mentioned letter sent unto him in october 1645. wherein they promised to doe nothing but what should seeme expedient unto him . so as if i had ●●●ely seene this contract , i might well have spared the twelve answers i made above to this objection : wherefore the nuncius and the clergy did justly protest against all their proceedings in the late rejected peace , as being without ground or commission , and in violation of the publicke faith given . fourthly , no withstanding this contract they changed the government by concluding that peace , and contrary to the same contract they would not dayne to call together a generall assembly ( as the nuncius desired and as by this contract they were bound ) before they concluded the peace . how herein they may be excusable , i understand not . §. 20. the oath of association , which being compared to what we have delivered in this survay proves the iustice of the clergies decree of periury &c. 59. i a. b doe promise , sweare , & protest before god & his saints & his angels , that i will during my life , beare true faith and allegeance to my soveraigne lord charles by the grace of god king of great brittaine , france , and ireland , and to his heires and lawfull successors , and that i will to my power during my life defend , uphold , and maintayne all his and their just prerogatives , estate & rights , the power and priviledge , of the parliament of this realme , the fundamentall lawes of ireland the free exercise of the roman catholicke faith and religion throughout this land , and the lives iust liberties , possessions , estates , and rights of all those that have taken , or shall take this oath , and performe the contents thereof , and that i will obey , and ratifye all the orders and decrees made and to bee made by the supreme councell of the confederate catholickes of this kingdome concernig the said publicke cause , and that i will not seeke directly or indirectly , any pardon or protection for any act don or to be don touching this generall cause without the consent of the major part of the said councell , and that i will not directly or indirectly doe any act or acts that shall preiudice the said cause , but will to the hazzard of my life , and estate , assist , prosecute , and maintayne the same , so helpe me god and his holy gospel . 60. this oath was established for preservation of union among the confederate catholickes by act of assembly 26. of iuly 1644. where it was declared full and bin●●ng without addition , & they declared perjured , who affirme the said o●th admits any equivocation or mentall reservation . by observing each branch o● this oath every indifferent man may discover , wherein the contrivers of the late rejected peace have violated the same . i may not here insist upon all branches , take ( reader ) these few notes onely upon some . first , they have not maintayned the power and priviledges of the parliament of ireland as well because they wilfully rejected the suspension of poynings act , and resolved nothing for the repeale thereof , as also because they have not established any thing efficatiously to exempt it from any dependency on the parliament of england . secondly , they have not maintayned the fundamentall lawes of the kingdome , chiefly magna charta , and those other lawes which are ampliations and explications thereof and sseighted the prosecution of those , who have been , impeached by the whole kingdome for overthrowing the said fundamentall lawes . thirdly , they have not defended , upheld or maintayned the free exercise of the roman catholicke saith and religion throughout this land , forasmuch as they have concluded a peace without procuring a repeale of the penall lawes surrep●itiously established since the dayes of heresie against the free exercise of the same religion ▪ which repeale was graciously condescended unto by his m●j●sty in his letters to his lord lieute●a●● of the 27. of february 1644. 61. this branch of the oath was corroborated by act of assembly , by our 17. propositions , and by our frequent declarations , wherein we resolved never to make a peace without the repeale of these penall lawes . whether gla●●●ga●s peace were to be deemed valid or invalid , it was their part to presse the kings lieutenant to comply with his majesties command for repealing the penall lawes . the free exercise of religion intended by those that tooke that oath was understood to be somewhat more , than that which we had before these distempers : ergo by the free exercise of religion . they understood the free exercise thereof in churches , for before these distempers they had the free exercise in privat houses , &c. this interpretation is confirmed by the act of assembly , wherein it was unanimously ordered never to restore any the churches in our possession . by this peace nothing is established to secure us of the free exercise of our religion either in churches or privat houses , & the governement of our cities and garisons together with the command of our armies is given to the enemies , so as whatsoever the assembly hath enacted for keeping the churches would be infallibly fi●strated , there being nothing to debarre the protestant ministers to reinvest themselves in the same churches . wherefore the clergy proceeded prudently , when they resolved , that they ought to make a positive act for preservation of their churches . 62. fourthly , they have not ( according to their oath ) defended the possessions estates and rights of all those that tooke the oath of association , particularly that of their fellow-members the clergy as above you have heard . as for the provision they have made for the seculars lands and possessions in the fourth article , its certaine the same is in no sort valid , untill it be confirmed by parliament , which when it shall be , they doe not know . see our observations on the fourth and fifteenth article ; fiftly , that the said councell and committees have at least indirectly , done severall acts to the prejudice of the cause of god , is evident by what proofes wee have hetherto produced . so as all things being well pondered , it s no lesse evident , that the severall decrees given by the clergie against such as contrived , perfected and approved the said peace , is most just and valid : qui autem superbierit nolens obedire sacerdotis imperio , qui eo tempore ministrat domino deo tuo & decreto iudicis , morietur homo ille , & auferes malum de israel . see above , number 46. what may be pressed against the contrivers of this peace out of the first branch of this oath concerning the allegiance and loyaltie due to our soveraigne and this commonwealth , wee willingly omit , hoping that god of his mercy will ( in his owne time ) produce a happy at●onement , for the reliefe of this distressed nation . §. 21. that the excommunications fulminated by the lord nuncius and ecclesiasticall congregation against such as adhere to the late rejected peace is both just and valide . 63. we are here to suppose that which faith teacheth us , to wit , that in gods church there is power to excommunicate , and that the same power hath beene practised by the apostles themselves , and their successors , men constituted in apostolicall jurisdiction . the cause of excommunication ( according the received opinion of schoole-men , grounded on the canons ) is deadly sinne , yea , veniall sinne is a sufficient cause excommunicationis minoris . in consequence to the foresaid decree of perjurie other decrees were made by the said congregation , and particularly one dated the 17. augusti 1646. imposing upon such cities and townes , cessation from masse and divine office , that would admit the publication of the peace . on the first day of september following a comminatorie excommunication was set forth against those that would adhere or by any meanes favour the said peace ; but the evill as yet increasing , divisions and factions perpetually multiplying , after severall admonitions , another excommunication was published the moneth following , wherein i reade thus : in pursuance of which decrees being forced to unsheath the spirituall sword , wee ( to whom god hath given power to binde and loose on earth ) &c. doe , cum virtute domini nostri iesu , deliver over such persons to sathan ; that is to say we excommunicate , execrat and anathematize all such as after publication of this our decree , and notice either privately or publickely given them hereof , shall defend , adhere to , or approve the justice of the said peace , and chiesely those , who shall beare armes , or make or joyne in warre with , for or in the behalfe of the puritans or other heretickes of dublin , corke , yoghell , or of other places within this kingdome , or shall ( either by themselves or by their appointment ) bring , send or give any aid , succour or reliefe of victuals , ammunition or other provision unto them , or by adv●se or otherwise advance the said peace , or the warre made against us . these and every of them by this present decree we doe declare and pronounce excommunicated ipso facto , &c. 65. the cause of this excommunication ( besides the sinne of perjurie above mentioned ) is contumacie against the decrees of holy church ; concurrance to the advancement of heresie and suppression of religion , together with many other causes , which may be collected out of what hetherto wee alleaged . sequestrari oportet graviter lapsum ( saith s. ambrose ) ne modicum fermentum totam massam corrumpat . cum excommunicat ecclesia ( saith s. augustin ) in coelo ligatur excommunicatus . hoc nunc agit in ecclesia excommunicatio , quod agebat tunc ( in lege veteri ) interfectio . which , i wish , those that glorie in their malice , by maintaining still and adhering to the said peace , did reflect on . 66. examples of such like excommunications histories doe record . fulke archbishop of rhemes , when he had manifested unto the world the turpitude of the peace made by charles the french king with the normans , and the greatnes of the crime , resolutly threatned him with excommunication , saying , if you doe that thing ( namely make a peace with the normans ) and give way to such councells , you shall never finde me faithfull i will draw backe from your fidelitie all that i may , and with all my follow . bishops excommunicating you and all yours , i will condemne you with an eternall anathema . yet was not this peace , which the french king intended to make with the normans by many degrees so pe●nicious to religion , as the late rejected peace was . the like excommunication was actually fu●minated by pope iohn the eight , against the princes of italy ; because they made a peace with the saracens , which peace was indirectly onely prejudiciall to the catholique faith : in scelere impio manentibus mis●rendum non est , saith the pope . the like excommunication was fulminated by the same pope for the same cause against the people of amalphitan , unto whom he thus speaketh , wee together with the consent of all the apostolique see , doe deprive you of all sacred communion , and separate you from the society of gods church , that you remaine in the same excommunication untill repenting you separat your selves from the wicked p●ey of the pagans . geoss●y prince of salernitan upon the like excommunication being terrified b●oke off the peace hee had with the saracens , and afterward had the slaughter of many of them ; witnes leo ostiensis . our chronicles of england have registred many examples of the like excommunications . see conc. lateran . sub . innocent . 3. decreto de haereticis vide etiam cap. ex●om . § . credentes de haereticis . cap noverit de sententia excommunic . bullam coenae plurib . locis out of all which , those eight catholique churchmen in dublin may finde grounds enough to rectifie their opinion , holding , that the bare adhering to the late rejected peace was not a sufficient cause of excommunication . the resolution of an objection . 67. nothing was done ( saith the authors of the late peace ) by us in the peace now published , but what was exactly agreable to the unanimous sence and vote of the late generall assembly held at kilkenny in march last , whereof the catholicke bishops were members and in whose hearing the substance of the peace , as it stands now concluded , was publickely read and transacted . whereunto wee answer , first that information is made that some of those articles were changed in substance , particularly the first article , for manifesting whereof we cannot but referre our selve● to those , that were then present in that assembly . certaine i am the bishops consented not thereunto , and it is as certaine that the soundest part of the councell and committee could never be induced to give their free assent therunto , as above we have noted . secondly , let us give it for granted that the assembly did assent therunto , was not glamorgans peace then in full force , whereon the kingdome chiefly insisted ; now this peace being revoked and by the kings leutenant rejected , who may doubt , but the whole kingdome would renounce the peace agreed upon with the marquesse of ormond and never trust to that alone . this is evident , seeing they renounced a better peace by his excellency in august before offered unto them in his briefe of concessions ? wherefore the councell and committee upon this alteration ( to discharge themselves ) should procure a new assembly to be called upon as the lord nuncius desired . thirdly , by that assembly the committee of treaty had no power given them to conclude , but to treate of a peace . fourthly , that very generall assembly by publicke contract betweene them , the lord nuncius and glamorgan decreed the contrary , never to conclude or publish any peace with the lord lieutenant , untill the peace agitated between the nuncius and glamorgan were concluded and together with the other published , which is an evident signe , the kingdome never intended to accept of the one peace without the other . fiftly , the principall part of the body politicke of the kingdome recalled your commission , if any you had and protested against your proceedings . see above § . 10. n. r. contrary to all this , you concluded a peace iurkingly , and when you knew the kingdome would not accept thereof , you endevoured to force the same upon them , and to this day doe continue in the same resolution , by making of factions and divisions . you ought to know that the non acceptance thereof did render the same invalid , leges nulla ex alia causa nos tenere , quam quod indicio populi receptae sunt . a briefe appendix concerning the earle of glamorgans peace , and his excellency the marques of clanrickards engagement . 68. in both three things are chiefely to be considered , first the concessions or graces granted unto the confederate catholiques . 2. the grounds whereon they are granted , and the securitie for performance . 3. the parties betweene whom the contract passed . as concerning the first , by the earle of glamorgans peace there is granted unto the consederate catholiques for evermore hereafter free and publicke exercise of their religion ; all the churches , other than such as are now actually enjoyed by his majesties protestant subjects , exemption from the iurisdiction of the pro●estant clergie ; a repeale of all the ponall lawes ; the taking away of all incapacities ; that the catholique clergie shall have their church livings , &c. by the marques of clanrickards engagement wee are not granted , but a promise is made by his excellencie to procure a revocation of the lawes in force in this kingdome , not absolutly , as the king himselfe by his letter of the 27. of februasy 1644. and his commissioner , the earle of glamorgan , granted , but restrictively , inasmuch as shall concerne any penaltie , inhibition or restraint upon catholicks for the free exercise of their religion . the inconveniences , which may befall the catholiques by this restriction is amply discovered by the late councell and congregation , and in some sort by me in the first part of this survey , whereunto i remit the reader . and this is that kinde of repeale , which the marques of ormond himselfe once granted unto the confederate catholiques in his briefe of concessions , but afterward fell backe from his word ; and by this engagement of clanrickard hee obligeth himselfe to nothing . 69. here , before i goe further , i must appeale to the confederate catholiques conscience , whether he had rather have the subjects promise to procure ( forsooth ) a kinde of repeale of the penall lawes ; or the kings own word actually commanding a repeale of the said penall lawes absolutely , as he hath done not onely by himselfe immediately , but also by his speciall commissioner the earle of glamorgan ? then the confederate catholique is to make this ratiocination , if the kings owne commands could take no effect with his protestant ministers of j●stice in dublin ( such an aversion have they against the distressed catholiques ) much lesse will any subjects promise be able to procure any thing for us , or ( having procured it ) be able to bring it to any effect . what need wee runne to france or elsewhere to procure that which his majestie hath already granted us ? there are the kings owne commands to repeale the penall lawes : can any one procure us more ? what is the let ? the subjects disobedience , who will not put in execution the kings commands . and how may the ma●ques of clanrickard procure any thing in france , when as the french agent here pleadeth strongly for the accepta●ion of ormonds unjust and invalide peace , and never vouchsafeth to sollicit for glamorgans just and valide peace ? 70. the second thing promised by the marques of clanrickard is , that the catholiques shall not be disturbed in the enjoyment of their churches or any other ecclesiasticall possessions untill that matters with others referred already , receive a settlement in a free parliament , &c. though this be but a promise , yet were it actually procured , must not wee be cast out of our churches and possessions , whensoever this settlement shall be in a free parliament ? for untill then : and no longer are wee to hold possession : by glamorgans peace these are actually granted us for ever . by clanrickards engagement we are onely promised that we shall enjoy the churches & possessions that were in our hands at the publication of the late peace . by glamorgans peace these are not promised but actually granted unto us , and with all other churches , lands , tenements , tithes and hereditaments , other then such as are now ( when that peace was concluded ) actually enjoyed by his majesties protestant clergie or subjects . so as , in case , god should blesse the consederate catholiques with such victories against iusequin and the rest of the rebells in mounster , and vlster , as hee blessed us in connaght , by glamorgans peace all the churches , and ecclesiasticall lands , &c. must fall unto the catholique clergie ; by clanrickards engagement they must fall unto the protestant clergie ; so as all our warre for the future should be to raise that sect , and by raising them , to suppresse our selves : which being once knowne to forren princes and prelats , they would subtract all their helpes from us ; and the catholique subjects at home would ( with good reason ) withdraw both arme , heart and meanes from such a warre . 71. by the same engagement there shall be forth with a catholicke lieutenant generall , &c. if he be sworne to the catholicke confederacie , & approved by the kingdome , it s wel . such an one was granted unto us long since by his majestie ; how he was put off , let them judge , who know best the state of that affaires . all incapacities are taken away from the catholickes by glamorgans peace , &c. what then should hinder us to have a catholicke vice-roy , which is said to have been also granted unto us by his majesty . item our generals shal be invested with principall commands worthy of them &c. these principall commands being not specified , may be interpreted a colonels place , which indeed ( respectively ) is a principall place ▪ that they be invested in some important garisons novv under his maiesties obedience suffers the like interpretation , and gives warning to noble preston , that he must out of duncanon ; for they will affirme that that garison is not under his maiesties obedience , but under the confederate catholickes obedience . further by the engagement is is said , that a considerable number of the catholicke confederats forces shall immediatly be drawne into all the chiefe garisons under his maiesties obedience . this concession is good , if it were performed ; but because herein the marquesse of ormond fayled , therefore noble preston retyred , and freed himselfe from the engagement . if it were granted that a proportionable number should be drawne unto , &c. 't were more secure , for otherwise our catholicke forces being farre lesse in number , than the protestant forces , would be subject to massacre . but the clauses inserted in the protestation made or to be made by the generals and commanders upon acceptance of this engagements marres all the market , and would frustrate our forces of all their pretensions , and the catholicke confederats , of glamorgans peace . these clauses i commit not to the print , because i have no order so to doe . 72. now to come to the second thing , which is to be considered . glamorgans peace is grounded on the kings commission dated the 12. of march , where his majesty authorizeth him as firmely as under the great seale to all intents & purposes , & obligeth himselfe in the word of a king , and a christian to ratifie and performe what he should grant to the confederate catholickes . his excellency the marquesse of clanrikards engagement is grounded on no such commission , he onely voluntarily engageth himselfe without any invitation of the confederate catholicks , and is assumed , as an instrument by those , who would crosse his majesties foregoing grants made unto the catholickes , who may reasonably thus discourse with themselves : if those men have frustrated his majesties owne grants and the peace by his commission concluded , how much more will they frustrate the engagements of any private subject , which are grounded on nothing but on his own undertakings , and in case of non performance the catholicke confederats have no redresse . neyther doth the kings lieutenant himselfe oblige himselfe to the performance of any thing , nay rather this engagement supposeth his opposition to some things . to conclude ( omitting much more ) the parties , who concluded glamorgans peace , have beene authorized by king and countrey ; the parties concluding clanrikards engagement have beene authorized by neyther ; and therefore invalid and to no effect . out of which , and what alreadie hath beene answered by the councell and congregation 24. novemb. 1646. it is evident how farre those nine catholicke church-men of dublin erred in their judgement , when unto a question propounded unto them touching this matter , they answered , that the roman confederate catholickes of this kingdome may without scruple submit to the late rejected peace and accept thereof as strengthned with the said addititionall engagements . neyther can it avayle them to adde ( the circumstances of times and present state of this distressed kingdome considered ) seeing we had better conditions from his majesty himselfe , when we were in a worse posture , & we were never in a better posture , then we were when this engagement was offered , if mischievous faction had not put a division among us . veruntamen , vae illi per quem scandalum venit . if the rejected peace with these additionall engagements could be accepted without sc●uple , i believe the councell and congregation could judge better thereof , than any privat men , who were not in a f●ee condition to deliver the sense of their soules . ecce praedico vobis li●ertatem , ait dominus , ad gladium , ad pestem , ad famem . the epilogue . thus by the divine assistance ( iudicious reader ) i have finished both parts of this survey ; to god be honour and glory , who is the author of all good things . in matters of fact , that are transacted with much secrecy , it s very hard to produce demonstrative arguments to convince the actors , & when such matters trench upon the honesty and integrity of men , things doubtfull are , regularly to be interpreted to the best sence ; but if such transactions be justly suspected to tend ●o the ruine of religion , destruction of common wealth , and hazard of gods people , it is not onely expedient , but oftentimes necessary that things though doubtfull and not evident , per modum cautelae & remedij , be interpreted in the worse sence , say the schoolemen . in both parts of this survey , i am perswaded , i have produced solid demonstrations to prove the principall conclusions by me handled ; if in some accessories , which follow the principals , i have onely produced probable arguments , or reasons grounded on violent presumption , or just conjectures , i am not therefore to be reprehended , because in matters , which may prejudice our religion , and hazard our lives , fortunes , and estates , we may make use even of arguments , of the truth whereof there may be some doubts or suspicion ; with how much more reason may we make use of arguments , which carry with them some probability ; because they are alleaged per modum cautelae &c. to prevent the suspected . if one were impeached of high treason , to convict him , it were enough to prove one article of the 24. what i have written in this second part concerning the ma●ques●e of antrims conjunction with generall l●sty , as it was received from the forge of f●bles in dublin , so it appeares fabulous ; such like discourses , which are accessories to the principall , as they occurre , repute thè as apoch●ypha . in the prosecu●ion of this worke i have not preoccupated al the objections my adversaries could make , some i have reserved for a reply if any encounter me . those that ought to stand at the barre to be judged by this worke , must not sit on the bench to give judgement against it ; i have other iudges of more indifferency unto whose cognizance such censures doe properly belong : yet if it shall please god to reunite the hearts of the confederate catholicks together in the bond of charity , i shal be willing by a sweet supplement to wipe away all distasts and jealousies . of two evils the least is to be chosen , if the clergy for beare the discovery of those truthes , which may touch the reputation of a few particulars , then must the reputation of all the confederate catholicks of ireland necessarily suffer detriment among all forren nations abroad , because without any necessitie they consented to so unjust a peace . if the clergie had beene silent , then ( to save the credit of a few private persons ) they had hazarded their owne credit , and sunke in the heroicke enterprise by them attempted for defence of religion , king and countrey : neither had the confederate catholiques been so truly informed of the nature and condition of the said rejected peace , had consequently they had beene ignorant of their owne miserie . those good gentlemen , who have herein manifested their affection to the marques of ormond , have not beene so well recompenced by his excellency , as they deserve ; for in his treatie with the parliament , he was carefull to provide for the securitie of all the protestants in ireland , but neglected to provide for the securitie , either of those gentlemen , or of other his deerest catholique friends and neerest alliance . maledictus homo , qui confidit in homine . 74. the ill-affected doe ordinarily calumniate the clergie , charging them with an inordinate desire to obtaine the possession of their church-livings . to omit many answers to this calumny ; these seculars , that vent it , ought rather to thanke the clergie ; because their owne children ( if they become church-men ) will questionlesse reape the fruit of the clergies labour . and in my judgment , it had been a great joy unto them to see their owne children raised to the height of church-dignity , and thereby enabsed to helpe themselves and helpe their friends , whereas otherwise ( while hereticks possessed all ) they might be forced to beg their bread . dew patientiae & solatij det vobis id ipsum sapere in alterutrum secundum iesvm christvm , ut unanimes uno ore honorificetis deum & patrem domini nostri ifsv christi . 75. a quere was made , how it stood with the oath of association , that the late councell should give orders unto generall preston , asworne confederat catholicke , to obey the commands of his excellency the marquesse of clanrikard , & to deliver unto his command and possession ( being not of our u●ion , or ( worne to the catholicke confederacy ) such castles , forts , & garisons , as he tooke in in connaght , by which meanes ( if god shall not unite his excellency to our confederacy ) we are like to be at asmuch trouble to recover them out of his hands , as we were to recover them from the enemy . whereunto i can make no answer , but doe humbly referre the discussion thereof unto this catholicke and generall assembly . i have often admired , to see so many by-wayes taken , so many factions raysed , and so many sollicitors imployed , even by catholickes ( but catholickes poysoned by the contagious infusions of our adversaries ) to procure the acceptation of ormonds peace , though destructive to the catholicke fath ; and none of them speakes for the maintayning of glamorgans peace , though it tend principally to reparation and conservation of the catholicke faith. mysterium absconditum . 76. i heare , i am traduced ( but by an interessed lawyer ) to have alleaged some statute or other in the first part of this survey , as if the same was not repealed which indeed was repealed . what this statute might be , i doe not well know , only i conjecture , that it is the statute of 28. hen. 8. which i cited in the first part pag. 3. & 4. touching which i have had conference with some learned lawyers , who could never shew me upon any authen●icke record the repeale of that statute or other in the first part of this survey , as if the same were not repealod which indeed was repealed . what this statute might be i doe not well know , onely i conjecture , that it is the statut of 28. henry the 8. which i cited in the first part pag. 3 , and 4. touching which i had conference with some learned lawyers , who could never shew me upon any authenticke record the repeale of that statut , for which cause , and for other reasons which here i must omit , i was encouraged to cite that statut . the collector of the irish statutes hath not followed the methode of the collector of the english statutes , who carefully at the conclusion of each statute repealed or revived , informed his reader , when & where such a statute was repealed or revived , yet he tels us in his epistle dedicatory , that he hath printed onely such statutes as were formerly printed and not expresly repealed , and among some statutes repealed , whereof mention is made in the collection of the irish statutes i finde not this mentioned . it is true , that 3. and 4. philip and mary , this statute and all other statutes enacted by henry the 8. against the see apostolicke , and the supreme power thereof , were repealed , though the statutes of such repeales were not recorded among the rest of the irish statutes , which some attribut to the corruption of the collector , yet were the same statutes all revived , confirmed and amplyfyed in the second yeare of queene elizabeths raigne , where expresse mention is made of the statutes of the foresaid 28 ▪ yeare of henry the 8. and not onely the grievances by me alleaged out of the same statute , but also the oath of supremacy there established , iterated and confirmed by the statute of 2. eliz. so farre is it from truth , that the foresaid statute was & remaineth repealed . which our learned lawyers that penned our declarations and remonstrances foreseing , were therfore carefull to demand that not only the the act of 2. eliz. in ireland , but also all other acts made against catholick religion since the 20. yeare of henry the 8. should be repealed ▪ wherein they suppose the said statuts of hen. 8. to be in force : accordingly the first of our 17. propositions , wherein we demanded a repeale of al p●nal lawes , was propounded in general tearmes abstracting from the statut of 2. elizab. and all other statuts . our committee of the treatie should have followed their instructions in this particular , and not limit the revocation of the oath of supremacy to that oath of 2. eliz. knowing right-well , that the other oath of 28. hen. 8. is extant in the printed irish statute , but the repeale thereof no where ( that i could find ) extant . it were more honourable for this good lawyer , to take pen in hand ( if his joynts be not too stiffe ) and refute this survey , than to raile against the author at other mens table ▪ remove a te ospravum , & detrahentia labia sint procul a te . i conclude with the apostles advise , i beseech you brethren , marke them diligently , which cause division , and offences . contrary to the doctrine which you have here learned , and avoyde them . for they that are such , serve not the lord iesvs christ , qut their owne bellyes , and with faire speeches and flattering deceive the hearts of the simple . laus deo deiparaeque . omnia s. r. ecclesiae & congregationis utriusque cleri hibernici judicio subjectasunto . finis . erratasecundae partis . pag. 11. lin . 23. for where , reade whence . pag. 13. lin . he , is omited , p. 17. lin-21 . for can reade and , p. 25. lin . 31. reade ontayneth , p. 26. lin . penult ▪ for in reade in , p. 36. lin . 24. who , eade which , pag. 44. lin . 24. reade insufficient , pag. 56. lin . 26. reade protestants , p. 66. lin . 64. reade religion , p. 79. l. 2. for 14000. l' . reade 13000. l' . p. 86. lin . 14. reade yeelded ibid. lin . 31. reade churches , yeelded , pag. 94. lin . 1. reade disease , pag. lin . 3. 97. reade us . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a38489-e790 1. cor. 2. gal. 1. notes for div a38489-e1210 a zor . instit . moral . par . 3. l. 9. c. 7. ●illiuc . to . 2. tr . 39. cap. 2. see numb . 5. §. 5. 6. glamorgans c●mmission & articles & letter 27. february . the revocation communicated to the marques before the 29 of iuly . an objection preoccupated . psal . 2. 4. gal. 4. 30. see part . 1. sup . art . 25. 28. math. 6. 23. psal . 2. 4. gal. 4. 30. azor. instit . moral . par . 3. l. 9. q. 6. quaesito 4. fillinc . trac . 39. cap. 2. kings letter 27. febr , ●udic . 9. 14. §. 4. l. diligenter mandati ; & glos . in c. sicui is. 30. a zor instit . moral . par . 3. l. 9. cap. 6 ●ud . v. pag. vlt. of his discourse of ireland azor supra cap. 6. q. 5. et filline supra . cap pastoralis de rescrip . l si procurat , § mandati ff . mandati . artic . glamorgan numb . 5. iob. 20. 16. the first argumēt proving the insufficiencie of our committees commission . 2. argument . l. inter causas ff . maudati & l. & quiae ff . de iurisd . omniud . & l. ult . ff de solut . l. si quis alicu● §. morte ff . mandati & instiede mandato §. recte . 〈…〉 3. argument . 4. argument . 〈…〉 mr. andrew moore for this is my author who s●w the letter . 5. argument . 6. argument . 7. argument . 8. argument . 9. argument . glamorgans peace not secure or honourable . the nūcius urgeth the councell to expect the popes peace . the coū cell promise to complie with the nuncius . no firme peace could be made with ormond . inhibition untill the king confirme the peace of rome . pidelitie of the irish . the church's care that loyaltie he observed to princes 11. 5. 7. see against this 5. 19. two protestation sent by the lord nuncius . the good peace rejected ; the worse accepted no reasonable motive to conclude this peace . new warning not to conclude a peace . why the protestation was made & for a while concealed . the treaty of peace not discovered to the nuncius . the nūcius never assented to ormonds peace . answers to the necessity . no cause of feare . more prejudice by this peace , than by a warre . scire vos oportet quod nunquam ab aliquibus nostr●os homines sinimus ●pprimi : sed si necessitas ulla occurrerit , praesentaliter vindicamus , quiae nostri gregis in omnibus ultores esse debemus & praeciput adiutores . leo. 4. habetur ▪ c. 23. q. 8. cap. 8. omni timore ac terrore deposito contrae inimicos sanstae fidei & adversarios omninm religionum agere viriliter sludete : no vit enim omnipotens , si quilibet vestrum mor●itur , quod pro veritate fidei , & salvatione patriae , ac defensione mortuus est , ideo ab eo praemium caleste consequetur . idem ibid. cap ▪ 9. se● mercur apologetic . position . 1. ●x can . extrau , commu . lib. 1. tit . 8. de major . & obed c. 1. v●i supex lac . de graffijs decision . 28. & canonib . 1. macha● 2. 66. c. 3. 11. 23. c. 4. 20. 34. c. 10. &c. 1 answer 2. answer see hereafter §. 19. 3. anfwer the 4. answer . the 5. answer . 2 reg. ●● 26. matth. 5. 19. matth. ● . 25. math. 28. 20. psal . 109. 1. chrysost . in c. 1. matth. hie● . ●bid . & contra hcluid . see hereafter . §. 18. 19. 6. answer 7. answer 8. answer l. sicum & & l. cum quis 〈◊〉 desolut . the 9. answer . the 10. answer . the 11. answer . the 12. answer . a threefold answer . * quibus cum benefeceris pejores ●…fiunt . 2. paral. 20. 17. infra . s . 2. see hereafter numb . 35 1. machab . 2. 47. ezech. 13. 10. act. 4. & 5. infra ? §. 19. v. etia●● panormitanum c. ult . de restitut . spoliat , & azor . 3. p. mor. inst . cap. super quibusd de verb. signif . cap. caufam quaerelati . n. one of the two so dyed . genes . 9. note the uncertainty when the parliamēt shall be . ecclesiasticall jurisdiction the hands of the catholique clergie . of the supremacy , &c. * this is not takē a way note the obligation ▪ num. 54. num. 26 see above num . 53. deut. 17. 18. matth. 18. 17. 18. 1. cor. 5. 2 thess 3. &c tt . in sup . ad q. 21. a. 3. l. de poe●●t . c. 14. tract . 50. in ioan . & q. 39. in deut. flodoar . l. 4. hist . rem . c. 5 10. 8. ep . 41. id . ep 22. leg. 32. ff . d● legibus . observat . on the first art . pag. ierm . 34 ●● . cajetan . salon , aragon . ban. apud tan. to . 3. disput . 4. q. 3. dub 3. nu . 57. 58. ex s. tho. 22. q. 60. a. 4. iorem. 17. 5. rom. 15. 5. fol. 67. 427. 429. irish statuts pag. 260. declar. printed in france p. 8. n. 6. prov. 4. 24. rom. 16. 16. 17. 18. whereas the farmers of his majesties revenue (being the persons and officers duely authorised by themselves ... &c.) have complained to us ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) 1677 approx. 14 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46178 wing i899 estc r39308 18367839 ocm 18367839 107381 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46178) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107381) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1636:43) whereas the farmers of his majesties revenue (being the persons and officers duely authorised by themselves ... &c.) have complained to us ... by the lord lieutenant and council, essex. ireland. lord lieutenant (1672-1677 : essex) essex, arthur capel, earl of, 1631-1683. [3] leaves. printed by benjamin tooke ... and are to be sold by joseph wilde ..., dublin : 1676 [i.e. 1677] title from first 7 lines of text. statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. imprint from colophon. "given at the council chamber in dublin the fifth day of february 1676--leaf [3]. broadside in [3] leaves. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng taxation -ireland. ireland -history -1660-1688. ireland -politics and government -17th century. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2007-02 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit by the lord lieutenant and council . essex . whereas the farmers of his majesties revenue ( being the persons and officers duely authorised by themselves , substitutes , agents , or servants , for the receiving , collecting and answering the duty ariseing by hearths , fireing places and stoves , &c. ) have complained to vs , that they are deprived of a considerable part of the said duties by certificates unduely granted by the iustices of the peace , unto severall persons , who by the acts for setling the said duty on his majestie , are uncapeavle thereof ; and whereas in the first act for setling the said revenue , there is a proviso contai●●d , that in case any two justices of the peace , shall in writing under their hands , yearly certifie their beliefe , that the house wherein any person doth inhabit with such county wherein they are justices of peace , is not of greater value than eight shillings per annum : upon the full improved rent , and that neither the person so inhabiting , nor any other useing the same messuage , hath , useth or occupieth any lands or tenements of their own , or others , of the yearly value of eight shillings per annum : nor hath any lands , tenements , goods , or chattell , of the value of four poundes in their own possession , or in the possession of any other in trust for them , then in such case upon such certificate made to the justices of the peace of such county , at any of their quarter sessions to be held for the same county , and allowed by th●m , for which certificate and allowance no fees shall be paid , the person on whose behalfe such certificate , made , shall not be returned by the constables or other persons to be assistant to them as aforesaid , and the said house is thereby for that year discharged of and from all dutyes , by this act imposed , any thing therein contained to the contrary notwithstanding : which said last provisoe by the additionall art for the better ordering and collecting the revenue ariseing by hearth-money is declared shall be construed , to extend onely to such widdowes as shall produce such certificates as are therein mentioned , and as to all other persons whatsoever , the said clause is thereby absolutely repealed . and wee being informed that certificates have been lately granted by severall iustices of the peace for freeing persons from payment of the said duty which have not been either allowed at the quarter sessions , or warranted by the said acts. yet under colour thereof many persons have pretended to bee freed from payment of the said duty , who by law are lyable thereunto , and if such certificates , so unwarrantably granted have not been allowed by the said farmers officers , they have been indicted , and prosecuted thereupon , and thereby put to great costs , and charges , and hindred from levying what is iustly due to his majesty by the said acts. and forasmuch as it is enatted by the said additionall act , that it shall and may bee lawfull for the lord lieutenant ; lord , deputy , or other chiefe governor , and council &c. to appoint such persons as they shall thinke fit , to doe , execute and perform all , and every the matters , and things which by the said former act , or this present act , are to be done , executed or performed by any iustice of the peace or clerkes of the peace of this kingdome and from and after such appointment all other persons not thereby appointed shall be and are hereby discharged from doeing , executing and performing any matter or thing relateing unto the premises any thing in the said former act or the said last act to the contrary notwithstanding ▪ and whereas wee have thought fit hereby to nominate and appoint the severall persons in and for the severall counties herein after mentioned being all iustices of the peace that is to say in and for the county of catherlagh sir john develleir knight , henry barkeley , marmaduke taylor , and richard andrewes esqs : for the county of dublin , sir robert reading baronet , sir walter plunket , sir thomas worsopp knights , and richard forster esq : for the county of kildare , robert fitz gerald , henry brenn thomas carr , francis leigh , and maurice keating , esqs : for the county of kilkenny , richard coote , joseph cuffe , george deyos , and bartholomew fowke , esqs : for the kings county , lawrence parsons , john foorth , john baldwin , john wakeley and samuel rowle , esqs : for the county of longford , sir john edgeworth knight , william kennedy , thomas robinson , and nicholas dowdall , esqs : for the county of lowth , sir james graham , sir william tichburne , and sir thomas fortescue , knights , and nehemiah donnelan , esq : for the county of meath , docter robert gorges , james stopford , arthur dillon , thomas loftus , gerrald wesley , and george peppard esqs : , for the queens county walter warneford , thomas piggott of disert john weaver , william weldon , and peryam poell esqs : for the county of west-meath ▪ sir henry peirce , baronet , william hancock , george peyton , james leigh , and robert cooke esqs : for the county of wexford . sir richard clifton , and sir nicholas loftus , knights : christian b●rr , francis harvey , and richard kenny , esqs : for the county of wick●ow , henry temple , roger west , robert hassells , and phillip pakenham , esqs : for the county of clare , benjamin lucas , donnagh o bryan , samuell burton , and henry leigh esqs : for the county of cork , sir richard aldworth , john st. leger , redmond barry , richard hull , anthony stoell , bartholomew purdon , john widnam , richard travers , richard townesend , j●on grove , richard beer , and brian wade , esqs : for the county of kerry , sir francis bruster knight , thomas browne , richard chute , thomas crosby and , anthony raymond esqs : for the county of limerick , sir william king , and sir george ingoldsby knights : richard southwell , drurey wrey , richard maguire , samuell foxon , and robert oliver , esqs : for the county of tipperary , sir robert cole , gamaliel warter , so●omon camby , charles blunt , francis legg , simon finch , and nicholas southcoat esqs : for the county of waterford , beverly usher , henry nichols , andrew lynn and james muttlow , esqs : for the county of gallway , thomas caulfield , esq : sir henry waddington , knight , sir george st. george , charles holcroft , john eyre , thomas cuffe edward eyre , and john parker esqs : for the county of leytrym , james king , henry crofton , and bryan cuningham , esqs : for the county of mayo , sir george bingham and sir arthur gore baronets , owen vaughan , robert miller and francis brent , esqs : for the county of roscommon , sir edward ormsby knight , arthur st. george , robert kng , robert sands , and edmond donnellan , esqs : for the county of sligoe , sir francis gore , thomas griffith , edward cooper , charles collis , and phillip ormsby , esqs : for the county of antrym , sir john rowly , knight , sir hercules longford , robert colvill michael harrison , and hercules davis , esqs : for the county of ardmagh sir toby poyntz , sir george atkinson , edward richardson , and arthur bromlow , esqs : for the county of cavan , thomas white , humphrey parret , merrick hart , and thomas newburg , esqs : for the county of donnegall , sir albert cuningham , francis cary , henry vaughan , and william dutton esqs : for the county of downe , vere essex cromwell , william warren , vvilliam brett thomas smith , and john farrar , esqs : for the county of fermannagh , sir michas cole knight , henry blenerhasset , cromwell vvarde , and lancellot lowther , esqs : for the county of londonderrey , sir john rowly knight col ; vvilliam cecill , john vvillson , john gaich senior and raphell vvhistler esqs : for the county of monahan , the lord blany , vvilliam barton , nicholas owens , and cromwel vvarde , esqs : for the county of tyrone , john chichester , and henry mervin , esqs : and robert ecklin , clerk , to be the persons for granting of certificats to poore widows , according to the true purport and intent of the said last mentioned art , which wee do hereby authorize them or any two or more of them , and noe other person or persons whatsoever within the said respective counties to give accordingly & further for the county of the city of dublin , we appoint the mayor & recorder of the said city for the time being , sir jossua allen , & alderman enoch reader , or any two of them , for the county of the city of kilkenny the mayor and recorder thereof for the time being for the county of the towne of drohgeda the mayor or recorder of the towne of drogheda for the time being , for the county of the city of cork , the mayor or recorder of the said city for the time being , for the county of the city of lymerick , the mayor or recorder of the said city for the time being , for the county of the city of vvaterford , the mayor or recorder of the said city for the time being , for the county of the towne of galway , the mayor or recorder of the said towne for the time being , for the county of the towne of carrigfergus the mayor or recorder of the said towne for the time being . and we require all the aforesaid persons to be very circumspect and carefull in the granting of these certificats ; which are to be made publiquely at the quarter sessions unto none but such as are fitly qualified , and not unto women who are not widdowes , nor to one and the same widdow for severall houses , nor to widdowes for the houses of their sonns , or their brothers or relations , though the same were heretofore don , and we doe hereby further declare that wiliam hill , esq : sir james shaen knight , and barronet , william rider , william muschamp , edward richbell , lawrence stanyan , john gourney and thomas sheridan esquirs : and such other person and persons as wee upon the humble suite of them or any seven or more of them shall from time to time nominate & appoint are and shall be the onely commissoners , officers , & persons whom wee have , and shall thinke fit to authorize and appoint , to doe , execute & perform , all and every the matters and things , other then granting of such certificates , which by the said former act or the present art , are to be done executed , & performed , by any iustices of the peace or clerkes of the peace of this . kingdome and wee doe hereby further declare that all and every the powers in and by the said acts , or either of them given to any iustices of the peace or clerkes of the peace , other than such as are herein appointed to the purposes aforesaid shall be , and are hereby vacated . and wee doe hereby strictly charge , and command all and every iustice and iustices of the peace , mayors , sheriffs , bailiffs , constables , head-burroughs , clerkes of the peace and all other our officeres whatsoever within every county , burrough , towni , or corporation , barrony , parish or place , and all other his majesties officers and ministers and other subjects whatsoever that they and every of them shall from time to time be aydeing and assisting to the said farmers and to their colectors , surveyors , & other officers wich are , or shall be appointed by them , or any three , or more of them as aforesaid , upon paine of our displeasure and such paines and imprisonments , as by the lawes and statutes , of this realme can , or may be inflicted upon them for their negligence or contempt in that behalfe , as they will answere the contrary at their utmost perrill . given at the council chamber in dublin the fifth day of february 1676. ja : armachanus . mich : dublin canc. thomond : blesinton : lanesborough . r : coote . rob : fitz : gerald. ca : dillon . cha : meredith . ric : gethin . j : povey . jo : bysse . h : ingoldesby . vvm : flower . ja : cuff. tho : newcomen . abrah : yarner . will : hill. god save the king. dublin , printed by benjamin tooke , printer to the kings most excellent majestie , and are to be sold by joseph wilde booke seller in castlestreet . 1676. a letter concerning colonel monks surprizing the town and castle of carrickfergus and belfast, in ireland; and his taking general major monro prisoner. for the honorable, col: iohn moor, a member of the house of commons. clark, robert, captain of the swan frigate. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79879 of text r211003 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.13[26]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79879 wing c4487 thomason 669.f.13[26] estc r211003 99869745 99869745 162921 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79879) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162921) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f13[26]) a letter concerning colonel monks surprizing the town and castle of carrickfergus and belfast, in ireland; and his taking general major monro prisoner. for the honorable, col: iohn moor, a member of the house of commons. clark, robert, captain of the swan frigate. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for edward husband, printer to the honorable house of commons, london : september 30. 1648. dated and signed at end: from aboard the swan frigot in chester river, 24 september, 1648. your honors servant to command, robert clark. giving an account of col. monk's movements and saying he has brought over maj. gen. monro in charge of capt. browf -cf. steele. order to print signed: h: elsynge, cler. parl. d. com. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -campaigns -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a79879 r211003 (thomason 669.f.13[26]). civilwar no a letter concerning colonel monks surprizing the town and castle of carrickfergus and belfast, in ireland; and his taking general major monr clark, robert, captain of the swan frigate. 1648 345 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter concerning colonel monks surprizing the town and castle of carrickfergus and belfast , in ireland ; and his taking general major monro prisoner . for the honorable , col : iohn moor , a member of the house of commons . honorable sir , may it please you , at present being arrived into chester water , having been to the northward , and came on yesterday out of the bay of carrickfergus , where upon saturday was sevennight col. monk did surprize the town and castle of carrickfergus , and the same day did surprize belfast : i have brought over with me the general major monro prisoner unto your honors : upon thursday last when i received him aboard , colonel monk did march away toward colrayn , i pray god give him good success , he is in great want of men and money ; here is one captain browf come over in charge with the general major , to whom i refer you to further relation at his coming to you . thus with my humble service presented unto you , i take leave and remain , from aboard the swan frigot in chester river , 24 september , 1648. your honors servant to command , robert clark . postscript . sir , i have sent to the commissioners of the navy , to send me a bill of credit , or money to victual our ship to come to portsmouth , our victual being out , but could not deny colonel monk , i hope then to see you . sir , you may please to acquaint the honorable house with the news , if you please , i hope it is acceptable service that is done . r. c. ordered by the commons assembled in parliament , that this letter be forthwith printed and published . h : elsynge , cler. parl. d. com. london , printed for edward husband , printer to the honorable house of commons , september 30. 1648. ireland's lamentation being a short, but perfect, full and true account of the scituation [sic], nature, constitution and product of ireland : with an impartial historical relation of the most material transactions, revolutions, and miserable sufferings of the protestants there, from the death of king charles the second, to the latter end of april, 1689 : the time and manner of the late king's landing there : what men, monies, shipping, arms and ammunition he brought with him : the manner of his going up and into dublin : his kneeling to the host : displacing all protestants : the strength and defeat of his army, and what else is of note : to which is added, a letter from a lieutenant in the irish army, dated at dublin, may 7. with an account of affairs to that time / written by an english protestant that lately narrowly escaped with his life from thence. english protestant that lately narrowly escaped with his life from thence. 1689 approx. 84 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45771 wing i1025 estc r10004 13285914 ocm 13285914 98803 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45771) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98803) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 459:1) ireland's lamentation being a short, but perfect, full and true account of the scituation [sic], nature, constitution and product of ireland : with an impartial historical relation of the most material transactions, revolutions, and miserable sufferings of the protestants there, from the death of king charles the second, to the latter end of april, 1689 : the time and manner of the late king's landing there : what men, monies, shipping, arms and ammunition he brought with him : the manner of his going up and into dublin : his kneeling to the host : displacing all protestants : the strength and defeat of his army, and what else is of note : to which is added, a letter from a lieutenant in the irish army, dated at dublin, may 7. with an account of affairs to that time / written by an english protestant that lately narrowly escaped with his life from thence. english protestant that lately narrowly escaped with his life from thence. fz. ws., b. [4], 36 p. printed by j. d. and sold by rich janeway ..., london : 1689. letter signed: b. fz. ws. reproduction of original in huntingtion library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -1660-1690 -sources. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion licens'd , may 18. 1689. ireland's lamentation : being a short , but perfect , full , and true account of the scituation , nature , constitution and product of ireland . with an impartial historical relation of the most material transactions , revolutions , and miserable sufferings of the protestants there , from the death of king charles the second , to the latter end of april , 1689. the time and manner of the late king 's landing there : what men , monies , shipping , arms and ammunition he brought with him . the manner of his going up and into dublin : his kneeling to the host : displacing all protestants : the strength and defeat of his army , and what else is of note . to which is added , a letter from a lieutenant in the irish army , dated at dublin , may 7. with an account of affairs to that time. written by an english protestant that lately narrowly escaped with his life from thence . london , printed by j. d. and sold by rich. janeway , in queen's-head court in pater-noster row , 1689. to the reader . courteous reader , be pleased to accept of a small epistle to a small treatise to inform you , that though it be short , yet the most absolute and true account hitherto published , of the miserable and deplorable condition and suffering of the protestants of ireland , since the death of king charles the 2d ; and that there is nothing material omitted which the author could call to memory , having nothing else to collect it from , being forced to flee for england to secure his life , and leave his books , and very notes , and whatever else he had , to the mercy of the devourers . and be no less assured thou wilt find nothing here but what every one that comes from thence will confirm , as far as it may reach their several abodes . and so wishing thee more comfort in reading , than the author had in knowing , bid thee farewel , till such further account comes to his hands as he can certify for like truth with these . an impartial historical relation of all the most material transactions , revolutions , and miserable sufferings of the protestants in ireland , from the death of king charles the second , to the latter end of april , 1689. ireland hath been , and still is even by some writers reputed a barbarous and most heathenish place : and indeed i believe it was so once , and england also ; but all such as have been there , and rightly understood the country of late , must ( if impartial and unprejudiced ) own it to be far otherwise , and indeed a place of most excellent government and piety , and much like that of england . ireland is an island inviron'd with the sea , and the most western of europe , lying between the latitude of 51 and 56 degrees north ; and westward from holy-head in wales about 14 leagues ; and from the south-west part of scotland 8 or 9 leagues ; and is much more temperate than england , cooler in summer , and warmer in winter ; so that when in the late great frost a ox was roasted , and coaches frequently went upon the thames , an horse-man durst not venture over the liffey , a much less river , at dublin , and thereby much more pleasant ( and indeed , in the general , abundantly more fertile ) and plentiful than england , and free from all venemous vermin , black crows , magpies , and spiders , are not venomous there . in many places the soil is so excellent , that it bears the most devouring grain , many years successively , without manuring ; and in others it will bear three or four crops ; and when it hath lain waste but one year , without further trouble than plowing and sowing barly , will again produce as many crops more , and so time after time with a continuendo ; and in all places in general produceth all sorts of grain england doth , as good , and in as great plenty , with abundance less trouble and pains . there are indeed many large mountains and bogs , but now , by the industry of the english , made very good and fertile land , either for tillage or feeding ; every where watered with pleasant springs , rivers , and loughs or lakes of water ; indued with great plenty of fish , wild and tame fowl , horses , cows , oxen and sheep , as large and good as any in england , and much more numerous , till lately destroyed by the incouragement given the new raised forces , and other irish papists , by the now duke of tyrconnel . in some parts , especially of the west and north , a salmon above two foot long , may be bought for a penny , or two pence . forty five eggs for one penny. a fat goose for three pence . a fat turky for six pence . a fat hen for three half-pence . a fat lamb , or kid , for a groat . but in dublin , which is the dearest part , they fold , in time of peace , twelve or fourteen eggs for a penny . a large fair fresh cod , two foot long , for three pence . plaice a foot long , and seven or eight inches broad , two for a penny . large trouts as long , two or three for a penny . oysters five or six inches broad , a penny a score . a fat lamb for twelve or fourteen pence . a large fat calf , a month or six weeks old , for five or six shillings . a large quarter of beef for three or four shillings , as good as the markets of london afford , and other things proportionably ; and yet all sorts of tradesmen had greater wages , and generally better rates for their goods than in england . and contrary to the general supposition among the english , scots , and other industrious persons , mony was in ireland as plentiful , and with much more ease obtain'd than in england ; so that an ordinary tradesman , or farmer , keeps a better house , and lives much more plentiful there than those of four or five hundred a year can do in england . none need labour long there , that will but be industrious , and any thing a reasonable husband , but , unless very unfortunate indeed , may soon acquire a sufficiency to live handsomly , and gentleman-like . scarce any that went only private souldiers thither in the last rebellion ( unless sots in earnest ) but were , before the beginning of this rebellion , men of good fortune and estates . the meer irish are not really so wild and barbarous as generally reputed , nor indeed tame and civiliz'd in general as the english , but are as lusty , full , well-set , comely , handsome , fair , and clear-skin'd as the english : mighty hospitable and kind-hearted to strangers ; so that if any comes where they are eating , they will take it very unkindly if he do not eat with them ; and travellers shall have the best entertainment they can afford them gratis , and better than they will afford themselves : for though the country be thus extream plentiful , yet the commonalty among the irish fare very hard , and live mostly upon potatoes , parsnips , cabbidg , beans , pease , barley , and oat-bread , sour thick milk , or butter-milk ; and unless upon some certain festival days , as christmass , shrovetide , easter , whitsuntide , or michaelmass , rarely eat a bit of flesh , butter , eggs , or cheese , unless they light upcarrion dead or drown'd . they are very nasty and sluttish , prefer strong butter , tainted flesh , and sowr milk , before sweet : scarce ever wear shifts or shirts , or lodg otherwise than upon straw or rushes on the ground , with their cows , calves , swine , or sheep , made fast at the beds feet ; or at the best , only a little partition of wattles between them ; use no sheets , tumble all together , only the husband between other men and their wives , and the wife between other women and their husband . the common women are generally whorish before marriage , and count it no disgrace to have a bastard or two , but after marriage are most constant to their husbands ; they say , he that did before , must not do after : they are very lazy , and inclin'd to lice . some of their gentry are indeed very accomplished and well-bred . they are in general the most zealous roman catholicks in the world ; and were always very obedient and respectful to the english , and under their government , till king james the second came to the throne ; but after that they began to grow very insolent , infringe the english prerogative , and at length to insult over and destroy their english masters . naturally in their own country the greatest cowards in the world , spaniel-like , the more they are beaten , the better ; it used to be common for one english man to beat nine or ten of them ; but most imperious masters : naturally inclin'd to theft and laziness ; so that though employed by those of their own country and religion , they will idle away time , and steal what they can ; so that if a man employs but one or two of them , he must have another to attend and watch them . they are , from the highest to the lowest , a people of the least fore-sight in the world , never looking forward , or taking care for to morrow : believe it damnation to disobey the priests , and ( as all other papists do ) meritorious to destroy all protestants by every sort of artifice ; and though they do not live so well under their own nation , yet they have a natural aversion to the english ; that to destroy them , they care not what miseries they expose themselves to , or who comes to govern over them , yet have and dread an old prophesy among them , which says , the irish shall weep over the english-mens graves , as they always do over each others many years after burial . and though they have spared no ruin they durst bring upon the english ; yet now they dread coming under the yoke of france , who they have often , and indeed even now invited to receive that kingdom . at the death of king charles the second , his grace , james late duke of ormond , was lord-lieutenant of ireland , when on saturday , february the 14th , 1684 / 5. the news was delivered him there , of his master's death , and orders from the privy council at whitehal to proclaim his brother james the second , king of england , scotland , france , and ireland . whereupon he forthwith called a council , and provided all things ready against the munday following , then being the 16th of the same , accompanied with the protestant primate , bishops , the nine judges , a great number of nobility and gentry , king and herald at arms , lord mayor of the city of dublin ; masters , wardens , and freemen of the several corporations , or companies , and multitudes of others . set out from the castle of dublin , where he kept his court ; and with tears in his eyes , marched through all the chief streets of the city , through a guard of souldiers placed on both sides the way ; and the sword carried before him by his grandson the now duke of ormond . performed that solemnity , with as pleasant a countenance , and as much chearfulness , as the loss of his old master , and fears of approaching misery would permit . and the better to repel the thenlike fearful apprehensions of the discerning protestants , there caused several hogsheads of wine to be placed at the castle-gate , thoulsel , and corn-market , for any that pleased to drink ; the bells to be rung , and bonfires to be made at night , and all other testimonies of joy imaginable to be forthwith made . and suddenly after issued declarations , and other assurances of his majesty's gracious intentions and resolutions for maintaining the protestant religion , and interest of ireland : which coming from him , in whom next under god they reposed their greatest confidence at all times , to be their then protector , against the abuses they after sustained by the irish , ( by interceding for them upon all occasions to the king ) did in some measure abate those gloomy fogs for the present , and give hopes the king would in some measure make good his promises to them . but the papists , who always during the two late kings reigns at least , had their friends at whitehal , and from them , by their infallible guides , the priests , a certain pre-knowledg of future designs , and the best intelligence , well knew the contrary ; and forthwith began to prick up their ears , repair their old , and erect several new mass-houses ; and every rascal that could but speak a little english , or write and read nothing but nonsense , and had but four or five sheep , or three or four cows or horses , and never before the honour to wear any thing but rags , or what was little better , forthwith sold what they had to buy new cloaths , and carry them for dublin , with each a sword at his brich , ( though scarce knew how to draw or sheath it there ) set up for gentlemen , and soon worm'd the protestants out , and got themselves into all the beneficial imployments in the kingdom , the army , and whatever was of any value or trust : and then , without respect to master or mistress , or such others as had before better fed than taught them , and perhaps kept them from starving , though the best church-protestant in the kingdom , if any affront hapned to be given these new gentlemen , the first and most friendly salute was , god damn you for a figish son of a bish , &c. and the second out with the prick-frog , or bayonet ; and if courage gave resolution to resist their violences , ( as often it happened , and if alone to disarm and beat them too ) then the resister was sure ( upon the assaulter's escaping his hands ) forthwith to have as many hands upon one head and body , as it had arms and fingers to resist him , or legs , feet and toes to flee from them ; and if happily he escaped that bout , they would certainly break his windows at night , and as a cat watches a mouse , watch for another opportunity ; and if that fail'd , they never did go to a justice , but perhaps to some pretended protestant creeping rascal , who for lucre of a few pence , and to keep his employ , valued not how many good protestant christians he rid , and gall'd even to death , to serve the devilish end and cause for which he had the favour to stay to be the fop last devoured , who must be sure to tie him up to all imaginable hard meat , and perhaps more severely than a papist would do , for being kickt out of commission ; and then it was well done , by forsooth a protestant , and not by the merciful roman catholicks . if the poor creature kept out of reach , then out with a warrant , break open his doors , search his house , rifle and take away what is liked ; and if any honest protestant yet remained in commission , every shabby beggarly rascal , spared not the impudence to revile them to their faces . i have heard a meer teague , that could scarce pronounce a word of true english , or sense , beard the lord mayor of dublin , sir john knox , when brought before him for felony , who though a man of courage , did not dare to commit the criminal . thus the poor protestants of ireland continued in this , though miserable , yet happy condition in consideration to what they afterwards fell to , till the earl of clarendon was sent thither lord-lieutenant , upon whose arrival they began again to flatter themselves with hopes of more comfort , through the interest and favour of him that was so near related to the king , and an assured protestant ; but they , to their sorrow , soon found his wings clipt , and tyrconnel quickly sent after him , with the honour and title of earl , the office of lieutenant-general and check-master of the army ; and authority and power to place and displace whom he pleased ; who accordingly forthwith put his power in execution , and issued out his orders for modelling the army , which were no sooner given , but obeyed , and in all places the army drawn into the field , and about ten or twelve of the oldest men pick'd out , and their cloaths stript off , and their arms given to irish papists before their faces ; and when those parcels were disciplin'd , others were still pick'd out , and so from time to time , till the whole army was weeded of its protestants , and replenish'd with irish papists . when all they could call old were culled , then the excuse was shortness , till the popish party was the stronger ; then they used no further excuse , but being protestants , till the whole protestant standing army , which was raised and at vast expence , both of men and mony to england , there maintained for many years to secure the protestant religion , and english interest in ireland , was , by popish craft , and favour and means of the great god tyrconnel , peaceably in one year wholly destroyed and inverted into as popish power , the whole treasure of the kingdom , cities and garisons , which were first constituted to keep them out , wholly possest and disposed of by the native irish , and those , who of all men , were the greatest haters of the english , and their religion , made the only protectors of both : and certainly must needs be in a blessed state , when the fox is set to watch the geese , and the wolves the lambs . now all things became bare-fuced , and he that had but half an eye might easily discern what was like to follow ; and such as had stooks of mony , began by degrees to transmit it to england , and dispose of their effects , and afterwards to steal away themselves ; while others , whose riches consisted mostly in stocks , which was in others hands , or had not wherewith to transport themselves , and for a livelihood were forced to abide the approaching storm , some to the loss , others their estates , and most inevitable ruin. while these things were doing , darrington , a reputed jesuit , was sent over , and made first major , and after lieutenant-colonel to the royal regiment in dublin ( to fulfil that part of dr. oates's information in his discovery of the popish plot ) ; and one barker ( formerly page to the late duke of monmouth , and one of king james's converts , ) major , and so proceeded to disband all protestant officers in the army ; and first began with sir william king , then governour of the castle and city of limrick , sir george st. george , his brother , and such others as they had noted to be the most sober and zealous protestants , and placed irish papists in their places , till all the irish army , both officers and souldiers , were papists , excepting only some few in the regiments of the lords ment joy and forbes , and col. russel , who were themselves protestants , and in a manner all the protestant officers left that first year in the whole army , and who were kept in only to blind the people till their other work was finished , and so have the favour to be devoured last . things being brought to this pass , the whole army papists , and none to oppose them , they thought they safely might , and accordingly fell to regulate the civil . part , and at one blast removed sive or six of the nine protestant judges , and left but one upon each bench for ciphers , to colour the matter , and drag up the rest to their own justice , and likewise the protestant chancellor , sir charles porter , and most of the protestant privy councellors , and fill'd up their places with others of their own party , with such prodigious broagues upon their tongues , that they could scarce pronounce one word of english truly ; and after these the protestants which were the attourneys , solicitors , &c. to the king , were pack'd after the judges . in the mean time they set another project on foot , viz. to disband all the smallest of their own souldiers as soon as they were well disciplin'd , but not before , and still took in larger , till they had the flower of the country in the army , and still sent the old to exercise the rest of their breed in the country ; so that when they had occasion to raise their fresh forces , they were mostly in a manner disciplin'd to their hand , not in expectation of using them to their present purpose , but in case king james had continued in the throne , and not answered their desire of restoring them to their estates , that they might be able to restore themselves , by destroying all the english there ; and darrington made two certain sizes , one for musqueteers and another for pikemen , and those that were too short or long for his standard , when disciplin'd , must trip off . all things being now fitted to the purpose , tyrconnel , and the new attorney general sir richard neagle , dispatch'd to whitehall with the account , and to advise about future matters , the project of compleating their so successfully begun work ; and after a short stay , returned with power to displace the earl of clarendon from the government , ( who indeed all discerning protestants there easily perceived was kept in so long , only to deceive the people till the work could be brought to that secure perfection ) who eight days after his arrival at dublin , took his place as lord , deputy-general , and general-governour of ireland , for lord-lieutenant he could not be , because born in ireland . but the good earl of clarendon having an account of his approach , and suspecting what might , and indeed did follow , resolved , before his departure , to consecrate the chappel in the new hospital near dublin , built for the use of old and decrepit souldiers , ( and is the finest in europe of its kind ; ) and accordingly , did , before well finished , hoping thereby to prevent its falling into the papists hands , because the king had declared he would maintain the church of england in all her rights and properties , as established by law. but tyrconnel ( who though not so near related to the king , yet knew his mind much better ) soon removed that scruple , and forthwith after the lord clarendon's departure , with the chief of the popish clergy in dublin , with whips and scourges , entred the said chappel , fell to lashing the walls and floar to whip out heresy , pulled down the communion-table and seats , and erected in it an altar ; and took three or four of the old souldiers rooms adjoining to it , for the priests and friars , and while they exercised in the chappel , the old souldiers , for whose use , and with whose mony it was built , were forced to have their devotion in the open hall where they used to eat their meat ; and in the mean time a libel was fixed upon the doon of christ-church in dublin , to publish the bains of matrimony betwixt that church and the see of rome , bidding any that could , forthwith to shew cause why they should not be joined together . so that now the protestants expected no less than all their churches to be taken from them ; but whether through the murmuring of the people , or orders from the king to the contrary , they proceeded no further as yet in that business , only displaced all the protestant chaplains in the army , and gave their places and benefits to popish priests ; who thereupon began to wear black cloaks , made much like the ministers gowns ; and yet it was a crime to say the king had broke his promise , and infringed the rights of the church of england ; for it seems , taking away consecrated chappels and colledges , and giving its members livings to popish priests , was not infringing the rights of the church , but maintaining them according to law ; and it was so indeed according to the laws of the church of rome ; for the king never mentioned what law he therein meant ; and therefore did not break his promise . but before further progress was made in this business , it was thought fit to summon all corporations , and incorporated bodies in them , to surrender their charters , upon which drogheda and two or three towns more obeyed , and one thomson , chirurgeon to the royal regiment in dublin , being master , and a pretended protestant , to shew his loyalty , readily threw the charter of the corporation of chirurgions in dublin at tyrconnel's feet , and is lately come for england , perhaps to get it renewed by king william ; or else , for that good service , to get to be chirurgeon to another regiment here in england , for certainly the man's loyalty well deserves it and cannot fail of his brethrens certificate for saving them the charges , others were exposed to in defending their charters by law ; which all such as did not surrender , or were forced to do in the exchequer , where one of those , a pretended protestant , sate , worthily to judg and give sentence against them till all was done , and is since likewise come for england to receive his reward : all charters being thus taken away , partly by fraud , partly by force , others were quickly prepar'd , and in every of them , scarce one person mention'd in the body of the charter but papists , or such as were little better ; but particularly every mayor , sheriff , portrief , suffren , bailiff , master , warden , and clerk , were meer papists except one anth. sharp a quaker , was made , and there named master of the corporation of weavers in dublin ; and one colvert , much of the same stamp , of a new corporation of hosiers ; and by these the common councils , and councils of the several companies , were either all papists , or cousin-germans to papists . all the protestant chaplains that belonged to them put out , and popish priests put in their places : most of the protestant justices , and all the protestant sheriffs of every county except one , turn'd out ; so that in one year , or a little more , after tyrconnel assum'd the government , there was very few down-right honest protestant officers , either civil or military in the whole kingdom of ireland , except those before named ; and one keating , who yet continued lord chief justice of the common pleas , and one of the privy council , and indeed , was the best friend the protestants had there . however things were not yet perfected , for those named in the charters , were mostly so indigent and poor , that they were scarce able , with their whole fortunes , to pay three or fourscore pounds , which was the fees of each charter ; and all , or most of the protestants refused to contribute , till they were compelled ; some of them imprisoned , and forced to habeas-corpus's for their liberty . tyrconnel disliking these delays , sent for some of the principal of them , pressed them to the business , assuring them , that if they would join with the corporations , and take out their charters , he would defray all fees of each charter above twenty pounds , which would not amount to above five shillings each man at the most , besides their freedom of the city , or town , which should be granted them at the same rate ; and in case they continued still obstinate , he must look upon them as obstinate and stubborn , and disaffected to his majesty's government . this made some for ease , and others for fear , comply , and become again free ; but others who stood out to this time , were hamper'd , and had their shops shut down frequently , till the news of the scale turning in england , which then ceas'd . but the peaceable quakers , who before would not under a protestant government take upon them so much as the office of a constable , now under a popish every where readily conform ; and two of the chief of them are made aldermen of dublin , viz. anthony sharp before mentioned , and samuel clarrage , who are excused from taking oaths , and frequently sat in the seat of justice . clarrage is at last come for england , and as busy about whitehal and westminster , as he was with tyrconnel . while these things were thus prosecuted in publick , the popish clergy , in all parts of the kingdom , were as busy in private caballing , and sending their fittest messengers to whitchal , rome , france , spain , and germany , to advise about , and receive instructions for compleating their damnable design of overwhelming and eradicating the protestant religion , and interest of ireland in particular . and the better to delude the poor sleeping protestants , tyrconnel continually fed them with fresh assurances of the king 's gracious resolutions , of securing the religion and interest of the protestants ; and that all this work , was only to have an honest parliament , that would take off the penal laws , for ease of all dissenters ; and that nothing could contribute more to the advantage , quiet , and riches of any government : however , god be praised , all were not so stupissed , but they did plainly discern to have popish parliaments , and in ireland meer irish ; and such as should not only have destroyed the protestants , but the whole english interest of ireland , ( which nothing but a gracious god , and the glorious instrument he used , could have prevented , as affairs then stood ) ; but , blessed be his holy name , god was pleased on a sudden to blast all their cursed designs , and for the present strike them mute there as well as in england , with the news of the prince of orange's intending for england ; which no sooner arrived , but tyrconnel prepared to send several detachments of the then standing forces for england , and accordingly sent away about 3000 of the fairest and likeliest of the foot , who were to be followed by more , till they began to fear if they did that , the protestants , who they knew they had deserved no better from , might rise against them , and therefore forbore that part of the design for the present , and forthwith speeded the raising of more forces , and by christmass had their army ( which before consisted of about 5000 horse and foot , after the others came for england ) compleat 30000 men ; and before the beginning of march , without so much as beat of drum , or a penny charge to the king , tyrconnel had compleated the following regiments of horse , foot , and dragoons , as they stood march 15. 1688 / 9. the old standing forces . 1. lord deputy , horse . 2. lord galmoy , horse . 3. col. russel , horse . 4. lord clancarthy . 5. lord montjoy . 6. lt. gen. mac-carthy . 7. sir thomas nucome . 8. royal regiment . new-raised forces . leinster . 9. lord deputy's dragoons . 10. lord deputy's foot. 11. ld dungan's dragoons . 12. lord slane's foot. 13. lord duleeke . 14. lord clanmalier . 15. col. moore . 16. col. kevenah . 17. col. vxbridge . 18. col. butler of ballyraget . 19. col. butler lord galmoy's brother . 20. col. nugent . 21. col. dillion . 22. lord gormonstown . 23. sir maurice eustace . munster . 24. earl of tyrone . 25. viscount clare . 26. sir vallentine brown. 27. sir john fitz-gerald . 28. sir james cotter 's dragoons . 29. col. mac-carthymoore . 30. col. mac-carthy reagh . 31. col. john barret . 32. col. o-donovane . 33. col. butler of killiash . 34. lieut. col. fitz-gerald , alias mac-thomas . 35. col. nic. brown. ulsser . 36. earl of antrim . 37. viscount jveagh . 38. lord louth . 39. col. cormick o-neal . 40. col. bryan mac-mahone . 41. col. gorden o-neal . connaught . 42. lord clanrickard . 43. lord galmoy . 44. col. john bourke . 45. col. iriell farrell . 46. col. henry mac-toole . 47. col. o-neale . 48. sir mich. creagh . some consisting of 20 , 22 , or 24 hundred : so that the whole amounted to about 80000 , compleatly accoutred and disciplin'd ; all rais'd , cloath'd , and kept till that time at the proper charge of their several officers , many of which were before but taylors , coblers , and such others as perhaps were scarce able to procure before bread for their families ; but now , for managing this blessed cause , sell all that ever they have , and their friends too , to carry on the holy design . in the mean time , while the men were raising , tyrconnel ordered all the gun-smiths , carpenters , and joyners , to be forthwith imployed for cleansing , stocking , and locking all the old fire-arms ; and the cutlers for cleansing and sheathing the swords , which since the last wars had lain rusting in the stores , and such as refused , were sent to prison till they comply'd ; who , besides the old locks , were promis'd for each musquet 10s . and every pistol 6s . but when they will get it i know not ; some they were paid all along , to keep life and soul together : so that with the arms he had the summer before received from england , tyrconnel had not only arms for his whole army , but many more ; and by the priests had made all the other papists in the kingdom , the men to arm themselves with half-pikes , and skeins , or bayonets , and the women with skeins or bayonets ; and in case , after a certain day , any in the country went to mass without those arms , they were by the priests obliged to pay a shilling , and curst by bell , book , and candle : so that in less than five months ** time the whole body of the irish papists were every where armed , to the great terror of the protestants ; and as they were naturally inclin'd to theft , so now they were by authority put into an excellent condition to perform it , which with the inability of the new officers to maintain them , upon destroying the protestants , which at first they began moderately by way of stealth in the night ; but when the owners began to grumble and complain to no purpose , with much more violence and boldness , and by degrees increased their spoils , till at length in open day they spared not , before the owners faces , to drive away together often , from one man 100 , sometimes 1000 sheep , 20 , 30 , 40 , 50 , or 60 cows , oxen , and the like ; and such as would not drive , and were not for their purpose , they kill'd , and carried away the skin , hide , and tallow , and left the dead carkasses as dirty and useless as they could , fit for nothing but vermin ; and such as was not for their own purpose , they drove , or kill'd , and carried to fairs and markets , and sold to others of their own breed , who had not so much courage ( and a little more honesty than ) to steal a fat weather , which six or seven months before was worth 9 or 10s . for 1s . and a fat ox worth 3 or 4 〈◊〉 for 12 or 〈◊〉 a cow of 50 s. for 5 or 6. s. but at length they proceeded further , even to take away the corn and houshold-goods ; so that he that over-night was worth 9 or 4000l . the next day , or week , had not a morsel to put in his head , or rag to hang on his back , but what charity he received from other protestants not yet so absolutely ruined . at length they were so glutted with these spoils , that they began to be more absolute , and fent or went to the houses of such as their mercy had not yet destroyed , and supposed to have any mony , threatning , that if they did not forthwith , or within a certain time by them limited , deliver to them such sums as their moderation thought fit to demand , they would , and did , burn their houses and corn , kill and leave their cattel dead upon the ground among the rest , one franeis baker a merchant in youghill in particular , having in the county of tipperary a stock of fat cattel , went , about the latter end of january last to fetch them home , hoping they might be more secure in barrels , and a town of reasonable strength , than in the open fields ; but as he was marching , a crew of the new-raised irish forces , met , and demanded of him , whither he was driving those cattel , and told him , they had more right to them than he , and unless he satisfied them , must be content to leave them behind him ; whereupon he was forthwith forced to pay for those his own cattel , 15 or 16l . sterling , which was as much as they would have yielded in their mountain markets . and to be short , the spoil was so general and great , that in december , and part of january last , they had destroyed , in the counties of cork and kerry , above 4000 head of black cattel , as cows and oxen ; and there , and in the county of tipperary , 2 or 300000 sheep : and so in all other parts , especially the provinces of minister and leinster proportionably ; so that before the beginning of february , it was thought they had destroyed in all parts of kingdom above 1000000 head of cattel , besides corn and houses , and thereby utterly spoiled the most plentiful country in these parts of europe ; so that 20 years of perfect peace cannot be thought to restore it to the state in which it was at the death of king charles the second . the protestants of ireland alarm'd at these devastations , began to arm , and provide themselves against them ; and first the citizens of london-derry , understanding that two companies of the new-rais'd forces were marching to quarter in that city , shut their gates , and resolved to stand upon their own defence , and when they came , refused them entrance : whereupon the lord deputy tyrconnel , and the privy council , thought it most expedient to send the lord mon●joy ( a man of great esteem among the protestants of that county ) with six companies of his regiment which he took from dublins to reduce them ; who coming before the place , demanded , but was refused entrance for two days ; in the interim it was concluded to receive him into the town singly alone ; and being admitted , it was concluded , that provided he procured their pardon within 14 days , they would receive two companies of his men , to he made up all protestants , to garison in the town , and at the beginning of march as many papists , or as many more of any other regiment ; which being perform'd on both hands , the lord montjoy returned for dublin , and with the lord chief baron rice was sent for france to know the king's pleasure ; but privately an account was sent with him by rice , that he held correspondence with the prince of orange , for which he was committed , and still remains close prisoner in the bastile of paris . this lord was no sooner gone for france , but his two companies left in london-derry , with the city , again revolted ; and john hawkins esq a young brisk zealous protestant gentleman , of good fortune and interest in that province , accompanied with about 100 others , well armed and mounted , pursued the example of the lord delamere in england , and march'd from place to place to stir up the protestants to arm and assemble together for their own defence , against the common enemy and abuses ; and in a short time was so succesful , as to induce the whole province of vlster so to do , ( except the towns of carigfergus and ardmagh ) and among them the lord mount-alexander , lord blaney , sir arthur roden , and several other persons of note and quality : and by their example the town and county of sleigo , in the province of connaught , was moved to rise in like manner by the lord kingston , and chidly coote esq . and soon after the town of ardmagh seized and disarmed a troop of dragoons that was quartered there , and sent them away naked ; and several other towns did the like : and so , and with supplies they procured from scotland , armed themselves indifferently , and formed themselves into troops and companies , under the command of the persons of quality afore-mentioned , and began to take reprizals for their losses ; but garrigfergus held out for the irish all along . in the mean time the irish made it their business to stop all passages thither , however , many got to them , some one way and some another , and a little after christmas about fifty protestants that belonged to several companies in dublin , about five at night met , and with their arms , marched toward the north all night long , and the next day , till they had got about 40 miles ; but being discovered , forces were sent to pursue them , so that being over-powered , they were taken and carryed prisoners bound into dublin castle , and thence commited to goals , where some of them still remain without tryal ; others were enlarged , upon giving security for their good behaviour , and never to take up arms against king james . the next day after they were brought in , all the protestants among the horse were disbanded , and their horses , arms , and cloaths taken from them ; for which some of them had afterwards 5l . for what cost them 20l. but many nothing to this day . and tyrconnel had all the foot drawn out , and at the head of them , told them , that such as pleased might lay down their arms and commissions ; upon which all the protestant officers and souldiers that appear'd the next day did , which much surprized his greatness , but the drums and trumpets he would not permit , not having any that were papists to supply their places , so that much against their wills they are forced yet to stay under them . the protestants in other parts being more intermingled with irish than those of the north , could not put themselves into so sudden a defensive posture ; however were not idle , but as opportunity gave leave , so that they might not be suspected , provided such arms and ammunition as they could most conveniently procure , till they were reasonably well arm'd throughout the kingdom , and at the beginning of february at a place called summerhill , within 20 miles of dublin , there was got together about 300 protestants ; and near the king's county under sir laurance parsons , such another number , at charlevile , the seat of the earl of orrery , within 12 miles of limrick , under sir thomas southwell , and sir william king , before mentioned , 250 horse , and 160 foot. at mallow within 12 miles of cork , 300 horse and 200 foot under esq . jephson , and captain c●llenger , at castlelions within 10 miles of cork . under the earl of barrymore , 200 horse , and 240 foot. at castle-marter , under esq . boyle 60 or 80. and in most other towns and castles thereabouts the like numbers . in bandon 7 or 8000 horse and foot , all forming themselves into troops and companies , and exercising , intending to put themselves under the command of the lord inchiqueen , and the aforesaid boyle , and had resolved and agreed , that if any place were attacqued , notice should be forthwith dispatch'd to all the rest , and all were to join and march to its relief within 24 hours ; which tyrconnel having notice of , sent express forthwith to major general mac-carty then in cork to draw out with three pieces of cannon against castle-martyr , who no sooner came before it , but they received an express , from those who intended to head them , that it was thought fit and adviseable for them to surrender , which they did , upon discretion , and boyle was taken and carried prisoner to cork ; and upon the surrender , the like advice was given ( it is not convenient to tell here by who ) to all the rest thereabouts , to depart to their respective homes : but sir thomas southwell , with 245 horse marched directly towards the north ; but the journey being-near 200 miles compleat , and all through an enemies country , and expresses sent before to raise the whole country , and forces every-where as they went , which the poor gentlemen pushed through , till both they and their horses , being thoroughly spent for want of meat , and no longer able to hold , were forced to submit , and surrender up their horses and arms , upon condition to have leave for themselves to return to their several habitations . but as there is no faith to be kept with hereticks , so these poor creatures had no sooner parted with their arms , but they were all bound , and drove like dogs to the goal of galloway , and the last assizes there condemn'd to be drawn , hang'd , and quartered ; but upon the second of april got a reprieve for a month . one brown , a man of considerable fortune , was going with them , but fearing to get thorough , returned back , went to a neighbouring justice , and told him where he had been , but disliking the enterprize , was returned in obedience to the lord deputy's proclamation of pardon , to give security for his future good behaviour ; however was forthwith , by a strong guard , sent prisoner to cork , and was there afterwards tryed and executed for high-treason while king james was there . and in phillips-town in the kings county there are sir laurence parsons , and about 50 more , under the same condemnation ; and in marisborough in the queen's county , 13 or 14 , and in several other parts the like numbers , whose particulars are not yet come to the authors hands , which were taken much after the same manner . other parts being thus reduced , mac-carty forthwith drew all the forces in munster against bandon , a town , which till these times , never permitted a papist to dwell within its wallt , and likewise forced them to surrender , and give five of their town hostages for the payment of 1000l . for the trouble they had given his army , 500l . of which they paid down , and the other five was remitted upon a petition to king james , upon his landing at kingsale . during these hurries in other parts , there was not any rising in the county or city of dublin ; however all were not idle , but several active spirits , a knot of six or seven in particular , whose names are not convenient to be mentioned here , being most still under the papists lash , promoted , as 't was thought , principally by one , who upon the landing of the now king william in england , for his religion was singled out to taste of popish mercy , with an intent to seize the castle and guards of dublin , and send tyrconnel for england . and for the better effecting thereof , had by stratagems caused most of the protestants there to arm themselves , though at the same time they knew not what for , further , than in case any attempt were made by the papists upon their lives by way of massacre ( as they certainly intended , till happily discovered by an unknown hand of their own party to a protestant lord , on the 5th of december ) which so allarm'd all protestants , that it was in vain to attempt it after , and especially while the protestants were any where in arms , ( for that would have made all desperate , and not so easily to be reduced as they were ) ; but before the protestants of dublin could bring their business to bear , and get ammunition enough to resist such force as might be brought against them , before they could expect supplies from england , tyrconnel began to suspect them ; and forthwith call'd such supplies and numbers of horse and foot thither , that with what was there before , made up 14 or 15000 men , whose number and presence spoil'd that great project , which otherwise was so well laid , that it had certainly taken effect , if put in execution , and brought tyrconnel for england , and so saved the extream ruin and devastation the protestants have since suffered through his villany . for any time before that great force came to dublin , which was at the beginning of february , 5000 men well arm'd in that city , and commanded , had been sufficient , with what was ready and might have bin raised there , to reduce , not only dublin , but all ireland . but the noise of the forementioned designed massacre , and the sufferings of others , put people to the flight for england so fast , and made those that stayed so dubious , that it was hard to know who to trust there under the nose of the government ; and there was not one person of quality then there that would undertake to head them , tho often importuned , and assured of 4000 men well arm'd at two hours warning , and many of them well exercised , and so many resolute good souldiers as would have attempted to seize the guards . about this time a french man landed at cork , and rid post to dublin , with assurance from king james to tyrconnel of his speedy coming to his relief ; and on friday the 22d of feb. two of his officers that had escaped from the isle of wight , came privately to the castle of dublin , and continued there in cognito till sunday following about 10 at night ; then on a suddain the noyse was spread all over the kingdom , that the king was landed with 5000 men , and that the two forementioned officers came with the express to the lord deputy , which on a sudden put all into hurries ; and where bonfires were not immediately made , the souldiers broke the windows , signs , and doors , and rifled the houses ; and the next morning by six of the clock , strong guards were placed at the end of every street , and every gate about the city and suburbs of dublin , and all others of any note and strength : so that it was generally concluded by the protestants , there were forces landed from england ; but they were soon undeceived , being all disarm'd and eis'd of their horses , which for the present was judged by every place to be only in it self , but was soon known to be general to all parts where their power could then reach . in dublin they seized all the churches to put the arms in , which not being brought according to their expectation , tyrconnel issued out a declaration , that all such as had yet detain'd their arms , should forthwith deliver them up upon peril of being left to the mercy of his souldiers ; and that gentlemen might keep their wearing swords : however some broke them to pieces , others flung them into ditches and rivers , where many were afterwards found , and some kept them still . the two next days they sent forces to suppress those of summerhil before-mentioned ; and one price who had been treasurer formerly , was with a party of 4 or 500 horse and foot , in a castle in the county of wicklow , 20 miles on the other side of dublin , who took price , and several others , and committed them prisoners to newgate in dublin , and the rest to wicklow , whither price and the rest were , after four days , carried and indicted for high-treason ; but all the irish being gone for souldiers , and the english fled out of the country , there could not be a jury got , but against whom they made exceptions for want of freehold ; so that their trial was remitted to the term now ( at the writing of this ) sitting in dublin ; in the mean time all but seven were bailed , and after with their bail fled for england , where most of them now are to confirm the tragical story . tyrconnel having thus easily succeeded so far , the same week sent 24000 men towards the north , under the command of lieutenant general hamilton , ( who was once a prisoner here ) with several field-pieces and mortars , who upon the first of march were got near 50 mile , from dublin and within five miles of the protestant forces ; who upon no ice of their approach , forthwith assembled what they could together , which were not 1500 , near a place called drummore ; but upon the enemies approach , they found them so numerous , that the lord mount-alexander thought fit to retire , and accordingly did ; which the irish perceiving , pursued them about five miles , and killed about 150 of the protestants , and many of them such as never were in arms , but running away in the hurry : the ld mount-alexander , and many others , got away for england ; some for colerain , and afterward to london-derry , or scotland . in the mean time the irish proceeded towards colerain , and found no opposition till they came thither ; but for the first 15 or 16 miles found nothing but ruin'd houses , and the ditches fuil of houshold-goods , meal and corn , thrown away by the protestants to prevent its falling into the hands of their merciless devouring enemy ; but afterwards they did not find so much , the people having more time to carry it with them , and so left the irish without any relief but what they brought with them ; so that both men and horses in the popish army were in a bad condition for want of food and forrage . after all this success , king james landed at kingsale , on tuesday , march 12. and for want of bells , was welcomed with the shouts and acclamations of the people , bonfires , &c. and the next day went to cork , and stayed there till tyrconnel came to him at major gen. mac carties ; on wednesday the 20th , set out from thence , and lay that night at the earl of cork's house at lifmore ; on thursday night at clonmel ; on friday night at kilkenny , in the duke of ormond's castle ; and on saturday night at sir maurice eustaces near kilkullen-bridg , 17 miles from dublin , and all along the roads , had the lanes and hedges lin'd with the half-pike & bayonet-rabble , call'd reparees : at carloe he was slabber'd with the kisses of the rude country irish gentlewomen , so that he was forced to beg to have them kept from him ; and on saturday the 24th about noon , he entred the city of dublin . where all the souldiers were placed , from st. james's-gate ( at his first entrance ) to the castle-gate , all along , for about a mile of ground on both sides , the streets which were every where strewed with fresh cravel : and at his first entrance into the liberty of the city , there was a stage built covered with tapestry , and thereon two playing on welch-harps ; and below a great number of friers , with a large cross , singing ; and about 40 oyster-wenches , poultry and herb-women , in white ( and among them some known to have two or three bastards , yet passing for maids ) dancing , who thence ran along to the castle by his side , here and there strewing flowers ; some hung out of their balconies tapestry , and cloath of arras ; and others imitating them , sewed together the coverings of turkey-work chairs , and bandle-cloth blankets , and hung them out likewise on each side of the street . he rid along through the whole country , mostly on horse-back , but chiefly through all the towns and villages . about a mile from dublin he call'd for a fresh pad-nag , which turning about to be brought him , got loose , and forced him to stay ; which did in some measure vex him , so that he said to tyrconnel , i think you are all boder'd ; but the pad being soon brought him , he mounted , and marched forward , and at the utmost limits was met by the lord mayor , aldermen , common council , master , wardens , and brethren of the several companies in their formalities , the king and herald at arms , pursevants , and servants of the houshold , and there received the sword of state , ( which he gave to tyrconnel , who carried it before him through the city ) and the sword and keys of the city , and there had a speech made to welcome him to that loyal city and people , by counsellor dillion , who that morning was sworn recorder in the room of counsellor barnwel . from thence he set forward toward the castle , preceded by five or six coaches , with six horses each , two callashes , four or five bung-carts , and one close waggon attended by five or six french troopers ; next them followed about 200 of the straglers of the city that went out to meet him ; and after them the aformentioned barker , major to the royal regiment , bareheaded , giving orders to the souldiers to keep the middle of the street clear , and stand with their musquets shouldred ; then 29 horsemen bare-headed , shouting before mr. fitz-james who was alone in one of tyrconnel's coaches with six horses ; close after him followed three officers of the guard on horseback , attended by 3 led-horses ; after them 15 or 16 officers of the army , closely followed by the five trumpets and kettle-drums of state in their liveries ; after them about 20 of the gentlemen at large on horseback ; then the messengers and pursevants , servants of the houshold ; next them the herald and king at arms ; close after them tyrcounel , carrying the sword of state immediately before the late k. james , who rid on the aforesaid pad-nag , in a plain cinnamon-colour'd cloth suit , and black slouching hat , and a george hung over his shoulder with a blew ribbon ; he was attended by the duke of berwick , lord granard , and the aforesaid maids running by him on his left hand , the lord powis and melfort on his right , with their hats on ; close after him followed a troop of dragoons , several gentlemen and officers , two troops of horse , and many attendants ; after them six lords coaches , with six horses each ; then the aforesaid judg keating in scarlet ; and next after his three other gentlemens coaches empty , with six horses each ; then three coaches , with two horses each ; and then last of all the confused rabble on foot. as he was riding along in this order , one flemming a pretended mad scots-man , in skinner-row , the middle of the city , suddenly rushed through the croud , flung his hat over the king's head , crying , in french , with a loud voice , let the king live for ever , caught suddenly ( mad-man like ) fast hold of the king's hand , and kist it , and so ran capering after his hat. as he marched thus along , the pipers of the several companies played the tune of , the king enjoys his own again ; and the people shouting and crying , god save the king : and if any protestants were observed not to shew their zeal that way , they were immediately revil'd and abused by the rude papists : and being come thus to the castle , alighted from his horse , and was met at the gate by the host , over-shaded with a canopy bore up by four popish bishops , and accompanied with a numerous train of friers singing , and others of that clergy ; and among the rest the titular primate with a triple crown upon his head representing the pope ; who this unfortunate and by-gotted prince no sooner saw , but he forthwith went down upon his knees to pray to the image , and for a blessing from this irish pope : and from thence conducted into the chappel there , ( made by tyrconnel , of hen. cromwel's riding-house ) where te deum was sung for his happy arrival ; thence he retired into an appartment prepared in a new house built before in the castle by tyrconnel , and there din'd and refresh'd himself : the next morning he call'd a council , and having turn'd out the earl of granard , chairman , judg keating , &c. and taken in their rooms m. d' avaux , the bp of chister , and lieut. col. darrington , he ordered five several proclamations to be published ; one for raising such monies as passed there , viz. a guiny to 24s . an english shilling to 13d . a duccatoon which was 6s . to 6s . 3d. a cob of 4s . 9d . to 5s . a cob of 4s . 6d . to 4s . 9d . a french lewis of gold to 19s . and all others proportionably . another for a parliament to meet at dublin the 7th of may , for regulating matters ecclesiastical . a third to require all his subjects of that kingdom that had lately left the same , upon any pretence whatever , to return home , with assurance of his protection , but no penalty or forfeiture for not returning , or pardon for any offender that did ; and requiring all his subjects , of what degree or perswasion soever , to join with him against the prince of orange . a fourth , commending all his roman-catholick subjects for their vigilancy and care in arming themselves ; yet , whereas it had incouraged some certain robberies , required all but such as were actually under command and pay in the army , to lay up their arms in their several abodes . the fifth , to invite the country to carry provision to his army in the north ; requiring all officers and souldiers not to take any from them but what they made good pay for ▪ from thence went into the field to see the forces drawn out , and there made darrington colonel of the royal regiment in the room of the duke of ormond ; and returning to the castle , created tyrconnel duke of tyrconnel . the next day he received an express that his forces in the north , having sate down before colerain , were destroyed for want of meat and forrage , and by a great snow that then fell among them , were beaten off with the loss of 5 or 600 men , one morter , and 3 field-peices : whereupon he call'd another council , and ordered 14000 men more forthwith to be sent to reinforce the remainder of the 24000 that went before ; and on the first of april , sent after them the duke of berwick , and the two french liutenant-generals , roos and mamoon ; and the munday following , about 8 in the morning , set out from dublin towards the north himself ; but those of coleraine knowing their infussiciency to resist so powerful a force , quitted the town , and got some for london-derry , some for scotland , and others for england , so that all being clear , there was nothing to hinder their progress to london-derry , where being arrived , the late king sent in a letter to the governor , col. lundee ( who before they left dublin they reported to be their own creature ) to require him peaceably to surrender , and that all with him should have free pardon and protection , and not be molested or spoyl'd of any thing they had ; which being shown to the mayor , aldermen , and other officers , some inclin'd to surrender , others not , so that time was desired and granted to consider of it ; in the interim col. richards and col. cunningham , with their regiments , arrived before the place , and being inform'd that it was upon surrendering to king james , returned back ( with 14 or 1500 persons that fled from the town to them , intending for leverpool ) for which both the colonels were turn'd out of commission , yet their regiments , with three others , were forthwith ordered back ; and it s hoped have since entred the place , which is in a good condition for defence , and therein 20000 men , but not above 9000 arm'd , with provision for three months , resolved to defend it to the last , having before their arrival , committed the governor , and several others to prison , on pretence for endeavouring to betray it to their enemies , and made mr. walker ( a minister ) their governour . the late king perceiving his presence could not procure this important place at the easy rate he expected , was forced to wave his speedy design for scotland , and leaving his army to prosecute the most convenient measures for its recovery , returned back towards dublin , to meet his parliament , where he was expected the last of april , and where upon his first arrival , he gave orders to disband col. russell , sir thomas newcome , and such others protestants as till then continued in that army , except drums and trumpets , who are still continued per force . there came with the late king to kingsale 22 ships , great and small , all with guns , of which 12 were capital ships , and with them 4 fireships , and in them not above 50 persons of all sorts , of which were the kings two sons , the bishop of chester , lord powis , lord melfort , col. darrington , sarsfeild , 9 or 10 french-men , 1 footman , and other scoundrels that followed him from france . that day week after his arrival , and before he left cork , the late king gave orders for the fleet to return to brest , to joyn a fleet of 13 sail more which they left fitting out there , and expected to bring them 5 or 6000 english , scots , and irish , raised in france for that purpose , but not yet come . he brought with him a considerable quantity of powder , ball , and lead , and arms for 15000 men , and 120000l . sterling , and nothing more , all which is said to be disposed of by one sent with him by the french king , and who hath promised four times as much more if that be well imployed . the giving ireland to the french is not certain , but most sure that it is the interest of france to give king james all the assistance he can , both by sea and land , to keep england out of his own bowels , which without that diversion he expects forthwith to make a violent eruption therein ; and as certain , that if any reasonable force be in reasonable time sent for ireland , its conquest will be both speedy and easy ; for tho the irish forces are with much pains and beating reasonably disciplin'd , and numerous , yet all that know the nature of them , know they will not sight but upon great advantage ; and if once broken , all the art of man will never bring them together again : and those of their present army , both officers and souldiers , are mostly the very scum of the country , cow-boys , and such trash , as tremble at the fireing a musquet , much more will at many ; and what one english man used formerly to make nothing to beat 9 or 10 of , and now are only like so many tied dogs let loose , which with a little correction , will soon be reduced to obedience . there are protestants enow yet in ireland to do the work alone , if they could but get together , have arms , and good officers to head them , and will , as fast as even they can , join with the army that comes to their relief , to be revenged upon the devouring irish , who having now all , will be rich plunder for an army , and cannot hold out against 30000 men , besides what is already there , till michalmass next , though now possest of the whole , except london-derry and inneskillen ▪ in dublin there is not now above 16 or 17 hundred souldiers , and yet at least 20000 protestants , fighting men , but all disarm'd , or as good as disarm'd , brave brisk curious lads , mad to be at work : so that 4 or 5000 men might take and secure that city and province , and be in one month 20000 men , if arms and ammunition were sent with them , in spight of any resistance the irish could make . among the irish , the most mischievous person is the lord galmoy , who , upon the late king 's coming to the throne , presum'd to enter in time of divine service , st. warborous church in dublin , and debauchedly offered abuses to some modest women , for which he was brought upon his knees : but in revenge , upon the first motion to the north , he haug'd one dix , and another who belonged to the colledg , upon a sign-post , pretending he found them in arms. of turn-coats , there were many pittiful mean-spirited fellows , to keep and creep into business , none worth noting , but one marby dean of london derry , a papist born , but brought up in the colledg of dublin : and one turner , who in his time had turn'd through almost all sects and opinions ; and for his last turning got to be recorder of limerick . however the popish clergy have not been wanting , by all manner of ways , to pervert whoever they could , nor the protestant ministers to preach against their heresy and idolatry ; among the rest , one wilkinson , minister of palmers . town near dublin , in christ-church , briskly decrying their idolatry , was by the bishop of dublin silenc'd in the midst of his sermon . many persons endeavouring to bring mony for england , had it seiz'd by the irish ; and among others one lindon , who all along sate with two papists , second judg of the king's bench , to try several protestants , and punish them too for no other crime , out being enemies to popery ; and particularly one whalley , there famous for astrology , for publishing and spreading an account of the prince of orange's landing in england , his declaration , and success , was , by their worshipful lordships , singled out , and made the first publick sacrifice by their popish mercy , for his zeal to the protestant religion , to the extream hazard of his life , and loss of all he had ( tho often craved ) denying him the common rules of court , a copy of the indictment , and what else might enable him to make his proper defence : another proved to be distracted , fined 14l . sterling ; and others for like crimes , like cases . but whether for these , or other good service to be done here for his friends there , the good judg got his monies again , while others came off with loss of theirs : but what says pluck ? about three or four days after king james arrived at dublin , the few fellows and others left in the colledg , waited upon him , being introduced by the bp of chester , since dead , ( said to be poison'd by some of the popish clergy ) and received many assurances of their safety and protection . a letter from a lieutenant in the late king james's army in ireland , to the author of ireland's lamentation . dated at dublin , may the 7th , 1689. sir , having this opportunity of a friend of both yours and mine coming to chester , i thought fit not to omit giving you this brief account of what has happened here since your departure : which is , that before the duke of berwick got to colerain , it was quietly quitted by the protestants ; who no sooner found themselves attaqued on all sides , but most of the men stole away by night , some one way , and some another , and left their wives , children , and effects , to the discretion of our army ; who by the care of their officers , proved more kind and civil to them than their own people , who running away , pull'd down the bridg to hinder their being pursued : however , that defect was soon repair'd , and our forces having nothing more to hinder them , marched directly for london-derry , and upon the king 's coming up , sate down before it , on the 19th of the last month ; and thereupon the king sent john burton ( a protestant ) one of the trumpeters attending the state here , to summon the town to surrender , with assurance of pardon from the king ; and to let them know he was there in person , to sign and perform whatever was promised them . whereupon the town returned answer , that they had sworn allegiance to , and kept the town for king william and queen mary , and neither owned , knew , or would obey any other ; and that if any more such messengers came thither , to frighten and terrify their people from their allegiance , they would hang or shoot them : however the king had such interest within the place , as to keep out two regiments sent thither from england : but seeing they refused to submit , ordered batteries to be raised , and his canon and bombs to be plaid at the town ; and though much mischief is done by the bombs , yet the new preaching governor ( viz. the minister , mr. walker ) continues obstinate , and in two or three brisk sallies , killed about 4 or 5000 of our common souldiers , the french general mamou , one major , five captains , and several other inferior officers , and wounded the duke of berwick in the thigh ; colonel sheldon , and some others , are said to be mortally wounded , but not without considerable loss on their side also . in the mean time another party of our men , commanded by lieut. gen. hamilton , took the castle of kilmore ; which will so cut off all hopes of succour , that it 's hoped derry will also surrender , and receive mercy , for otherwise it 's resolved to put all to the sword. the king finding them obstinate , return'd to dublin the 29th of april , and this day met the parliament , where he made a short , but pithy speech , setting forth how much they were obliged , first to god , and next to the king of france , for contributing to that their happy meeting ; and hoped they would not be wanting on their parts , forthwith to consider of all convenient measures to unite the hearts of all his good subjects of this kingdom , resist the intended invasion from england , and recover his dominions , for the glory of god , and ease of his subjects both in church and state. sir richard neagle , the attorney general , is chosen speaker of the house of commons , who made a speech to the house , telling them how much they were obliged to the french king , and the duke of tyrconnel , for that glorious meeting , and how meet it was to return both their thanks . the speeches will be printed , with a list of the parliament , till then i cannot be certain of the particulars of either , but believe there are not many protestants among them . it 's hoped that the king will consent to take off poynings acts , dissolve the act of settlement , and restore the ancient proprietors to their estates : but others are of opinion , an irish parliament cannot do it without the advice of england ; and that the sessions will be soon prorogued to prevent such disputes , till the king hath got into england , which we here seem to promise our selves about the beginning of june , but cannot attempt it before for want of forrage and shipping , which are coming from france to waft them over ; in the mean time there is 5000 foot ordered forthwith for scotland , to keep the highlanders , and others the king's friends there , from fainting , till more can be sent them . we conclude , we can spare a formidable army of horse and foot for england , and the like for scotland ; who with greater supplies we expect at the same time to land in england from france , and the king's friends yet in england , who want only our presence to join with us , will , with the loss of as little blood as he lost them , recover those his kingdoms again . we have ( as we hear ) sent you home herbert by weeping cross to resit his shipping . we received into this kingdom , since you left it , 5 or 6 regiments of english , scots , and irish souldiers from france ; 250000l . sterling ; arms for 20000 men , 300 barrels of powder , several mortars , and a great quantity of ball and lead ; 36 sail of men of war , 8 fire-ships , & several tenders , and daily expect as many more , in all a fleet of near 50 sail ; and doubt not but before herbert return , to have sufficient to send him and the dutch as fast back as they come to us . there has none of the persons that were condemned when you went hence , yet suffered ; but the king declares , if he have not speedy exchanges for them , he will not spare one of them , or any other that shall be found guilty of the like crimes ; and if so , most of the protestants in the kingdom will go to pot ; for there are but few , if duly examined , but will be by our judges brought under the same preliminaries . there are some to be tried now at the king's bench this term , and it 's thought mr. price the late treasurer , and his six companions , will be of the number , unless some exchanges come suddenly for them . there are indictments already drawn up for them , or rather to be preferr'd against them . some few people have had their houses rifled , and among the rest yours , but not by authority , tho the king have declared , that all such as are not returned , shall forthwith have all their effects seiz'd and converted toward maintaining his army , and such as fled hither from england : however great care is taken for civilizing our army , but cannot make them quite forsake their old trade ; some injuries are here and there still continued , but not so frequently as formerly , the king having declared his resolution severely to punish all offenders of that kind ; and on saturday last , several that belonged to the army were indicted for robberies committed upon protestants , but a good jury will easily acquit them . i have great hopes to retrieve some of your losses again ; and not only so , but in case you will return , absolute assurance of a pardon , and a captain 's commission , and this from no less than the ld melfort and bp of clagher , secretaries of state ; and therefore considering how things seem now to us , if worthy , would advise you not to neglect the opportunity thus offered you ; for in our sense here , we seem to promise our selves all we can desire , and if it please god we succeed , it will be too late for either you or others to comply otherwise than to your ruin. all friends here are well , and many presents their cordial respects , as doth he that was , and ever is , sir , your assured friend and servant , b. fz. ws. the publisher to the reader . reader , be pleased to take notice , that the writer of the above letter , tho a papist , is of that sort , a very honest ingenuous english-man , and i am confident writes nothing but the naked truth of their sense of things there , to the utmost of his knowledg ; and therefore the foregoing treatise hath been delayed to add this to it . finis . errata . page 4. line 7. read , than barely plowing and sowing , will , &c. an impartial account of the arraignment trial & condemnation of thomas late earl of strafford, and lord lievtanant of ireland before the parliament at wesminster, anno dom, 1641. strafford, thomas wentworth, earl of, 1593-1641, defendant. 1679 approx. 259 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46088 wing i68 estc r11824 13302102 ocm 13302102 98942 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46088) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98942) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 458:17) an impartial account of the arraignment trial & condemnation of thomas late earl of strafford, and lord lievtanant of ireland before the parliament at wesminster, anno dom, 1641. strafford, thomas wentworth, earl of, 1593-1641, defendant. [4], 48 p. printed for joseph hindmarsh ..., london : 1679. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng strafford, thomas wentworth, -earl of, 1593-1641. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -sources. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -sources. 2006-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-07 john latta sampled and proofread 2006-07 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an impartial account of the arraignment , trial & condemnation of thomas late earl of strafford , and lord lievtanant of ireland : before the parliament at wesminster , anno dom. 1641. london , printed for joseph hindmarsh at the black bull near the royal exchange in cornhil , 1679. to the reader . amongst the superfoetations of the press , i hope you will have no cause to reckon this small collection , either if you respect the matter of it , i mean the pleadings in it , or the great personage concerned in them : i am apt to perswade my self it may not altogether be unseasonable in the present conjuncture of affairs , or unbeneficial to the reader , who shall carefully peruse it : the case it self , as well as the actor the great and noble earl of ●trafford , have somewhat more than ordinary and peculiar in them ; and as this great and solemn trial is so paramount in the equipage of all its circumstances , that ( as former ages have been unable ) so future are unable to produce its parallel . to give you , though but a rude draught of this great master of defence , who so easily put by the thrusts of his most applaudedly skilful and dexterous adversaries , will require an abler pencil than mine . take then his character in this book from his own mouth ; seeing otherwise whatsoever may be spoken of him , is beneath what was spoken by him ; and instead of those strange and unheard of monopolies laid to his charge in this his trial , he may seem a greater himself in engrossing so much of worth and ability in his own bosom . as to the matter of these collections , you have in them a fine and pleasant intermixture of points of law and matters of state : you may thereby understand the constitutions of the two kingdoms , which were then in a strange and most preter-natural fermentation , a sick stomach , nauseating at pleasant and wholsome meat ; the body politick growing hot and feavourish , in strange jactations and unquietnesses , wilfully refusing and scorning the help and advice of a most skilful aesculapius . the collector , you will find , hat● very well discharged his part , ne quid falsi dicere audax , ne quid veri dicere non audax : herein is nothing false reported , no material truth omitted , and nothing trivial to swell the book , and make it more chargeable , and less vseful to the peruser , is for any private end or design of the publisher's gain , here set down or observed : so that i may compare this collection to a well-made and easily manageable net , that as nothing considerable escapes its draught , so there is no great pains or toil in the cleansing of it , no sticks , stones , or small fish to give thee any trouble to return them whence thou hadst them . to be short , in the perusal of this brief ; but full account of this great transaction , ●s thy pains will not be great , so thy charge ( but not advantage ) will be inconsiderable . farewell . the proceedings against thomas earl of strafford , lord lieutenant of ireland , in the parliament at westminster , anno dom. 1641. sir , you have here the diurnal of the whole process against the lord lieutenant of ireland it was taken by the hand of a ready writer , a faithful ear , and an understanding head , he was present at all the action , and i make no doubt of the fidelity of his relation ; which beginneth thus : the house for the appearance of the lord lieutenant , was the great hall in westminster , where there was a throne erected for the king , on each side thereof a cabinet enclosed about with boards , and before with a tarras ; before that , were the seats for the lords of the upper house , and sacks of wool for the judges ; before them ten stages of seats , extending farther than the midst of the hall , for the gentlemen of the house of commons ; at the end of all was a desk closed about , and set apart for the lord lieutenant and his councel . monday morning about seven of the clock , he came from the tower , accompanied with six barges , wherein were one hundred souldiers of the tower , all with partizans for his guard , and fifty pair of oars : at his landing at westminster , there he was attended with two hundred of the trained band , and went in , guarded by them , into the hall : the entries at white-hall , king street and westminster were guarded by the constables and watchmen , from four of the clock in the morning , to keep away all base and idle persons . the king , queen and prince came to the house about nine of the clock , but kept themselves private within their closets , only the prince came out once or twice to the cloth of state ; so that the king saw and heard all that passed , but was seen of none : some give the reason of this from the received practice of england in such cases : others say , that the lords did intreat the king either to be absent , or to be there privately , lest pretentions might be made hereafter , that his being there , was either to threaten , or some otherwise to interrupt the course of justice : a third sort , that the king was not willing to be accessary to the process , till it came to his part , but rather chose to be present , that he might note and understand what violence , rigor or injustice happened . when the lieutenant entred the hall , the porter of the hall ( whose office it is ) asked mr. maxwel whether the axe should be carried before him or no ? who did answer , that the king had expresly forbidden it ; nor was it the custom of england to use that ceremony , but only when the party accused was to be put upon his jury , those of the upper house did sit with their heads covered , those of the lower house uncovered : the bishops upon the saturday before did voluntarily decline the giving of their suffrages in matters criminal , and of that nature , according to the provision of the cannon-law , and practice of the kingdom to this day , and therefore would not be present : yet withal they gave in a protestation that their absence should not prejudice them of that or any other priviledge competent to them , as the lords spiritual in parliament , which was accepted . the earl of arundel , as lord high steward of england , sate apart by himself , and at the lieutenants entry commanded the house to proceed . mr. rym being speaker of the committee for his accusation , gave in the same articles which were presented at his last being before the upper house ; which being read , his replies were subjoyned and read also , the very same which were presented before in the upper house . some give the reason of this , because the lower house had not heard those accusations in publick before 〈◊〉 others , that the formality of the process required no les ; however that day was spent in that exercise . the queen went from the house about eleven of the clock , the king and prince stayed till the meeting was dissolved , which was after two . the lieutenant was sent to the tower by his guard , and appointed to return upon tuesday at nine of the clock in the morning . the crowd of people was neither great nor troublesome , all of them saluted him , and he them , with great humility and courtisie , both at his entrance and at his return , therefore let fame pretend what it please about the malice and discontent of the multitude , that if he pass the stroak of justice they will tear him in pieces , yet i see there is more in rumor then in sight and appearance , and in this report , as in all others of this nature , more is thrust upon the vulgar ( who seem as well fearful of punishment , as exempt from it , for all their great number ) than they do justly deserve . on tuesday in the morning he came accompanied , as before , to westminster ; and having stayed in the exchequer chamber till nine of the clock , the king , queen and prince came , as before upon the first day . then master pym , being called for , aggravated the charge which was given the day before , by a very ample speech ▪ it is impossible to call to mind all the hyperboles , the flashes and superlative expressions that he used , the main points were : that it was a treason far beyond the reach of words , that he the lieutenant , a native subject and a peer of england , the prime governour of ireland , the commander of his majesties forces , and a protestant in religion should have in such an impious and gross manner , recompenced his majesties favours , abused his goodness , and drawn all his dominions into hazard and perill of their religion , lives , goods and priviledges : that one of these faults alone had been enough and too much for the fulfilling of the exorbitancy and wickedness of any one man , and that no punishment could be thought upon sufficient to expiat crimes of such a transcendent nature . the lieutenant with no less moderation and wisdom than the other with heat and passion , spake to his own defence , and that with such a measure of eloquence and lively-hood , that his very enemies were affected with it and do mervailously report of it . he modestly recounted his services done to the king and crown of england , his endeavours for advancement as well of the honour as commodity of both kingdoms in general , but in particular that of ireland ; how he had engreatned and advanced the kings revenues there , restored the churches maintenance , suppressed the outlaws , established obedience to royal authority , and impedited the tyranny and usurpation of greater ones over the commons . and for the effecting of all these actions , he mentioned himself the most weak and meanest instrument , with a wonderful prudence , in a middle way , betwixt the affectation of baseness , or dejectedness , and allegeance . master pym , after the close of his speech , told him that there were three new articles adjoyned ( by an after search ) to his charge , and desired that he might presently reply to the same . whereunto the liutenant answered . it was very strange , that after the close of the process , and when matters were come to be scan'd , and examined by proof , that any new charge should be given in ; yet lest he should seem to decline the maintenance of his own innocency , and the just de●ence of his honour , he was most willing to hear them and have them alleaged , provided that a convenient time might be assigned him to make his replies against them , as he had done to the other given in before . but master pym excepted against this , and told him that the house did conceive it to be dangerous to grant any farther prorogation . upon this the lords of the upper house ( who did not think it sit as yet to voice any particular in the audience of the house of commons ) did retire themselves , and after a pretty time of stay , they returned and declared , that they had found the lieutenants suit to be equitable in desiring of further time for answering ; yet seeing the articles themselves , neither for number nor weight , seemed to be of that importance , but that he might furnish out a present answer , they thought it ●tting to grant no delay . the lieutenant then ( intreating them to pass by and pardon the weaknesses of his extemporary answers ) desired to hear the articles read which were these . first , that he had within these two years withdrawn forty thousand pound sterling , from the exchequer in ireland , and imployed it to his own private uses . secondly , that in the beginning of his government , the garrisons in ireland had been maintained by the english treasury . thirdly , that he had advanced popish and infamous persons , as the bishop of waterford and others , to the prime roomes in the church of ireland . to the first he answered , that thirty thousand pounds were set apart for the kings late service , at his own most special and most peremptory commands , for which he produced the kings own letter , already approved as his acquittance at the exchequer board in ireland . to the second , that at the beginning of that charge against him , as ever before his time , the garrisons had been burthensome to the kingdom of england , but that he had so improved it , and setled the kings revenue there , that the like is not to be heard in all the times that are by past ; for which ( if the best endeavours of a subject may justly expect any reward from his king and country ) he craved leave to think that he rather deserved many thanks , than the least punishment . to the third , he attested all the clergy in ireland , if ever he had taken upon him any particular medling in advancing their church-men , or whether he had done any thing concerning such affairs , but upon the special advise and desire of the best and wisest of their number : for his part , when he befriended the bishop of waterford , he conceived of him , as a man of integrity and learning , fit for such an imployment ; nor was there then the least suspition of those monstrous impieties , wherewith he was afterwards charged , that he had now justy suffered for the same , and that he hoped they would not lay a necessity upon him to prophecy and divine of the future conditions and deportments of men : for others of the church , suspected of popery , he knew none such , but should answer to the particulars so far as they concernd him , when they should happen to be alleaged . after this the house disolved for that night , the kings majesty and the prince having stayed all the time , and the lord lieutenant was appointed to come thither again on wednesday morning , at which time they are to proceed to the first article , to give an oath to the witnesses , and to examine all the proofs whereon the process was builded . it will be a very hard matter for him to expect every mans testimony , and to give his answers , either for full satisfaction or diminution of all objections , which way of proceeding will spend at least a fortnight , if not a greater space of time , yet it is thought the lower house are impatient of delays : the expectations are exceeding various and different , about the event of this great action ; some think it will be impossible to escape the many and great accusation laid to his charge ; others , and that the greater number too , are of oppinion that he will be in no hazard of his life , and that it will not be possible to bring him into the compass of treason ( quod tam misere cupio ut non credam ) his adverse party is so great , and so far interested both in point of safety and honour against him , that flectere si nequeunt superos , &c. nothing will be left unassayed that may accelerate his ruin. he hath all this time carried himself couragiously , to the admiration ( and with all so moderately , that it is to the great satisfaction ) of his very enemies , so that he seems neither dejected with fear , nor to affect boldness with confidence , but to carry himself with that constancy and resolution which his innocency and brave parts do promise . the irish commissioners here , have hitherto abstained from giving in any remonstrance against the lieutenant , and do still plead to have an immediate dependance from the king , and not from the parliament of england : there was a report that the parliament of ireland had sent a protestation against the act made the last year , for the kings supply in his expedition against the scots , as a thing which was violently in part , and in part surreptitiously obtained from them : but i have learned this to be an untruth . i had almost forgotten one passage of mr. pym , who in the aggravation of the lieutenants faults , had this expression , that he was like the whore in the proverbs , he wiped his mouth , and with a brazen face said he had done no evil . to this the noble lord replied , that he wished his innocence might not be taken for impudence , that he hoped shortly to clear himself of all those foul aspersions which his malicious enemies had cast upon him ; and he was very confident that he should give the honourable houses full satisfaction concerning his life hitherto , and thought of nothing more hereafter than to retire himself from all publick employments . mr. pym gave at this a great shout , and desired the house to take notice what an injury he had done to the honourable house of commons , in calling them his malicious enemies . whereupon the lieutenant falling down upon his knees , humbly besought them that they would not mistake him ; and withal gave a large panegyrick of their most just and moderate proceedings , protesting that if he himself had been one of the house of commons ( as he had the honour once to be ) he would not have advised them to have done otherwise against his dearest friend : but withal told them , that he might justly say he had his own un-friends ▪ which he hoped in time to make known : nor did he all this time speak one bitter word against mr. pim , though justly incensed , which hath infinitely advanced his reputation . i have been a daily hearer of these proceedings against this great personage now upon the stage , therefore do presume i can give a reasonable account thereof : the book of his charge is extant in print , so it shall be needful for me only to name the articles as they were canvassed : and those designed by the house of commons to be his accusers ; which were these that follow . the names of his accusers . pym , glin , maynard , whitlock , lord digby , st. johns , palmers , sr. walter earles , stroud , seilden , hamden , &c one of these began the speech , the rest after their colleague hath done , follow in their turn , so that he hath all of them to wrestle against ; and yet sufficiently able for them all ; though by his agitation his spirits are much exhausted . mr. glyn , after a large flourish , on wednesday , told the lords , that the lord strafford was impeached , not with simple , but accumulative treason : for though in each particular article , such a monstrous crime could not be deprehended , yet when all was conceived in the mass , and under one view , he should be undoubtedly found the most wicked and exorbitant traytor that ever was arraigned at that barr. he added , that his charge was for intending to subvert and change the fundamental laws , liberties , and priviledges of both the kingdoms , and to introduce an arbitrary and tyrannical form of government . this , he said , could not appear , but by the fruits , which were either in expression or action . the expressions were four . first , that before several witnesses he had said at york , that the king 's little finger should beheavier , to them , than the loyns of the law. to this the lieutenant replied , that having spoken sufficiently before to his justification in general , he would moreover add these few words , by their favours : that it strike him to the heart to be attached of such a wicked crime , by such honourable persons ; yea , that it wounded him deeper , in regard that such persons who were the companions of his youth , and with whom he had spent the best of his dayes , should now rise up in judgment against him ; yet he thanked god for it , it was not guilt , but grief , that so much troubled him . he added , that it was a wonder how he had gotten strength sufficient in such infirmity of body , and such anguish of mind , to collect his thoughts , and say any thing at all for himself : but the almighty god , who knows him to be innocent , had furnished him with some abilities to give testimony to the truth , and to a good conscience : he therefore intreated , that i● either in judgment or in memory , he should at any time fail , it might be imputed to his great weakness . and although the gentlemen his accusers should seem more ready in their accusations , than himself in his defence , yet that might not prejudice his cause , who in very unequal terms , had to do with learned and eloquent lawyers , bred up a long time and inured to such judiciary pleadings , and whose rhetorick he doubted not , might present many things to their view in a mutiplying glass ; he told them farther , that for these many years he had been weary of publick service , and that now it was his resolution , after he had vindicated his honour , to retire himself ▪ and enjoy his much longed for privacy , and yet he could not but tell them so much , that it had been his hearty wish and desire , rather voluntarily to have resigned his places of honour , like a ripe fruit fallen from the tree , than to be violently pulled from thence , as a fruitless and unprofitable withered branch . to the charge of treason , he said , that under favour , he conceived that although all the articles contained in his impeachment were verified against him , yet they would not all amount to treason , neither simple not accumulative : for ( said he ) i do not understand by what interpretation of law , the diversion of justice can be called a subversion of the same , or the exceeding of a commission , the usurpation of a new power ▪ to the particular he replyed , that his words were cleerly inverted , for that his expression was , that the little finger of the law ( if not supported by the regal power , in granting pardons for poenalties of the same ) was heavier then the kings loyns . that this was his expression he verified . first by the occasion , for he spake the words a long time since , to some men who had lain imprisoned at york , and were then by the kings favour set at liberty , whom he incited to thankfulness ( by this expression ) towards his majesty . secondly , by witnesses produced by him : in the examination of their witnesses he convinced one of them of untruth , by interrogating him where he was when the speech was heard , and how far distant from him , when the man had replied , that he was twelve yards from him , he answered that it was impossibly for him to hear a man three yards off , by reason of a deafness that had held him 14 years , which being found true , the witness was rejected . another witness ( sir david fouls ) was brought against him , against whom he excepted as his known and professed enemy ; 't was told him that he himself did not use to admit of exceptions against witnesses , and therefore was to expect the same measure . he replyed that master pim might one day perhaps be atached for perswading the house of commons to commit the same crime that was laid upon him as a charge of treason : but for all this the witness was received , because in matter of treason a mans enemy may witness against him pro domino nostro rege , though , i suppose the kings advice was never asked for the present . this was all that was done for that time . on thursday he was charged with the second expression ; that he said ireland was a conquered kingdom , and that the king might prescribe them what law he pleased . this they aggravated as a prime note of his tyrannical will and affection , that would permit no law to bound the subject , but what himself and such as he might draw up by sinistrous informations , from a gracious and well meaning prince , and if this were admitted , the whole power and liberty of the republique would be utterly lost . to this he replied , that neither was the expression in those words nor in that sence spoken or meant by him ; the first part of it ( said he ) cannot be denied ; to the second that he had said only , that the king was the law-giver , which he hoped none could deny without incurring the crime of treason ; and that the kings sentence was a law in matter not determined by acts of parliament , which all but disloyal subjects would grant ; and that it had ever been his endeavour to have the liberty of the subject , and the royal prerogative follow both in one channel : if either of them crossed other , we could expect nothing but a subversion of the common-wealth , either by tyranny or rebellion ; that the prerogative was like the first ; the liberty of the subject like the second table , either both or neither can be preserved , that in his duty he stood obliged first to the king , as gods anointed , then in the second place to his countrey , if it did not crosse the regal power : and therefore hoped that what he had spoken was so far from being treason , that he thought a thousand such expressions would not make up one fellony . on friday the two other expressions were followed ; that he said , he would not suffer his ordinances to be disputed by lawyers , before inferiour judicataries , and that he would make an act of state equivalent to an act of parliament . to the first he said , that he had often said ( more then once ) that he would not suffer his ordinance to be contemned , because , in him , his masters honour was wounded . to the second , he thought a proportionable obedience was due to acts of state , as well as to acts of parliament , otherwise they were made in vain if that both did not bind in one kind . the lord cork ( though his mortal enemy ) was now examined and admitted , as a witness , whom in his deposition he convinced of two shameful oversights : for corke had declared upon his oath , that the lieutenant had caused to be interlined an ordinance against himself , and had caused some words to be scraped out , which words were notwithstanding still found to be in the sentence by an authentique copy under the hand of sir paul davison , clerk to the councel-board of ireland . then cork alleaged , that he had advanced a groom of his to be a preacher , who by a testimony from the university of dublin he verified to have been a master of arts , ten or twelve years before his advancement , adding withal , that my lord of cork was an excellent scholler , who was able to breed such grooms . upon satturday , having done with his expressions , they canvased the first article about his actions . against the lives of the kings subjects , both in the case of the lord mount-norris and also of another of the kings subjects , both of whom he had sentenced to death by martial-law , contrary to all law , and to the manifest subversion of the priviledges of subjects , magna charta , and the petition of right . to the lord mount-norris his case , he replied : 1. that though that sentence had been unjustly given and rigorously prosecuted against him , yet the greatest crime that he could be charged withal would but amount to man-slaughter , or fellony at the most . 2. that he hoped ( though this were true ) to obtain a pardon from his gracious master the kings majesty , as well as conway , and sir jacob ashley had lately done , for e●ercising martial law in the northern army . then he replied to all the parts of the charge which were four . 1. that he had exercised martial law in time of peace , to this he answered : 1. that all armies have been , and must be , governed ever by martial law. 2. that there is a standing army in ireland , and therefore the case is all one is time of peace or war ; and that the army might be undone if they should not use martial law , but were to expect remedy for the setling of a mutiny , or assurance of obedience from the common law. 3. that it had ever been the practise of the deputies , particularly of wilmot , faulkland , chichester , yea cork himself , and therefore was no new thing , brought in by him ; this he proved , both by the production of the military ordinances , and by divers witnesses who knew sentences given in that kind by them . 4. that he had a particular warrant in his commission for this power . 5. that in the lord mount-norris his case , he was commanded to exercise the same , by the kings particular letter , both which he caused to be read . the second charge was , that he was both party and judge in the lord mount-norris 's cause . to this he replied , that he had sitten in judgment , because he was one sine quo non , the judgment could not proceed without him , but that he was not judge but party appeared . 1. because he sate discovered all the time . 2. because he refused to give his own opinion . 3. because he did not give his suffrage one way or other . 4. because he removed his brother sir george from having hand in the proces , in regard of interest of blood. the third charge was , that he proceeded summarily in the matter of the lord mount-norris . he replied . first , that he was not judge in it , and that the councel of war was to be answerable in the justification of their own proceedings . that after a long reasoning he had heard them say , that no delay could safely be granted in martial courts . the fourth charge was , that he had not heard the exceptions made by mount-norris against his witnesses . to this he answered , as before , that he was not judge in the case , and that he remembers no exceptions made against any witnesses , to which he added , that as he had been regulated in his proceedings , so he had been moderate in the execution of that sentence : for though the lord mount norris justly deserved to dy , yet he had obtained him the kings pardon , for the saving of his life , and protested that he intended nothing by that sentence , but in some measure to repair his own honour , and to give mount-norris fair reproof , who was known to be of an exorbitant and licentious tongue and spirit : adding , that if the house of commons would go on the same way with him , and assure him that the issue of his charge , should be nothing else but to admonish him for the time to come , he would thank them heartily for it , and study amendmant in all pretended oversights . and whereas mount-norris complained that he had jeeringly told him , when the sentence was passed and pronounced against him : that ere he lost his head , himself would lose his hand ; he answered , that he had been thought to be very insolent and haughty , yet he was never so impertinent to use this expression ; if any fault were , it was for undervaluing himself in saying , that ere a hair of mount-norris should perish , he would lose his hand : and truly ( said he ) if mount-norris would say so to me now , even in the worst sence that can be conceived , that ere i died he would lose his hand , i would take it very kindly from him . for the other man he avouched that he himself had voiced to hang him , both because he was an arrant thief , and also had fled from his colours , which by the common-law ( and to this effect he cited a statute 20. hen. 6. and 7. hen. 7. ) that to fly from their colours is fellony . he concluded that seeing he was not accessary to the sentence against mount-norris , had not sate there as judge , had a power to keep martial-courts by his commission , had not exercised the same till a new command came from his majesty , had done no more than ever was practised in ireland , before his time , and had at least obtained mount-norris his pardon , he hoped there was nothing accusable in him but his too remiss and too moderate proceedings . master glin bitterly replied , that he knew the time when the earl of strafford was no less active and stirring to enlarge the liberty of the subject , and advance the petition of right , than now he is for extending his own arbitrary and tyrannical government . to this he replied without the least semblance of passion , that if at any time he had done the least service to the house of commons , he thought his whole life well spent , nor could they ever so graciously reward him as to give commission to that gentleman , to express so much before that honourable assembly : but withall if ever any such thing was done by him , he intreated it might now be remembred , and might now serve to over ballance some sleight and mean oversights committed by him , which he hoped should never make him guilty of treason , unless it were treason for a man to have no more wit and prudence than god and nature had bestowed upon him . and so much for saturday . upon monday he was charged with the sixth article : that he had used a tyrannical government , not only over the lives ( as appeared by the last ) but also over the lands and goods of the kings subjects , as appeared by this article : wherein he was charged to have dispossessed the lord mount-norris of a tenure of lands , by a summary process before himself , contrary to all law , and therefore had failed . 1. against the act 7 hen. 6. which provides all matters to be determined by the ordinary judges . 2. against the cautions sent to ireland by king james , expresly forbidding such power hereafter to be exercised . 3. against the kings late proclamation . 4. against the practice of all deputies before that time . withal they added , that it was a tyranny that could not be expressed , to exercise this power over the persons of the peers of the land , and their goods . to this he replied , that for his part , in matter of justice ( under favour he spake it ) he thought there was no distinction to be made betwixt a peer of the land , and one of the commons , except they did think that either fear or faction should do somtehing , which had no place in him . to the particulars . 1. that the act of hen. 6. answered it self sufficiently , both because it excepted the court of requests ( and that his proceedings were nothing else in ireland , and also makes an express reservation of the kings prerogative , which he said was his strength , because he derived his commission from the king , and that the act ▪ was the most express warrant in the world for him . 2. that he had not failed against the cautions given by king james . 1. because they were not charged upon him . 2. because they were never observed , nor could be by the deputies to whom they were given ; which he proved both by witnesses and writings . 3. because the caution made rather for him , than against him , in that it contained the word hereafter , which manifestly implyed that the power had been somtimes before exercised in ireland ; and not only by himself , and therefore thanked them for that testimony and hint . 4. that though the cautions had been given to him , yet he had received an express command from the king his master , to put that power in use , causing the kings letter , for that purpose , to be read ; and professing withal , that he was tender to exercise that power , till the king ( induced by the humble remonstrance of the meaner sort of people ) had most peremptorily , and upon most just reasons commanded him . 3. that he could not obey the kings proclamation five years before it came out , and that he wished from his heart , that they would but respect the kings commands and commissions , with that tenderness of affection and obedience as he did his proclamations . 4. he proved it to be the constant practise of all deputies that went before him . it was objected , that other deputies had indeed upon suits of equity determined themselves , and matters of debt ; but never of land. he replied , first , that the same authority reacheth as well to the one as to the other : secondly , that neither he nor they had ever given sentence , or determined any thing concerning matters of inheritance , but only concerning violent intrusion , which fell directly within a suit of equity . to which he added , first , the equity of that court ; that it proceeds upon the same grounds and evidences of that of the common pleas ; and that he had the assistance of two of the learned judges , in deciding the controversie . secondly , the profit of that court , which dispatcheth the poor in a day or two , whereas the common-law would keep them so many years , which they are not able to sustain . thirdly , the necessity of that court in that kingdom , which hath been ever governed by that way , and therefore impossible to debarr the natives from it , without great inconvenience , for it would utterly undo them , and none is prejudiced by it but the lawyers : and therefore seeing that he had done nothing but what was customary , necessary and equitable ; commanded to it , and the sentence just , he hoped rather for thanks from the state , than a charge for his ill deportment : withal , he shewed with what extortion and violence the lord mount-norris had taken seisure of that piece of land , and made the playing of his game to be very foul : and at last he added , that he had done no more in ireland , than the court● of request in england usually doth ; and that the chancery-court in ireland doth the same daily , and the last chancellor was never charged ( said he ) for such proceedings , though this his power and authority was less than mine : but the difference of the person and his authority ( it seemeth ) differeth the matter . and this was the business on monday . on tuesday they passed by the 7th . article , and the two first parts of the 8th . about the lady hibbot's land ; that he had violently thrust her from her possession , by this summary way of justice , and afterwards purchased the land to his own use , by borrowing the name of sir robert meridith . in this probation , the testimony of the gentlewomans own son was used , of the lord of cork , and the lord mount-norris , all his back-friends , or professed enemies ; and yet they proved very little , but what they took upon hear-sayes . their prime allegation was , first , that though the major part of the council-board had voted for the lady , yet the lord l●utenant had given decrees against her . secondly , that all was done to his own behoof . to the first , he produced the sentence , under the hand of the clerk of the council-board , subscribed by the major part . to the second , he attested that he had no under-dealing with meredith ; for the lady had got her own lands back from the said sir robert meredith : he also declared at length , with what fraud and deceit the lady had come to her lands , and upon what reasons they were restored . after this article they fell upon the 9th . about the giving of commission to the bishop of down and connar , for apprehending all such persons , and presenting them before the council-board , as contemned the ecclesiastical ordinances . ' this was aggravated as a point mainly against the liberty of the subject . to this he replied , first , he produced the primate of ireland's testimony under his hand ( he being himself sick ) that the same course had been used in ireland before , and that bishop mountgomery , his predecessor in the bishoprick of methe , had had the same . secondly , he shewed the equity that such assistance should be given to church-men , who otherwise , because of papists and schismaticks , either to god or the king , would have no repect or obedience given them in that kingdom . thirdly , he proved by two witnesses , that such warrants were in use before his time . fourthly , he said he had never granted any but that one , and had presently within some few months called the same in again ; what ( said he ) was the bishop of downes carriage in it , he had no reason to answer for ; but he presumed the bishop could give a satisfactory answer for himself , when he should be called in question ; and so he concluded that a matter so just , so necessary , so customary and practical before , he hoped should not be charged upon him as an introduction of a new and tyrannical form of government : and therefore submitted himself to the mercy of god , and the equity of his peers in his trial. and this was the work on tuesday . ' the ability of this brave gentleman ravished his hearers with admiration , though he be ' infinitely spent both in body and mind , by the continued and almost un●interrupted agitation . after the ninth article was passed against the commission issued in favour of the bishop of down and connar ; upon wednesday mr ▪ glyn proceeded to the tenth article . the charge was , that the earl of strafford , having established an arbitrary and tyrannical government , over the lives , lands and liberties of the kings subjects , his next desire was to make intrusion upon the crown it self , that by applying to his own use the publick revenues , he might be the more enabled to accomplish his disloyal and trayterous intentions : to which end , having by a new book of rates , enhaunced the customs , he had gotten by advantage of his lease , above twenty six thousand pound yearly . this ( they added ) was a crime of higher nature than those contained in the preceding articles , because in those there was some colour or pretext of justice , here none ; those in particulars , this in general ; those against the subject only , this against the king himself . for the proof of the charge , they produced the lease of the duke of buckingham . which was read and compared with that lease to the dutchess of buckingham ( which the lieutenant hath now by assignment ) and some difference shewn arising to the sum of two thousand pounds in the dukes lease , only the moiety of concealed and forfeited goods were due to him , but the whole goods to the dutchess in her lease : again , the kings ships of prizes did not pay custom in the dukes lease ; in the dutchesses they did : again , the impost of the wines ( then belonging to the earl of carlile ) was not in the dukes lease ; in the dutchesses it was : lastly , whereas the earl of strafford paid but fourteen thousand pounds per annum for the custom , it was worth to him , as was apparent by the books of the exchequer , forty thousand pounds . witnesses were examined . first , sir james hay , who deposed that the earl of carlile had an advantage of one thousand six hundred pounds per annum by his lease of wines . secondly , the lord renelaugh , who deposed that by the inspection of the books of accompts , he had found the customs to be anno 1636. thirty six thousand pounds ; anno 16●7 . thirty nine thousand pounds ; anno 1638. fifty four thousand pounds ; anno 1639. fifty nine thousand pounds . with the proof they concluded the charge : that notwithstanding the lord strafford pretended a great measure of zeal and honesty in his majesties service , yet it is evident he had abused the trust put upon him , and by withdrawing so great sums of money from the crown , had weakned the king , prejudiced the subject of the protection they were to expect from him , and had been the cause that the extraordinary way of impost and monopolies had been undertaken for supplying of the royal necessity : and that this act , therefore ▪ ought to be enough to make the charge and impeachment of high treason laid against him . the lieutenants reply was , that he conceived he had given full satisfaction to all hitherto brought against him , about that pretended arbitrary government , nor would he spend time in vain repetitions , for the present article , though in all its parts it were granted to be true , yet he could not perceive , by what interpretation of law , it could imply the least act of treason , and when it should be directly charged upon him as a point of misdemeanor , oppression , or felony , he made no doubt but he should be very able to clear himself abundantly in that point also ▪ yet lest any prejudice might stick to his honour , by these bold assertions , he was content to step so far out of the way as to give answer . first , that it concerned him nothing what particulars in the lease had past betwixt the king and the dutchess of buckingham , or whether she had obtained a more ea●ie condition than the duke her husbands , especially seeing that same was granted some years before his coming to that government ; yet thus much he could say , that the dutchess had paid thirty thousand pound fine , and therefore no marvail her yearly rent was the less . secondly , for the book of rates ( wherein the chief matter of oppression and grievance seemed to rest ) the same was there established by the deputy faulkland , an. 1628 , three years before his going into ireland , and therefore it was exceeding strange , in his apprehension , now that could rise up in judgment against him . thirdly , that he had his interest in the customs by assignation of a lease from the dutchess , which was given her before his government , nor did he ever hear it alledged as a crime of treason for a man to make a good bargain for himself . fourthly , that not of his own accord , but at the kings special command he had undergone that charge , on hopes that upon the enquiry into the worth thereof , the customs might be improved for the benefit of the crown , and the true value thereof discovered . this he proved by the lord cottington , and sir arthur ingram . fifthly , that when a new book of rates was recommended to man by the council board of england , in the time of his lease , he so far preferred a fear he had , that the trade of ireland might thereby be discouraged , before his own commodity , as he presumed , in all humility , to refuse the said book of rates , and tendred his reasons thereof to the kingdom and council-board of england . sixthly , that he never understood that the customes could a●●e to those great sums alledged , but though they should , yet his advantage was but ●mall ; for first dividing the fourteen thousand pounds he paid to the king , then five parts of eight ; which was yearly given in upon oath , ( and that procured first by himself ) at the exchequer-board , the other three parts 〈◊〉 ide● amongst four of them which were equal sharers in the lease , would not amount to any great sum of money : and therefore except it were treason for him to have ●mproved the kings revenue , encouraged the trade , and refused the new book of rates , he could in his own weak ●udgment discern none there , nor could he think it a crime for him to take an assignation of a lease ▪ granted before his time , and to insist in the book of rates used before his coming over ; and therefore was confident the lords would rather take his accusation as an exercise of rhetorick in the gentlemen his adversaries , than as a thing spoken in good earnest by them . the same day the eleventh article , concerning tobacco , was charged on by the same man mr. glyn , after this manner : that for the farther advancement of his tyrannical and avaritious designs , he had , of himself , established a monopoly for the restraint of tobacco in that kingdom ; where they offered five particulars to the proof . first , that he had restrained the importation of tobacco . secondly , that in the mean time he had brought in a great quantity himself , and sold the same at exorbitant prices . thirdly , that of tobacco already imported , he had forbidden any to be sold , but was first sealed by his officers . fourthly , that upon a pretended disobedience , he had punished a great number of people , by seizures , imprisonments , fining , whipping , pillory , and such like cruel and inhumane vsages . fifthly , that by these means he had gained one hundred thousand pounds yearly . for proof hereof , first , the proclamation for restraining tobacco , was read . secondly , the proclamation about the sealing of the same . thirdly , some witnesses , who declared that ships had been restrained from landing tobacco . fourthly , others who had known some tobacco seized on as forfeited . fifthly , the remonstrance of the house of commons in ireland , declaring that the earl had sold 500 tun of tobacco , which sold at 2 s. 6 d. per pound , amounts to 100000 l. they concluded the charge : that he had sucked up the blood , and eaten up the kings liege-people , and had by this one point of oppression , raised greater sums to himself , than all the kings revenue in that kingdom extended unto : and therefore was liable to the crime of treason , for troubling the peace , and bereaving the people of their goods , who were entrusted into his care and government . the lieutenant's reply was , that his most secret thoughts were conscious of nothing but of a sincere intention and endeavour to promote and advance the wellfare of that kingdom ; and withal he conceived ( by their leaves ) that nothing in that charge could have the least reference to treason ; yet as he said before , for removing of all prejudice , he was content to answer : first , that long before his coming to ireland , the same restraint had been of tobacco , and the same impost of eighteen pence per pound , enjoyned by king james . secondly , that at that time the tradesmen for this commodity paid but twenty pounds a year to the crown for the impost , but now 400 l. thirdly , that the parliament in ireland 1628 , had petitioned to have this impost setled by an act of state for ever afterwards , as a part of the revenue of the crown . fourthly , that he had express command from the king , for issuing those proclamations , and therefore could not imagine more danger in them , than in others for monopolies in england , in the worst sence . fifthly , that the proclamations were not put forth by himself alone , but by the whole councel-board of ireland . sixthly , that for the contract of tobacco , he was so tender of it , that it was sent over hither , and seen and approved of by the councel-board of england , before it was condiscended to in ireland . for the proclamations ; he told them it was his own opinion ( and if he failed in it , he humbly craved pardon , and hoped that it should not be treason to have no more judgement than god had bestowed on him ) that the king was indued by god , with a power , to make temporary laws , and cause the same to be promulgated for the good of his people , upon suddain emergent occasions to which laws obedience is due , till they be abrogated by ensuing parliaments ; that he restrained no man from importing tobacco , who was willing to pay the appointed impost ; that for his part , he had never traffict in all his time , in that kind , nor had any part with the contractors : and if any tobacco was seized on , it was upon contempt of the proclamations ; and if any person were censured to the pillory , or whipping , it was for known perjury , the ordinary and usual punishment in such a case ; concerning the tobacco imported ( he said ) no consideration was taken of the prices given for the tobacco beyond seas , of the kings revenue of four thousand pound , of the merchants pains and danger , bringing the same home : for his part , if any advantage were made , surely it was not his , nor could he annul every contract or lease made by the king : and therefore , seeing his interest was none , he had done nothing but at the kings directions , and at the advice of the councel-board ; seeing the same impost was in king james his time , and petitioned for by themselves in ireland : he hoped the carriage in the business should be so far from a crime of treason , that it should rather be thought no crime at all . so much for wednesday . upon thursday he was charged with the twelfth article , concerning flax , by master maynard , on this manner : that the flax , being the native and principal commodity of that kingdom , was by him ( the lieutenant ) restrained , and the subjects put to that which was unknown , yea impossible for the irish to make the same into yarn , here they complained of three things . first , that by proclamation he had restrained selling of flax. secondly , that he had ordered the making of yarn of such and such lengths and numbers of threds . thirdly , that the native irish , being unacquainted with such customes , upon a pretended disobedience , had all their flax and yarn seized on to his use , whereby a great many families were reduced to such penury that they died , by great numbers in the fields for want of food . for proof hereof they brought : first , the proclamation about the restraint . secondly , the warrant for seizing the forfeited goods . thirdly , the execution of this warrant , proved by sir john clotworthy , lord ranelaugh . fourthly , the remonstrance from the house of commons , in ireland , that upon the rigorous course and execution of this warrant , many persons died for want of food . they concluded the charge therefore : though the article did not individually imply treason , yet it did make very much for the accumulation of treason . the lieutenants reply was , that as before he would and must ever repeat it , that nothing was in the charge that contained treason , to the matter it self he answered . first , that the proclamations issued forth , were grounded not only upon convenience , but upon necessity , because that except some way had been taken for ordering of yarn , the merchants had absolutely given over the linnen-trade in that kingdom . secondly , that the councel-board was as lyable to the charge as himself , amongst whom were , at that time , the primate of ireland , the arch-bishop of dublin , chancellor loftis and the lord mount-norris , all subscribers to the proclamation , men to them of known integrity and judgment . thirdly , that nothing was more common , then for the councel-board of ireland to give one orders for reducing the natives to the english customes , and to fine them for drawing their horses by the tails , during their corn , and such like , and he conceived that to be a thing of the same nature . fourthly , that the special thing inducing him to it was , because he perceived the trade of wool to increase much in that kingdom ; he disswaded by all means the making of wooles-cloath , because of the infinite detriment that might happen thereby to the kingdom of england , and therefore thought this the best way to encourage the way of linnen cloth ; for the warrant to seize upon the goods , he affirmed the same to be necessary , because there should be no contempt to proclamations ; but that any part thereof did accrue to him , he flatly denied ; if any rigour was used in the execution , he said not he , but his officers were to answer for it ; for this might happen in the most just and necessary commands , nor was there eyer any complaint presented to him of any such matter ; for his part he had lost thirty thousands pounds in the manufacture , established by himself for the encouragement of others . to that , that persons died by this means , he replied , that it was more then ever he heard ▪ or could think possible , yea that he was cleared by the allegation it self , which saith that the same happened since his coming from ireland . to the remonstrance of ireland , he conceived that a charge was but a slender proof of a charge , and that especially upon interrogatories , not upon oath , seeing that priviledge was not due to the house of commons , neither here , nor there ; that he might say it in truth and modesty , he deserved much better of that people , and might take up that in the gospel . for which of all my good deeds , &c. yet he hoped to be better understood shortly , both here and there , and for his part , though his pursuit had been very hot , yet god was his witness he never intended to take the least impression of revenge , for those discontents and affronts which had been eagerly put upon him , or to carry any thing hence with him from that bar , where so many foule aspersions had been unjustly thrown upon him , but only gratuitas cicatricis . the same day a fresh man ( master palmer ) entred the lists against him ; who having past by , for want of proof the thirteenth , fourteenth ; and part of the fifteenth articles , insisted only upon the second part , for giving warrant to serjeant savil , for seizing and laying souldiers upon the subjects , he charged thus that the lord strafford , having by a tyrannical power inverted the ordinary course of justice , and given immediate sentence upon the lands and goods of the kings subjects , under pretence of disobedience , had used a military way for redressing of the contempt , and laid souldiers upon the lands and goods of the kings subjects , to their utter ruine . this article ( he said ) of it self did contain an individual treason , so that if there were no more than this , it were more than sufficient to convince him of his impeachment . here he offered two things , first , the proof of the point . secondly , by what statute this act of tyranny , directly and by it self , implyed treason : for the first , serjeant savil was called , who produced the copy of the warrant upon which he had setled the souldiers . at this the lieutenant rose , and humbly intreated the lords no evidence should be received against him , upon an article of such importance , but what might be thought authentique , and such a one , under favour , he conceived that copy not to be . first , because no transcript , but the original only , can make faith before the kings bench , in a matter of debt , therefore far be it from them to receive a most slender testimony , in matter of life and death , before the supream judicatory of the kingdom ▪ secondly , if copies be at any time received , they are such as are given in upon oath , to have been compared with the originals , which are upon record , such an one was not that copy . it was replied by master glin ( for all of them spake as occasion served ) that the house had but the day before admitted copies as evidences , much more should they do this , when it was prosecuted by the officer himself , who best knew it , having executed the same . to this the lieutenant answered , that all other copies ought to be received upon oath ▪ to have been compared with the original , as right reason requireth , but that this was not so ; and for the officer himself pro●ucing it , that was the best argument he could use , why it should not be admitted . for ( said he ) master savil may be charged with treason , for seising men of war upon the kings subjects , he hath nothing for his defence but a pretended●warrant from me : now what he swears to my prejudice , is to his own advantage , nor can a man by any equity in the world , be admitted to testify against another , in suum justificationem . the point seemed exceeding weighty , and in effect was the groundwork of the whole article , which not proved , nothing could evince him to have been accessary to the consequence ▪ the upper house therefore adjourned themselves , and went up to their own court , and after a very hot contestation between the sactions , and above an hours stay , they returned and declared that the lords after mature deliberation ▪ had resolved that the copy should not be admitted , and desired them to proceed to other preo●s , which after a little pause they did , first , the lord renelaugh affirms , that he heard of such a warrant , and knew sometimes three , sometimes five souldiers billeted by it . secondly , master clare declares the very same . thirdly , another deposeth he had seen such a warrant ▪ under the deputies hand and seal : and so much for the proof . for the statute , they alleaged one of edward . 3.6 . that whosoever should carry about with them english enemies , ●sh r●bels , or hooded-men , and less them upon the subject , should be punished as a traytor . another of hen. 6.7 . that whosoever should ●ess men of war , in his majesties dominions , should be thought to make war against the king , and punished as a traytor . they concluded ▪ it was evident the lord strafford had incurred the penalty and breach of both the statutes , and therefore desired the lords should give out judgment against him as a traytor . the lord lieutenants reply was . that in all the course of his life , he had intended nothing more , than the preservation of the lives , goods and welfare of the kings subjects , and that he dared profess , that under no deputy , more than under himself , had there been a more free , and un-interrupted course of justice . to the charge he answered . first , that the customes of ireland differed exceedingly from the customes of england , and was clear by cooks book , and therefore , though sessing of men might seem strange here yet not so there . secondly , that even in england he had known souldiers pressed upon men , by the presidents of york and wales in case of known and open contempts , and that both in point of outlary and rebellion , and also even for sums of debt between party and party , there is nothing more ordinary than these sessings to this day in scotland , whereby the chief house of the owner is seized upon . thirdly , that to this day there hath been nothing more ordinary in ireland , than for the governours to appoint souldiers , to put all manner of sentences in execution , which he proved plainly to have been done frequently , and familiarly exercised in grandisons , faulklands , chichesters , wilmot , corks , evers , and all preceding deputies times : and had even for outlaries , for the kings debts in the exchequer , of collection , of contribution money , and ( which comes home to the point ) for peteet sums of money between party and party , so that he marvailed , quâ fronte , or with what boldness it could be called an arbitrary government lately brought in by him . to this the lord dillon , sir adam loftis , and sir arthur teringham deposed ; the last of whom told , that in faulklands time he knew twenty souldiers sessed upon a man for refusing to pay sixteen shillings sterling . fourthly , that in his instructions for executing his commissions , he hath express warrant for the same , as were in the instructions to the lord faukland before him , both of which were produced and read . fifthly , that although all these presidents were not , yet it were not possible to govern the kingdom of ireland otherwise , which had been from all times accustomed to such summary proceedings . sixthly , that no testimony brought against him can prove that erer he gave warrant to that effect , and for the deeds of the serjeant at arms , he did conceive himself to be answerable for it . as for the acts of parliament , he had reserved them to the dispute of his lawyers , but was content to say thus much for the present . first , that it is a ground in the civil law , that where the king is not mentioned , there he cannot be included . but ( with all distance to his sacred person be it spoken ) he conceived himself to be in his master the kings place ( for so his commission did run ) in that kingdom of ireland . secondly , the words of the statute are not appliable to him , for god knows , he never went about in person to lay souldiers upon any of the kings subjects . thirdly , that the kings own souldiers , enquiring in a customary way obedience to his orders , could in no construction be called irish-rebels , english enemies , or hooded-men . fourthly , that the use and custom of the law was the best interpreter thereof , and for that he had already spoken enough . fifthly , that it favoured more of prejudice than equity , to start out such an old statute against him , and none others , though culpable of the same fact , to the overthrow and ruine of him and his posterity . sixthly , that ( under favour he conceived ) for any irish custom , or upon any irish statute , he was to be judged by the peers of ireland . seventhly , that statute , of what force soever , was repealed . first , by the tenth of henry the seventh , where it is expresly declared , nothing shall be reputed treason hereafter , but what is so declared by the present statute , now not a word there of any such treason . secondly , by the eleventh of queen elizabeth , where expresly power is given to the deputy of ireland , to sess and lay souldiers , although the same be reputed treason in any other . to the statute of henry the sixth , he replied , that a slender answer might serve : he hoped that no man would think him so inconsiderate to war against the king of britain and ireland , by the sessing of five souldiers , that he had been charged by many for taking arms for the king , but to that time , never for taking arms against him ; and that he heartily wished that no man in all his majesties dominions , had more practises with rebels and rebellious designs against the king than himself . so much for thursday . ' at the close he desired the intermission of a day , that he might recollect his spirits and ' strength against the next quarrel , and with some difficulty obtained rest till saturday . upon saturday mr. palmea proceeded to the sixteenth article , and charged thus : that the lord strafford , having established a tyrannical and independent authority , by giving summary decrees and sentences , had deprived the subject of all just remedy ; for in that kingdom there was none supream to himself , to whom they might appeal ; and lest their just grievances might be made known to his majesty , he had obtained ▪ a restraint , that no complaint should be made of injustice or oppression done there , till the first address had been made to himself , and that no person should come out of that kingdom but upon licence obtained from himself . for proof of this , first , the instructions were read , whereby that restraint was permitted . seconly , the proclamation , that all noblemen , gentlemen , undertakers , officers , or other subjects that should resort into that kingdom , should not come from thence without a licence from him . thirdly , that he had restrained the earl of desmond , because of a suit in law depending between the earl and himself , till publication of the same was passed . fourthly , that the lord roch , being informed against before the star-chamber , he would not licence him to come into this kingdom , till the sentence was passed against him . fifthly , than one marchatee , having pretended a mind to travel , was denied a licence . sixthly , that the whole committee for the parliament , was restrained this last year by deputy waniford , which they said might be interpreted to be his fact , both because they had such intelligence the one from the other , as also by the proclamation issued by him before . seventhly , that one parry , servant to chancellor loftis , was fined five hundred pounds at his return , for departing ireland without licence . eightly , that the irish remonstrance complained of this , as the greatest innovation and thraldom put upon them since the time of the conquest . they concluded the charge ; that by this meanes , having taken of that intelligence which should be between the king and his people , and having deprived them of that remedy which in reason they might expect from so just and so gracious a prince he had taken upon him a royal and independent power , and had faulted highly both against king and state. the lievtenants reply was , that he hoped to make it clear , that he had done nothing in that particular , but what was usual , necessary and just , and that he should be very well able ( by the grace of god ) not only of that , but of all other his publick actions , to give a reasonable accompt , though not be free from much weakness , yet certainly from oll malice and treason . to the particulars . first , for instructions laid upon him , he was not so much chargeable as those of the council of england , whereof there was a great many present who could witness their commands ; but lest any thing should seem unjustly enjoyned by them , or embraced by him , he desired that the reasons of their instructions might be read : which were ; that it were injustice to complain of injuries , of oppression done in that kingdom , till first the deputies judgment was informed , and trial made of his integrity ; that it would much discourage the ministers of state there , and expend the monies of that kingdom , if upon every trifling business complaints should be admitted in england : and that if justice were there denied by the deputy , it should be lawfull for any man to come over . secondly , for the proclamation : that the same was builded upon the statute of that kingdom , the 25 of hen. 6. which contained the same restraint verbatim . thirdly , that anno 1628. the agents for the irish nation had petitioned for the same from the king. fourthly , that the deputy faulkland had set forth the same proclamation . fifthly , that he had the kings express warrant for it , anno 1634. which was read . sixthly , that he had received the warrant in january , yet the proclamation issued not out till september after . seventhly , that the whole council-board of ireland , had not only condescended , but also pressed him to it . eightly , the necessity of the kingdom required the same ; for , if the gentlemen had the ports open to go to spain , and their scholars to doway , rhemes or st. omers , it were likely that at their return they would put fire both in church and state , and produce very sad events , by practising to distemper both . ninthly , he conceived that the king , as great master of the family , might restrain whom he pleased from departing his kingdom without his privity , and here it was not lawful for any to go from england without licence , how much more necessary was this from ireland ? to the proofs he answered , first , for desmond , he granted he was restrained indeed , but not for any suit of law betwixt them , but because at that time he stood charged with treason before the councel in ireland for practising against the life of one sir valentine cooke . secondly , for the lord roch , he had often-times marvailed with what reason the man at that time could seek a licence , seeing he was a prisoner for debt in the castle of dublin ; and if he had granted a licence to him then , it had been a far more just charge of treason than now . thirdly , for marcattee , he was afraid of his going to spain ; and if he had intended to go for england , and complain of himself , he would not have refused him liberty , as he never did to any . fourthly , that the committy of irish was not restrained by him , and therefore did not concern him at all fifthly , that for parry , he was fined indeed , but that it is expresly said in his sentence , that it was not for coming over without licence ( as is suggested ) but for sundry contempts against the councel-board in ireland . sixthly , that he had replied in the last article , a remonstrance was no proof at all ; he concluded that he hoped the least suspition of treason could not accrue to him from the article ; for oppression or misdemeanour , when it was laid to his charge , he made no doubt but he should be able to answer it . the same day a new man was hurried out against him ; ( mr. whitlock ) who hav●ng past over the 17 and 18 articles , resteth on the nineteenth , about the oath administred to the scots , in ireland and charged thus : that it was the height of his tyranny , not only to dominier over the bodies , but also over the consciences of men , to which purpose he had enjoyned an oath to the scots in ireland , and because some out of tenderness of conscience did refuse to take the ●ame , he had fined them in great sums of money , banished a great number from that kingdom , called all that nation traytors and rebels , and said , if ever he returned home from england , he would root them out both stock and branch . for proof of this . first , sir jammy mountgomery was produced , who declared at large how that oath was contrived . secondly , sir robert maxwell , of orchiardon , who spake to the same purpose . thirdly , sir jo. clotworthy , who declared that a great number had fled the kingdom for fear of that oath . fourthly , one mr. samuel , who deposed , that upon the tenth of october , 1638. he heard the d●puty say these words , that if he returned , he would root them out stock and branch . they concluded , that this was a point of the most tyrannical and arbitrary government , that before this time was ever heard of , not only to lord it over the fortunes , but also over the souls of men. and that it rested only in the parliament , which hath the legislative power to enjoyne oaths : and that therefore this was one of the chief points he had done against the priviledges and liberty of the subject . the lieutenant replied : that every new article acquainted him with a new treason , that if he had done any thing in all his life acceptable to the king and countrey , he conceived it to be this . to these particulars : first , he desired the lord would call to mind the condition of those times , no than ( pointing to my lord steward ) knows better than your lordship , who had then the chiefest place in his majesties service ; i would be very sorry to rub ( said he ) old sores , especially seeing i hope things are in a fair way to a firm peace , and i wish that i may not be deceived , that is , that it may be so , only thus much i may say , we had then greater fears and apprehensions in ireland , left the scots in the kingdom ( who were above one hundred thousand souls ) might have joyned with their countrey-men at home , for the disturbance of our peace , mean time we detected a treason of betraying of the castle of knockfergus , to a great man in that kingdom ( whose name i now spare ) by one freeman , who upon the discovery was executed . the councel-board therefore in ireland resolved to prescribe the scots an oath , whereby they might declare their discontent at their countrey-mens proceedings , and obliege themselves to the kings service ; but while we were about this ; they , of their own accord , come to dublin , to petition for it , and took it with a wonderful alacrity and heartiness , so that it is a marvelous falshood for any man to say it was invented , or violently enjoyned by me . secondly , about the same time , the same oath verbum verbo was by the councel of england prescribed to the scots , at london and else where , which was no small encouragement to us in ireland . thirdly , i had ( said he ) which i never shewed , because i had no need before this time , a special warrant from the king , all written with his own hand to that effect ; and when the king commands a matter not contrary to law , truly i ( said he ) do conceive it both contrary to law and conscience , not to yield him all due obedience . for the proof brought against him , there was nothing seemed to be of any moment but the words . for the first words , that he had called all the nation rebels and traytors , he said there was no proof at all , nor indeed could there be any , for if i had said it ( quoth he ) i had been perfectly out of my witts ; and , he thanked god , such irrational-speeches used not to escape him : he honoured that kingdom very much , because it was the native soil of our dread soveraign , his gracious master , and because he knew a part , yea ( he hoped ) the greatest part of them had been , and ever will be as loyal and dutiful to the king , as any other of his subjects ; and of those too who had subscribed that unhappy combination , he knew a great many had done it against their hearts and wills , and would be ever ready upon occasion to remonstrate the same , by adhering to the kings service : so that this accusation was nothing but a wrestling and perverting h●s words and meaning , of purpose to make him odious , and irritate a whole nation against him . for the other words , they were proved only by one witness , which could make no sufficient faith , and that witness too he would evince , if not of perjury , yet of a notable mistake ; for he had sworn positively that he had spoken these words the tenth of october , whereas he was come out of ireland into england the twelfth of september before , and was at london the one and twentieth . for th●se that had fled the kingdom because of that oath he knew none such , and if they did , they fled into scotland , which might sufficiently argue their intentions and resolutions ; for his part , if they were not willing to give that testimony of their loyalty to their prince , although he had known of their departure , he would have been very loath to have kept them against their wills , but should have been gladly rid of them , and have made them a bridge to be gone rather than stay . upon monday master whitlock proceeded to the 20 article , and told him , that because the matter was intervenient , & consimilis nature , they had resolved to joyne the five next articles together , because all of them tended to one point or period , that is , to shew what bad design he had to have subdued the kingdoms both of scotland and england by force of arms , and to reduce them to that arbitrary government he had lately introduced into ireland . the lieutenant intreated that they would proceed according to the order prescribed by the house , which was article by article ; he said five articles were many , the matter weighty , his memory treacherous , his jugment weak . it was bitterly replied my master glin , that it did not become the pris●ner at the bar , to prescribe them in what way they should give in their evidences . the lieutenant modestly answered , that if he stood in his place , he would perhaps crave the like favour , unless his abilities did furnish him with more strength than he could find in himself ; for his part he was contented they should proceed any way , always provided they would grant him a competent time for replying . then whitlock went on and told the lords , that something in those articles concerned the scottish , something the english nation , that which concerned the scottish , he reduced to five heads . first , that the deputy had said at the councel-board , that the scots demands contained sufficient 〈◊〉 to perswade to an offensive war. secondly , thus the same demands did strike at the root and life of monarchical government , and were only to be answered by the sword. thirdly , that he had caused some scottish goods and ships , to be seized on in ireland . fourthly , that he had engaged the irish parliament , by their declaration , in that war against the scots . fifthly , that by all possible means , he had put had thoughts and suspicions into his majesty against his scottish subjects , and laboured to make a national quarrel between them and england , which , if the kings piety , and the prudence of better affected states-men had not prevented , could not have been s●erd up again without much blood. concerning england , his speeches were either before or after the parliament . first , before his creature and bosom friend sir george ratcliff , he had said to sir robert king , when he was doubting how the king might have monies to pay his armies , that the king had four hundred thousand pounds in his purse , thirty thousand men in the field , and his sword by his side , and if he wanted money afterwards who will pitty him . secondly , that his brother sir george wentworth had said to sir robert be●ington , upon the dissolution of the last parliament , that seeing the english would not grant supply to the king , it seems they were weary of their peace , and desired to be conquered a second time . thirdly , that he himself , upon a discourse with the primate of ireland , had said , that he was much of the mind of those english divines , who maintained it lawful for a king , having tried the affection and benevolence of his people , and then denied their help , upon an inevitable necessity and present danger of the kingdom , that he might use his prerogative for his own supply , and the defence of his subjects . fourthly , to the lord conway , in a discourse he had said , that if the parliament ( meaning the last parliament ) should not grant a competent supply , that then the king was acquitted before god and man , and might use the authority put into his hands . fifthly , that he did say at the council board , if the parliament should deny to help the king , he would take any other way be could for his majesties service and assistance . his expressions after the parliament were two ; first , that the parliament had forsaken the king , and that the king should not suffer himself to be over-mastered by the frowardness , obstinacy and stubbornness of his people . secondly , that if his majesty pleased to employ forces , he had some in ireland that might serve to reduce this kingdom . the proofs for the scots particulars were these : first , the lord traquiere , who was indeed very favourable to the lord lieutenant , and spake nothing to his disadvantage , but what was scrued from him , with much difficulty he told them , that when he gave in the demands , he heard him say , that it was high time for the king to put himself into a posture of war , but that first , all the council of england said the same as well as he : secondly , that it was a double supposition ; 1. that the demands were truly given in 2. that there was no other remedy left but arms , to reduce them . secondly , the earl of morton's testimony ( being sick himself ) was produced , and it was one and the same with the article . thirdly , sir henry vane was examined , who declared , that he had heard the lieutenant to advise the king to an offensive war , when his own judgment was for a defensive . fourthly , the testimony of the earl of northumberland was produced , which was the very same with sir henry vane's . fifthly , the treasurer of england deposed the same with traquiere . sixthly , one beane , from ireland , told , that he had known ships seized on there ; but by whose procurement or warrant he knew not . to the articles about england . first , sir robert king and the lord renelaugh deposed the same , that sir robert king and the lord ●enelaugh had heard sir george ratcliffe speak those words in the article . secondly , sir robert barrington , of sir george wentworth . thirdly , the primate's testimony ( who is sick ) was the same with the article . fourthly , the lord conway deposed the same with the article . fifthly , sir henry vane deposed , he had heard those words spoken at the council-board . for the words spoken after the parliament : to the first , sir tho. jermyne , lord newburg , earl of bristol , earl of holland were examined ; bristol did mince the matter ; but holland's testimony was express , because of the exceeding great love he carried to the man. for the last , which were the most dangerous speeches ( about the reducing of this kingdom ) there was only sir henry vane's testimony , who declared only thus , that he had either those words or the like . here some of the lieutenants friends shewed themselves . 1. the lord savil , who desired of sir hen●y vane , to know whether he said their , or this , or that kingdom ; and withal said , it was very hard to condemn a man for treason upon such petit circumstances . 2. the earl of southampton desired to know whether sir henry vane would swear those words positively or not ? sir henry vane said positively either them or the like : the earl replied , that under favour , those or the like could not be positive . 3. the earl of clare desired to know what could be meant by this kingdom ; for his part ( he said ) he thought it meant of the kingdom of scotland ▪ to which the word this might very well be relative , that kingdom being only mentioned in the preceding discourse . and that he was the more ready to be of that opinion , because he could not see by what grammatical construction it could be gathered from his words , that he meant to reduce england , which neither then was , neither is now ( god be thanked ) out of the way of obedience , nor upon rebellious courses . they at last concluded the charge , that the words were so monstrous , that to aggravate them ▪ was to allay them ; and therefore they would simply leave them to the judgment of the lords . the lieutenant's reply was ; that though the heaping up of those articles had put him to a great confusion , yet he would endeavour to bring his answer into the best method he could , and first he would reply to the proo● , then add something in general for himself , in what a hard taking and lamentable condition he was to have his private discourses , his most intimate and bosome friends search'd and sisted to the least circumstance , that he might seem guilty of that which , by god's assistance , he should never be . to the lord traquieres , and the deputies depositions , he thought their proofs did not much stick upon him ; for upon the suppositions , first , that the demands were true ; secondly , that they were not justifiable ; thirdly , that no other course could prevail : he could not see what other advice he could possibly give the king , than to put himself into a posture of war , especially seeing then there was frequent reports of the scots invading or entring into england , nor was he of any other mind than all the rest of the council-board . for that of morton's ▪ he doth not positively remember the words , but if the demands were read , perhaps they would imply nothing less ; and if so , how otherwise to be answered but by the sword ; all other means being first assayed , which is ever to be supposed ? for sir henry vane's and northumberland's testimony , about perswading of an offensive war , he said , he remembred it very well , and thought it as free for him to give his opinion or an offensive as they for a defensive war : opinions ( said he ) if they be attended with obstimacy or pertinacy , may make an heretick , but that they ever made a traytor , he never heard it till now ; nor ( under favour ) should i be an heretick either ( said he ) for as i was then , so am i now , most willing to acknowledge my weakness , and correct my errors , whereof no man hath more , or is more sensible of them , than i my self : yet , if that opinion of mine had been followed , it might perhaps have spared us some money ( said he ) and some reputation too , of which we have been prodigal enough . for the last , about the ships , it proves nothing but he would willingly confess , that some ships were there detained , and that by himself , and his own direction , as vice admiral of connaugh , but it was at the command of the lord admiral the earl of northumberland , and produced his letter to that purpose . to the english proof , he marvelled much how sir george ratcliff's words could be put upon him ; sir george ( though alledged to be his bosom friend ) yet had thoughts of his own , and might have some other thoughts in his bosom , and be to some other expressions than sir george ratcliffe : no man ( said he ) can commit treason by his attorney , and should i , by my friend sir george , as by a proxy ? for his brother , he never knew him before so rash ; but that was nothing to him ; except they could prove a nearer identity than nature had instituted , and that his brother's words and his were ●ll one ; yet withal he conceived that his brother's words might be very well understood , of the scots conquering england , but not at all of the irish ; and so he wished with all his heart , that he had not spoken something which is like a prophesie . to the primate's testimony ( with all reverence to his integrity be it spoken ) he is but one witness , and in law can prove nothing ; add to this ( said he ) that it was a private discourse between him and me , and perhaps spoken by me tentandi gratia , and how far this should be laid to a mans charge , let your lordships judge . yea , this seems to me against humanity it self , and will make the society of men so dangerous and loathsom to us , that our dwelling houses will be turned to cells , and our towns to defarts : that which god and nature ( our tongues ) have bestowed upon us [ for the greater comfort of venting our own conceptions , or craving the advice of wiser and learnecer men ] should become snares and burdens to us , by a curious and needless fear ; yet if my words be taken , said he , with all that went before and followed after , i see no danger in it . to the lord conway i may reply the same , with this addition , that it is a very natural motion , for a man to preserve himself : every greature hath this priviledge ; and shall we deny it to monarchy , provided this be done in a lawful , though in an extraordinary way ? this grain of salt must be added to season all my discourse . to that of sir henry vane , of offering my service to the king , i thank him for the testimony , and think he hath done me much honour thereby ; but if he or any body else do suspect that his majesty will employ me in unlawful enterprizes , i shall think them more liable to the charge of treason than my self , to the subsequent testimonies , i shall not need to wrestle about them much , only the last of sir henry vanes pinches , and lies sore upon me , but to that which the earl of clare ( and i thank him for it ) hath said already , give me leave to add this , that the testimony of one man is not a sufficient witness , nor can a man be accused , much less condemned , of treason , upon this , and for that read the stat. of hen. 7.12 . and of edw 6.5 . now my lords ( said he ) to give you further satisfaction , i shall desire all the lords of the councel , which were then present ( only to the number of eight ) may be examined whether they heard these words or not , for the archbishop and sir francis windebank they cannot be had , sir henry vane gives the testimony , i deny it , four only remain . first , the earl of northumberlands testimony , which was read , had declared expresly that he had never heard those words , nor any like them from the lord strafford , but he spake with great honour and regard to the kingdom of england . secondly , the marquess hamilton , who declared upon his oath , that he had never heard such words , but that he had heard the lieutenant often say , that the king was to rule his royal power candidè & castè , that it would never be well for this kingdom , till the prerogative of the crown , and the priviledge of the subject went in one pace together , and that parliaments were the happiest way to keep a correspondency between the king and people . the very same was delivered by the lord treasurer , and the lord cottington . now , my lords , you may mervail how these words rested only on the ears of sir henry vane , but my lords , said he , that i may remove all scruple from you , i will make it evident that there was not the least intention that the irish army should set a foot in england , and then i hope you will conceive that i had no meaning to reduce this kingdom . this he made clear by the testimony of northumberland , the oaths of marquiss h●milton , lord cottington , lord treasurer , sir thomas lucas , who only were private to that matter . for other of my words my lords ( said he ) i desire you would not take them by halves , if so , who should be free from treason ? certainly , if such a precident take sooting , westminster-hall shall be more troubled with treason then with common-law , look therefore to the antecedents and consequents of my speeches , and you shall find the state of the question clearly altered ; the antecedents were upon an absolute or inevitable necessity , upon a present invasion , when the remedy of a parliament cannot be expected ; the consequents for the defence of the kingdom , which acompts afterward to the parliament . the qualifications too in a lawful , convenient , and ordinary way , so far as the present necessity can permit . add but these , and which of you are not of my mind ? is the king endowed with no power from the lord ? is he not publicus inspector regni ? stands it not him in hand to do something on present necessities . and that these were his words he often proved , over and over again , by the marquess , by the lord treasurer , cottington , sir tho. jermine . my lords , what i have kept to the last ( said he ) is this , and i would intreat you seriously to think of it ; if a mans table , his bed , his house , his brother , his friends ( and that too after they have given an oath of secrecy ) to be ra●● to find out treason against him , who never knew what it meant , what earthly man shall pass free from treason ? let my misfortune my lords , be your advertisement , your wise ancestors were glad to put bands and limits to this lion treason , if you give him the large scope of words to range into , he will at last pull you or yours all to pieces . but my lords , i did never think till now , that matter of opinion should be objected as matter of treason . for , first opinions are free , and men may argue both pro and eon , in all faculties without any stain of his reputation , otherwise all consultations would be vain . secondly , i may be of another judgment then i declare my self to be of opinion , perhaps to gain better arguments for the maintenance of my own grounds . thirdly , many , and my self often times , have propounded my opinion , yet upon hearing better judgments have presently changed it . fourthly , we use to strain our opinions too ●igh , sometimes , that we may meet in a just moderation with those whom we conceive in the other extremity to be too low . fifthly , it is expresly commanded by the stat. hen. 6.9 . that though a man should say the king is not lawful heir to the crown , and may be deposed , yet he is not to be charged with treason , but only with felony , and i hope my lords , those words are of a more trans●endent and superlative nature , than any alleaged by me to be spoken : but my lords ( said he ) lay it to your hearts it must come to you , you and your posterity are they whom god and nature , birth and education have fitted to beautify the royal throne , and to sustain the weighty affairs of the kingdom , if to give your opinions in political agitations shall be accounted treason , who will be willing to serve the king , or what a dilemma are you in ; if , being sworn councellors , you spake not your minds freely you are convict of perjury , if you do ▪ perhaps , of treason . what detriment ! what incommodity shall fall to king and kingdom , if this be permitted ? which of you hereafter will adventure , yea dare adventure , so much as to help by your advise , unless you be weary of your lives , your estates , your posterity , yea your very honour ; let me never live longer than to see this confusion , yea i may say it , this inhumanity in england , for my part ( my lords ) i here confess my self , i ever have , and ever shall spa●k my opinion ●ely , in any thing that may concern the honour and safety , either of my gracious king or my deer countrey , though the sword be two edged , fearing rather him that killeth the soul , than him 〈◊〉 power reacheth only to the body . nor do i see how i am culpable of treason , unless it be treason for not being infallible , and if it be so , my lords , you have this rag of mortality before you , loaden with many infirmities ; though you pull this into shreds , yet their is no great loss , yea there may be a great gain , if by the same i may seem to have dared to far , to give a testimony to the world of of an innocent conscience towards god , and a resolute loyalty towards my prince [ which have ever been my only pol● st●r● in the whole course of my life ] and if by spilling of mine , there be not a way found how to trace out the blood of the nobillity ( which i hope your lordships will look too ) there is no disadvantage at all suffered by the loss of me . you have his very words as neer as i could recollect . tuesday was a day of rest . upon wednesday whitlock charged thus : that the preceding articles were of so high a consequence , and of so transcendent a nature , that nothing wanted to make up the perfect measure of the most horrid treason , and monstrous attempt that ever , by a native , was intended against his king and countrey : but putting these designed projects into execution , which had undoubtedly hapned to the ruine and subversion both of church and state , had not the clemency and goodness of the prince , and the piety and carefulness of the well affected peers timously foreseen and prevented the same ; that still the principles of tyranny and oppression had lodged within his 〈◊〉 , and therefore had burst forth into these expressions and advises contained in the following articles , where first , in the twenty fifth , they charged him with three things . first , that ●e had advised the king to a rigorous and unlawful exaction of ship-money . secondly , that he had given councel , that if the sherifs should deny their best endeavours , and assistances to that effect , they should be sent for and fined by the star-chamber , and imprisonment . thirdly , that when the aldermen of london , had in all humillity represented the causes why the ship-money could not be collected amongst them , and had given in the reasons why the refused to give in a list of their names , within their city , who were able to afford the loan-money ; he in a contemptuous and tyrannical manner , in the face of the councel-board had said to the king. sir ▪ these men because of their obstinacy and frowardness , deserved very well to be fined , ransomed and laid by the heels , and it will never go well with your service , until some of them be hanged up for examples to others . the proofs were these : first , the bishop of loden , lord treasurer , who declared that he remembred the words very well , that the lord lieutenant had advised the king to cause the ship money to be gathered in , but he remembred withal , that both himself and all the councel had done the like , and that it was upon a present necessity , and defect of money , for entertaining the army , which ( the condition of the times considered ) they all conceiued , was by any means to be kept on foot . secondly , alderman wiseman declared , that upon an humble remonstrance made to the councel board , the city would take it ill , if a tax-role should be delivered of their estates , who were thought able for the loan money ; the lord strafford said , they deserved to be fined , ransome● , and laid by the heels , but for the words of hanging them up , he heard not at all . thirdly , the earl of barkshire declared , that the lord strafford had said , that upon the refusal of such a service enjoined by the kings peremptory command , it was his opinion , they might be fined . fourthly , alderman g●●way attested the preceeding words , and ●ithal added , that the lord lieutenant , to his best remembrance , had said , it were well for the kings service if some of them were hanged up . they closed the charge , that by such undutiful expressions , he had injured the propriety of the subject , and had put such discontent upon the city , that they were the less willing upon any occasion to 〈◊〉 for the advantage of the kings service . the lieutenant replied : first , that though all the charge were , in the most strict and rigid way o● sence verified against him , yet he could not conceive by what interpretation of law it could be rech't home to high-treason , and to that common objection ( that the treason was not individual but accumulative ) he replied that under favour he thought to that manner , were as much as to say , no treason at all : because , first , that neither in statute law , common law , nor practise , there was ever , till this time , heard of such a matter as accumulative-treason , or a treason-by way of consequence , but that it is a word newly coined to attend a charge newly invented , such an one as never was before . secondly , that treason was a thing of a simple and specificative nature , and therefore could not be so by accumulation , but either must be so in some , or either of the articles , or else could not be so at all . thirdly , he did conceive that it was against the first principles of nature , and false ; therefore could not be so by accumulation , but either must be so in some or each of the articles , or else could not be so at all . that a heap , or accumulation , should be and not be of homo-genous things , and therefore that which , in its first being , is not treasonable , can never confer to make up an accumulative treason . cumulus , an heap of grain , so called because every , or at last some of the individuals are grain , if otherways , an heap it may be , but not an heap of grain : just so , perhaps these articles may make up an heap of felonies , oppressions , errors , mis●demeanors , and such like ( and to the thing it self i shall give an answer when , under that name , they shall be charged against me ) but they can no ways confer to the making up of treason , unless some , at the least , be treason in the individual . secondly , that the testimonies brought against him , were all of them single , not two one way , and therefore could not make faith in matter of debt , much less in matter of life and death ; yea , that it was against the statute expresly , to impeach a man of high-treason under the evidence of two famous witnesses , much less to adjudg and convince him upon attestation of one . thirdly , to the lord-treasurers testimony , he did with all his heart condiscend unto it , but upon shese grounds only , that there was a present necessity of money , that all the councel-board had so voiced with him , yea before himself , and he always thought it presumption in a man , not to follow the wiser and more judicious , and that there was than a sentence of the star-chamber , for the right of paying ship-money ; for his part , he would never be more prudent then his teachers , nor give judgment against the judges , and therefore he thought it not far amiss to advise the king for the collecting of that , which by law was his own , in such a present and urgent necessity , and although his opinion ( and it was no more ) had been amiss , he hoped , that though in case of religion , being attended with stubbornness and pertinacy , it might come home to heresie , yet in his case opinion could not reach so far as treason ; unless it be treason for a man to spake his judgment freely , when he is upon his oath to do the same . fourthly , for the words about fining , he had already acknowledged in his general answers to be true , but with these qualifications , that it was his opinion only , that it was upon the refusal ( as he conceived ) of a just service , that he had spoken them , by no means to prejudice the citizens , but to make them the more quick and active in the kings service ▪ that no ill consequence at all hapned upon them ; that they were words might have been spared indeed , but innocently , though suddenly , spoken ; which he hoped might proceed from a man of such a hasty and incircumspect humor as himself ( made so both by nature , and his much infirmity of body ) without any mind at all to treasen , and that if all chollerick expressions , of that nature , should be accounted treasonable , there would be more suits , of that kind , fly up and down westminster-hall , then common-law . fifthly , to those words attested by the alderman , he positively denied rhem , and hoped they should never rise up against him in judgment , because the testimony was single and not positive , but only to his best remembrance , and that it was exceeding strange , that not any one man , neither of the councel or other aldermen were so quick to observe them , but only alderman garway , which he thought sufficient to nullifie that single testimony , except he could demonstrate himself to have some rare and singular faculty of hearing . in the close , he desired the lords , from his misfortune , to provide for their own safety , and seriously to consider what a way was chalked out to ruin them both in their lives and estates , if for every opinion given in councel , or words suddenly or hastily spoken , they ( who are born to weild the great affairs of the kingdom ) should be arraigned and sentenced as traytors . then they went to the twenty sixth article and charged thus : that the lord strafford , having by his wicked advises exhausted the kings treasury , did also councel him : first , to imbase the coin , by an allay of copper-money . secondly , to seize upon all the bulloin in the mint . thirdly , that in discourse with some of the aldermen , about that business , he had said , the city was more ready to countenance and relieve the rebels than the king ; and that the king of france did use to manage such businesses , not by treaties or requests , but by sending forth his commissaries to take accompt of mens estates , accompanied with troops of horses . the proofs were . first , sir thomas edwards , who declared , that in discourse with the lord strafford , having remonstrated unto him , that their goods were seized on beyond seas , because of the money taken out of the mint ; he told him that if the londoners suffered it , it was deservedly , because they had refused the king a small loan of money upon good security , and that he thought them more ready to help the rebels than the king. secondly , mr. palmer declared that he spake something about the king of france , but whether with relation to england or not , he did not remember . thirdly , sir william parkise attested in the same words , and withal that the lord cottington was then present , and could declare the whole business . fourthly , sir ralph freeman declared , that in a discourse with the lord strafford he had said that the servants in the mint-house would refuse to work the copper money , and he replied , that then it were well to send those servants to the house of correction . they closed the charge , that by such undutiful councel and words , he had given more then sufficient proof , of his design and purpose to subdue this kingdom , and subvert the fundamental laws , and priviledges of the same . the lieutenants reply . first , that he had expected some proofs about the two first particulars , but did hear of none , and that it was no small disadvantage to him , to be charged with a great many odious crimes , by a book printed , and flying from hand to hand , through the whole kingdom , yet when they came to prove there should be no such thing laid against him . secondly , about the speeches . he ingeniously confessed that some such thing might perhaps have escaped the dore of his lips , when he saw their backwardness to his majesties service , and as the times were then conditioned he did not think it much amiss to call that faction by the name of rebels , but yet he thought he had abundantly satisfied for that oversight , ( if it was any ) at york : for having understood there that the city of london were willing to make a loan of money , he there before the great councel of the peers , expressed himself to this sence , that the londoners had sufficiently made up all their delays hitherto by their act that the king was oblieged to their forwardness , and that he himself should be as ready to serve them as any poor gentleman in england : about the other words he said , that being in conference with some of the londoners , there came at that time to his hands a letter from the earl of leicester , then at paris , wherein were the gazets inclosed , reporting that the cardinal had given some such order , as to leavy money by forces , this he said he only told the lord cottington standing by without the last application or intention concerning the english affairs , cottington being examined upon this , declared the same in the same manner . thirdly , to sir ralph freeman , he said , that his testimony did not concern the charge at all , nor did he think any thing amiss in it , though he had said it ; if the servants of the mint refused 〈◊〉 work , according to directions they did deserve the house of correction , nor was it treasonable to say the king might use that house for the correction of his servants , as well as any man in the citty for theirs . fourthly , he said that there was no great likelyhood that he had committed real acts of treason , when his adverse party was content to trifle away so much time about words , neither was there any treason in them , though they had been fully verified , and therefore in that ( as in all other articles ) he reserved a power for his councel to dispute in matter of law. they went to the twenty seventh article , and charged thus ; that immediately after his appointment to be lord lieutenant to the army here in england , he shewed what principles of arbitrary government lurked within his bosom ; for by his own immediate authority , without and against law , he had laid impost of money upon the kings subjects : where they mention three particulars . first , that he had imposed 8 d. per diem upon the county of york , for entertaining the trayned bands , there one whole month. secondly , that they had sent out warrants for collecting the same , and threatned to imprison such as should refuse to pay . thirdly , that he said that it was a crime nigh to the crime of high treason , not to pay the sa● . fourthly , they added that in his general replies , he had brought two things for his defence ; first , that this mony was freely and voluntarily offered by those in york-shire , secondly , that the great councel of the peers had notice of the same . to the first they answered , that a petition was indeed preferred by the york shire men , and a month , pay offered , but that the lord srafford had refused to present the same upon this exception only , because in the same they had petitioned for a parliament whereby he evidently declared what little ●nclination he had to that way . to the second , they appeal'd to all the lords present , whether any such order did pass before the council of the peers at york . the proofs were , first , a warrant issued by colonel pennyman , for this money , and another by sir edward osborne . secondly , mr : john burrowes , who declared that he was clerk to the great council , but did remember of no order ; and withal added , that it might have passed at that time , when he attended at rippon . thirdly , mr. dunston who declared , that he had known that money levied by some musqueteers . fourthly , by sir william ingram , who declared , that he had heard the lieutenant say , that to refuse the same , came nigh to the crime of high treason . the concluded the charge , that by these particulars , it was more than evident what unhappy● purposes and trayterous designes he had to subdue this kingdom , and subvert the fundamental laws and priviledges . first , to the petition , that it was a true petition , drawn up by the york-shire gentlemen , and as true that he had refused to present the same , because of that clause about the parliament ; but the matter was thus ; at his majesties coming to york , it was thought necessary for the defence of that county , to keep the trayned band on foot , because the enemy was upon the borders ; and therefore the king directed him to write to all the free-holders in york-shire to see what they would do for their own defence . the time and place were designed by the king ▪ but the night before the meeting a small number convented , and in a private and factious way , did draw up that petition upon the morrow ▪ at their appointed diet , in presence of the whole number , the petition was presented to him , where he did advise them to leave out that clause , and that because he knew the king , out of his own gracious disposition , had intended to call a parliament , which he desired should rather be freely done , than upon the constraint and importunity of petitions ; moreover it would seem a mercenary thing in them , at one and the same time to offer a benevolence , and withal to petition for his favour : upon this remonstrance , they were all willing to recall the petition , and directed him by word of mouth , to offer unto the king the months pay in their names ; which he did accordingly , in the presence of forty of them , to their no small advantage . this he proved by sir william pennyman , sir paul neale , sir george wentworth , sir william savil , sir thomas danby , who all of them declared as much in ample terms ; and withal added , that nothing was done upon better grounds of necessity and obedience than the offer of ●hat money , and that they never had heard any man grudge against it to this time . for the second , about the council of peers , he alledged that he never made mention of any order of theirs , but he remembred very well it was twice propounded before them , that the king had approved it at that time a just and necessary act , and none of the council had contradicted it , which he conceived as a tacit approbation and an order in equivalence . but though that had not been , yet there was nothing done in the business , but at the special desires of the gentlemen themselves , and for their necessary defence and protection ; ye● , though he had done it by himself alone , yet he conceived he had so much power by his commission , causing the commission to that effect to be read : that albeit he should mistake his commission , and do some inferiour act beyond it ( because military proceedings are not alwayes warranted by the common law ) yet it should not be imputed as an act of treason to him . and to this effect read a statute of the seventh of henry the second . to the proofs . first , colonel pennyman's warrant , or sir edward osburnes , it nothing concerned him , and he doubted not but these worthy gentlemen could justifie their own act , and that he had enough to do to answer his own misdemeanors . secondly , for sir john burrowes , he was at rippon when that proposition was made . thirdly , that as the warrant , so neither the execution troubled him at all . fourthly , for sir william ingram , he was but a single testimony , and that such an one too as he could produce an evidence to testifie , he had mistaken himself in his testimony upon oath , if it were not to disadvantage the gentleman . he concluded , that he had done nothing in that business , but upon the petition of that county , the king 's special command , the connivance at least of the great council , and upon a present necessity , for the defence and safety of the county . and so much for wednesday . upon thursday the committee for the charge declared that they had done with all the articles , and were content to wave the last , for reasons best known to themselves ; only sir walter earles added that he had some observations to bring forth upon the two and twentieth article , which he conceived might do much to prove the earl of strafford's designs for landing the irish forces in england . and they were , first , that in his commission he had power to land them in wales , or in any part of england , or in scotland , which were altogether superfluous , unless there had been some purpose for the same . secondly , that within two days before the date of the commission , letters were sent to the lord bridgewater and pembroke from sir francis windebank , to assist the earl of worcester , in levying forces for the kings service , and these might be supposed to have intended a joyning with the irish . thirdly , that the lord ranelaugh at the raising of the irish army , did fear such a design as this fourthly , that the town of ayre in scotland , where the lord strafford pretended he would land those forces , was fortified with a bulwark , a garrison and block house , which would prohibit landing there ; that the earl of argile's bounds were divided thence by the sea , and that the barr or entry into the town was very dangerous and shallow . the proofs were only the reading of the commission granted to the lord strafford . the lieutenants reply . first , that his commission was the same verbatim with northumberland's for england , and and that it was drawn up by the council-board here , and sent over unto him ; so no more design in him than in the gentlemen of the english army , nor no larger than that was put upon him . secondly , that this was the first time he heard of any such letters , nor did they concern him more than any of the house . thirdly , that he was not bound to purge the lord ranelaugh from all his fears , and that he had his own fears too , which god forbid should be evidence of treason against any man whatsoever . fourthly , that it seemed the gentleman had better information from that kingdom than himse●f , yet he would be confident to say , at ayre there was never such a thing as a block-house or garrison . but to remove all scruples ( for indeed the road or landing-place is not there safe ) he declared that it was his intention to have landed some miles above ayre , and made only his magazine of that town . to the earl of argiles bounds , he hoped the gentleman knew they came not on foot out of ireland , but had ships to wast and transport themselves , and that one of his prime houses ( rosneth ) was within some few miles of the same frith . the lord digby finding sir walter earles on ground , did handsomly bring him off , and told the lords that all their proofs for that article were not yet ready , and that this was a superfoetation only of the charge , and that in such a business ac the plotting of treason , they must be content sometimes with dark probabilities . then mr. glyn desired the lieutenant to resume his defence , that they might give a repetition of their charge , and so close the process so far as concerned the matter of fact , he replied , that in his case all slackness is speed enough , the matter touched him narrowly even in his life and estate , yea , in that which he esteemed above th●m both , his honour and posterity , and therefore he confessed he had no desire to ride post in such a business . that he knew the gentlemen at the bar , if they were in his case , would think the time little enough , except their more able judgments could sooner dispatch the matter in hand ; and therefore he humbly intreated that that day might be granted to him for strengthening himself , and recollecting his thought and spirits , and to morrow he would be ready with his last replies for himself ; which after a little ceremony and contestation , was condescended unto by the house of commons . upon friday morning , about eight of the clock ; the lieutenant of the tower , and my lord's chamber-groom came to the hall , and gave information to the house , upon oath , that the lord strafford was taken with an exceeding great pain , and fit of the stone , and could not upon any conditions stir out of his bed. mr. glyn replied , that it was a token of his wilfulness , not his weakness , that he had not sent a doctor to testifie the same . the lord steward made answer , that a doctor could not be had perhaps so soon in a morning , nor was it possible for any physician to give a certain judgment concerning a man's disability by the stone ; because there is no outward symptom● that appear . mr. glyn excepted ; that if he did not appear upon saturday morning , he should lose the privilege to speak in his own defence afterwards ; and they permitted to proceed . the lord steward replied , that the lords had appointed four of their number to go to the tower , and learn the just cause of his stay ; and if by any means he were able , he should be obliged to come then ; if not , humanity , and common equity would excuse him . in the afternoon it was reported that he was dead , of which there can be no better reason given , than the humour and genius of the times , that dally with nothing oftner than untruths , and calumnies ; and certainly there are many men of shallow understanding , and weak affections , who either will not , or cannot understand the gentlemans worth , but out of fearful and needless apprehensions , are so desirous to hear of his ruin any way , that their busie tongues will dare to anticipate the stroak of justice . mr. glyn proffers new proofs concerning the two and twentieth article . upon saturday morning he presented himself at the bar , where he expected nothing but repetitions of charges and defences ; but mean while mr. glyn proffers some new proofs concerning the two and twentieth article , which the noble lord refused , alleaging the process was closed ; mr. glyn answe●ed , the process is not closed , as long as the business stands unrepealed ; and that it did not become a prisoner at the bar to prescribe a method of proceeding to the house of commons in england . it was answered by the lord lieutenant , that he thought it stood him in hand as neerly to maintain his life , as it did any to pursue him for it , yet he was willing they should bring in new proofs , provided that he might have time to make new replies , and withall use some new witnesses in some articles , that concerns his justification ▪ the lord newark , upon these motions desired the house might be adjourned ; after two hours stay , and a hot conflict upon the lords , they returned , and the lord steward commanded the order to be read , which consisted of two articles . first , that it was granted unto them to bring in proofs concerning the two and twentieth article ; so it was to the lord strafford to make his replies , and use his witnesses concerning the same . secondly , that if they went to no more articles , no more should the lord strafford ; but if they did , that he might pitch upon any one article as he pleased . the house of commons presently declined all other articles , and conceived the order expresly for them , restraining him from all other articles , except that only . he conceived the order was for him , and said , that seeing they had pick'd out their article , it was against all common equity to tye up his hands , and not admit of a common rule for them both ; they replied , that when the article was canvased , they reserved witnesses till another time ; he answered , that he had done the same upon every article ; they replied , that the house had refused his reservation ; he answered , nor had they passed an order for theirs . upon this new contestation the house rose again , and was adjourned . it is supposed that the house of commons had the better ground , because they had particularly named their witnesses in their reservation , the lord strafford not so ; they pressed but one article , he many . but such was the pleasure of the lords , that though the matter did not deserve to be much stood upon , yet after two hours vehement agitation of the business in the upper-house , they returned , and the order was in his favour to this effect . first , that both of them should wave their new proofs , and go immediately to that which follows . secondly , if they would not do so , the lords conceived themselves common judges to both , and therefore would not deny strafford the liberty of pitching upon what article he pleased , as they had done . thirdly , that both of them should name their witnesses at the bar instantly . the commons were much grieved at this , yet desired him to nominate his witnesses , if he would make any benefit of the order ; he answered , that he would nominate after them , because they were first in order ; they replied , that he knew their article , they not his , he said , he was to bring proofs about the second , fifth , thirteenth , and the fifteenth articles , and did desire them that they would now proceed to nomination . but they told him , they could not embrace the order without advice of the whole house ; then on a sudden , a mighty noise followed of the whole house , withdraw , withdraw , and was in so uncouth and tumultuous a confusion , that it produced both admiration and fear in the beholders , wherein we might easily feel the pulse of a distempered state ; both the houses brake up , not appointing so much as the n● diet , each man's countenance spake anger and discontent , and nothing sounded in our ears all sunday but terrors and affrightments , of a present division and breach between the two houses ; that the house of commons would declare him a traytor , and all such lords too , as were his adherents ; that he should be no more heard in public , that ( though parties and not his peers ) they would vote in his sentence , that a bill of attainder should presently be drawn up against him , and that nothing could content them but present execution . big words flew up and down all monday . that whole day was spent in a conference betwixt the houses , without any meeting in the hall , but the lords ( who had learned , as it seems , to force their own ruin by his misfortune , and now conceive that monarchy and nobility are of such identity , that one and the same is the diminution of both ) kept fast to their conclusion , and would not pass from their order , notwithstanding all the many dangers represented , so that the house of commons were constrained at last to give way , and embrace the first part of the order , by waving witnesses on both sides . this hath been no small discouragement to his enemies ; for a more real demonstration of his party amongst the lords could not have been shewn . upon monday , some of the lords went so high in their heat , as to tell the house of commons , that it was an un-natural motion fo● the head to be governed by the tail ; that they hated rebellion as bad as treason ; that the same blood that ennobled their ancestors , did move also in their veins , and therefore they would never suffer themselves to be suppressed by a popular faction . after a great deal of storm all was ( as well as might be ) sodered up again , and tuesday appointed to be the day for the lieutenant to resume his defences , and they their charge , without any more proof , to be used on either side . upon tuesday , the lord steward , at the entry told them , the lords had ordered , that both their testimonies should be waved , that they should proceed immediately to what followed , so that that day might put an end to what concerned the matter of fact. the lord lieutenant replied , that in all humility and obedience , he would submit himself to that , or any other their decrees whatsoever , though it should reach as far home unto him as his own life ; but withall humbly begged , that if hereafter he should be troubled ( for they were to speak last ) with new matter , or with supplemental proof , he might have leave to speak something in his own defence . the lord steward answered , it was all the reason in the world. the lieutenant went on thus : my lords , this day i stand before you charged with high treason , the burthen is heavy , yet far the more , in that it hath borrowed the patrociny of the house of commons ; if they were not interessed , i might express a no less easie , than i do a safe issue and good success to the business : but let neither my weakness plead my innocence , nor their power my guilt . if your lordships will conceive of my defences ▪ as they are in themselves , without reference to either ( and i shall endeavour so to present them ) i hope to go away from hence as clearly justified , as i am now in the testimony of a good conscience , by my self . my lords , i have all along my charge watched to see that poysoned arrow of treason , that some men would sain have to be feathered in my heart , and that deadly cup of wine ; that hath so intoxicated some petty misalleaged errors , as to put them in the elevation of high treason , but in truth it hath not been my quickness to discern any such monster yet within my breast ; though now perhaps , by a sinistrous information , sticking to my clothes : they tell me of a two-fold treason , one against the statute , another by the common-law ; this direct , that consecutive ; this individual , that accumulative ; this in it self , that by way of construction . for the first , i must and do acknowledge , that if i had the least suspicion of my own guilt , i would spare your lordships the pains , cast the first stone at my self , and pass sentence of condemnation against my self : and whether it be so or not , i refer my self to your lordships ju●gment and declaration : you , and only you ▪ ( under the favour and protection of my gracious master ) are my judges , under favour none of the commons are my peers , nor can they be my judges , i shall ever celebrate the providence and wisdom of your noble ancestors , who have put the keys of life and death ( so far as concerns you and your posterity ) into your own hands , not into the hands of your inferiours : none but your own selves know the rate of your noble blood , none but your selves must hold the ballance in dispensing the same . i shall proceed in repeating my defences , as they are reduceable to these two main points of treason , and for treason against the statute ( which is the only treason in effect ) nothing is alleaged for that , but the fifteenth , two and twentieth , and twenty seventh articles . here he brought the sum of all his replies made to these three articles before , and almost in the same words as before ; only that testimony of sir henry vane's , because it seemed pressing , he stood upon it , and alleaged five reasons for the nullifying thereof . first , that it was but a single testimony , and would not make faith in a matter of debt , much less in a matter of life and death , yea that it was expresly against the statute to impeach ( much less to condemn him ) upon high treason , under the testimony of two famous witnesses . secondly , that he was dubious in it , and exprest it with an , as i do remember , and such , or such like words . thirdly , that all the councel of eight , except himself , disclaim the words , as if by a singular providence they had taken hold of his ears only . fourthly , that at that time the king had levied no forces in ireland , and therefore he could not be possibly so impudent as to say to the king , that he had an army there which he might imploy for the reducing this kingdom . fifthly , that he had proved by witnesses beyond all exceptions ( marquess hamilton , the lord treasurer , the earl of northumberland , lord cottington , sir william pennyman , and sir arthur terringham ) that there was never the least intention to land those forces in england . he went on : so much for the articles that concern individual treason . to make up the constructive treason , or treason by way of accumulation ; many articles are brought against me , as if in a heap of felonies or misdemeanors ( for in their conceit they reach no higher ) some prolifical seed apt to produce what is treasonable , could lurk : here i am charged to have designed the ruin and overthrow , both of religion and state : the first seemeth rather to have been used to make me odious than guilty , for there is not the least proof alleaged concerning my confederacy with the popish-faction , nor could there be any indeed , never a servant in authority beneath the king my master , was ever more hated and maligned by those men than my self , and that for an impartial and strict executing of the laws against them . here your lordships may observe , that the greater number of the witnesses used against me , either from ireland or from york-shire , were men of that religion : but for my own resolution ( i thank god ) i am ready every hour of the day to seal my disaffection to the church of rome , with my dearest blood. but , my lords , give me leave here to pour forth the grief of my soul before you , these proceedings against me seem to be exceeding rigorous , and to have more of prejudice than equity , that upon a supposed charge of my hypocrisie or errors in religion , i should be made so monstrously odious to three kingdoms ; a great many thousand eyes have seen my accusations , whose ears shall never hear , that when it came to the upshot i was never accused of them . is this fair dealing amongst christians ? but i have lost nothing by that : popular applause was ever nothing in my conceit , the uprightness and integrity of a good conscience , was , and ever shall be , my continual feast ; and if i can be justified in your lordships judgments from this grand imputation ( as i hope now i am , seeing these gentlemen have thrown down the bucklers ) i shall account my self justified by the whole kingdom , because by you , who are the epitomy , the better part , yea the very soul and life of the kingdom . as for my design against the state , i dare plead as much innocency here , as in matter of my religion : i have ever admired the wisdom of our ancestors , who have so fixed the pillars of this monarchy , that each of them keep a due proportion and measure with other , and have so handsomly tied up the nerves and sinews of the state , that the straining of any one may bring danger and sorrow to the whole oeconomy . the prerogative of the crown , and the propriety of the subject , have such mutual relations , this takes protection from that , that foundation and nourishment from this . and as on the lute , if any one string be too high or too lowly wound up , you have lost the harmony , so here the excess of a prerogative is oppression of pretended liberty in the subject , disorder , and anarchy . the prerogative must be used as god doth his omnipotency , upon extraordinary occasions ; the laws ( answerable to that potentia ligata in creaturis ) must have place at other times : and yet there must be a prerogative , if there must be extraordinary occasions , the propriety of the subject is ever to be maintained , if it go in equal pace with this : they are fellows and companions that have and ever must be inseparable in a well governed kingdom ; and no way so fitting , so natural to nourish and entertain both , as the frequent use of parliaments : by those a commerce and acquaintance is kept , betwixt the king and subject . these thoughts have gone along with me these fourteen years of my public employments , and shall god willing to my grave : god , his majesty , and my own conscience , yea , and all those who have been most accessory to my inward thoughts and opinions can bear me witness , that i ever did inculcate this ; that the happiness of a kingdom consists in a just poize of the king's prerogative , and the subjects liberty . and that things would never go well , 'till they went hand in hand together . i thank god for it , by my master's favour , and the providence of my ancestors , i have an estate , which so interesseth me in the common-wealth , that i have no great mind to be a slave , but a subject ; nor could i wish the cards to be shuffled over again , upon hopes to fall upon a better set : nor did i ever nourish such base mercenary thoughts , as to become a pander to the tyranny and ambition of the greatest man living : no , i have and ever shall aim at a fair , but a bounded liberty , remembring always that i am a free-man , yet a subject ; that i have a right , but under a monarch . but it hath been my misfortune now when i am gray-headed , to be charged by the mistakers of the times , who are now so highly bent , that all appears to them to be in the extream for monarchy , which is not for themselves . hence it is , that designs , words , yea intentions , are brought out for real demonstrations for my misdemeanors , such a multiplying glass is a prejudicate opinion . the articles contain expressions and actions : my expressions either in ireland or england ; my actions either before or after these late stirs ( in this order he went through the whole charge , from the first article to the last , in an excellent method , and repeated all the sums and heads of what was spoken by him before , only added in the twenty eighth article ) if that one article had been proved against him , it contained more weighty matter than all the charge besides : and it had not only been treason in him , but also villany , to have betrayed the trust of his majesty's army . yet because the gentlemen had been sparing ( by reason of the times ) to insist upon that article , though it might concern him much , he resolved to keep the same method , and not utter the least expression that might seem to disturb the happy agreement intended , though he wished the same might deceive his expectation : only thus much he admired , how himself , being an incendiary against the scots , in the twenty third article , is now become their confederate in the twenty eighth article ; or how he could be charged for betraying new-castle , and for fighting with the scots at newbourn too , seeing fighting with them was no possible means for betraying the town , but to hinder their passage thither . that he never advised war farther ( than in his poor judgment ) concerned the very life of the king's authority , and the safety and honour of his kingdoms : nor saw he what advantage could be made by a war in scotland , where nothing could be gained but many hard blows : for his part , he honoured the nation , but he wished they might be ever under their own climate , and had no desire they should be too well acquainted with the better soyl of england : but he thought that article had been added in jest , or as a supernumerary ; and he very little suspected to be reckoned a confederate with the scots , and wished ( as he hoped it was ) that every english-man were as free from that imputation as himself , [ closing his defence with this speech . ] my lords , you see what may be alleaged for this constructive , rather destructive treason . for my part , i have not the judgment to conceive , that such a treason is agreeable , either with the fundamental grounds of reason , or law : not of reason , for how can that be treason in the lump or mass , which is not so in any of the parts ? or how can that make a thing treasonable , which in it self is not so ? not of law , since neither statute , common-law , nor practice , hath from the beginning of this government ever mentioned such a thing ; and where , my lords , hath this fire , without the least appearance of any smoak , lien hid so many hundred years , and now breaks forth into a violent flame to destroy me and my posterity from the earth ? my lords , do we not live by laws , and must we be punished by laws before they be made ? far better were it to live by no laws at all , but to be governed by those characters of discretion and virtue , that nature hath stamped in us , than to put this necessity of divination upon a man , and to accuse him of the breach of law , before it be a law at all . if a water-man upon the thames split his boat by grating upon an anchor , and the same have a buoy appending to it , he is to charge his own inobservance ; but if it hath none , the owner of the anchor is to pay the loss . mr lords , if this crime which they call arbitrary treason , had been marked by any discerner of the law , the ignorance thereof should be no excuse for me , but if it be no law at all , how can it in rigour or strictness it self condemn me ? beware you do not awake these sleeping lyons , by the searching out some neglected moth-eaten records , they may one day tare you and your posterity in pieces : it was your ancestors care to chain them up within the barracadoes of statutes , be not you ambitious to be more skilful and curious than your fore-fathers in the art of killing . my lords , it is my present misfortune , for ever yours ; and it is not the smallest part of my grief , that not the crime of treason , but my other sins ( which are exceeding many ) have presented me before this bar , and except your lordships wisdoms provide for it , it may be , the shedding of my blood may make way for the tracing of yours ; you , your estates , your posterities , lie at the sta●e . if such learned gentlemen as these , whose tongues are well acquainted with such proceedings , shall be started out against you , if your friends , your councel denied access unto you , if your professed enemies admitted to witness against you , if every word , intention , or circumstance of yours , be sifted and alleaged as treasonable , n● because of a statute , but because of a consequence , or construction of lawyers pieced up in an high rhetorical strain , and a number of supposed probabilities : i leave it to your lordships consideration , to fore-see what may be the issue of such dangerous and recent precedences . these gentlemen tell me they speak in defence of the common-wealth , against my arbitrary laws ; give me leave to say it , i speak in defence of the common-wealth , against their arbitrary treason , for if this latitude be admitted , what prejudice shall follow to king and country , if you and your posterity be by the same disenabled from the greatest affairs of the kingdom ; for my poor self , were it not for your lordships interest , and the interest of a saint in heaven , who hath left me here two pledges on earth , [ at this his breath stopt , and he shed tears abundantly in mentioning his wife , which moved his very enemies to compassion ] i should never take the pains to keep up this ruinous cottage of mine , it is loden with such infirmities , that in truth i have no great pleasure to carry it about with me any longer : nor could i ever leave it in a better time than this , when i hope the better part of the world would perhaps think , that by this my misfortune i had given a testimony of my integrity to god , my king and country : i thank god , i count not the afflictions of this present life comparable to that glory , which is to be revealed in the time to come . my lords ! my lords ! my lords ! something more i had to say , but my voice and spirits fail me , only i do in all humility and submission cast my self down before your lordships feet , and desire that i might be a pharos to keep you from ship-wrack ; do not put such rocks in your own way , which no prudency , no circumspection , can eschew or satisfie , but by your utter ruin ; and whether your judgments in my case ( i wish it were not the case of you all ) be either for life or death , it shall be righteous in my eyes , and received with a te deum laudamus , ( and then he lifted up his eyes , and said ) in te domine confido , nè confundar in aeternum . this he spake with an inimitable life and grace . you have his very words as near as i can remember , only with so much loss and detriment as hath perished by transcribing the copy from his own mouth : but you desire impartiality , and indeed you have it , and with some grains too of allowance , for i was so afraid of my own affection to the gentleman , that i rather bowed to the other extremity , and therefore have set down his defences , rather to his disadvantage by my rude pen , than in the native colour , to his eternal glory , and the confusion of his enemies . the repetition of the charge did not spend much time , they proceeded orderly article by article , in the very same words and matter as before , only there were some remarkable flashes that passed from mr. glyn ( who was the man ) in the time of their handling . he told them that he should represent the lord strafford as cunning in his replies , as he had been crafty in his actions ; that he waved all that was material , and insisted only upon the secondary proofs , that it was more than evident throughout all his charge how he had endeavoured to bring in an arbitrary and tyrannical form of government over the lives , lands , and liberties , of the king's subjects , yea had exercised a tyranny over their consciences too , by the oath administred in ireland ; and though his malicious designs had taken no effect , yet no thanks to him , but to the goodness of the king , and the vigilancy of the peers : had they pleas'd , it had been too late to have punished him , for no rule of law had been left whereby to censure him , after the death and expiration of the laws . and if the intention of guido faux might be thought treason , though the house was not blown up , then this intention of his may admit the same censure . he closed , that throughout all his defences he had pretended either warrants from the king , or else the kings prerogative , and what was this else but to draw up a cloud , and exhale the vapour for the eclipsing of the bright sun , by the jealousies , or repinings of his subjects ; if the strength of his piety and justice should not dispel all these mists , and send them down to their original : that the very standing and falling of these three kingdoms stood upon this process , all of which do conceive their safety so far interessed in his just punishment , that no setling of their peace or quiet could be expected without this : that they hoped the law should never protect him , who had gone about to subvert all law ; nor the nobility ( who had the same blood moving in their veins ) by submitting themselves to his base tyranny , lose that privilege and liberty , which their ancestors had bought with their dearest lives . though there was no statute for his treason , was it the less monstrous ? for there was none for so many hundreds of years that durst ever adventure upon such insolencies , to occasion such a statute : and were not the fundamental grounds , rules , and government , sufficient to rise up in judgment against him , without the making a particular statute ? this he said he left to the dispute of the law , and concluded , that seeing they had found out the jonah , who these many years had tossed and hazarded the ship of the common-wealth , with continual storms and tempests ; there could no calms be expected , but by casting him out into the seas ; which in all justice they must and do expect from their hands , who are intrusted by the body of the kingdom to do the same . the aggravation of the offence he said , he had left to mr. pym , who here spake that speech which is now in print . it was a sport to see how mr. pym in his speech was fearfully out , and constrained to pull out his papers , and read with a great deal of confusion and disorder , before he could recollect himself ; which failing of his memory was no small advantage to the lieutenant , because by this means the house perceived it was a premeditated flash , not grounded upon the lieutenant's last answer , but resolved on before , whatsoever he should say for his own justification ; but the lieutenant was not suffered to reply a word , either to glyn or pym , because the last word must be theirs . and so with tuesday ended the matter of fact. on thursday the dispute in law is expected . upon wednesday we were big with expectation for the matter of law , having done before with the matter of fact ; but it seems the house of commons had perceived a great defection of their party , and a great increase of the lord strafford's friends in both the houses , occasioned by his insinuating , honest , and witty defences , and therefore they resolved of no more hearing in public ; therefore it was thought upon by his accusers to draw up a bill of attainder , and present the same to the lords , whereby first the matter of fact should be declared to have been sufficiently proved , and then in the matter of law that he had incurred the censure of treason , for intending to subvert the fundamental laws of the kingdom , for though ( said they ) he cannot be charged by letter of statute of the twenty fifth of edward the third , yet he is within the compass of the salvo , whereby it is provided , that the king and parliament hath power to determin what is treasonable , and what not , and that they were confident the lords would ratifie , and approve of this bill of theirs , and give judgment accordingly . the motion was stoutly opposed by three great lawyers , ( all members of the house ) selden , holborn , and bridgeman , who made it manifest , that the salvo of 25 edward 3. was repealed , and that no man could now be convicted of treason , but by the letter of that statute : but being put to voice , it was carried for the bill , and a committee appointed for to draw it up . this gave occasion of much talk abroad , and they who were otherwise the lord strafford's enemies could not find equity enough in the bill of attainder . some could not conceive what difference imaginable was betwixt the bill and the charge presented before , for in the charge he was accused of treason ; and the bill ( though they had no legislative power ) seemed nothing but an affirmation of the same . others ( who would have the bill understood of a definitive sentence , because it was consecutive to the proofs ) were not satisfied , but that it was against all practice , that the commons should give sentence upon the death of a peer ; and that it was against common equity too , that the party accusant should give the judgment , if the complainers were admitted to be judges . a third sort gave it out , that this was no sentence against the lord strafford , but only a passing of a new act of parliament , about a matter not hitherto declared treasonable ; but yet these doubted , that by declaring the matter of fact to be approved , and applying the censure to it , in reference to the lord strafford , it would ever be thought a sentence against him , to blemish his own fame , and the blood of his posterity . moreover , that if they were about to make a new act , it were strange to punish a man for the breach of such a statute as was not yet extant in rerum naturâ , which should in reason refer only to fu●ure obedience . and ( what is more strange ) though there were a new statute , yet by what authority the parliament hath or could declare any individual or accumulative act , which is already , to be treasonable , which must be treason by virtue of a statute , or else no treason at all ; now there is none can be brought except the twenty fifth of edward the third , whereof the letter of that statute cannot by their own confession , nor was not so much as once alleaged against the lord strafford ; and for the salvo or proviso ( which they mainly insisted on ) the same stands repealed by two posterior acts of parliament . you have the mutterings of all sorts of people . the lords fearing the proceedings , as a beaten path trodden out to the ruin of their own lives and estates , told the house of commons in their conference upon thursday , that they would go on the same way they did already , and according to the order of the house give full audience to the lord strafford's councel in matter of law , and that they themselves , as competent judges , would by themselves only give sentence in the cause , nor was there any other course sutable to the practice and statutes of the kingdom , the safety of the nobility , or to equity , or common justice . it was replied by them of the lower house , that they were resolved to go on with their bill , and if the same should be rejected by the lords , they feared a rupture and division might follow , to the utter ruine and desolation of the whole kingdom , that no content would be given to the subject ( and this was a strong argument indeed , yet better beseeming partiality and violence , than the pretended justice and piety of the times ) unless the man , who had so much intruded upon their right , and discontented the people , might be punished as a traytor ; and for the practice of the kingdom , that no man had ever found such a favourable hearing , and that the process against essex , norfolk , somerset , were all of them closed up in one day . upon friday the lords gave answer , that they could expect nothing from the house of commons , but what should tend to the peace and preservation of the kingdom ; nor was there a more forceable way than to preserve the laws and customs thereof , lest innovation so much complained of by them , might unhappily be found among themselves : that the subjects should have all that justice could afford , but that an act of injustice would never give satisfaction to the world , nor safety to themselves ; the eyes of all foreign states being fixed upon the business now in agitation , and the wisdom of our nation either to be much advanced or depressed by their judgments in this case : that the process against norfolk and essex ( for somerset was convict only of felony , and had not so much animadversion to save himself by his book ) were for direct and formal treasons , comprised in one or two individual acts ; but this against the lord strafford only arbitrary and accumulative , to be pick'd out of twenty eight articles . and therefore that it was impossible to have a full examination of them all , to give sentence against him ; and those noble men were charged with some actual breach of statutes , formerly made ; but here a new statute was to be made , or else he to be found guiltless . they concluded , that they had given order for his appearance on saturday , and that in the great hall at westminster , where the house of commons might , if they pleased , be present . after some deliberation with the house , the conferrers answered , that since the lords had so resolved , they would not deny to be there present , and to hear what his councel could say for him , but to reply any more in public , they neither could nor would , because of the bill already past , only if the lords should take any scruple in the matter of law , they would be ready to give them satisfaction by a private conference , ( so they willingly declined to do what indeed they could not possibly do ) that is , to give public satisfaction in the matter of law. upon saturday they convened in the great hall , but they that were of the committee for the great charge , did not stand at the bar as before , but sat promiscuously with the rest of their fellows , so that a mouth was not opened in the behalf of the house of commons all that day . after they were set , the lord steward told the lieutenant , that the lords had resolved to give him a fair hearing in the matter of law , and therefore desired that the councel might keep that distance , moderation , and respect , to the judicatory that was fitting , and not at all to meddle with the matter of fact. the lieutenant replied , that in all humility he did acknowledge that favour from the lords , and that it was such an one too , as he could not but expect from such honourable peers , and just persons , in whose integrity and goodness ( under that which he had placed above ) he had reposed his chiefest confidence ; for his councel , they knew much better than himself what concerned the point of discretion and reverence , and that he doubted not but that they would give all satisfaction and obedience . then his councel were called to the bar , mr. lane , the prince's attorney ; mr. gardiner , recorder of london ; mr. loe , and mr. lightfoot . mr. lane spake , and much to this sence and purpose . my lords , there is an heavy charge lieth on me and my fellows , nothing less than to defend the life , the estate , the reputation , yea the posterity of this honourable person at the bar ; if therefore we shall be more pressing , we hope your lordships will interpret this our forwardness to be for honour and conscience sake , in a matter that concerneth both so nearly : but it shall be our endeavour to carry our selves with our best respects to your lordships , and with all content and satisfaction to the honourable house of commons ; and because your lordships mentioned the matter of fact , one thing i dare be bold to say , that all the time of this noble lord's defences , he did not so much as crave any one of our opinions , yea , or acquainted us with any thing that tended that way : and for the matter of law , those statutes cited by himself were none of our stock , but taken up at his own adventure ; nor do i speak this to derogate from the pertinency of those statutes ( for they shall be the subject of my discourse ) but that the noble-man be not disappointed of your right conceptions , and his own due praise . my lords , it is your pleasure we meddle not with matter of fact , and indeed we need not meddle at all with it , because we hope it is already done , and that sufficiently to our hands , yet the matter of law doth so naturally arise out of the matter of fact , that of necessity ( under your lordships savours ) we must somewhat grate on this , if we speak of that , nor do i conceive it possible for us to speak advantagiously enough for the lord strafford's just defence ▪ unless the whole matter of fact be determined , either as proved or not proved , or at least some states of questions agreed upon , where we may fix and settle our arguments , and therefore it is , my lords , that i have chosen not at all to touch the matter of law ( until your lordships shall be pleased to chalk me out ●way ) unless it be to clear your judgments in one statute only , viz. 25 ed. 3. because when the same was alleaged by the lord strafford in his own defence , that not being convicted of the letter thereof , he could not be convicted of treason ; i remember the salvo of that statute was much insisted upon by those from the house of commons , as much conducing to their own ends . my lords , i will first speak of the statute it self , and then of its salvo or provision : the statute is , ( that if any man shall intend the death of the king , his queen , their children ; kill the chancellor , or judge upon the bench ; imbase the king's coyn , or counterfeit the broad-seal ; &c. he shall be convicted and punished as a traytor ) that the lord strafford comes within the letter of this statute is not so much as once alleaged , nor indeed it cannot be with any reason ; all that can be said is , that by relation , or by argument à minore ad majus , he may be drawn thither , yet that this cannot be , i humbly offer these considerations . first , this is a declarative law , and such are not to be taken by way of consequence , equity , or construction , but by the letter only , otherwise they should imply a contradiction to themselves , and be no more declarative laws , but laws of construction , or constitutive . secondly , this is a penal law , and such ( if our grounds hitherto unquestioned hold good ) can admit of no constructions or inferences , for penalties are to persuade the keeping of known laws , not of laws conjectural , ambiguous , and by consequence , which perhaps the most learned may not in their disputes question , much less the subject ( who is not obliged to interpret the statute ) doubt of in the point of obedience , yea rather without any doubt , he is to obey the letter of the statute , and conceive , ( and that truly ) that he is not lyable to the penalty . thirdly , we have a notable law , 13 eliz. cap. 2. whereby it is declared , that the bringing in of bulls from rome , to stir up the subject to mutiny and rebellion , shall be punished as treason : now if by interpretation , or by consequence , this sence might have been thrust upon the preceding statutes , the making of this had been superfluous , yea the persons then charged with that crime , might have been impeached of treason , even before the making of this act. anno 21 of ed. 3. we have a statute declaring , that for a servant to kill his master is an act of treason , and in the three and twentieth year of the same king , a process of treason was framed against a man for killing his father , grounded upon the same argument à minori ad majus : but it was found ( and the sentence is yet in the records ) that although in the one and twentieth year of edward the third , that argument might have been admitted , yet in the 27 it could not , by reason of the declarative law intervening in the 25 year , and this case comes very home to the point in law. my lords , i will not demand what kind of offence it may be , for a man to subvert the fundamental laws of a kingdom , the crime doubtless is unnatural and monstrous , and the punishment must keep the same proportion , only i presume to offer these few things to your lordships considerations . first , that one or more acts of injustice , whether maliciously , or ignorantly done , can in no sence of law be called the subversion of the fundamental laws ; if so , as many judges ( perhaps ) so many traytors . it is very incident to man's nature to err , nor doth the lord strafford plead his innocency in over-sights , but in treason . secondly , i do remember the case of john de la poole , duke of suffolk , this man in the twenty eighth of henry the sixth , was charged by the house of commons with articles of treason , and those too very like to these against my lord strafford . 1. that he had given the king bad advices . 2. that he had embased his coyn. 3. that he had sessed men of war. 4. that he had given out summary decrees . 5. that he had imposed taxes . 6. that he had corrupted the fountain of justice . 7. that he had persuaded the king to unnecessary war , and to the giving over of anjou in france , ovum ovo . and for all these , though he was charged with high treason , for wronging the right of the subject , and subverting the fundamental laws of the kingdom ; yet after a long agitation , the matter was found by the lords of parliament , not to imply treason , but only felony . add to this another , who in the twenty third of henry the eighth , was charged for subverting the english laws , and yet no treason charged upon him . add to both the charge of richard larks , pleaded at the common-pleas , who was charged with treason for subverting the law , but convicted only of felony , by which you may see , my lords , what to this time hath been subverting the laws . thirdly , it is very considerable , that the lord strafford is not charged to have subverted , but only to have intended to subvert the fundamental laws , and this i conceive , if there were no more , might keep him free from that statute of the twenty fifth of edward the third : for although as touching the king , his queen , and children , intention is treasonable ; yet in all other things there mentioned , there must be action beside intention ; for it is not said , if a man do intend to kill a chancellor , it shall be treason , but only if he do kill him ; and if he doth actually counterfeit the broad seal : and although a man should prepare a furnace , make ready his stamp , melt his bullion , yet if he gives not the king's impression upon the coyn , all his intentions , yea , his preparations will not serve to make up a treason . and this ( under favour ) may serve to answer the case of guido faux , lately objected , unless it be alleaged , that the lord strafford had as reall an intention against the king's life as faux had : for though the intention in that case be treason by the statute , yet in all other things there is no treason without the action , so immense and vast a difference both is , and ought to be , betwixt a project against the royal blood , and all things else of a lower and under nature . you see therefore my lords , that the body of the statute cannot stick against the lord strafford , neither in letter , nor in consequence , this is not , that must not be ; all that can be said is , that his fact may be treason by the common law : for my part i profess my ignorance , who ever thought the common law might declare , but never make a treason , that is , it might be presupposed that there is a statute whereupon to build a declaration , and therefore to say there is no statute for it , is to say it is no treason at all . the statute ever makes the treason ; and to be declared to be treason , either by common law , or by parliament , are but two different ways of proceedings , and must both resolve into one principle , yea , which comes home to the point , in the one and twentieth of edward the third , to kill a man imployed in the king's war was treason ; and the twenty third , to kill the king's messenger was treason by declaration of the common law , but always by reason of the statute , yet none of these are now treasons but felonies only , by reason of the intervening statute the twenty fifth of edward the third , such hath ever been thought the force of its letter and declaration : and so i will leave it , and speak a word or two of the salvo , which is this . that because all particulars could not be then defined , therefore what the parliament should declare to be treasonable in time to come , should be punished as a treason . and according to this reservation , in the eighth year of richard the second , one who was charged before the king's bench , was afterwards referred to the parliament , and there , though the fact was not contained in the body of the statute , yet because of the proviso afore-mentioned , it was adjudged treason . in the eleventh year of the same king , the duke of ireland , and nevil arch-bishop of york , were impeached of high-treason by glo●cester , arundel , and warwick , and notwithstanding the statute , were convicted thereof by the salvo . but in the one and twentieth of the same richard the second , the tid●-turned , and the king had such a hand with the parliament , that the sentence was recalled , and those three noble-men themselves adjudged traytors . again in the first of henry the fourth his successor , that revocation of the one and twentieth of richard the second was repealed , and the sentence of the eleventh of his reign established ; such were the tossings too and fro of treason , and all because of that uncertain proviso . therefore it was , that in the same parliament the first of henry the fourth , a petition was preferred by the nobility to have treason limitted with some statute . because they knew not what to speak , or what to do , for fear thereof ; and in the tenth chapter an act was made upon this petition , that the salvo should be holden repealed in all times to come , and nothing esteemed treason but what was litterally contained in the statute of the twenty fifth of edward the third ; and therefore it is said in the records , that there was great joy at the making of this act , in that the drawn sword hanging over every man's head , by this slender thred of a consequence , or illation , was moved by that act. add to this , that in the first of queen mary , the first chapter , the same is repeated , that no man shall be punished in life or estate as a traytor , but for the crime contained in the statute , 25 ed. 3. without the least mention of a pretended salvo . the earl of northumberland's case comes nigh to the point , he was charged with treason , the fifth of henry the fourth ; and if the statute of the first of henry the fourth , the first chapter , whereby this proviso is repealed , had not intervened , no doubt he had been condemned of treason , but he was only convict of felony , and that because he could not be drawn within the letter of the statute of the twenty fifth of edward the third , and i dare confidently say it , that since that act was made , the first of henry the fourth , the first chapter , whereby the proviso is repealed , no man hath ever been declared a traytor , either by king or parliament , except it were upon that or some other statute , litterally , and declaratively taken . these two things i do offer to your lordships considerations . that the lord strafford cannot be impeached of treason , by the statute of the twenty fifth of edward the third , and that the salvo contained in the same stands repealed almost two hundred years ago , and this is all i conceive to be necessary for that statute which was alleaged by the lord strafford in his defence for matter of fact. then the recorder spake some few words to this purpose , that what was spoken upon the statute , was because it seemed inseparable from the matter of fact , that they could proceed no farther , 'till a state were afforded them , that to do otherwise they conceived might be very prejudicial unto my lord strafford : first , in that they should suppose that to be done , which is not proved to be . secondly , that the matter of law ariseth so naturally from the matter of fact , that it will be impossible to separate one from the other . thirdly , that it is the course of all judicatories , first to settle the verdict , and upon that to fix the arguments , otherwise he could conceive no possible way of proceeding ; and therefore , in the lord strafford's name he most humbly entreated , that the lords would either wholly determine the matter of fact ( or whether treason or not ; for then all other proceedings in the law were unnecessary , but whether done or not done ) or else to give them some states of the question whereunto they might confine themselves . upon this motion the house was adjourned for that day , nor hath it met since , for the house of commons are turned to their old byas , and will hear of nothing but the bill of attainder , but the lords seem to be more resolute than before , because they find that they have no authority to declare a treason in a fact already past , the salvo of the twenty fifth of edward the third being repealed , withall that if the bill of attainder should proceed , the king hath as great power to hinder that at the last blow as any other statute , but i hope the lords will disburthen him of that envy . all the which stand obliged to the lord strafford , in blood , affection , or deserving , and all who have been interessed with him in the king's service , and many too , who both hate his person , and dislike his proceedings , will doubtless look upon it , and tender their own safety , all of them in likelihood being subject to the charge of treason , if ever they chance to be called to do the king service in any place of importance . i cannot express how much the voice of the multitude is now altered from what it was lately , nothing now talked of what should be done , but only of what must be done : so that if the lord strafford dyes , his very enemies will confess that it is done more for necessity than for justice , and rather for the satisfaction of rancorous apprehensions , than for any guiltiness in the cause . thursday last , ( viz. ) april 29. was designed for the agitation of the long intermitted business concerning the lieutenant , and the way was this : the lords did meet at the great hall at westminster about nine of the clock , not in their robes , nor did the lord steward sit upon his sack , but with the rest promiscuously , nor did the committee for the house of commons stand at the bar , but sat with the rest of their fellows , and the earl of strafford sat behind the place where he used to sit before ; the reason of these changes were , because the diet was appointed , not for a meeting but for a conference , so curious are we ( and that 's all ) about formalities : the king , queen , and prince were there , according to their custom , not a man spake a word in the house all the time , but only mr. st. john , the king's sollicitor , one of the committee , whose drift and purpose was to furnish the lords with reasons , why the house of commons had proceeded with a bill of attaindor : and withal , to reply to what the lord strafford had spoken , either by himself , or his council , in matter of law. the speech is in print . if it were not without my s●ere to give my opinion of mr. st. john's speech , it should be this , that he spake little 〈◊〉 ●othing to purpose , except , in his fift or sixt arguments , and in them , i believe without his book , if not , i should conceive it better and safer to live under the laws of any other nation , that these of england , where all law is , at last ▪ resolved into an arbitrary power , and that by these very men , who so much elsewhere enveigh against it : of the presidents which seem to pinch hardest , many of them were since the proviso repealed ( which is an argument , in my apprehension of the pleaders penury ) others nothing to purpose , as that of felony , &c. to the other few , if lawyers can give satisfaction , i am confident mr. st. john did rather advantage , than hurt the earl by his pleading . the next news which we expect to hear , is with what resolution he went out of this world ; for it is concluded amongst the major part of his judges ; that one must die for the people ▪ it were well , if the blood of one , two , or three could satisfie . the bill , for certain , is past the higher house , to which , 't is thought , the king will be perswaded to give way ▪ the scaffold is built upon the tower-hill ; god grant him mercy for his other sins , and i hope he will easily answer that of treason : he dies , as we hear , upon the twenty third article , for the words attested by sir henry vane , though his majesty publickly protested the words were never spoken by him . upon the close of mr. st. john's speech the house dissolv'd ; nor was there a word spoken but by mr. st. johns , only the lord lieutenant used the last part of his rhetorick , and by a dumb eloquence , manibus ad syderatensis , all along mr. st. johns speech , made his replies with a deep silence . upon friday , he petitioned the lords to be heard again , and that , because his lawyers had not fully spoken at their last meeting ; but this was denied him , because the house were to have the last speech , nor were they content to speak again . upon this information , or what else is not known , the king ( it seems , fearing the inconstancy of the lords ) came to the house of saturday , at ten of the clock , and having called for the house of commons , spake much to this effect . the king's speech to the house of commons . that he had sincerely , without affection or partiality , endeavoured to inform himself concerning the lieutenants charge ; and had , at length , seriously pondered with himself , both concerning the matter of fact and the matter of law ; and now it stood him in hand to clear their judgments ; then to exonerate his own conscience : for them , he had two things to declare . first , that there was never such a project , nor had the lord strafford ever offered such advise , for the transporting of the irish army into england ; so that in nothing the lieutenant had been more mis-understood than in that : which imputation , did in no small measure , reflect on himself ( the king ) as if he had intended to make war upon his own good subjects ; which thought ( he said ) was far enough from his breast ; nor could any man in probability think so unworthily of him , who had perceived how graciously he had dealt with his subjects elsewhere , that had deserved a great deal worse . secondly , that the lieutenant had never advised him to establish an arbitrary government ; nor , if he had , should he have escaped condign punishment ; nor would any of his good subjects ever think otherwise , unless they conceived him either to be a fool , or a tyrant ; that he either could not , or would not discern such wickedness . he was well content ( he said ) with that authority and power which god had put into his hands ; nor should he ever think it his prerogative , to intrude upon the propriety of the subject . for himself , and his own conscience ( he said ) he was now to declare , that in his own judgment , there was nothing in the process against the lieutenant that deserved the censure of treason : over-sights , and mis-demeanours there were , in such a measure , that he confessed the lord strafford was never worthy hereafter to bear any office in his kingdoms , no , not so much as of a constable ; but was to be answerable for all his errors when they were to be charged upon him , and to this no● of them should concur with greater alacrity than himself ; that he hoped , none of the● would deny to give him the priviledge of the first voice , which was , that he would never , in heart nor hand , concur with them to punish this man as a traytor , and desired therefore , that they would think of some other way how the business might be composed ; nor should it ever be less dear to him ( though with the loss of his dearest blood ) to protect the innocent , than to punish the guilty . at this the house of commons startled , and adjorned themselves till monday ; divers censures are past upon the king's speech , even of those that lov'd his honour ; some think he was drawn to this , by a certain fore-knowledge of the lords facility to give way to the commons , and that it was better to express himself then , ( if by that means he could hinder the sentence ) than to countermand the execution thereof , when it was passed , and so draw all the envy upon himself : others are of opinion ( which is more probable ) that this hath been a plot of the kings bosome enemies , to set him at odds with his subjects , that thereby they might fish the more securely in these troubled waters . the reason is , because it is very likely the lord strafford might have passed free by the voices of the lords ; but now howsoever the matter falleth out , all the blame will be imputed to the king ; for if he be condemned , it will be no thanks to the king ; if justified , that will certainly be laid to the king too , as who by his threats and menaces hath forestalled the voices of his nobility : it is conceiv'd by wise men ( and such as wish no evil to my lord strafford ) that it had been far better both for the king and him , to have first ▪ ●●yed the utmost of the lords ; for the king , because it was both possible and probable that he might have gained the declaration of the lords for him ; if not , it was time enough to interpose his own power afterwards ; for the lord strafford , because it hath made the house of commons a great deal the more pressing , fearing , by the king 's peremptory answer ( from whom , in regard of the advantage of the times , they expected nothing but a concedimus omnia ) that there is some plot under hand . and these thoughts produced the late tumults of the londoners , of which more by and by . and it is verily thought , that for these two reasons , the lieutenants seeming friends , but indeed real enemies , have put the king upon this way , hoping thereby , that the lords should find occasion to pretend necessity of doing that , which perhaps , in regard of common equity , or the king's displeasure , they could , nor durst have done ; howsoever facta est alia , the king is now so far ingaged , that with respect to honour and conscience , he cannot retire ; for if the procedure be by a legislative power , it falls directly upon him , nor can he give his assent ; if by a judiciary , then must he either hinder the execution , or be said to have charged himself with injustice . this hath produced strange alterations , even the marriage of the prince of orange , ( done on sunday last , may the second , with ordinary solemnity ) is now exceeding hateful to the commons , which so much before desired it ; some say , the precipitation of that marriage imports no good ; others , that the parliament had condescended to that marriage , but did not expect that acceleration ; a third sort , that the party is mean enough , if not too low for the king of england's eldest daughter ; all of them , that the dutch-men have offered money to the king for a new service of war , and have thereby bought this honour ; this is increased by the landing of a dutch-man , who is to be gentleman of the kings horse ; and shortly with us the hollander will be no less odious than the spaniard . oh , the wonderful changes of the untoward , unconstant , and giddy multitude ! how unhappy a time it is to know what liberty means ! and to get the reins cast about their own necks ; it ranges madly up and down nec modum tenens nec terminum , nor is capable of subsistance , till it hath lost it self , and what it so much affects , liberty : so knives are put into the hands of children , who discern no danger , but affect them for their splendor and glittering : so poyson into the mouths of fools , which is judged only by the taste and sweetness . but it seems , the judgment of this kingdom cannot be prevented ; and because they have sinned against themselves , by abusing their plenty and fatness , it is the just judgement of god , that they be the executioners of his judgments upon themselves . before i tell you of monday and tuesdays madness , i must tell you when and whence this fury hath its first motion . upon the thursday before , a great many apprentices beset the spanish embassadors house , neer bishops●gate , threatning to pull it down , and kill the man ; the mayor of london comes amongst them , and with a great deal of pains , persuaded them to retire home , and afterwards entred into the ambassador's house ▪ at his coming in , the ambassador desired him to pull down his sword which was carried before him , because he was now where the king of spain had jurisdiction . that being done , he told the lord mayor , that in all his life time he had never seen such a barbarous attempt , and desired to know whether england was a civil nation or no , where the law of nations was so monstrously violated . the mayor replied , that they were of the base and rascally sort of people , and intreated the tumult might not be imputed to the town . the ambassador answered , that he could hardly acknowledge that to be a town , ●e● scarce a society of men , where there was so little civility and government . the mayor told him , that the people were discontent because mass was said in his house . the ambassador replied ▪ that the english ambassador had the free exercise of his religion at madrid , and that he would rather forgo his life , than any of those privileges due to him by ●action , and the law of nations . the mayor answered , they were the more incensed against him , because the londoners popishly affected , were permitted to come into his house to mass , which was beyond both law and custom . the ambassador replied , that if the mayor would keep them without doors , he would promise to send for none of them ; but if they came once within his doors , he could not in preservation of his conscience , or his master's honour , deny them either access to his religion , or safeguard to their persons , as far as in him lay . upon this a guard was appointed to attend the ambassador's house , whether to keep out papists , or to preserve them that were within , or to let in others , is yet to be disputed . the storm was quiet from thence 'till monday , when the people being inflamed again by the king's speech , came to westminster with the number of five or six thousand , having weapons and battoons in their hands ; at the entring of every coach some cried justice ; others execution , a third man told his fellows that both were to be conjoyned , and that justice and execution was the noble word ; upon which ( quasi dato-signo ) all the rabble cried aloud with one voice justice and execution , with a wonderful strange noise . some went to the coach side and told the lords , that they must and would have justice done upon the deputy . in particular , above 1000 of them beset the lord steward's coach , and demanded justice and execution of him ; justice , said they , we have gotten already , and we only desire ( and must have it ) execution . the lord steward replied , they should have justice and execution , and desired them only to forbear , and have patience a while : no , said they , we have had too much patience , we will not suffer longer , and therefore , my lord , before you go from us you must grant us execution ▪ the lord steward told them , he was going to the house to that effect , and that they should have all content . but whilst they were about to detain him longer , some of the greatest power amongst them said , we will take his word for once , and with difficulty enough made passage for him . the lords stayed within 'till twelve of the clock , nor was there any course taken in the mean time for dissolving of the multitude ; the greatest part of them went home the back way by water , only when the lord holland , lord chamberlain , and bristol , came out to their coach , all of them called justice and execution ; but when they perceived that bristol was in the coach , they drew near the coach side , and told him , for you my lord bristol , we know you are an apostate from the cause of christ , and our mortal enemy , we do not therefore crave justice from you , but shall ( god willing ) crave justice upon you , and your false son the lord digby . let a man cast his eyes back now but for some few months past , and he shall see what trust may be reposed in the favour of the giddy multitude , unless a man shall resolve to quit all religion and honesty ▪ and to mould and fashion his conscience to the present distemper and fancy of the people , neither can he do so safely , when so much hazard lies in the inconstancy of their conceptions . after this they drew up all the names of those , either in the house of commons , or the house of lords , whom they imagined to favour the lieutenant , and gave them the title of straffordians , with this close , that all those , and all other enemies to the common-wealth , should perish with him ; and did post up the paper at the gate of westminster , as if the old democracy of rome , and the tribunitial power thereof in cippo proscribere , were now renewed and revived . a copy of the paper , posted up at the corner of the wall of sir william brunkard's house , in the old palace-yard in westminster , monday , may 3. 1641. the names of the straffordians posted . 1. lord digby . 2. lord compton . 3. lord buckhurst . 4. sir robert hatton . 5. sir thomas fanshaw . 6. sir edward alford . 7. sir nicholas slanning . 8. sir thomas danby . 9. sir george w●ntworth . 10. sir peter wentworth . 11. sir frederick cornwallis . 12. sir william carnaby . 13. sir richard winn. 14. sir carvis clifton . 15. sir william withrington . 16. sir william pennyman . 17. sir patrick curwent . 18. sir richard lee. 19. sir henry slingsby . 20. sir william portman . 21. mr. garvis hollis . 22. mr. sydney godolphin . 23. mr. cooke . 24. mr. coventry . 25. mr. benjamin weston . 26. mr. william weston . 27. mr. selden . 28. mr. alford . 29. mr. floyd . 30. mr. herbert . 31. captain digby . 32. serjeant hide . 33. mr. taylor . 34. mr. griffith . 35. mr. scowen . 36. mr. bridgeman . 37. mr. fett●plass . 38. dr. turner . 39. captain charles price . 40. dr. parry , civilian . 41. mr. arundell . 42. mr. newport . 43. mr. h●lb●r● . 44. mr. noell . 45. mr. ●ir●on . 46. mr. pollard . 47. mr. price . 48. mr. travanni●n . 49. mr. jane . 50. mr. edgerombe . 51. mr. chi●●eley . 52. mr. maltery . 53. mr. porter . 54. mr. white , secret. e. d. 55. mr. warwick . this and more shall be done to the enemies of justice afore-written . nor stayed they here , one of them in the height of his fury cryed out ( hornesco referens ) if we get not satisfaction of the lieutenant , we will have it of the king , or , as some say , worse , if we have not the lieutenant's life , we will have the king 's . oh impious mouth ! oh un-natural miscreant ! this man was marked by a gentleman of the inns of court , and four or five requested by him to bear witness of the words . nor did he stay here , but the gentleman ( with fidelity and courage enough ) went to the fellow , and kindly invited him to drink a pint of wine , the fellow suspecting nothing went along with him , but in the mean time he sent for a constable , in whose hearing he asked how he durst speak such words as those ; he like a mad-man replied , that he would maintain them : whereupon he was apprehended by the constable , and committed to the gate-house , where he was three or four times examined yesternight ; some report that he freely confessed his words , and withall , threatned to shew great authority for them , even within the gates of the court. this day i hear little of him , but some say , the business will be slubber'd over with this . that he said only , if we get not satisfaction of the lieutenant , we will go to the king. and it is likely this will be the issue of the business , lest this zeale should be quenched in the breeding and beginning , whose surcharge and excess is laudable , yea necessary , in a time of reformation . add to this , that if this man should suffer it might settle and calm the forwardness of the people , before the whole business be ended about the earl of strafford . they have further threatned , that after wednesday they will shut up their shops , and never rest from petitioning , till not only the liuetenants matter , but also all things else that concern a reformation , be fully perfected . the house of commons sat all that day , ( monday ) till 8 at ●ight , nor were they idle all that time , but brought forth that protestation , or band of association ( as they term it ) which is now in print , it was then drawn up , and without further process or delay before they came out subscribed by the whole house , except the lord digby ▪ and an uncle or friend of his . it is thought by some ( whose heads are not green ) that it is very like a covenant in scotland , but that must be left to further time and wiser heads , if that comment that perhaps will follow , be not worse then the ●ext , it may in probability happen out to be canonical enough , but the too general phrase in it , lyes very open to have sences ( pro re nat● ) thrust upon them , which may , be very justly suspected to have been intended ; where the oath and law-giver , is the party , only some have observed two remarkable things upon this . first , some think it strange that seeing the house of commons have lately fined the convocation house , upon this ground especially , that they enjoyned an oath , which is a legislative power ( say they ) and only due to parliaments , how they at this time , ( as if all the legislative power were in them ) without the advice of the lords ( i say not of the church , though in matters ecclesiastical ) or approbation of the king ( which is conceived to be a mighty encroachment upon his prerogative ) should offer either to prescribe , or subscribe such an oath ▪ as if it were essential to our reformation , ever to be done by the people , without authority of the superiour powers , and yet before it pass into a statute it must come in by a bill ●steron proteron ▪ but perhaps it is hoped that by this anti-dated subscription , they shall find out the more easy passage for the bill when it comes to be propounded . secondly , that the house of commons were four hours pleading , upon that one expression in the protestation , [ the true reformed religion expressed in the doctrine of the church of england . ] some who were more tender toward the church , and desiring that the word discipline , might be adjoyned to the word doctrine , but others mainly opposed that , reasoning that no discipline could be admitted , but all to be esteemed as popish that was not conteined in the doctrine , that is in the word of god , which party at the last did prevail , though the other affirmed , that there was more express warrant in the word of god for bishops , than for ruling elders ; but if some hint be not there intended against the deans and chapters , the lyturgies , and ceremonies , yea the very bishops of the church of england , let any man judge ; and of what dangerous consequence that may be , if those who pretend to have authority in all church affaires may be permitted to give sentence , is not difficult to determin . this day the people met again , but in smaller numbers , they have threatned to come to morrow with all their main forces , and not to des●●t till the lieutenant be executed , and their other petitions obteined . the oath was likewise presented to the lords , and some say all of them ( except the eight recusant lords , and four of the bishops ) have signed the same , but others say they have only admitted the bill , which is more likely . i think it is luca● tells us the tale , that when the 100 handed gyant briareus ( whom the mithologizers of poems use as a type of the multitude ) was first brought into the world , his father jupiter desired mercury , to set his scheme , and calculate the stars of his nativity ▪ no father , said mercury , that is needless , a little time will shew his disposition , for so many hands cannot belong idle : a very lively idea of this business now in agitation : your self may make the application by the events . upon saturday , may the eighth , the bill against the lord strafford past the lords , there were forty five present , of which nineteen voiced for him , and twenty six against him , the greatest part of his friends absented themselves upon pretence , ( whether true or suppositious ) that they feared the multitude , otherwise his suffrages had more than counterpoised the voters for his death . in the bill he is condemned of treason , and all his english lands ( the other part of the coat is left for those in ireland ) forfeited , with an especial proviso , that this act shall in no wayes he forceable against others , than if it never had been made ; which to his friends of judgment smells strongly of a particular hatred against him , as if the same common way of justice should not equally strike against all ( which it should do in true justice ) but that crimes did differ in their subjects . two ways there were to have proceeded against him , by a legislative , or by a judiciary power , both did strike home alike at his life and his estate , both alike ready , both sure by reason of the proofs , the difference only this ; this might have been done without the king , that only by him , because this is a sentence , that a statute : a man would think the judiciary way had been the more sure , and that the king would rather have connived , and not exercised his prerogative by a reprival , than to have intressed himself in the legislative proceedings , by consenting to the act against him ; in whom the world conceived ( for by past and future services ) he had so great an interrest : but they ( it seems ) notwithstanding his majesties late attestation , of the gentlemans innocency in point of treason , were more confident of his gracious inclination to justifie their own act ; and more desirous too that he should demonstrate his willingness in punishing such transgressors , and therefore the bill went on by the statute . the same day another bill passed both the houses , that because of the important business of the kingdom , the parliament should not be broken up by the king without the special advise and consent of both the houses , till all their grievances were redressed , and their safety provided for , which space of time , for any thing i know , may last till dooms day ; some would have had the prefinition of 5 , some 7 , some 9 years put to it ; others replyed , that this would be both odious and dangerous ; odious , in that it should seem so long a parliament ; dangerous , in that the time may happen out possible to be longer ; some think it an honour ( i rather ● fatality , or to sweeten the word a providence ) that both their bills should pass at once , as if [ generatio ●nius , were corruptio alterius . ] and this new government should take life from the death of the earl of strafford . in the afternoon the house of commons desired access to the king in the banqueting house , and having stayed there an hour for his coming , in three words they propounded these two great bills , desiring that he would give his royal assent to them both ( quod si non prosint singula , juncta jubant ) withall humbly shewing that the present danger of the kingdom could admit of no delayes . the king told them they should expect an answer on monday morning . the court at this time was surcharged with a confluence of people , quasi civitas tota sedibus suis mota , as if the whole city was come to petition for justice , a government indeed worse than a democracy , where the people do not rule but play the tyrants : if there were no monarchy there needs no conscience to obey it ; but where it is , and cannot protect it self , the good subject must either forget himself , or his loyalty ; a two edged sword killing either the body or the soul , nor in this are men in better case than the winged fishes , that our southern mariners tell us of , which , if they swim beneath the water are catch'd by dolphins , if they fly above for refuge , snatch'd away by the hungry ravenous souls , ( lord help then the times , or help our patience , and resolutions , give us either redress in thee , or confidence in thee . ) the wiser sort conceived these two bills too big for them to desire at once , and that both of them together might procure a flat denial , but the more couragious knew the readier way by far , having often had experience of his majesties readiness to grant just desires ; resolving that he that expects to lose the day , is beaten at his own diffidence , and it is the quality of some men to swallow camels upon a sudden , who ( if you give them leisure ) will perchance strain at a gnat. their resolutions may aim at this , but despair to remedy that ; nature gives the reason , omne agens se exercet intra spharam activitatis . dangers , if they come but stragling upon us , we may collect our spirits well enough , and easily resist them ; but if they come by whole troops , amazment and fear admits of no consultation for the future , but only intends to decline the present and pressing hazard ; whereon the ancient ga●ls made their first on-sets , with valour beyond the courage of men , and with feareful cryings and shouts belying their own animosity , to stupify and quell that of the enemy . sunday , all the day the king was resolute never to give way to the bill against the lord strafford , telling them withal , that it seemed strange to him , that the man could not dy , unless he , and he only ; by giving sentence the kings legislative way , should condemn him : the lord pembrook brought the king a piece of scripture , 2 sam. 19. from the 5 to the 9 verse ; the words indeed became a joab rather than himself till he had scattered the force of the kings ( not eldest son yet eldest ) daughter , the kingdom of scotland ; here is some analogy with absalom and in nothing else , for david was sorry for shedding the nocent , they not sorry for shedding the innocent blood , though the issue be not the same . four bishops were sent for by the king , the primate of ireland , the bishop of durham , lincoln and carlile : some say ( and i do rather believe it ) that the king was desirous the bill should be voiced again , and argued , the bishops had their suffrages in the admission though not in the approbation of the bill , others think in regard the primate was there , ( who had no interest in this kingdom ) it was to resolve the kings conscience ; for my part i see not how they should do this , seeing the business was grounded upon a case in law , which none of them ( unless the bishop of lincoln had learned when he was lord keeper ) could possibly discuss ; for if the king was tender in it , how could they persuade him to give way , if not , what needed their resolution ? but it may be that they persuaded him , that in conscience he might prefer the opinion of the judges before his own , and that if ( though with some reluctation ) they thought upon their oaths , the proceedings to be lawful , he might give way to them . this is not unlikely , because the judges were sent for the same time , and it seems , for the same service ; and if it be so , i admire ( and adore too ) the wonderful providence of god , who in his preparatory act , to this unlawful judgment ( which undoubtedly will follow ) suffers not only the king and the country , but the church too , ( as if her cup were not yet full ) to be involved . but could this be to the matter of fact , the king i am sure knew him to be free from any the least intention of subverting the fundamental laws of the kingdom , and could the bishops satisfie this scruple too , it may be they are persuaded , that the proofs might be taken implicitly from the house of commons , as the law from the judges : it is reported indeed that they besought the king with many tears to give way , and that to prevent the ruin of the kingdom , which these statesmen ( who will be ever content with the longest life for themselves , 'till by piece-meal they be thrust from all ) did see would necessarily follow . well , i dare prophesie to them they shall not want their reward , neither from the king nor people , for the next tumult of people shall be against their liturgies , surplices , and church-ornaments . and seeing they have now over-persuaded the king in this , if they can procure him , then to protect themselves from those imminent dangers which hang over their heads , they shall do a miracle . sed quos perdere vult jupiter , dementat . some body else will persuade the king that to satisfie the common people , and to prevent the ruin of the kingdom , bishopricks , deans , prebends , and all cathedrals must down , sed omen avertat deus optimus . sunday , all day nothing sounded in the king's ears , but fears , terrors , and threatnings of worse and worse , the noise of drums and trumpets were imagined to be heard of rebelling people from every corner of the kingdom , yea apprentices , coblers , and fruiterers , presented themselves , as already running into the king's bed-chamber . after they they had wrestled him breathless , and ( as they do with great fishes ) given him scope of line wherein to spend his strength , at last , victus dedit manus , being overcome with such uncessant importunities , he yielded up the buckler , and about nine of the clock at night ( oh deplorable necessity of the times ! or rather , oh the frailty of human nature ! that can neither foresee , nor sustain this necessity ) the king promised to sign both the bills the next morning , which was accordingly done , and a commission drawn up for his ( i do not care in what relation you take the word ) execution . ingentes curae stupent , loquuntur leves . though i had resolved with the painter ( who could not express his grief sufficiently in weeping for his daughter ) here to have drawn the curtain , yet it will not be , something must overflow . consider the gentleman as a man , his judgment , memory , eloquence , real perfections in this age of appearances , consider him as a subject , his loyalty , his courage , his integrity to king and country , in these disloyal and faint-hearted times ; consider him as a christian , his love to the church , his respect to church-men , in this prophane and over-weaning generation ; let worth , honesty , and religion , weep his funerals , who suffers for all , and yet by all , yea as an enemy to all these ; talk not hereafter to me of justice , equity , or conscience , they are but names , and those scornful and empty names too . it is power , faction , and interest , that are the managers of human affairs , and sways the times . i defie all history to furnish us with the like parallel , of a man accused by his country , by reason of his noble and eager desires to maintain them in plenty and reputation , convicted by the church for his actual performance , and serious intention , to restore both the dignities and revenues thereof ; his prince even forced to condemn him , after his integrity to persuade due obedience , and to protect royal authority . happy , yea thrice happy he , whose innocence was wedded to his perfection , and both of them ( for so it shall ever be in my kalender ) crowned with martyrdom . forgive , i intreat you , these broken expressions of a passionate soul , my obligements to the gentleman were little , my expectation from him nothing , only an ingenious , though perhaps a simple thought of the present crimes , and future punishment of this kingdom ( unless god be more merciful ) whether from the privation of his life , or merit of his death , hath extorted thus much from me . remember the story of innocent socrates . you desire me to be present , and see the catastrophe of the business ; i should pluck out mine eyes , if i thought they had so much cruelty to behold such a spectacle ; you may think it courage , but i inhumanity : my own sins do too much interest me in his sufferings , though i be not accessory by my sight . the zealous pilgrims of the turkish religion , after they had seen the blessed spectacle of mahomet's tomb at mecca , do presently make themselves blind by continual poaring upon hot burning bricks , so destroying the optick nerves , as thinking themselves unworthy ever afterwards to look upon any worldly object ; i leave your self sir to make the application , i dare ingeniously say it , that all my sufferings to this time ( and i have not been without a round share of them ) did never touch me so nearly , as the sufferings of justice , religion , and loyalty , by this one fact : not for any evil consequence to me ( god knows ) i am beneath the reach of fortune , and can easily change my climate ; but for that cloud which hangeth over the public , and will not , i fear , be dissolved till the measures of deservings be made up brim full . what turbulency , what confusion is within me , you may easily guess by these symptomes that are without , those raw and indigested expressions , it is my dayly labour to obtain the mastery of my self and my affections , but upon such extraordinary times and occasions , they grow too strong for me ; i must give way and retire before i get new strength again : hence it is , that though at the lord strafford's last departure out of this world , i might have been assured of his mantle , that is , the doubling of his perfections upon me , and of a capacity to admit of the least of them , yet i could not have attended his execution ; my heart was too weak , and my eyes too blind to behold such a woful spectacle ; but be you assured he will not dye like one of the vulgar , nor like one of those wanton coursers who can rush fiercely into the battel , yet withall start at his own shadow : he hath done , and can do , greater things than dye , and that too without any in-decorum . as he hath lived for the real demonstration of his service and fidelity , so he can dye for the pretended safety of his soveraign , and that in a strange way too , as if the head could not be safe , but by cutting off the right hand . sir , your desires have obliged me to unty my wounds , yet scarce bound up , and by reflection upon that sad object , to fall a bleeding again ; nor can i grant your suit to make that great lord speak in his own dialect . pythagoras's transmutation could not have found out a fit lodging for that noble soul , nor doth nature give us wonders every day , nor strain her self ambitiously to shew forth the utmost reach of her perfections or master-piece , and to present us with such a rare conjunction of such a courage , attended with loyalty to danger ; wisdom accompanied with eloquence to admiration . what could not that man think ? what think and not speak ? what speak and not do ? but i will not be too rhetorical , that speech , or rather blemish , printed and pretended to be spoken by him in the tower , is as like him as he was to a pedant , his soul now laughs ( if that natural sence could reach so high ) at that poor injury , it doth exceedingly well become the charity of the times , not only to perturb his rest , but also by belying his expressions , to make his own hands the scatterers of his own dust , and his own tongue the trumpet of his own infamy : that speech is a foist and a lye . his other speech on the scaffold , and with it , his letter to the king , you shall find at the end of this letter , in the best way we could get it , something of his greatness appears in his phrase , and as much life too as could by snatches be gathered from his mouth , yet it comes far short of that grace which it had when it was delivered by himself , what by the escapes of the observers , what by the faint-heartedness of the press , which durst not speak freely , for fear of arbitrary treason . two observable expressions i had from an understanding auditor . first , sir george wentworth weeping extreamly upon the scaffold , was thus checked by him : brother , what do you see in me that deserves these tears ? doth my fear betray my guiltiness ? or my too much boldness any atheism ? think now ( and this is the third time ) that you do accompany me to my marriage bed : nor did i ever throw off my clothes with such freedom and content , as in this my preparrtion to my grave . that stock [ pointing to the block appointed for his execution ] must be my pillow , here must i rest , and rest from all my labours ; no thoughts of envy , no dreams of treason , jealousies of foes , cares for the king , the state or my self , shall interrupt this nap ; therefore brother , with me , pity mine enemies , who beside their intention have made me blessed ; rejoyce in my innocency , rejoyce in my happiness . secondly , kneeling down upon the scaffold he made this protestation ; i hope , gentlemen , you do think that neither fear of loss , nor love to reputation , will cause me to bely god and my own conscience , for now i am in the door going out , and my next step must be from time to eternity , either of peace or pain ; to clear my self to you all , i do solemnly protest before god , i am not guilty ( so far as i can understand ) of that great crime laid to my charge , nor have ever had the least inclination or intention to damnifie or prejudice the king , the state , the laws , or religion of this kingdom , but with my best endeavours to serve all , and to support all [ so might god be merciful to his soul. ] his words did justifie him more there than in westminster hall , and made such a deep impression in the hearers , that a great many of those who cryed out for justice against him ( after their fury was spent , and their madness strewed with cold blood ) wished their tongues had been cut out of their heads , before they had opened their mouths against him ; others most ignobly imputed this to his effronted boldness , and are so persuaded of their own infallibility , that they marvelled he believed not his actions to be errors upon their word , and did not confess their opinions to be truth it self : a kind of people they are beyond the cure of bedlam , and nothing but the whipping-post , or letting blood can do them good , or bring them remedy , vexatio tantum dabit intellectum , 't is nothing but sence will teach them judgment , and affliction charity , and both these , i fear , are hastning on a pace . his countenance was in a middle posture , betwixt dejection and boldness , a man may call it even courage and innocence it self , without any fear of criticks ; nor could his very enemies , through their multiplying glasses , perceive the least affectation of disguise in him ; never man looked death , more stately , in the face ; never man trembled more at his sins , such were his contritions for his oversights , and such his immovable confidence of gods pardon and his mercy . his prayer ravished all the standers by , that they could not judge whether to prefer his zeal , or his penitency ; yea , the primate of ireland ( who is no complementer ) reported afterwards to the king , that he had then first learned to make supplications aright to god-ward ; and withal , told his majesty , that he had seen many die , but never such a white soul ( this was his own expression ) return to its maker ; at which words , the king was pleased to turn himself about , and offer a tear to his memory . — tantorum mercede laborum . — and because mis-report , about him ▪ and my lords-grace of canterbury , hath wandred as far as cambridge , give me leave to add the story of that mistake . it was reported here by the divulgers of such slanders , that a little before his death , he had charged all his misfortunes , oversights , and misdemeanors , upon the arch-bishop of canterbury , as the prime author , and had bitterly curst the day of their first acquaintance : a pretty invention it was , to charge the axe again , and to furnish the people with lungs and voices to cry for another sacrifice ; yea , to stain this martyrs long white robe , with the innocent blood of another . heroe . o ye sons of men ! how long will ye love vanity , and seek after leasing ? for this cause , i was the more inquisitive to learn out the truth of this particular , and had it thus related to me by a worthy divine , doctor wimberly , who dining with my lord of canterbury , the day after the earl of strafford's execution , had it from his own mouth . and my lords-grace , it seems , having heard of the mistake , did at every period take the lieutenant of the tower , then present , his attestation and approbation . that the lord strafford , the night before the execution , had sent for the lieutenant of the tower , and asked him whether it were possible he might speak with the arch-bishop ; the lieutenant told him he might not do it , without order from the parliament . mr. lieutenant , said he , you shall here what passeth betwixt us ; it is not a time now , either for him to plot heresie , or me to plot treason : the lieutenant answered , that he was limited , and therefore desired his lordship would petition the parliament for that favour ; no ( said he ) i have gotten my dispatch from them , and will trouble them no more ; i am now petitioning an higher court , where neither partiality can be expected , nor error feared : but my lord , ( said he ) turning to the primate of ireland , then present , what i should have spoken to my lords-grace of canterbury , you shall desire the arch-bishop to lend me his prayers this night , and to give me his blessing when i do go abroad to morrow , and to be in his window , that by my last farewel , i may give him thanks for this , and all other his former favours . the primate , having delivered the message without delay , the arch-bishop replyed , that in conscience , he was bound to the first , and in duty and obligation to the second , but he feared his weakness and passion would not lend him eyes to behold his departure . the next morning , at his coming forth , he drew near to the arch-bishops lodgings , and said to the lieutenant , though i do not see the arch-bishop , yet give me leave , i pray you , to do my last observance toward his rooms ; in the mean time , the arch-bishop , advertized of his approach , came out to the window ; then the earl bowing himself to the ground , my lord , said he , your prayers , and your blessing , the arch-bishop lift up his hands , and bestowed both , but overcome with grief , fell to the ground in animi deliquio . the earl proceeding a little farther , bowed the second time , saying , farwel , my lord ; god protect your innocency . to this relation , the lord of canterbury added , that it might perhaps seem an effeminacy , and softness unbecoming him , to be so cast down , but he hoped , by god's assistance , and his own innocence , that when he came to his own execution ( which he daily longed for ) that the world should perceive he had been more sencible of the lord strafford's loss , than of his own ; and good reason it should be so ( said he ) for the gentleman was more serviceable to the church ( he would not mention the state ) than either himself , or any of all the church-men had ever●been . and that there may be a slaughter-goat for the sins of the people in scotland , to wait upon this report , they have fained another of the same meal ; that the arch bishop of canterbury casts back all his misdemeanors upon the bishop of ross , as if either the lord strafford had been tutored by the arch-bishop , or he by the bishop of ross , in the king and countrys service ; i did not think that both of them had past their pupilage , and could not have been bended to execute the directions of any man living , but only their own masters ; but this is a fair advertisement to the bishop of ross , to make himself the scape-goat . heu fuge nate deo. give me leave to adjoin one thing more ; when he was marched to the scaffold , more like the general in the head of an army , to breath victory , than like a condemned man , to undergo the sentence of death ; the lieutenant of the tower desired him to take coach , for fear the people should rush in upon him and tear him in pieces ; no , ( said he ) master lieutenant , i dare look death in the face , and i hope the people too ; have you a care that i do not escape , and i care not how i dye , whether by the hand of the executioner , or the madness and fury of the people . if that may give them better content , it is all one to me . it is but diminutive to call it a wonder , it is something above , that his thoughts and expressions should be so present with him ; no more putrifaction in them , than if he had been about some ordinary business : his alacrity , his devotion did amaze ; yea , tear in pieces the hearts of all those about him , who had the least grace or humanity in them . too much perfection indeed to be lost at one blow ; but this age was not worthy of it , nor shall any after age , i think , ever enjoy the like , that only which is possible is the object of the will , and therefore i will not endeavour to find out words for expressing this wonder of the times ; only i leave his virtues to speak the rest , to the admiration of ours , and compassion of succeeding ages . a letter to a friend . believe me , sir ; this blessed departure of his , hath put me in love with scaffolds more than death-beds ; let it be my paradox , ( if not prophetical to me ) that it is the best kind of dissolution , provided there be innocence to uphold the conscience ; and ( with good men at least ) to maintain the reputation afterwards : here you are attended with the pregnancy of judgment and memory , not weakned , nor clouded with tedious and giddy sicknesses : here you have a time prefixed , and must of necessity concentricate your self and your best resolution ; elsewhere nature is unwilling to find a suspension , abhorring its own destruction , ( imo quam multos in medio scelere mors occupavit & medium secuit crimen . ) here a moment ends the pain , which perhaps not seven apprentiships elsewere ; and here , if any where , we find pitty , yea , deservings both with god and good men ; but he that sent us hither must prescribe us the way of our return . vpon that very day of the execution , in the afternoon , ( abyss●s abyssum invocat , blood calls for blood ) there happened a conflict betwixt the scots and english army , no certain number yet reported , nor what occasion ; ( some say six score , some three score scots ; some twenty , some thirty english ) only the matter it self was represented by the general , ( the lord holland ) upon a letter from sir john conniers to the parliament , upon friday , with a mighty regret , that he had been appointed for peace , but that unhappy rub had fallen out much contrary to his desire . the king sent a letter the day before the execution , by the prince , to the vpper-house , desiring the rigour of that sentence might be remitted ; but it was sent back unbroken up , for fear either to refuse the king , or discontent the people : god forbid his majesty should give so slender an ear to their petitions . the lord strafford's children are restored to all his estate , and if they petition for it , shall be to his honours too ; the house of commons have been as forward in this as any else ; whether to make some recompence to them , or to give proof to the nobility ( lest they should be scared by the example ) that not so much the means as the man was aimed at . but it will be a question , whether they can restore that head too , when the kingdom shall need its service . it is to be feared , that his great abilities will shortly be more understood by our want of them , than our fruition ; so dark is mans understanding in preserving that which is virtuous and useful amongst us . virtutem incolumem odimus . the earl of strafford's letter to his majesty . it hath been my greatest grief in all my troubles , to be taken as a person that should endeavour to present and set things amiss between your majesty and your people , and to have given councel tending to the disquiet of your majesty , and your three kingdoms . most true it is , that such an attempt ( my private condition considered ) had been a great madness , seeing through your gracious favour i was so provided , as i could not expect in any kind to mend my fortune , or to please my mind , more than by resting where your bounteous hand had placed me ; nay , the business is most mightily mistaken , for unto your majesty it is well known , that my poor and humble advices concluded still in this , that your majesty should never be happy , 'till there were a right understanding procured betwixt you and them : no other means to effect and settle this happiness , but by the councel and assent of the parliament ; and no way to prevent the growing evils of this state , but by putting your self entirely upon the loyalty and good affection of your subjects . yet ( such is my misfortune ) the truth finds little credit , the contrary ( it seems ) generally believed , and my self reputed the cause of this great separation betwixt you and your people : under a heavier censure than this i am persuaded no gentleman can suffer , and now i understand that the minds of men are the more incensed against me , notwithstanding your majesty hath declared , that in your princely opinion i am not guilty of treason , nor are you satisfied in conscience to pass the bill : this brings me into a great streight . here is before me the ruin of my children and family , hitherto untouch'd in all the branches of it with any foul crime . here are before me the many evils which may befall your sacred person , and the whole kingdom , should your self and the parliament be less satisfied the one with the other than is necessary for the king and people . here are before me the things most valued , most feared by mortal men [ life and death : ] to say , sir , there hath not been a conflict within me about these things , were to make my self less man than ( god knows ) my infirmities will give me leave , and to call a destruction upon my self , and my young children , where the intentions ( at least ) of my heart , have been innocent of this great offence ( may be believed ) would find no easie consent from flesh and blood. but , out of much sadness , i am come to a resolution of that which i take to be best becoming me , that is , to look upon that which is principally to be considered in it self , and that is doubtless the prosperity of your sacred person and the common-wealth , infinitely to be preferred before any man's private interest : and therefore in few words , as i have put my self wholly upon the honour and justice of my peers ; so clearly as i wish your majesty hath been pleased to have spared that declaration of yours on saturday last , and to have left me entirely to their lordships ; so now ( to set your majesty's conscience at liberty ) i do most humbly beseech you , for the preventing of such mischiefs as may happen by your refusal , to pass the bill ; by this means to remove ( praised be god i cannot say this accursed , but i confess ) this unfortunate thing forth of the way towards that blessed agreement , which god , i trust , shall for ever establish betwixt you and your subjects . sir , my consent herein shall acquit you more to god , than all the world can do beside . to a willing man there is no injury done , and as by god's grace i forgive all the world ; with a calmness and meekness of infinite contentment to my dislodging soul , so , sir , i can give the life of this world with all chearfulness imaginable , in the just acknowledgment of your exceeding favours , and only beg , that in your goodness , you would vouchsafe to cast your gracious regard upon my poor son and his three sisters , less or more , and no otherwise , than their unfortunate father shall appear more or less guilty of this death . god preserve your majesty . tower , may 9. 1641. your majesties most humble , and faithful subject and servant , strafford . the petition of thomas , earl of strafford , to the right-honourable the lords spiritual and temporal in parliament , at westminster , 1641. sheweth , that seeing it is the good will and pleasure of god , that your petitioner is now shortly to pay that duty which we all owe to our frail nature ; he shall in all christian patience and charity conform and submit to that justice , in a comfortable assurance of the great hope laid up for us , in the mercy and merits of our saviour , blessed for ever . only he humbly craves to return your lordships most humble thanks for your noble compassion towards those innocent children , who now with his last blessing , he commits to the protection of almighty god , beseeching your lordships to finish your pious intentions towards them , and desiring that the reward thereof , may be given you by him , who is able to give above all that we are able either to ask or think , wherein i trust the honourable house of commons will afford their christian assistance . and so beseeching your lordships , charitably to forgive all his omissions and infirmities , he doth heartily and truly recommend your lordships to the mercies of our heavenly father , that for his goodness , he may protect you in every good work . amen . there was a foolish , ridiculous and scandalous speech printed , which was pretended to have been spoken by the earl of strafford , to certain lords , before his coming out of the tower , which is protested against , and avowed to be false , by the lord primate of ireland , earl of cleveland , earl of newport , lord rich , sir william balfoure , sir william wentworth , sir george wentworth , dr. carre , dr. price . — de moriuis nil nisi verum . the paper containing the heads of the lord strafford 's last speech , written with his own hand , as it was left upon the scaffold , falling out of his bosom . 1. come to pay the last debt we owe to sin . 2. rise to righteousness . 3. dye willingly . 4. forgive all . 5. submit to justice but , in my intentions , innocent from subverting &c. 6. wishing nothing but good prosperity to king and people . 7. acquit the king constrained . 8. beseech to repent . 9. strange way to write the beginning of reformation , and settlement of a kingdom in blood. 10. beseech that demand may rest there . 11. call not blood on themselves . 12. dye in the faith of the church . 13. pray for it , and desire their prayers with me . a true copy of his speech delivered on the scaffold . my lord primate of ireland , it is my great comfort that i have your lordship by me this day , in regard i have been known to you these many years , and i do thank god and your lordship for it that you are here , i should be very glad to obtain so much silence as to be heard a few words , but i doubt i shall not , the noise is so great . my lords , i am come hither by the good will and pleasure of almighty god , to pay that last debt i owe to sin , which is death ; and by the blessing of that god , to rise again through the merits of jesus christ to righteousness , and life eternal . [ here he was a little interrupted . ] mr lords , i am come hither to submit to that judgment which hath passed against me , i do it with a very quiet and contented mind ; i thank god , i do freely forgive all the world , a forgiveness that is not spoken from the teeth outward , ( as they say ) but from the very heart : i speak it in the presence of almighty god , before whom i stand , that there is not a displeasing thought arising in me towards any man living . i thank god i can say it , and truly too , my conscience bearing me witness , that in all my imployment since i had the honour to serve his majesty , i never had any thing in the purpose of my heart , but what tended to the joint and individual prosperity of king and people , although it hath been my ill fortune to be misconstrued . i am not the first that hath suffered in this kind , it is the common portion of us all , while we are in this life to err , righteous judgment we must wait for in another place , for here we are very subject to be mis-judged one of another ; there is one thing that i desire to free my self of , and i am very confident ( speaking it now with much chearfulness ) that i shall obtain your christian charity in the belief of it . i was so far from being against parliaments , that i did allways think the parliaments of england were the most happy constitutions that any kingdom or nation lived under , and the best means under god to make the king and people happy . for my death i here acquit all the world , and beseech the god of heaven heartily to forgive them that contrived it , though in the intentions and purposes of my heart i am not guilty of what i dye for : and my lord primate , it is a great comfort for me , that his majesty conceives me not meriting so severe and heavy a punishment , as is the utmost execution of this sentence . i do infinitely reioyce in this mercy of his , and i beseech god return it into his own bosom , that he may find mercy when he stands most in need of it . i wish this kingdom all the prosperity and happiness in the world , i did it living ▪ and now dying it is my wish ; i do most humbly recommend this to every one who hears me , and desire they would lay their hands upon their hearts , and consider seriously , whether the beginning of the happiness and reformation of a kingdom , should be written in letters of blood ; consider this when you are at your homes , and let me be never so unhappy , as that the last drop of my blood should rise up in judgment against any one of you ; but i fear you are in a wrong way . my lords , i have but one word more , and with that i shall end . i profess that i dye a true and obedient son to the church of england , wherein i was born , and in which i was bred . peace and prosperity be ever to it . it hath been objected ( if it were an objection worth the answering ) that i have been inclined to popery ; but i say truly from my heart , that from the time that i was one and twenty years of age , to this present , going now upon forty nine , i never had in my heart to doubt of this religion of the church of england , nor ever had any man the boldness to suggest any such thing to me , to the best of my remembrance . and so being reconciled by the merits of jesus christ my saviour , into whose bosom i hope i shall shortly be gathered , to those eternal happinesses which shall never have end , i desire heartily the forgiveness of every man for any rash or unadvised words , or any thing done amiss , and so my lords and gentlemen farewel ; farewel all things of this world. i desire that you would be silent , and joyn with me in prayer , and i trust in god we shall all meet and live eternally in heaven , there to receive the accomplishment of all happiness , where every tear shall be wiped away from our eyes , and every sad thought from our hearts , and so god bless this kingdom , and jesus have mercy on my soul. then turning himself about , he saluted all the noble-men , and took a solemn leave of all considerable persons upon the scaffold , giving them his hand . after that , he said , gentlemen , i would say my prayers , and entreat you all 〈◊〉 pray with me , and for me ; then his chaplain laid the book of common-prayer upon the cha● before him as he kneeled down , on which he prayed almost a quarter of an hour , and then as long or longer without the book , and concluded with the lords prayer . standing up he spies his brother sir george wentworth , and calls him to him , saying , brother , we must part , remember me to my sister , and to my wife , and carry my blessing to my son , and charge him that he fear god , and continue an obedient son to the church of england , and warn him that he bears no private grudge or revenge toward any man concerning me ; and bid him beware that he meddle not with church-livings , for that will prove a moth and canker to him in his estate , and wish him to content himself to be a servant to his country , not aiming at higher preferments . aliter . ] to his son mr. wentworth he commends himself , and gives him charge to serve his god , to submit to his king with all faith and allegiance in things temporal , to the church in things spiritual ; chargeth him again and again , as he will answer it to him in heaven , never to meddle with the patrimony of the church , for if he did , it would be a canker to eat up the rest of his estate . carry my blessing also to my daughter anne , and arabella , charge them to serve and fear god , and he will bless them ; not forgetting my little infant , who yet knows neither good nor evil , and cannot speak for it self , god speak for it , and bless it . now , said he , i have nigh done , one stroke will make my wife husbandless , my dear children fatherless , and my poor servants masterless , and will separate me from my dear brother , and all my friends , but let god be to you and them all in all . after this , going to take off his doublet , and to make himself unready , he said , i thank god i am not afraid of death , nor daunted with any discouragement rising from any fears , but do as chearfully put off my doublet at this time , as ever i did when i went to bed ; then he put off his doublet , wound up his hair with his hands , and put on a white cap. then he called , where is the man that is to do this last office ? ( meaning the executioner ) call him to me ; when he came and asked him forgiveness , he told him , he forgave him and all the world. then kneeling down by the block , he went to prayer again himself , the primate of ireland kneeling on the one side , and the minister on the other : to the which minister , after prayer , he turned himself , having done prayer , and spake some few words softly , having his hands lifted up ; and closed with the minister's hands . then bowing himself to lay his head upon the block , he told the executioner , that he would first lay down his head to try the fitness of the block , and take it up again before he would lay it down for good and all ; and so he did : and before he laid it down again , he told the executioner , that he would give him warning when to strike by stretching forth his hands ; and presently laying down his neck upon the block , and stretching forth his hands , the executioner strook off his head at one blow , and taking it up in his hand , shewed it to all the people , and said , god save the king. his body was afterwards embalmed , and appoined to be carried into york-shire , there to be buried amongst his ancestors . he left these three instructions for his son in writing . first , that he should continue still to be brought up under those governours to whom he had committed him ; as being the best he could pick out of all those within his knowledge , and that be should not change them , unless they were weary of him ; that he should rather want himself , than they should want any thing they could desire . secondly , he charged him , as he would answer it at the last day , not to put himself upon any public employments , 'till he was thirty years of age at least : and then if his prince should ●all him to public service , he should carefully undertake it , to testifie his obedience ; and withall to be faithful and sincere to his master , though he should come to the same end that himself did . thirdly , that he should never lay any hand upon any thing that belonged to the church . he foresaw that ruin was like to come upon the revenues of the church , and that perhaps they might be shared amongst the nobility and gentry : but if his son medled with any of it , he wished the curse of god might follow him , and all them , to the destruction of the most apostolical church upon earth . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a46088-e660 monday● tuesday pyms first charge . the lieutenants answer . three new articles . expres . thursday . expres . 2. staffords reply . friday . express . 3. & 4. corks two falls . 1 interlining . 2 his groom . satturday . charge . 1. staffords reply . charge . 2. straffords reply . charge 3. straffords reply . secondly , charge 4. straffords reply . glinn 's ejaculation . straffords reply . monday . charge art. 6. strafford 's reply . charge . strafford 's reply . tuesday . charge latter part of the 8th . article lady hibot's case . strafford 's reply . charge article 9. stafford 's reply . wednesday . charge . artic. 10. strafford 's reply . charge . artic. 11. strafford's reply . thursday artic . 12. charge by maynard . staffords reply . charge by m● . palmer , latter part of the 15. article seizing and laying souldiers upon the subjects . straffords reply . glins speech . straffords reply . serjeant savils coppy of the commission rejected . straffords reply . saturday . charge . article 1● . by mr. palmer . straffords reply . whitlocks charge article 19. oath to scots in ireland . straffords reply . monday article 20 the next 〈◊〉 crowded together . glyn● honey comb interposed . straffords reply . strafford 's reply . wednesday whitlocks charge . straffords reply . charge article 26. straffords reply . charge article 27. strafford 's reply . thuasday . charge , sir walter earl's observations . glyns charitable speech strafford's reply . friday he was hindred from coming by a fit of the stone . glyn again . report of my lord strafford's death . saturday . monday spent in a conference betwixt both houses . tuesday . strafford's reply . my lord strafford's last speech in the hall. the recorder . thursday . the formality of a conference . monday protestation . saturday may 8. sunday . four bishops the history of the plot, or, a brief and historical account of the charge and defence of edward coleman, esq., william ireland, thomas pickering, john grove : robert greene, henry berry l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. 1679 approx. 395 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 48 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47868 wing l1258 estc r21508 12738628 ocm 12738628 93059 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47868) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 93059) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 696:3) the history of the plot, or, a brief and historical account of the charge and defence of edward coleman, esq., william ireland, thomas pickering, john grove : robert greene, henry berry l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. [4], 88 p. printed for richard tonson ..., london : 1679. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng coleman, edward, d. 1678. ireland, william, 1636-1679. pickering, thomas, d. 1679. grove, john, d. 1679. green, robert, d. 1679. berry, henry, d. 1679. hill, lawrence, d. 1679. whitbread, thomas, 1618-1679. barrow, william, 1610-1679. caldwell, john, 1628-1679. gawen, john, 1640-1679. turner, anthony, 1628 or 9-1679. langhorne, richard, 1654-1679. wakeman, george, -sir, fl. 1668-1685. marshal, william. rumley, william, d. 1717. corker, james maurus, 1636-1715. popish plot, 1678. 2002-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-08 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2002-08 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the history of the plot : or a brief and historical account of the charge and defence of edward coleman , esq william ireland , thomas pickering , iohn grove . robert greene , henry berry , laurence hill. jesuites . tho. whitebread , william harcourt , iohn fenwick , iohn gavan , anthony turner , richard langhorne , esq sir george wakeman , baronet . benedictine monks . william marshall , william rumley , iames corker , not omitting any one material passage in the whole proceeding . by authority . london . printed for richard tonson within grayes-inn-gate next grayes-inn-lane . 1679. to the reader . there has not been any point , perhaps , in the whole tract of english story , either so dangerous to be mistaken in , or so difficult , and yet so necessary to be understood . as the mystery of this detestable plot now in agitation , ( a iudgment for our sins , augmented by our follies ) but the world is so miserably divided betwixt some that will believe every thing , and others nothing , that not only truth , but christianity it self is almost lost between them ; and no place left for sobriety and moderation . we are come to govern our selves by dreams , and imaginations ; we make every coffee-house tale an article of our faith ; and from incredible fables we raise invincible arguments . a man must be fierce and violent , to get the reputation of being well-affected ; as if the calling of one another damn'd heretique , and popish dog , were the whole sum of the controversie . and what 's all this but the effect of a popular licence and appeal ? when every mercenary scribler shall take upon him to handle matters of faith , and state ; give laws to princes ; and every mechanique sit iudge upon the government ! were not these the very circumstances of the late times ? when the religious iugglers from all quarters fell in with the rabble ; and managed them , as it were , by a certain fleight of hand : the rods were turned into serpents on both sides , and the multitude not able to say , which was aaron , and which the enchanter . let us have a care of the same incantation over again . are we not under the protection of a lawful authority ? nor was there ever any thing more narrowly sifted , or more vigorously discouraged , than this conspiracy . reformation is the proper business of government and council ; but when it comes to work once at the wrong end , there is nothing to be expected from it , but tumult and convulsion . a legal and effectual provision against the danger of romish practices and errours , will never serve their turn , whose quarrel is barely to the name of popery , without understanding the thing it self . and if there were not a roman catholick left in the three kingdoms , they would be never the better satisfied ; for where they cannot find popery , they will make it : nay and be troubled too that they could not find it . it is no new thing for a popular out-cry , in the matter of religion , to have a state-faction in the belly of it . the first late clamor was against downright popery ; and then came on popishly affected ; ( that sweeps all ) the order of bishops , and the discipline of the church took their turns next ; and the next blow was at the crown it self : when every man was made a papist that would not play the knave and the fool , for company , with the common people . these things duly weighed , and considering the ground of our present distempers ; the compiler of this abridgment reckoned that he could not do his countrymen a better office , than ( by laying before them the naked state of things ) to give them at one view , a prospect , both of the subject matter of their apprehensions , and of the vigilance , zeal , and needful severity of the government on their behalf . to which end , he hath here drawn up an historical abstract of the whole matter of fact concerning those persons who have hitherto been tried for their lives , either upon the plot it self , or in relation to it : opposing authentick records to wandring rumours ; and delivering the truth in all simplicity . he hath not omitted any one material point : there is not so much as one partial stroke in it ; not a flourish , nor any thing but a bare and plain collection , without any tincture either of credulity , or passion . and it is brought into so narrow a compass too , that it will ease the readers head , as well as his purse ; by clearing him of the puzzle of forms , and interlocutories , that serve only to amuse and mislead a man , by breaking the order , and confounding the relative part of the proceeding . having this in contemplation ; and being at the same time possest of a most exact summary of all passages here in question ; this reporter was only to cast an extract of these notes into a method : especially finding , that upon comparing the substance of his own papers , with the most warrantable prints that have been published ; his own abstract proved to be not only every jot as correct , but much more intelligible , which being short and full ; he thought might be useful , and find credit in the world upon its own account , without need of a voucher . the history of the charge and defence of edward coleman , esq the first of the conspirators that was brought to publick justice was mr. edward coleman ; who received his trial at the kings bench-bar , novemb. 27. 1678. and pleaded not guilty , to the indictment . the jury consisted of persons of condition , and known integrity ; being sworn , without any exception or challenge from the prisoner . the general heads of his charge were , the conspiring of the death of the king. the endeavour of subverting the government of england ; and the protestant religion . and these treasons , and designs , to be made out against him , partly by witnesses , vivâ voce ; and partly by letters and negotiations under his own hand , proving a correspondence with several sorts of agents for the accomplishing of the aforesaid ends . the charge being read , and the particulars of the matter in evidence , modestly and learnedly opened by his majesties councel , the prisoner past some reflections upon the hard measure of not allowing councel to a prisoner in this case , recommending himself to the justice of the bench to be councel for him , and representing the disadvantage of a roman catholicks appearing at the bar under so violent a prejudice , he insisted further , upon the ingenuity of his confessions in prison ; and it being objected to him , as a thing incredible , that he should break off his correspondences just at ( 75 ) with the date of the last letters of his that were found : his answer was , that he never received any letters after that time , but cursory intelligence , which were either burnt , or used as common paper : and that he had offered all oaths and tests in the world for confirmation of the truth thereof : and that they had seized every one of these letters of general correspondence , for the two or three years last past that he knew of . hereupon the court proceeded to the evidence , the lord chief justice previously inculcating , the sacredness of an oath , and exhorting both the jury , and witnesses , to proceed with all due tenderness and caution : for the life of a man was at stake , and it was not intended that any thing should be put upon the stretch against the prisoner . the witness first called , was mr. oates ; and the first thing demanded of him , was what he could say of the prisoner being any way privy to the design of murthering the king , to which , he gave evidence , as follows ; that is to say : that in november last , making a visit to mr. iohn keyns ( his father confessor , then lodging at mr. colemans in stable-yard ) mr. coleman asked him who that was ? one ( says he ) that is going to st. omers . then says mr. coleman to the witness , i must trouble you with a letter or two ; and i will leave them for you with fenwick ( the procurator of the society in london . ) on the monday following fenwick gave mr. oates the packet mr. coleman had left in his hand ; and away goes he to dover , with it . the outside sheet was a paper of news , which past under the name of colemans letter ; and at the bottom of it these words , pray recommend me to my kinsman playford ( who lived at that time in st. omers . ) this letter was written in english , at length , and addressed to the rector of st. omers ; giving him an account how matters went in england . the witness deposeth that he read this letter , and in it many undutiful expressions concerning the king : and this in particular ; that the match of the lady mary with the prince of orange would prove that traytors , and tyrants ruin . that there was also a letter in latin to la chaise , with a flying seal , and no subscription ; and this letter , with the letter of news , and the postscript , were all in a hand , this was a letter of thanks to la chaise , for 10000 l. which he confest to have received for the service of the catholick cause ; with a promise that it should be wholly imployed as it was designed ; and that no endeavour should be wanting to destroy the protestant religion root and branch . now this letter was in answer to one from la chaise ( dated in august ) which was directed to strange , who at that time was provincial of the society for london , but strange having hurt his hand with a reed , and mico , his secretary , being sick , mr. coleman wrote this letter by direction of the provincial , as the provincial told the deponent himself . that letter from la chaise to which this was an answer , the witness deposed that he saw , and read , and observed instructions in it to this effect . that the 10000 l. should be laid out to no other end than for the killing of the king. the witness did not see coleman write this letter , but delivering it to la chaise himself , la chaise named a gentleman with a french name , and asked how he did ; the witness not well understanding him , ( being at a loss ) one ( says la chaise ) that was formerly secretary to her royal highness : whereupon mr. oates , in latin , asked him if it were not coleman ; but what answer was made to this , mr. oates does not remember . la chaise answered his letter , and the witness brought that answer to st. omers ; from whence it was sent by the society , under cover to mr. coleman , telling him in express terms that this letter was received and owned . the witness having a patent to be taken into the consult , had the sight of this letter at st. omers , and it was sent to mr. coleman , who acknowledged the receipt of it from la chaise ; and in the same hand that wrote the news letter , which was agreed upon to be colemans hand . mr. oates being demanded what he could say to the consultation here in may last , and how far the prisoner was privy to the purpose of murthering the king , he proceeded to this effect . by vertue of a brief from the father general of the society at rome , the jesuits were appointed to have a meeting , which begun at the white-horse-tavern in the strand , in april , old stile , and may , new , and continued there no longer then till they had concluded upon the dispatch of one father cary , an agent , and procurator for rome ; and then they adjourned themselves into clubs and cabals , some at wild-house , some at harcourts , irelands , fenwicks lodgings , and came at length to this result . pickering and grove were to destroy the king , either by shot , or otherwise ; and for their reward , grove was to have fifteen hundred pounds , and pickering ( being a religious person ) 30000 masses , which may be valued an equivalent , at twelve pence a mass. mr. coleman , in this deponents hearing , was told of this determination at wildhouse ; and the witness affirms , to have seen a letter under the prisoners own hand , to one ireland ; expressing his desire that by some means or other , the duke of york might be trapann'd into the plot. there was a p. s. to this letter , recommend me to father la chaise . and besides all this , the witness averrs , that he heard coleman give his opinion at wildhouse , that he thought it was well contrived . the next point was what the witness knew of any rebellion to have been raised in ireland , or of any practice designed upon the duke of ormond : to which mr. oates deposed , that in august , there was a consultation at the savoy , with the iesuits and with the benedictines , and a letter written from talbot , ( the pretended archbishop of dublin ) making mention of one of the popes legates , an italian bishop ( cassay , as he believed ) that maintains the popes claim to the kingdom of ireland . and in this letter , he speaks of four iesuits , that were contriving the death of the duke of ormond , and in case that design should not take place , that then , fogarthy should do it by poyson , ( fogarthy himself being there at that time . ) that before the end of the consult , mr. coleman came in , and earnestly prest the dispatch of fogarthy for ireland , to do the work. the same letter did also say , that they were ready to rise in ireland for the pope . the witness being asked if he knew any thing of arms : gave evidence , that 40000 blank bills were provided to be sent into ireland . and that another letter from talbot , ( of ianuary or february last ) said they were furnished by the popish commission-officers , and that they had them ready in ireland . that coleman , fenwick , and the witness , being together in august last , in fenwicks chamber , in drury lane , without any other company , coleman told fenwick that he had a way now to transmit the 200000 pounds for carrying on the rebellion in ireland , which he said to this deponent also a week before ; so that mr. coleman was privy to it , and a prime actor in it . the witness was now examined about transmitting money to windsor , , or persuading the sending of any thither , and the time ; who deposed as follows : that dr. fogarthy proposed , and provided four irish ruffians to be sent to windsor , in august last , and they were dispatched the same night . that the next day , one william harcourt , rector of london , sent fourscore pounds to them , in the name of the provincial , who was then beyond the seas : and by whose authority the other acted . that mr. coleman told the witness , that he had been to look for harcourt at his house in drury lane , and was there directed to wildhouse , where he sound him . and coleman asking what care was taken for the four gentlemen that went last night to windsor ? harcourt made answer , that eighty pounds was ordered them ; and that the messenger was there that was to carry it . that the money was there upon the table , most in guinnies , and that mr. coleman gave the messenger a guinny to make haste . and that mr. oates never saw the messenger , but that time . the witness was asked what he knew concerning mr. colemans discourse with one ashby ; whose evidence was that one ashby ( in iuly last , and formerly rector of st. omers ) being in london , and ill of the gout , was appointed to go to the bath , that this ashby had certain instructions under the hand of white the provincial , beyond the seas , to authorise ashby , and the consult of london ; to dispatch the king , by poyson , in case groves and pickering failed : and to offer sir george wakeman 10000 l. to effect it ; taking the opportunity of giving his majesty physick , that mr. coleman attended this ashby ; that he saw read , and copyed out the instructions , and sent them over england , to those that were privy to the plot , that this deponent himself saw the reading , and the transcribing of them , mr. coleman declaring the sum to be too little , and that sir george wakeman would hardly undertake it upon those terms ; adding ; that it were well to give 5000 l. more to make the business sure : and that this was said at wild-house , at mr. sandersons house : and that upon mr. colemans dispatch of these suffrages ( the word he used for instructions ) to the principal of the catholick gentry of england , some thousands of pounds were collected , and that coleman told the witness , that he sent these copies about to quicken people in their contributions . the court demanded if mr. coleman was not to have been one of the secretaries of state ; to which mr. oates replyed thus . that in may last new stile , april , old , soon after the consult at mr. langhorns chamber , among other commissions he saw one from the general of the society , iohannes paulus d'oliva ( by vertue of the popes authority ) directed to mr. coleman , and that this deponent saw it at mr. fenwicks chamber in drury-lane in the month of iuly , mr. fenwick being present ; and that mr. coleman , did then , and there , acknowledge the receipt of it , open it , and say that it was a good exchange , for it made him secretary of state , that upon the seal , there was an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a cross , and in english characters i. h. s ; and that he knew this to be the writing of the said general , for he had seen it forty times . that in the month ian. the witness opened at st. omers , certain letters from rome , directed to father harcourt ( he having power so to do ) wherein it was certified that the commissions were already in mr. langhorns hands , which gave the witness a curiosity to ask mr. langhorn about them . now the witness being summoned to be at the consult in april , and appointed by the provincial to wait upon mr. langhorn , he did so , and in discourse about the commissions , asked him if he might not have a sight of them : to which mr. langhorn replyed , that he had received the commissions ; and that he would not scruple to let him have a view of them , the witness giving him that very day an account of the consult . the witness was asked if he were acquainted with langhorn , and he declared , that meeting two of mr. langhorns sons in spain , and doing them some kindnesses , upon the witnesses return out of spain , mr. langhorn received him with great civility at his house , ( somewhere about sheer-lane ) but the wife being zealous another way , mr. langhorn advised the witness rather to come to him for the future at his chamber in the temple ; and that the witness was ordered by the provincial to give mr. langhorn an account from time to time of all results at the white horse , and wild house . being interrogated how many came over in april together with the witness , and how many priests , and jesuits , to his knowledg had been lately in england at one time ? he answered that there were nine jesuits , as the rector of leige , warren , sir thomas preston ; the rector of watton , francis williams , sir iohn warner , charges ; one poole a monk , and the witness the ninth , but for the number of the rest , that he could not remember it , and that to his knowledg there had been in england , at the same time 160 secular priests , 80 iesuits , and by names upon a list , above 300. the prisoner being now permitted to ask any questions , and speak for himself . mr. coleman suggested , that upon his examination before the councel , the witness told his majesty that he had never seen him before , and yet now pretends to great intimacy and acquaintance with him . mr. oates alledged that in truth he said ( his sight being had by candle-light ) that he would not swear that he had ever seen him before ; but so soon as ever heard him speak , he would have sworn him to be coleman . it being demanded , ( when the design upon the king at windsor was before the council ) how the witness came to omit mr. colemans giving the guiny to the messenger ; the time when the fourscore pounds was sent ; the way of remitting the 200000 l. the prisoner consulting and approving of the murther of the king ; and his saying that 10000 l. was too small a reward for sir george wakeman . mr. oates his answer to all this ; . was that his business before the council was rather to exhibit an information , than to deliver a charge ; and that it gives light to a prisoner how to shift , when he knows the whole matter of his accusation beforehand ; and that besides , he was so spent with waiting and watching , that he could scarce stand upon his legs : and that the king and council were sensible of it , and willing to ease him , but yet if he had been prest , he should have enlarged his information . the witness being examined how long it was betwixt the time of his being interrogated , and speaking only to the letters , and that time of communicating to the houses of parliament ; the matter at present in question , his answer was , from monday the 30. of september , until the parliament met . the witness was likewise asked why he did not inform sooner ; and of all together , mr. coleman being so dangerous a person , and engaged in so desperate a design , why he did not name the jesuits he accused . and how he came to charge sir george wakeman by name , and not mr. coleman , mr. oates reply was that he had been a long time accusing other jesuites ; that he spake little but where the persons were face to face . that he had a list of the jesuits names , but only such as were expresly charged were taken up , and that being dosed with sitting up two nights , he forgot mr. coleman , but upon consulting his papers he made upthe accompt which afterwards he delivered . the prisoner urged that the witness was just by him when he says he could not see him ; and further that mr. oates named three or four places where he says he met him about business : the witness answering that the candle was in his eyes , and that the prisoner stood more in the dark : and to the rest , that he wore several peruques at several meetings ; which much disguised him : but that immediately upon speaking he knew him to be coleman , denying that the question was ever put to him whether he knew coleman or no ? the prisoner still insisting upon it , that the witness did declare before the council that he did not know him ; sir thomas doleman , and sir robert southwel ( being clerks of the council , and at that time present ) were examined on the behalf of the prisoner , sir tho. dolemans evidence amounted to this , that mr. oates speaking of coleman ; did say before the council , that he did not well know him ; and that he said these words after mr. coleman was examined , adding that the witness said , he did not know him as he stood there . and speaking of coleman , that he had no acquaintance with that man. it was asked mr. oates , in regard that he knew coleman upon hearing of his voice , why he did not declare himself that he knew him so soon as he had heard him ? to which the witness answered , that he was not asked . sir robert southwel was now interrogated concerning mr. oates his examination before the council , and gave evidence , that mr. oates declared that 10000 pounds promised to sir george wakeman was now made fifteen , and that mr. coleman paid sir george wakeman five thousand pounds in hand . to which mr. coleman replied ; that mr. oates his charge was so slight , that the council were not of his opinion , as appeared by the mitigation of the first order , which was at first to commit him to newgate , but only now into the custody of a messenger . to this sir robert southwel gave an account , how that mr. oates examination was so general , it could not well be fixed ; that mr. colemans papers were found , and seized on sunday night , and that mr. coleman rendred himself voluntarily at the house of sir ioseph williamson , on monday morning , hearing of a warrant out against him : but so many other prisoners were upon examination , that he was not called till afternoon , when he seemed to hear these lewd things charged upon him with great scorn and indignation . the defence he made was such , that though a blank warrant was filled up to send him to newgate , he was only for the present committed to a messenger ; and a special warrant granted to the messenger to secure him against the first order . upon his majesties departure , the next day for newmarket , a committee being appointed to examine several papers , and mr. colemans amongst others ; there were found in a deal box such papers as moved the lords forthwith to sign a warrant for his commitment to newgate . the sum of mr. oates charge , was his traiterous correspondence with the french kings confessor , the 15000 pounds accepted by him , and five of it actually paid to sir george wakeman , and the witnesses opinion that colemans papers would cost him his neck , mr. oates declaring , that he had the stone , and therefore could not be present at the consultation in the savoy , but that he had an account of all things there from those that were upon the place . thus far mr. oates his examination . mr. bedlow sworn and examined . first , what he had seen , or heard , concerning any commission to mr. coleman . secondly , what discourse he ever had with mr. coleman concerning that matter . mr. bedlow swears that he knew nothing of any commission to mr. coleman , more than that sir henry tichbourn told him that he brought him a commission from the principal jesuits at rome , by order from his holiness ; and that he was to be secretary of state , but that he never saw it , nor knows the title of it . as to any discourse with mr. coleman about it , the witness declared , that in april ( 75. ) father harcourt gave him a large pacquet of letters from mr. coleman , who in the witnesses sight delivered the said letters to father harcourt ; that they were directed to mr. la chaise , and other english monks , to whom he delivered the letters , and brought back an answer from la chaise , and certain english monks at paris . mr. bedlow furthur declares , that there met at a consultation two french abbots , and certain english monks , and that he heard them talk of a plot upon the government , and religion of england ; and that the king was to be destroyed in the first place , and the lords of the council ; that this discourse passed upon the consultation ; and there was a pacquet of letters from mr. coleman , they not knowing that the witness understood french. that the pacquet from la chaise was directed to harcourt , with one to coleman enclosed , and addressed a monsieur , monsieur coleman . mr. bedlow being examined what he knew of money received by mr. coleman ; how much , and for what , gave this evidence . that it was to promote the subversion of the government of england , to deliver it from hellish ignorance , and to free catholicks from the tyranny of hereticks . the witness further declareth , that being with harcourt at colemans , may 24. or 25. 1677. harcourt delivered this deponent another pacquet , which he had also from mr. coleman , for the english monks at paris , and the witness to call at douay , in his passage , in case they were not gone for paris before him . that upon the receipt of these letters they applauded the merit of the service , and that upon the consultation 1677 , not having any full assurance what assistance the english catholicks might have from abroad , they resolved to put their design in execution that very summer , the english being in a great forwardness already . that the witness after the consultation gave le faire the letters , and he carried them to harcourt , and harcourt ( though indisposed ) went and carried them to coleman , and this witness along with him , but he stayed over the way while harcourt went in , who soon after gave this witness a back to come over to him , and then , and there , did this witness hear coleman say , if he had a hundred lives he would lose them all to settle the catholick religion in england , and depose , or destroy a hundred heretical kings if they stood in his way . and this at his own house , behind westminster abby ▪ at the foot of the stair-case . here the prisoner demanded of bedlow , if ever he had seen him in his life ? whose answer was , that in the stone-gallery in summerset house , coming from a consult , there he had seen him . after this mr. bradley , the messenger that seized mr. colemans papers , was examined what papers he seized , what he saw , and how he disposed of them . to which mr. bradly rendred this account . that by warrant of council , dated september 29. at six at night , for the apprehending of mr. coleman , and seizing of his papers , he went accordingly , and told mrs. coleman his business , who said he was welcom . and her husband not being at home , he desired her to send for him . that upon the search , he found a great many papers about the house , and put them into several bags ; and looking into a private corner in his own chamber , in a place behind the chimney , he found a deal box tacked together with a nail , with letters in it , which he delivered into the custody of one of his assistants , to take care of it . and going then into his own study , he searched his scritoire , and put up all the papers he could find , in bags without any other papers among them ; sealed them up with his own seal , keeping them constantly in his sight , and so carried every paper of them to the clerk of the council . sir robert southwel , and sir thomas doleman were then examined , whether or no the papers then produced in court , were the papers which were brought by mr. bradley the messenger : and first , sir robert southwel , concerning mr. colemans long letter ; whose answer was that he had not seen that large letter in several days after the papers were brought to him from bradley , remitting the account thereof to the other clerks of the council . sir thomas doleman , in answer to the same question , declared that he found it among mr. colemans papers in a deal box that bradley brought . the next point was to prove both by his own confession , and by two witnesses , that all the papers in question were of his own hand writing . whereupon mr. boatman ( one that had waited upon him five years in his chamber ) was first examined , who declared , that he believed all the papers , then shewed unto him , to be of mr. colemans writing ; acknowledging further , that a pacquet of letters from beyond the seas was directed unto him two or three days after he was made a prisoner : confessing also , that he had received a letter for his master from la chaise ; but denying that ever he wrote any for his master to la chaise ; owning also , that his master kept a large book of entries for his letters and news : but that he knew not what was become of it , and that he had not seen it since two days before his masters commitment . he declared likewise , that he did usually receive news every post , but could not say that any letters of the two years last past were entred in the aforesaid book . the prisoner here interposed that all his letters from the hague , bruxels , france , and rome were before the council , and that these were all he had received . one cattaway ( a kind of an amanuensis to him ) was then examined upon those papers , who positively affirmed them to be of mr. colemans writing . sir philip lloyd was produced next , to prove the long letter against him , upon his own confession : who gave evidence , that he received the papers , then shewed him , from sir thomas doleman , and that the long letter was owned by mr. coleman to be his own hand-writing . it bare date , september 29. 1675. subscribed , your most humble , and most obedient servant , ( without a name . ) and it was read by the clerk of the crown , according to the order of the court , but being too long to be brought into a breviate , and the whole letter it self being little more than the deduction of a three years history of former negotiations ( for the greater part with mr. ferrier , the predecessor of la chaise ) it will suffice to give this brief of the whole : money was the prisoners great design , and the procuring of it , by a pretence of more power , both in the church , and in the state , than effectually he had , is in short the drift of that large discourse . towards the end of it , he has indeed this bold and dangerous passage ; our prevailing in these things would give the greatest blow to the protestant religion that ever it received since its birth . to this foregoing letter was produced an answer from la chaise , owning the receipt of it , and giving mr. coleman thanks for it : concerning which letter , sir robert southwel declared that he found it in mr. colemans canvas bag , the sunday after the papers were seized : and that sir philip lloyd examined it . this letter was read in court by sir robert southwel , first in french , and then in english ; which being a very brief and pertinent proof of the correspondence in question , we shall here insert according to the translation of it there exhibited . the letter . sir , paris , octob. 23. 1675. the letter which you gave yourself the trouble to write to me , came to my hands but the last night : i read it with great satisfaction , and i assure you that its length did not make it seem tedious . i should be very glad on my part to assist in seconding your good intentions ; i will consider of the means to effect it ; and when i am better informed than i am as yet , i will give you an account , to the end i may hold intelligence with you , as you did with my predecessour . i desire you to believe that i will never fail as to my good will , for the service of your master ; whom i honor as much as he deserves , and that it is with great truth that i am your most humble and most obedient servant , d. l. c. as it was the business of the prisoners long letter abovementioned , first to procure mony and then by his interest , as he phansied to himself , to work a dissolution of the parliament : so in case of attaining that end , mr. coleman had by him the draught of a declaration , as from his majesty , shewing the reasons of that dissolution ; promising before the end of the next february to call another parliament , charging all persons to forbear talking irreverently of the proceedings , and offering 20 l. to the discoverer of any seditious talker against it , unto a principal secretary of state. this is in short the substance of that voluminous declaration ; and he did not make more bold with his majesty in this contrivance , out of his own head , then he did in another letter of mr. la chaise , in the name of his master the duke of york , not only without the order and privity of the duke , but incurring his very great displeasure upon the very mention of his project : as he himself confessed before a committee of the house of lords that discoursed with him in newgate , to which point sir philip lloyd deposed the truth of what is here asserted , he himself being then appointed to attend the said committee . the letter itself was read consisting most of complement to the french interest , and of such imaginations as might give mr. coleman some credit and authority in his future undertakings . there was another letter produced , which was also to la chaise , and without date , it is too long to be here inserted , and the pinch of the letter lying in a very narrow compass , we shall only give you so much of it as may be sufficient for our present purpose . we have a mighty work upon our hands , ( says he ) no less than the conversion of three kingdoms ; and by that perhaps the utter subduing of a pestilent heresie , which has domineer'd over a great part of this northern world a long time : there never were such hopes of success since the death of our queen mary , as now in our days . and again , it imports us to get all the aid and assistance we can , for the harvest is great , and the labourers but few . this letter was acknowledged by coleman to be of his own writing as attested by sir thomas dolman and sir philip lloyd from mr. colemans own lips. there were read also divers other letters of the prisoner , and one especially of august 21. ( 74 ) to the popes internuncio at bruxelles where he owns the design to be the utter ruin of the protestant party , but these were never thought fit for the press . the prisoner did here crave the leave of the court to ask mr. oates some questions , who ( having been withdrawn to rest himself ) was called again ; it being also offered by the court , that mr. coleman might speak with mr. bedlow also , but he did not desire it . here the prisoner demanded the particular days of the months , where the consult was held ; who were present at it : to which mr. oates made answer , that it was within two or three days of the consult , in may new stile , and april , old , which began at the white-horse and was afterwards adjourned to several companies , that there were present at it the provincial , mico , strange , and keins ; and that the prisoner came to the provincials chamber two or three days after the consult . as to that at the savoy , in august , old stile , the witness would not charge his memory with the particular day , and touching the consult in may , that mr. coleman was not present at it ; but two or three days after it , approved at wild-house of the resolutions before taken . the prisoner here suggests that he was fourscore miles off , in warwick-shire upon the 21. of august , old stile and so for two or three and twenty days before , solemnly imprecating himself that he never saw mr. oates his face , but in the council chamber , and now in the court , and that he never saw mr. bedlow but now in the court in his whole life . mr. coleman did also endeavour to evade the danger of two witnesses , by alledging that they did not both of them swear the self same fact , which was overruled by shewing that the general fact of killing the king , was sworn to by both , though not the particular manner , either of pistol or poyson . the prisoner laboured likewise to extenuate the malice of his expressions , by calling them only extravagant , and to expound himself , by saying that by the words aid and assistance was intended only mony and not violence , and finding that all this did not avail him , he offered proof that he was in warwick-shire at the time sworn that he was in london , which being allowed him , boatman was called again ; whose testimony was only this , that in august last , mr. coleman was in warwick-shire , all august , to the best of his remembrance ; but he could not say what time of the month the prisoner was in london , and gave no positive answer . when he was asked if coleman was in warwick-shire , and no where else , the prisoner affirmed that he had been at the lord denbys , and mr. francis fishers , at least twenty days , and so concluded with these very words , positively i say , and upon my salvation , i never saw these witnesses , oats but once , and bedlow , never before . the kings council then sum'd up the evidence , the prisoner offerd the same things over again , and his servant was examined as to the time of his masters going out of town ; and of his return ; but could not speak certainly to the day . so that the lord chief justice proceeded to his charge to the jury , whereupon the prisoner was found guilty of the high treason whereof he stood indicted , and remanded to the prison , with order to bring him again the next morning to receive his sentence . the prisoner repeating what he had said before , concerning the two witnesses . mr. coleman , being brought again the next day ( november 28. ) to the bar , first prayed favour for his papers , and then offered a book , to prove him out of town from august 15. to the 31. late at night , referring himself also ( for the truth thereof ) to some papers and books of accompts which were then under seisure , alledging also the improbability of speaking in company of killing the king , desiring the benefit , upon the whole matter , of the act of grace , but his offence being since the last act of pardon , and his other pretensions being found to be of no weight , the lord chief justice , after a grave and pertinent speech , pronounced sentence upon the prisoner to be drawn , hang'd and quartered , &c. according to the usual form . after sentence past , the prisoner denyed the making or receiving ; the knowing or hearing , either directly or indirectly , of any propositions for the destroying of the king ; the subverting of the government ; or the bringing in of popery by violence , or by the help of any forrein power . he declared upon his salvation , that he had given the house of commons a true accompt of all his books , papers , and correspondences , and so desiring and obtaining leave for his wife , and some immediate friends to come to him , he was carried back to newgate . upon the tuesday following , the sentence was executed upon him , at tyburn ; where he thanked god that he dyed a catholick , renouncing upon the word of a dying man , any knowledg of the murther of sir edmond-bury godfrey , and so was turned off . the history of the charge and defence of william ireland , thomas pickering and iohn grove . on the 17. of december ( 78. ) thomas white alias whitebread , william ireland , iohn fenwick , thomas pickering , and iohn grove were indicted at iustice-hall in the old bayly , for conspiring the murther of the king , &c. they all of them pleaded not-guilty , and the jury ( being gentlemen of quality , ) was presented , and sworn , without any challenge or exception . the kings learned council having opened the indictment , the witnesses were called , and mr. oates first sworn , and then demanded what he knew of a design for murthering the king , and by whom : who gave evidence to the effect following . that in december last , mr. whitebread was made provincial of the society ; and then ordered a jesuit at st. omers ( one george conyers ) to preach against the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , upon st. thomas of canterburies day , which he did , declaring them to be hellish and antichristian . that in ianuary following the provincial wrote a letter to st. omers unto richard ashby , giving notice of his intent to destroy the king , and in february that he summoned the jesuits to a consult at london , upon april 24. old stile : the provincial dating his letters at that time from london . that whitebread issued a second summons , which was received , april 5. new-stile , whereupon nine appeared at london ; the rector of liege , sir thomas preston , marsh the rector of ghent , williams , the rector of watton ; sir iohn harper , and from st. omers two or three more , who were all under a caution to lie close , for fear of discovering the design . that the first consult , april 24. old stile , was at the white-horse-tavern in the strand , where iohn cary was ordered by whitebread , ireland , and fenwick , to go procurator for rome . this consult adjourning after that to several places , as mr. sanders's , irelands , harcourts , groves and other places ( not known to the witness ) in little meetings . that having debated upon the matter of religion , and the murther of the king , mico , the secretary to the society , did the same day draw up this following result : it is resolved , that thomas pickering , and iohn grove shall proceed upon their attempt upon the person of the king ; and that groves reward shall be 1500 l. and pickerings 30000 masses . that this resolution was first signed by whitebread , and then by ireland and fenwick , and likewise by all the four clubs at the meetings beforementioned : the witness carrying the instrument from one to another , and seeing them sign it ; whitebread , ireland , and fenwick signing it at that part of the consult which past at their respective chambers , the witness being still present . that in may , mr. whitebread went to st. omers , upon his provincial visitation ; and with him , cary and mico : cary going from thence to rome . that whitebread having rendred an accompt of the state of the catholicks proceedings in england , what monies collected ; what party made and engaged ; what means used to promote the design , he ordered the witness to come over into england , and to murther dr. tongue for publishing a book called the iesuits morals : who left st. omers iune 23. new-stile , took boat at calais on the 24. and on the 25. met fenwick at dover with some youths that he was sending to st. omers . that the witness coming in a coach with fenwick and other passengers for london , the coach being searched some six miles on this side canterbury , they found a box full of beads , crucifixes , images , &c. and directed to richard blundel esq that these things being seized as prohibited goods : mr. fenwick said that if they had searched him they might have found letters in his pocket would have cost him his life , that fenwick passed by the name of thompson , near the fountain tavern at charing-cross , to which place he ordered the searchers to write to him . that coming to london , iune 27. after a few days , one ashby came thither sick of the gout , and was advised to go to the bath for his cure. this ashby had been rector at st omers , and dr. oates declareth that he brought these following instructions from whitebread . first , the offer of 10000 l. to sir george wakeman for making away the king. secondly the bishop of hereford to be murthered . thirdly dr. stillingfleet . fourthly , that ( not withstanding the offer to sir george wakeman ) pickering and grove might go on nevertheless . that copies of these instructions were dispersed among the conspirators : and that sir george wakeman not accepting of 10000 l. whitebread gave order for the making of it 15000 l. which was profered , and accepted as appeared upon their books of entries , and by a letter from whitebread expressing much satisfaction upon the agreement , 5000 l. of it being paid down in hand , by coleman or his order . that in august , one fogarthy ( since dead ) was at a consultation of the iesuits , with the benedictines ; where fenwick , and one harcourt were both present . that at this consult fogarthy recommended four ruffians for the attempt , which the consultors accepted , and they were also approved of by fenwick . that these ruffians were dispatched away , and the next day 80 l. was sent them , ( most of it gold ) coleman giving the messenger a guiny to make hast . that in august , whitebread gave advice of what he had done about the scotch business , ordering w. harcourt ( rector of london ) to send moore , and sanders , alias brown , down into scotland , whither they were accordingly sent from london , august 6. in the name of the provincial . the witness swears further , that moore and sanders were imployed to promote the design of raising a rebellion there , which fenwick , and ireland had projected : sending down people under the disguise of presbyterian ministers , to put the scots into a tumult , by setting forth the sad condition of living under an episcopal tyranny . the witness deposeth also that they had determined to dispose not only of the king , but also of the duke too , unless they found him ( to use their own words ) vigorous in promoting the catholick religion . dr. oates was here examined if he knew the prisoners at the bar , and ordered to call them by their names , and likewise examined what he knew of pickering and groves acceptance of the conditions ; whereupon he named them all . and concerning pickering and grove , dr. oates declared that he himself was present at mr. whitebreads lodgings , when they accepted of the conditions , but that the consult was over , before grove came thither , and that then he took the sacrament , and an oath of secrecy upon it , and so agreed to it , and that a iesuite ( by the name of barton delivered the sacrament . ) hereupon mr. whitebread interposed , that whereas the witness says that in april , and may , he was present at such and such consults , there were hundreds could prove that dr. oates was all that time at st. omers ; the prisoner desiring to know at what time he himself received that sacrament , to which dr. oates testified that he received it , at the same time , the 24. of april , the prisoner taking god to witness he was not there . dr. oates was then examined about the time that mr. cary was sent to rome , and upon what business ; to which dr. oates answered , that april 24. it was resolved that cary should be sent , and that in may , or iune , cary was brought over by whitebread to st. omers , secretary mico with him , and that then cary took his journy , receiving 20 l. at paris for his expences . dr. oates being asked what he knew of any design upon the person of the king in st. iames's park , declared as followeth , that he saw grove and pickering divers times together in the park , with screw'd guns , ( betwixt pistols and carbines ) and that they had silver bullets , which the witness himself saw in the possession of grove , and in the months of may and iune ; and that grove told the witness that he would champ his bullets , that the wound might not be cured , upon this mr. whitebread suggested that the witness was at that time actually at st. omers . but dr. oates averred that he saw grove's bullets twice or thrice in may and iune , and pickerings in august . the witness was now questioned what he knew of pickerings penance , and what was his offence ; who gave evidence , that in march last , pickering slipt a fair opportunity ( as whitebread told him ) for his flint was loose , and he durst not strike for fear of missing fire , and that for this neglect , he had twenty or thirty strokes : and grove was censur'd too for looking not better after it . that he had seen and read this in letters from whitebread , whose hand he knew very well . the witness was then ordered to speak to the business of the ruffians , that were sent to windsor , and how they succeeded ; to which , dr. oates could say little , in regard that at the beginning of september last , one bedingfield had written to whitebread that the plot was discovered , and that none but such a one could do it , calling the witness by his borrowed name . that this deponent coming to speak with the provincial at his chamber , sept. 3. the provincial there shewed and read bedingfields letter to the witness ; reproching , striking , and abusing him ; and charging him with a discovery of the matter to the king : and asking him with what face he could come to him thus , after he had betray'd him . that the witness was not only reviled , and commanded to depart the kingdom , but was assalted in his lodging by whitebread , and others , who would have killed him if they could . dr. oates was called upon next to speak to the fourscore pounds : who gave this evidence ; that he himself saw the mony at harcourts chamber in dukes-street near the arch ; and that it was given by william harcourt ; but for the four irish men that were sent to windsor , that he never saw them , or knew their names , or the name of the messenger that carried it , but that the mony was paid by coleman , and fenwick present at the payment of it : to which fenwick demanding , when this was , and where , dr. oates replyed that it was in august , and in harcourts chamber , fenwick denying that ever he saw dr. oates there in his whole life . dr. oates being examined who signed the resolution concerning grove and pickering ; declared that there were at least forty that signed it , and the five prisoners amongst the rest ; and that the witness carried it from one to another , and saw the signing of it , having been an attendant upon them ever since the year — and chiefly at mr. whitebreads , the provincials chamber , where it was first signed . that mico drew up the resolution at whitebreads chamber , and all the prisoners privy to it , that when the whole consultation had signed it , and mass was ready to be said , grove and pickering did sign it before mass , and approved of it , at the provincials ; where they all met that day to receive the sacrament ; which was delivered in a little chappel at wild-house . as to the oath of secrecy , dr. oates gives evidence that he saw whitebread administer it , to all that were there : mico holding the book , ( a mass-book ) but what the form of the oath was dr. oates could not say . mr. whitebread reasons the matter , that he was in a very doubtful state of health , and that he would be loth to leave the world with a lye in his mouth , how much easier it is to assert an affirmative , than to prove a negative , and declaring before almighty god that the witness had not spoken three words of truth . dr. oates then called to mind that mr. whitebread was authorized to grant military commissions , and informed that the seals of the office were in the court , with which the provincial had sealed some hundreds . that some of them past the seal in the time of the former provincial ; that the commissions of the general officers were sealed by iohannes paulus de oliva , the general of the order ; but that the seals for inferior commissions were in the hands of the provincial . that he had sealed one to sir iohn gage , which was delivered unto him by this witness , who received it from mr. ashby , but by whitebreads appointment : as appeared by a memorial which the witness saw and read . that whitebread , when he went over , lost several commissions with blanks , and one ready sealed , which was delivered in his absence unto this witness . and that the intent of arming , was to rise upon the murther of his majesty , ireland and scotland being already prepared to incourage an invasion . dr. oates offered somthing here concerning grove , informing that he went about with one smith to gather peterpence ; either to advance their design , or to send them to rome : mr. grove faintly denying any acquaintance with the witness , whereupon mr. oates informed the court , that in december last , going to take his leave of the then provincial ; before the witness going to st. omers , he met there with mr. grove , who appointed to come next morning to his lodging , and lent the witness eight shillings for the hire of the coach , by which token it appears that they were acquainted , as well as by other circumstances , and by one very particular ; when as the witness informeth , groves told him that he and three irishmen had fired southwark , and that they had 1000 l. for their pains : grove 400 l. and the other , 200 l. a piece . upon the courts examining mr. fenwick if he knew dr. oates , mr. fenwick owned that he did , and remembred it by divers circumstances , but insisted upon it that dr. oates was at st. omers upon april the 24. which was the time when dr. oates affirms that he brought the resolve of the consultation to the prisoners chamber , and that for the month of may , dr. oates stirred not from st. omers all that month , for the proof whereof , mr. fenwick offered a testimony under the seal of the colledg , and signed by the magistrates of the town . to all which the court gave a very favourable hearing , and offered time to make out a proof . but the evidence propounded not being according to law , the prisoner in this point was overruled . dr. oates on the other side , affirms that in december or november he went to st. omers , stayed there all ianuary , february , march , and part of april , came over to the consult of the 24. and went back again presently after it was over . that father warner , sir tho. preston , father williams , sir iohn warner , one nevil , &c. came over with him : and further , that a lad from st. omers being discharged the house , and having lost his mony , williams supplyed him towards his going home ( as he remembers ) his name was hilsley , and that they came up to london together . that the witness lay at groves , and there was a flaxen-hair'd gentleman , and strange the late provincial , that lay there besides : but that the witness was charged to keep himself very close , groves in the mean time , denying that oates ever lay in his house , and confessing that strange did , but not in either april , or may. mr. whitebreads reply upon dr. oates was ; that williams and hilsley did come up to town together ; and that dr. oates knew of it , but that he was not with them , nor could he be with them , for he had no orders . the court did here very tenderly advise the prisoners to bethink themselves , as a very material point , if they could make it out that dr. oates was not in england in april or may. mr. bedlow was now called and sworn and then examined what he knew of any plot to kill the king , and by whom ; who rendred this account . that he had been near five years a carrier of letters betwixt england and france , for the society , and the english monks in paris . that the first letter he carried , was from mr. harcourt , who sent for him over ( being then a lieutenant in flanders ) about michaelmass last was four years . that the witness visiting the english nunnery at dunkirk , was kindly treated by the lady abbess , who entertained him six weeks in the convent , and afterwards , recommended him to sir iohn warner as a person fit to be intrusted either with letters or any thing else against england : that after a fortnights stay , sir iohn warner sent him to father harcourts , the next spring he sent him with several letters into england , and mr. harcourt gave him several dispatches from thence to morton and doway , and other places . that in 1676. he carried a packet to the monks at paris , which they communicated to the other english monks in france , to whom it was directed , with a letter in it to la chaise , from harcourt , prichard , and cary. that upon the receipt of this packet , there past a consultation betwixt la chaise , some monks , and a french bishop or two , by whom mention was made ( as stapleton an english monk told the witness ) of a letter from the lord bellasis , and other catholicks in the plot ; shewing in what condition affairs stood in england . that from the english monks at paris the witness was sent with a packet addressed to mr. vaughan of courtfield in monmouthshire . that mr. bedlow went from thence to pontois , and carried other letters from thence into england ; which he opened , and found to be only prayers for the success of the design , and an earnest intreaty not to fail meeting at the warwick-shire consult . that may 25. 1677. the witness carried over an other packet , and delivered some letters to the english nuns at bruges and ghent . that coming to doway , the monks sheldon , stapilton and latham being gone , the witness hastened after them , and overtook them at cambray : that the intent of these letters was to give notice of what had passed in a consult at summerset-house , about the destroying the protestant religion ; that there was great joy in cambray at the news ; and at paris the witness was informed that the lord bellasis blamed them for not keeping touch with england , stapleton telling the witness that neither my lord , nor the society in england had any reason to blame them , for they had their men , mony and armies in readiness upon any occasion : from thence the witness was dispatcht into spain to an irish father , whom he overtook at la mora ; and from thence he went to salamanca , and st. iago ; and so came back into england , and landed at milford ▪ haven . that the witness passed thence to london , and delivered the letter to mr. harcourt , that he did not look into the contents of it , but knew that it tended to the same purpose with the rest , and to the advancing of the plot. that he was afterwards sent by harcourt and coleman with letters to some papists in england . that in the beginning of august last there was a close consult at mr. harcourts , as this witness was informed by pritchard . that it was a plot upon the kings life , and that pickering and grove had been long about it , but that for fear of failing , there were four ruffians to be imployed that would do it at windsor , and that the next day , mr. coleman would inform the witness of the success . that pritchard told him further ; that some being sent to windsor , mr. coleman was following them , having given a guiny to the menssenger that carried them their mony . and moreover ; that the witness demanded why they kept him so long a stranger to the design , they answered him that it was the societies resolve , and the lord bellasis's order , that none but those of the society , and the actors in the conspiracy should be made privy to it . that about the latter end of august , as he believes , the witness coming to harcourts chamber , found ireland there , pritchard , pickering and grove . that their discourse was that since the ruffians could not dispatch the king , pickering and grove should take in conyers , and try if they could snap him in his morning walk at newmarket . that they were all of them eager upon it , and especially grove , who said that if it could not be done by surprize , it must be openly , and that at the worst it would be an honourable miscarriage ; and that in spight of all discoveries the party was yet strong enough to bring it about . the witness swears also , that fogarthy and harcourt were there , and that ireland , grove , pickering and the rest heard all this . that harcourt promised the witness a considerable reward , grove to have 1500 l. if he came off , and to be the favourite of the church ; pickering to have as many masses at twelve pence a piece as would come to that mony . ireland denies that ever he saw bedlow before that time in the court , and bade him produce a witness if he could , that he had ever spoken to him . mr. bedlow was examined what he could say of the rest ; and his answer was , that he charged only those three ; that as to whitebread ; that he had heard he was deep in the plot , but did not know it , and only knew him by sight , but that whitebread and fenwick had been at many consultations . mr. bedlow came now to speak to groves agreement ; and the 1500 l. his evidence was , that grove was to put it into a friends hand , but he knew not his name , nor the certain time of their agreement . ireland affirms that he was not in london the whole month of august , and offers to prove by twenty witnesses that he was in staffordshire from one end of the month to the other , and desires that mr. bedlow would name the place , and the company where ever they were together . mr. bedlow replyed that he did not pretend to a familiarity with him , but that he had seen him often , and particularly at le fairs at somerset-house in company with several other priests and jesuites : upon irelands bidding him name one , mr. bedlow named segnior perrare : i suppose ( says ireland ) if perrare may be brought hither , at which words dispute concerned in the business . the reader may here take notice that the printed tryal has this passage in it page 45. mr. bedlow askes mr. ireland . do you know le faire and parrare ? to which ireland replies yes ; but i never saw you in their company , in somerset-house in my life , but once or twice , yes ( says mr. bedlow ) you have twice at le faires . here is a contradiction in the one part , and an incongruity in the other , which neither finding in my own notes , nor any notice taken of it in the court , the reader is left to judg if it may not be some slip in the press . mr. bedlow gave evidence also of his seeing mr. fenwick say mass at somerset-house , and of another plot discoursed of upon the lives of certain noble persons : knight to kill the earl of shaftsbury ; pritchard , the duke of buckingham ; o neale the earl of ossory , and obrian the duke of ormond . dr. oates informs the court of a consult he had forgotten , where there was a plot laid to kill the duke of ormond , and raise a rebellion in ireland , declaring that in ianuary last , fenwick , ireland , and whitebread had the perusal of some letters from talbot sent to london , which they communicated to the society at st. omers . the letters speaking to this effect , that the catholicks stood fair to do their business in ireland . and the witness also swears , that he saw a letter under covert , signed by whitebread , ireland , fenwick , &c. of thanksgiving for their hopes in ireland , and declaring withal , that no stone should be left unturned for the extirpation of that abominable heresie out of that kingdom . that fenwick , about the 21. of august , a little before his going to st. omers , to bring home the provincial , was at a consult , and did there consent to a design upon the duke of ormonds life , and the moving of a rebellion , after his death ; and likewise approve of the four iesuites that were to do the work , and of sending fogarthy over to talbot , in case the four iesuites should not do their business . and also that mr. whitebread agreed to it , at his coming over , as may appear by his books of entry ; for a letter from mr. whitebread , dated as from st. omers , about the latter end of august , and taxed at but two pence , made this witness suspect that it was written nearer hand : in that letter whitebread approved of the design upon the duke , and the witness swears that it was signed with his own hand , informing the court , that the said result might be found in the book wherein all the consults are registred . mr. iames bedlow being sworn , declareth that he did not know ireland , that he had heard of pickering , and grove , and could say nothing to the conspiracy against the king , but he had heard his brother talk of the priests and jesuites , as people that he knew , and that many of them visited his brother . that he had fetched many sums from them for his brother , ( as 50 or 60 l. at a time ) as he had proved to the duke of monmouth , the lord chancellor , and lord treasurer ; from the persons that paid the mony . mr. iames bedlow being examined what he had heard his brother say concerning mr. ireland , and how long he had known him , made answer that he had heard his brother speak of him , but where , or in what place , he could not tell . mr. ireland urged that mr. bedlow made mention of one place , some three years since , and that it was at paris , and that if he talked of him so long , he must have known him so long ; whereupon the question being put to mr. bedlow how long he had known mr. ireland , mr. bedlow made answer that he had only known him since august last ; but that a man might talk of people that he never saw in his life . mr. william bedlow , with his brother , did not withdraw , and dr. oates speaking to the summoning of a consult , did aver that he heard mr. whitebread ask mr. peters , if he had summoned the consult , as he directed , him and that mr. peters answered him , yes , and that he had written into warwick-shire and worcester-shire about it . there was now a letter produced from mr. peters a prisoner about this plot , sir tho. doleman declaring in court , that he found it amongst harcourts papers , the hand being likewise sworn by dr. oates to be mr. peters hand ; which letter , as it follows , was read in the court. feb. 23. 1677. these for his honored friend mr. william tonstal , at burton . honored dear sir , i have but time to convey these following particulars to you . first i am to give you notice , that it hath seemed siting to our master consult pro , &c. to fix the 21. day of april next , stylo veteri , for the meeting at london of our congregation , on which day , all those that have a suffrage are to be present there , that they may be ready to give a beginning to the same , on the 24 , which is the next day after st. georges-day , you are warned to have jus suffragii , and therefore if your occasions should not permit you to be present , you are to signifie as much , to the end others in their ranks be ordered to supply your absence : every one is minded also , not to hasten to london long before the time appointed , nor to appear much about the town till the meeting be over ; left occasion should be given to suspect the design ; finally , secrecy , as to the time and place , is much recommended to all those that receive summons , as it will appear of its own nature necessary . tertio pro domino solovo disco . benefact . prov. luniensis . i am straitned for time , that i can only assure you , i shall be much glad of obliging you any ways . sir , your servant edward petre. pray my service where due , &c. mr. whitebread declared that he knew nothing at all of this letter , and mr. ireland that it was none of his letter , and that he had not heard of it before in particular . upon this matter , sir thomas doleman informed the court , that dr. oates gave an account of this consult to his majesty and council , four or five days before this letter was found . the seals were now produced in court , dr. oates affirming them to have been seized in the provincials chamber , and mr. whitebread confessing as much . the jury were now dischaged of mr. fenwick and mr. whitebread , upon a tenderness of not screwing up any evidence to an over rigorous construction ; so that they were taken from the bar , to attend the event of a farther discovery . the prisoners being now called upon to make their defence , with an assurance that their witnesses should be fairly heard , and a free ingress and regress allow'd them , without trouble , mr. ireland came on first , alledging , that there were not tow witnesses against him , for he could not be at harcourts chamber in august , being that whole month out of town , that he went into staffordshire , august 3. in company with the lord aston , his lady , and his son ; sir iohn southcot , and his lady , and that mr. iohn aston can witness for him , he being in staffordshire all august . mr. aston was then called , but did not appear , mr. ireland complaining that he had not liberty to send a note to any body , but it appeared that his sister was free to solicit his business . upon irelands denyal of his being in town in august , sarah pain ( whom grove owned to have been formerly his servant ) was sworn , who gave this evidence ; that she knew mr. ireland , and that she saw him at his own house about a week after the kings going to windsor , who went about the 13. of august so that about the 20. she saw him , and it was at a scriveners in fetter-lane . that she knew him very well , for he came often to mr. groves , and opened all the packets of letters , which her master delivered afterwards , and sealed those that went beyond seas . there was then called ann ireland , on the behalf of the prisoner , who informed that august 3. mr. ireland set out for staffordshire , and continued there till about a fortnight before michaelmas . upon mr. irelands denying that he knew sarah pain , she minded him of her bringing him divers letters , that came by the carriers , as well as by the post , to which mr. ireland replyed , that it might very well be so , and yet he not remember it . mr. irelands mother ( eleanor ireland ) was then called , who declared that he went , and returned , as was informed by the daughter , and that she and her daughter lay in the same house with him , all the time : whereupon it was objected , that he might go from the house and come again , as is suggested , and yet be in london in the mean time . dr. oates declared that he was with mr. ireland in london , to take his leave of him , betwixt the 12. and 24. and that he saw him afterward within the month of august , at mr. fenwicks chamber : and further , that upon the first or second of september he himself had 20 s. of him in town , which mr. ireland said was a most false lie , he being then in staffordshire ; and he minded them of a contradiction in the witnesses , the one speaking of him as going to st. omers the 12. and the other charging him with being at harcourts chamber at the end of the month ; which was solved thus , that he might be going , or pretending to go and yet not go . there was next produced one harrison , the coachman that carried him down , who informed ; that he met the prisoner ( mr. ireland ) aug. 5. in the evening at the bull inn , in st. albans , and travelled with him till the 16. that he knew not whether he came from london that day , or not ; and that he had never seen him before . that he was a servant to sir iohn southcot , who married the sister of the lord aston , and that he carried the prisoner to tixal the lord astons house : that after three or four days stay at tixal he went to nantwich , and so to westchester , where he left him , and that he was now called up to town by a messenger the night before . mr. ireland gives this account of his passage , that aug. 3. he went out of london to standen , where he lodged that night and the next , and on the 5. went to st. albans , going out of his way for sir iohn southcot and his ladies company , who he knew were to meet the lord aston and his lady at st. albans ; and being asked how he could prove himself to be that whole month in staffordshire , when yet it appears that he was in westchester , mr. ireland made answer that he was in staffordshire and thereabouts : and that he was at wolverhampton , he desired mr. charles gifford might be called to bear him witness ; who gave testimony , that from a day or two after st. bartholomew he continued there till the 9. of september , and could say no more . mr. ireland then reflected upon the credit of dr. oates's testimony , having been told that he broke prison at dover , and other ill things of him ; so that he offered it as reasonable , that some witnesses might be brought to attesst his reputation , desiring time to produce more witnesses , having witnesses already to prove that there are more , and naming hilsley for one that would prove , that when dr. oates said he came over with him , dr. oates was all that time at st. omers , but ( says ireland ) no man can answer to a charge he was not aware of . sir denny ashburnham being solicited to appear , and testifie what he could say concerning dr. oates , was now called ; and he informed that upon a letter received that morning , with the copy of an indictment of perjury against dr. oates , from the town of hastings , for which he served , he sent them to mr. atturney , but it being only a certificate , and the indictment not proceeded upon , and no warrantable evidence , and neither for nor against the prisoners , it was not thought worth a reading . sir denny ashburnham's information was , that he had known dr. oates from a child , and that in his youth he was lookt upon to be a person not much to be confided in , that being the night before importuned by the sister of mr. ireland to give evidence for the prisoner , he refused so to do , declaring that he could not speak any thing to his advantage : for though perhaps having known dr. oates in youth , he might have suspended in his belief upon dr. oates his single testimony , yet finding it so seconded , he was clearly convinced , and satisfied with the truth of the thing , and he declared farther that he could say nothing to take off dr. oates evidence . that the matter of the indictment in question was only dr. oates swearing the peace against a man , and saying that there were witnesses could prove such a fact , which they would not do when they were called . mr. ireland pleaded the loyalty of himself , and family , his relations plundered , an unkle killed in the kings service , the pendrels , and the giffords , that preserved the king after his defeat at worcester , and so only desiring time for more witnesses , he remitted himself to the court. mr. groves said little more than that dr. oates never lay at his house , and that he never saw him take the sacrament at wildhouse , as he could prove , if he were able to send for witnesses , his sister declaring that she never saw dr. oates there , at her brothers house ( dr. oates deposing that he was there in a disguise , and by another name . ) the prisoner concluding all with these words . as i have a soul to save , i know nothing of this matter charged upon me . mr. pickering affirms that he never shot off a pistol in his life , that he never saw dr. oates that he knew of ; offers to swear that he never was in mr. bedlows company ; urges that his father was slain on the kings side , and pleads that he had no time to summons his witnesses . after the lord chief justice had given his directions to the jury which were exact and impartial , together with some learned reflections upon the errors of the church of rome ; the jury went out to consider of their verdict , and in a short time came in again , and returned the three prisoners severally guilty of the high treason whereof they stood indicted , and so the court adjourned till four in the afternoon : when meeting again , according to their adjournment ; mr. recorder , after a grave and weighty discourse upon that occasion , pronounced sentence upon the prisoners according to the usual form in such cases , which sentence was accordingly executed upon ireland , and grove ; ianuary 24. at the common place of execution , pickering being reprieved till may 9. 1679. when he likewise suffered death according to his sentence . the history of the charge and defence of tho. whitebread , will. harcourt , john fenwick , john gavan , and anthony turner . there were tried by an oyer and terminer , at the sessions-house at old bayly , iune 13. 1679. five jesuits and priests , that is to say , tho. white , alias whitebread , ( provincial of the society in england ) will. harcourt , rectour of london , iohn fenwick , procurator for the society , iohn gavan , and anthony turner , upon an indictment of high treason , for a conspiracy against the life of the king , the overturning of the government , and the destruction of the protestant religion . there was also a sixth brought to the barr , one iames corker , but upon his petition to the court for longer time , in regard that he had not sufficient notice for the producing of his witnesses , and the preparing of his defences , he was , for the present , set aside . the indictment being read , mr. whitebread represented to the court , that having been tri'd on the 17. of december last , upon the same indictment , the jury impannell'd , and the evidence found insufficient that was brought in against him , and the jury discharged without verdict , he was informed that no man could be tried , and have his life put in jeopardy twice for the same cause ; and therefore made it his suit , that he might have counsell to direct him upon that point in the matter of law. he pressed that his life was in jeopardy , being deliver'd over in charge to the jury ; and cited sayer's case eliz. 31. who having pleaded to a former indictment for a burglary , was indicted a second time ; the judges declaring that he could not be indicted again for the same fact. he desired a sight of the record , and to be informed whether or no , being come upon his trial , a man ought not to be either condemned , or acquitted . upon which motion and proposal it was opened unto him , that the jury being discharg'd of him , his life was in no danger ; and that the jury being sworn to make true deliverance of the prisoners in their charge , their charge is not full till the last charge of the court , after evidence . and farther , that their plea was not to be supported without a record ; and moreover that there was no record of december 17. concerning them , for there was no verdict , because there was no trial , nor was it the same indictment , but contained new matter . upon which , mr. whitebread submitted himself to the court. mr. fenwick offered the same plea with mr. whitebread , inlarging himself upon it ; that they two were in the fame danger with the other three that suffered , for if mr. bedlow ( who declared he could say nothing against them ) had given the same evidence as against the rest , they should have been likewise condemned : so that the evidence falling short , he supposed that they ought to have been discharged . the court proceeded now upon the prisoners , who did all plead not guilty ; and the jury being called , they did unanimously except ( without naming them ) to all those persons that had served before as jury-men in the same cause . when the king's counsell had opened the indictment , mr. oates was the first witness called , and sworn : who giving the court to understand , that he should have occasion for several witnesses , which he desired might be called in , mr. gavan objected against it , for fear of giving them instructions ; so that mr. oates giving in their names , a note was taken of them , and they were sent for to be in readiness upon occasion , and then mr. oates came to his evidence , declaring , that mr. whitebread was made provincial december last was twelve-month , and ordered conyers to preach this doctrine in the english seminary upon s. thomas of becket's day , that the oaths of allegeance and supremacy were antichristian , heretical , and devillish : which was done accordingly . and that whitebread wrote letters in ianuary , or february , to s. omers , of what talbot had written to him about the state of ireland ; which was , that thousands would be in readiness to rise when the blow was given : signifying by the word blow , as was usual among them , the murther of the king. farther declaring , that this expression was in whitebread's letter , and that he said ( for the blow ) he hoped it would not be long first . that in ianuary whitebread sent two jesuits to see how things were in ireland , of whose return in april whitebread delivered an accompt : mentioning a consult appointed in april , old stile , may , new ; where there met whitebread , fenwick , harcourt , and turner , who did all of them sign the resolve ; whitebread at wild-house , fenwick in drury-lane , harcourt in duke-street . that the consult began at the white-horse tavern in the strand , where cary was made procurator to be sent to rome : after this they adjourned into small meeting , at whitebread's chamber , ireland's , harcourt's , fenwick's . the witness durst not charge mr. gavan with this point . that the resolve signed as aforesaid , was ▪ that pickering and grovo should proceed to dispatch the king ; ( as a good expedient . ) and that after this consult , the witness and 8 or 9 more returned to s. omers ; and in iune whitebread went over to flanders , ( being provincial ) to look to his charge ; where , upon discourse with some of the fathers , he had this expression , that he hoped to see the — at whitehall laid fast enough ; and that if the brother should appear to follow in his footsteps , his passport should be made too . that iune 13. old stile the witness came for england by order , took boat at calais on the 14. and on the 15. betimes in the morning he landed at dover , where mr. fenwick was with some students that he was sending over . that fenwick , the witness , and some others took coach , baited at canterbury , and when they came six miles farther , there was a box taken by the searchers , directed to the honourable richard blundell , esq at london , and brought up by mr. fenwick . it was full of beads , crucifixes , and the like : and fenwick desired the searchers to send it with a letter for mr. thompson , ( so he called himself ) to the fountain tavern near charing cross. he swears farther , that fenwick said , if they had searched his pockets , as they did his box , it might have cost him his life ; for he had letters there about the concern in hand . that he came to london about noon , iune 17. old stile ; and that in iuly , one ashby ( or rather thimbleby ) and fenwick brought over instructions from whitebread , for the offering sir george wakeman 10000 li. to poyson his majesty , and for the filling up of a blank commission for sir iohn gage , to be an officer in the army ; and that by fenwick's own order the witness gave it one sunday into sir iohn's own hand ; the commission being filled at wild-house by whitebread's order , but signed and sealed by whitebread , who ordered ashby in iuly , while he was at s. omers , to have it filled up : which order the witness saw , and knew the hand . that there were present at the filling of it up , mr. harcourt , mr. ashby , and mr. ireland : and that fenwick and harcourt did counsell ashby upon his leaving of the bath , ( whither he went about the latter end of iuly , ) to take his circuit in somersetshire , and possess the people there with the matter ; not doubting but the gentleman at whitehall would be dispatch'd before he came back . as to mr. gavan , mr. oates declares , that seeing him in the lobby , disguis'd in a periwigg , and one enquiring if he knew him , the witness did not then well know him in that dress , and so gave no information against him at that time ; not conceiving the mystery of it , knowing him to have a very good head of hair of his own . that mr. gavan , in iuly 1678. informed the fathers at london how things went in staffordshire and shropshire , and how industrious father ewers was to order matters in those countries . the letter did not say from what place , neither did the witness at first know the hand , but afterwards he did , as he shall make appear ; and it was iuly , or august , that the witness saw mr. gavan at mr. ireland's chamber . mr. gavan here interposed , upon his salvation , that he was as innocent as a child unborn : which gave the court occasion to forbid the interrupting of the evidence . mr. oates declared likewise , that meeting gavan at ireland's chamber , he gave ireland the same account of staffordshire , and shropshire , as he had before in his letter : and for the proof of his hand , the witness saw him draw a bill for payment of money to some little priest ; which was the same writing with that letter . that gavan talked of two or three thousand pounds that would be ready thereabouts for the design . that betwixt august 8. and 12. ireland took leave of the witness , and others , at his own chamber , as if he were going to s. omers ; and that he leaving the town , fenwick , in the other's absence , executed the place of treasurer and procurator . that august 21. fenwick , harcourt , keins and blundell were together at wild-house , and 80 li. before them , the greater part in guinneys ; which was for those that were to kill the king at windsor : and that the matter being agreed , coleman came , and gave the messenger a guinny to quicken him in his dispatch . that from wild-house they removed to harcourt's chamber for the papers that were to goe to windsor : and that there the messenger received his money . that a day or two after this , fenwick and harcourt being at a consult at the benedictines , he had fresh news out of ireland , from talbot , of a design upon the life of the duke of ormond : he enquiring how things stood in england , and desiring commissions , and money , for advancing the design . that fenwick sent commissions ( as he told this witness ) to chester , by an express ; but concerning the letters by the post , the witness speaks his own knowledge . that mr. fenwick delivered this witness some money for necessary expences , charging him to get some masses said for the success of the undertaking . that august 25. after noon , he saw fenwick at his chamber , he being next day to depart for s. omers , with 8 or 10 students : after which time the witness never saw him more till he was in custody . that the first or second of september , a letter coming from mr. whitebread that was charged but two pence , and yet passed for a forrein letter , the witness concluded that mr. whitebread lay close somewhere in england . that september 3. the witness went at night to visit mr. whitebread , but could not speak with him , because he was at supper : but that next morning he gave the witness ill language , and blows , asking him how he could look him in the face , having done so falsly by him . and that the witness asking him what injury he had done him ; his answer was , that the witness had discovered the business : upon this mistake , that the person to whom the witness had communicated his information by dr. tongue , went to his majesty in the same-coloured cloaths that the witness wore , and mr. whitebread having received a description of his cloaths , concluded it to be the witness . that the witness having countenanced the matter as well as he could to mr. whitebread , he shewed the witness a letter from bedingfield , informing that the design had taken air ; and that if the five letters sent to windsor , and intercepted , had not made the rest look like a counterfeit , all had been spoil'd . that the witness having pacified mr. whitebread , he offer'd to be friends with him , upon condition he would tell him the person , and the minister that went with him . mr. oates declared this to be all he had to say to the prisoner at the barr , saving onely that upon sir george wakeman's refusing to poyson the king for 10000 li. mr. whitebread advised the adding of five thousand pounds more , and exceedingly rejoyced to find it accepted . concerning mr. turner , and his being present at the consult in april , and signing the resolve of murthering the king , mr. oates has something to say . as to mr. gavan , mr. oates swears that he was summoned to the consult of april 24. but cannot swear he was there , but onely that he saw his name to the resolve , which was all one with the letter about staffordshire , the witness still declaring , that he never saw gavan write any thing but the aforesaid bill of exchange . that whitebread , fenwick , harcourt and turner were there , and that the mony was raised for furthering the design of destroying the king and government . that gavan wrote a letter to mr. ireland , which he received by the hands of grove , for the taking up of mony : declaring farther , that that letter was received by grove , and delivered to ireland , giving an account of the affairs of staffordshire as is before related : and that this account was given in london the beginning , or middle of iuly , when mr. ashby was in town . here gavan alledged that mr. oates said but even now , that it was in the latter end of iuly : upon which mr. oates moved that the witness might be examined by the court , and not by the prisoners , that would put things upon the evidence which they never said . after this the prisoners put several questions to the witness . whitebread ask'd him how long he had known him before the april consult . mr. oates answered , that he never saw his face before . mr. whitebread demanded how he was to be employed , and what recompence . mr. oates told him , that when he left s. omers , he was to wait upon the fathers at mr. whitebread's chamber , and to carry the result from place to place , where respectively they met . to fenwick's questions , if mr. oates was at the white-horse tavern , if he din'd there , how long he stayed in town , who came over with him , and their names , mr. oates made answer , that he was at the white horse , that he did not dine there , that his stay in england was under twenty days , and that he could not punctually remember who they were that came over with him , it was so long since . whereupon mr. fenwick told the witness , that he need not charge his memory , for he had them in his narrative . mr. oates , upon this , naming divers of them , as father williams , the rector of watton , the rectour of liege , sir iohn warner , sir thomas preston , &c. mr. whitebread asked the witness , if mr. nevil and sir robert brett were there , he having said so in his narrative . mr. oates answered , that he believed that they were there . mr. fenwick offered mr. oates's narrative , as an evidence upon oath , being sworn before a justice of the peace ; insisting upon it , that his evidence in court ought to agree with his narrative . but he was answered , that they were to proceed according to law , which would not admit a pamphlet in evidence . mr. gavan demanded of mr. oates , whether it were in august , or july , that mr. oates saw him , what time of the month , and whether before mr. ashby went to the bath , or not . to which mr. oates replied , that it was towards the middle or latter end of iuly , that he saw the prisoner in town , ashby being then also in town , and gavan telling the witness that he would go see him ; the witness declaring particularly , that about mid-iuly ashby came to town , stayed not above a fortnight , designing for the bath , and that at this time it was that gavan communicated the subject of that letter . gavan demanded of the witness , in which of the two weeks it was ( ashby staying but a fortnight ) that mr. oates saw him in town . the prisoner expounding to the court the intent of that question , that he might endeavour to disprove it either in the one week or in the other . but mr. oates could not charge his memory with the precise week . mr. gavan put it then to mr. oates , how often he had seen him in london . whose answer was , onely one day , but two several times that day , as he remembered , by the token that an apothecary brought mr. gavan a cordiall in the afternoon to mr. ireland's chamber , he being then and there indisposed . that the apothecary was called walpoole , but that the witness could not say whether it was he himself that brought it , or his servant . mr. gavan brake out here into this expression , i do as truely believe that there is a god , a heaven , and a hell , as any one here does . as i hope for salvation , as i hope to see god in heaven , i never saw mr. oates before that day in january , when he says i had the periwigg on , and he did not know me . and as for july , i call god to witness , i never saw him then . vpon my salvation , i was not in london . liberty being allowed to the prisoners to ask any questions in their own defence , mr. turner asked mr. oates , if whitehall was not the first place that ever he saw him in , when he told the prisoner that he went by another name . mr. oates told him , that in that disguise , and beastly periwigg , he did not so well call him to mind ; and that he did not consider names , but he was the man. he saw him at the consult , where there were 40 or 50 in the meeting . that he could not say he saw him at the white horse , but at mr. fenwick's chamber he did . turner laid hold of that , and minded him that at whitehall he said it was at wild-house : which mr. oates explained , by telling the court , that in regard the greatest business was done at wild-house , they called all consults the consults of wild-house . mr. dugdale being sworn , was examined what he could say of whitebread and harcourt , but to begin with whitebread . he declared , that he had seen whitebread some two or three years agoe with the old lady aston , at tixall , having no great acquaintance with him . but that in a letter from mr. groves to mr. ewers , he saw one of mr. whitebread's inclosed , cautioning ewers to chuse men that were hardy , and desperate , ( or to that purpose ) and no matter for their being gentlemen . that he came to know mr. whitebread's hand , by looking upon him as he was writing a letter at tixal , which he gave him to convey . that his name was to the letter , and that it was so like the hand which the witness saw him write , that he might almost positively swear it was the same . that he came to the sight of this letter , by intercepting it , and reading it ; and that he saw it at tixall : all letters coming to mr. ewers under cover from mr. groves , being directed to the witness ; the said mr. ewers being a iesuite , and the witnesse's confessour . mr. dugdale swears farther , that he was engaged in the plot upon the life of the king by gavan and divers others . that at mr. ewers's chamber , this witnesse's ; at boscobel ; and elsewhere ; there were divers consultations about the death of the king , and bringing in of popery ; wherein mr. gavan was a great man , having a good tongue , and the faculty of moving the people : and the witness believeth that mr. ireland was then in the country . that at tixall there was one meeting about september last , where my lord stafford was present , mr. peters , mr. leveson , mr. ewers , and many more ; mr. gavan among the rest : and the meeting was to advise upon the design of change of religion , and taking off the king. that this was sept. 21. 1678. but that the witness hath heard it spoken of two years agoe . that upon this occasion , the witness was by mr. harcourt chosen to be disposed of at london , under the government of mr. parsons . that ewers and gavan were the first that brake this business to the witness , mr. gavan often perswading and incouraging him to it . the court appearing to be much affected with this evidence , laid great weight upon it , as a thing wholly new to them . upon which expression , gavan made an exclamation in these words , 't is so to me too , upon my soul ; for upon my conscience i never heard of it before ; bidding the witness look upon him with confidence if he could . mr. dugdale presently desiring mr. gavan to inform the court , whether he ever had the witness under his tuition or no , or knew any ill thing by him ; gavan acknowledged that he had been acquainted with mr. dugdale , living within 11 miles of tixall , and conversing with the family ; and that he knew mr. ewers very well , but never was in his chamber . dugdale proceeded , that some of the discourse already given in evidence was in the little parlour , and some in mr. ewers's chamber . and for a farther argument of friendship betwixt them , that this witness gave them 400 li. to pray for his soul , and to set forward this design , and promised them 100 li. more , upon their complaint that they should want mony ; mr. gavan assuring the witness that he should be canonized for what he had done . mr. dugdale swears farther , that in his hearing they talked as if they look'd for forces from abroad ; and that mr. gavan said , that though they were in great troubles themselves , they would yet have men and mony enough to spare for such a design . and then , as to a massacre , the witness swears , that he hath heard it talk'd at several consultations . but they were first advised by a letter from paris , that passed through harcourt's hands , to make the death of the king to be a presbyterian plot , and in case of his miscarriage , to engage the protestants in a revenge upon the presbyterian party , as guilty of the fact ; and after that , to go on to a massacre , and those that scap'd it to be afterwards cut off by an army . the witness saith moreover , that mr. gavan hath many times endeavoured to perswade him of the lawfulness , if not the merit , of killing any body for the advancement of their religion ; giving reasons for it out of scripture , and instancing in the example of garnet , and the miracles wrought by his reliques . he declareth farther , that he hath seen several treasonable letters from beyond seas striking at the life of the king , and the protestant religion , which this witness hath intercepted , and read , at least 100 of them , which were sent from harcourt to ewers under a cover from groves . the witness says farther , that the first intelligence they had in the country of the death of sir edmundbury godfry was from harcourt ; that it came to ewers on the monday , and bore date on the saturday that he was murthered . that the intelligence was in these words , this very night sir edmundbury godfry is dispatch'd . it was not said by whom he was murthered , but that he was killed , and they knew by whom . upon the sight of harcourt's ( or harrison's ) letters , which were usually sign'd with w. h. which stands for both , this witness went the next day to an ale-house hard by , and ask'd if they heard any thing of a knight thas was murthered at london : and that he had an evidence in court for the truth of what he deliver'd . mr. dugdale was demanded a farther account of whitebread's letters to ewers ; who said , that he particularly remembred one , but could not say how many he had seen . mr. harcourt then asking the witness the date of the last letter the witness had received from him ; mr. dugdale answered , that as he remembred , it was that concerning the death of sir edmundbury godfry in october : and then harcourt affirmed , that he had not written to him this year and half . mr. dugdale now applying himself to the prisoner , minded him , that upon mr. ireland's being last year in the country , the prisoner was used to send the s. omers letters to mr. ireland , and so they were dispatch'd down to my lord aston's . that the witness had the sight of eight of those letters , by the token , that he pretended to conjure in telling the death of mr. edward aston , before it was known to any of his relations ; which the witness came to understand upon reading two of these letters . that mr. ireland took it ill that he heard it no sooner , and the prisoner wrote him word of the sending these letters . mr. harcourt opposed , that mr. dugdale , but five weeks since , owned before a committee of parliament , that he did not know him , and came also to the gatehouse to entrap him , before the gent. of the committee ; but he denieth that he hath written to him for several years , and the writing of any such letter as he mentions , or that he ever approved of putting any man to death : informing , that the gent. for experiment-sake , desired the prisoner to write his own hand and name , and three of them also wrote their names , and he could not say which was the prisoner's ; who does not disown all this while that he hath often writ to ewers , and address'd to dugdale . mr. chetwin was now sworn to speak to a discourse that past betwixt him and mr. dugdale the last summer , what it was , and at what time ; who gave this evidence . that being in staffordshire , in a family which mr. sanbridge ( my lord aston's kinsman ) much frequented , the gent. coming to him in october last , askt him if he heard any thing of a westminster iustice that was killed . the witness told him , that he heard nothing of it . i was told ( says mr. sanbridge , ) by a girl of the house this morning at elds , that mr. dugdale had reported such a thing there . this was upon tuesday morning , and the saturday following the witness received an account at litchfield that sir edmundbury was murthered . upon mr. dugdale's coming to town , this witness , with some others , went to him before his examination , the witness asking him what he could say about that gentleman's death ; who made answer , that he remembred a letter from father harcourt to father ewers with these words in it , this night sir edmundbury godfry is dispatched . that this witness being out of town when the murtherers were tried , upon his return to london , enquired if dugdale was there ; and finding that he was not , the witness past this reflection upon it , that there was lost a very material witness . mr. dugdale informs , that whitebread charged ewers in his letter to take none but stout desperate fellows , and that they were to kill the king ; to take away the king's life , in those very words , as the witness remembreth . that these letters were sent by the ordinary post , and it being wondred at , that any man would venture such words in a letter , the witness made answer , that he was to have been an actour , and that they directed their letters to him ; that if they were discovered , he should be hanged , and they come off . the witness declaring , that he had been dealt with before by the lord stafford and mr. ewers , to kill the king. mr. whitebread demanding of him , whether he intercepted and read them himself ; and the witness replying , that he did so : whereof mr. whitebread desired the jury to take notice . mr. dugdale was then examined concerning mr. turner and m. fenwick ; who informs , that he had seen turner , ewers and leveson , with others , together at mr. ewers's chamber at tixall , and in other places , about two years since ; and that he had heard them discourse , and agree upon the whole design ; and that this witness had heard from ewers , that turner was to manage the plot in worcestershire : but that for fenwick , the witness cannot say that ever he saw him before . turner , on the other side , did own that he had been 3 or 4 times in his whole life at tixall , but not so much as in staffordshire for these four last years . mr. prance sworn and examined : who informs that harcourt told him about a year agoe , as he was paying him for an image of our lady , that there was a plot upon the life of the king. and that mr. ireland , mr. fenwick and mr. grove , at mr. ireland's chamber , were saying , that there would be 50000 men in readiness , to set up the catholick religion : and mr. fenwick told him , that my lords bellasis , powis , and arundel should command them : and that grove afterwards told the witness , the aforesaid lords had commissions to give places . the witness deposeth farther , that asking mr. fenwick what would become of trades-men , if we should come to have wars ; he bad the witness never fear want of trade , for there would be church-work enough for images , crucifixes , and the like . that the witness going to mr. fenwick's chamber , after father iames ( his ghostly father ) was dead , mr. fenwick would have had the witness come to confession to him . ( this was about a week before michaelmas last . ) mr. fenwick denying all , the witness minded him of a table for the altar that was brought him at the same time . mr. harcourt asking the witness if ever he had discoursed with him about any such matter ; mr. prance affirmed that he had , and that he paid the witness for some candlesticks , one thompson being in his company . harcourt owning that he knew thompson , and bought such candlesticks of him . mr. bedlow sworn : who informs the court , that he declined the giving of full evidence against whitebread and fenwick , for fear of disappointing a design he had then afoot , being at that time treating with reading about mr. whitebread and mr. fenwick , as well as the lords in the tower ; appealing to some of the justices upon the bench for the truth thereof , and referring to his apology at that time in the court , for keeping himself upon a reserve . mr. whitebread asking him thereupon , if he said any such thing at the last trial. mr. bedlow chargeth it upon mr. whitebread , that he gave mr. coleman an account of sending the four irish-men to windsor , and that he saw harcourt take out some 80 or 100 li. which mony he paid upon coleman's order , and gave the messenger a guinny from mr. coleman , to drink his health , as harcourt told this witness , coleman being gone before he came in . touching the reward of pickering and grove ; that grove was to have fifteen hundred pound , with an assurance of the good will of the lords ; and pickering as many masses , as at twelve pence a piece would amount to that summe : this allotment being made at harcourt's chamber , where the witness heard it from whitebread , pritchard , le faire , and keins . that the reward was for killing the king. pickering having been disciplin'd for his neglects : one while the flint 's loose ; then no powder in the pan ; and another time laden onely with bullets , and no powder . that he had seen fenwick at harcourt's and whitebread's chambers , when the thing was discoursed of , and that they all agreed upon it . that he saw whitebread at harcourt's chamber onely twice ; harcourt himself was there once , and pritchard and le faire , with others , at another time : where they discoursed of sir george wakeman's sticking at the 10000 li. and so made it up 15000 li. that the business of the consult was , first to advise upon their manner of doing it ; and then what after-course to take if they fail'd . mr. ireland propounding the taking off the king at his morning-walk at newmarket ; fenwick , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and conyers to be employed , and three or four more , as the witness was inform'd . that the witness knew nothing of turner but by hearsay . nor of gavan , more then that he had heard he was an actour in the plot. as to mr. harcourt , that he was very well acquainted with the witnesse's practice of bringing pacquets and portmantles from beyond sea , having brought over several for himself . harcourt replied , that the witness never brought him but one pacquet , and never any portmantle ; and that he never saw him more then twice , before that time in the court , and once before the councill . mr. bedlow informed the court , that he had got 8 to have proved this , but the putting off the trials so from time to time , had disappointed him of his witnesses . proceeding , that he had brought the prisoner letters from watton , s. omers , bruges , paris , valladolid , and salamanca , all of them concerning the plot of changing the religion of england , and overturning the government ; what men and moneys in readiness , both at home and abroad , and what more expected : the contributions and accounts mostly in mr. harcourt's hands , the witness having carried several papers from harcourt to langhorne concerning this matter . mr. whitebread now ( with leave of the court ) ask'd if mr. bedlow was a lieutenant in flanders or not ; and whether of horse , or foot. the witness replied that he was a lieutenant of foot in the p. of frieseland's regiment . upon which mr. whitebread replied , that the flanders companies had no such officers , but onely captains and alfarez . so mr. bedlow sent for his commission to clear it . mr. harcourt pleaded , that some five years since mr. bedlow brought him a pacquet from dunkirk ; and that upon the opening of it , the prisoner found the letters enclosed addressed to other persons , to whom he sent them , the outside cover being onely directed to him . this was the first time the prisoner ever saw him ; and the second was , when he came afterwards to his chamber , lamenting his condition , that he was newly turn'd catholick , and had lost his friends , when the prisoner lent him 20 s. upon his promise of repaying it , but never saw him after , till lately at the privy councill . this was about four years since . mr. bedlow affirmed , that he had ten pounds of the prisoner for the sending for , but he could not properly produce his witnesses before the trial of the lords ; and that he might honestly speak a hundred times more of mr. harcourt . the witness saith farther , that the consult which he carried to s. omers he had from mr. coleman , to whom mr. harcourt went with him , and in that consult was the main of the design ; and that he was also presented by mr. harcourt to the lord arundell , who promised him great matters when the times were come about . harcourt interjecting , that he spake not one true word ; mr. bedlow demanded of the prisoner , if in august or september last he was not in company with le faire , or le fevre . to which mr. harcourt said , he knew no le faire , but le fevre he did ; and believes that he saw him then , but never since . and the witness went on , that pritchard recommended him to him , as a person tri'd and trusty , and fit to be taken into the privacy of the design ; pritchard declaring to the witness in their presence , that the death of the king was one part of it . and the witness says farther , that going another time from pritchard to harcourt , he saw harcourt give sir george wakeman a bill of exchange upon some citizen for 2000 li. keins and sir william anderson being present : which bill sir george wakeman read , folded up , and went and received the mony . and that mr. harcourt told sir george wakeman upon delivering the bill , that that 2000 li. was in part of a greater summe . sir george wakeman replying upon it , that 15000 li. was but a small consideration for the 〈◊〉 of religion , and the saving of three kingdoms . harcourt desired he might name the citizen upon whom it was drawn ; for it would then be found upon the merchant's book . fenwick urg'd , that it was not enough to averr that he saw a bill of exchange , if he cannot say from whom it came , and to whom it was directed . but the court found that to be of little moment , mr. bedlow himself not being concerned in the bill . mr. bedlow's commission for lieutenant was read . sir thomas doleman was now sworn concerning a letter produced in court , who delivered that it was found about a week after that dr. oates had inform'd the councill of the plot , in a bag of mr. harcourt's papers , which sir thomas was appointed to examine . and then the letter it self was read . honoured dear sir , i have but time to convey these following particulars to you . first , i am to give you notice , that it hath seem'd fitting to our mr. consult prov. &c. to fix the 21. of april next stilo veteri for the meeting at london of our congregation : on which day all those that have a suffrage are to be present there , that they may be ready to give a beginning to the same on the 24. which is the next day after s. george's day . you are warned to have jus suffragii ; and therefore if your occasions should not permit you to be present , you are to signify as much , to the end others in their ranks be ordered to supply your absence . every one is minded also not to hasten to london long before the time appointed ; nor to appear much about the town , till the meeting be over , lest occasion should be given to suspect the design . finally , secrecy , as to the time and place , is much recommended to all those that receive summons , as it will appear of its own nature necessary . tertio pro domino solone disco benefact . prov. luniensis . i am streightned for time , that i can onely assure you i shall be much glad of obliging you any ways . sir , your servant , edward petre. mr. harcourt being called upon to explain this letter , informed the court , that this letter was written to one that had a vote in the meeting , which by the order of the society is to assemble once in three years , and advise about their particular affairs : that the chief business was about the choice of a procurator to be dispatch'd to rome , wherein secrecy was requisite , because it was dangerous to have it known . as to the caution of not hastening before the time , or being too publick , for fear the design should be suspected , wherein secrecy was naturally necessary ; mr. whitebread expounded it , that the design was the getting of a congregation , which it was prudential to keep secret , as a thing not permitted in this nation ; declaring upon his salvation , that there was no other reason for the enjoyning of that secrecy : offering farther , that it would be very hard to take away mens lives upon a word , that may as well bear one construction as another : instancing in the usual way of speech , i have a design to dine here or there tomorrow , where the word design is properly enough made use of . it was returned upon them , that the word design , with a caution of privacy , and the business being matter of secrecy in its own nature , must necessarily imply something of greater consequence then the election of an officer . mr. gavan in reply offer'd his exposition , that the jesuits in all places meeting once in 3 years for the inspection of their officers , and the regulation of their members , this was their time for their meeting here : applying the word design to the great concernment of both worlds , which was the subject matter of this meeting : declaring , upon his salvation , that though he was not at this consult himself , yet he believed that which he had delivered was the true and onely cause of their meeting : adding hereunto , that it being in time of the parliament sitting , secrecy was necessary , that they might not give offence ; and that it concerned them not to be taken notice of , when their lives depended upon the discovery . that the design was the design of a congregation . dr. oates objected , that though they justify the consult now , yet when there was but one proof of it , they denied at first that there was any such consult . at which fenwick disown'd the denial of it . mr. bedlow declared , that whereas mr. gavan says , that their desire of secrecy was out of a respect to the parliament , he and others had been employed to bring more jesuits into england in parliament-time , then in any other ; for that they were then in least danger . dr. oates adding , that they were more bold , and publick in the lobbies and court of requests , in sessions of parliament , and not forbearing to threaten the protestants . another letter was now produced , and sir thomas doleman called to speak to 't ; who declared , that he found it some two days after that which was read before , among mr. harcourt's papers ; and that reflecting upon dr. oates's information to the councill , concerning commissions given out , and some ambiguous passages in the letter , he , the witness , presented it to the councill with theis quaere upon it : enqu . what is meant by the word patents ? it was signed christopher anderton , hilton , febr. 1. 1677 / 8. oates representing that by hilton was meant rome , which harcourt acknowledged . the letter it self was now read . worthy sir , i know not from whence it proceeds , but i perceive that both your letters and mine have bad fortune by the way ; for my correspondents with you complain they hear not from me , whereas i write constantly intire pacquets , and since the bills i received from your self for sir william goring , and for mr. ireland , from mr. shelly , i have not had one letter but what i received this week ; which in part made recompence for the former , for it brought me three of yours , and one of mr. ireland's , for which i render you many humble thanks , and acknowledge the fifteen pounds from my lord castlemain , though mr. ireland made no mention of it in his . we are all here very glad of the promotion of mr. thomas harcourt . when i writ that the patents were sent , although i guess for whom they were , yet i know not for certain , because our patrons do not use to discover things or resolutions till they know they have effect . and therefore in these kind of matters i dare not be too hasty , lest some will say , a fool's bolt is soon shot . there arose a great difficulty upon the plurality of the word patents . mr. whitebread expounded it to be meant of his patent for provinciall ; which being but one , would not have been called patents . which mr. whitebread qualified by making it a latinism , and called it literae patentes . it was objected , that he being made provincial ianuary 14. and this bearing date feb. 5. the word patents could not be intended of his commission . to which m. whitebread answers , that possibly they did not know till then ; and that it was not known what exceptions might be exhibited against the person named : besides , that every patent is called literae patentes . dr. oates affirmed , that if a man be chosen to a place , he must execute it , upon pain of damnation if he disobey his superiour . to which mr. whitebread replied , that a hundred instances might be given of refusalls in the case ; and that he would have refused it himself , if he had foreseen the trouble of it ; appealing to almighty god , as he was to answer at the last day , that he knew nothing at all of this business . dr. oates declared that the patents spoken of in this letter were sent , a great many of them , in april and may before . the prisoners being now called to their defence , dr. oates's witnesses were sent for , to be in readiness . mr. whitebread beginning , that though he did not fear death , he would be loth to die by injustice : and that he hop'd that he should be allow'd the common freedome of endeavouring to preserve himself ; for that a man's life might be taken away by perjury , as well as by a pistoll : so that he trusted that no man should be admitted as an evidence against him , that was not probus testis ; offering that d. oates was not such a man , and he craved leave to say that he was perjured . he says that he did such and such things by whitebread's appointment , was present with him april 24. and that the prisoner acquainted dr. oates with the whole design : a thing so improbable , that whoever believes it must take the prisoner for a mad-man , to trust any body with such a concern at first sight ; ( for he confesseth that so it was ; ) and then to trust a man that had his livelyhood from the society , ( for they maintain'd him , ) that is to say , first the prisoner's predecessor , and then himself . upon his importunity to be entertain'd in the society , the prisoner perswaded him to withdraw , reflecting upon him as a person not answerable to the purpose he pretended to ; and that for severall reasons . first , for his principles ; for he held severall opinions that were not sound . secondly , his life was loose , and therefore he was desired to retire . to which end , he had a suit of cloaths given him , a periwigg , and 4 li. in his pocket , which he promised to repay upon the fale of his library in london ; but he never did . the prisoner took notice of the just wonder of the court at writing to dugdale by the post in so plain and dangerous terms ; and the like in his discourse to dr. oates : but concluded in craving the court's leave to produce witnesses , that from the 10. of decem. to the 23. of iune following dr. oates was at s. omers , and lodg'd but one night out of the house . it was observed upon mr. whitebread , as a strange thing , that they should still maintain a man that they had so ill an opinion of : but mr. whitebread denied the maintaining of him , affirming , that he was not sent over by them , as he said he was , and undertaking to prove it : allowing all this while that they had maintained him before ; and distinguishing betwixt an office of charity to a man of letters , and in necessity , and a confidence of intrigueing with him in such a case as this . mr. fenwick then recommended it to the court to consider , that dr. oates's evidence from one end to the other was supported by the sight of such and such letters from one person or another ; and all the testimony is , the sight of the letters : as if fenwick , that knew dr. oates was turn'd away from s. omers for his misdemeanors , should after that make him privy to all his letters . the prisoner desired the court to take notice , that he had a thousand letters taken from him , and not one syllable either of treason , or of solliciting people to come over , was charged upon him out of those letters . urging , that all the proof made was but saying and swearing ; and defying any man to make out any probability to any unbyassed judgement , how this could possibly be . here the prisoners were minded , that there is no other evidence to be given , then by saying and swearing . fenwick pursued his discourse , declaring , that he did no more think of his being taken or accused , then of his death ; and that he removed nothing ; and that besides letters , there were seized in bonds and bills to the value of five or six thousand pounds ; and it seems strange , that out of all this there should nothing of a design appear . for god's sake ( said the prisoner ) where are the commissions sign'd ? and the moneys paid ? mr. hilsley being presented to the court as a witness on the behalf of the prisoners , mr. whitebread begs that their witnesses might be sworn : which though it would not be granted , because it was against the king ; yet the jury were directed to value the testimony according to the credit of the persons , and the matter in question . mr. gavan offered that there was no positive law ; and the lord coke in his institutes says , that there is not so much as scintilla iuris against it . but this being against constant usage and custome , it could not be granted . mr. whitebread shews , that in mr. ireland's triall , pag. 35 and 36 , dr. oates declares that he came from s. omers with sir iohn warner , father williams , and mr. hilsley : but it was answered , that printed trialls are no evidence ; there may be errata's in them . then mr. fenwick asked dr. oates , if he did not acknowledge that he came over with hilsley : and dr. oates told him , that to any question of that day , if the court thought it reasonable , he would give an answer . fenwick insisted upon it , that dr. oates was forsworn in affirming he did ; but not being convict , that could not be prest : so that fenwick offered to prove his affirmation by witnesses , that heard it ; asking dr. oates again , if he came over with hilsley . to which dr. oates made answer , that to put them out of their pain , as he said then , so he said now , that one hilsley did come over with him . to which hilsley answered , that he did not , for he left him at s. omers . dr. oates acknowledged that hilsley left him at s. omers , but that he came away a day after him , and overtook him at calais . hilsley denied it , saying , there were a great many there that could prove the contrary . dr. oates informed the court , that hilsley lost his mony at calais , and that he prevailed with father williams to relieve him . hilsley confess'd the loss of his mony , but utterly denied that ever dr. oates and he were in a ship together . dr. oates urged , that he might be examined if he were not in orders : but it was not thought reasonable to press him to accuse himself . hilsley offers witnesses to make out that dr. oates was in s. omers the day after hilsley came out , and several weeks after . dr. oates swears that hilsley left them upon the way , and did not come throughout with them to london . hilsley says that he believes dr. oates was told of his losing his mony by one that was with him the second of may , and that there was one in court who ( he supposed ) could speak to 't . mr. william parry offered then to swear , that dr. oates was at s. omers upon that day when he affirms he came over , that is , that he was there upon the 25 ; that he stirr'd not from thence that day ; that the evidence din'd with him , and he went into the infirmary , for he was sick ; that he was at s. omers till after the 20. of iune , by the token that he was there at a play upon the 20. day . dr. oates denied the business of the infirmary , and offered to make appear to the court , that hilsley had been several years of the sodality of the iesuits ; and that they dare not but say what their superiours bid them . as to the 20. of iune , dr. oates averrs that he was at s. omers at that action , but affirms that he was then come back again from london . parry on the other side denied that dr. oates ever went out of the colledge ; for that he constantly din'd and supp'd with him , saving 3 or 4 days when he was in the infirmary , where he entred april the 25. old stile . dr. oates advertised the court of a contradiction in the prisoner's evidence , upon the difference between old stile and new . mr. parry affirms that dr. oates came to s. omers in december , and went not out from the colledge till the end of iune , and that onely to watton , for two days and a night ; and that he is confident of what he says ; for a scholar never removes from thence to england , but 't is the talk of the whole colledge . and then ( says mr. gavan ) they goe away in secular garments , that no notice may be taken of their leaving the place . dr. oates admitted this as a general rule , but that his case was a particular exception to that rule ; and that he resum'd the habit of the house upon his coming back to london , and appear'd as one of it still , not knowing that it was taken notice of that he had been out , having never shewed himself in the colledge in a lay-habit . mr. whitebread followed it , that let his cloaths be what they would , his place and seniority was the same , so that at meals he was visible to the whole house . there stood up for the prisoners one mr. doddington , ( another witness ) that passed at s. omers by the name of hollis , betwixt 18 and 19 years of age , who gave this account of dr. oates : that he entred the colledge about a fortnight before christmas , and betwixt that and iune was never out , but one night at watton . that he saw him at least every other day , and in particular the day after hilsley departed , which was april 24. new stile ; and falling sick , he went the next day into the infirmary : affirming , that he saw him in the garden , upon the 2. of may , with one blood or burnaby . this witness came into england in april last , about two months since , in part upon the proclamation for recalling such as were in seminaries , and partly for want of health . mr. gifford was next examined , who declared that he came from s. omers about a month before , and that the occasion of his coming was to justify that dr. oates was at s. omers when he said he was here . he affirmed , that he saw him may-day was twelvemonth and april 21. at s. omers , and kept him company the whole week after . that he remembers the first of may , by the token that one mr. burnaby coming that day to the colledge , dr. oates made an acquaintance with him , and this witness saw them together ; and at the colledge-hour of recreation , for a week at least , he came every day after dinner . that he was not in the infirmary till the day after hilsley was gone away , continuing there about three days ; and from that time till iune at least , gifford solemnly averrs that he saw him at least every other day , for he never was out all that time , but one night at watton , for his relaxation . and he could not but be taken notice of : for though there were a matter of 150 that eat all in the same room ; yet he sitting at a table apart , betwixt the religious and the youths , could not chuse but be taken notice of . mr. palmer stood up next ; who inform'd , that he came from s. omers 2 or 3 months since , and that he came because he car'd not for staying any longer : that his father lives by windsor : that he saw mr. oates on may-day , new stile , by the token that there were strangers that day ; and that the witness saw him in the afternoon playing with the other boys at nine-pins . ( they call all those boys that are not of the religious : and though he sate at a table distinct , yet going to school , he was still reckon'd among the boys . ) the witness saw him the next day with mr. burnaby , and it was wondred at , his thrusting himself into his company , having never seen him before , as mr. burnaby said himself . that the witness saw him also at the action ; and also with mr. killingbeck on the 5. of may , who was then departing ; and likewise with mr. poole , at his going away . that the 11. day , at a play , dr. oates would needs sit in the place of the musick , and one mr. watson quarrelled with him . seeing him also betwixt these times , and so from time to time , till iune following . mr. cox informed , that he came away from s. omers in november after dr. oates : that he knew dr. oates very well , and saw him at s. omers at the time when he affirms that he was in england ; for he was often with mr. poole when he was sick , which mr. poole was the witnesse's musick-master . that he went away in iuly , and never stirr'd from s. omers till he went quite away . that the witness was there also till dr. oates went , which was after the consult of the jesuits , which he affirms to have been in april , and himself to have been at . the witnesse's jumbling of the months caused the people to laugh : and the witness still persisted , that dr. oates was at s. omers till the jesuits consult was over . he informed that he came thither , and was onely one night out of the house , at watton , all the time he was there . that he did not goe away with mr. hilsley , for a gent. that was going that day for england , being loth to rise , dr. oates told a story of him how loth he was to leave his bed , which was the day after hisley went away . the other gent. went upon the 5. of may , and mr. poole and mr. nevil , who he says were with him in england , were neither of them absent at that time . that dr. oates was at s. omers all may and iune . the witness being prest to name the month when d. oates came away , he said he could not remember it . mr. thomas billing informed , that he came about 3 months since from s. omers : that he knew dr. oates very well , and saw him at s. omers the very day , or the day after that he came thither ; ( the 10. of december ; ) and that he continued there till toward the end of iune , never out of the house but once at watton in christmas ; this witness being then in the infirmary , and dr. oates came in , saying that he had been at watton . that he had been twice in the infirmary , and the second time was in april , where ( as the witness remembers ) he was 3 or 4 days : that he saw him in the colledge from december till about the end of iune . that he was there all may , and could not be 8 days in england , as he says ; for being entred into the sodality march 25. he was appointed to read at six a clock every sunday morning , and after he had begun , he read constantly in course till he went away : for he was never sick on a sunday in april , but somewhat indisposed , so that he went to the infirmary upon occasion for some 3 or 4 days , and once in 2 or 3 days the witness constantly saw him . that upon the second of may he saw him with mr. blunt in the garden , and also with one mr. rushton , by certain tokens . mr. townley informed , that he knew oates , and saw him in april , may , and iune . dr. oates departed from s. omers about the 10. of iune : he believeth that he saw him every other day for all . april and all may : for sitting at a single table , as he did , he might be easily mist. mr. fall informed , that he came from s. omers some 2 months agoe : that he saw dr. oates about christmas was twelvemonth , and so from that time till iune , save while he was at watton . this witness hath been in the convent 2 years and a half . mr. iohn hall informeth , that he came from s. omers in iuly 1678. having been there above 7 years : that he saw dr. oates there in april , may , and till about the 23. of iune ; the witness taking a more particular notice of him , by serving as a butler , and laying the table , and drawing beer , and the like ; serving dr. oates himself most days . that he came away for his health , beginning to be ill , at christmas ( 77. ) that he lives with his father in radnorshire , and came up to london upon a summons as a witness . mr. cook informs , that he came from s. omers last ianuary , upon this occasion , and that he hath been ever since in town . that he saw dr. oates there in iune , and that he went away upon the 23 ; which he knows , being a taylour , and having made him some cloaths . that he saw him every day , and sometimes 20 times in a day . that he was there all april , and all may , and he came twice every week to the witnesse's shop for things . that the witness liv'd in the colledge , and remembers that dr. oates was at watton onely one night in april , but he cannot say the very day ; onely it was spoken of over the house . mr. gavan offers , that dr. oates says in his narrative , he came over in company with sir iohn warner and sir thomas preston ; and that to prove him perjured , clears the prisoners . but being told , that they should have indicted him , and made that out before , if any such thing were ; mr. whitebread replied , that they were kept close prisoners ; pressing again the business of his coming over with sir iohn warner . dr. oates , to clear himself of all contradictions , says , that he named some persons at one time , and some at another , as his memory served him ; naming the rectour of liege , sir iohn warner , father williams , father marsh , father warner , sir thomas preston , &c. one bartlet a dutchman , but speaking a little english , informed , that he came from s. omers may 23. ( 78. ) new stile : that sir iohn warner was at watton all april and may ; and that he was there himself , and saw sir iohn there : that he had been some five or six weeks in england , and came over about the latter end of iune . but bartlet being minded that he said the 23. of may before , he excused himself , that he thought the question had been ask'd concerning dr. oates's coming over , which he heard of beyond seas . mr. tisser was then sworn to be a true interpreter to one carlier , a witness for the prisoners that could not speak english. mr. tisser informs , that carlier came into england about seven or eight weeks since , and that he was for the last two years in watton : that he was the last sunday in april , and all may , at his house there , the witness having been his gardener . then mr. tisser stood interpreter for another witness , charles verron , who speaks no english. verron says , that sir iohn warner was at watton all april and may was twelve-month , and so till september : and the witness affirms it , for he passes with a vessel between s. omers and watton , and for the most part sees sir iohn every day : and that the witness is of the roman religion . bailleé ( a servant to sir iohn warner ) informs also , that sir iohn was all april and may was twelve-month at watton : and that he being a mason , sir iohn gave him directions about a building , and look'd after the doing of it himself . iohn ioseph informs , that he knows sir thomas preston , and that he saw him almost every day in april , may , and iune , or however , 2 or 3 days in a week . that the witness was porter of the gate to the english house at liege , where sir thomas preston was in the months of april , may , and iune . but that sir thomas preston was away in the time of vacancy , which is in august . peter carpentier informs , that being caterer at liege , he knew sir thomas preston very well , and saw him there every day , all april , and may. mr. gavan told the court , that he had no more witnesses to this point : and then offered the difference of his case from the rest ; and that dr. oates did not charge him as sitting in the consult , but as seeing his hand to it afterwards : representing , that onely a profest iesuit has a right of sitting there , ( which as then he was not . ) the prisoner insists upon a witness that he has , to prove , that at that time he was at wolverhampton in staffordshire . being told that it was his hand to the consult , not his being present at it , that was charg'd upon him : gavan replied , that he could not sign it at london , unless he were at london ; and so he offered to prove himself at wolverhampton the four and the five and twentieth of april . but dr. oates swearing that it was in iune , or iuly , that he saw mr. gavan's hand to the consult , it was considered , that it might be sign'd at any time during that intervall ; and so the proving mr. gavan at wolverhampton the four or five and twentieth of april would doe him no good : but however his witness was called . catharine winford inform'd , that for the greatest part of the summer , mr. gavan sojourn'd in her house at wolverhampton in staffordshire , in iune , and so to the 23. of iuly , when he went to another lodging in the town , more convenient for his turn . the witness said , that he was never from thence in all that time , and that he sojourn'd longer with her , but she onely speaks to the months in question . that after he went , she seldom failed a day of seeing him : and that she was a roman catholick . mary poole informed , that she had known mr. gavan 6 or 7 years , and that being a servant to mrs. winford at wolverhampton , she saw mr. gavan at this time twelvemonth at her mistresse's ; and that he was there in april ; and that she believes he was there in may , for she does not remember his going away till the end of iuly ; and he was there also in iune . it was asked her why she stuck more at may then the other months : and her answer was , that any body might mistake . she own'd her self likewise to be a roman catholick . mrs. winford was further examined , what circumstances she could call to mind at the time when he went from her . to which she answered , that not knowing what she should be examined upon , she could not well recollect her self ; but that he went often abroad to my lord aston's : that she knew not how long he stay'd there , but that she was confident that he did not goe to london , for he had no linen with him then , as he had when he used to goe a journey . dr. oates suggested to the court , that he took a chamber to goe into the exercise , and that under that pretence he might slip to london and no body the nearer , because upon that occasion they are close shut up . to which mrs. winford answered , that she knew nothing of it , but upon any urgent business people are then admitted to see them ; and that she her self could speak it upon her own knowledge , and that about the end of iuly she went often to him after he had left her lodgings . that the former part of iuly he was in the witnesse's house , from whence he went upon the 23. that he was not shut up in the witnesse's house , and that the last eight days she was allowed to come to him : not but that he was shut up , but still upon business , either of bringing any thing , or speaking with him , there was admittance to him . touching the point of his having time enough to be at london , and back again , while she did not see him ; the witness declared that she thought he had not ; but that she was confident that he did not go . but it was observed upon her , that she had said , peradventure he might be away 5 or 6 days ; but she still persisted , that she was confident he had not been at london in the interim . mr. gavan then prest the court for liberty of speech , and urged it , that dr. oates charged him directly to have been in town in iuly , and that he met the prisoner with mr. ashby , who was then in town ; so that the prisoner's being in town must be betwixt mr. ashby's coming to town , and his going out again ; which he computed to be a fortnight's time . the prisoner reasoning the point , in such sort , that if he could make it out that he was in staffordshire from the 15. or 16. of iuly to the end of the month , he had then acquitted himself . dr. oates makes it to be either the beginning or middle of iuly that mr. ashby came to town , but does not swear which ; onely he rather inclines to think it was the middle : and while mr. ashby was here , mr. gavan came up , and told the witness that he would go visit mr. ashby . mr. gavan having given evidence where he was at the end of iuly , was now called upon to prove where he was at the beginning of the month . but he told the court that his witnesses were not here ; and then addressed himself to the court to this effect : that being innocent , it was not possible for him to imagine upon what point they would accuse him ; but yet he cast his thoughts every way , to see where he was most liable , and what he had ever done that might yield the most plausible pretence for a charge : and that finding nothing so colourable as his being engaged at that april consult , the prisoner had provided himself at his own expence with witnesses to clear that matter . and now having discharged himself , by the use of all prudential means for his clearing , and having done it effectually as to the 24. of april , upon which the main pretension of a conspiracy was founded ; he cast himself with all submission upon the honour and justice of the court , offering proofs that he was not in london in august ; protesting solemnly , and upon his salvation , that he was not in london ; and imprecating upon himself most exemplary judgments from almighty god , if he were not innocent . after this , he offered himself to the court to pass the ordeal , as a test of his innocence , which in capital cases was in practice for a thousand years together , where there was onely the oath of the accuser against the denial of the accused . but this custome being now out , and the proposal favouring of a popular artifice , it was not allowed him . here six witnesses more are produced for him . the first witness saw him every day the last week of iuly . the second witness saw him the last fortnight in staffordshire , as he believes , but cannot positively averr it . the third witness , living in the same town ; could not say that he was out of it all iuly ; but the last week he was in the witnesse's house . the fourth witness spake onely to the last week too . mr. whitebread offered in his defence , that dr. oates failing in his testimony against ireland , was not probus testis , but improbus , and so an incompetent witness , and not to be credited in one case , after being convict of perjury in another ; recommending to the jury , to take notice of it , that he fled from his former testimony . where the prisoner was admonished , that he was gone from the present question : and that there was no conviction of perjury without a record ; and to prove it , that record must be produc'd too . mr. harcourt pressed it , that mr. bedlow , mr. prance , dr. oates , and mr. dugdale , were men of desperate fortunes , and flagitious persons , and that false swearing was their livelihood ; and that these were the men by whom he was charg'd . and then again , if the evidence on his side should be rejected because they were roman catholicks , it would be a very hard case in his own particular ; and destructive also of common commerce with other countries : and it would be vain to call witnesses , if a roman catholick should not be taken as a good evidence . mr. harcourt was here inform'd of his mistake , for roman catholicks were allowed to be witnesses , and none refused upon this triall . mr. harcourt said farther , that dr. oates charged him one while with paying the 80 li. for the ruffians at his chamber , and another while at wild house ; and that he had witnesses to that point . dr. oates lays it , that mr. ireland was by too , whereas the witnesses were now in court that would prove him to have been all august in staffordshire ; producing it in the printed trialls . but the print being no record , and what dr. oates said before not being the point now in issue , that suggestion could not avail the prisoner . dr. oates denying also that ever he said that ireland and harcourt were together at the paiment of the 80 li. to the villains , and affirming that they were not together . mr. gavan acknowledged that the proof of his not being in town was rather a negative , then a positive evidence : but however , as to dr. oates's testimony , he charg'd the borrowing of 20 s. of mr. ireland upon september 2. at which time mr. ireland was at boscobell . but dr. oates denied the speaking precisely to the day , and would not be positive whether first , second , or any certain day ; but that , as he remembred , it was the second . the prisoner then produc'd pendrell and gifford , and their wives . mr. gifford gave evidence , that being last sessions in court to prove that he saw mr. ireland upon the 24. and 25. days of aug. in staffordshire , ( the day that dr. oates affirmed he saw him in london , ) dr. oates being at a loss upon the particulars , affirmed at last , that he had 20 s. of ireland , in mr. harcourt's chamber , on the first or second of september , about the fast day . dr. oates said here , that he spake to the best of his memory ; and mr. gifford went on , saying , that he saw him there some other of those days ; but that there were divers then in court that were every day in his company . but they were now upon the wrong trial again . dr. oates informed , that it was not ireland , but harcourt , that he charged with being at wild house , where coleman met him ; and that most of the money was there , and carried back to harcourt's chamber , where it was delivered to the man that carried it to windsor ; coleman leaving a guinny for the messenger , but he himself going away before . dr. oates farther delivered , that mr. fenwick took leave of mr. ireland , as going to s. omers , betwixt august 8. and 12 : but whether they met about the plot or no , or what they said , he does not remember the particulars . to the question , whether fenwick had any communication with ireland in august for the furtherance of the plot , dr. oates gave evidence that he had . the lady southcott was now produced , with her son , and her daughter . the lady southcott informing , that she saw mr. ireland every day from the 5. of august to the 16. wherein she was positively certain ▪ sir iohn southcott was then called , and inform'd , that he knew mr. ireland's face , and that he travelled with him from the 5. of august to the 9. and saw him severall days afterward , in the whole , at least 12 days . mr. edward southcott then inform'd , that he was in company with mr. ireland , from the 4. to the 16. but that he was not at his triall . mrs. harwell informed , that she saw mr. ireland on august 17 , when he came to her house at wolverhampton , and lodged there every night till the six and twentieth . young mrs. harwell informed the same , from the 17. to the 26. saving that on s. bartholmew's eve he went to litchfield , and came back again , upon which day she did not see him . mr. gavan here offered evidence of a prisoner in newgate to the same point , desiring to be instructed , whether a man charg'd with , but not convict of the same crime , might not be a good evidence . but he had no encouragement to make use of him . elizabeth keeling inform'd , that she saw mr. ireland at wolverhampton , from the 17. of august to the 19. when she went out of town ; and coming back on thursday , found him there , where he continued till the 26. mr. pendrell then informed , that he saw mr. ireland , septemb. 2. and 3. at boscobell ; which he knew by his wife's book , where she set down the day for his diet , he being with him for his meals . that the witnesse kept the royall oak there : that the gentleman called himself ireland , and so did others : that he knew him no otherwise , and that he did not see him in august . mrs. pendrell inform'd , that she knew mr. ireland onely by report : that she saw him at boscobell in august or september according to the question , and never before that time : that she knows it was he that suffered , for she was in town when he died . mrs. gifford informed , that mr. ireland was at wolverhampton from the 17. of august to the 26. and that she also saw him sept. 2. 7. 10. and 11. and that her brother told her it was the same man that was executed . mr. gifford then in court declaring , that he saw him in staffordshire , and he saw him die . another mrs. gifford informeth , that she saw mr. ireland at pancrass fair in staffordshire ; that she did not see him suffer ; but her sister shew'd him to her at a window , saying , that 's mr. ireland : that she saw him try'd , and found him to be the same man : and that it was sept. 7. that her sister told her of him . mr. beadle informeth , that he saw mr. ireland sept. 2. at millage in staffordshire , and that they said it was mr. ireland the jesuite : that he never saw him before , and onely supposes him to be the man that suffered : owning himself ( upon the question ) to be a roman catholick . mr. turner represented , that he stood charged with being at tixall ( where he had not been in four years ) at a consult in september , and demanded who saw him there : and it was answered , that there was onely mr. dugdale to witness that . mr. fenwick produced captain hill against mr. bedlow ; and offered to prove by a clark of sir iames boteler's , that he couzen'd a cuttler of a silver-hilted sword . but the clark being called , and not present , nothing was done about it ; mr. fenwick still reproaching him with several cheats . his pardon being objected ; the prisoner replied , that a pardon did not make a good witness , and pretended to prove something since his pardon . mr. whitebread charges mr. bedlow with giving evidence against him this trial , in contradiction to his declaration that he had nothing to say against him the last ; insisting upon it , that the reason now suggested of his forbearance , was no way intimated at that trial ; and that not swearing the whole truth , he had broken his oath , and is perjur'd . this objection was left to the jury . and then captain hill inform'd onely of mr. bedlow's condition in the marshalsea ; which was found to be of no moment to the matter in question . the king's councell having summ'd up the whole proceedings , thus far , into a brief deduction and narrative , and so laying it before the jury , the king's witnesses were called . sarah paine was sworn , and informed , that passing in russell-street she saw mr. ireland at his own door there , no body with him ; that she knew him very well , and then saw his face , and made him a curtesy : which was about a week after the king went to windsor , the king going thither about the twelfth or thirteenth of august ; the witness saw ireland about the twentieth . she had lived with mr. grove , where mr. ireland came often ; and she had carried divers letters to him . william walker was sworn , and informed , that he had known titus oates a long time , but for above five years he had not seen him ; onely some two years since , that he met him in newgate-market ; and after that , in march ( 78 ) or the beginning of april , he saw him in a gray serge coat , and ( as he remembers ) a gray hat , not knowing him , till it came in his head as he was in bed , that this was titus oates : so that he went next morning to enquire of him at a place where he had seen him a year before ; and the woman of the house cry'd out that he was an undone man , for he was gone over to the church of rome , and that she knew not where he was . the witness telling the woman , that he saw him the day before , about nine or ten in the morning , at the end of s. martins lane near leicester house . he informed , that this was some time betwixt the latter end of march , and the middle of april , and that he saw him onely there , and that he look'd as if he were afraid . that he had seen him in his habit a matter of a year before , and not before that , of five years . which was observ'd as a contradiction to the s. omer evidences , who would have him beyond seas all march , april , and may. sarah ives was then sworn , and confirmed mr. walker's coming to her shop , and saying as aforesaid . this was april was twelvemonth , and about the middle of the month , as she thought . mrs. mayo was sworn , who informed , that a week before whitsuntide , and in the month of may , a servant of sir richard barker's told the witness , there 's dr. oates , he has turn'd his black coat into a white one : dr. oates being then in the court-yard , and the witness in the kitchin. the witness then asked what he was : and he answered , he had been a minister , but he was now either a quaker , or a catholick . the witness replying , that he was no quaker , for he wore a perriwigg : when he jearing at him , the witness reprov'd him for it , being a friend of sir richard barker's . that dr. oates came about a week after , and another came with him , and they walk'd into the garden . that the ladies of the house being shy of them , hearing he was turn'd iesuite , dr. oates , seemed discontented , that he had not so much respect now in the house as formerly . that dr. oates afterwards going into the garden , sir richard's servant told the witness that oates was there again , and had brought one with him : prithee look , ( says he ) does he not look like a iesuite ? but the witness hearing that he came over about the plot , went to him , and excused the family's coldness to him , when they thought he was a papist : swearing also that dr. oates , the witness in court , was the person she saw there . philip page was sworn , and informed , that he had known dr. oates four or five years ; that he saw him at sir richard barker's about the beginning of may last 1678 ; that he spake with him then ; he was in a light-colour'd campagne coat : that he went into the house , and then away again , as soon as he had enquired for sir richard. the witness remembers the time , for sir richard at his house at islington had a patient then that was ill of a fever . ( sir richard barker inform'd the court , that it was mr. milver's daughter . ) the witness being positive that it was about that time , and that he spake with him ; by the token that he had an old flapping black hat on , and spanish-leather shoes . sir richard barker was sworn , and informed , that about the time given in evidence , returning out of the country , he was told that dr. oates had been at his house in a disguise , as if he were either a quaker , or a papist : nay , that they told the witness of two disguises , the one in short hair , the other in a long perriwigg : and that his coachman , then in court , told him of it first . that the witness falling sick in that interim , dr. oates was gone ; but came to his house after his recovery , to ask for dr. tongue , about the latter end of iune , or beginning of iuly . that the witness had known him from a child , and saw him the last summer , but not till iune ; and that in iune ( as he remembred ) he did see him : but that his servants had seen him , as they themselves told him , in may , before whitsuntide . one butler was sworn , and informed , that he had three years knowledge of dr. oates ; and that he saw him at his master's house in barbican , about the beginning of may last was twelvemonth . that the witness , being sir richard barker's coachman , was cleaning his coach , and dr. oates came in , and enquired for dr. tongue . the witness telling him that he was not within ; he seem'd much discontented , but yet went into the house , and presently out again , and away . he was in gray cloaths like a shepherd , and his hair cropt to his ears ; but yet the witness knew him so soon as he saw him . that the witness saw him some six weeks after , in a long black coat and perriwigg . that he was sure it was dr. oates , and that he told his master of it soon after . mr. smith was sworn , and informed , that he knew dr. oates , ( being usher of merchant-taylors school , and dr. oates his scholar there . ) that he saw him at dinner at his own house in islington , at the beginning of may 1678 , the first monday in may , as he remembred : swearing this positively , and that he was with him three or four hours after dinner , in coloured ribbands , and a green knot upon his shoulder . that their discourse was about his travells , and nothing at all about the times . that he knew he had chang'd his religion ; and that he saw him not in two months after . mr. clay was sworn , and informed , that the first knowledge he had of dr. oates was about april last was twelvemonth , at mr. charles howard's , in a corner of old arundel house , where he met him by chance upon a visit to mr. howard , as an acquaintance and friend : and that he saw him there the second time in may also ; but the day he could not say ; nor whether he saw him afterwards or not : but that dr. oates in court was the person he saw there . dr. oates offering to the court , that mr. clay was a priest in orders : but that question was not put to him ; onely he own'd himself to be a papist . mr. whitebread's plea was , that urging dr. oates at the last triall , to name any one that he had seen in town , he could not name any body . and so likewise afterwards , at the committee , he told that the prisoner lay privately at grove's ; and the prisoner can prove that he never lay there at all : and then he was positive , that he stay'd here but six days , and saw little company . now the evidence affirms , that at the end of march , or the middle of april , he saw him here : and yet dr. oates himself declares , that he passed the sea with hilsley , the twenty fourth of april . if he landed in england the seventeenth of april , as is said , and continued here a good part of may , how can this stand with his being in england but six days ? the prisoners were answered , that the precise day was not so punctually sworn to : so that dr. oates might be seen here the latter end of april , and the beginning of may , and yet his testimony stand good . mr. gavan offered to the court , that the evidence against them spake onely to one or two particular days ; one to his dining with him , and another to his disguise : and that in the very evidence there was a manifest contradiction ; for he could not come over with hilsley , as he said he did , and appear here in may , and all this within six days . that it might be farther considered also , the disproportion in the number of the witnesses ; sixteen for the prisoners , and such as conversed with dr. oates every day . or allowing that a less number for the king should weigh down a greater number on the part of the prisoners , the exception to his evidence about the rectour of liege , sir iohn warner , and sir thomas preston , remains yet untouch'd . or supposing a mistake in what concerns dr. oate's being at s. omers , there are yet six that prove he has sworn false . and the prisoner humbly represented , that no body ought to be condemned but upon two sufficient witnesses . and after all , that mr. ireland was prov'd to have been out of london , from august 3. to september 14 ▪ by at least 16 staffordshire witnesses . which two points remain without answer : for dr. oates says that he was with him here august 12. when they agree that he was in staffordshire . as to the maid , she onely says that she saw him , without speaking to him . the prisoner here appealing to the honour and conscience of the court , how far to believe a witness that hath even in one point falsify'd . and then there is sir iohn southcott , and his family , that give an account of mr. ireland in the country from august 5. to the 19. ( which was after the precise day that the maid speaks of in london . there are seven or eight of them that agree upon the seeing of him from the first day to the last . and whereas it is objected in the business of iuly , that the prisoner's witnesses speak positively onely to the last week ; the prisoner offers , that they rather incline to think him there the other weeks also then not ; and that being shut up in the last , they took a more particular notice of him . he minded the court also of the evidence of mr. ashby's coming to town about mid-iuly , and of the prisoner's coming likewise within the fortnight which mr. ashby staid ; and of the prisoner's saying he would wait upon father ashby ; where the discourse past that he speaks of : adding , that he is neither prov'd to have been at the great consult , nor capable of it ; appealing to mr. harcourt and the rest , whether he were there or not , and upon the word of a dying man denying it . as to the prisoner's name being to it , ( which is laid in iuly ) he proves himself in staffordshire the last week of that month , and has evidences of being there till the 14. and the last week ; which he hoped would be considered . he mov'd farther , whether standing accused by one witness , about one fact in london , and by another , concerning another fact in staffordshire , these two witnesses are to be reckoned good in law. but this being already resolved in sir henry vane's case , where severall witnesses prov'd severall facts in severall countries , and yet all overt acts of one and the same treason ; mr. gavan suggested , that serjeant rolls was of another opinion . mr. gavan's second plea was grounded upon the circumstances of credible witnesses , and of clear evidence ; but that in his case there was neither the one , nor the other ; and therefore that he ought not to be convicted by such a witness , and upon such an evidence . wherein the court informed him , that they were lawfull witnesses , because not convict of any crime to destroy their testimony : and for the credibility of them , that was left to the iury. whereupon the prisoner addressed himself to the iury to this following effect . that his life was in their hands : that he was not at the consult , nor of age to be there : that to the making of a credible witness , there must be integrity of life , and truth of testimony : that dr. oates was turned out of s. omers as a person of ill moralls : that in sir iohn warner's , sir thomas preston's , and the business of mr. ireland's being here august 12. he is unanswerably disporv'd : and that though he be not convicted of perjury , he might have been ; so that there was enough before them to shake his testimony . and then in mr. ireland's business , betwixt august 8. and 12. how many proofs of his being in staffordshire , to one woman that says she saw him in town ? sixteen witnesses that were daily in his company that affirm'd the contrary . he inculcated over again the business of the s. omers witnesses ; sixteen , to three or four : the contradiction of dr. oates his coming over with hilsley , and staying but six days ; with the evidence that saw him in town april and may ; his being at wolverhampton from iuly 16. upwards . as to mr. dugdale , he had the knowledge of him five or six years ; severall disco urses with him , but none treasonous , upon his salvation : and that he came away from his lord after he had embezelled 300 li. of his money . that he ( mr. gavan ) had been twenty weeks a prisoner , without the means of sending for witnesses . concluding with an asseveration of his innocence , as he hoped to see the face of god , and with a prayer for the king and the court. mr. whitebread minded the court of an excellent observation made upon that rank and dangerous letter , which mr. dugdale pretends to have intercepted from the prisoner to mr. ewers ; that none but a mad-man would send such a letter by the post. and so he recommended the improbability of it to the jury . mr. fenwick desired the court and jury to consider the evidence on both sides . the one spake to the whole time , upon a daily conversation ; the other , onely to this or that day , or seeing dr. oates in a disguise : on the one side , so many youths train'd up in vertue ; and on the other , a beggerly sort of people , that might be drawn in to mend their fortunes by their evidence . his testimony then is false as to sir iohn warner , mr. williams , and sir thomas preston ; for they came not over with him . or suppose the witnesses to be equal , what support has he for his evidence ? such and such letters he pretends from mr. whitebread ; which if it were true , the prisoners deserved to be hang'd for fools , as well as for knaves , for trusting a creature that they never had any esteem for , and who was expelled the colledge . and then for the commissions and letters he speaks of , 't is almost a year that this discovery hath been afoot , and thousands of letters seiz'd : and yet not one commission appears ; not one penny of mony , or any order for it ; no arms found ; nor out of all these letters any thing discovered towards this design . and for all the writings signed , which he says were hundreds , from one consult to another , there is not one single paper produced in confirmation of it . ending in these words , there is no reason brought among them all , but saying and swearing ; and that i 'll stand by . mr. whitebread told the court and jury , that whereas dr. oates charg'd him with beating of him ; first , the prisoner neither was , nor ever had been a fighting man : and he appeal'd to their considerations , how he should dare to strike a person , whom he had made privy to so dangerous a secret. reflecting then upon the strangeness of the thing , that so many eminent persons should be concerned in it , the plot discovered , and yet no footsteps of it appear . and so he recommended himself to god , and the jury . mr. harcourt then declared , that being now arrived at seventy years of age , this was the first time in his whole life that he had been accused before a magistrate : but that a negative cannot be proved ; and that there was no evidence against them , but downright swearing . mr. fenwick was about to pass a reflection upon the life and conversation of the witnesses ; but bringing no proof , he put an end to the discourse . mr. turner being demanded what he had to say , he did ask , if it were reasonable to admit of those people to an oath in evidence , who for scandall were debarr'd the sacrament ; as he would prove by one hastings . but he being called , and not appearing , the court proceeded to give directions to the jury : wherein the evidences were so fully and distinctly summ'd up by my lord chief justice , that there was nothing to be added to them . the jury were then sent out to consider of their verdict ; and after about a quarter of an hour , they returned , and found all the prisoners guilty of the high treason whereof they stood indicted . and after a short and pithy speech of the recorder to the jury , they were remanded to newgate , and the court adjourned till next morning . the history of the charge and defence of richard. langhorn esq upon iune 14. 1679. mr. richard langhorn was brought to his trial at the sessions-house in the old bayly , according to an adjournment of the day before ; standing indicted of high treason , for contriving the death of the king , the subversion of the protestant religion , and of the establisht government . he pleaded not guilty to the indictment . the jury was sworn without any challenge . the king's councell open'd the charge , and so the court entred upon the trial ; beginning with some evidences upon the main design . mr. dugdale and mr. prance were both sworn : and mr. dugdale spake first to the plot upon the life of the king ; declaring , that he himself had been engaged in divers consultations for the destruction of his majesty , and of the present government , and for bringing in of popery . that being at most of their meetings , he heard these very expressions us'd ; and was tempted with reward to be instrumental in it , and to kill the king. the men that put him upon it were all jesuits , as mr. ewers , mr. gavan , mr. leveson , and vavasour . that upon the killing of the king , they were to be ready with an army , but not before : though at first it was resolved to raise an army out of hand . they had some thoughts of beginning with a massacre , and then to cut off those that scap'd with an army ; but this witness did not hear of any certain number resolved upon . these consultations were at tixal , boscobel , my lord aston's , and mr. gerrard's ; all in staffordshire : and the protestants were to be destroy'd in the first place . touching sir edmundbury godfry's death , harcourt wrote a letter to ewers , that began thus , this very night sir edmundbury godfry is dispatch'd ; and more to that purpose . the witness saying thus to mr. ewers about it ; i 'll be hang'd if this don't spoil the design : whose answer was , that he was a great enemy of loose people , and it would be judg'd some of them had done it in revenge . the letter was received upon monday night , and dated on saturday . mr. prance declared , that one mr. messenger was engaged by the lord arundell of wardour and the lord powis , to murther the king ; and was promised a considerable reward , as my lord's butler told this witness : who afterwards meeting with messenger , and asking him why he would do it ; his answer was , that he was off on 't now . the king being dispatch'd , 50000 men were forthwith to be raised , as fenwick , ireland , and grove said in the witnesse's hearing , being all together . that this army was to set up the romish religion , and all the protestants to be destroyed : the lords arundell and powis to command these forces . and he says , that one harcourt ( twice , at his chamber in dukes-street ) told him , that there were several to kill his majesty . this was in the hearing of one mr. thompson : and m. fenwick told the witness , that m. langhorn was deeply concerned in 't ; and that was all the witness knew . dr. oates was then sworn , and this is the summe of his evidence . that returning out of spain into england in november 1677 , he brought mr. langhorn letters from two sons that he had in spain , in english colledges ; the one at madrid , the other at valladolid . he delivered the letters within a day or two after his arrivall , to mr. langhorn , at his chamber in the middle temple ; who treated the witness very respectfully : and upon telling him that the witness thought his sons would enter themselves into the society , mr. langhorn ( standing that way affected himself ) was very glad of it ; for matters would not hold long in england as they were , ( he said ) and that if they kept themselves in the world , they might quickly come to great preferment in england . the witness was once more with mr. langhorn before his coming to s. omers , ( which was in november old stile , december new , ) when he gave him a pacquet of letters to carry with him . in this pacquet was a letter of thanks to the fathers at s. omers , for their kindness to his sons in their journey for spain ; and promising the repayment of twenty pound which they had furnished his sons with upon their passage . this letter was subscribed richard langhorn , and it made mention of one written to father le chaise , in order to our concerns . ( these were the very words . ) now the letter to le chaise this witness did not see , but onely the other that took notice of it : and he said , that mr. coleman having written to him at large , he should not trouble his reverence with many words at that time . the witness remembers also another letter , either in march , or april , ( he could not say which ) wherein mr. langhorn ( among divers ill passages ) expressed a wonderfull zeal for the catholick design ; and saying that the parliament began to cool in the business of the protestant religion ; and that now was the time to give the blow : that was the word ( the blow ; ) but the letter was too large to give a particular account of . dr. oates minded the court of the consult here in april . the witness and divers others came from s. omers , and other parts , to that consult . mr. langhorn himself was not at it ; but the witness was ordered by the provinciall to tell mr. langhorn from time to time what passed there : and upon the report the witness made him to their proceedings , mr. langhorn , with his hands and eyes up to heaven , prayed god to prosper them . the summe of the witnesse's report to mr. langhorn was this , that cary was to go procurator to rome : that they had concluded upon the death of the king : that pickering and grove were to attempt the king's person ; 1500 li. to grove , and 30000 masses to pickering , to be the reward . he told him also , that they had all signed the agreement . and this past a day or two after the signing of it . the witness swears that there were at that time divers parchments lying upon mr. langhorn's study-table , which he found to be commissions for the 1 s. arundell of wardour , powis , bellasis , and petre ; to be chancellour , treasurer , general , lieutenant-general . that there was one for coleman to be secretary of state , and another for mr. langhorn to be advocate of the army . they were authoriz'd by a brief from the pope , directed to the general of the society ; with the jesuits cross upon them , and signed , iohannes paulus de oliva . the witness being demanded , if they lay open ; he told the court , that they lay upon a corner of a desk folded up , and that he came to take notice of them , by having information from one father anderton , that these patents ( as he call'd them ) were come ; whereupon the witness spake of them to mr. langhorn , and upon his desire , he let the witnesse have the sight of them ; who remembers that there was one more , for a son of the lord arundell , and something for the lord stafford too , concerning the army . the witness saw severall of these commissions , and the greater part of them in mr. langhorn's study ; but he could not say all . the prisoner told the witness , that for inferiour officers and all , there were about 50 ; but a matter of 6 or 8 were all that the witness saw . dr. oates swears , that in april and may he saw the answer to several of mr. langhorn's letters to la chaise ; and that the fathers desiring to have the originals , mr. langhorne delivered them to this witness , who carried them to the fathers . they came from the fathers , la chaise , ( confessor to the french king ) and anderton , ( rector of the colledge at rome . ) the witness saw them in mr. langhornes custody ; but he cannot say that they were directed to him : the substance of la chaise's was , to assure them of his firmness to the english society , and that the french king would assist them for the advancing of the cause . that mr. langhorne ( being the iesuits sollicitor ) went with harcourt , fenwick , keines and langworth to the benedictine monks , to desire their aid towards the work : and the witness hath heard , that at the prisoners instance they contributed 6000 pounds ; which was by them paid to the society ; and mr. langhorne was said to have received it , toward the murther of the king , and the change of religion . this witness did not see the payment of the money ; but about iuly , or august , he heard mr. langhorne say , discoursing of it , that he would do what he could towards the getting of it ; and how troubled he was , that sir george wakeman made such a difficulty of accepting of ten thousand pounds for poysoning the king : adding , that it was a publick work , and a body would have done it for nothing ; but that he was a very covetous and narrow-soul'd-man . a writing under the iesuits seal being shew'd in court to mr. oates , he presently declared , that to be the very hand which was to the other , and just such a seal . several questions being put to the witness , by , or in the name of the prisoner , dr. oates answer'd , that he went towards st. omers at the latter end of november , and that he arrived there about the tenth of december , new style ; that he went in the dover-coach , and stayed there till april following , without stirring from thence : saving only , that he went to paris , and was a night or two at watton , and then came away in april : whether about the middle , or latter end , he could not say : but he was in england under twenty days . there came over with him nine or ten in all ; as father williams , father march , the rector of liege , sir iohn warner : and that he could not name any more . the prisoner objecting to him , that the names of all the rest were in the record of the lords-house ; dr. oates referred him to the record . the prisoner ask'd him also , if sr. tho. preston and poole came over with him ? and the witness said , they did . to the objection , that this was but a repetition of what was proved the day before , the prisoner humbly offered , that the trial of the day before was in another county , and by another iury , and therefore he presumed , in his own defence , to urge this ; in which liberty he was not debarr'd . the witness said also , that he thought sir robert brett was there . the prisoner express'd the drift of his questions to be only this ; to see if dr. oates would now affirm what he swore in the lords house : dr. oates telling him , that he might produce that record ; and the court allowing , that a sworn copy of that record would be good evidence . the prisoner ask'd , if the witness came from dover by coach , or on horseback ? dr. oates replied that it was a sudden question , but that as he remembers , he came by coach. the prisoner then giving the reason of his question ; because upon a trial at the kings bench , the witness said he came in a coach with mr. hilsley ; mr. oates declaring , that they came over together in the boat , but upon landing they parted . mr. langhorne ask'd him , where he lodged at his coming into town ? and his answer was , that when he came in april , he lay at mr. groves : but being ask'd where he lay the first night , dr. oates could not speak certainly to that ; but in general , that he lay there , and as he remembers some three or four nights . † dr. oates swears , that he acquainted mr. langhorne with the consult within a day or two after it ; that he returned to st. omers , as he believ'd , the first week in may. and being then told , that he had said the day before , that his stay there was but six days ; he said that was a mistake , for he said , under twenty . * the prisoner demanded , if dr. oates saw him write those letters he spake of ? he said no ; but he knew his hand , for he saw an order of his for the paying of money to his sons , and the money was paid upon that order . † the prisoner demanded , if he could say that la chaise , or anderton ever wrote to him ? to which dr. oates answer'd , that he had letters subscribed with their names , and that langhorne himself told him that they came from them ; and that they were to be imparted to priests and iesuites ; and that he delivered those letters to the witness to that end . * the prisoner desired to know , how long he staid at st. omers ? dr. oates told him , till iune 23 new style . the prisoner then demanded , ( seeing him to be come over from the church of rome to the church of england ) when it was that he went over from the church of england to that of rome ; and if he was then beneficed ? the time , dr. oates told him , was in february or march 1676 / 7 , and that he was for some time in a vicaridge at bobbing in kent : and that he came to that vicaridge in 1672. mr. langhorne taking notice that he turn'd papist in 1677 , ask'd him whether or no he had left his living first ? dr. oates answer'd , that he had left the place not very long before ; for the air did not agree with him : besides , that he had other private reasons for leaving it . mr. langhorne ask'd , if turning papist he became a iesuite also ; because he says in his narrative , there came nine of us over , all iesuites ? the court told him first , that it was not a fair question ; and then , that what he offered was no evidence . † the prisoner then ask'd the witness , if he had ever been in his company since that business in his chamber of the consult and commissions ? dr. oates made answer , he had been twice with him about the time of the consult , and twice or thrice after his coming over again . mr. bedloe is sworn . mr. bedloe declares upon a question concerning a writing signed by the superiour of the iesuites , that he had it at mr. daniel arthurs ; and that finding it to agree with the hand and seal that he had observed upon commissions in paris , he presented it to the council . [ let the reader observe here , that this was a business only of a private concern . ] the witness swears to this effect : that he had no familiarity with mr. langhorne ; but some three years since , being entrusted by mr. harcourt and coleman with certain letters to la chaise ; mr. coleman carried him to mr. langhorne's chamber , who there entred them ; and they were then sealed up by mr. coleman , who delivered them to the vvitness to carry them : the letters being written at mr. colemans , and only registred by mr. langhorne . some of these letters were read in court at mr. colemans trial. the scope of them was only to inform la chaise , that he wanted nothing but money now in england to accomplish the work ; and to learn what supplies they might expect from france . that the catholicks were safe in england ; all places of trust in their hands , or at least , in such as were well inclined : and that , considering the conjuncture of the present power of the french king , and a general disposition of circumstances here , there never was so fair an occasion of accomplishing their ends . this was to father stapylton in english : but the other to the nuncio , and la chaise , were in french , and to the same purpose . mr. langhorne copied these before the witness : he went into his study , and wrote while mr. coleman and the witness walked in the chamber . the witness declared , that there was not a penny of money in this business , but some way or other past his accounts . the witness cannot say that ever mr. langhorne spake to him expressly of the kings death , but only of the main design . the witness was with him a second time , about a year and half since , and it was from harcourt , for the registring of another pacquet of letters . he took the pacquet , and without much heeding the messenger , sent word to mr. harcourt , that mr. williams ( a name that this witness was known by ) had brought him some letters ; which he would return again the next day , as soon as he had coppy'd them . that mr. harcourt shew'd this witness the answer : in this pacquet there were two letters , one ( says the vvitness ) that he brought out of spain from sir william godolphin , directed to the lord bellassis , which was sent to mr. langhorne some three weeks after to be entred : the other , from the irish iesuites in salamanca , directing that the rest of the lords concerned , and the whole popish party in england should be in readiness ; for they had now gotten some irish casheer'd souldiers that should be laid to embarque at the groyn , under the colour of pilgrims , and then to land at milford haven ; where ( as the vvitness said ) the lord powis whould have a considerable body of men to help forward the design . the prisoner enter'd colemans letters into a large parchment book , but the vvitness did not see him enter the other : the book seem'd at least three inches thick , and that two thirds of it were filled . pritchard telling the vvitness , that the commissions were in mr. langhornes hand , and every thing now ready ; the vvitness asking about his commission , pritchard made answer , that mr. langhornes commissions were only for the general officers : and that the vvitness must have his from the lord bellassis . as to the money to be advanced by the benedictine monks , the vvitness says , that in the pacquet to la chaise of may 1676 there was a letter inclosed to mr. stapylton ( a benedictine monk ) to furnish the money they had promised : the sum was not named , but the vvitness says that la chaise told him , that the french king was sure enough , and the money not to be doubted . nay , that part of it was already sent over to coleman , and ireland ; and the rest should follow so soon as they were ready for it . the vvitness declares , that he never discoursed with mr. langhorne about commissions , not ever saw any in his hand , only pritchard told it to this vvitness but that st. henry tichburne at paris shewed the vvitness three commissions , signed and seal'd in form , which made him take so much notice of the writing produced this day in court of mr. arthurs , having the same hand and seal to it . how far mr. langhorne was privy to the treachery of pickering , and grove , this vvitness cannot say : but mr. harcourt told the vvitness upon a particular occasion , that he was going to mr. langhornes to enter the minutes of that morning resolution ; which was a result for the dispatch of those people to new market that were to murther the king. but hearsay being no evidence , mr. bedloe was examined what he remembred out of any letter that he saw mr. langhorne transcribe : and so he informed the court , that in a letter of 1676 , an account was desired of the religious at doway and paris , what progress they had made with the rest of their friends , towards the furnishing of money ; for the hearts and arms of the english were ready ; the garrisons plac'd in good hands , and nothing but money wanting . there were three of these letters transcribed by mr. langhorne : one to la chaise , another to the popes nuntio , and a third to the english monks at paris . there were in these letters expressions of arms and garrisons ; and in that to la chaise , an invitation of the assistance of the french. the letter it self did not mention the destruction of the king , and of the protestant religion ; but mr. langhornes and mr. colemans discourse expounded the meaning of it , and that it was to overthrow the government , and set up popery ; and they did also lay their heads together after the letters were transcribed . here mr. langhorne asked , if this were all that mr. bedloe had to charge upon him ? whose answer was , that he thought of no more at present , but something else might come into his mind hereafter . dr. oates now minded the court of one thing which he had forgotten : there were 800000 crowns ( he said ) as a contribution from the congregation at rome to be remitted into england : mr. langhorne was inquisitive after this money , having advice that it was received in france ; and mr. langhorne himself told father harcourt , keines and fenwick , in iuly or august , that the money was lodg'd in france . mr. bedloe also recollected himself , that keines told him one day , i must go immediately to mr. langhorne ; and when he returned afterward , with a letter in his hand , he told the vvitness that cardinal barbarini had sent mr. langhorne a chiding letter , for slipping their opportunities , and making to more half . this vvitness did not see the letter , but keines told him the tenour of it ; and that he had it from mr. langhorne . these vvitnesses having delivered their evidence , the prisoner desired they might not depart the court. thomas busse declares , that in september last , drinking with an old acquaintance that was newly come out of italy , and just going over again , one anthony being in the company ; you must have a special care ( says he to anthony ) of those four worthy gentlemen that i brought over with me . what ( said this vvitness ) from italy ? no ( says he ) but they are four worthy irish gentlemen , that will do our business . this vvitness neither asking any question , nor heeding the matter till colemans trial , that speaks of the irish men that were to attempt the king at windsor ; and then he reflected upon it . he that spake it , had some relation to the benedictine monks in the savoy ; and anthony was something about the queens chappel ; both of them strong papists . so that an order was granted , with all reverence to her majesty , for the enquiring after antonio , hankinson being gone again beyond sea before . mr. langhorn offered to the court , that the two vvitnesses against him were parties in the crime charged upon him ; and he desired to know , whether they had their pardon , or not ? mr. bedloe made answer , that he had three ; and dr. oates , that he had two , under the broad seal : mr. bedloe saying , that he gave no evidence till he had it . it was declared that they were witnesses , whether they had or not ; or otherwise , that they should not have been admitted . mr. langhorne however remitted himself to the court , as to his councel , whether having had their pardons , they might not fall under the same prospect in law with an approver ; not as directly being approvers , but under some equivalence of reason with them . if the approver be pardon'd , the appellee ought also to be discharged : it seems hard that those that were participes criminis , and having now got their pardons , should be admitted for allowable vvitnesses against the prisoner . mr. langhorne desired also to know , if they had either received , or if they did not expect gratifications or rewards for their discoveries ? dr. oates , to acquit himself , declared that he had been rewarded by expending six or seven hundred pounds out of his own pocket , without knowing whether ever he should see it again . mr. langhorne said , that a prisoner ( mr. reading ) told him mr. bedlow had received five hundred pounds . to which it was answer'd , that first , mr. reading was an incompetent vvitness ; and secondly , his 500 l. was for the discovery of sir edmondb . godfreys murther ; not for the plot. * mr. bedlow affirmed , that he was so far from gaining by his discovery , that he was seven hundred pounds out of pocket . as to the approver the court told him , he was ever allowed maintenance , and there must be a proof of corrupt contract , or subornation , to invalidate a witness . mr. langhorne gave the court the reason of pressing this , for though it might be very prudential to invite any man to come in by the promise of a reward towards the discovery of a plot , where such a person absents himself ; yet it seems very hard , that when a man is once in custody , vvitnesses should be call'd in against him by such means : the prisoner was here advised to speak first to the fact , and afterwards to the witnesses . the prisoner , upon this , represented to the court , that he had no possibility of making any other defence ; setting forth , that from the 17 of october , to that day seven-night , or friday last , he had been kept so close that he knew nothing of what was done abroad ; no friend or relation admitted to him ; he could never hear what was charged upon him , and could not foresee what would be , and therefore the he had no other plea left him , but the incompetency of the witnesses . it was objected to him as a scandal to the kings proclamation to suppose an incouragement to the swearing of a plot , where there was none ; and that king , lords , and commons were touch'd in such a reflection . mr. langhorne said no more , but that there was a reward propos'd ; and so call'd his vvitnesses . dr. oates informed the court , that there were papists come in with their swords on : but that apprehension being compos'd , mr. langhorne desired that mr. hilsley might be set up first ; who gave this account , that he came over from st. omers april 24 new style , that he left him at st. omers , and that he did not overtake him at calais , as is suggested . that 't is true he lost his money , as dr. oates says , and that he himself had met one by the way that told dr. oates the story . mr. gifford declared , that he did see dr. oates ; and that he told them at st. omers that hilsley was gone away ; and this was some three or four days after he was gone : he did not remember what passed in the particular discourse ; nor whether any body was by , when dr. oates and he were speaking concerning hilsleys being gone away . there stood up a third witness then ; who said , that dr. oates was with him , and mr. burnaby came into the company , and told him that he met with mr. hilsley , and that he was cousen'd of his money : he did not say how , but by a shirking fellow ; and the vvitness does not know whether he named the place , or no. to prove now that dr. oates must know this by another hand , the third witness affirmed further , that dr. oates had been at st. omers from december , till iune , except one day that he was at watton , where he saw him almost every day : that he saw him in the refectory , where he had a little table by himself ; that this witness was there every day , and there he saw dr. oates . mr. langhorne offered then , what appears both in his narrative , and upon his oath in the lords house ; that he affirm'd sir robert brett came over with him . but mr. langhorne was to have spoken to something that was sworn there . mr. langhorne prest it , that dr. oates had own'd that what he swore was truth ; and so proceeded to his vvitnesses , concerning sir iohn warner coming over with him . the fourth witness was sir iohn warners gardener ; who affirmed , that his master was at watton all april and may 1678 ; that the witness was only four days away at st. omers , and left his master , and found him at watton : that for the last of april , the first , second and third of may he saw dr. oates at st. omers ; and when he went away , he did not know . he affirm'd , that st. iohn warner was at watton all april and may , but he would not speak to all iune : being asked , why not to the one as well as to the other ? his answer was , that the rector ( sir francis williams ) came then for england , and in the absence of the rector he took upon him the charge of the house . this was the 24 th of april ; where sir iohn warner was in iune and iuly he could not tell , nor where in august and september ; more than that he went out of town then , and the vvitness knew not whither . the court ask'd him , how he came to be more doubtful of these months than of the rest ? and his answer was , because that the question fell upon the other months . it was then reflected upon , that april 24 was the very day that dr. oates came over ; and the rector , one of those that he said came over with him : but the vvitness reply'd , that the rector came single , having onely one officer of the college . mr. gifford was then examined , as to sir iohn warner ; who declared , that he saw him about iune in st. omers , and then in iune or iuly , when he invited the vvitness to watton . the fifth witness affirmes , that the first of may being a great feast , he saw dr. oates for four days ; and afterwards all the month of may : and that he also saw mr. pool , and sr. robert brett , at the same time ; but where sir iohn warner was then , he knew not ; dr. oates affirmed that mr. pool came over with him . the fifth witness further informed , that mr. pool ( being his musick-master ) could not be away without his missing of him . that mr. pool came from st. omers in the month of iune ; affirming , that mr. pool was at st. omers all may. there was a forreigner then produc'd ; who , by an interpreter , said , that he saw sir iohn warner actually at st. omers in april and may , and that he conversed where he was all may , and saw him every day from the first sunday in april to may 14 th , upon which day he went to st. omers , and back again , sr. iohn warner having then employed him about a building . carpentiere then informed , that he saw sr. tho. preston at liege all through march , april , may ; and in iune he was there : in the vacancies of august and september he was gone , and about the second of october he returned . the vvitness hath been four years there , and can answer that for these three years last past , sr. tho. preston never was in england . another forreigner informed ; that he saw sr. iohn warner at watton , from april 14 th to the 25 th , and that he was there to the 16 th of may ; that at the beginning of april he was superiour , and governed in the house ; and he was also in the house the latter end of may ; save one day , and then he went to st. omers . iohn ioseph informed ; that sir tho. preston , in march , april , may and iune , was at liege , and so likewise in iuly ; but in the vacancies he was absent : that he saw him constantly , and in two or three days , and that he never heard it said , that he was in england ; and that after the vacancies he return'd , in the beginning of october . a tenth witness informed , that april 25th dr. oates went into the infirmary and stirred not out of the college ; that he saw him at st. omers all april and may , and a great part of iune , positively to the 20 th ; and he was there also in february and march ; but in ianuary he lay one night at watton ; and that he did not come over april the 24 th . the eleventh witness informed ; that mr. pool was at st. omers all april and may , and went by the name of killingbeck ; and that he believes so was mr. brett . a twelfth witness informed ; that he saw dr. oates at st. omers almost every other day , so long as he was there : that he saw him first at the beginning of december . that he saw him positively in april , and the first of may ▪ and that he staid till iune ; by tokens that he saw him in april at an action , and the first of may , being a great feast , he saw him at nine-pins in the garden . touching sir robert brett , and mr. nevil , he could not speak to the former ; but for the latter , once in three days he believes he saw him . a thirteenth witness informed ; that he saw dr. oates at st. omers , first in december ; and so forward throughout all the months , till towards the latter end of iune . another witness inform'd ; that he saw dr. oates at st. omers all the months of april , may , and a good part of iune ; and that mr. pool was the third of may in the infirmary , which he remembred , it being a festival , and the day before there was an action . mr. hilsley went away a day or two after , and the witness had half an hours discourse with dr. oates : he saw him also a day or two after walking in the gallery ; and the second of may with one mr. burnaby ; and then he saw him the third , fourth and fifth of may with mr. burnaby again . and then one mr. hall informed , that between december 1677 , and iune 78 , dr. oates lay every night in the college ; except one , in ianuary , at watton ; and that for the time that he was there , this witness never mist seeing of him two days together ; save when he was in the infirmary : and in march dr. oates was there also with mr. burnaby , after mr. hilsley had been gone a week ; and he was confirmed there may 26th ; he was there all april and all may. as to pool and nevil , they were there march , april , may , iune and iuly . a forreigner , by an interpreter , informed ; that he saw dr. oates sometimes in the house , sometimes in the garden , till towards the end of iune ; that he was in the infirmary about christmas : nevil and pool were there all iune ; and mr. pool left them in iuly . this witness was a waterman , and carried williams and march , the last sunday in april , in his boat. the next witness informed , that in april and may he saw dr. oates at st. omers ; and that mr. pool , mr. nevil , and mr. brett , were there too . this witness was a taylor , and having a suit of cloathes to make for mr. killingbeck , dr. oates came into the shop , and ask'd him questions about them . mrs. grove then informed , that she never saw dr. oates : that she had lodgers in her house april was twelvemonth ; and that she knew them not till they came to lie there ; and that dr. oates could not be there , but she must know him ; for there was no place to lodge him . dr. oates affirmed , that he lay alone when he lay there ; and that it was the place where two men were seized , and carried away . the witness owned that such men had been seized there ; but denied that dr. oates ever lay in that place : dr. oates swears that he did lie there three or four nights , more or less . it was considered , that dr. oates being in a disguise might not be known ; but the vvitness said that she knew them all , and nam'd them : one strange and mrs. fitz-herbert lay one pair of stairs , her sister above , and there they lay all april and may , and in march too there lay one mr. crupper in the room where the men were taken , and a young man with him ; which young man was a prisoner by mr. oates procurement , and mrs. fitz-herbert lodged there too . mrs. groves maid inform'd , that her mistresses brother and sister lay in the room , and no men but mr. strange ; he and mrs. fitz-herbert lay there in april , may , iune , iuly and august . mr. langhorne desires liberty to prove a copy of the record in the lords house ; which not being allowed for evidence , he told the court that it was an extract out of their iournals ; and the particular he insisted on , was concerning the company that dr. oates says came over with him from st. omers : it is that which dr. oates remitted himself to , and has gone over and over with it , that sir iohn warner , sir thomas preston , and mr. pool , came all along with him . the prisoner was told , that if he had a record to overthrow his present evidence , he might produce it ; mr laughorne then desired that those that took irelands trial might be called , and that he might be permitted to make proof by witnesses of what was there sworn , with regard to the prisoner at the barr ; and being told that it was not to be done , the prisoner desired to know why not ; for he had a witness to prove that such words were spoken ; without which he had no means of defence ? the answer to him was , that as it would be no proof against him , so it could be none for him . there was a complaint here brought in by the lord castlemain , of violence offered , by the rabble , to the prisoners witnesses ; and that they were in danger of their lives , for their coming to give evidence : which was highly resented by the court , as an affront to publick justice , and direction given to enquire out the offenders , tht they might be punished . a witness was now called to speak to one point ; about the meeting at the whitehorse taverne : who informed , that she had kept the house seven years , and left it last iuly . the question was about the number that met at that consult ? dr. oates answered , that there might be some eighteen or twenty there at a time , and that they were divided into several rooms . the witness said , that she knew the greatest part of those that used her house , and that she could say nothing to the particular of who was in her house april the 24 th 1678 ; but that she did not remember that ever she saw dr. oates there . it was plain however that he might be there , and she not know on 't . mr. langhorne gave this reason for asking how many , because dr. oates , both in his depositions before the lords , and in colemans trial , affirmed , there were fifty persons at that meeting ; and that then they adjourned into several small meetings . but it was returned , that so there might be , at several times of the same day ; and dr. oates explained himself , that though the meeting was the 24 th day , the consult continued yet till the 26 th at night . the witness urged , that she never knew so many in the house together , but once , in all her time , and that was upon a iury ; and they were forc'd to put them into three rooms , for there was not a chamber to receive above a dozen : upon this three witnesses made oath ; the first , that he had seen a dozen or sixteen at dinner there in a room together ; and that it would hold twenty : the second , that there were two rooms in the house , where twenty five or thirty might dine together in either of them : and a third , that he himself was at a wedding-dinner there , towards the street , where there were above twenty persons . the prisoner thought it material however , if the room would not hold fifty ; and he spake only upon information , for he had never been there . mr. langhorne being ask'd , if he had any more witnesses , mov'd that he might reserve them till the kings council had spoken ; but that was not found allowable : so he pray'd an answer to a question or two , if the court pleas'd . the one ; was mr. ireland here in london in august , or not ? to which it was reply'd , that it was a point forreign to the matter in question . the other was , since mr. oates affirm'd himself six or seven hundred pound out of purse since his discovery , if the prisoner might examine two witnesses upon the probability of that assertion ; for if he were extreamly necessitous before , how should he get credit for it since , but by his evidence ? but it was found to be a matter clear from the point to demand of him , how he came by his money . mr. langhorne then offer'd a copy of a record of the house of lords , to prove that mr. bedloe had there declared , that he had no person more to charge , either in the house , or out of the house , than what he there charged ; and that he the prisoner was none of the persons there charged . it was objected , that he might forget things at that time , and call them to mind afterwards ; and besides , that some body should have been produced to prove , that mr. bedloe took that oath . mr. langhorne offered a question now concerning the commissions , asking whether or no ( and to whom ) the prisoner distributed those commissions , as the vvitness says he did ? dr. oates replyed , that he only said the commissions were delivered , but not to whom ; but that he affirms they were for those five persons , and that the prisoner himself told him in iuly , or august , that he had dispos'd of them , without naming to whom ; only speaking of one , which he sent his son with to my lord arundell's eldest son : he told this vvitness , it was delivered , not calling to mind that he knew of any other . this question is put ( says mr. langhorne ) because dr. oates charged the prisoner before the lords , with sending the commission to the lord arundel himself . dr. oates affirming also , that he saw a letter in the prisoners chamber , acknowledging the receipt of it . mr. langhorne desired , that mr. lidcott might be examined to a point of dr. oates's evidence at colemans trial ; where he says , that he came , and communicated to the prisoner the matter of the consult the very next day after it , and never saw the prisoner any more ; but mr. lidcott ( though present there ) was not able to speak to the particulars of the trial ; so mr. blany was ask'd what he could testifie upon that point ; who acknowledged , that he took the notes , and remembred something about mr. langhorne ; but could not charge his memory upon it without book : so mr. langhorne presented the narrative ; which mr. blany said was not printed from his copy . but an historical narrative was agreed to be no evidence in law. mr. langhorne offer'd , that without some light to his charge he could not prepare himself for his defence : and that in other cases people are confronted before a magistrate , and so come to understand the matter of their charge . mrs. sillyard was called ; but affirming that she durst not give evidence without being secur'd from the rabble : and the court being only able to promise justice upon any offender in that kind that should be brought before them , she was discharged , by mr. langhornes consent , without examination . mr. langhorne said , that he intended to make use of her evidence to a deposition of mr. bedloes at readings trial ; which was , that he could have said more against whitebread , and fenwick , then he did at their first trials ; which concealment he took to be perjury , for not having told all the truth ; and that however impertinent it might seem , it was yet of great effect to the prisoner , to shew that the vvitness against him was not to be believed . but mr. whitebread , having before receiv'd an answer to that objection , the kings council summ'd up the whole matter in brief to the jury ; and then more of the kings vvitnesses were sworn . william walker deposeth , that he had known dr. oates seven or eight years . that towards the end of march 1678 , or the middle of april following , he had seen him in england in a disguise , and could not call him to mind that night ; but early in the morning it came into his head that it was titus oates : and so he rose early to enquire of a gentlewoman concerning him , that knew him ; and asking her how dr. oates did , she struck her hand upon the counter , and cried , he is an undone man , for he was turn'd papist . the vvitness asking her then , if she knew were he was ? no , said she , he is skulking somewhere up and down here , and dares not shew his head in the day . whereupon this vvitness told her , that he had seen him the day before , about ten in the morning , betwixt st. martins lane and leicester house ; but that he was disguised : and the vvitness described his habit to her . mr. langhorne prayed he might speak to the time as near as he could ; and the vvitness said , that he did rather think ( but could not be positive ) that it was about the middle of april , and that it was 1678 , not 1677 ; about the time of the year , when he usually came to town to receive money . and the vvitness affirms , that it was dr. oates whom he saw , and that he was brought up for a vvitness , having spoken of this passage to several persons after the report of the plot ; which he supposes might come to dr. oates's ear by chance . mrs. ives then deposed , that mr. walker told her , ( being the mistress of the house ) the substance of what he gave in evidence concerning her ; adding , that it was about the middle of april was twelve-month , and that dr. oates's father coming to her shop , and eating some cream-cheese , upon their first coming in , she told him the story that walker had told her . one butler was sworn ( sr. richard barkers servant ) and affirmed , that he had known dr. oates two or three years , and that he saw him the beginning of may last was twelve-month at his masters house , enquiring for dr. tongue : that he was so disguised , as that he heardly knew him . that the witness in court was the man , and titus oates his name . this vvitness bad him welcome into england , but he went in , and came forth again , without taking any notice of the witness . he was in a grey-coat , a flopping-hat , plain-shoes , his hair cropt to his ears ; and one would rather have taken him for a shepheard than a minister . mr. langhorne ask'd , if it were in 1678 , or in 1677 ? the vvitness affirmed it to be in may was twelve-month , and that he told his master about a week after , at his coming out of the country , that dr. oates had been there , in a strange dress , to ask for doctor tongue . cecily mayo was then sworn ; and said , she never saw dr. oates's face till about a fortnight before whitsontide was twelve-month ; and that then a servant of sir richard barkers shew'd him to her at the window ; and that this gentleman ( dr. oates ) in court is that man. philip page deposed , that he had known dr. oates five years ; and that he saw him at sr. richard barkers about the beginning of may was twelvemonth : and that he was positive that dr. oates , then in court , was the same man. sir richard barker deposed ; that he had known dr. oates from a child , and that his servants told him , that they had seen him about a year ago ; and that he himself had not seen him , which he wondred at , having lately seen his father , who said nothing of it : and that he the vvitness had thoughts of bestowing a living upon him . it was in whitson-week , at the vvitnesses coming home , that he was told by his servant of dr. oates's being there , and of his dress ; but upon enquiry what message he had left , it was answered , that he only asked for the vvitness , and for dr. tongue ; and this was in the beginning of may was twelvemonth . mr. langhorne seemed to admire that the vvitness should intend him a benefice under these circumstances . sir richard barker was certain that this was in 1678 : and informed the court likewise , that a grandson of sir william thorold ( now sr. william thorold ) and two or three of the vniversity had a conversation with dr. oates at the same time , which he presented only as a circumstance . mr. clay deposed , that he had known dr. oates since april last was twelvemonth ; and that he had seen him twice in april and may , at the house of mr. charles howard , which was a part of arundel-house , that was since turn'd into a street : he remembring it by this token , that mr. charles howard told the vvitness he had been at st. omers , and was now come over again , and that he had some inclinations of entring into the society ; but that he thought he should put him off : the witness declaring himself to be of the church , but not of the court of rome . and that he was certain that this was in 1678. mr. langhorne desired to know , whether mr. clay rememberd any thing of dr. oates's playing at that time with mr. howards son , or talking to him about his book , or asking him questions ? but mr. clay remembred nothing of it , nor that mr. howards son was in the room . mr. smith deposed , that dr. oates had been his scholar ; that he knew him before the fire of london , and that dr. oates gave him a visit , and dined with him , at islington , at the beginning of may , the first monday in may , as he remembred ; and that he was with him 3 or 4 hours . that the vvitnesses wife was there , and that they discours'd of dr. oates travels into spain , valadolid and salamanca ; that he had a cinnamon coloured suit on , and green ribbands . mr. charles howard declareth , that he knew dr. oates very well , and that he had known him upward of two years , and that he had been divers times at arundel-house ; and particularly about two years ago . that he remembred him there after iuly was twelvemonth , but not in may ; and that the vvitnesses son dy'd in may 1677. mr. howard declaring , that in april 77 his child was living , and that dr. oates and mr. clay dined there with him : dr. oates affirming , that he had not been two years acquainted with mr. clay mr. clay alledging , that he never knew dr. oates before the end of april last year : and likewise , that mr. howard had a son yet living at that time . dr. oates informing the court , that one son of his was dead a twelvemonth before mr. clay and dr. oates met there . mr. howard explaining himself , that he spake of his eldest son , who deceased two years since . mr. langhorne being called upon to speak what he had to say , represented his case ; that he was accused by two vvitnesses : the first , mr. oates , against whom , if he could prove any thing false given in evidence , he conceived that he ought not to be regarded . as for sir tho. prestons coming over with him in april , it hath been clearly made out that he was then at liege : and for sr. iohn warner , mr. pool , and others , coming in the same passage , he said , that the falsity was proved against him beyond dispute . then as to himself , it was proved likewise that he was sick in the infirmary after mr. hilsley was come away ; he deposing that they came together . these particulars being clearly proved , he thought sufficient to take off dr. oates credit ; averring also , that from november 1677 to that minute , he never set eye on him . the prisoner set forth , that he had been a great while kept close , and but one week allowed him to prepare his defence ; and therefore depending that he would have delivered the same things here which he has publish'd in his narratives , all that the prisoner could do was to arm himself as well as he could against these points . mr. langhorne did likewise tell the court , that he had seen dr. oates in michaelmas term 1677 once or twice , and that he brought him a letter from his yonger son in spain . he told the prisoner , that he would go over to st. omers , for he could not get himself admitted into any of the colleges in spain . he affirmed , that since that day , till now in the court , he never saw him ; nor knew a face of any of the witnesses from st. omers : and that he hoped the iury could not look upon those youths as capable of driving on a design , or aiming at a reward . it was reflected , they were all papists , and in a common causes . mr. langhorne offer'd to that objection , that if the one side ought not to be credited , as being papists and friends : so neither was the other , as being enemies . if it were clear , that he neither lodg'd at groves , nor came over with hilsley ; or that neither sir thomas preston , warner , or poole came with him , that then his evidence ought not to be look'd upon as valuable . and then as to mr. bedloes evidence , it may be considered ; first , there is no proving of a negative : secondly , that the prisoner had no acquaintance with him , nor can say , that in his whole life , he ever saw him before this occasion : ( but yet 't is possible that he might see him , and not know it . ) is it probable now ( says mr. langhorne ) that the prisoner , if he were guilty , would ever have taken mr. bedloe into a confidence , in a privacy of this nature ; or that a person of the prisoners practice should spend his time in registring letters , and keeping accounts for any particular religious order ? if the prisoner could have known his charge , he might have accommodated his defence to it : and the vvitnesses that he had were only such as his friends thought might be beneficial to him . the other side having had all advantages of bringing their vvitnesses together . the prisoner suggested further , that if he fell under any prejudice for his religion , it would look as if he suffer'd for that . concluding with this declaration , that he did believe it damnation to any one that should go about to kill the king , or deprive him of his government : and he recommended the rest to the court , and to the iury. and the lord chief iustice hereupon gave directions to the iury , with his usual candor and gravity . after directions given , the court reflected upon a letter found amongst harcourts papers , which had been made use of in the trials of the day before ; and was found six or seven days after dr. oates's information of a plot to the council . this letter the court order'd to be read , as a paper that might give some light to the general designe , and it was read accordingly . honoured , dear sir , i have but time , &c. [ see the history of the defence of whitebread , &c. fol. 30. ] the letter being read , mr. langhorne offer'd , that dr. oates might easily have explained it , being no other than such a summons to this meeting , as brought these over from st. omers that attended it : and for the design , it was no more than the holding of a congregation , like that of a dean and chapter in a college ; and for the caution of secrecy , it was but reasonable , where the discovery was dangerous . the iury was now sent out to advise upon their virdict ; and after a little time they brought in mr. langhorne , guilty : and then the prisoners before convicted were brought to the barr , by the direction of mr. recorder to receive iudgment ; which was past upon them to be drawn , hang'd , and quarter'd , according to the common form . which sentence was executed upon the five priests and iesuites , on the 20th of iune ; and upon mr. langhorne , on the 14 th of iuly , 1679. the history of the charge and defence of robert green , henry berry , and lawrence hill , &c. the three prisoners above-named having been arraigned at the kings-bench barr , on the fifth of february 1678 , for the murther of sir edmond bury godfrey ( the grand iury for the county of middlesex having found the indictment two days before ) they were upon the tenth of the same month brought again to the barr , to receive their trials : when his majesties council having open'd the indictment , the kings vvitnesses were called ; and dr. oates first sworn , who gave evidence . that he applied himself to sir edmondh . godfrey , september the sixth last past , with certain informations , and having made oath to the truth thereof , he carried the record back again ; and , september the 28 th repaired to sir edmond godfrey with two or three perfect copies , and swore them also . this being done , the vvitness gave information thereof to the council : after which sir edmond came unto the vvitness ( september the 30 th , as he remembers ) and told him what ill-will he had got ; some reproaching , and threatning him for doing so much ; and others , for doing so little ; and that the parliament should be acquainted with it , being to meet on the one and twentieth of october ensuing . the vvitness also swears , that about a week before sir edmond was wanting , he told the vvitness that some popish lords menac'd him for medling in the business . that he had great apprehensions of mischief from the papist's party ; and he told the vvitness how he had been watched for several days . the vvitness asked him , why he went without a servant ? he had one , he said , but he was a pitiful weak creature : the vvitness then advising him to get him some smart lad to wait upon him ; but he gave little heed to it : telling him , that he did not fear any man upon the square ; but still he would be talking to the vvitness of the danger that he was in ; who gave him this consolation , that if it should be his lot to suffer , it would be in a righteous cause . thomas robinson esquire was sworn ; and deposed , that sir edmond and himself had been school-fellows at westminster ; and for above forty years of a continued acquaintance ( saving only in the late vvar ) and fellow-commissioners for the peace . that having been together at westminster quarter-sessions , october the 7 th ; upon the rising of the court they went to dinner with the head baily . they had a great deal of talk there concerning the plot ; that this vvitness told sir edmondb . that it was said he had taken several depositions about it . to which he made answer , that he had done more in it , than he thought he should have thanks for ; and that he could have been well content if it had fallen into some other hand . this vvitness telling him , that he had but done his duty ; and desiring a sight of the examinations , if he had them about him . but his answer was , that a great person had them , and that when he got them again , the vvitness should see them . they both agreed that they were not yet at the bottom of it ; but upon my conscience , ( said sir edmondb . ) i believe that i shall be the first mariyr : adding , that no man should have his life neither upon easie terms . the vvitness advising him to go with a man , and he not liking it . mr. prance was then sworn : who declared , that before sir edmond was murther'd , for a fortnight or three weeks , there were several meetings at the plow-alehouse , where was green , girald and kelly ; and that the two latter ( who were priests ) drew the vvitness in , perswading him that it was no sin , but rather a piece of charity ; for he was a busie man and would be very troublesome . these words passed at the plow , and at the water-side , some week or fortnight befor the murther . upon the meeting of green , hill and girald , they came to a resolution , that who ever saw him first should immediately give notice to the rest , that they might be ready for him . girlad , kelly and green said in the vvitnesses hearing , that they had dogg'd him into the red-lion fields , but had no opportunity to kill him there . on a sunday-morning mr. kelly came to the vvitness , and told him , that they were then watching of him ; and told the vvitness afterwards , that either hill or green had been at his house to enquire for him ; but the servant telling him , sir edmond was not up , he left word that he would come again by and by : after this they waited their time , and then dogg'd him , as girald and green told this vvitness ; but whether it was green or hill that went , he could not say . and that day girald , green and hill dogg'd him from one place to another , and so into st. clements . about seven of the clock green told the vvitness where sir edmond was ; and he hasten'd away from his own house to somerset-house immediately , the vvitness living in princess-street , not far off . where he was at st. clements this vvitness cannot tell . towards nine a clock notice was given to hill ( who came before ) that the vvitness was to be in readiness . presently upon this hill went away to the gate , and as sir edmond was passing by , he desired him to try , if he could quiet two fellows yonder that were quarrelling ; which he was loath to do : but hill pressing it , that the authority of a iustice might make them friends , sir edmond went along with him ; and as he was at the bottom of the railes green got a handkercher about his neck , which he had twisted , and there pulled him over , and punched him , and choak'd him . girald would have run him through with his sword ; but the rest were against it , for fear that it should be found out by the blood . the vvitness went to the body a matter of a quarter of an hour after , and handling it perceived that he had life in him yet ; for his legs quivered ; but then green took him by the neck and turned it quite round . the vvitness does not say that he saw him do this , but green made his brags of it , and the rest told the vvitness of it too . the witness was ordered by hill to stand at the water-gate , and berry looked to the stairs ; they did all four tell the vvitness of the twisting of his neck , and they were about the body when the vvitness went down . berry was not there at first , but he came before they had him into the house , and helped to carry him up ; and so did this vvitness , with the rest . that is to say girald , green , hill , kelly , berry and the vvitness did all put their helping hands . he was carried into dr. godwins house , where hill ( that had been the doctors man ) had a chamber , and he went before to get the door open , while the rest brought the body , the body was kept there till munday night ; and then it was laid in somerset-house where this vvitness saw it by hills dark-lanthorn , they were all there , and upon tuesday night the body was removed again into hills lodgings , in a court below there . what was thrown over him , this vvitness does not know , hill had a dark-lanthorn which was all the light there was ; but the vvitness was certain that it was sir edmund godfreys body . it should have been laid in hills lodgings , but some body being there they conveyed it into a room that was overagainst it ( sir iohn arundels lodgings as he thought . ) about nine , on wednesday night as they were carrying it into the chamber where it was first , this vvitness had the hap to come just at that time , which started them so , that they ran away ; but upon the vvitnesses speaking berry returned , and the body was got up and so carried off about midnight in a sedan . it was hill that brought the sedan , and all the company helped to get him into it . girald and the vvitness took him up first ; berry stood ready upon a hemm to open the gate , and so he was carried out at the vpper court gate , green and kelly went before , and they took him up in covent-garden to ease the other , in longacre the vvitness and his companion took him up again , and carried him on as far as soho church . hill was ready there with a horse , and there the body was set up astride and hill rode behind it holding it up ; green , hill , girald and kelly , went along with him , the sedan being put into a new-built house till they returned . the next morning hill , kelly , and girald told the vvitness that they had thrust his sword through his body , cast him into a ditch , and his gloves and things were laid upon the bank. as to their meeting at bow , it was at one cashes the queens-head , there was one leueson , vernat , the vvitness , mr. girald and one dethick , that mr. vernat sent for by a cobler ; and he came immediately . there was a barrel of oysters for dinner , and a dish of fish , that the witness bought himself : and it was the friday after the proclamation for sending all papists out of town . the pretence of this meeting ( as mr. vernat told the vvitness ) was only to be merry . while the company was making merry , the vvitnesshearing somthing rustle at the door , he went and found a drawer hearkning there ; and told him he had a good mind to kick him down stairs , and so went away . the vvitness says that hill and berry were in the business before him , as girald said , with whom the vvitness had been several times at berries house ; they met twice at the plow , and the second time hill was there . they said there was a great reward promised , but this witness cannot tell what . girald had taken up a full resolution to destroy him that night : and , rather than fail , he would have killed him in the street ; in the lane that goes down to his house . mr. prance being questioned about mr. bedlow , declared that before the vvitness was in prison , he cannot remember that ever he was in mr. bedlows company . mr. hill desired the court that prances evidence might not be admitted against him , because he had denyed all to the king , that he had before confessed ; and so was perjured ; but he was answered , that his confession was not upon oath . hill asked prance what time it was he went to sir edmond godfreys , who answered that it was nine or ten a clock . hill affirmed that he had not been abroad that day ; and denied every syllable . then berry askt prance what people were in the house , when he said he was there , and bad him name any ; and prance told him that his wife was there , and girald , kelly and the vvitness . but berry could not deny the knowing of prance , no more could hill nor green. prance could give no account from whence they hounded him , when they murthered him ; he was carried into the house some quarter of an hour after he was killed , being taken and by surprise strangled . captain richardson was asked what he knew of prances denying what he had consested : who declared , that he was ordered , the night before the last parliament was prorogued , to carry prance before the committee of lords , to be examined : how that he was in great disorder , and earnest to speak with his majesty ; and that being brought into kings closset , he threw himself upon his knees and cryed , he was innocent , and they were all innocent , and he said as much to the council , denying upon the question that any body had tampered with him . that so soon as ever he was in the prison again he begged of captain richardson that for gods sake he would go tell the king that all he had now said was false , and that true which he before made oath of ; and if he might have his pardon , he would make a considerable discovery . that he recanted purely out of fear , that he had lost all his custom among the catholicks , and though the king should pardon him , they would go near to murther him . and captain richardson declared that after his pardon he demeaned himself very quietly ; and expressing a great detestation of the practices in the church of rome . mr. bedlow sworn , who declared that le faire , pritchard , and divers priests besides had dealt with him for the killing of a person , without naming the man , and that he should have help and a good reward : and that this was in october or september last . after which le faire , pritchard , and welch , put him upon working himself into an acquaintance with sir edmond godfrey . that this vvitness having introduced himself into a familiarity with sir edmund ; insomuch that he had been at his house for about a week together day after day ; they would have had the vvitness have brought them into his company too . that he made his acquaintance by going to him for warrants against people , and this vvitness had been with him every day but saturday the week before he was murthered . that upon friday , the day before , the vvitness sent his boy to know if he were at home , with an intent to have gotten him over to the grey hound tavern , where the confederates then were , five iesuits ; but he was not at home , and so le faire , welch and the vvitness , went into the city . that le faire having been next morning at the vvitnesses chamber , and missing him , they met by chance in the afternoon in lincolns-inn-fields ; and so they went to the palsgraves head taverns together ; where , upon discourse , he told the vvitness , there was a very considerable man , who was that night to be put out of the way ( that was the expression ) for he had gotten all the informations of dr. oates , and dr. tonge ; and if these papers were not taken from him , there would be such discoveries made as would endanger the whole design . the vvitness could not get it from him , who he was ; but there had been several plots upon him , and none of them had hit : and that mr. coleman had orders to pay 4000l . for the service . the vvitness parted with him then , upon his promise to come to him at somerset-house cloyster that night : but the vvitness knowing the business , failed him ; and saw him not again till munday night in red lion court , where he met him . he charged the vvitness with not keeping his word , who told him that he fell into other company ; and besides that he could not ingage to kill any man without knowing , first , who it was . well! ( says he to the vvitness ) be you at nine a clock to night at somerset-house , and you shall hear more . the vvitness went punctually at his time , and they had a great deal of discourse together in the cloyster : from thence he walked the witness into the court , and chid him for not assisting in that affair ; but however , if you will lend us your hand now ( said he ) to get him off , you shall have two thousand pounds of the four . the vvitness then asking if he were murthered ; he answered yes . the vvitness then demanded if he might not see him ; he told him that he might ; and so he led him by the hand through a dark passage into the place where the body lay . there were several people in the room ; but how many , and who they were , he could not say . there was no light in it but a lanthorn ; and by that the vvitness could discern the body . there was a cravat about his neck , drawn so streight , that the vvitness could not get his finger betwixt . they had some discourse then of getting him away ; pretending him to be one that was related to a person of quallity . the vvitness was very much surprised when he found who it was ; and urged the dropping of him into the thames with weights to sink him : but they rather chose to have it put upon himself , and to carry him out in a chair and the porter berry should be ready at the gate to let them out . they owned that they had strangled him and would have had the vvitness to help them out with him . but he excused himself as being yet too early , and that it were better to stay till about eleven or twelve a clock , promising to be with them again : but ( says le faire ) upon the sacrament you took on thursday you will be at the carrying him off to night , which the witness promised ; and so they parted . this lay heavy upon the vvitnesses conscience , who could not resolve to discover that which he had taken two sacraments in a week to conceal . in this trouble of thought , the vvitness went to bristol , where god put it into his heart that some murthers were past , and greater to come ; for the prevention whereof he was at last convinced of the duty of revealing this wickedness ; and so made his application to the king and parliament thereupon . meeting prance afterward in the lobby ; and there apprehending him . mr. bedlow declared also that he saw green was about the court , the night when the body was to be carryed away ; and that he heard berry was to open the gate : but they finding that the vvitness had again disappointed them , put it off that night for fear of further obstruction . mr. bedlow being called upon to say somthing to the business of prance , reported the matter , how that finding the croud to be great in the lords lobby , and being desirous himself to be private , he bad the guard clear the room of all that had no business there ; an order was given for all to quit but mr. bedlow and his friends : when seeing a man lift up his hat ; to find out his way , and finding it to be prance , the vvitness charged his guards with him ; but he being then in custody , and the constable telling him that he was his prisoner , the vvitness bad him have a care of him , and afterwards charged him before the house of lords . as to the prisoners : hill said that he never saw mr. bedlow ; and berry , that he never saw mr. girald . the constable was then sworn , about the finding sir edmund godfreys body ; whose evidence was , that the body was found in a ditch , his sword sticking in it , and two handfuls through his back : neither the sword , nor the place where it lay , was bloody . he had a thrust in another place , but striking upon a rib , it passed no further : and there was no blood there neither . his breast was bruised , his neck broken ( as the vvitness believed ) his gloves and stick by him , upon the bank ; his servant said that it was his masters sword , and he had both gold and silver in his pocket . the prisoners offered this vvitness no questions . the surgeons were then sworn , that viewed the body and opened it . mr. skillard informed , that he viewed the body at twelve a clock the next day after it was found . that the breast was bruised as with blows or stamping on it , his neck distorted : two wounds , one fell on a rib and the other past through his body : but he never dyed of those wounds , and neither his cloths nor his wastcoat were pierced ; his neck was certainly broken ; and probably he might be dead four or five days before these wounds were given : upon the opening of him it appeared that he began to putrifie . mr. cambridge , another chirurgeon , was sworn , who deposed that he saw the body on the same day with mr. skillard ; the neck displaced , bruised upon the breast , one wound on a rib , and another that past through him under the left pap , which wounds were undoubtedly given him after he was dead . elizabeth curtis ( sir edmund godfreys maid ) sworn and examined ; deposing that a matter of a fortnight before her masters death , the prisoner there , that they called green ) was at sir edmund godfreys house in the morning , to inquire for him , and first gave him the time of the day in english , and afterwards said somthing to him in french ( green denying that ever he saw sir edmund godfrey ) the vvitness persisting in it , that he was with her master about a quarter of an hour , and in a darker periwig then that he wore in the court ; and that upon sunday morning hill was there : which hill also denyed ; the vvitness particularly remembring that she was then doing somthing about the fire in the parlour ; that she gave her master his breakfast there , hill being with him , and then went up stairs , and missing her keys , came down again , and found them upon the parlour table ; and hill was yet there , in the very cloths he had on in the court , about nine or ten a clock : which agreed with prances evidence ; hill acknowledging , that he had not changed his clothes , but objecting that she said in newgate , she never saw him : and undertaking to prove , that he was elsewhere that morning , and about a month after she saw him in newgate . but there was another man , that brought a note for sir edmond godfrey , the night before ; which her master had ; and she knows not what became of it . the man came on friday night , with a letter in his hand tyed up , and asked for her master , the vvitness telling him that he was at home , but busie . so she took the letter and gave it him , the man staying a while , and then desiring an answer ; the witness telling her master as much . prethee tell him ( said he ) i don't understand the meaning of it . lancelot stringer , being sworn , declared ; that he had seen mr. prance in company with mr. green , mr. hill , mr. fitz girald , and mr. kelly , at the plow , several times ; and that he knew vernat : hill acknowledging as much ; and that he knew girald : and hill being charged with denying that he knew kelly before ; hill excused it that he knew him by sight , as one that much used the chappel . stringer was a servant to vincent the master of the plow ; where he came to live at last bartholomew . mr. vincent was sworn ; who said that he knew green , hill , and berry , and that they had been at his house with prance ; and likewise that he knew girald . richard cary sworn , who deposed that he was sent for by three gentlemen to the queens head. that he went up to them ; and they examined him , if he knew poplar , and one mr. dethick ; and he told them that he thought he knew the gentleman , but that he knew the place very well : so they gave him a letter for george dethick esq at poplar ; and charged him to be sure to give it to his own hand and not to any other body . the witness carried the letter , and delivered it to the gentleman ; telling him whence it came . so he lookt upon it ; and bad the vvitness tell them , that he would come to them presently : so the vvitness returned and found the gentleman there still that sent him . they gave him a glass of wine and paid him , and so he went away . cary saying that prance looked like one of the three , and prance affirming cary to be the man that was sent . evans , a boy of the queens head , was sworn ; who deposed that some two or three months since , there was some company at his masters , that they read a paper there ; and that mr. dethick came to them . that they had a barrel of oysters , and a dish of flounders to dinner . that he heard them name sir edmond godfrey ; and that one of them found him at the door and threatned to kick him down stairs . sir robert southwel sworn ; who deposed that attending the council december the 24. mr. prance was examined about sir edmond godfreys murther : and that his information having so many particulars in it , of such a bench , such a corner , room , passage and gallery ; the board not understanding it , the king directed the duke of monmouth , lord of ossory , and mr. vicechamberlain to the queen , to repair to the place and there take mr. prances examination , and report it to the board ; and this vvitness waiting upon the lords , took the examination , and drew it up into a report ; which was signed by the two honourable lords , and read that afternoon at the board . mr. prance shewed the lords the bench they sat upon to wait sir edmond godfreys coming ; the corner they lugged him unto , when they had killed him , the stairs where berry was to stay , a little door with a stair case at the stables end ; a long dark entry with a door , and eight steps , that led to dr. godwins lodgings ; up two steps on the right hand , there was a kind of a closet with a bed in it , and mr. prance told the lords , that , first , they got him thither , and left him in hills charge for two nights ; the witness there present , and every thing agreeing with mr. prances relation to the council ; and to what he now delivered in court ; only that his relation was now inlarged , and that the lodgings which he took to be sir iohn arundels , were not capable of any person of quality . mr. prance went thus far ready and directly ; but coming to examine the place whither they had carried the body , he said it was somwhere by the garden . there is a long dark entry that opens into the outer court ; he past through that , and then over the quadrangle to the piazza ; and then went down a pair of stairs , saying thus far we are right i am sure , there is a large square court below ; and there he began to doubt ; but yet went on , and so past into divers rooms on the other side of the court ; and then up stairs again , and into other rooms ; but still at a loss in what room it was that he saw the body : only certain that he had been in that place ; the vvitness still referring himself to his report . sir robert southwel now produced the minutes he had taken upon these mens examinations wherein it appeared , that hill was examined , that he confest he knew girald , but not kelly ; hill then interposing , that he knew one girald who was not a priest , and that he did not know girald the priest. it was charged upon berry , the saying that he had orders not to admit any strangers or persons of condition into somerset-house for two or three days ; and that the p. coming thither , was not suffered to enter ; and that he never had any such orders before . to which berry replyed that the p. might have entred if he had pleased ; that it had been proved ( as was acknowledged by the court ) that five or six had gone in before . that he had an order only for two days , as he remembred , and that he had had such orders formerly . but there being no such orders produced , the court reflected upon the pretence as the best artifice they could invent to keep the design private . the prisoners were now called upon to speak for themselves , and produce their vvitnesses : hill calling upon god to bear him vvitness that he was perfectly innocent . mary tilden informed that hill had lived seven or eight years with her uncle dr. godwin ; and that he seemed to be always a trusty servant , kept good hours , and lookt to their house in her uncles absence ; and was always within by eight at night , ever since last april when they came last into england . that the vvitness was in the house when sir edmond godfrey was killed : that she heard of the murther in the town on the wednesday ; that she herself was never out after eight a clock , nor hill neither : for he waited at the table ; and that constantly the maid barred the door upon his coming in , so that he went out no more that night : that he was at home the saturday night when sir edmond was murthered , and the next night , and every night so long as the vvitness was in town ; and that she herself was at home the wednesday night beforementioned . that she was the more positive because they kept constant supper time , and the doors never opened after ; besides that the lodgings lay so , that no body could go in or out without being taken notice of , that the maid kept the key of the house and not hill. mr. prance then informed the court that mrs. broadstreet would own but one key at first , but before the duke of monmouth , she ackowledged six or seven , to which mrs. tilden answered that there was onely one key which secur'd that door . the vvitness being askt when she was out of town ; answered in october ; but being told that this happened in october , her answer was that she mistook the month . mrs. broadstreet being askt what time , answered in september , and then mrs. tilden recollecting herself , said in september too , and that while she was in town there was not a day but she went into the little room , mentioned by prance , upon some occasion or other ; mrs. broadstreet said they came to town the monday before michaelmas , affirmed the good hours they kept , and that nothing could be brought in , but they in the house must know of it . sir robert southwel then described the place , that it was very little , and over-against the dining room ; and that it was a small square room , where the body was laid , at the stairs head . mrs. broadstreet adding that the key was never out of the door ; and people constantly going into that room . mr. prance informed that mrs. broadstreet told the duke of monmouth that hill had left his lodgings before that time . and sir robert southwel said that there had been some dispute about it ; prance would have it to be a fortnight after , and hill affirming that he was dealing with his land-lord the very saturday that sir edmond godfrey was wanting . and that from that time , it was a week or a fortnight before he removed . but it was urged that hill pretended that he was gone before . mrs. broadstreet averring that hill left the lodgings a fortnight after michaelmas . sir robert southwel informing that the said hill went away only three or four days after . mrs. tilden said further , that the place was so streight , that upon an occasion of visits the footmen always waited in that room . katharine lee did then inform that she lookt to see the doors locked every night ; and the parlour safe , and that she never mist him ; and that every morning , before she went to market , she went into the chamber , or called every day at the door , and that she always went to bed last . being asked if hill might not slip out , and she never know of it ; her answer was that she did not always watch him . but captain richardson informed the court that the servants keeping below stairs in the kitchin , and there being so many keys , people might go in and out and they never the wiser . daniel grey was called and informed that he was with his brother hill , from october the eighteenth to the two and twentieth or three and twentieth : that at nine or ten at night they used to go to bed , but he did not see him , when he went to bed. that the witness lay at his own house , that hill agreed for his house october the eighth , but it was about the twenty first , that he went thither ; and that they lived a matter of a bow-shot a sunder . robert how informed , that october the fifth mr. hill desired him to view a house that he was a taking , to see how it was in repair , and that they went and treated with the land-lord ; appointing tuesday morning , being the eighth , to meet again . that the witness wrought there every day , from wednesday , twelve days and a half : and that mr. hill was there every day . that on saturday the twelfth dining together , they parted about one or two a clock ; mr. hill ( as he says ) toward covent-garden , and this witness to his work : this vvitness told him that mr. hill had been there again about four a clock , but the vvitness was gone first . where he was that night the vvitness could not say ; but that he saw mr. hill about nine or ten in the morning , and that he staid till two. mr. cutler informed that hill was with him at his house from four or five in the evening till seven or eight : when his wife called him to supper , and the vvitness never saw him from that time till the day after he was taken . richard lasingby informed , that on saturday , october the twelfth about noon , he was with mr. hill at the door ; that he dined with him , and how , and that upon wednesday night he saw him from five to seven and not after . archibald was examined , and informed , that upon munday night having occasion for one grey , a taylor , he found him at hills house : and grey asking what news , the vvitness answered him very good , for prance was seized for killing sir edmond godfrey . to which hill replyed that he was very glad of it , and wished them all taken ; and the next morning the vvitness heard that he was taken out of his bed. why then , said hill , if i had been guilty i could have made my escape . iames warrier informed that october 12. green was at his house from betwixt seven and eight till after ten , it was upon a saturday , and he remembred it exactly by his work. that he bethought himself of this about a month after the murther ; and that greens being taken up made him reflect upon it . it was but fourteen days that he had been in the vvitnesses house before he was seized , he was not seized there neither . it was objected that he was not charged with the death of sir edmond godfrey till december 24. but only for refusing the oaths : so that that could not put him in mind of sir edmond godfreys business . mrs. warrier informed that upon the day that sir edmond godfrey was missing , mr. green sat in the vvitness quarter , till nine a clock , and then went up to his chamber , the vvitness and her husband with him , and there staid the beating of the tattoo and that this was the saturday fortnight after michaelmas . mr. ravenscroft informed , that hill had served his elder brother for thirteen or fourteen years very faithfully : and that at last he married a maid-servant in the family . that hearing of one that was seized about the murther of sir edmond godfrey , the vvitness was well pleased to hear it ; that passing from his fathers house in holborn homeward toward the savoy , he saw hill's wife at her own door , and she told the vvitness that some body had been there that said prance had discovered divers of sir edmond godfreys murtherers ; who askt her if her husband knew any thing of it . they used to be much together ( she said ) and perhaps that made them talk ; but for her husband he defied prance and all his works , telling the vvitness likewise that he was then in the house , which made the vvitness hope he was innocent , because he did not fly . the witness declaring such a detestation of the fact , that rather than he should escape if he were guilty , he would be the executioner himself . corporal collett informed , that upon wednesday , october the 16 th , he placed one nicholas trollop sentinel at the strand-ward , within the wicket ; he was upon duty from seven to ten , and then was relieved by nich. wright ; who staid till one. the sentinels being placed by the porters order ; not berry ▪ but one that used to carry orders . trollop informed , that while he was upon his post , a sedan was brought in and set within the gate ; he took it to be empty , but no order to refuse any body's entrance ; collett declaring , that there stands a sedan empty every night ; and trollop affirming , that there went none out in his time , for he was never half a pikes length from his place ; that he did not drink one drop ; and that he remembred every thing particularly , for he had been already twice before the committee . wright also said there passed none in his time ; and trollop evidencing , that it was brought in when he vvas upon duty , but not carried out again . gabriel huskes informed , that he was on from one to four , october the 16 th ; that he neither drank at berries , nor saw him . then eliz. minshaw informed , that mr. berry ( her master ) october the 16 th was the whole forenoon about the gates ; and after that , as he said himself , went to bowls . it was duskish when he came home ; he vvent to bed about 12 , and was not one hour absent . that this vvitness went about twelve to bed also , and saw him no more that night : so that she concludes he was in bed , because the passage to his chamber was through hers . it was then demanded of prance , vvhat made him deny what he had said ? who answered , that he was afraid of losing his trade , and that he had not as then his pardon . mr. prance was then asked at the instance of mrs. hill , if he had not been tortured to make him say this ; for it was the talk of the town , and he was heard to cry out ? who declared himself , that capt. richardson had used him very kindly , and let him want nothing . upon prances denial of this , mrs. hill exclaimed , that the vvitnesses were not duly examined ; and so called mr. chevins , who could say only this , that he had heard mr. prance deny all . the kings council having heard the prisoners and their vvitnesses , summ'd up the evidence : and the lord chief iustice gave directions to the jury ; who brought them all in guilty , and they receiv'd sentence , the day following , to be severally hang'd by the neck till they were dead . and upon the one and twentieth of the same month they were accordingly executed . the history of the charge and defence of s r. george wakeman , william rumly , william marshal , and iames corker . on the eighteenth of iuly 1679 , sir george wakeman , william rumly , william marshall , and iames corker , were brought to their trials at the sessions-house in the old-baily , upon an indictment for conspiring the death of the king , and the subversion of the government , and the protestant religion . but iames corker was first brought to the barr , having been arraigned the former sessions . the jury being sworn , and admitted without exception , the kings council ( as is usual ) opened the indictment , and mr. dugdale was first produced and sworn . and first as to the plot in general , mr. dugdale deposed , that he had some inckling of the plot seven years ago , but that ewers , gavan , peters , leueson , &c. had more particularly acquainted him with it , about two years since , and drew him into the design upon the government and religion , and upon killing the king , and the duke of monmouth . that all harcourts letters were directed to the vvitness , eight or nine at a time ; and almost all of them were concerning the plot. the scope of the letters were to instruct ewers how to proceed towards the getting of money , and engaging the gentlemen of the country , to serve as officers in the army , which was to be raised upon the death of the king. that he saw receipts from st. omers of money paid to that end . that he received a letter directed to himself , which came from harcourt ; but who wrote it he could not say , or if it had any date or no ; only he supposes that it came from beyond-sea to london , and so to him . it gave caution to say nothing of arms , till the king was dead . he deposed a correspondency thrice a week betwixt the conspirators in london and the staffordshire agents : and in a letter from whitebread , ewers was charged to choose stout and hardy men , with this expression in the letter , to kill the king ; which letter was sent by the common post , and superscribed to mr. dugdale , who vvas sworn to secrecy by mr. ewers at least ten times . and the vvitness took the sacrament upon it . he deposeth also , that gavan , leueson , ewers , and my lord stafford , would have had the vvitness destroy the king by shooting , dagger , or the like ; not so as to do it directly himself , but to come to london for directions how to do it ; where mr. ireland was to have him in his care ; and that he was to have come in october last , the resolution being taken the iuly before . this vvitness also deposed , that the lord stafford promised him five hundred pounds in hand upon his coming to london , in october , for an incouragement ; but that a more considerable reward vvas to follow , and that he should have come to london , if it had not been discovered . he deposeth further , that he found ewers reading a letter from london , with these words in it , this very night sir edmond-bury godfrey is dispatch'd , and that it was dated the very night that he was killed ; ewers shewing the prisoner the letter , and telling him also , that sir edmond-bury godfry was grown too inquisitive into the plot , and it would be well to take him off . deposing also , that mr. ewers shew'd the prisoner the letter to comfort him , that one enemy was gone ; and the vvitness reporting it again to the minister of the place . he deposed further , that the protestants were to be destroyed ; and that they had great confidence in the vvitness : he having given them four hundred pounds , and promised another hundred to pray for his soul ; and land made over to mr. girald to raise the money upon the sale. mr. corker demanded , from whom the dangerous letter before mentioned came ? and the vvitness not presently recollecting it , the prisoner appealed to the court , upon the improbability of sending such a letter by the common post , and yet no appearance either to whom , or from whom it came . but mr. dugdale rendred an account of other letters ; one from paris to st. omers , and thence to london , and so to tixall ; where it was read in the presence of the prisoner , by the lord aston and mr. ewers ; it was subscribed i. w. and thought to be from sir iohn warner ; that it was dated from paris , whence they advised the casting of it on the presbyterians , after the death of the king , which would make the church of england men fall in with the papists , to destroy the party . this was the paris letter ; and the london letter approv'd the advice with several lords hands to them , in allowance of the design of killing the king ; and raising an army . the prisoner asked , if it were dated from st. omers ? and mr. dugdale reply'd , that in the pacquet from st. omers there were three letters , paris , st. omers , and london , one from each ; and all in one cover , being cover'd in groves pacquet : the vvitness averring , that he himself was to be of the party that should kill the king , in october . the prisoner here made a reflection , that dr. oates mentioned only three designs to kill the king , by grove and pickering ; by the ruffians , and by poyson : and that now a fourth was found out in october , when the design was charged upon iuly , or august ? but it was reply'd upon him , that there might be more plots than docter oates knew of . mr. marshall offer'd , that the vvitnesses testimony was suspicious , even from the multitude of persons employed and intrusted ; and nothing done upon it , where yet a few might have done the business . the prisoners were here ordered to wait their time without interposing , that the kings evidence might be first heard : whereupon the prisoners desired pen , ink , and paper , which was granted them ; and so the court proceeded . it was much wondred that any body should write by the common post about killing the king. to which mr. dugdale answered , that in case of discovery it was to be cast upon him , and that he was under an oath to deny it : affirming , that the very words were for the killing of the king ; without any superscription to ewers , or name to the letters . the prisoners joyned in admiration , at the folly and madness of any man in putting such words in a letter . mr. dugdale proceeded , that whitebread's letter was directed to himself , and that it came in company with others : that there was a black cross upon what he was to deliver to ewers ; and that he was to disperse them where they were to go . but being ask'd by what mark he should know whither to send them ? the witness answered , that mr. ewers knew their hands , and what every thing meant , and for whom it was . to the question of how many letters ? the witness answered , that in two years he believed he had a hundred , and mr. rumley asking him from how many persons ? and wondring that he had none of them to produce ; mr. dugdale answered , that there were a great many from sir iohn warner , and that so long as he intended to go on with the plot , he burnt them all ; but that he had spoken what he could remember . he deny'd the seeing of any commissions , but affirmed that he spake with some that were to be officers . mr. prance deposed , that some three weeks before michaelmas , he heard fenwick and grove at mr. irelands chamber talking of raising 50000 men , and settling popery : mr. fenwick saying , that it would be easily done , and encouraging the prisoner ( being a silver smith ) with the hope of work enough , about crucifixes , candlesticks , &c. naming the lords that were to command the army : and after that he was told of commissions given out . he deposed further , that my lord arundels butler told him , that one messenger was to murther the king , and this witness meeting mr. messenger , and asking him the question , he was surprised at it , and said to this witness , pray keep counsel , for we are off of that now . mr. iennison deposed , that in iune ( 78 ) upon a discourse with mr. ireland in russell-street about religion ( his sister mrs. aune ireland being by ) mr. ireland spake as if the romish religion would be quickly settled in england , for there was but one stood in the way ; and the king might be easily poyson'd . whereupon this witness speaking of it as a horrid thing , mrs. ireland asked her brother why he talkt at that rate ? and he qualified the matter as a thing which he thought should not be done : and then the witness minding him of the gunpowder treason , he said , it was only a trick of cecils . the witness being at that time a roman catholick , but since converted . the vvitness deposeth further , that he saw mr. ireland positively on the 19 th day of august , being then newly returned from windsor , as he remembers punctually , upon very particular circumstances . the court looking upon this evidence as a most eminent confutation of what ireland affirmed at his death : which was , that betwixt the third of august , and toward the middle of september , he was never in town , but all that time in stafford-shire . mr. iennison then proceeding , that upon the 19 th aforesaid , he saw mr. ireland draw off his boots at his own chamber , upon the frame of a table , as the witness remembers , being come post ( as he said ) out of stafford-shire betimes that morning . that the vvitness telling him ( upon his question where he had been , and what news ? ) that he had been at windsor , and that the king was early up in a morning , went a fishing and hawking : the vvitness telling him , of his own accord , that his majesty had but very little company with him . mr. ireland reflected upon the kings going so thinly guarded , saying , that he might be easily taken off . the witness replying , god forbid : and then mr. ireland smoothing it over , this witness thought no more on it , till the plot was discover'd ; and then he told his father and his sisters this discourse , saying , that it was very suspicoius . this vvitness was very sure it was the 19 th , and knew mr. ireland very well , having been acquainted with him a year and an half : and he went out of town september the 4 th into the north. mr. corker asking the vvitness , when he turned protestant ? and objecting , that he did not for sake his religion till he found it might be for his advantage . mr. bowes was then sworn ; who declared , that he saw mr. iennison in tunbridge about the beginning or middle of august : that he went then from tunbridge . that the vvitness went to windsor , august the 12 th or 13 th ; and that mr. iennison came to windsor when the witness was out of town . mr. burnett deposes , that about the middle of august , ( the very day of dachett-horse-race ) he met mr. iennison on his way to windsor . the court declaring this to be a point , that did not concern the prisoners , but to shew the falsity of irelands affirmation . dr. oates then made oath , that mr. ashby coming sick to town in iuly , sir george wakeman prescribed him a course , how he should govern himself both before he went to bath , and there . that he should take a pint of milk morning and evening , and drink nothing else in the morning ; and at the bath to have a hundred strokes at the pump : sir george telling him in this letter who would help him to poyson the king. some two days after , the vvitness saw sr. george lay by his pen , and leave the paper upon the table with the ink wet upon it , which was an apothecaries bill , ( as he supposed ) and the same character with the letter to mr. ashby : and the vvitness swears , that as sir george wrote , mr. ashby discours'd to him of a commission received for physitian to the army ; which the witness saw at mr. ashby's in sr. george's hand ▪ he deposed further , that he heard one promise to help sir george in the promoting the catholick cause , and in the poysoning of the king ; and that he heard ashby , in the provincials name , offer 10000 l. to sir george for his reward . this was in iuly : harcourt , fenwick , ireland and the witness present . he deposeth , that sir george said , that it was not enough for poysoning the king , and so refused it ; and that the fathers met on purpose to deal with sir george about it , before mr. ashby went to the bath , and that upon sr. george's refusal , they acquainted mr. whitebread with it ; who presently gave the london-fathers commission to offer 5000 l. more ; which , as this vvitness is informed , was accepted ; and 5000 l. of it paid down : the vvitness having seen sir georges name subscribed to the entry-book ; wherein was specified such a proposal to sr. george , with his acceptance of 5000 l. and receipt in part of 15000 l. the receipt from harcourt by colemans order ; and the goldsmith , as this vvitness remembers was stayly , sir georges hand to the receipt , with a memorandum of the day ( in august ) when it was propounded , and accepted . the entry-book it self being in the fathers custody , at wild-house ; but who kept it this vvitness could not say ; only that mr. langhorne had it sometimes , and that the acceptance and receipt were entred the same day . dr. oates saith not that he ever saw sr. george write , but that he saw him lay aside a pen , and a paper newly written , and no body by that could write it but himself . and sr. george charging him with declaring , that he did not know the prisoners hand ; the doctor affirmed , that a letter that he saw signed g. wakeman , was the same hand-writing with that of the receipt , and the physick-bill . sir george demanded a positive answer , if the vvitness had not deny'd the knowledge of his hand , and the knowledge also of his very person , before his majesty and council ? to which dr. oates made answer , that he was so doz'd with sitting up , and his intellectuals so disordered for want of sleep , that perhaps he might speak short before the council ; but now that he had light to see sr. george's face , he could say more to him . the doctor affirming the prisoner to be the same gentleman , and desiring that what he had to ask might be put to the court ; the doctor not calling to mind whether he said he knew sir george , or not : but affirming this to be the person that was called sir george wakeman , but not able to say that it was the person that attended the council , when the witness was there . the doctor deposing likewise , that he saw sir george two several days at mr. ashbyes chamber ; and that he never saw him before , and but once after , which was at wild-house when the 10000 l. was offer'd ; where mr. ashby lay in iuly , before he went to the bath , which was about the end of iuly , or beginning of august ; his stay in town being about fourteen or sixteen days . the prisoner asking the vvitness then , if he knew all this when he was before the council , why he said there that he knew nothing of the prisoner , but about one letter from ashby to fenwick ? and objecting , that if this evidence had been given there , he must doubtless have been committed ; but the prisoner was directed , to reservo what he had to say till his proper time ; and the doctor referred his answer also to its proper place . touching mr. corker , dr. oates deposed him to be a benedictine monk , privy to the 6000 l. raised for this designe : and that in august last he sent his consent out of germany , to the proposal of raising it ; being president of the benedictines . that he gave the english monks in paris , and la chaise , an account how matters went forward in england , and that he had a patent to be bishop of london ; which the vvitness saw in his own hands . that this letter out of germany he had seen , and that it was addressed either to hitchcott , or another father in london . the witness deposing moreover , that as he remembers , mr. corker went over in iuly to lamspring in germany , but that in iune he saw him with mr. fenwick , and that upon discourse about some body that was behind in his pension , mr. corker gave mr. fenwick an order for some 20 or 25 l. to be received of mr. langhorne ; the order subscribed iames corker : the vvitness first seeing this order . and another time , his name to an examination , which agreed with his letter from germany . deposing further , that the prisoner disposed of several parcels of money , as he said , for the advancing of the design . that the prisoner was also privy to the consultation of april , and excepted against the choice of pickering to kill the king , because while he was attending at high mass , an opportunity might be lost . that this exception was at the convent in the savoy , to the vvitness himself , and at the same time , when he gave fenwick his order for money : the 6000 l. was to be advanced upon the benedictines estates ; and the witness believed it was paid , for the fathers acknowledged the receipt of it , and that though mr. corker was against mr. pickerings doing of it , he did yet approve of the thing it self . dr. oates charged mr. marshall also with being present when the 6000 l. was resolv'd upon , and with pickerings design upon the king , making the same exception against him with corker ; but he could not say positively that mr. marshal was at the consult . dr. oates deposed , that mr. rumley knew of the consult for the 6000 l. being either a benedictine monk , or a lay-brother : believing that he consented to it , because he prayed for the success ; and that this was in august . the prisoners being now allowed to make their objections , mr. corker inform'd the court , that lamspring was not in germany ( as the vvitness said ) but in westphalia ; and urg'd an inconsistence of that story , and his seeing la chaise . to which dr. oates reply'd , that it was usual with them to say they would go to one place , when they went to another . dr. oates call'd one thing more to mind ; that conyers laying a wager with another gentleman , that the king should eat no more christmas-pyes ; mr. marshall went half with mr. conyers that he should not . mr. marshall ask'd , how long the vvitness had known him , and where he had ever been with him ? dr. oates answering , that he had seen him often at the altar , but had no acquaintance with him : that he had known him off and on two years , but never heard him speak till the time of the wager ; but had only a knowledge of him by sight . mr. marshall , seeming to admire that the vvitness taking him to be in the plot , should never converse with him . mr. marshall demanded the time , and the place of the consult ? which the doctor told him was in august , and either the day before or after the feast of the assumption ; and the place the savoy . the vvitness charged the prisoner also with another consult in aug. ( of the 21 ; the former being the 15 th : ) at which time came letters from talbot of the state of ireland . it was dated from dublin ; but it was not tax'd at the post-office as an irish letter . he also deposed , that there were some benedictines and iesuites , and mr. marshall in the company ; who agreed , at the same time , about sending commissions for the army-officers : the letter was read at the convent , and the commissions order'd for ireland ; and the poysoning of the duke of ormond was also agreed upon . dr. oates was ask'd the time of pickering being taken ; and if he himself was present ? who answer'd , that he was taken upon michaelmass eve , or morning , and that he the witness was there . it was demanded of dr. oates , what consults he was at ? who answer'd , that there were two consults of the 15 th and 21 of aug. but that the witness was not at the consult for the 5000 l. to sir george wakeman . mr. bedlve deposed , that about the beginning of august last , he the witness , was at mr. harcourts chamber , and sir george wakeman came thither after , much out of humor ; and asked mr. harcourt , if he had not something for him ? whereupon mr. harcourt demanding of him , how he went on ? sir george answer'd him short , that that he did not know whether he should go on or no ; for he did not love to be trifled with in such a business ? stay sir george ( says mr. harcourt ) things are better than you imagine ; and so took some papers out of his cabinet , and a small bill , asking sir george what readiness he was in ; for ( says he ) we have been ready a good while . sr. george asking harcourt what that bill was ? he said it was a bill of 2000 l. from a person whom this vvitness has forgot , and drawn upon a goldsmith ( as he believed ) somewhere near temple-barr . that sir george reading it , and discoursing upon it , enquired of mr. harcourt , who this vvitness was ? mr. harcourt telling him , that it was a friend had been long in the plot , and was to have a very great part in it himself . sir george then telling him ( as this vvitness deposes ) that if the bill were accepted , he should hear from him suddenly ; and so he went his way : this vvitness going presently after him ; and meeting sr. george wakeman again , betwixt the queens-head and chancery-lane ; from whence the vvitness concluded it to be near temple-barr , ( mr. harcourts lodgings being but in duke-street , ) sir george told the vvitness , that the bill was accepted , and that afternoon the money should be paid . this deponent affirming , that he had known sr. geo. a matter of 5 years , though not much acquainted with him . he deposeth further , that upon asking whether or no this was in part of the 15000 l. mr. harcourt made answer , that it was only for the present ; the other being not settled as yet : but the vvitness affirms , that shortly after it was made 5000 l. and that mr. harcourt told the deponent , that it was all upon the same account : and if windsor and this should both fail , the work would be done at new-market . mr. bedloe deposed , that he had been once in company with mr. corker , keines , and le fevre , at somerset-house ; and that he did not hear any thing from mr. corker , that pointed directly at the murther of the king ; but that he heard corker and le fevre talking in general about the plot , and letters of intelligence ; and talking of raising an army , and who were sent to agitate in the country ; what interests they had made , and the like . and this was about iuly was twelvemonth . mr. bedloe moreover deposeth , that he knew mr. marshall , when he saw him in the gate-house ; and that he had been in his company in latham's chamber several times ; that he carried several letters to the catholick party that were in this design ; which letters this witness brought over from beyond-seas ; and more particulary one to sr. fra : ratcliffe . that all the letters this witness brought to the fathers , spake to the point of subverting the government , and religion of england . that mr. marshall was of the club , that saw the letters , and examin'd the answers : and that to this vvitnesses knowledge , the prisoner sent letters twice concerning the destruction of the government , and the bringing in of popery . mr. bedloe could say nothing positively as to mr. rumly ; but that he had heard of his sending of letters , and of his being intrusted when any secret ones were sent ; but that he could not swear mr. rumlyes privity to any letters relating to the plot. sir g. wakeman ask'd mr. bedloe what day it was that he saw him with harcourt when he read the bill ; and how he knew it was for this mony ? and what acquaintance the prisoner had with the witness ? to vvhich mr. bedloe answer'd , that it vvas about the beginning of aug. and he knevv it to be a bill , for the prisoner read it aloud , and that though the witness had no acquaintance vvith him , yet mr. harcourt inform'd him vvho the vvitness vvas . sr. george urging , hovv unlikely it vvas that he should put his life into any mans hand at first sight : but mr. bedloe reply'd , that he vvould have done a great deal more upon mr. harcourts security . adding , that he had forgotten the goldsmiths name , and the gentlemans who subscribed the note : also affirming , that though sr. geo. would not own the knowing of him , yet he had been the witnesses physitian at the bath about 2 years ago . sir g. wakeman reflecting upon several marks of falshood in the evidence . mr. marshall urg'd mr. bedlow to say when ever he saw him , before he came to him in the gate-house ; deni'd his owning the knowledge of him ; and affirmed , that mr. bedlow acknowledged himself a stranger to the prisoner ; appealing to those in the prison that heard it . and likewise the prisoner affirmed , that mr. bedlow , coming to him , used these words , mr. marshall , do not fear , for i will not hurt you : and so prest it upon mr. bedlow to say , where ever he had seen him . mr. bedlow's answer was , that he had seen him at the benedictines in the savoy ; and that the first word the witness said upon coming into the gate-house , was this is mr. marshall , that us'd to carry letters to such and such : referring himself to sir w. waller to attest it . sir w. waller gave evidence , that mr. bedlow , in his hearing , in the gate-house , spake to the prisoner , asking him , mr. marshall , do not you know me ? and mr. marshall answered , that he did not know him ; but yet that he had seen him , mr. marshall suggesting to sir william , that mr. bedlow was gone before he came in ; and sir william affirming , that he was with mr. marshall before mr. bedlow came in . mr. marshall insisting upon it , that he was in a private room with mr. bedlow ; and that sir william asked the prisoner , in the common hall , if mr. bedlow had not been there ; who told him , yes : and that those in the gate-house did know that the prisoner had been private with mr. bedlow before sir william came in . mr. bedlow deposed , that going , by order , to see the prisoner , he met sir william waller , and went in with him ; and that they were onely with the prisoner in the common room ; sir william withdrawing to one end of it , while the witness asked the prisoner some questions ; and mr. bedlow calling the prisoner by his name , upon the first sight of him . sir william waller also affirmed , that mr. bedlow did ask him if his name was not marshall . mr. marshall telling mr. bedlow , that he was first with him in a room on the right hand , where his guards were ; mr. bedlow denied that he knew any such room : and mr. marshall pleaded for himself , that he had no proofs there , because he could not imagine that such a thing would have been mentioned . the prisoner said , that mr. bedlow came to the gate-house a meer stranger to him : and that mr. bedlow asking him , did not you send to such a one to have mr. bedlow questioned about such and such things ? the prisoner denied it ; and the witness did not so much as pretend to have any knowledge of him . besides , that he might learn his name from those that took him : for he deliver'd himself up a prisoner , by the name of marshall , ( though he was otherwise called marsh ) : remitting himself to the people in the gate-house for the truth of what passed there . and that the witness had him have a good heart ; for he should have an honourable bench , and a good iury. but mr. bedlow , on the other side , affirmed , that without hearing of his name at all , he said , as soon as ever he saw him , this is marshall , the benedictine : and moreover , that he had seen the prisoner at the savoy , and at other places . marshall bidding him name any other place , and he would suffer death for it . but mr. bedlow would not be positive in any other place . but that he remembred the savoy more remarkably , as the place of their consults about the letters he carried thither ; and that it was there he had the greatest conversation with the prisoner . mr. marshall telling the witness , that if he could but make it out by any creature , that ever he , the witness , was in the savoy , he would submit to be hang'd , without a word speaking . mr. bedlow replying , first , that he had witnesses , though they were not at hand ; and then that it was a thing sworn before the secret committees . but however , the witness nam'd his landlord , as one that had been often with him there in the convent ; and with his maid that carry'd the portmantle with his letters beyond seas . and moreover , that he lodg'd some six months in the savoy at one woodroff's . the prisoner asking him if it were there that he saw him : mr. bedlow said , no ; for onely monks and messengers came thither . the prisoner asking him also , if he were present at the search of the savoy : he said he was not , but yet that he gave directions to sir william waller where to look . sir william waller deposed , that he had his directions from dr. oates and mr. bedlow where pickering lay , and to search such and such places , and by those directions he searched the savoy : and that this description was made before mr. marshall was seiz'd some two or three days . upon which , it was urg'd that such a description could not be made by one that , had not been there . to which mr. marshall reply'd , that dr. oates had search'd there before , and inform'd mr. bedlow , as might be well enough imagined , both of them joyning in the same charge : and suggesting , how easie it was to describe a house by hearsay . mr. bedlow did here declare , that it was he that gave sir william waller notice to search particularly under such a bench in pickering's quarter , for the gun that was made choice of to kill the king ; and the gun was found accordingly . upon some question of particularities in the evidence , mr. bedlow was call'd up again to repeat his testimonie about sir george wakeman ; which was to the effect as before , of his being at harcourt's chamber , sir george's coming in , and mr. harcourt's taking a bill of exchange out of his cabinet , and saying , sir george , there 's a bill for you , which i have receiv'd at white-hall to day by the queen's order . sir george replying upon it , that he thought his nine years service of her majesty might pretend to deserve it : and that there had been no hurt in 't , if the queen had given him it . mr. chapman informed , that one mr. thimbilby ( an infirm person of 80 years of age ) brought him recommendations to the bath from sir george wakeman . this was the 17. of iuly last . his business was , to get a lodging as near the king and queen's bath as might be ; which was done . and then he shew'd the witness a letter from sir george , whereof the lower part was a direction what to take , and how to govern himself at the bath ; which was now produced in court. that the latin bill the witness kept to himself ; returning the english part of the letter to mr. thimbilby . declaring , that both he and his son read the english part ; and that there was no mention of king or queen in it , more then of the king and queen's bath . a paper was then shew'd the witness , and a question upon it , if it were sir george's hand ; the witness saying that it was not , having severall of his bills to compare it by . that he knew not of any date or name to it ; and that he did not know whose hand it was . it was then considered , that the witnesse's paper could not be the letter dr. oates reflected upon , having neither sir george's hand , nor his name to 't , as was presum'd of the other . sir george wakeman then deny'd the writing any other letter , then that of his servant by his dictate , which ashby carry'd to the bath : and saith that dr. oates had charg'd him before the lords but with one letter . and then reasoning upon it , that if he had been conscious of any guilt , he had time enough to make his escape ; challenged any man to prove , that he had any thing more to do with ashby , then as a physician with his patient ; and alledged , that a physician here in the town would testifie , that they two had been joyn'd in consultations about him . sir george desiring the iury to take notice , that he never wrote any other letter . mr. chapman was ask'd , if there was any thing of milk mentioned in that letter ; who said , no ; and the milk was never prescribed with the waters . dr. oates affirmed , that the letter he saw was in another hand , a kind of a gentile hand . sir george appealing to all the world , that milk was direct poyson in the case . but dr. oates inform'd the court , that he was to take the milk in town . sir george wakeman opposing , that it could not be ; for he staid but two days after the writing of that letter . it came then to be consider'd , that this could not be the same letter . dr. oates confirming it also ; and that the prescription of milk was after the first line or two of complement ; and that there was nothing of a latin recipe in it . sir george wakeman observed to the iury , that admitting any other letter then this in court , he must write two receipts for the same thing ; which was very improbable . and that the reason of his hand not being to it , was , his being ill , and asleep , when his man ( who wrote it over again from a foul copy ) went away with it . mr. chapman repeating the order of the prescription , and declaring that he follow'd it at the bath , for six days together ; dr. oates deposed , that there was no bolus in the other letter ; nor what bath he should go to , as was in this ; and that therefore it could not be the same letter . besides , that it was written above ten days before mr. asbby went away . sir george objecting , that there was no need of telling him of his course in the bath , so long before he went thither . sir george's servant inform'd the court , that telling his master that mr. ashby desir'd directions for the bath , it being well late , and his master indisposed , he bad the witness take pen and ink , and write ; and making some mistakes , his master bad him mend it ; and so he interlin'd the corrections . that this witness wrote it fair that night , and carry'd it next morning , before his master wak'd , to mr. ashby , who was then going for the bath . the witness declaring , that he knew nothing of mr. ashby's drinking of milk , onely that a friend of his had advis'd him to it . but dr. oates deposed , that he himself was with him , and that he drank it night and morning . the witnesses for the prisoners were now call'd . and , first , elizabeth heveningham : who informed , that she was by , when sir george's servant wrote the letter from his master's mouth ; and that she saw the letter , and that there was no such thing in it as is said . wherein the court was satisfy'd as to the truth of the evidence , but that this could not be the same letter dr. oates spoke of ; for that was written ten days before mr. ashby went to the bath . whereupon mrs. heveningham affirm'd , that mr. ashby said , in her hearing , that he wanted directions . sir george wakeman pleaded , that he was left at liberty 24 days after he had been before the councell : and that upon dr. oates's bringing an information upon the letter now in question to the house of commons bar , they sent an address to the lords , with admiration that the present prisoner was not confined : and that thereupon dr. oates was sent for to the lords bar , to repeat the story ; and mentioning the letter now in debate , he consest there , that he did not know sir george wakeman's hand ; and onely knew it to be his letter , by being subscribed g. wakeman . sir george reasoning upon it , that the witness would have told more , if he had known it , at that examination . dr. oates depos'd , that sir g. w. was left at liberty , because the witness was so weak , and distemper'd with watching and toiling about , that he could not perfect his charge ; and that he ( the dr. ) did speak the whole truth of his knowledge , as far as he was able ; denying that he said he onely knew sir george's hand , because george wakeman was subscribed . which sir g. w. opposed ; and offer'd to make good his contradiction by the record . dr. oates deposed , that he could not perfectly remember the very words ; but that if the prisoner prov'd them by an oath upon the record , it must be referr'd to the iury. but to the best of his memory , upon asking him about sir george wakeman's hand , he said , that he saw a letter subscribed with his name , and that upon this information sir g. w. was committed . sir philip lloyd was called , who informed the court , that dr. oates made oath before the council , sept. 3. that he had seen mention made of sir george wakeman's undertaking to poyson the king , in a letter ( as he remember'd ) from mr. whitebread to mr. fenwick at s. omers : and that coleman had paid sir george 5000 li. in part of 15000 li. which he was to have . that sir george wakeman being call'd , and advertis'd of this charge , he did not onely deny the whole matter , and appear otherwise unconcerned ; but mov'd it , as a reasonable thing , that he might have reparation for the scandall . this behaviour of his was ill taken , and it was found reasonable to enquire farther into the matter ; but the evidence coming onely from a third-hand letter , sir george was not committed . dr. oates being call'd in again , was demanded what he could say of his own personal knowledge concerning sir george wakeman . upon which question , dr. oates holding up his hands , no , ( said he ) god forbid that i should say any thing against sir george wakeman , for i know nothing more against him . sir philip remitting himself to the whole council for the truth of what he deliver'd . sir george wakeman minding the jury , that this was a protestant witness ; and dr. oates not remembring a word of the whole matter . dr. oates did very candidly represent to the court , that he onely inform'd the council as by report of sir george wakeman's receipt of the 5000 li. in part : the council not urging the witness to speak upon his knowledge . that the witness believed it to be so , but would not be positive ; for in case he should have made such answer as is informed against him , it was known to the whole board that he was , at that time , hardly compos mentis , and scarce in condition to return an answer . but that this witness did according to the best of his skill , knowledge , and remembrance , acquaint the board with sir george wakeman's letter ; but he would not be positive . sir philip lloyd was then examined as to the letter : who informed , that he remembred nothing of that letter ; and that afterward , this witness observing , in dr. oates's depositions before the lords and commons , an account of such a letter from sir george wakeman to mr. ashby , found upon the table , he , this witness , hath often reflected , since that time , upon dr. oates's declaring at the council , that he had nothing more against sir george wakeman ; repeating dr. oates's action and expression , that , with his hands erected , he said , he knew no more against him . sir george wakeman's , plea , that the council would certainly have committed him , if this evidence had been given to the board , appearing to have something of weight in it ; dr. oates sought to qualify that , by saying , that they were such a council as would commit no body . which was reflected upon by the court , as unadvisedly said . mr. lydcot was call'd , who brought a copy of the lords records ; and informed , that it was a true copy , and that titus oates was set in several places , as to an information : but whether it was his hand or not , mr. lydcot could not say ; onely that it was copied from mr. rolph's hand . to all which it was objected , that the witness not being present when dr. oates said this , not the thing attested by the clerk that made the entry , or saw him subscribe the examination ; that copy amounted to no more then a transcript from the iournall , which could not be allowed in evidence . mr. rumly was offer'd to have his witnesses heard : but the court finding that he had no need of them , the prisoner wav'd them . sir thomas doleman made oath , that dr. oates appearing before his majesty and councill on the saturday , and attending morning and afternoon , and being employ'd that night upon searches , the councill sitting sunday afternoon , ( as the deponent remembred ) dr. oates was then examin'd ; and the council sitting very long , he was appointed that night to search again , when he seiz'd several priests and papers ; the night being wet having much disorder'd him . on monday morning he was examin'd before the council again , and at night in so feeble a condition as ever the witness saw any man. sir george wakeman offer'd , that he appear'd upon sunday , and so was dismist again , till the king himself might have the hearing of the business the next day . sir thomas doleman than proceeded , that sir george wakeman was then call'd in , and deliver'd such an answer , that the council very much wonder'd at the manner of it : several persons being of opinion , that his denial was not so point-blank as it might have been ; insisting much upon his loyalty to the crown , and reparation upon a point of honour . sir george wakeman inform'd the court , that being charg'd with treason before the council , and dr. oates his accuser , he pressed dr. oates to say if he either knew him , or had seen him before . he said , no ; but that upon a consult at s. omers , where ashby was rectour , sir george wakeman was pitch'd upon , by name , for the poysoning of the king : though the dr. is now pleas'd to say that the debate was in england . that the prisoner , finding the charge sos semote , offer'd , that where there was no proof , he hop'd there would not be expected any defence . the prisoner , upon this , taking a freedom to instance in divers actions of loyalty , both from himself , family , and relations , as some testimony of his duty to the government . mr. corker offer'd in plea , that not knowing his accusations , he could not come provided with evidences to support his defence : that nothing is easier , then to accuse an innocent person , so , that he shall never clear himself : and that it is not a positive , but a probable oath , that proves a man a criminal ; and that otherwise , dr. oates , and his companions , might hang up whom they pleas'd , let the men be never so innocent , or the matter charg'd never so ridiculous : and that the circumstances ought to be credible , as well as the witnesses ; neither of which were ( as he suggested ) to be found in his case . proceeding in a reflection upon the extent of the charge ; it involving the whole body of the roman catholicks in the treason : using many flourishes of discourse to affect the bench , and the iury , as to the credit of the very plot it self : raising arguments from improbabilities of circumstances , and incredibility of witnesses , to uphold his pretence . but the court with as much ease answer'd his defence , as they heard it with patience . sir george wakeman recommended one observation to the court ; that in dr. oates's copious narrative , there is not one letter from abroad , but he deposes positively both to the date , and to the receipt of it : and yet in the case of a man's life he will not be confin'd to a month. mr. corker suggested divers mistakes of dr. oates's : as his charging the prisoner with the denial of a truth before a justice ; wherein the prisoner clear'd the errour : and then the business of his going to lamspring . but these were look'd upon as matters of no weight . the prisoner then reflected upon the doctour's deposing him to be president of the congregation ; whereas stapilton is known to have been president of it for several years past . and says , that if this prisoner be not president , dr. oates's accusation of the benedictines waiting for his consent , must fall to the ground . the prisoner being put to prove who was the president of the order , not being provided with witnesses at hand , spake himself ; denying any letter , either written , or received , as was suggested ; any privity to such a consult about the mony ; or any necessity for his being at it , if the thing had been true . and arguing , that in reason , if he had been in the conspiracy with pickering , when pickering was taken , he would certainly have fled . and as to his exception against pickering , because no lay-brother ; the dr. knowing pickering so well , and himself being present at the taking of him , it seemed strange that he should neither know , nor charge , nor apprehend him the prisoner , untill near a month after : especially the officers coming to this prisoner's chamber , when they seiz'd pickering . but dr. oates , hearing afterward that the prisoner had lodg'd there , enter'd him in his list , and so took him . whereas , if ( as dr. oates says ) the prisoner was a fellow-criminal with pickering , he being then in quest of the conspiratours , it was his duty to have taken them both together . beside that the prisoner's name not being upon the doctour's catalogue , he thought might acquit him . but the prisoner being over-rul'd in it , that what he offer'd , was no evidence , he recommended himself to the jury , to lay it to their consciences , whether they did not assent to him in the truth of this matter . mr. marshall being now ask'd what he had to say , spake to this effect : that upon notice , a month agoe , of coming speedily to his trial , he had bethought himself of his defence ; and with good hope to acquit himself . but reflecting upon the issue of the late trials , he had once resolved to submit all to the sentene of the court and the jury , without a word speaking . but that being now encourag'd by the candour and equity of the proceeding , he made it his humble suit to the honourable bench , to take into their own menage the cause of the prisoner . passing from thence to a slight reflection upon dr. oates and mr. bedlow ; and then referring to the unconcernedness upon him at his apprehension , there being no warrant out against him , nor any charge of treason lying upon him : but that coming by chance to enquire for one where they were upon a search , though he saw the officer at the door , and candles up and down the house , yet he went forward ; as all the people can testify , and sir willam waller also , that took him . sir william waller being called , deposed to this point , that going to search there , he gave order to one at the door to let nay body in , but no body out : and that the prisoner came and knockt at the door , ( as sir william supposed , ) not knowing of any search in the house . but being let in , and finding how it was , he did what he could to get away again . but mr. marshall begging pardon for the contradiction , affirmed with a solemn asseveration , that he enter'd without knocking , ( the door being open ) and so went in of his own accord , as the constable would bear him witness . and for his endeavour to get away again , he affirm'd , that while they were searching within , he continu'd in an out-room , the constable and others with him wondering , when he came back , that the prisoner was not gone . the prisoner affirming likewise , that he was left at the door alone : and beside , that he could have slipt out at another door , into an alley , which he had the trick of opening while a man might speak three words . the prisoner insisting upon this confidence , as an argument of his innocence : saying farther , that be was spoken to to take off his perriwigg , and stand with his back to sir william and dr. oates ; which the prisoner did not understand . but sir william being so kind afterwards as to see him at the gate-house , with two worthy gentlemen , sir philip matthews and sir iohn cuttler , upon the prisoner's affirming that dr. oates was wholly a stranger to him , the prisoner was told , that dr. oates ( as a token that he knew him ) describ'd a certain mark upon the hind-part of his head : the prisoner offering himself to the company , to see if there were any such thing or no. the prisoner did now desire , that dr. oates might give an accompt of that mark ; and that the jury would believe of him according as they found it true or false . sir william waller inform'd the court , that he knew nothing of any mark ; but that dr. oates , when he came in , call'd the prisoner by his name . mr. marshall excus'd the trouble he had given the court , his defence depending upon the proof of doctour oates's being a stranger to him ; desiring the jury to observe , that such a description was given ; sir william waller owning a desire to see him without his perriwigg , to look if he had a shaven crown : which mr. marshall said , sir william must needs know could not be ; it being an experss caution , that no religious wear any such testimony of his profession , in england . mr. marshall inform'd the court , that upon dr. oates's first evidence against him , he desired sir william , that it might be put in writing : which sir william refused ; but promised to commit it to memory . hereupon the prisoner did now adjure sir william as a worthy gentleman , and as he should answer for it at the last day , to be as good as his word . the prisoner said farther , that dr. oates looking hard upon him , askt him what his name was : which shew'd him to be a stranger . and upon the prisoner's owning his name to be marshall ; dr. oates told him , that he was call'd marsh. urging it , that dr. oates seeing the prisoner ; saying that he did not know them ; leaving them in bed , and at liberty to be gone ; and he himself declaring that he was looking for traitours ; the prisoner left the jury to judge , whether he had any thing to charge upon them . sir william waller protested solemnly , that there was nothing of all this . marshall exclaiming , that he was astonish'd ; and affirming , that upon a controversie with dr. oates about it , mr. gill the constable averr'd it , and promised to attend in court to make it good . the prisoner averring , that he askt dr. oates why he did not seize him before , when he was searching for traitours , if he knew the prisoner to be a traitour : whose answer was , before sir william , that at that time he had no commission to seize him . but sir william remember'd nothing of this neither . mr. marshall then ask'd sir william , if he remember'd what dr. oates said upon a question of his seeing the prisoner last summer ; which was , that he saw him iune , iuly , and august . sir william waller calling to mind something of that ; mr. marshall averr'd that he could prove himself in warwickshire all those three months ; but that his witnesses were not here ; and that it was impossible to foresee what points would come in question . whereupon he did submissiverly desire respite of the court , for the producing of his witnesses . the prisoner recommends over again the consideration of the false mark ; the dr's . finding him in bed , and yet not knowing him ; his point-blank evidence upon august 21 ; and the most certain means he had of disproving it : still insisting upon a very short time to bring up his witnesses . mr. corker minded the court of the officers , and others , that said , upon the taking of pickering , that they had nothing to say against the prisoners ; which a servant of the house was then ready to attest . elenor rigby informed , that upon the search in the savoy , marshall and corker were both in bed , at the same time when pickering was taken : and that the company ask'd the name of the people in the house ; and that this witness named to them pickering , marsh , corker , and others . they declaring ( dr. oates among the rest ) that their business was onely to pickering . upon the question , who was president of the benedictines , the witness answered , mr. stapilton ; and that he had been so several years : and that she was certain that corker never officiated in that place . and being ask'd , if ever she had seen dr. oates or mr. bedlow there in the house ; she ( the witness ) answer'd , that dr. oates came to mr. pickering for a charity that summer was twelvemonth ; and that mr. pickering forbad his coming into the house . mr. marshall collecting from that evidence , that this being charg'd for the very nick of time to advance the plot , it was not probable that they would treat so necessary an instrument in it at that rate . the prisoner repeating his desire onely of 3 or 4 days time , to provide his witnesses : reasoning upon the thing , that if his life might justly be sav'd , he did presume that the court would not have him lose it . but it was urg'd , on the other side , that he had notice long enough to have brought them up ; and that the iury must be now kept together till they give up their verdict . mrs. elizabeth shelden informed , that mr. stapilton was at present ( and had been for four or five years last past , to her knowledge ) president of , the benedictine monks . and alice broadhead informed likewise to the same effect . upon which evidence mr. corker raised this inference , that dr. oates's accusation was of no validity , depending wholly upon the prisoner's being president , and consenting to the plot under that qualification . sir george wakeman , with a soleman imprecation , disclaimed all the crime in this matter that was charg'd upon him . and so likewise did mr. corker : renouncing both the doctrine of moving a sedition for religion ; and all power of dispensation for so doing . mr. marshall was more copious and rhetorical ; and more upon perswasion then defence . so that the lord chief justice ( after some short remerks upon the romish principles ) summ'd up the evidence , and gave directions to the iury : who after an hour's consideration returned the prisoners not guilty . the contents . the history of the charge and defence of edward coleman , esq pag. 1 the history of the charge and defence of william ireland , thomas pickering , and john grove . pag. 12 the history of the charge and defence of thomas whitebread , will. harcourt , john fenwick , john gavan , and anthony turner . pag. 21 the history of the charge and defence of richard langhorn , esq pag. 47 the history of the charge and defence of robert green , henry berry . and laurence hill. pag. 63 , the history of the charge and defence of sir george wakeman , baronett , william marshall , william rumley , pag. 74 james corker , benedictine monks . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a47868-e920 mr. oates sworn concerning the plot upon the king. he goes to father keyns at colemans . fenwick gives him colemans packet for st. omers . foul expressions in colemans news letter . a letter of thanks to la chaise for 10000 l. the mony to be imployed for the killing of the king. mr. oates had a patent to be of the consult . a consult at the white-horse in the strand . the result of that meeting . touching a rebellion to have been raised in ireland . a consult at the savoy about it . arms towards the rebellion . 200000 l. towards it . money to be sent to windsor . the four irish ruffians sent away , and 80 l. sent after them . ashbies instructions about the poysoning or murther of the king. mr. colemans commission for secretary of state. mr. langhorn shews mr. oates the commissions . mr. oates's acquaintance with mr. langhorn . how many priests and iesuits in england at one time . mr. colemans defence . mr. oates did not know coleman at the council . not till he spake , for the candle was in his eyes . how came mr. oates to omit his charge before the council ? mr. oates's answer to the former objections . why was this information delayed so long ? with mr. oates's reasons for it . whether mr. oates knew coleman before the council or nor ▪ sir thomas doleman examined to that point . and sir robert southwel . m. colemans defence before the council . mr. oates's charge against coleman . mr. bedlow examined . mr. bedlows evidence about commissions . what mony mr. coleman received , how much , and for what . mr. bradley ( the messenger ) examined . his account about seizing m. colemans papers . sir robert southwel and sir thomas doleman examined about m. colemans long letter . m. colemans letters and papers proved to be of his own hand-writing . sir philip lloyd proves the long letter . the scope and substance of it . sir robert southwel proves la chaises letter . la chaises letter to coleman . the substance of mr. colemans project of a declaration . his letter in the dukes name , which gave his highness great offence . the sum of the letter itself . another letter to la chaise . two material passages out of it . mr. coleman owns the letter . the prisoner asks the witness some questions . dr. oates's answer to them . the prisoner says he was in warwick-shire when charged to be in london . he pleads that both witnesses did not swear to the same fact. he blames his expression and distinguishes upon the word aid . boatman witnesses his being in warwick-shire . his servant examined again but could not speak to the day . the prisoner found guilty . he is brought to the bar again and offers a book to prove he was out of town . pleads the act of grace and receives his sentence . he swears himself innocent . and is executed . notes for div a47868-e7500 the indictment ; for conspiring the death of the king. dr. oates sworn . mr. whitebreads letter to conyers . he summons a consult . a second summons ; and who appeared upon it . the consult of april 24. at the white-horse-tavern . the result drawn up by mico . the sum of the result . who signed it . dr. oates came over iune 24. by dover . in a coach to london . ashbies instructions from whitebread . four ruffians hired to kill the king. broils to be raised in scotland . moore and sanders to promote them . the duke as well as the king to be disposed of . the sacrament taken and an oath of secrecy . the prisoner says dr. oates was at st. omers , when he swears himself in london . cary sent to rome , in may or iune . dr. oates's evidence against pickering and grove . pickerings penance ; and for what . dr. oates's risque upon his discovery of the plot. fourscore pounds sent to windsor to the ruffians . who signed the resolution . the oath of secrecy . mr. whitebread denies all . whitebread charged with issuing out commissions . several commissions with blanks . dr. oates charges grove and three irishmen with firing southwark . fenwick offers the seal of the college , and of the town , to prove that dr. oates was at st. omers april and may. dr. oates came over to the april consult . and lay at groves's . whitebread denies dr. oates's coming up with hilsley . mr. bedlow called and sworn . he carryed letters for harcourt . recommended by the lady abbess to sir iohn warner . a correspondence betwixt harcourt and la chaise . mr. bedlow sent to paris . mony , men , and arms in readiness . letters for promoting the plot. a consult in august at mr. harcourts . conyers joyned to pickering and grove , in the design at newmarket . pickering and grove to be rewarded . ireland denies the knowledg of mr. bedlow . mr. bedlow knows nothing of whitebreads being in the plot. grove to put his 1500 l. into a friends hand . ireland says he was in staffordshire not london . mr. bedlow says he saw ireland at le faires . a doubtful passage in the printed tryal . a plot upon some noble lords . dr. oates calls to mind a plot upon the duke of ormond . mr. fenwick made privy to that plot. mr. iames bedlow swears he had heard of a plot. the seals brought into the court. the jury discharged of mr. fenwick and mr. whitebread . mr. ireland proves his being in staffordshire . sarah pain swears that she saw ireland at his own door at a scriveners in fetter-lane , about aug. 13. mrs. a. ireland proves mr. ireland in staffordshire . and so does mrs. eleanor ireland . dr. oates swears mr. ireland in london at that time . harrison proves ireland in staffordshire . mr. irelands journal of his passage into the country . mr. gifford witnesses it too . mr. ireland reflects upon dr. oates's testimony . sir denny ashburnhams evidence . mr. ireland pleads his loyalty . mr. grove denies that dr. oates ever lay at his house . mr. pickering swears that he was never in mr. bedlows company . the three prisoners found guilty and condemned . notes for div a47868-e16290 mr. whitebread pleads that a man ought not to be tri'd twice for the same fact. his plea answered , and overrul'd . mr. fenwick pleads the same with mr. whitebread . the prisoners challenge all that serv'd in the former jury . mr. oates sworn . his charge upon mr. whitebread for his orders to conyers . mr. whitebread charg'd for a correspondence with father talbot . the resolve of apr. consult sign'd . the substance of the resolve . mr. oates landed at dover iune 15. and came to london about noon , iune 17. instructions to poyson the king , and issue out commissions . mr. ashby went to the bath about the latter end of iuly . mr. oates did not know mr. gavan in the lobby . mr. oates his charge against mr. gavan . mr. oates knew mr. gavan's hand , having seen him write a bill for payment of money . mr. ireland takes leave of the witness . mony sent to the ruffians ; and coleman gives the messenger a guinny . a consult at the benedictines , and news from ireland of a plot upon the duke of ormond . sept. 3. mr. whitebread being at supper , m. oates could not see him till next morning ; and was then abus'd . mr. whitebread and m. oates friends again . mr. whitebread overjoy'd at sir geo. wakeman's accepting the 15000. li. mr. gavan summon'd to the consult of april . mony rais'd to carry on the design . ashby in town the beginning or middle of iuly . gavan objects that m. oates varies in his story . the prisoners put cross questions to the witness . mr. oates stay in england was under 20 days . the prisoners offer mr. oates's narrative for evidence . mr. gavan seeks to entrap m. oates about ashby's being in town . gavan presses mr. oates upon a precise week ; which he does not remember . gavan opposes m. oates's evidence with a solemn imprecation . the prisoners charge mr. oates with mistakes . mr. oates's answer to it . mr. dugdale sworn , and charges mr. whitebread . mr. dugdale knows mr. whitebread's hand , having onceseen him write a letter . dugdale engag'd in the plot by gavan . a meeting at tixall sept. last , to kill the king , and destroy the protestant religion . 400 li. given by the witness to pray for his soul. forces expected from abroad . a massacre intended . king-killing made lawfull . 100 treasonable letters seen by mr. d. harcourt's letter seen by mr. dugdale about the murther of sir edmundbury godfry . m. dugdale's account of whitebread's letters . harcourt charges dugdale with contradicting himself . m. chetwin's evidence concerning sir edmundbury godfry . mr. dugdale dealt with to kill the king. mr. dugdale privy to the whole design . mr. prance told of a plot upon the king's life ; and 50000 men ready to set up popery . mr. bedlow's reasons why he spar'd whitebread in the first trial. an account of sending the irish-men to windsor . pickering and grove to be rewarded . pickering disciplin'd for not having his arms fix'd . a debate upon the odd 5000 li. to sir george wakeman . mr. bedlow brought many pacquets and portmantles of intellingence to harcourt . intelligence from s. omers , bruges , paris , valladolid , salamanca . mr. harcourt denies all , and tells how mr. bedlow and he came acquainted . mr. harcourt in the bottom of the plot. 2000 li. to sir george wakeman , in part of a greater sum . mr. petre's letter . mr. harcourt and mr. whitebread expound the letter : but the court not satisfied . mr. gavan's exposition of it . papists bolder in parliament-time then out of it . anderton's letter . a dispute upon the word patents . mr. whitebread's defence ; with reflections upon the witnesse . m. fenwick's defence . the prisoners beg that their witnesses may be sworn . mr. whitebread charges dr. oates with falsifying . presses the business of hilsley . dr. oates clears the objection . hilsley offers proofs on the prisoners behalf . mr. parry crosses dr. oates's testimony . dr. oates sticks to his affirmation . mr. parry for the prisoners . mr. doddington for prisoners . mr. gifford for the pris. mr. palmer for the prisoners . mr. cox. m. billing . mr. townley . mr. fall. mr. hall. mr. cook. mr. gavan presses dr. oates upon his narrative . dr. oates clears himself . bartlet for the prisoners . carlier by an interpreter . sir iohn warner proved at watton by charles verron . and by bailleé . sir thomas preston proved at liege by iohn ioseph . and by peter carpentier . mr. gavan's different case ; and not at london when charg'd to be . mr. gavan prov'd in staffordshire by mrs. winford . and by mary poole . and by mrs. winford again , more particularly . mr. gavan contradicts dr. oates's evidence , as to his speaking with mr. ashby . mr. gavan proves what he could ; and swears himself innocent as to the rest . he offers himself to the ordeal . six witnesses produc'd for him . mr. whitebread will not allow dr. oates to be probus testis . mr. harcourt reflects upon the credit of the witnesses . roman catholicks good evidence . mr. harcourt charges dr. oates with contradictions in his evidence . and so does mr. gavan . mr. gifford gives evidence against dr. oates . dr. oates speaks to some mistakes . eleven witnesses to prove mr. ireland in staffordshire . mr. turner denies his charge . capt. hill produc'd : and mr. fenwick objects ill things done by mr. bedlow . mr. whitebread charges mr. bedlow with a false oath . the king's witnesses call'd . sarah paine swears mr. ireland in town . will. walker swears dr. oates in town . and so does sarah ives . and mrs. mayo . and philip page . sir richard barker heard dr. oates was in town . butler saw dr. oates in barbican . mr. smith , at islington . mr. clay saw him at mr. charles howard's . mr. whitebread presses dr. oates's several contradictions . mr. gavan summs up his whole defence : insisting upon the incompetency of the evidence against him ; the improbability of things ; and their disagreements among themselves . his application to the iury. he urges the insufficiency of d. oates's testimony . denies any conspiracy with mr. dugdale . makes protestation of his innocence . mr. fenwick arraigns dr. oates's evidence . thousands of letters seiz'd , and no treason in them : nor one commission found in all their searches . mr. whitebread offers to the iury how he should dare to strike dr. oates , if he had his life at his mercy . mr. turner excepted to dr. oates's evidence . all the prisoners found guilty . notes for div a47868-e35350 mr. langhorn brought to his trial. mr. dugdale swears to the general plot. an army to be set afoot upon the killing of the king. some thoughts of a massacre . a letter concerning sir edmundbury godfry's murther . mr. prance swears to the general plot. an army of 50000 to be set on foot upon the killing of the king. dr. oates sworn . his acquaintance and communication with m. langhorn . his second meeting with mr. langhorn . dr. oates charges mr. langhorn with dangerous words . mr. langhorn's prayer for the success of the design . dr. oates's report to mr. langhorn . he swears commissions lying upon mr. langhorn's study-table , six , or eight . commissions upon a corner of mr. langhorn's desk , folded up . mr. langhorn shew'd the witness the commissions . la chaise's letters in answer to laghorne shew'd to this witness . langhorne charg'd by the witness with getting 6000 l. of the benedictines , toward the plot. when , and how dr. oates went to st. omers ; and who came over with him back . dr. oates stay'd in england at his return , under 20 days . the prisoner allow'd all freedom of defence , asks several questions . a sworn copy of a record , in the lords house , admitted to be good evidence . dr. oates came over with hilsley ; and so from dover by coach : but mr. hilsley parted from him . dr. oates could not say where he lay in london the first night after his return : but in general , that he lay at mr. groves's . † dr. oates did not say six days , but under twenty . * dr. oates proves langhorne's hand , having formerly seen an order from him for payment , of money . † dr. oates proves letters from la chaise to langhorne , upon his own confession . * mr. langhorne puts questions about dr. oates's religion . and whether a iesuite , or not . † dr. oates had been with mr. langhorne four or five times . mr. bedloes opinion about the hand and seal of a commission from rome . mr. bedloe sets forth mr. langhorne's correspondences , abroad . and the scope of his letters . mr. langhorn charg'd with makeing entries of the aforesaid letters . mr. bedlow opens the method of the confederacy . irish casheer'd souldiers to embarque as pilgrims . mr. bedloe told , that langhorne had the commissions . money from the benedictines . mr. bedloe deposes the minutes of the result to be enter'd by langhorne . nothing wanting , but money . eight hundred thousand crowns to be remitted from rome . keines told the witness of a chiding letter from barbarini . a discourse about four irish-men . to the prisoners question about the witnesses pardons , mr. bedloe had three , and mr. oates two. to mr. langhorne's objection , that the witness had a reward , dr. oates prov'd the contrary : and that he was 6 or 700 l. out of pocket . * mr. bedloe to the same question answers that he was 700 l. out of purse . the paint of the approver over-rul'd . dr. oates inform'd the court of papists coming in with their swords . hilsley denies his coming over with dr. oates . mr. gifford says , that dr. oates was at st. omers after hilsley's going away . dr. oates still at st. omers . dr. oates sworn to be at st. omers from december till iune . mr. langhorne urg'd dr. oates's narrative and oath , before the lords , against him . st. ioh. warner at watton , when dr. oates came over . and dr. oates at st. omers . dr. oates and mr. pool said to be at st. omers , when dr. oates said , they were in england . dr. oates at st. omers all may. sr. ioh. warner at st. omers from the begining of april to may 14. sr. tho. preston at liege thorough march , april & may. sr. ioh. warner at watton from april 24 to may 16. sr. tho. preston at liege . dr. oates said to be at st. omers all april and may , and part of iune . mr. pool at st. omers all april and may. dr. oates at st. omers . at st. omers from december to iune . dr. oates at st. omers . dr. oates prov'd to be at st. omers from december to iune . mr. pool and nevill at st. omers . dr. oates , nevil and pool , at st. omers . the same evidence again . mrs. grove affirms , that dr. oates never lay at her house . dr. oates swears , that he lay there 3 or 4 nights in a disguise . mr. langhorne charges d. oates with contradicting his evidence before the lords , and his narrative . the witnesses affronted by the rabble , and the court much offended at it . never a room in the white-horse tavern that would hold the consult . being said to be fifty persons . prov'd , that two of the rooms would hold 25 or 30 apiece . mr. langh . offer'd some questions to the court , which were not admitted . mr. langh . urg'd mr. bedloes contradicting his evidence before the lords . mr. langh . asks how the commissions were disposed of . and charges dr. oates with a mistake . the narrative of dr. oates's evidence at colemans trial. no evidence in the law. mr. langhorne insists upon the incompetency of the witnesses . mr. walker deposes , that he saw dr. oates in london in march or april , 1678. mrs. ives swears to the same effect . butl. proves dr. oates in england in may last . cecily mayo , and philip page swear dr. oates in london . sir r. barker told as much by his servants . mr. clay saw dr. oates twice in april & may. mr. smith saw him the first monday in may. mr. charles howard saw him in iuly , but not in may. mr. langhornes defence and exception to dr. oates his testimony . and to mr. bedloes . a letter descanted upon . the prisoner found guilty , and condemned . notes for div a47868-e49850 green , berry and hill brought to their trials . dr. oates's evidence : and law in securing the depositions . sir edmond-bury godfrey foresees his end . mr. robinsons evidence . the witnesses discourse with sr. edmond-bury godfrey about the plot. mr. prance's evidence . drawn in by green , girald , and kelly . sir edmond . dogg'd into red-lion-fields . they had sett him in st. clements . and prepare for the murther . a quarrel pretended . the manner of the murther . green twisted his neck and bragged of it . the body carried off in a sedan . hill meets them with a horse and takes up the body . hill , kelly , and girald , run his sword through him . their consultation at bow. a drawer overheard the conspirators at the tavern . giralds resolution to murther sir edmund . hill objected against prances testimony . the reason of prances flying off . mr. bedlows evidence . he made an acquaintance with sir edmund godfrey . le faire appointed mr. bedlow to meet him . their discourse . mr. bedlow brought to the body . mr. bedlow advised the sinking of the body in the thames . le faire charges him to help away with the body by the sacrament he took on thursday . mr. bedlow troubled in conscience . the providence of mr. bedlows discovering prance . the constables evidence about the body of sir edmund godfrey . evidence upon the view of his body . eliz. curtis swears that green came to her masters house . and that on a satcerday morning hill was there . a note brought the night before . stringer proved their meeting at the plow . caries evidence upon the meeting at the queens head. the drawers evidence of that tavern . sir robert southwets report of prances examination . a relation of all the circumstances delivered by prance , and how the body was removed and disposed of . berries pretended orders not to admit any body . the witnesses for the prisoners . mary tilden gave evidence for hills good behaviour . mrs. broadstreet seconds the former evidence . katharine lees evidence , the servant of mrs. tilden . daniel grey gives evidence for his brother hill. robert how gives an account how hill disposed of himself . mr. cutler and mr. lasingby to the same efect . archibald seemed glad for prances discovery . greens wise called her vvitnesses . mr. warrier and his wife gave evidence where mr. green was . mr. ravenscroft testifies his knowledg of hill. corporal collet and the sentinels examin'd about the chair . the prisoners all found guilty of murther . notes for div a47868-e56260 the cause of indictment . mr. dugdale drawn into the plot. the scope of harcourts letters . bold letters sent by the common post. several designs upon the king. the letter about sir edm. godfrey . mr. dugdale gives 400 l. to pray for his soul. corkers objection against that letter . mr. dugdales answer . corkers objections to the story . why by the common post. the black cross upon whitebreads letter . fifty thousand men to be arm'd . mr. iennison's evidence against ireland . mr. ireland positively here , aug. 19. the king easily taken off . dr. oates's evidence against sr. g. wakeman . concerning the 15000 l. sr. g. wakemans letter . the doctor , charg'd with a contradiction . doz'd with setting up . sir. g. wakeman not committed by the council . dr. oates against corker . corker's letter out of germany . privy to the april consult . mr. marshal charged . the prisoners defence . dr. oates knowledge of mr. marshal . several consults charg'd upon the prisoner . questions to the doctor about pickering . and the consults . sr. g. wakeman's bill for 2000 l. two thousand pounds for the present , in part of more . letters and discourses about the plot. how mr. bedloe know mr. marshal little against rumly . questions about sr. g. wakemans bill . sir g. wakeman's objection . the prisoner denies the witnesse's knowledge of him . the witness affirms the contrary . sir. w. waller speaks to the point above . mr. bedlow affirms that he knew marshall . mr. marshall denies it . mr. bedlow comforts the prisoner . their acquaintance at the savoy . the prisoner positively denies it . the savoy search'd by dr. oates's and mr. bedlow's directions . mr. bedlow's evidence against sir g. w. repeated . sir g. wakeman's letter to ashby . produced , and justify'd . dr. oates insists upon another letter . sir g. owning one , and no more . sir george's servant proves the letter . and elizabeth heveningham . sir g. wakeman's defence . the dr. excuses his omission before the councill . dr. oates's deposition against sir g. w. before the councill . sir george wakeman's reply . dr. oates explains himself . no mention of sir george wakeman's letter , before the council . sir george wakeman's plea. a copy offer'd of the lords records . mr. rumly clear'd . dr. oates very ill and weary before the council . sir george wakeman's plea before the council . mr. corker's plea and argument . sir george wakeman's observation upon the doctour's narrative . mr. corker reflects upon dr. oates's mistakes . mr. corker denies all . he says that dr. oates did not know him . mr. marshal's defence . sir william waller speaks to the manner of taking him . mr. marshall defends himself . mr. marshall appeals to sir william waller . the prisoner recommends himself to the court and iury. witnesses for the prisoners . corker not president , as pretended . mr. stapilton president of the benedictines , the prisoners plead innocence . and brought in not guilty . a true representation to the king and people of england how matters were carried on all along in ireland by the late king james in favor of the irish papists there from his accession to the crown, to the tenth of april, 1689 / by an impartial eye-witness. impartial eye-witness. 1689 approx. 39 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2011-04 (eebo-tcp phase 2). a63745 wing t3098 estc r24644 08259089 ocm 08259089 41254 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. searching, reading, printing, or downloading eebo-tcp texts is reserved for the authorized users of these project partner institutions. permission must be granted for subsequent distribution, in print or electronically, of 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 2, no. a63745) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 41254) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1242:22) a true representation to the king and people of england how matters were carried on all along in ireland by the late king james in favor of the irish papists there from his accession to the crown, to the tenth of april, 1689 / by an impartial eye-witness. impartial eye-witness. 20 p. printed for richard chiswell, london : 1689. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -james ii, 1685-1688. 2009-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2009-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-06 lauren proux sampled and proofread 2009-06 lauren proux text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true representation to the king and people of england ; how matters were carried on all along in ireland by the late king james , in favour of the irish papists there : from his accession to the crown , to the tenth of april , 1689. by an impartial eye-witness . licens'd , aug. 16. 1689. j. fraser . london , printed for richard chiswell , at the rose and crown in st. paul's church-yard , mdclxxxix . a true representation to the king and people of england , how matters were carried on all along in ireland , by the late king james , in favour of the irish papists there , &c. to satisfie those that make it their business to reflect on the protestants who left ireland in the late calamities ; the following reasons are briefly offered . first , it is clearly evident , that ireland is a kingdom depending on england , and that the acts passed in it are to be altered , amended , and confirmed by the king and council of england , as by poyning's act in ireland , may more fully appear . that england receiv'd k. j. as their lawful king , is likewise granted ; and that ireland intirely submitted , is evident : and here i will not enter into a tedious discourse of all the measures taken since 1660 , to subvert the protestant religion , and the laws established , ( which will be shortly at large set forth , by another hand , to the full satisfaction of every impartial and vnprejudiced person ) but briefly and truly give an account of the proceedings in ireland since his accession to the crown . it is plain , that his whole endeavours were bent to introduce popery , and establish it in these kingdoms , and that he could not more readily effect it , and try the genius of his protestant subjects of ireland ( who were taught to yield him passive obedience , by the easie compliance of some of their party then in power , to his fierce incroachments ) than by a new modelling of the army there ; which in a very little time was so purged , that scarce a true protestant , or honest gentleman was left in it : and tho' it began by degrees whilst his excellency the lord clarendon had the sword , yet it was fully executed ( to the almost ruine of many a worthy gentleman , whose fortune depended on it ) a little after the lord tyrconnel had the honour of being his deputy in that kingdom . this being the first step , the irish were made officers , and troops and companies filled every where with them , and were trained and exercised by an extraordinary diligence of some good old officers , kept in i suppose of purpose for it , who soon became , not only contemners of their protestant commanders , but were preferred to their places . so that the sword ( and consequently the military command of that kingdom ) was wholly in their power . the next thing to be looked into was the civil magistrate , and he who was known to be a true protestant , was laid aside , and new judges of the right stamp were first coyned , who had command in their respective circuits to inform the government of all protestant justices ( or cromwell's favorers as they called them ) who were likewise presently eased of their commissions , and all other impoloyments . then the officers of the revenue were also purged ; and several of the irish who had got in among them ( in inferiour stations ) yet in regard they were not so well qualified as the protestants , by a knowledge in those affairs , some were removed , and the most useful of the protestants restored for a while ; yet as the irish grew skilful , the protestants still were outed again : matters being thus acted and the protestant nobility , and many of the gentry knowing of no better expedient than to come into england ( since they could not struggle against the king's will , which was a law in ireland ) therefore they removed hither to make a remonstrance of the grievances of that kingdom to the late king : and tho' they flock'd over out of all parts , yet they prevailed so little to gain any redress , that they saw plainly they could not return into ireland without apparent hazard of their lives . and now was it judged by the ld. deputy the fittest time for him to put his long contrived designs of subverting the protestant religion , and introducing popery , into full execution ; upon which in november last , there was a motion made in council for disarming all the rest of the protestants of that kingdom , which being known , and most concluding that as soon as their arms were taken ( there being then a hot discourse of a general massacre intended ) 't was only to leave them more naked and exposed , so as that might have its full effect more easily , and with less opposition upon them , which alarm'd the protestants so , that many thousands came flocking over to avoid that fatal stroke . now were the few protestants who lived disperst left to shift for themselves . in the mean time the lord tyrconnel ( who still had the sword undemanded and undisposed of to any other ) issues new commissions , not only to the ro. ca. who had some estates ; but to all , who were willing to stand up for the cause , that were men of broken fortunes and worse fame , but could influence the rabble and raise companies , only with this salvo , that they should maintain them for 3 months on their own cost and charge , and then they should have their commissions given them : by which it was adjudged , that in regard there was but little money in the treasury , they should be fitted for service against the time k. j. should come , or send them money ; or , that if the deputy found an army ready to land out of england , what money was there would be little enough to bear his charges , and furnish him with necessaries on his flight . but these commissions ( or rather incouragements ) being very many , for every one who could get about 60 kearnes , or country fellows to joyn with them , and own him as their captain , immediately strutted and looked very big , and was honoured , by the name of captain ; so that it was nothing strange to have 20 or 30 companies in a county , and these the noted idlers and cow-stealers . so that presently the captains ( many of which had not 3 cows of their own ) had several scores of cattle driven into nooks and by-paths ; and all that were branded , were sure to go to pot , in regard the horne ( as they called it ) spoke english ; the rest were sent into other remote counties to the officers there , and those again sent their stolen cattle in exchange for the other ( which was done to elude a proclamation from the lord deputy on the many and daily complaints and petitions he receiv'd on account of the stolen cattle ) requiring all officers and soldiers as well as others to be aiding and assisting to recover the stolen cattle , and to punish the offenders ; which pass'd for currant . for it was well if a protestant could go safe to the captain of the next garrison , who sometimes would be so civil ( especially if a sum of money were given his men to assist in the search ) as to send 8 or 10 miles , but be sure the cattle must be far enough from the place searched ; and sometime when 30 or 40 good fat bullocks came to be made a prey , that about a 3d or 4th part must be laid aside for the pot ; the rest for a bribe of 5 or 6 l. would be got by some of the soldiers , who would swear lustily they were forced to promise so much to their spy : yet no sooner ( on the delivery of the greater part of the cattle , and the money receiv'd ) but be sure in a night or two the cattle were again stolen . thus the merry drovers ( as they called themselves ) valued not to joyn about 60 , or 80 , or 100 in one party , and force away what cattle they had a mind to : so that sometimes 100 sheep would scarce feed the drivers with their families and friends ; and a purchace of about 100 , was only fit to be divided among them and their crew into lots and parts , ( but they called them steages . ) and now these new rais'd forces were most of them half armed out of the stores , the rest were pretty well fitted for pikes made in the country , and the priests and fryars commanded ( on obedience to the holy see ) that no person whatsoever should appear at mass without his long skeane and half-pike , which accordingly was performed , and one person who had not one foot of land but what he farmed from an english gentleman , had 12 dozen of each made for himself and tenants , an account whereof was sent the government , but no notice taken . and now was it judged fit that those new rais'd forces should betake themselves to garrisons , which was suddainly done — and not only were the kings garrisons , forts , and castles , well stored with them , but many gentlemens houses that were strengthy , ( or whose ownes were judged disaffected to them ) were likewise filled with their numbers , and the proprietors , or possessors turned out , and the provision seized , ( and it was an extraordinary favour to get off any goods that were of any value ) on pretence that it was for the kings use , and that he would make satisfaction as he thought fit , and that it was done by his command . now was it plain , that this army was not designed to fight with butterflies , and that the lives of all the protestants that stayed , were in apparent danger : on which an humble request was made to one or two persons of greatest quality and station , to stand up for the protestant religion . — but either through too much loyalty , or judging the scattered and dispersed protestants , too weak to withstand their shock , ( much less to disarm the party designed ) was therefore declined and judged unfit to attempt as they proposed , seizing the sword , lord deputy , and dublin . matters being thus transacted , it was judged by the protestant gentry of the west of ireland , that in regard sligoe , ( which is a sea-port town , and the chief in the county ) one of the best posts and strongest , being also well situated to pass from the north to connaght ; ( the irish company a little before being drawn out of it to a general rendezvouz ) and many of their new raised forces possessing them selves daily of the most considerable strengths in the county , as belahy , moygara , which belongs to the l. kingston and his tenants , ousted , and ballymoate ; therefore , lest they should likewise possess themselves of sligo as they intended , it was resolved by the protestants there to enter it , and possess themselves of it for their defence and safety : and so they did unanimously issue their declaration on the 4th day of jan●ar . last , that they associated themselves in the necessary defence of their lives and the protestant religion as by law established , which to their utmost powers they would maintain , and would not prejudice even roman catholicks whilst they demeaned themselves according to the laws — the protestants then chose the right honorable robert l. baron of kingstone , and the honor. chidley coote , esq their commanders in chief , to whom they promised intire obedience . — and accordingly all were formed into troops and companies , and all furnished themselves with the men under their respective commands , with horses , arms , ammunition , provisions , &c. imploying all the smiths in fixing arms , making pikes , stars , and other inventions against horse , and to defend forts , buying all the scythes , and fixing them on poles , building up the old and decayed forts , making draw bridges , ordering frontier garrisons , keeping strong watch and ward on all quarters , at grange near mid-way to balishannon , to hold their correspondence with derry , at new-town , dromahere , and mannerhamelton , to have intelligence with enniskilling , at dr. leslies , at coolooni , and marcray , to prevent an infal from the boyle , or ballymoate ; at ardinglass , lackan , and cottlestown , to awe the new rais'd army in the county of mayo , part of which had seized the bishop of killalla's house : and when one mr. tremble ( a servant of sir arthur gore 's ) ask'd one captain walter bourke why he would seize the bishop's house , and make it a garrison , the gate was shut upon him , and he set upon and barbarously murthered . likewise an account of the protestants , who were at foxford , and many other places , who were drawing to sligo on the orders that issued for disarming all protestants of the kingdom ; as also to take all their service-horses , which was obeyed with that secrecy , diligence , and care , that not so much as a plow-horse was left ; so that many a family , for want of a horse to carry their luggage , was forced to stay and submit to their merciless cruelty ; but this garrison relieved and conveyed many a distressed and robbed protestant to sligo , who soon was recruited and put into troop or company at the officers cost . during this time there was a secret intreague with secretary ellis and mr. temple : as also a sham letter from the lord tyrconel into england about delivering the sword ; and had there one been sent to demand the sword with about a thousand soldiers , 't is not doubted but it would be delivered , though at the same time the lord montjoy ( least he should stand up for the protestants ) is complemented with an embassy into france . and now the irish getting all this time to strengthen themselves , and the arms and horses taken from the protestants , they began to encrease to an army of 90000. strong : and all this while there was neither commission , arms , ammunition , or money sent to the protestants at sligo , notwithstanding that as they were informed , it was earnestly sollicited by a person of quality in england , who knew the goodness and strength of that post they were in , and that they daily expected some succours , so that the protestants there began to be in very great want of ammunition ; and notwithstanding all their endeavours , wanted many arms , tho' all the fowling pieces were cut into carbines , and smiths continually at work . and the sword ( to which the supreme acknowledgment is paid ) was still undemanded in the lord tyrconnel's hand , and sure without command he would not lay it down ; yet the protestants at sligo continued in their own and protestant religions defence , according to their declaration of the fourth of january , without any violation of it , and kept constant watch and ward with the usual exercise against occasion offered , only on account of several protestants who were stopt at boile , and their goods seiz'd by colonel mac donel , who possest himself of my lord kingston's house there , and likewise on all the corn and hay of his tenants near it . the said lord kingston writ to the colonel , desiring him to let the protestants with their goods come down , for he did not hinder any papist to remove to him ; which not being done , my lord resolved to deliver those from their restraints , and accordingly with a considerable party of horse and foot marched to boile ; but the colonel hearing of my lord 's coming , drew in all his men and horses into my lord's house and court , and capitulated , and let his prisoners go ; and engaged on honour not to hinder any from joyning at sligo ; but no sooner was my lord and his party gone , than the next day those that heard of that engagement , and were desirous to go thither , were all seized and kept close prisoners till the assizes — about this time , which was the 12th of march , the unlucky declaration ( pardon the expression ) of the second of february last , as being sent before any army was landed to back it , and was there receiv'd , which gave time to all papists to lay down their arms and repair to their respective dwellings by the 10th of april last , &c. which did so tye up all the protestants from offering violence , even to those who some time before stole their cattel , that the least violence was not offered them , in an absolute and intire obedience to that declaration ; by which means they were encouraged to have pardon for their villanies and robberies , and told by the priests , fryars and officers , that no army would be sent to suppress them : and therefore till the time limited , they should let none know their resolutions , whether to lay down , or stand to their arms. — also the french marquess dupont landing in kinsale , and going to dublin about this time , was splendidly entertain'd there by the lord deputy , who assured him it would not be long till an army landed in ireland out of france , as also of king james's going thither very speedily , and a full account of what since hapned , which would not at all be credited by any protestants , but that an army would land out of england before any could come from france ; but it was hoped the marquess would not return back to france nor scape our men at sea — intelligence being now receiv'd , and account of the army , and how affairs stood , being sent back by monsieur , it was judged expedient to march an army with all speed to the north , and suppress the protestants there . accordingly an army came to lisnegarvy which ( after a little dispute , a great number of their men falling on a small party of ours ) made them quit their ground . — the noise of this victory soon took wing , and gave them encouragement to besiege colerain ; and not being able to do any execution on that side , drew off their men to march them back to get over the bridge above it , and so fall on that town from the other side of the river , on which colerain wanting trusty and good officers in it to command , the rabble with the inhabitants deserted and left the town , ( excepting only those that resolved to submit to the enemy ) by which means , and the great disorder they were in to get to derry , many a good horse and arms , as well as the riches of that town , fell into the enemies hands . — notice of these disasters being immediately sent from derry by colonel lundee to the gentlemen , who kept garrisons in their houses in the counties of monaghan , cavan , &c. who were earnestly desired to draw down immediately with their men , and joyn derry men ; and understanding the condition derry was in , marcht forthwith : and lest the enemy should possess themselves of their strong houses , goods , and provisions , set fire to all , and marcht away by the light of it ; consuming their own goods and houses , to joyn with derry men , and oppose the enemies marching thither to besiege it . and though it might be judged , the loyalty and zeal of these gentlemen need not be question'd ; yet hitherto there is but small provisions made for them . and if it be asked what made them come over , 't is easily answered , the divisions in derry amongst several there , ( who hitherto have scaped being called to account for it , may be fear'd , were private instruments ) and who took on them the command , and ordered matters as they themselves pleased , taking no advice but that of their own pleasures , gave such plain occasion of distrust , that it was judged better by those and other honest gentlemen there , to come over and give an account how matters were , than to stay in disorder and confusion , when especially they were not able to stem the current that so violently run against them , and whose business it was to joyn and assist with the governour , rather than to give him publick opposition , when private advice proved vain ; so that as well to avoid mutinying with him , as to bring a calumny on themselves , to be so much as suspected for betraying that interest and religion they were not able to defend or preserve , the rabble being in confusion , who sometime would have one , another day another officer ; and sometime would joyn themselves , and do as they pleased . the one part of protestants deserting the other , and these not able to withstand the enemy without mutual assistance ; and if they could , not daring to trust their governour , who was there ( as well as he had been at colerain ) when they were about seizing him , and shut the gates on him that he should not get away , till by his oaths of fidelity to them , ( which he freely gave ) and a little policy , he got off ; and being under vehement suspicions of a private correspondence with king james , who about this time was in dublin , had created such great jealousies , feuds and heart burnings in the soldiers , he refusing to give the command to him chosen by the people : which was of no small advantage to the enemy , and daily weakned the town , by the desertion of those who durst neither trust him , nor themselves under his command . during these disorders , letters came to sligo by expresses one after another from the colonel , desiring my lord kingston to send a party to join them at derry . but answer being immediately return'd him , that there were not men enow at sligo to keep that post ( so far from all relief and ) in the face of the enemy , and of the want there was of arms and ammunition ( which were then at derry to be had for money . ) every officer for himself and men , sent for so many as they wanted , according to their proportions , and made a purse , and thought it convenient to send captain coote forthwith to acquaint them with the state of the garrison and know theirs ; — and bring arms and ammunition , which were very much wanting ; — whilst another letter came posting , to desire a speedy joining them at derry . but a council being call'd , it was resolved to stay till captain coote returned and brought the certainty how matters were , and not to quit that advantageous post lightly , which cost so much money and work to strengthen it , and had so many men , women and children , that had from almost all parts of connaght flockt to it , and could not get room , nor be provided for at derry ; and above all , was so considerable to awe all connaght forces , that in case of hardships , succours could come by sea , which were now daily expected by every blast of an easterly wind , which was heartily wish'd and greedily long'd for . but streight a third express was suddenly hastened , shewing the great danger the north was in ; and if that were lost , ( as it was feared , without sligo-forces joining them , it would ) that sligo could not hold out long after , and earnestly desired to desert it ; and that he had provided quarters and forrage ready for them there , and come immediately to their relief . on which express another council was held , and knowing the great want there was of ammunition ( not much above one barrel of powder being in the garrison at sligo , ) and the danger that threatned them at derry , it was resolv'd to join them forthwith , and quit sliego , and to put all to the short issue of one field-fight . accordingly all now resolved to march with bag and baggage . the next day was spent in providing horses and necessaries , in getting boats , breaking the big guns , and sending of the small to derry by water ; burning and destroying all the corn , hay , and haggards about the country ; calling in all the frontier garrisons ; — and every one using his utmost endeavours ( some by water to the island of enishmorrey , that was judged capable of defence till the goods and men could get off by water to derry , ) the rest with what horses they could get : so that the day following all marched ; and a vessel lying then at sligo , as many as could get off , with some goods , the wind being fair , sailed away . but after two daies march ( in the saddest weather that could blow , ) coming to belashannon , 20 miles from sligo , a fourth letter comes to my lord , to stay him there till quarters were provided for him , and forrage got for horses ; which was no small surprize , after drawing him from his post , on assurance of providing those necessaries , and of the distress that threatned derry . a boat also with passengers and goods from sligo was cast away near donigale , and another sent with the field-pieces , by reason of the storm put into an island , and the next day seiz'd and taken back , as were all the goods , provisions , men , and women that went into the island , which was no small booty . — but now was my lord kingston forced , for want of forrage , to disperse his men , some to beleeke , some to donigale , some to killabegs ( to keep boylagh men in awe , who were extreamly increased , and began to rob publickly on barnesmore , ) some at belashannon , and some about the county ; and so continued for seventeen days in a very ill condition for want of forrage , many of the horses being turned to grass for want of it , and the weather continuing extreamly bad ; which so abused them , that many were made unserviceable . — at length a letter comes from the colonel to my lord to belashannon about ten at night , to secure the pass at ballymofey ( 30 miles thence ) by ten next day , which was altogether impossible to be done ; — neither could it be ( under half that time ) that the men could have notice of it sent them , as they lay scattered in their several quarters , which formerly i mentioned ; and many were likewise to provide horses , their own being dead , or so weak and out of condition for want of forrage , that they were of little use for service : however two companies that were at and near donnigale , march'd in the morning betime to join the northern men , and to secure that pass , which was 20. miles from them , and many hundreds of men , women and children march'd with them , with bag and baggage in hopes to get to derry before the enemy intercepted them ; but this day being dismally wet , and extream windy , and marching over that horrible mountain of barnesmore , which is 15 miles long , tho' they marched at an extraordinary rate , yet it was seven at night before they could reach it ; and my lord ( expecting to meet colonel lundy there ) rid with a dozen horse , to discourse him , and to know why he was drawn from his post on pretence of so great danger ? why he kept there in that bad condition so long after he had receiv'd his letter , that quarters and forrage was provided for him and his party ? why he had not notice sooner sent him of the enemies approaching so near ? and how was it possible for him to march his men , who lay scattered at such a distance , under at least three daies notice ? but coming thither , there was soon an account given by those , who that day were broke and fled from cladyford fight , that the colonel , with the horse whom he commanded to go with him to secure a pass on the river above cladyford , was gone to derry ; and it was not much questioned but the enemy , who soon fell into rapho , killing men in the very streets there , would be as soon at the gate , and enter , as the colonel . — and it is not much to be doubted , that had the irish army liberty of getting over that ford , which they could not possibly do , without great danger of their lives , the water being so very high with that days rain , and the bridge being broken down , that if they could have marched over and pursued their victory , they would have got in without great ( if any ) opposition ; for colonel cunningham , with the succours sent by him for the relief and defence of the town , had set sail , and reurned : and it was not doubted but derry as well as colerain , would be left to them by the colonel , in regard that neither men nor arms were landed : — and now this party thus disappointed at ballemofey , and the enemy in rapho between them and derry , after this days sad march , were now forced to return that night , over that wild mountain ; and horses being weak and weary with the long march and bad weather , could not get back that night , but were left with loads and all : so that by much difficulty , and by the great care the two companies of foot ( who brought up the rear ) took to bring off the women and children , who were sadly toiled and tired , many of them would have been left and lost , as almost all their goods and baggage were . — and next morning got back to donigale , with much difficulty and distress , by reason of the badness of the weather , as well as that of the way , and the darkness , windiness , and rain , contributing not a little to the hazards and losses they sustained . — and now consulting what was to be done in these disorders , or rather treacherous practices , it was concluded that my lord kingston ( with the officers of his appointment that were there with him ) should come off in three or four vessels that lay at killabeggs , and hasten over and give an account how matters were , and get commissions and return with all speed to their friends , relations and tenants , whom they mounted and armed and sent straight to joyn eniskillin men ; which was no small trouble to them , that after about four months cost , sufferings , and acquaintance , they must now part , having neither arms , ammunition , nor supplies sent them : but it was now plain , that the colonel ( who knew very well that king james was near his army ) which gave clear occasions of distrust , and that the private under-hand intelligence he held would be to the ruin of the protestants ; and the day after the lord kingston , the wind being fair , set sail . but to relate the miseries and hardships they endured at sea , lying a ship-board like packt herrings in their boots and wet cloaths for six or seven days , and twice like to be cast away on the scotch shoar ; and thence getting to glasgow in small boats , some again riding post to london with my lord , others going to edinburgh , and then by sea , some afoot to leverpool above 200 miles , others again venturing , thither by sea , who ever since have been waiting , petitioning , and expecting to return with commissions for themselves as well as for some of their friends , who have given the world satisfaction of their courage and zeal for the protestant religion , and whose names ought to be honoured with a perpetual remembrance of their actions . and if the archbishop of tuam or bishop of killalla , who very well knows my lord , with the gentlemen that came over with him , and what they did and suffered whilst they were at sligo , be enquired of the truth of this matter , that certainly persons who are provided for , and who never shewed that zeal would not be preferred , and these ( not only neglected , by which means they suffer many hardships , but ) even discountenanced , by being called deserters of their country ; and whether this usage be not a trial of their zeal , i leave to any one to judge : also on due enquiry , or after what is said , if they for coming over , or the person who drew them from their post , who by their majesties commission , was governour of derry , and who hazarded their lives and fortunes to join with him , without commissions to oppose the enemy , to be so served , or he be most to blame ? — or whether they who know the mountains , creeks and passes , as well as the notorious bloody rebels and cow-stealers , who have most of their nearest relations , either hazarding their lives against them , or under their power , at least in restraint , with cruel usage and hardships enough , if they have yet escaped with their lives : whether also that these gentlemen , who have left their goods , and come over , some with a very little money , plate , or other moveables of value , which is now all spent ; and some who have a great charge of eight or ten in family , who in probability might have starved many of them , had not that charitable course been taken for their support ; that is , who cannot raise money here for want of city-security ; neither their own ( tho they have good estates in ireland ) nor the gentlemen thence to be taken bound for them ; whether , i say , these be able to return for want of horses , arms , or necessaries to carry them over , having spent all , and to carry a musket , and leave their families in want , and wholly unsettled and wanting bread , would not only be bad encouragement for them , but that pay would neither maintain them , nor scarce any one of their familie ; and whether a due consideration and regard be not to be had of those so quallified for employments , and persons of known courage and zeal for the protestant religion , of whom there are many unprovided for of any employment , which would be a great ease to england in the several sums paid for the relief of those protestants , who are now here in no capacity nor ability for providing for themselves , tho they are sufficiently zealous for their majesties service . and whether a farther delay may not be prejudicial as matters stand , considering that for want of a speedy relieving of ireland , and not sending over but about 100. officers , and one to command in chief with arm , ammunition , commissions , and money in january , february , march , or april last , that kingdom had not been wholly in the protestants hands , notwithstanding all the french army since landed , as well as that raised by tyrconnel , and if it had not prevented the ruin , destruction , desolation , and cruelties , which the protestants there have since suffered ? and now 't is hoped it may not be amiss to inspect and enquire who the retarders are ; and to do it so effectually , that they at length be frustrated of carrying on any farther designs , to the apparent ruin of the protestants , and to bring them to condign punishments for the blood and miseries many thousands have suffered by the irish and french cruelties , who were the instruments who occasion'd it . and whether they did not endeavour by such practices to establish popery , as well as confusion . may they therefore be found out and made examples for their perfidy . may their sacred majesties ever be happy and defend the protestant religion from popery and superstition , and have the hearts of all their subjects intirely united to them , whilst all ackitophels justly suffer . may england with all their majesties kingdoms and dominions flourish under peace and safety , whilst we bless god for his great deliverances he wrought for us , in placing their majesties on the royal throne . may the poor protestants of ireland bless the almighty , who they hope hath raised a deliverer for them , that they may return in peace to enjoy their possessions ; that they may make the right and sanctified use of their afflictions , so that they and their children may never forget the great deliverances wrought for them : whilst the irish and french be turned out of that land , and receive their just demerits , and that religion and true piety , may ever flourish and be establish'd among us for all generations . and may duke schomberg have this also added to his former renowned acts , to prove the deliverer , first of the irish protestants , and then of the french in france . finis . books lately printed for ric. chiswell . the answer of a protestant gentleman in ireland , to a late letter from n. n. upon a discourse betwixt them concerning the present posture of that countrey , and the part fit for those concerned there to act in it . an aplogy for the protestants in ireland , in a brief narrative of the late revolutions in that kingdom , and an account of the present state thereof . the interest of england in the preservation of ireland , humbly presented to the parliament of england by g. p. esq there is in the press , and will be shortly published a full and impartial account of all the secret consults , negotiations , stratagems , and intrigues of the romish party ●n ireland , from 1660 to this present year 1689. for the settlement of popery in tha kingdom . remarks on the affairs and trade of england and ireland wherein is set down 1. the antient charge of ireland, and all the forces sent thither from 1170 until the compleat conquest thereof in 1602 ..., 2. the peculiar advantages which accrue to england by ireland ..., 3. the state of trade, revenue, rents, manufactures, &c. of ireland, with the causes of its poverty ..., 4. the only sure expedients for their advancement, with the necessity and utility of the repeal (as well as suspension) of the laws against dissenters, and the test, 5. how the reduction and settlement of ireland may be improved to the advantage of england ... / by a hearty well-wisher to the protestant religion, and the prosperity of these kingdoms. harris, walter, sir. 1691 approx. 237 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 42 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45667 wing h886 estc r13627 12848523 ocm 12848523 94476 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45667) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94476) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 383:4) remarks on the affairs and trade of england and ireland wherein is set down 1. the antient charge of ireland, and all the forces sent thither from 1170 until the compleat conquest thereof in 1602 ..., 2. the peculiar advantages which accrue to england by ireland ..., 3. the state of trade, revenue, rents, manufactures, &c. of ireland, with the causes of its poverty ..., 4. the only sure expedients for their advancement, with the necessity and utility of the repeal (as well as suspension) of the laws against dissenters, and the test, 5. how the reduction and settlement of ireland may be improved to the advantage of england ... / by a hearty well-wisher to the protestant religion, and the prosperity of these kingdoms. harris, walter, sir. [5], 74, [1] p. printed for tho. parkhurst ..., london : 1691. prefatory letter signed: w.h. [i.e., walter harris]. cf. nuc pre-1956. errata: p. [1] at end. reproduction of original in library of congress. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -foreign relations -ireland. ireland -foreign relations -great britain. ireland -economic conditions. great britain -economic conditions. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2008-09 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion remarks on the affairs and trade of england and ireland . wherein is set down : 1. the antient charge of ireland , and all the forces sent thither from 1170 until the compleat conquest thereof in 1602 with the returns of forces and treasure which have been made thence to england , towards the conquests of france , scotland and wales . 2. the peculiar advantages which accrue to england by ireland : as also those made in the course of trade . 3. the state of the trade , revenue , rents , manufactures , &c. of ireland , with the causes of its poverty . — and the state of the trade , and rents of lands in england from the reign of ed. iii. unto this time , with the causes of their increase and abatement . 4. the only sure expedients for their advancement , with the necessity and utility of the repeal ( as well as suspension ) of the laws against dissenters ; and the test . 5. how the reduction and settlement of ireland may be improved to the advantage of england , and increase of their majesties revenue ; 1500000 l. may be raised by ireland , to the ease of england , expediting of their majesties affairs — and how ireland may be rendred useful towards the retrenching the power of france . by a hearty well-wisher to the protestant religion , and the prosperity of these kingdoms . with allowance . london , printed for tho. parkhurst at the bible and three crowns in cheapside near mercers chapel , 1691. to his grace james duke of ormond , the right honourable , richard earl of burlington and cork , lord high treasurer of ireland , william earl of portland , sir john lowther baronet , vice-chamberlain to her majesty , lords of their majesties treasury . richard hambden esquire , chancellor of the exchequer , lords of their majesties treasury . sir stephen fox knight , lords of their majesties treasury . thomas pelham esquire , lords of their majesties treasury . sir henry ashurst baronet , and sir thomas clergis knight . my lords , and honoured gentlemen , these papers which were writ with a more private design , yet chiefly intended for the service of their majesties and the publique , are now addressed to your lordships to render them the more useful to those ends ; the several eminent stations in which all of you are , gives you the opportunity of improving whatever is herein proposed to that purpose . the unhappy management of the affairs of ireland on every rebellion , hath made the charge of their reduction to england ten times more than needed . cambden observed that by long usage it was grown a mischievous custom in ireland , that rebels might with part of the plunder they took from the english procure pardon : whereby , and the lenity of england , rebellions were nourished there . this is most certain that the papists have always had such influence on the councils of england , as on the conclusion of every rebellion , they have been left in a condition to renew them at pleasure ; to the great charge of england , and ruin of the english planters in ireland , and of their improvements . and now , they , the french k. and the late k. j. have their instruments at work to that end . but five rebellions having been raised there betwixt 1567 , and 1642. and now a sixth , ( of which two formidable and chargeable ones having happened within the memory of many yet living ) will , if we be not doomed to infatuation , instruct us in the necessity of breaking their power , and utterly disabling them for future rebellions . there are a party of men who while the late k. j. was in ireland magnified both it , and the force of the irish , but upon the tydings of the happy progress of his majesties arm , ( to detract from the glory of his acquisitions ) they represent that kingdom as chargeable and useless , nay as disadvantagious to england . it hath however to their mortification already yielded laurels to incircle his royal brows , and will do treasure to his coffers , with a rich return to this kingdom of the charge laid out for its reduction ; if the settlement thereof be duly attended . it is enough for his majesty to conquer , it ought to be the care of his ministers to settle and secure . there is indeed a great measure of wisdom required to improve victories , as well as courage and conduct to atchieve them . it hath been observed to be the fate of the english to lose that by treaty , which they gain by conquest ; five hundred years experience hath verified it ( in great measure ) as to ireland . the affairs and trade of that kingdom , its vtility and importance to england , and the influence it hath on the trade and rents thereof , seems to have escaped the observation of most of our statesmen and merchants ; i have in these papers attempted to rescue them from that obscurity , and to lay them before your honours . now that the affairs of that kingdom are before you in parliament , councils and committees : for which presumption nothing can apologize , but the zeal for the publick , with which they were written . i am in all humility , my lords and gentlemen , your most humble servant , w. h. sir , the substance of the first of the inquiries you propose , concerns ireland ; which i take to be this ; first , whether england hath been loser , or gainer , by the conquest of ireland , the charge considered that hath been expended thereon ? you are pleased to require my answer to this and the other queries which you propose , presuming that my acquaintance with that kingdom , &c. doth capacitate me to satisfie you therein . i confess i have made observations that would at least have contributed thereunto : but my absence from papers that would have inabled a more distinct and satisfactory account of those matters , might have excused my disobedience , at least for the present : but being you admit not thereof , but use the power you have over me in commanding a speedy compliance ; i will in obedience briefly set down what occurs to me on that subject ; tho' my sentiments in this matter being different from many others , i foresee the hardiness of undertaking to contradict common-fame , or to rectifie a vulgar error . i have heard several , and among them some of the famed states-men of the age , wish there were no such place as ireland , and fault its nearness to england as detrimental or unprofitable . as if had they been consulted , they could have rectified the creation , by leaving , it out , or placing it better elsewhere . the error lies in not apprehending its usefulness to england . others gravely tell us ( both in discourse and print , ) that the gaining and keeping ireland hath cost england more than the purchase of all that kingdom is worth . but these are like him who pay'd ten-shillings for an ewe , kept her five years , pay'd twelve pence per annum for her keeping , tho' he yearly received her lambs and fleece , yet believed he was fifteen shillings the worse by having her . i confess i was once half of the mind , that the expence of england in blood and treasure about that kingdom had been vast : my curiosity led me to examine whether it were so or no ; and i will here faithfully impart what i have met with on that subject , which will at least lead towards an answer , if not satisfie your first inquiry . know then , that the english footing in ireland did not commence upon a publick , but private undertaking . for mac-murogh king of leinster , having been driven from his kingdom , gave his only daughter in marriage to richard strongbow earl of chepstow and pembroke , and with her his kingdom after his death , on condition he should assist and restore him . the earl pursuant thereunto , incouraged his relations fitz-stephens and fitz-gerald to joyn in that undertaking , who with near 400 brave men , put off from milford , and landed near wexford in ireland in may anno. 1170. they were soon followed by legross with 130 more ; and in august following by strongbow himself with 1200. many of these parties were persons of good quality , great valour and attended with wonderful success : for notwithstanding the smart opposition made by the natives , strongbow in a short time restored mac-murogh , and inlarged his dominions to such a degree , as rendred him suspected by henry ii. who by prohibiting all commerce with ireland , &c. constrained the earl to yield him all his acquisitions in that kingdom . the king granted back to strongbow the principality of leinster , reserving all the port-towns , and certain tracts of land about them to the crown . king hen. himself , some write with 4500 , others that were amongst 'em say but with 500 knights , landed in october 1172. near waterford ; his presence and fame , with the terror and success of strongbow's arms , so intimidated the natives in leinster , munster , and conaught , that five of their kings on notice of his arrival did him homage ; and became his tributaries . the greatest part of his charge was spent in royal entertainments ; and his time ( for the five months he stayed there , ) in endeavours so to settle matters , as wholly in future to cut off from france the usual assistance afforded by the irish when attacqued by the arms of england . he had experimented the benefit the crown received without charge by strongbow's private undertaking ; therefore he wisely resolved by like methods to make that part he had gained , bear the charge of conquering the whole . to that end he distributed large scopes of land to the great men that attended him . as to hugh lacy , the kingdom of meath , finding 100 knights for his service for ever , &c. about four years after the irish yielded him , ( or the king imposed ) a tax of twelve pence on every house , or yoak of oxen there , which amounted to no small summ in those days . after the death of strongbow , the king at oxford made his son john king of ireland , and as our own writers tell us , he divided the lands of that kingdom to his subjects , as well of england as ireland , to be held of him and his son john ; he gave miles cogan and robert fitz-stephens the kingdom of cork to whose relief soon after arrived there , richard cogan with a troop of horse and a company of foot. anno. 1184. philip de breos as fore-runner of the young king , went into ireland with a small party of horse and foot ; the next year the young king followed with no army , yet honourably attended , and with some treasure . this young counceller ( like rechoboam's , ) handled the irish princes that congratulated his arrival , so roughly , that they were provoked to rebel : whereupon eight months after his arrival he left that kingdom in a much worse condition than he found it . king henry's wars in france , the unnatural rebellion of his sons , and his other troubles permitted him not to relieve it ; yet to pursue his former method , he committed the government of that kingdom to the renowned john de courty , and gave him a grant of the whole province of vlster , then unsubdued ; the irish princes thereof , having not hitherto owned any subjection to england . the valiant courcy with 3 or 400 of his friends and followers with the forces then in ireland , not only reduced the rebels in the other three provinces to their former subjection ; but also brought vlster under the english yoak . richard i. was so taken up with his expedition to the holy land , the perfidy of the french king , and his unhappy detention by the emperor ; that he concerned not himself with the affairs of ireland , that i find ; further then that he married isabel , the sole heiress of strongbow to william maxfield earl-marshal of england ; who was also ( in right of his wife ) made earl of pembroke and p. of leinster . this earl left issue of that marriage five sons , ( who succeeded each other to their fathers honours and estate , yet died issueless ) and five daughters , whose fortunes in ireland and wales recommended them to the greatest pears of england . as joyce the eldest to earl warren , who had with her the county of wexford , of whom came the earls of march , &c. matilda the second , had the county of catherlow , and married hugh bigod , earl of norfolk ; isabel , the third daughter , had the county of kilkenny , and married the earl of gloucester and hereford ; sybilla , the fourth had the county of kildare , and married william ferrars earl of ferrars and darby : eva the fifth daughter had the mannour of dunmas ( now called the queens county , ) and married the lord bruise of gower ; whereby the revenue of those five counties became transmittable annually into england . these ladies , cambden tells us , enriched their husbands with children , honour and possessions . king john having received 1000 marks from volois lord justice of ireland , to discharge him without account for the revenue he had received of that kingdom ; soon after committed the government thereof to walter and hugh lacy , who abused his authority , not only to the oppression of the irish , but to the subversion of many of the best english families also , to that degree , that ( our writers say ) their exactions , oppressions , and tyranny ( murders might be added ) was intolerable ; yet king john instead of easing those pressures , ( if we believe grafton and fabian ) imposed taxes on the people of ireland towards his wars with france , much greater than they were able to bear . so that by overstretching , he crackt the strings of the irish harp whereon for sometime after was only heard the discordant sound of revolt , rapin and war in every corner . to quell which , the 25th of may 1210. the king himself landed near waterford with an army ( their number no where given us . ) the irish kings , and great lords immediately appeased him by submissions , homage and tributes . he granted the english subjects in ireland the benefit of magna charta , and the laws of england . he setled twelve counties , appointed courts , judges , circuits and corporations as in england ; he granted vast scopes of land to his great english lords , in knight service for small rents . for 2500 marks , he restored walter lacy , and for 4000 marks , hugh lacy , and returned into england in august the same year . in the year 1213 , being threatned with an invasion from france , he received from ireland 500 men at arms well appointed , and a great number of other horse , who came to his assistance at barkham down . henry iii. during his 56 years reign , was so fully employed by the french in the bowels of england , the welsh and scotch on his borders , and his great lords at home , that he neither assisted , nor minded ireland , further than to draw powerful assistances of men thence , which he received against france anno 1230 , and 1254 ; and against wales in 1245 , in 1256 , &c. as he had done of victuals in the beginning of his reign , having received thence 1000 bacons , two ships load of corn , and one of oats . the clergy of ireland granted him a subsidy , and he received aid thence towards paying a debt to the dauphin of france . he made his eldest son edward lord of ireland . the 17th of his reign the king of conaught exhibited a complaint , that although he had ever since king john subdued him , duly paid his annual tribute of 5000 marks , yet he was disturbed by john de burgo . edward the first being in war with scotland , and the irish generally in rebellion , the scots invaded ireland , and committed all manner of barbarities ; but were not only expelled , but followed by the english of ireland , who severely revenged the injury they had received , and therein did acceptable service to the crown of england . in anno 1293. the king drew succours from ireland against the french , as he did against the scotch , when balliol , the chair and marble were taken , and the two latter brought thence . two years after another considerable army from ireland met the king near edinburgh , and tendred him considerable service ; as did a third army from thence at the battle of falkirk . soon after which tho. bissel with a party from ireland invaded scotland , and possessed himself of the isle of arrain , which the king gave to him and his heirs as an acknowledgment of his good service . this king received the whole tenth of all ecclesiastical revenues in ireland for seven years , and one fifteenth of the temporality towards the holy war : also aid towards the marriage of his sister , and several times pressed them for other aids . the scots soon after they had given edward ii. that great defeat at bonoksborne , ( encouraged by that kings male-administration ) took the opportunity to revenge the mischiefs they had received from ireland in the former reign . edward bruce twice invaded ireland , and notwithstanding the opposition he met with , over-ran and sacked a great part of it , destroyed men , women and children , towns , churches , and all that came in his way , and excited the irish to almost a general rebellion , while the scots king made a like havock in all the north parts of england . this edward bruce was crowned king of ireland , but , though his rage was great , his reign was short , it being but one year . the cruelties committed by the scots were so many , as caused even the irish to abhor and abandon them , who therefore joyned with the english , who at last defeated bruces's army , cut off his head , and as an acceptable present sent it to king edward . in this war the scots lost 30000 , and the irish-english 15000 fighting men , besides others . the whole land was almost wasted , impoverished and depopulated ; yet the king was so far from relieving or succouring it , that he required , and received th●nce the ●th penny from all the temporality towards defending england against the scots . in his 16th year , he was attended at curlee by the earl of louth with 6000 foot and 300 men at arms , and 1000 hoblers , all well appointed ; and by the earl of ulster with 300 men at arms , and in the 17th year of his reign he was supplyed thence with 5000 quarters of corn sent him to aquitain . i do not find that there was any standing army in pay in ireland . when edward iii. first ascended the throne ( nor for several years after ) the whole charge of the civil list then amounted but to 308 l. 2 s. for a year , and it was because the chief governor was a great favorite , that he had 500 l. per annum for his entertainment , out of which he was to maintain twenty or thirty horsemen . in the 6th year of this kings reign , the lord darcy with a potent army from ireland , invaded scotland . so that ( as our writers express it ) what by the king on the one side , and by the irish on the other , scotland was subdued , and baliole placed on the throne . and two years after the same lord darcy over-run part of scotland , and the isles , which he might have possessed had they been worth keeping . notwithstanding which , this king , the 15th year of his reign , recalled all the royal franchises and liberties ; and resumed all the lands and signories that had been granted by him , or his father ; which put the english born there , into almost as bad a condition as the natives , and tended to unite them as fellow sufferers , and laid the foundation of innumerable mischiefs . yet an army went thence to help the king then in france , and did him good service , and were with him at the battle of cressey , as did another party from ireland go to him , to the siege of calais , anno 1347. in 1353. sir tho. rokerby carried over into ireland ten men at arms , and twenty archers ▪ in 1361 the king made his third son lionel duke of clarence , lord lieutenant ; he married elizabeth de burgo , whose fortune was 30000 marks per annum . in her right he was earl of vlster , lord of meath and conaught . here i must dissent from a truly worthy learned and scrutinous enquirer into the affairs of that kingdom ; who will not allow her fortune to be above the moiety of that summ , because that what thereof lyes in vlster , being seized into this kings hands from the 5th to the 8th of his reign , ( by an odd account ) yielded but about 0900 l. but he neither considered the frauds of concealors and collectors , nor remembred the late devastations made by bruce , whereby not only all vlster , but a great part of ireland was laid waste and unpeopled , and the english by dissentions in arms against one another , in those very years ; so that the instance affects not the case , for those rents and profits were of very great value , and might have been a thousand times more in setled times , notwithstanding there was received no more in those three years . this duke carried over with him 1500 men , chiefly to recover his wifes inheritance ; yet he was so far from using them solely to that purpose , that he only recovered part of meath , and of the sea-ports of vlster ; for the condition of the kingdom requiring , he employed them ( with good success ) in leinster , and munster , therein , as in many other respects , he preferred the publick good to his particular advantage ; in acknowledging of which , and other good services , the clergy and laity gave him two years full profits of their tythes and lands . william winsor was sent lord lieutenant of ireland , and with him a party of men ; but their number ( being as i suppose but small ) is no where given us . he undertook for 11213 l. 6 s. 8 d. per annum , to bear the whole charge of that kingdom both civil and military . during his government he obtained 5000 l. of the parliaments of that kingdom towards maintenance of the kings wars , which i presume was those with france . richard ii. anno 1384. committed the government of ireland to robert vere , earl of oxford , and duke of ireland , during his life , with power to receive the whole revenue without account , and to keep an army of 1000 archers , and 500 men at arms for two years . but i do not find that either he or his men went thither , for the kings affections to him were such , that he would not bear his absence . yet he continued lord lieutenant seven or eight years , during which he constituted several deputies , and received most of the profits of that government to his own use . the king being reproach'd abroad , that he could neither rule england , keep his part in france , nor finish the conquests of ireland , he resolved to retrieve his reputation in respect of the last ; to that end he took shipping in october 1394 , and landed at waterford with an army of 34000 men , but to little purpose ; partly for that he suffered himself to be cheated ( as were his predecessors ) by the feigned submissions of most of the irish princes , and great lords , who on his arrival humbled themselves some of whom quitted all title to their estates in leinster , and conditioned with their swords ( under the kings pay ) to carve out estates for themselves in other parts of the kingdom ; with which the king was constrained to be satisfied , by reason of the clamour and importunity of the clergy of england . whose constant hatred of reformation , and fear that the enormities of their lives , and corruption of their doctrines should be exposed by the wickl fits , caused them to send the bishops of york and london to hasten the kings return . the truth is , they wanted the royal authority for persecution of the innocent , and suppression of the truth . to gratifie their importunity the king returned at shrovetide or easter following , having sufficient power , but not time to do any thing considerable . at his departure he left roger mortimer , earl of march , his lord lieutenant who , ( in right of his wife ) was earl of vlster , lord of conaught , meath and clare , and next heir to the crown . he was murdered there four years after . it was customary until near this time , for the lord chancellor to pay annually 2000 marks into the exchequer , for the use of the great seal , which went a great way towards bearing the charge of that kingdom in peaceable times . but the fees being much abated , that branch of the revenue did so too . in revenge of the murder of the earl of march , king richard went thither again in april 1398. with such an army , as with their necessaries and followers took up a fleet of 300 ships . the irish generally mollified him by their old method of submissions . the obstinate he intended to have subdued . but the tidings that the duke of lancaster ( afterwards hen. iv. ) was landed in england , and claimed the crown , called him back ; so that he landed in england the 24th of june following , and soon after ( for his male-administration ) lost first his crown and liberty by order of parliament , — and then his life by the hands of villains . the clergy nor parliaments of those times had not imbibed the doctrine of non-resistance , or passive obedience , or that the crown could not be forfeited by male-administration , or that it could not for the good and preservation of the community be transferred , or that any legal possessor of it might disseize the subject of his liberty or franchises , or take away and dispose their estates at pleasure . you must know that from the time of king hen. ii. his expedition into ireland , until this time , ireland was of the same use to the crown , that tangier , and the pretence of a war with france was to charles ii. richard ii. had often , and now hen. iv. began to desire money from the parliament of england for supply of ireland , and had a subsidy granted for three years of 50 s. for every sack of wool skins and woolfels from every denison ; and 4 l. from every stranger . also one tenth , and one fifteenth for support of his war with scotland , relief of calais , and ireland ; but he found so much use for it in england , that i do not find that one penny of it went thither . but on the other side , being in war with scotland , the english of ireland fought the scots in his quarrel at sea , where many of the first were killed and drowned . in 1405 , they took three scotch ships , and their commander ; and twice in favour of england invaded scotland with good success ; and the same year invaded wales , did much harm to the welch , and carried away good booty . this king made the duke of lancaster lord lieutenant of ireland for seven years . he went thither in 1401. and returned into england in 1403. his entertainment or salary was but 666 l. 13 s. 4 d. per annum . and it was because he was the kings son that it was so much . so inconsiderable were the armies that were kept up in ireland , that it was an honour placed on this duke , that he was permitted to have an army of 1500 men in all ireland , though many of the irish were in rebellion , and so frugally were the affairs of that kingdom managed , that this duke was limited to keep up that army but for three years . about lammas 1408. the duke of lancaster went into ireland a second time , and narrowly escaped being killed by some of the rebels . at his arrival there he compelled the earl of kildare to pay him 300 marks for his male-administration . he had a tallage granted him by the parliament of ireland , and returned into england next march after his landing in ireland . whoever looks into the troubles of this kings reign , will see that he could supply ireland neither with men nor money . hen. v. was so fully taken up with his conquests in france , that he minded ireland no further than to draw supplies thence , which he did anno 1412. under the earl of ormond . and in 1417 the prior of kilmainham with 1600 in mail , with darts and skeyns , all tall nimble men , arrived at the camp before rouen , and joyfully accepted the most dangerous post , wherein they so acquitted themselves , that our writers tell us no men were more praised , nor did more harm to their enemies : for by their agility of body , and swiftness of foot , they did more mischief the enemy , than their barded horses did hurt to the nimble irish . and in the seven years of his reign , the french historians tell us , that the irish did over-run all the isle of france , did innumerable damages to the french , and daily brought victuals and preys to the english army , which so terrified the french about paris , that they fled and left the country desolate . the parliament of ireland granted this king 1700 marks at several times towards the maintenance of his wars . the english in ireland being wasted with the supplies they had yielded to england against scotland , wales and france , and the frequent rebellions there , the parliament there represented the ill condition thereof in 1442 , to hen. vi. and that by reason thereof , the publick revenue was 1456 l. per annum less than the necessary charge . the cardinal of winchester , the better to engross the king , and that he might rule at pleasure , caused richard duke of york , earl of vlster to be sent lord lieutenant thither ; to induce his acceptance , he gained the king to promise the duke all the certain and casual revenue of ireland , and 2666 l. 13 s. 4 d. for the first year ( to be paid out of of england , ) and 2000 l. sterling per annum for seven years more ; but this was ill paid . however he had several successes against the rebels , gained the hearts of the english , made good laws , and governed so worthily , that out of gratitude and inclination to him , he was assisted in his pretentions to the crown by kildare , and several great parties out of ireland , as was the king by another party thence under the earl of ormond in the 34th and 38th years . a great party thence was cut off , and fell with him at the battel of wakefield , as many from ireland did on the other side at mortimer's cross ; these great losses furnished the natives with opportunities to enlarge their borders , and streighten the english . about anno 1474. the 14th of edward iv. the parliament of ireland erected the fraternity of st. george , consisting of thirteen noblemen , who were yearly to chuse of themselves a captain of the brotherhood , who for his year was to command 120 archers on horseback , at 6 d. per diem , forty horsemen at 5 d. per diem , forty pages at four marks per annum , to be paid out of a subsidy of 12 d. per pound , laid on all merchandize imported or exported . and these were all the standing forces in pay at this time . six years after , richard duke of york being lord lieutenant , the earl of kildare his deputy did undertake to keep that kingdom in peace with eighty archers , and twenty spear-men all on horseback for 600 l. per annum . the infancy of edward v. gave his unnatural unkle the opportunity of murthering him , together with his brother in the tower , whom he succeeded under the title of richard iii. anno 1483. but a period was put to his tyranny , usurpation and life in 1485. henry vii . held himself under no obligation to do much for ireland , because two walking spectres thence , ( lambert and warbeck ) disquieted a great part of his reign , yet in 1487. he sent over 500 men under sir richard edgcomb , ( some write that he carried no forces with him ) and about fifty more anno 1492. the next year after , the king by act of parliament there , resumed all the crown lands that had been granted away since the first of henry vi. in the ninth year of his reign , he sent over sir edward poyning his deputy , and with him 940 men. he ( by his policy rather than force ) did more service to his prince , and good to the english there , than any of his predecessors , by gaining that parliament to enact , that all the publick statutes of england , made before that time , should be in force in ireland , that no parliament be held there until the bills be first certified to the king under the great seal there ; and those bills be affirmed by the king and his council to be expedient for the land , and power be given under the great seal of england to call a parliament ; and many other beneficial statutes . he gained the king a tax of 26 s. 8 d. out of every 120 acres arable land , in lieu of purveyance , and a resumption of all grants made since the first of edward iii. which in anno 1409. was followed with a subsidy of 12 d. per pound on imported commodities , and a subsidy from the clergy and laity ; and in anno 1508 he had 13 s. 4 d. granted him out of every 120 acres arable land. in anno 1515. the parliament of ireland granted henry viii . a subsidy . in anno 1520. the earl of surry was sent lord lieutenant with 200 men , ( some say 900 more ) but whatever the number was , they all returned for england with him the next year . the souldiers pay at this time was 4 d. per diem . in 1524. the earl of kildare undertook the government , and to defray the whole charge of the kingdom with its own revenue , which he and his deputy held with little interruption for near ten years . anno 1529. sir william skeffington carried over 200 men , according to some 500. in 1534. he carried over 750 to suppress the rebellion of the fitz-geralds ; as did the lord grey 200 more the next year , who ended it ; upon which , 750 of the army was disbanded . this rebellion is said to cost the king above 20000 l. the revenue of the kingdom by reason of that rebellion being but 5000 l. per annum . to repay which , or prevent the like charge in future , the king had the first fruits , then the twentieth part of all ecclesiastical livings , then the first fruits of all abbeys , priories and colledges , in that kingdom given him . kildares estate of 893 l. per annum , and many great estates of those concerned in that rebellion were all given to the king , as also all lands belonging to all abbeys , priories and colledges there . and the estates of many absentees . hitherto the wars in ireland was mostly between the english , and native irish , on the score of civil interest . but from the time of this kings first divorce , and kildares rebellion , the degenerate english joined with the irish , and pretended religion for their subsequent rebellions , which thenceforth became more frequent , and more formidable , being fomented and abetted sometime by the emperor , sometime by france , sometime by spain , mostly by the pope ; especially from the time of the kings assuming the supremacy . henceforward they have been no longer loyal , than whilst they have been compelled to be so . in 1539. sir william brereton carried over 250 men. in 1542 , the parliament gave henry viii . the title of king of ireland , all his predecessors having only had the title of lord thereof . in anno 1543. the irish revenue ( besides customs , first-fruits , tributes — and some other particulars ) amounted but to 8700 l. per annum , and the whole charge to but 10500 l. the chief governour upon all warlike expedition ( by an antient usage in that kingdom ) did tax each county with a certain summ of money to defray the charge thereof : so that it is not easie to apprehend that ireland at this time could be a charge to england . the standing army was but 375 horse and 150 foot. in 1544. 700 men were sent from ireland into france , who greatly damnified the french , and by pretty stratagems , contributed to the supply of the army with provisions . and in obedience to the kings commands 3000 men were sent from ireland against scotland . in 1547. edward vi. to secure that kingdom ( upon the reformation of religion ) sent thither 600 horse and 400 foot under sir edward belingham , who with the forces there , subdued the demseys , connors , and moores then in rebellion , whereby offailie and leixe were forfeited to the crown . this king being incumbred with wars with france , and scotland , and many rebellions at home , did ( as haywood tells us ) draw much people from ireland to serve him in his wars . to replenish which , in the fourth year of his reign , he sent thither 400 men and 8000 l. and the next year the english from ireland invaded the isles of scotland . in 1556. queen mary committed the government of that kingdom to the earl of sussex , who carried sir henry sidney with him , ( and 25000 l. in cash ) by whose assistance he finished what belingham had so worthily begun , in breaking the power of the demseys , connors , moores &c. whereby leixe and offailie were vested in the crown , and english plantations settled in those parts , now called the king 's and queen's counties . the irish parliament then gave the queen a subsidy of 13 s. 4 d. out of every plough-land for ten years , which was a great addition to the revenue . in 1558. this earl had 500 men out of england , with whom and the forces of that kingdom , he invaded the isles of scotland , took some , and sacked several others of them ; the standing army there , in this reign when most , was less than 1700. and sometimes less than 1100. in 1560. which was two years after q. elizabeth's accession to the crown , there was 500 foot sent into ireland to recruit the army . in 1565. the army in the queens pay was but 1200 horse and foot. the charge of the civil list about 1500 l. per annum . the revenue of ireland surmounted 10000 l. per annum , besides large summs frequently gained from the irish lords on their submissions and tribute imposed on them , so that the queens charge could be but small , considering that all the freeholders on every occasion of marching the army against any rebels , were obliged to send certain numbers of horse and foot , with provisions to attend the chief governour , or commander in chief of the army . this parsimonious queen to avoid expence , and the sending men for ireland , ordered that every tenant there that paid her 40 l. per annum rent , should be obliged to find a horseman , and every one that paid 6 l. 13 s. 4 d. per annum a footman , armed for her service , to be ready on all occasions . about this time o donnel submitted to the queen , and conditioned to pay 200 l. per annum , and to attend her army on all occasions with a number of horse and foot ; as did many others of the irish , who submitted on like conditions of compositions , and assistance ; which not only augmented the revenue , and lessened the charge of the army , but helped much towards paying for their fetters . this o donnel five years after paid the queen 1200 l. for delinquency and arrears of his composition . in 1565. the valiant captain randolph landed at derry with a troop of horse , and 700 foot to settle a plantation ; he did great service , although at last he lost his life in the improvement of a memorable victory which he obtained against the rebels . in 1569. captain ward with 400 souldiers were sent into ireland ; he landed at cork . the queens great study was to inlarge and firm her conquest in ireland , without charge . in order thereunto she attempted to tread in the steps of henry ii. and several of his successors , who gained most of their interest in that kingdom , at the charge of a few of their subjects , with little charge to the crown or kingdom of england : in order thereto , the queen in 1572. incouraged sir tho. smith at his own charge to settle an english colony in the ards. she granted every footman 120 acres , and every horseman 240 acres ( which then was as much as 500 acres in england ) paying her one penny per acre per annum . and the year following she lent the earl of essex 10000 l. on a mortgage , and gave him half the clandeboys , on condition that he should plant 200 horse and 400 foot ; each horseman was to have 400 acres , and each footman 200 acres , paying 2 d. per acre quit-rent . where that noble lord did perform many brave exploits , and had done much better had he not been countermined by the enmity and opposition of several great men both here and there . in 1576. an antient tax called the cess ( of five marks on each plow-land ) which had been discretionarily levyed by the chief governours there , from edward iii's . time to this , ( under pretence of prerogative ) had by this time been arbitrarily stretched to eight or nine pounds a plow-land ; being now complain'd of as a publick grievance , was reduced within its first bounds . yet notwithstanding this , and other regulations , the worthy sir henry sidney who governed there , augmented the queen's revenue 11000 l. per annum above what he found it . until this time ( according to the best of our writers ) england gained and maintained its footing in ireland , with very inconsiderable charge to the publick . but henceforward the charge became much greater , mostly occasioned by the queens great parsimony , who always employed incompetent force for subduing the rebellions that were raised , whereby they were lengthened to trebble the time and charge that would else have served . i know not whether it ought to be reckoned as expended for the conquest of that kingdom ( tho' that was the issue of it ) because the greatest part of it was occasioned by the king of spain . the queen , to divert that king from attempting england , employed and fought him in the netherlands , mostly at the cost of the dutch , and he to divert her from assisting the dutch , or invading his dominions , fomented rebellions in ireland , and assisted them with men , and some money , yet fought her mostly at the cost of the irish . in 1579. there was 600 men sent out of devonshire into ireland , yet they made up the army there in the queens pay but 1100 horse and foot. but the rebellion of desmond and others , ( and the spaniards that joined them ) did require the augmentation of the army . to that end three companies were sent from berwick , and 150 horse under capt. norris . and in 1580. six companies under capt. berkley , and 150 horse under c. russel , which in 1582. were followed with 400 under the earl of ormond . these with the militia of that countrey , killed desmond , destroyed his confederates in that rebellion , expelled the spaniards , and restored such measure of peace to the kingdom , that the publick revenue of it for the year 1583. amounted to about 24000 l. and thenceforward it encreased mightily , by the firm settlement of estates , and enlargement of trade , insomuch that in 1584. the lord deputy proposed to the queen , that if she would add but 50000 l. for three years , to the irish revenue ; he would engage with both to defray the whole charge of the kingdom , maintain 2000 foot and 400 horse , wall seven considerable towns , erect seven great bridges , and build seven strong castles : but she comply'd not therewith . however in 1585. in order to put that kingdom into a good posture of defence , and of little charge to the queen ; the lord deputy appointed a gross survey to be taken of the province of conaught and thomond , whereby they were found to contain 8095. plow-lands profitable , the proprietors of which agreed to pay the queen a chief rent of about 4000 l. per annum , and to find 1254 foot , and 264 horse for the queens service within that province , and 347 foot and 108 horse at any time for 40 days in any part of ireland . a militia also was settled in munster of 4500 bill-men and 900 shot . and the queen being intituled to near 600000 acres of land by the forfeitures of desmond and his accomplices ( his particular rents being above 7000 l. per anmum ) she granted those in kerry , conilagh and limerick , together at 2 d. per acre . those in waterford and cork at 3 d. per acre per annum quit-rent . every 300 acres finding a horseman , and every 200 acres a foot-man armed for her service . a militia being thus settled , the queen in 1587. remanded 1000 soldiers out of ireland , which she sent into holland , and that kingdom enjoyed a kind of tranquillity for above twelve years . in 1597. tyrone and others broke but into rebellion : whereupon general norris with 3000 men were sent thither . but the successes of the rebels required greater forces , so that 100 horse and 2000 foot more , were sent thither three years after . in 1598. the government of that kingdom was committed to robert earl of essex , with power from england to encrease the army there ( which were about 8000 men ) unto 20000 horse and foot. yet this brave , but unfortunate earl effected little . the lord mountjoy succeeded in that government , who with 15200 horse and foot that he found there ; and 2000 men that were sent him in 1601. from england ; expelled the spaniards , suppressed the most general and formidable rebellion that untill then had happened in that kingdom . and therewith finished the entire conquest of that kingdom , wherein this queen imployed more forces , and spent more treasure than all her progenitors : for we are told that it cost her eleven hundred ninety one thousand two hundred forty eight pounds sterling , besides the revenue of that kingdom . cambden suggests , it was the ill choice of officers , lenity , and parsimony of the queen , and some about her , that occasioned her great expence , for that had the work been effectually set upon with competent force and treasure , it might have been perfected with a quarter of the charge . the english in ireland at this time being generally papists , were very backward in granting supplies against such as broke out into rebellion . for tho' by the vigilance of the government , many of them were awed , and hindred from joyning with those in open rebellion , yet were their hearts so much with them that they not only obstructed the granting of money to the queen , but parted with much to rome , where they purchased pardons for not actually and openly joyning with the rebels . the principles of that religion , teaching them , that it was sin not to rob , murther and rebel . however the chief governour and protestant party prevailed so far , as to gain their parliaments in the second of the queens reign , to grant her the first fruits and twentieth part of all ecclesiastical livings . in her 11th . tear a subsidy , as also a custom on wines ; and at several times many large scopes of lands on the attainders of arch-rebels . the chief governour there indeed by antient usage did on every march of the army , &c. cess the country discretionarily for their support , which was some help . the result of what hath been hitherto said is this . that strongbow conquered most of the province of leinster . hugh de lacy conquered meath . cogan , fitz-stephens , bruce and poer , the province of munster . bourke and de claro , part of conaught and thomond . sir john de courcy conquered much of ulster . that all this was done with little or inconsiderable charge to the crown ( for the first 400 years , which reached to the middle of queen elizabeths reign except in those expeditions of henry ii. king john , and richard ii. the last of whom only , carryed over an army capable of doing any considerable service . the most part of that , there was no standing army kept in that kingdom ( at the charge of england ) except what was paid by the irish revenue . that when armies were raised , they seldom exceeded a regiment or two , and were only kept up during the chief governours being upon service against some particular rebels , for at his return to dublin , or in the beginning of winter they were usually disbanded . that the whole charge of the civil list ( of which i have the particulars ) in edward iii. his time , was but 308 l. per annum . towards the latter end of whose reign ( in a time of rebellion ) when an army was sent thither , the whole charge of both civil and military lists were but 11213 l. 6 s. 8 d. per annum . that in 1442. that kingdom being weakned , drained , and impoverished by the supplies afforded thence to england ; their parliament represented it to henry vi. as a mighty evidence of the deplorable condition of that kingdom : that the expence thereof ( in that wasted condition ) surmounted the revenue 1456 l. per annum . that in edward iv. his time , that kingdom was defended only by the fraternity of st. george , who were wholly paid out of the customs there . that in the latter end of that kings reign , the earl of kildare did undertake for 600 l. per annum to keep the whole kingdom in peace . that in 1543. the standing army was but 525 horse and foot , and the whole charge of the kingdom but 10500 l. per annum . the certain revenue thereof was then 8700 l. per annum , besides customs , first fruits , tributes , &c. which could not but make up the revenue , so as to surmount that charge . that considering the numerous and frequent supplies of men , provisions , and money that our kings from time to time received from ireland against france , scotland and wales , it is not easie to determine whether ireland received — much more from england , than england received from the english planters of ireland . that for a great part of the first 400 years , the revenues were great ; that our english land-lords yearly drew thence , for the rents of the vast scopes of land that they were seized of in that kingdom . that ireland being almost from the first conquest to the end of queen elizabeths reign in a state of war , was wholly supplied with all commodities in a way of trade from england , whereby this kingdom received considerable advantages . that if we allow that the government of england hath been at ten thousand pounds per annum charge for the support of ireland , from the first conquest thereof unto the time we are upon , ( which no way appears probable ) yet if the kingdom did annually give fifty or one hundred thousand pounds by trade and rent of lands , ( which our great men were seized of in ireland ; ) england was however a considerable gainer by ireland . if upon the whole matter it doth not plainly appear , that england hath been profited by ireland , yet i conceive it is evident that the conquest of that kingdom hath not cost england the tenth part of what most imagine , and that through this whole tract of time , the english there have readily , powerfully , and nobly assisted england against all its enemies . here i will conclude my answer to your first enquiry ; in doing whereof i have troden in an unbeaten path , which rendred it the more troublesome and difficult . i have diligently searched , and faithfully set down all the forces and treasure that i find mentioned in any of our , or the irish writers to have been sent into ireland from anno. dom. 1170. to the year 1602. which concluded the entire conquest of that kingdom , and the life of the famous queen elizabeth . the second query is , in what instances ( if any ) doth it appear , that ireland is beneficial or necessary to the well-being of england ? here , because generals prove little , or are liable to cavils , i will for the clearer illustration instance only in such particulars shall be undeniable . i. consider , that england being an island , our outward strength for defence against invasion , for offence of our enemies , and for security of our trade , lies in the numbers of our ships and seamen . that trade that employs , also enables the encrease of these , and is necessary to our well being . that money that we gain purely for our ships let to fraight to merchants of other countries , is one of the clearest profits to the kingdom , and as advantagious to the publick as any other , not only in the forementioned respects , but also for that we part with nothing in lieu of this money , but the labour of our men , and the wear and tear of our ships ; yet hereby at the charge of others we encrease and employ our shipping , breed and pay seamen . thus the netherlanders by being the carriers of christendom have in a great measure raised themselves to their present opulence . now that i may make it evident , that ireland contributes to our strength , security , the encrease of our shipping and seamen , and that we are yearly considerable gainers in other respects also by that kingdom ; you must know that the people of ireland have but few ships of their own ; that at least two thirds of their exportations and importations are made in our bottoms . in the year 1668. i was in that kingdom , and did see a computation that was delivered in to the council of trade there , by one of the members thereof , who made it out , that tho' the exportations of that kingdom about that time amounted but to 450000 l. per annum that yet most , or all their commodities being gross or bulkey , they paid for fraight to ships of england for the exportation of them , and for importing the proceed thereof , 130000 l. per annum , which seemed incredible to the other members of that society . yet being strictly examined , it was found to be near 10000 l. short of what our seamen received yearly thence . but this scale of trade between this and that kingdom , having suffered a considerable alteration by our folly in prohibiting their cattle , and forcing them to carry several of their commodities to forreign markets , and thence to supply themselves with many things that till then they wholly derived from us , whereby they have encreased their forreign trade and shipping , ( yet so as that there is not ten ships belonging to dublin their metropolis ) i will now present you with a small scheme of the trade between england and ireland as it stood about 1685. before the less-considering , scented the game that was playing for 29 years past for introducing popery and arbitrary government , and drew in their stocks from trade . there was about that time and before constantly employed to and from ireland , and usually fraighted by the merchants of ireland these ships following , which belong to england . ships belonging to london , plimouth , apsom , or exceter and cornwal , and the ports between these 15 ships belonging to barnstable , biddiford , combe , minhead , bridgwater , bristol , forrest of dean and the ports between 70 ships belonging to swansey , milford , all south and north-wales 20 ships belonging to chester , dawpool , nesson and mosson 30 ships belonging to liverpool-water 150 of which employed in the trade of ireland 110 all the coast of lancashire and carlisle 5 ships belonging to white-haven and workington 60   310 that you may the better comprehend the benefit we annually receive by this article of the irish trade , i will set before you how these ships are usually employed in , and by the trade of ireland ; and will set down but one voyage in a year , for such as they send to america , spain and france , tho' to the two latter they frequently make two voyages in a year . 20 sail employed yearly to america , one with another of 60 tuns , besides the ships store , at 5 l. per tun , out and home is 300 l. per ship 6000 l. 20 sail yearly to spain of 60 tuns , at 3 l. per tun , out and home 180 per ship. 3600 20 sail yearly to france , of 60 tuns at 2 l. per tun , out and home 120 l. per ship. 2400   12000 l. 70 sail of 50 tuns each in the home trade , out and home passengers , these make 20 s. per tun 50 l. per voyage , these frequently make 8 voyages in a year , but i reckon but 6 that is 300 l. per ship. — 21000 l. 180 sail are yearly employed in the coal-trade between england and ireland , and that the computation of this article may be beyond contradiction , i will keep to an estimate given in to the king and council in june last , by the white-haven and workington men , viz. that they have 60 ships continually employed in the coal-trade to ireland , from 70 to 150 tuns , ( but i reckon them at 80 tuns one with another , ) which for one turn is 4800 tuns , and for eight turns in a year , is 38400 tuns at 12 s. 6 d. per tun is 24000 l. they alledge that they pay colliers , carters , porters , carpenters , rope-makers , smiths , seamen , &c. per annum — 7443 l. — 1 — 8. and i allow they pay otherways , — 2556 — 18 — 4. both which is 10000 l. which deducted from 24000 l. they receive 14000 l. per annum fraight for their 60 sail , and reckoning proportionally for 120 sail more , employed in the same trade from other parts of england and wales , it makes 28000 l. and for the whole 42000 l. sterling paid yearly by ireland for fraight of the coals . they take off , besides 30000 l. for the before mentioned particulars . here you see we gain 75000 l. yearly from ireland by our shipping ; and it 's evident , that whatever trade constantly employs them , tends to their encrease , and the encrease of our seamen . ii. that trade that annually takes off a good proportion of our natural products , manufactures , and of the forreign commodities that we import ( for which we can have no sale , or vend elsewhere , ) is necessary for keeping up the rents of our lands , enriching our husbandmen , employing our manufacturers at home , and our shipping and seamen abroad . i have in the former instance shewed you that ireland takes off above 100000 tuns of our coals yearly : and if our custom-house books be examined , it will be found , that that kingdom hath taken off yearly 240000 bushels of our salt 3541 l. of our hops , 120 tuns of cider , 30 ships loading of our apples , 3000 tuns of iron-oare and considerable quantities of tin , lead , saffron , &c. these are part of those i call our natural products , which are yearly spent in ireland , which enable the payment and keeping up of our rents . that kingdom likewise takes off yearly a good proportion of our manufactures , as fustians , ticking , haberdashery , sadlers ware , pinns , needles , knives , gloves , fanns , cutlers ware , belts , laces , stockings , fine-cloath , stuffs , iron-ware , brass , pewter , glass , earthen and wooden-ware , books , castors . hereby our manufacturers are kept in work , and our trades-men that sell these to the irish merchants enriched . besides all which , ireland yearly takes from us considerable quantities of the goods which we import from other countries : as oyls , grocery , druggistery , raw-silk , cotton-wool and yarn , dying stuffs , paper , whalebone , train-oyl , hollands , ozenbrigs , and hamburg-linnen , callicoes , spices . by this trade our ships and seamen ( for so much ) are employed , and our merchants enriched . in these respects ireland is not only useful , but necessary to england , for were there no such place ( as some foolishly wish ) we could have no employment for the ships lately used in that trade . for our merchants and mariners being numerous , wealthy , knowing and studious of their own profit , do supply all known markets , with as much of our natural products , manufactures , and imported commodities , as they will take off at any reasonable profit ; for we want not hands , nor stock in trace , but trade to apply them to with any moderate advantage . every days experience , or a walk in blackwell-hall , exeter , norwich leeds , wakefield , &c. markets , would make it good beyond contradiction , that the hands at present employed in our natural products and manufactures , do as trade now stands , more than sufficiently supply our home consumption , and forreign trade ; and that , if more of these were raised in quantity , it would by glutting all markets , rather prejudice than enlarge our trade ; and were there no such place as ireland , or were it cut off from its dependance on england , and supplied from elsewhere , we could no where vend the commodities that kingdom yearly takes off . and a little voyage from london-bridge to graves-end , ( even in times of open trade ) may satisfie the doubtful , if not convince the incredulous , that we have more ships than all our share of the trade of the world does constantly employ , and a view of the ships ( formerly employed in the irish-trade , ) which now lie by the walls at the ports before named , since the trade between us and ireland hath been shut up , and which may be had at fraight , at little more than half fraight ; do shew , that neither our merchants , nor seamen , know how otherwise to employ them . iii. that trade that supplies us with materials for our manufactures , ( and thereby employment for our people ) especially such as we cannot have , or not so cheap from other parts , is necessary to our well-being . in the former instance i shewed you , that ireland takes off a good proportion of our superfluities : in this you 'll see that in lieu of part of them , it supplies us with useful and necessary materials for our manufactures , and that cheaper than we can have them from elsewhere . we do some years receive 6000 l. weight of linnen-yarn for warps for our fustians , to make into course-linnen , thred-buttons , tapes , inckles , &c. 137300 cony-skins for hatts , 1200 dozen of calf-skins , 40000 raw and dressed hides , 373600 goat , sheep and lamb-skins , and pelts for glovers , and many other uses ; tallow , 38000 l. weight , &c. all which serve for many uses , both domestick and forreign . some years we received from ireland 210000 , some years 254000 great stones of wool , at 18 pound to the stone , which ( as was made out to the last parliament , by a west country member of the house of commons , ) employs 180000 of our wool-dressers , combers , carders , spinners , weavers , dyers , fullers , dressers , shears-men , tuckers , knitters , calenders , pressers . and whereas it may be thought that the wools of england would yield a better rate , were none imported from ireland ; 't is certain that the pasture ground in england could not supply the quantity brought in from ireland : and were the quantity less than now is , work would be wanting for the poor ; or were wool dearer , the price of our manufactures would be raised , and we should thereby be in danger of loseing our forreign markets for them . iv. that trade that furnishes as with commodities for forreign markets , which we cannot have elsewhere , is in some sort necessary for us , both for employing our stock , our ships and our sea-men . the chief way whereby the dutch greatly enlarge their trade , and augment their wealth , is by buying up the commodities of other countries , and carrying them in their own ships to proper markets . ireland furnisheth us with several advantages of this kind ; for our merchants have had shipped off thence for their own account in one year , 800 tuns of salmon , 700 tuns of pilchards , 12000 barrels of herrings , 120 tuns of eels , 900000 hake-fish , 1040000 of barrel , hogs-head and pipe-staves , 3600 quarters of rape-seed , 300000 yards of course narrow-bandle wollen-cloth , 38000 l. weight of butter , 1000 l. weight of cheese , 43000 raw hides , 800 douzen of calf-skins , 25000 barrels of beef , 1000 barrels of pork , besides leather , caddows , bacon , corn , and several other commodities , few of which , if any , could be supplyed them from any other part of the world , or at least not so cheap , or so conveniently as from ireland ; for our ships in their way to forreign markets frequently touch , or call in ireland for some of these commodities to compleat the cargoes of other goods they carry hence , which is of much greater advantage to our trade than is apprehended at first view . v. we are gainers by ireland , in that they take our money and pay us interest for it ; suppose we have but 40000 l. in money at interest in ireland , ( interest there being 10 per cent. ) it yields us 4000 l. per annum , continued there ten years , we have drawn thence 40000 l. for interest , and at last we receive our entire principal also . but considering that ireland takes off more of our commodities yearly than we do of theirs , they are obliged to send us money , and we having the advantage of the exchange , we receive in ireland 106 l. or 108 l. for every hundred pounds we part with in england : so that at 6 per cent. for exchange , we part but with 37600 l. and yet receive 4000 l. per annum interest thence . of the same nature and advantage is the rent that our noblemen , gentlemen and merchants yearly receive for their lands in ireland , which are yearly transmitted thence hither . instances of this kind are too many to be enumerated . i will set before you some considerable instances of profit that we receive from ireland , and which that kingdom particularly yields us in three schedules . first , by rent of lands in ireland , belonging to persons that wholly , or for the most part live in england , and are therefore frequently transmitted hither .   per ann. rents of the lands posssessed by the duke of york the late k. 7000 l. city of london , and the 12 companies 6000 l. erasmus smith 2400 l. ald. john smith deceased 400 l. sir charles lloyd 0800 l. sir wil. barker , brewen and others 2500 l. maurice thomson 400 l. several adventures 5000 l. sir will. temples estate and office 1400 l. heirs of earl of essex 1200 l. sir will. courtney 2000 l. lord fitz-harding 1000 l. lord berkely 800 l. lord arlington , &c. 2000 l. earl anglesey 4000 l.   36900 l. earl strafford 1800 l. darcy of platton 700 l. d. albemarl 1500 l. lord conway 2000 l. d. buckingham 2500 l. sir 〈◊〉 wandesford 1200 l. mr. pugh 250 l. d. ormond 17000 l. lord ranelagh and lady dowager 3000 l. sir james shane 500 l. lord lisburne 2000 l. earl thomond 3500 l. sir edward scot 300 l. earl cork 14000 l. earl londonderry 1000 l. earl of kildare 3500 l.   54750 l.   36900 l.   91650 l. the second list of persons resident in england , that did receive pensions out of the revenue in ireland in 1685. and since .   per ann. lord lisburn 300 l. earl sunderland 5000 l. lady fr. keightly 400 l. countess of portland 500 l. mrs. hublethorn 100 l. earl of rochester 1600 l. earl dorset and tho. felton 800 l. sir edward scot 500 l. tho. sheridan 550 l. cha. laburn 100 l. capt. beversham 117 l. mrs. knight 200 l. mrs. cusels 200 l.   10367 l. the third list is of other advantages that we receive by that kingdom .   per ann. for students that come thence to the universities and inns of court 8000 l. attendants and expectants at court , and travellers hither 8000 l. profit made by the chief governours that are sent hence thither , above their expence 6000 l. we usually have three commissioners of the revenue there , that are sent hence at 1000 l. per annum each , allowing 1000 l. for their expence 2000 l. profit by the post-office 6000 l. interest of 40000 l. that is put out by our people , in ireland 4000 l.   34000 l. the revenue there in 1686 was in the total 334575 l. 17 s. 6 d. allow for insolvencies 10912 l. 11 s. 3 d.   323663 l. 6 s. 3 d. total of the establishment , viz. the charge of that kingdom 243663 l. 6 s. 3 d. remains 80000 l. this overplus was transmittable to england . the overplus for anno 1683. was but 40000 l. insolvencies allowed as above in anno 84. and 85. but 60000 l. i will therefore reckon it communibus annis but 40000 l. brought from above 34000 l.   74000 l. if in the first list the estate of any man be over valued , 't is most certain that many of the others are under-valued ; and that there are several persons of less quality not named , whose estates are in ireland , and that spend them in england i have not wilfully erred . i have a list of particulars in my hands drawn up by the council of trade in ireland in 1672. whereby the absentees estates then living in england , are valued to 116040 l. per annum . nor is this a late advantage that england reaps by ireland , for both the histories and laws of this and that kingdom do complain , that from the first conquest they have been impoverished by their nobility , and gentry's , spending their estates in england . as to the second list of pensioners , i do not find that there hath less than 10000 l. per annum been paid for many years past to persons in england . upon the establishment anno 1676. the pensions then payable to persons in england was 10500 l. per annum . all the persons mentioned in this list but three , were certainly in england , and i am informed the other three were resident here also . however the summ payable to those three amounts but unto 5●0 l. in all . as to the third list , it depends on estimates , wherein as to the two first articles , and the fourth , fifth and sixth , i have been careful to keep much within what they really are . as to the third article 't is certain that the annual profits our noblemen make of that government doth much exceed what i have set down . and as to the last which concerns the surplusages of the revenue , whoever consults the establishment of that kingdom , will find , that for many years past there has been an article in it appointing a considerable summ to be returned annually into england . in 1676. it was but 20000 l. per annum . in charles ii. time , there was great summs raised in that kingdom , that never came into the exchequer there ; nor as i am informed is there any account how they were disposed . whether they were distributed to irish rebels as a reward for cutting protestants throats in 1641 , or transmitted for england , i cannot say , but possibly it may one day prove worth his present majesties enquiry , when once that kingdom tends towards a settlement , if he thinks good , to have a retrospect so far . here i am likewise to take notice , that when forces have been sent from ireland hither , or to tangier , they have constantly been paid thence . by the particulars of this last instance , it is evident , that we not only reap the common advantages usually made in the course of trade between one kingdom and another ; but that we also make many other considerable ones by ireland , which that kingdom peculiarly yields us , and is like yet to do to a greater degree , if we put it into a better condition of trade and improvement , which i shall hereafter make out . the three lists i have set down before you do shew , that we receive 176017. l. per annum , in those particulars , 75000 l. that they pay us annually for fraight of our ships , which makes 245017. enough of itself for ever to cure us of our jealousie , that that kingdom will be prejudicial to us in point of trade , for these very out-lets of their treasure will infallibly keep them low . and the very encrease of their trade and consumption will encrease the revenue there , and make them liable to send so much more as that shall happen to be , annually to england , which helps to support our charge and enrich us . for whatsoever the revenue of ireland amounts to yearly above the charge of that kingdom , hath been , and will be transmitted into england , and is so much clear profit to the king and this kingdom . they are yearly liable to us for more than we receive in commodity thence ; and therefore much of what their merchants send to france , spain , &c. on their own proper accounts is returned by exchange , or brought in forreign coyns into england , so that they seem to subsist by miracle . however they were in a thriving condition when king james ii. ascended the throne . nor is the advantage small to england , nor to our nobility and gentry , that whilst the elder brothers , gentlemen of estates here , justle and scuffle for offices and preferments , and think all too little for them , that their younger brothers have ireland to repair unto in shoals ( on every change of government there , which usually happens every three or four years ) where they meet with offices , employments and preferments both of honour and profit , ecclesiastical , civil , and military ; and frequently arrive at considerable estates , or a way of livelihood , whereby they live as plentifully and contentedly ( though perhaps not so splendidly ) as their elder brothers here . nor is this advantage limited to the nobility and gentry only : for england breeds more mechanicks , than it can maintain . the surcharge of these , that by their stay here would but impoverish the rest , find work and livelihood in ireland . as do many decayed families that repair thither yearly for bread , and are received there with great humanity , and kindness . it is ignorance , envy , french gold , or wicked and treacherous designs that put men upon quarrelling with the trade , situation or improvement of ireland as prejudicial , or inconvenient to england , for the fair , spacious , and safe harbours on the south , and south-west coast of ireland , furnish our merchant ships in their voyages to asia , africa , and return from america , and most part of europe , not only with commodious shelter and refreshments in storms , tempests , and other extremities at sea , but also retreat , refuge , and security from pyrates , and enemies in times of war. and ireland by its situation lyes conveniently , not only for security and advice for our merchant fleets in time of war , but also to intercept and interrupt the trade of our enemies . and how lightly soever these advantages may be past over by those that possibly for french-gold , would cut , untwist , or weaken our threefold cord , yet they are obvious enough to all considering , unbyassed states-men , merchants and navigators . for let it be considered , that the great currant of trade runs between england and france , and that were the ports of ireland and france in one hand or both in war with us ; that either , much more both , would shut up , and damage , if not ruine our trade , in that in the latter case , it might be done meerly by privateers without the expence of a great and chargeable fleet , as our merchants already find in part to their great cost and loss . thus you see that ireland is beneficial to england , by employing above 300 sail of ships constantly , together with the hands and trades that depend on them . that it takes off considerable quantities of our natural products , of our manufactures , and of our imported commodities , which yields employment to our people , contributes to keep up the rents of our lands , and enrich our merchants . that almost all the commodities we receive thence , are not only useful , but necessary to us , to enable our manufacturers , and employ multitudes of our people . that our forreign trade is encreased by the commodities our merchants ship off from ireland which they can have no where else , and lyes there conveniently for our ships to take in in their way to their proper markets . that we receive thence yearly above 240000 l. besides many other advantages . that many younger brothers , and supernumerary artizans , and families that fall to decay , and that cannot subsist here , are received and entertained with kindness in ireland , where they grow rich , or at least subsist . that the situation of that kingdom is so far from being prejudicial to england , that it is commodious for the shelter , security and enlargement of our trade . that were there no such place , we should want employment for at least 300000 of our people , and sale for a good part of our products and manufactures . that should ireland continue in the hands of our enemies , many of our people would be beggared , most of our forreign trade be greatly indangered and obstructed , if not ruined . so that without further consideration of this matter , i do conclude , that as ireland is the antientest , so it is the most noble , and profitable acquisition that ever england made , though it is but little more than twenty years since the standing revenue of that kingdom did considerably surmount the charge of it ; yet our kings ever since king john's time have drawn large supplies not only of men , but also of money , from ireland . k. james and k. charles the first received several summs of money thence , which with the advantages by trade , and most of the fore-mentioned particulars have rendred ireland considerable to england for near 500 years past . you take notice that our nobility , clergy and gentry have imbibed a notion , that the abatement of the rents of lands in england for twenty six years past have been occasioned by the improvements of ireland in that time : and thence you raise your third query , whether the improvement of ireland was not the cause of the abatement of rents of lands in england ? or whence else hath it come that rents of lands have fallen one fifth part since the year 1662. to set you right in this matter , it 's expedient that i lay before you the true state of that kingdom and its trade , whereby you will be able to see the folly of our suspicions , and the difficulty , if not impossibility of receiving prejudice by the improvement of ireland , at least in this or the next age , unless we enforce it by bearing too hard on them , as we did in the business of cattel , and compel them to better husbandry at home , and to more forreign trade , than they are any way disposed to , or prepar'd for . and then i will shew you whence it is , that our lands have fallen so much in their rents . ireland is indeed an island , that for extent of acres , richness of soyl , salubrity of air , numerousness of good rivers and havens , variety of fishings , native products , and materials fit to be improved into manufactures , scituation for trade , &c. comes behind few islands in the , world. yet it hath hitherto advanced but very little in trade , riches or improvement . although it hath for 518 years owned subjection to england , and been in great measure inhabited by brittains , to that degree , that three fourths of the present papists there , are of brittish extraction , who yet by the influence of that pernicious religion , are as much disposed to mischief and barbarity , as the native irish ; yet i say the trade and improvements thereof are inconsiderable . the causes whereof i apprehend to be these . 1. that the popish religion is retained by about five sixth parts of the inhabitants ; which not only enjoins about 26 idle or holy-days more in a year than our church ; by expence on which , the loss of so much time , and of what might be gained therein , the ill habits , and indisposition to labour contracted by such idleness , and the spungings of their clergy , by which , and the displeasure of god on that religion , ( being that abomination that causeth desolation ) they are kept poor . hereby they are liable yearly to send much money to rome to purchase absolutions pardons , &c. and they actually do so ; and are also at the charge of training up their youth at st. omers , doway , valadolid , and the jesuites colledges in france , ( which is a real drain to their treasure ) where they are fitted for all villany , and instructed how to trouble church and state. and by gods just judgment for permitting that religion , ( whilst without compulsion it is so easie to reform them ; ) they are made thorns in our sides . these ( i say ) make up one cause of the poverty of that kingdom , and will remain so , as long as their idolatry is connived at . 2. the second cause of the poverty of that kingdom , is , the paucity of the inhabitants , the whole number being reckoned to be but 1200000 souls , whereof 300000 are children , many by their quality exempt from labour , and the rest are few enough for tillage and husbandry , there being ten acres , of land english measure profitable , and five unprofitable in that kingdom for each soul in it . hence it is , that in the fishing season , the merchants of that kingdom pay 20000 l. per annum , to scotch fisher-men , that go from scotland to take the herrings and other fish , that present themselves to their netts in the irish harbours . to which may be added , the poor and mean way wherein above three fourths of them live , their food , ( tho' they live the midst of plenty ) being mostly milk and potatoes ; their cloathing , course bandle cloath and linnen , both of their own making . a pot , a griddle whereon to bake their bread , a little snuff , salt , and iron for their plows , being almost all that they trouble the merchant or shop-keeper for . a little hut , or cabbin to lodge in , is all that the generality of them seek , or have ambition for . 3. a third cause of their poverty ( which is also an evidence of it , ) is , the raw and unmanufactured condition of the commodities they export . the bulk of their exportations besides fish ; is wool , raw-hides , flax , linnen-yarn , cony-skins , sheep-skins , pelts , hogsheads and barrel staves , &c. add hereunto the few markets that they have for these . they are prohibited , carrying their wool and yarn to any market but england . the carribbe islands were their best market for beef , pork , and provisions , which tho' we have left them freedom to carry thither , together with servants and horses , yet 't is under such hard conditions , that they are in a manner wholly cut off from that trade . these being so bulkey , and of so little value , that it requires two or three cargoes of them to lade one ship back with plantation commodities . and we have prohibited them to carry any of their manufactures ( which would have help'd in this case ) thither , except they enter , and pay the duty for them in england , which on some goods is twice , on others the whole value of the first cost . 4. the small quantity of coin that is in that kingdom , and the great disproportion between that and the payments of the kingdom . to clear this , i will give you a rough , yet near and probable computation , what the rents , publick payments and trade there doth require , or of what money is necessary to put that kingdom barely into a thriving condition . 1. there ought to be in it as much money , as one years rent of near eight millions of acres profitable land which are in that kingdom , and the houses doth amount unto , which suppose to be 1100000 l. this is the land-lord and tennants share of the cash of the kingdom . 2. it is necessary there be also so much coin as one years value of the natural products of the kingdom does amount unto , at least as the commodities exported in that time do come to . this is the merchants and trades mens share of the money , and in ireland should be about 500000 l. 3. so much money as one years revenue and taxes does amount unto ; which in ireland is about 300000 l. or at least so much as is the charge of the kingdom , which including pensions was 243663 l. 4. so much cash as the tythes and church livings amount unto , which for 27 bishopricks , deanries , &c. and about 2200 parishes ; i 'll reckon 200000 l. per annum . 5. it 's needful that there be manufactures in a kingdom to employ the indigent , and keep them from rapin and violence ; and if so , it 's necessary there should be so much mony for that use as one years manufacture doth amount unto ; for which ( because they are so few in kind , and little in quantity ) we 'll reckon but 40000 l. these five make up a necessary capital of two millions and 83663 l. now did the cash of the kingdom equal these requirements , rents , taxes and tythes might be well and duely paid , the scale of trade move nimbly , and some manufactures be carried on . but where the cash of a kingdom doth not exceed the first , third , and fourth forementioned uses , such kingdom is incapacitated to advance in trade , shipping , manufactures or improvements . such deficiences of cash , ( according to the degree of it ) occasions cheapness of the natural product of such kingdoms , ill payment of rents , and debts , and necessarily impose a low value upon lands both in purchase , and rent . the passant cash of that kingdom in its most flourishing condition , was never estimated to be 400000 l. but grant it be so much , yet that is less than one fifth of what is necessary to enable the payment of rents , taxes , and tythes , and to carry on the small trade of that kingdom . here you may see the fundamental cause of the ill payments , cheapness of lands , smallness of trade , and poverty of that kingdom , tho' not the only one . the want of stock in trade , is the reason why the most of the products of that kingdom are exported by our merchants , and not by the merchants of that kingdom , whereby the profit made on them in forreign market accrues to england . 5. another cause of the poverty of ireland , is , the high interest that money is at there , being by law 10 per cent , besides procuration , and continuation money , &c. which the needy pay also . this is a consequent and proof of the former , and that which cuts the nerves , and hamstrings of industry . for as scarcity of coin , keeps the natural products of a country at a low rate ; so high interest both hinders their being manufactured , and advances the price of them when manufactured , that they cannot be afforded so cheap at forreign markets , as the like manufactures raised where interest of mony is low . if here it be objected , that the cheapness of wool ( as to the woollen manufacture ) will countervail the disadvantage of high interest : it 's answered , that it will not , for 12 pound of wool which costs but two shillings dearer in england than there , will make a piece of serge that may stand some in 3 l. some in 4 l. or two pieces of stuff that may together stand in as much ; the price of the wool being so small a part of the disburse , will not countervail the high interest on the rest . but besides this , there being but little manufacture there , and not full work for tuckers , dyers , dressers , calenders , hot-pressers , &c. there , as there is here , the rate of these there , is double to what it is here ; and so is their oyl , dying stuffs and forreign materials , most of which they carry from england , for which at a high value they pay 10 per cent . for customs and excise on their importation . it is the least skilful of our workmen that go thither , and even the skilful there meet with a great inaptitude in the people to manufacture , tho' they ought to be content with them for their own use , yet they cannot perfect them so as to be able to sell them as to any tolerable price in the same market with ours . a pregnant instance whereof we had a few years since . some of our merchants thought to make considerable advantage by buying bayes ( like those of colchester ) in ireland , and gave commission for large quantities which were bought up , whereupon there was a great spurt of trade for that commodity for a little time . but notwithstanding colchester bayes is the easiest part of the woollen manufacture to be made , imitated and perfected , yet when those made in ireland came to be compared with the true colchester bayes in spain , they differed so much for the worse , that on a sudden the irish weavers lost their trade , and some of them were ruined by those that were left on their hands , not being able to find a market for them . here you also see one reason why they export most part of their commodities raw and unmanufactured . 6. a sixth cause of irelands poverty , is , the cheapness of lands in that kingdom , and easiness to subsist , with the difficulties that attend trade there , which makes their merchants turn purchasers as soon as they have gotten as much as will maintain their families ; whereby the stock in trade there is small . for it 's observed , that tho' many there gain a livelihood by trade , yet very few of the merchants of that kingdom have acquired considerable , or competent estates , for the reasons before mentioned , and because of the many cloggs that lie on this trade , which will herein after be observed . 7. add to these their improvidence , the prodigality and excess of the english there , in the consumption of forreign wares , mostly superfluities which they might well be without . as fine cloath , stuffs , silks-laces , haberdashery , and the rest that i have before enumerated , which they derive wholly from england . as also some that they have from other countries : above 3000 tuns of wine and brandy have been imported and consumed in that kingdom in one year . some vices and some vertues seem to adhere to the soil of most countries , however the inhabitants are changed . thus luxury and hospitality to most plentiful countries ; and so to ireland , especially in housekeeping , wherein they exceed us as far as we do the frugal dutch , and so are no savers by the great plenty of the country . 8. the uninteressed ( and frequent change ) of the chief governors who are mostly sent them from england , who transmit all that they get above their necessary expence into england . 9. the frequency of rebellions in that kingdom ( which discourages and destroys all improvements ) occasioned by the folly and negligence of england , and the influence the papists have always had on our councils ; so that on their reduction they have constantly found such favour as to be left in condition to renew their rebellions at pleasure . 10. cause of irelands poverty is the clogs and restraints on their trade , partly by england , partly by their own parliament , who , by a perpetual law , have incapacitated the growth or increase of their trade , especially so as that it cannot interfere with the trade of england . the truth is , both parliaments have been imposed on , partly by some commissioners of the customs here ; who to fix themselves the better in their seats , and at once to ingratiate themselves at court , and with the english merchants that deal to the plantations , pretended they could greatly encrease that branch of the revenue by imposing hard things on ireland . partly by two sets of men who designed the farming of the customs and excise in both kingdoms ; and actually did farm part of them here . these by their creatures in that parliament , wherein were some pensionaries ; under pretence of advancing trade , and the rents of lands in england , &c. gained several acts to be passed very disadvantagious to ireland , and the plantations , and of little or no advantage to england . particularly those that bar the people of ireland from carrying any asian , african , or european commodities to any of the plantations , but provision , servants and horses , except they be brought into , entred , and pay custom in england , and be bound to return hither with the proceed likewise . as the plantations heavily complain of these acts , so do the people of ireland . i have seen certain reasons drawn up in ireland against those acts , too many and too long to be here inserted . yet being they fall in with the present subject . i will mention some of them , viz. that as ireland is the antientest and noblest , so is it the most beneficial acquisition of england . not only by taking off annually great proportions of the natural and artificial commodities thereof : but also of asian and african commodities ; ( two thirds of the importations of ireland being from england ) by employing considerable numbers of english ships , by the yearly rents of the estates of such as live in england , and of absentees transmitted hither , by the charge of students at the universities and inns of court , income of the post-office ; summs carried away by chief governours , the surplussage of the revenue , &c. much of all which is carried into england in cash . that the commodities exported from ireland to england are all necessary or useful to england . but that the commodities imported thither from england , are superfluous , and such as ireland may , or must be without , ( to the prejudice of england ) except there be a relaxation of the present severities put on that kingdom . that ireland being planted with english , or those of english extraction , under the same sovereign , under almost all the same laws with england , in some respect under the same legislative power , ( for laws made in england , wherein ireland is named , bind ireland , &c. ) ireland is by these , and several other ways in a manner incorporated , and become one body with england . in those acts they note two things ; the ends of them , and the reasons of them the ends of them are , to keep the plantations in a firm dependance on england , to appropriate the trade to , and from them to england . and that england may be a staple for the plantation commodities . they say all these ends ( save in one little particular of small moment to england , but of great importance to ireland ) are infallibly secured to england without these acts of restraint , &c. as to the first , they say , that the merchants of ireland are generally english , or of english extraction ; and having many plantations in these islands , are part proprietors ; that it cannot be imagined that their trade and yearly sending many of his majesties subjects thither , can weaken , but rather firm their dependance on england , which confessedly in those acts cannot be supplyed from , or not without great prejudice to england . and which else must be supplyed with more negroes , to the hazard , if not ruin and loss of those plantations as to another end , which is , that england may supply those plantations with all asian , african , and european commodities . they say that ireland hath not been accustomed to send any of these , except those of the growth , or manufacture of ireland to the plantations , nor can they send any other if they had full liberty . for by the act of customs in ireland , all wines , tobacco , wrought silks , all haberdashery wares , and all sorts of grocery wares imported into ireland , pay a great custom , and draw back no part of that duty on exportation . the law there denying the merchant that priviledge . by which clause england is secured that the merchants of ireland cannot supply the plantations with any wines , silks , haberdashery , or grocery . and by another clause in that act , the merchants of ireland are rendred uncapable to supply the plantations — or any other part of the world with any commodities whatsoever , which is once imported into that kingdom ; the clause is this ; that all forreign commodities , except wines and tobacco , and those of the english plantations imported into ireland by a denizon from any the parts or places beyond the seas , other than england or wales , shall for ever pay one third more in subsidy over and above the subsidy payable for the same according to the book of rates , and every stranger double , &c. it is to be noted , that most commodities but what ireland constantly derives , or are supplyed with from england , are valued in the irish book of rates , at a higher value than the same commodities are valued in the book of rates in england . so that according to the intrinsick value of the commodities , all forreign goods pay almost 10 per cent. custom on importation into ireland , except what they have from england . therefore , say they , he that reads the acts for customs and excise in ireland , will imagine that the parliament of ireland was in the conspiracy to ruin the trade of that kingdom . for though it is known , that these and other severe clauses in those acts were added in england when the bills were sent into england for approbation ; yet they were allowed and passed into acts by the parliament of ireland . so that upon the whole , they conceive it clear as the light at noon-day , that england can furnish the plantations , and all the world , with asian , african , and european commodities , 6 if not 8 per cent. cheaper than 't is possible for the merchants of ireland to do it ; which is a full security of that trade to england . as to the third end of those acts in england , that barr their trade to the plantations , which is , that england may be a staple to all the world for the plantation commodities . the merchants of ireland say , this also is infallibly assured to england , though liberty should be allowed them to trade to the plantations . as to all the world , ireland only excepted ; not only for some of the reasons given under the former head , which take place likewise here ; but also because , although plantation commodities ( since the additional duties were added ) pay a higher duty on importation into england , than they pay on importation into ireland . yet on exportation out of ireland , they leave much more of the duty behind , than they do on exportation from england . to instance only in two of them . ginger on importation into ireland pays 12 d. per hundred weight custom , and on exportation draws back no part of that duty . ginger exported out of england leaves behind . tobacco ( which is the most considerable of all the plantation commodities ) imported into ireland , and again exported thence , leaves in the kings hands one penny per pound behind ; but exported out of engand , it leaves but a half penny behind , which is the eighth or tenth part of the value of that commodity . so that england will certainly remain a staple for these commodities to all the world , except ireland , notwithstanding full liberty of trade to the plantations should be , allowed the merchants of ireland . for that the english merchants can sell tobacco 10 or 12 per cent. at least , and ginger 〈…〉 per cent. cheaper than the merchants of ireland , and so likewise all other plantation commodities . the second thing they note in those acts , that prohibite the merchants of ireland to trade to the plantations , but through england , &c. is the reason of them , which forms the equity of them , viz. that the plantations are peopled with his majesties subjects of england , and that england hath and doth daily suffer great prejudice by transporting great numbers to those plantations for the peopling of them . to this the merchants of ireland say , that in fact it is most certain , that a full moiety or near it , of all the working whites , and many of the proprietors in all the caribbe islands , and at least three fourths of the whites on montserat are of the people of ireland . and that if those plantations had not for many years been supplyed with people , cherished and furnished with victuals at low rates from ireland , they had perished , or not come to what they are . for had they been necessitated to have paid english rates for food , they could not have subsisted . so that , ( say they ) if ireland hath not only in a great measure sustained them , but also are part proprietors , and have in a great measure peopled them , and are daily sending people thither , where they are needed ; then ireland is within the reason of those acts , and ( as they conceive ) ought not to be debarred commerce with them , at least for their own products , and manufacture , which is all that they desire liberty for . they say , it seems to be a great severity , ( being they are of the people of england ) that they should be treated as forreigners : and were the tables turned , and their brethren of england in ireland , the legislators would think the laws at least unkind . that it seems hard , that an english man , because he goes to inhabit in ireland , or is sent thither to help to secure that conquest to england , should therefore lose a great part of the priviledge of an english man , and be treated as a forreigner . that these restraints tend towards untwisting or weakning our threefold cord , by alienating ( if it were possible ) the hearts of the people from england , and seem rather to be designed by france , than to flow from the generous temper of an english parliament . that the same parliament that enacted those laws , were so sensible of the advantages england reaps by ireland , and that it is the interest of this kingdom to cherish that , that they comprehended ireland in the act of navigation ; and allowed the people and ships thereof the same priviledges as to the people and ships of england . as an acknowledgment whereof , the parliament of ireland by their act of navigation , granted all the like privileges to the people and ships of england as to their own . that as to the virginia trade , which brings greatest advantage to his majesty , the merchants of ireland are in a manner wholly cut off from that trade , except they will drive it to the utter ruin of the kingdom . ( which they resolve not to do ) for neither provision , nor horses will go off at virginia , nor are servants to be had to such numbers as to enable that trade ; and the export of their manufacture is prohibited . so that if they will drive that trade , they must do it with cash , and turn all the little money they have into smoak , or be at the excessive charge , double hazard and expence of time , to come unto , and return through england with that ( as all other plantation commodities ) which hath occasioned frequent loss of seasons , and of ships and cargo's to the loss of the duty to his majesty , and ruin of many merchants , as they made appear in very many deplorable instances , too long to be here inserted . they say , that whereas by an act of the 25. car. 2. for better securing the plantation trade , it is enacted , that if any ship or vessel , which by law may trade in any of the plantations , shall come to take on board any plantation commodities , and that bond shall not be first given , with sufficient surety to bring them to england , wales , or barwick , that there shall be paid there on white sugars 5 s. per cent. on muscovados 8 d. per cent. on tobacco 1 d. per pound , &c. which afforded some ease to the distressed merchants of ireland in returning , without being necessitated to come to england to enter . yet that door also hath been shut against ireland by the artifice of the arbitrary commissioners of the customs in england . for contrary to the plain import of that law , there was a ship of england which paid that duty in the plantations , seized and condemned , under pretence that that act was only intended for the trade between plantation and plantation , although there is nothing in the act that gives countenance to that construction . that tho' the manufactures of ireland are few , and that the most considerable of them is linnen , which interferes not with the manufacture of england , and that the quantity exported in times of free trade to the plantations was but small , yet the sustenance of a good number of the most necessitous of their people depended wholly on that little , and that they cannot subsist barely by air , more than the people of england . that by reason of the easiness to subsist in ireland , the restraints on . trade , the difficulty , if not impossibility ( now ) to grow rich by ' trade , and the cheapness of land ; merchants are inclined to purchase rather than trade . that from hence ; and the mean way of living of the natives , paucity of inhabitants , little demand of the native commodities in forreign markets , the want of any peculiar commodity , as tinn is to england , &c. it appears there is little reason why the gentry and merchants of england should be so jealous as they are of the improvement of ireland , or the growth of its trade , and less why they should bear so hard on it . that albeit liberty is granted to the merchants of ireland , to send provisions , servants and horses to the plantations ; yet provisions and horses being of great stowage , and small value , it requires two cargoes of them to lade one ship home . and it is not to be expected that the whole proceed should in the same voyage be turned into commodity for return . hence it becomes absolutely necessary for them to carry some small parcels of the manufacture of ireland with provisions , servants and horses , to enable a cargo for the ships return , or to return half or one third empty , which doubles the charge of fraight , and charge on the commodities returned . or if they will not do this , they must carry money to england to buy , and take in some manufacture there , which doubles the hazard and charge , and by loss of time , and contrary winds occasion loss of seasons , and often of ships and goods . and if any of the woollen manufacture of ireland be brought to enter here ( in order to send them to the plantations ) the half duty on them in england , is in some the whole , in others the half of their first cost . which how hard soever , yet they must not ( as the case stands ) upon any easier terms trade to those parts , tho' part of the dominions of their natural prince , and in a great measure peopled and supported by themselves . that since the prohibition of cattle to england , and as an effect thereof , the merchants of ireland have in return for beef , tallow , hides , &c. supplyed that kingdom with many commodities from forreign parts , which before that prohibition , were brought only from england . and that if the restraint be continued on their manufactures to the plantations , they will be necessitated to truck their manufactures in spain , portugal , &c. for plantation and other commodities which they used to have from the plantations , and from england . where if once their manufactures be brought into demand , the prejudice to england will be a thousand times greater than can arise from their carrying small quantities of them to the plantations . that the condition of ireland in the forementioned respects is very deplorable . for notwithstanding the english there are liable annually to england for those vast summs before mentioned , yet they are prohibited to send their sheep , cattle , beef , pork or butter ( the product of their land ) hither . nor can they send their manufacture , the only employment of their people hither , nor to any of the plantations , no , not so much as cloaths for their servants . if they send servants , they must not send cloaths with them for one year , nor so much as handsomly to recommend them to a market ; nor brandy sufficient for their voyage , lest any should be left at their arrival . if they send horses they must not send a new bridle . if they do in any of these cases transgress , they are sure to be ruined by the commanders of the ships of england that watch that trade , as many have been . they are by england prohibited to plant tobacco to employ their lands at home that is laid waste . all which ( say they ) renders ireland and the merchants thereof fit objects of his majesty and the parliaments compassion , which they hope will in due time be extended to them , the hard circumstances in which they we being once understood by their brethren of england . it is some relief to those that imagine themselves under pressures to be permitted to utter their complaints . thus i have ( out of their own mouths ) given you part of the anxious reasonings of the merchants of ireland , about the cloggs laid on the trade of that kingdom by england . whereunto i shall add one more , which by reason of the weight and importance of it to england , i am not willing to omit ; and it is this . that if these restraints be intended to compel them to take off more commodities from england , or that they should trade only with england , they are ill designed : for that according to the state , into which england hath brought the trade of that kingdom , ( as is before set forth ) it is impossible for the people of ireland to enlarge their trade with england . for should they buy more of england than they do , and have done for five years past , they are ( by these prohibitions ) rendred uncapable to pay for it . bat on the contrary , england hath ( by these restraints ) laid an absolute necessity on ireland to take off less of the product and manufacturies of england than they have formerly taken off . for when they enjoyed liberty to carry their manufactures , as well as provisions to the plantations , they usually brought the product of them into england , which they trucked for english commodities , or therewith paid their debts here ; or if they paid duty , and exported them to holland , &c. they returned the proceed of them into england , and applyed it to the uses before-mentioned . but seeing england hath not only shut , but fast lockt this door also against them , they must now ( though with much regret ) to the prejudice of england , necessarily seek new trade , and supply themselves for future from places where they can vend their native products , and manufactures . whatever there is in their former reasonings , i am of opinion , that this last deserves due consideration , as being of importance to the trade of england . but here i 'll put an end to the exercise of your patience as to that particular . as to the cloggs laid on their trade by their own parliament , they have fallen in , and been mentioned with those laid on them by england , the most considerable being that clause in the act of customs , which imposeth one third more subsidy on all commodities imported into ireland , except those imported from england or the plantations . this they say was added to the bill in england . however it was passed by their own parliament , and is in effect , or was intended by those which added it , as a prohibition of their trade with any part of the world , but england . another discouragement which they alledge , is the exorbitant fines in the act for excise in ireland , as loss of franchises , imprisonment , and the barbarous corporal punishments to be inflicted thereby , &c. which are such , that merchant and slave in ireland are convertible terms ; and had indeed been fitter to have been imposed on slaves at algier than on free-born english men. if the view i have given you of the trade and condition of ireland hath not satisfied you , that it is not the improvement of that kingdom that hath lessened the rents of lands in england , i presume the answer to the second part of the inquiry we are upon will fully do it . the second part of the query , is , what have been the causes that have occasioned the rents of lands to have abated or fallen one fifth part , or considerably since the year 1662 ? this query supposeth , that lands generally throughout england did in 1662. or thereabout , yield considerably more rent than now they do . i was desirous to inform my self as to the certainty of it , lest this unhappiness should have been only particular to your self and some few about you , i had the curiosity to inquire in survey ( fifteen miles from london ) whether like abatements had hapned there as in your parts of the countrey ; and i had many instances given me where several parcels of land which in 1662. and 1663. yielded 50 l. per annum , are now set ( upon the rack-rent ) at 22 l. per annum , and so proportionably for greater and less quantities of land : so that being confirmed in the truth of the matter of fact , i have therefore the more studiously enquired into the causes thereof . to resolve this query to satisfaction , it is necessary that we retrospect the condition of england unto the time when lands were at a very low and mean value as to the rents of them ; and if we can find what it was that raised them to those high rents they yielded about 1662. it is probable that that will direct or help us to find the true causes of their abatement . to go no further back than the reign of edward iii. we shall find , that england had no manufactures , few ships , little or no exportation but a little leather , besides wool , and wool-fells , of which sometimes 30000 , at other times 10000 sacks was annually exported ( for custom of which that king received 25000 l. per annum . ) england neither had nor affected trade further than in our own seas , and to the netherlands , or not to any purpose ; but lived wholly , or mostly by tillage , and pasturage of cattel . so that being destitute of manufacture and trade , lands yielded less rent in england at that time , than they did in ireland thirty four years ago ( which was soon after that kingdom had been depopulated by the rebellion of 1641. ) when good land was set at 12 d. per acre . this is evident by the low rate of provisions in london in this reign , where a fat ox was sold for 6 s. 8 d. a fat sheep 6 d. five pidgeons 1 d. a quarter of wheat 2 s. a fat goose 2 d. the products of the fields being so cheap the rents of lands must needs be very low . stow tells us that in this kings reign , a tax of 5 l. 16 s. 8 d. being laid on each parish in england . that 112 l. was abated to suffolk , and the like summ to devonshire , because of-the extream poverty of those counties : but since they have become the seat of several manufactures , the case is much mended with them . this wise and warlike king being as masculine in his councels , as valiant in arms , projected at once the enlarging of his dominions , and the enriching of them . he observed that his english wools were transported to the netherlands , wrought up there , and part of them returned in draperies , &c. with vast advantage to the manufacturers and to those provinces . and understanding that some of the corporate cities and towns where the weavers had seated themselves , had by hard and unkind impositions and usage , disgusted many of their brethren that dwelt in country villages . the king took the advantage thereof , and by the offer of many large immunities and priviledges , invited several of them to remove into england , where they were sure to buy wool cheap , and sell cloth dear . for their further encouragement , the king paid the charge of their transportation , gave them freedom in corporations , with many peculiar priviledges , house-rent free for some years , defray'd the charge of their families out of his exchequer , until their labour brought in a competency for them ; and prohibited the wearing of any course forreign cloth. this had its desired effect , for thereon many of the clothiers with their dependents removed and settled in england . whereby the scale of the trade of the kingdom did much alter for the better by the 28th . year of that kings reign , for by that time cloth was made in england , not only in good measure for home supply , but also some course sort for exportation , as appears by the following ballance of the trade of that year recorded in the exchequer . by which we may see as the state and smalness of the trade of the kingdom , so also the great parsimony of those times . exportations .   l. s. d. 31651 sacks and a half of wool at 6 l. per sack 189909. — . — . 3036 hundred 65 fells at 2 l. per hundred of 120 006073. 1. 8. custom of both amounts to 81624. 1. 1. 14 last , 17 dicker and 5 hides of leather at 6 l. per last 89. 5. — whereof the custom amounts to 6. 17. 6. 4774 clothes and a half at 40 l. per cloth 009549. — . — . 8061 pieces and a half of worsteds at 16 s. 8 d. per piece 006717. 18. 4. the custom of both amounts to 215. 13. 7. the summ of the out-carried commodities in value and custom amounteth to 294184. 17. 2. the importations into england 28th . ed. 3.   l. s. d. 1832 clothes at 6 l. per. cloth 10992. — . — . whereof the custom amounts to 91. 12. — . 397 quintals ¾ of wax at 40 s. per quin. 795. 10. — . whereof the custom amounts to 19. 17. 5. 1829 tun ½ of wine at 40 s. per tun 3659. — . — . whereof custom 182. 19. — . linnen-cloth , mercery , and grocery wares , and all other merchandize 22943. 6. 10. whereof the custom 285. 18. 3. summ of the in-brought commodities in value and custom 38970. 3. 6. summ of the in-plusage of the out-carried above the in-brought commodities amounteth to 255214. 13. 8. the bringing in of these few manufacturers instantly put the kingdom into a thriving condition ; for although it added but 16266 l. 18 s. 4 d. to the exportations of this year , yet it so far decreased the importations , as that there was 255214 l. 13 s. 8 d. added to the stock of the kingdom . thus was the foundation first laid of the succeeding trade , wealth and opulence of england . henceforward this kingdom encreased in trade , shipping and wealth ; lands yielded better rents , and the products of it a better price , for in 1520. the beginning of henry viii's reign , a fat oxe in london was commonly sold for 26 s. a fat wether 3 s. 4 d. which allowing for the different value of the coin is twice as much in the first , and above three times as much in the last . for silver and coin was 20 d. per ounce in edward iii's . time , and was advanced to 40 d. per ounce and no more in 1520. the second step was the dissolving of abbeys and monasteries . by this , and the casting off the popes supremacy , the power of the clergy , and their concern in civil affairs abated , to the great benefit of the kingdom . until this was done , the drones suckt most of the honey , and starv'd the industrious bees . but when those livings came into lay-hands , the rents and money which before was hoarded up in coffers came into the publick stock of the kingdom , and circulated . i am against stripping the truly worthy reverend painful clergy , i think they deserve good pay and double honour . i would not have the labouring oxen muzzled , nor the labourers hire lessened ; let them preach the gospel , prosper and live honourably by it . yet i am of opinion they do always best and are most happy where they keep within their own province . there is more required to accomplish a states man than school and book-learning ; the retired education of the generality of the clergy-men begets a temper unfit for civil government . christ was so far from committing that to his disciples , that he cautioned or prohibited their intermedling in it . not only the subjects , but even the greatest princes in the land have been shocked and made unhappy by the pride and ambition of popish prelates , ( becket and others . ) but now that yoke , and the popes were in a great measure cast off to the unspeakable advantage of prince and people . in most places where clergy men share in the government the people are unhappy , as in italy and other kingdoms , but where ever they govern solely , the people are miserable , as in the popes dominions if the pregnant instances hereof given by mr. bethel ( in his present interest of england stated ) do not convince all mankind of this truth , surely the late improvement of those instances by dr. burnet in his five letters will do it . the third happy step towards the enriching of this kingdom , was the reformation of religion , for this contributes to the enriching a people , not only by the blessing of god , which hath always attended the national receiving and conscientious practice of the true religion , but also in that the nature of it is to civilize and moralize men ; to make them sober and diligent , and so tends to enrich them . the protestant religion as it makes men more diligent , sober and industrious in their callings than the popish religion , so it tends more to the enriching of them , in that it enjoins ( as hath been observed ) fewer idle days , which expose men to expence , breeds and begets ill habits , and an inaptitude to business and labour , &c. which are the companions of superstition and idolatry . suppose the working people of england to be but four millions , and that the labour of each person be valued but 6 d. per day , their work for one day amounts to one hundred thousand pounds ; which for twenty four days that they keep — in a year more than the twenty nine days observed by the church of england , amounts to two millions and four hundred thousand pounds sterling per annum , which of it self is sufficient on the one hand to impoverish and on the other to enrich a kingdom . another advantage we received by entertaining the christian religion , and casting off of popery , was , that the greatest part of that money which went yearly to rome for pardons and indulgences was saved to the kingdom ; which was no small summ. the fourth step towards the enriching of the kingdom accompanied or immediately followed our breaking off from ( that mother of abominations ) the church of rome , and was sent us as a blessing from heaven for that separation , was the serge , say , and stuff trade , with all our new draperies , which have vastly contributed to the wealth of the kingdom , and raising the rents of our lands . antwerp had for a long time been , and now was the greatest seat of trade in the whole world , and the netherlands of manufacture : thence we were supplied with all sorts of new draperies , and fabrick of silks , &c. although trade be the best humoured lady in the world , yet she is so great a lover of quiet and repose , and so sensible that she carries her welcome with her where-ever she goes , that she expects to be courted and accommodated with peace , liberty and security ; where either of the two latter are denied , or taken from her , she frequently removes , and carries plenty , wealth and honour along with her . ignorance is the professed mother of the devotion of the church of rome , slavery and poverty her two daughters : covetousness , cruelty and ambition inseparable from that hierarchy . the lords inquisitors , and bishops of spain , observed that merchants and manufacturers were not only a richer , but also a more sober , thinking , knowing sort of people than others , more curious about what they entertain in matters of religion , than the debauched part of the gentry , and common people ; nor so much priest-ridden , nor so easily cheated out of their souls and money . they longed to be fingering their wealth ; but the distance of the netherlands from spain did not permit them singly to strip this sort of people . therefore these hamans resolve the destruction of all that dissented from their ceremonies and canons in those provinces ; and rather than fail of their extirpation , the moderate men , though of their own perswasion , must go to pot. having gained the sole direction of philip the second of spain , they had as it were both swords put into their hands ; and the world hath seen how they used them . they put those provinces into such convulsions as enfeebled the monarchy of spain , which from that time may date its declension . these right reverend fathers appointed duke d' alva governour general of the netherlands , a man of a fierce , cruel , bloody inflexible temper , ( a fit servant for such masters ) yet they thought it too great an honour for him being a lay-man , solely to engross so great a stock of merit as was to be acquired by the ruin and murder of such multitudes , as were then to be sacrificed to the roman cruelty . to sanctifie the villany , the clergy must share in it . they therefore appointed fifteen new bishops to be set up in the netherlands , who should be free from all secular power and jurisdiction , even in case of treason . that all commerce , negotiations , liberties and priviledges should be overthrown . that all ( in the netherlands ) should be reduced to extream poverty , that thereby that countrey should be assured to them , and to spain . that no man of all those countreys ( except of their faction ) should be held worthy to live : and finally all to be rooted out , and all possessions , arts and trades , and all orders to be taken away , until there should be a new realm and nation . that none suspected be employed ( tho' of the blood-royal ) but to be removed and dispatched . that no contracts , rights , promises , oaths , priviledges and solemn grants made to the netherlands , shall be of any force for the inhabitants as being guilty of high treason . these things will cause the subjects to revolt and move sedition . thieves and spoilers of churches and images should be hired , and sent among them whose offences should be imputed to the rebels . these were part of the instructions given by the holy fathers to duke d' alva and the new bishops , who acted their parts to purpose in this tragedy , for on d' alva's return into spain , he boasted that he having done the best he could to root out all herefie , he caused 18000 persons to be put to death in six years by the ordinary ministers of justice , besides numbers that had been cut off by the souldiers . it had been happy for these kingdoms if these instructions had been confined to those provinces , and had not in part been copied , and followed here , as well as in the netherlands . i will not intermeddle with the direful effects of these ecclesiastical politiques further , than as to the influence they had on the netherlands , which were the greatest seat of trade and manufacture in the whole world. as soon as the peaceable merchants and manufacturers began to be tost and teased between the ecclesiastical and civil courts , when once the ingenuous industrious artizans and traders could no longer quietly enjoy the fruits of their labours , nor ( as much as by connivance ) be permitted to serve god according to his own command and will , nor yet ( though they continued idolaters ) be safe , except they would be active and instrumental in plucking up the foundations of liberty and property , to set up a tyrannical and exorbitant power in church and state , they thought it high time to remove ; and this persecution in the netherlands happening about anno 1566. and contemporizing with the establishment of the protestant religion in england , and the liberty given in the beginning of q. elizabeth 's reign ; very many manufactures were thereby allured over into england , and settled in several parts of the kingdom , as london , canterbury , norwich , colchester , &c. where both french , walloons and dutch had several priviledges granted them , were allowed churches , with liberty to serve god in their own way , according to the primitive simplicity . a great part of them removed into holland , and the other united provinces , when once they undertook the defence of their just liberties and priviledges , and allowed men to serve god without the imposing of ceremonies , &c. others that were of the popish religion removed , some into italy , but most into france , and laid the foundation of the wealth and greatness of that monarchy : for from that time that kingdom has mightily encreased in manufacturies , but england much more , because we had store of good wool and matter for them to work up , of which france was in a manner destitute . from this time forward all the cities and towns in england , where these new manufacturers seated themselves began to be enlarged , and regulated in their buildings , and rents of houses and lands advanced . the prosperity of this sort of people , and the liberty and immunities that were granted them , allured many more of them over to us , and as their servants and apprentices grow up to be masters , the new manufactures spread into several parts of the kingdom , and where-ever they seated themselves , they furnished multitudes of the poorer sort with work , and comfortable subsistence ; they grew rich themselves , and enriched their neighbours , greatly lessened the importations , and augmented the exportations of the kingdom , and added to its wealth abundantly . thus persecution greatly impoverished the spanish netherlands , and gave the first blow to the greatness of the spanish monarchy ; and liberty enriched several parts of europe , but england especially : the gospel spread , the church flourished , and the trade and wealth of the kingdom continued on the encrease , until there sprung up a generation of men in the nation very zealous for the observance of forms and ceremonies , not so much regarding the necessary duties of religion , as love and charity , who too much favoured the spirit of persecution . in all ages , and amongst all parties , those men that have violently , and rigidly been for imposing particular external modes and forms in religion , have least advanced the power of it , and run most counter to the civil interest of the kingdom . in edward the 6th time , the worthy pious bishops that first departed from rome , differed about the degrees of distance they were to go off from the mother of abominations ; some of them ( upon political considerations ) that the change might be less sensible , and in hopes of alluring the common people , were for retaining the less gross part of the ceremonies , and the most plausible passages of their liturgy , canons , and the way of ordering priests and deacons . others of the bishops were for casting off rome , and all her ceremonies at once , and for returning to the primitive simplicity of worship instituted and practised by christ and his apostles , as several forreign churches had done with good success . but reason of state ( with a good meaning and honest design ) prevailed ; yet those that were for retaining those ceremonies , seemed to intend them but for a time , and only until ( as they say in the preface to the commination against sinners , &c. ) that the godly discipline used in the primitive church , could be restored . but what these first reformers retained , or admitted meerly by way of expedience , ( judging the things indifferent in their own nature ) their successors some time after imposed with more rigour and strictness than the observance and practice of necessary duties ; as if they thought the canon of the scripture incompleat , and that christ and his apostles had not sufficiently directed or instructed the church how to worship god , and that the christian religion was deficient without this supplement of new institutions . arch-bishop whit gift was the first that began to impose these about 1583. by doing whereof , he disgusted and disquieted the generality of the pious divines and communicants of the church of england at that time , who disrelished them as unwarrantable , and uncharitable , gave a check to the trade , and a stop to the manufacturers who were flocking into the kingdom from all parts . to come to the matter in hand ; these impositions , and the severities afterwards used by a. b. laud , put the church into terrible convulsions , and the state into a bloody civil war , expelled multitudes of our sober wealthy people , some to new-england , some to germany , some to holland , many chose rather to live in desolate bowling wildernesses ; others in strange lands , among people whose languages they understood not , with liberty to serve god , than to live in england their native country , and be exposed to hardships at home , and to be fleeced and stayed by a set of — tormentors . nor was this all , but besides , many of our industrious manufacturers were driven into germany , holland , and other of the vnited provinces , insomuch that ( as was evidenced to the parliament in 1643. ) the clothiers , who ( for liberty of conscience , removed hence , and ) setled in holland , made there in one year 36000 pieces of broad-cloth , to the unspeakable loss of this kingdom ; for hereupon trade greatly decayed , and the rents of houses and lands abated sensibly . and that i may help you a little to estimate the advantage the kingdom reaps by these manufacturers , and the great damage sustained by their expulsion ; i will give one instance of the vast numbers of people they employ , which are mostly of the poorer sort , and another of what the kingdom lost by having those 36000 pieces of broad-cloth made beyond sea. as to the numbers of people employed in our manufactures ; take the instance from q. elizabeth's reign , who being informed , ( that in a time of dearth and scarcity ) several clothiers in gloucestershire were fallen to decay , whereby the poor wanted work ; she required their condition to be reported to her ; and i find part of the return to the effect following ; viz. that in the six hundreds of berkly , cumbalash , thornbury , longtree , whitstone and bislely , there inhabited 40 clothiers , who employed 338 looms ; to each of which looms did pertain eight persons ; viz. weavers , winders , dyers , dressers , warpers , &c. which was ( to the whole ) 2704 , besides 4500 spinners ; so that by the decay of these 40 clothiers , 7204 persons in that small circuit were left without work and sustenance . as to the instance which respects our profit , you must know , that particularly in white clothes , all that we make of them above the cost of the wooll and oyl , is raised upon the labour of our people , and is clear profit to the kingdom . as suppose the wooll and oyl for one piece of cloth cost 3 l. and that the cloth yields 13 l. then 10 l. is raised by the labour and workmanship of the manufacturers , &c. the wooll of some cloths cost much more ( but then the cloth will yield a better price , &c. ) but i pitch upon that price as a mean rate : according to which value , this kingdom lost 360 thousand pounds sterling , which it had gained if those cloths had been made in it , and sold hence . and about 13000 of our people were thereby deprived of the work and wages that the making those cloths would have furnished them with . in this single instance you see the kingdom lost 360000 l. per annum in the old drapery , and the loss could not be less than double so much in the new drapery , &c. and all this for those trumperies ; a mighty loss indeed to the kingdom ! yet , had the church gained thereby , there had been some pretence for retaining and imposing them ; but instead of promoting the edification , peace , or unity thereof , they have served only to rend and divide it . the fifth step towards the advance of the rents of lands , was the liberty of conscience granted by the long , or rump parliament , and oliver from 1642. to 1660. or 62. during which time all prosecutions for non-observance of uninstituted ceremonies , &c. were suspended . indeed , never was there a more pregnant instance of the benefits which liberty of conscience , and encouragements to manufacturers brings to a kingdom , than what that short space of time furnished . for notwithstanding civil-wars in the bowels of these three kingdoms for a great part of that time , whereby multitudes of the inhabitants were cut off ; yet trade , and the rent of lands encreased , and advanced even miraculously . i deny not but the removal , and taking off of all monopolies , the bringing down interest of money to 6 l. per cent , and the act of navigation , ( which were also acts of that parliament ) were concurrent causes of the encrease of the wealth of the kingdom . the first took off those restraints that were on trade . the second enabled the greater emprovements of our land , and making our manufactures cheaper than before . and the last encouraged and encreased our shipping and sea-men , and saved great sums of money to the kingdom , which the hollanders were accustomed annually to carry from england for their ships let us to freight . yet the chief cause hereof was the liberty given to people to serve god according to his own word . for this liberty invited multitudes to return with their families and stocks from new-england , germany , holland , &c. but especially many of our manufacturers , ( who had been driven away by arch-bishop laud 's persecution , &c. ) tho too many of them ( by purchases and marriages that they had made in those places ) were detained to the unspeakable damage of the kingdom . however , the return of the rest greatly encreased the home-consumption of provisions , our manufactures and trade , and employed our poor , which together advanced lands in purchase and rent to that great height they were at about 1660 , and 1662. thus i have faithfully set down the means and steps by which england arrived at that high pitch of wealth and strength , which rendred her the terrour and envy of all europe . and having done that , it will be easie to answer the query , to assign the true causes of its declension , and the abatements of rents , &c. since 1662. the most material i conceive to be these that follow ; viz. the principal cause thereof , was that violent storm of persecution , raised against the non-compliers with ceremonies , liturgies , &c. pressing the act of vniformity , whereby ten thousand persons since 1662. perished in gaols , and by hard and cruel usage , and very many thousand families , ( mostly sober , useful , industrious people ) have been ruined and exposed to beggary , or compelled to seek that liberty in forreign countries , which was denied them in their own . how the dissenters have been used , the world hath seen , but if the doubtful , curious , or inquisitive desire to be acquainted with some of the particular methods by which so great a number were ruined ; they may find a specimen of them given by a good samaritan , in the fourth part of the conformists plea for the nonconformist , beginning at page 29. it hath been one of the great infelicities of the kingdom during the three last reigns , that a sort of men ( few of whom have had title to one foot of land of inheritance ) have assumed to themselves a power to dispose liberty and property , our lives and fortunes at pleasure . they have indeed been very liberal of them to those kings , in whom they vested the whole , in hopes they would bountifully reward so good benefactors , either with high — preferments , or large portions out of that great stock . but as ill-gotten goods seldom continue long with the possessors , neither did these with those to whom they were given ; for as the great lord falkland observed to charles i. that never did prince lose more by this pulpit-law than he . yet all this exorbitant power which that sort of men cloth princes withal , is only that it may be employed for their use ; and that they themselves may have such shares as may enable them to domineer , to fleece and flay , all that dissent from them . i have , as i presume , clearly demonstrated , that it was our manufacturers chiefly that raised the kingdom to its late opulence and greatness , and that our manufacturers were at first attracted hither by liberties , immunities and priviledges . things being best increased , nourished , and preserved by the means by which they are gotten , obtained , or gained ; we ought to have continued all those unto that sort of people . but that part of the imposing men i have been speaking of , have been no less pernicious to the kingdom , than to those kings whom they seemed to idolize by their flattery : for they have by falling on our manufacturers damnified the kingdom to a greater degree than i am capable of estimating . after-ages may possibly be better able to do it : yet to give you a little light into this matter , consider , that one pound of wooll sold for fourteen pence , and one pound of iron sold at first hand for two pence : if they be thus exported , the kingdom gains little by them : but if the former be wrought up ( as it may be ) into three pair of fine womens hose worth 18 shillings ; and the latter into fine scissars , locks , &c. they may yield three or four shillings ( according to the workmanship ) and that they be exported the kingdom , gains fifteen times the first value in the first , and twenty four times the value in the latter , besides the much greater duty to the king , employment of our people , our ships and sea-men , &c. by what hath been said , you may see the usefulness of this sort of people to the kingdom : now if by a modest computation we reckon that only 40000 of the fore-mentioned number that were driven out of this kingdom , were manufacturers , it requires greater skill in manufactures , and knowledge in arithmetick than i am master of , accurately to assign the vast damage the kingdom hath annually sustained thereby . however , the effects are visible in the abatements of trade and rents ; the losing of our trade to other countries , who have thereby gained upon us in those manufactures whereon we mostly value our selves , and which were in a manner ( until these persecutions began ) peculiar unto us . and all this only to support and please a party , and keep up the use of two or three unnecessary ceremonies . the lesser concurrent causes of the abatement of rents since 1662. were the two dutch wars ( which were fomented by the papists , abetted and carried on by the tantivy party : ) and the destruction made by the burning of london , which ruined many merchants , tradesmen , and manufacturers : yet had not the same party by stifling the discovery thereof discouraged , and by persecution , driven great numbers of them out of the kingdom , we had easily ( by our manufactures and trade , ) retrieved those disadvantages . for the woollen manufactures being then in a manner peculiar to us ; forreign countries must have been supply'd from hence , had not our merchants , tradesmen and manufacturers been deny'd the liberty and incouragements at home , which they were courted to , and did receive abroad . hereby we laid the foundation of the decay of trade , and abatement of rents , by making other countries sharers with us in our most profitable trades . thus i have set down as the means whereby rents were advanced to what they were about 1662. so likewise the unhappy causes of their abatement since ; which concludes my answer to the third query . the fourth query is , whether the state of trade through europe considered as it stood before the present war , it be the true interest of england , that rents should generally advance above what they were about 1662. and by what methods may they be advanced ? had we duly improved the advantages we had of trade and manufacture about 1662. and carefully kept our manufacturers , skill , and people to our selves , it is difficult to say what advancement might have been made of rents by this time . but now that by our own folly , the netherlands , some parts of germany , and even france it self are become sharers with us in our most profitable manufactures , not only for their own supply , ( which they were wont to derive from us ; ) but also to that degree , that they vie with us in many forreign markets ; it is high time seriously to consider , what is the true interest of the nation , both in respect of trade , rents , and manufactures . in order hereunto , let it be considered , that the strength and security of england next under god , consists in its navy : its welfare and prosperity depends on its trade , natural products and manufactures . the strength of its navy depends on forreign trade ; and the profitable part of trade to the kingdom results solely from our exportations . it is therefore the true interest of the kingdom by all due methods , carefully to preserve , incourage and augment all these . those who get their livelihood by trade and manufactures , are many more than those who live by cattle , pasturage , corn , and fruits . our natural products , which we export , are not computed to be above one fifteenth part of our exportations ; and tho' they that live by these must not be neglected , but encouraged ; yet our main care ought to be laid out for our manufacturers , as those that have raised the kingdom to its present wealth and greatness , which supports it , and makes up the bulk of our expectations . now the trade of england being mostly carried on by its manufactures , should the rents of land here advance ; suppose one fourth part above what they were in 1662. and lands in germany and france , &c. do not rise proportionably , i suppose it would be very prejudicial to the kingdom in general : for i am not here speaking of what would for a time gratifie the humour of our nobility , gentry , or landed men , but what would be their , and the kingdoms true interest . if rent of land should advance one fourth part , or more , above what they were in 1662. the fruits and products of the land ought to rise in their price proportionably , one fourth above what they then were , or the farmers would not be able to pay their rents . and were the natural products thus advanced for a continuance , provisions being so much dearer ; it would be but reasonable , that the labour of the working people should advance also . and were this so , our manufactures would be dearer , which in the present state of things ( as hath been observed ) would be pernicious to the kingdom : for by such advance of rents , and the price of our natural products , and manufactures , we should , first , lose all our forreign markets , for that part of the natural products of our lands which we annually export to other countries , which could in that case under-sell us . secondly , we should for the same reason lose all forreign markets for our manufacture ; and thereby the means of imployment for our people at home , and of our ships and seamen abroad , which would yet be more mischievous to us . the kingdom affords no commodity that i call to mind peculiar to us but tin , nor are we sole masters of that neither , tho' we have more and better of that commodity than any country in europe . therefore all things considered , it is the interest of the kingdom that we raise both our natural product and artificial commodities and manufactures so cheap , as that we may be able to furnish all forreign markets with them ( their quality considered ) some small matter cheaper than any other country can : for thereby only can we secure forreign markets for our surplusage of both , and imployment for our people . the dutch and venetians , &c. do in some sort vie with us at forreign markets as to fine cloth , and some costly fabricks of manufactures , but they are not able so to do in course cloths , and course manufactures , because of the much higher prices of food and labour among them than us , which with the different price of wool there and here , enables us to make great quantities of these courser manufactures much cheaper than it is possible for them to do . but if now that we have cast out so considerable a part of our manufacturers into other countries , and that by raising our rents , provisions , wool , labour and manufactures should be advanced much in their price ; we should be in danger of losing a much greater part of our trade to other countries than what we have already lost . so great and ticklish is the difficulty of regaining any part of trade , or bringing it into it's former channel when once lost or turned out of it . if against what hath been said , it be objected , that experience tells us , that our manufactures are raised cheapest in years of dearth and scarcity ; i answer that extraordinary accidents do not constitute a standing rule : that 't is true in such years , the poor are constrained to work harder and cheaper than at other times : yet in those years they are constrained to run in debt , and often sell even the very clothes which they earned in times of plenty , &c. and did provisions advance for a continuance , labour must do so too , or many of the poor would perish , and the rest be reduced to live on herbs , wear wooden clogs , or shooes , and like the peasants of france , look like walking ghosts , which i hope will never happen in england . it is the undoubted interest of the kingdom to recal , and allure as many of our manufacturers home as possibly we can , to set up and encourage new manufactures for the imploying of our people , for the augmenting of our exportations , and the encrease of the revenue , to improve the opportunity put into our hands , by cherishing the french that are already amongst us ; and inviting in as many more as we can get ; they live more hardily , and therefore can work much cheaper than ordinarily our people can . their labour may be applyed and directed to some new manufactures , or new fabricks which we have not yet , which we were wont to bring from france ; and which may not interfere with those we have , or with the present labour of our own people . a prudent management of these things would conduce more than a little to the regaining and enlarging of our trade to the enriching of the kingdom , and advancing rents , by encreasing the home consumption , the lessening our importations , and augmenting our exportations . there are several things that may by accident , and for a spurt advance the rents of lands : but it is only the lessening our importations , and the augmenting our exportations that can keep them up . in order to these great ends , we should remove all those bars and discouragements which lye in the way . it 's true , the king and parliament have in their wisdom by an act of indulgence suspended the execution of those severe and unkind laws with which dissenters have been so long plagued , and which have been so prejudicial to the kingdom ; yet they are not repealed , but seem to be kept like rods in pickle ; and the instruments of our past miseries , and which procured them , are many of them still in being ; longing , endeavouring , and daily threatning the repeal of that act of indulgence and suspension . in such a state of things , no man of sence , that is tolerably setled abroad , will be induced by a liberty that 's so precarious to return home ; especially when he observes , that if he do return , and that he hath not stretched his conscience larger than it was at his going abroad , he must be content to be a slave in one of the freest kingdoms in the world , incapacitated to serve god or his country in any office civil or military ; and like issachars ass be used only to bear a greater share of the publick burthen and charge , and do a greater part of the publick drudgery than his neighbours ; but must not be employed in any place either of honour or profit , but be like the silk-worm , permitted to spin out his bowels for others . it is a scandal to our nation and religion , and a thing abhorred by very many sober christians , that the receiving the sacrament , the most solemn ordinance — of our religion ( in a mode never instituted by christ , nor practised by his apostles ) should be made a qualification to the bearing of office or arms , selling ale , or keeping a victualing-house . the great end of his majesties glorious undertaking being to restore liberty to every of the oppressed protestants in these kingdoms , he seems in interest , as well as inclination , concerned to take off all these incapacities from the dissenters , and legally to put them into as good , or a better condition than they were in under king james , who arbitrarily compelled them to take offices , &c. upon them , seeing the most criminal and culpable part of the kingdom have been pardoned , indempnified , and at least rendred capable of bearing office , &c. there can no good reason be given why so great a part of the nation that contribute so much to its prosperity and welfare , and bear so great a part of the publick charge should stand exempted from the priviledge of subjects ; unless their greater enmity to france , their firm adherence to his majesties interest , to that of the kingdom and protestant religion bs made one ; and that our divisions ( in favour of france ) ought to be perpetuated , be made another . until those clouds which intercept the benign rays of government from shining indifferently upon all protestant subjects are removed ; the king seems to be only king of a part , and not of the whole of his subjects . as it is the interest of all the princes of europe to joyn against france ; so it is no less the interest of all the protestants ( of every perswasion ) in this kingdom , to unite for their common defence against that enemy of mankind , the french king. for if he hath for so long a time withstood or kept the united force of almost all europe at a bay , what are we to apprehend , if any occurrent should dissolve the confederacy , and that he should have opportunity to attack us singly in the divided , distracted condition in which we are ? especially considering how great a party he hath already amongst us . but his majesties interest and honour falling in so aptly with that of europe , the safety and prosperity of the kingdom , and the advantage of our landed men , it will undoubtedly put him and them upon removing these stones of stumbling , and rocks of offence in a parliamentary way , and that the rather because had not this sort of people in the two last reigns ( to the irritation of the court against them , and the ruin of many of them ) joyned with the sober part of the church of england in electing such members for parliament as boldly asserted our religion , liberties , and properties , we had in all probability long before this been made slaves to popery and arbitrary government . and had they not fallen in to do the like in this last revolution in electing members for the late convention or parliament , the crown and kingdom had in all likelihood been unsettled until this day . thus you see the sure way to advance the rents of our lands , depends on the taking off all restraints ▪ and giving due liberty to manufacturers , and alluring them home ; in incouraging and improving those advantages which are in a manner peculiar to us ; in discourageing and clogging those trades which draw away our treasure : in keeping a good correspondence with those kingdoms and countreys whence we derive materials for our manufactures , and those which take off our natural products , manufactures and artificial commodities . all which are things worthy the consideration of the great and sage council of the kingdom , the parliament . the fifth query . how may the present rebellion in ireland , and the reduction thereof be improved to the future security , and encrease of the advantages which we receive by ireland , and of their majesties revenue ; future charge thereby to england be avoided , and that kingdom rendred useful towards bringing down the power of france ? it hath already been demonstrated , that besides the supplies of men and money which ireland antiently yielded us towards the conquest of france , scotland and wales : that we did annually ( before the present rebellion ) utter considerable quantities of our natural products and manufactures ( for which we had no other markets ) into that kingdom . that we were furnished thence with several necessary materials for our manufactures , and commodities for forreign trade , which we could not have elsewhere . that some of their ports are of great consideration to us ; ( the want of which , our merchants to their great loss have in this war experienced . ) that besides the profit which we make by ireland in the ordinary course of trade , we do receive thence yearly above 200000 l. all which advantages had been much more , had we not ( by prohibiting their cattel , and debarring their trade to the plantations interrupted the course of commerce between the two kingdoms ) compelled them to more forreign trade than they were otherways disposed to seek . however you see , that what remains is well worth the securing and improving ; and if we be not under infatuation , and still fond of our errors , the present conjuncture of affairs furnisheth us as with the opportunity to rectifie them ; so also to secure and improve them ; in order to which it will be necessary , first , that the lives , liberties and estates of the protestants in that kingdom be well secured . whilst these remain at uncertainties , both publick and private affairs will drive on but heavily . it hath been the hard fate of the protestants of ireland ( as hath been said ) that the papists have had such favour in , and influence on our council in england on the conclusion of every rebellion , that they have been left in a condition if not wholly to extirpate , yet at pleasure to annoy and ruin the estates of the protestants . i wish their majesties councils may be more happy . it is indeed high time to grow wise ; dear bought experience instructeth the weak , much more the wise . two very chargeable rebellions having hapned within the memory of many yet living , will , if any thing , instruct us what measures ought to be taken for preventing rebellions for the future ; for it is not reasonable that every thirty or forty years england should be at the charge of reducing ireland ; nor that the protestants there should be exposed to the mercy or barbarity of those who think they merit heaven by cutting their throats . i am as much against cruelty and severity as any man ; but to what end doth god give us victory over his and our enemies , if we have not common wisdom to improve it for security from future danger by them ? as the safety of the people is the highest law , so is it a great encouragement to industry . for who will lay out his care and pains for obtaining that which he hath no prospect of enjoying ? until the lives and estates of the protestants of ireland be put into some good way of future security we can rationally expect neither advantage by them , nor assistance from them . the people of ireland have been accurately computed to be about twelve hundred thousand souls , of which the papists are one million , and the protestants but two hundred thousand ( women and children included ; ) so that there being five papists to one protestant in that kingdom , the protestants must therefore have many advantages put into their hands , and the papists be laid under several incapacities , or else the protestants can never be secured , as 130 years sad experience hath verified . and it must be considered , that now the irish are fallen in with the french interest , and lye under the influence of so potent and restless a monarch , they will for this age be more dangerous and apt to rebel than ever . therefore we ought to have , as the more jealous eye , so also the stricter hand over them . for which end their landed men having by their present rebellion forfeited their estates ; the whole forfeiture ought to be taken , as well for reimbursing part of the charges of their reduction , as the better to incapacitate them for new rebellions . this though it lessen not their number in general , yet it will in great measure the interest and influence of this party on the people . they are seized of above 2800000 acres of profitable land , whereof , if 200000 acres belong to minors and innocents there will remain , 300000 acres , which may be lest to his majesty to gratifie such officers as have merited in that service . 200000 acres may be applyed to the reprisal of the poor protestant farmers who have been plundered , and ruined by both sides . and 2100000 acres to be sold to adventurers at an encouraging price , at six or seven years purchase ; near two millions may be raised to reimburse the charge of the reduction of that kingdom , to the ease of england , and expediting of their majesties affairs . some pretended well-wishers to their majesties interests , but real engines for k. j. and the french k. are at this time endeavouring to hinder the attainder of the rebels , and the selling of their estates , under pretence that the value of them is inconsiderable , the right of innocents , minors , protestant mortgagees , and creditors being preserved , whereas in truth it is otherways . for , 1. as to innocents , that is , such as have all the time of this rebellion been in england , they are very few ; upon inquiry i do not hear of three , and those of no considerable estates neither ; as for those who have continued in france , ( that being an enemies countrey , ) it seems but reasonable that they should be accounted rebels and agents for the rest . 2. as to minors , they are few also ; i mean those under age whose parents were dead before the commencement of the present rebellion . as for the children of those in rebellion , their parents have ruined many thousands of protestant minors , and children , in their fortunes , and if any consideration ought to be had of them , it seems equitable that rather the children of rebels than of loyal subjects , should be made the sufferers . 3. as to mortgages and incumbrances on the papists estates ; where they are between papist and papist it seems but just that the forfeiture should be taken , for the rebellion is general : as for those between the papists and protestants they are not the sixtieth part of what is pretended , though possibly many mortgages , and incumbrances are now in forging , &c. but a course may easily be taken for their detection , if it be not already thought on ; but allowing all that can reasonably be taken off upon the foregoing pretences , there may demonstrably 1500000 l. be raised by those forfeitures , if they be rightly managed , and their majesties revenue be augmented by the quit-rent that may be reserved on those forfeitures . the irish lawyers , ( for whom the people have great veneration ) have in all times by mischievous constructions of the laws , disposed the irish to rebellions ; whilst they remain amongst them they will hinder the settlement of that kingdom ; therefore they ought also to be expelled . it is likewise necessary that the souldiers that have taken arms for king james should also be transported to the plantations , or to hungary , or be banished : for they have lived so long by rapine and plunder , that they can never be reduced to live regularly ; if they be permitted to continue in that kingdom , they will always disturb the tranquillity thereof . if his majesty would keep that kingdom from rebellion , it is necessary that their priests , fryars and clergy of every sort be banished from amongst them : they have been the chief incendiaries to rebellion in all ages . the author of the politicks of france suggests to that king the facility of distracting england at pleasure , by setting the popish clergy upon fomenting rebellions in ireland . and we must remember , that that prince seldom neglects any means so obviously serviceable to him . and whatsoever may be suggested to his majesty concerning the innocency of the secular clergy ; yet it must be allowed , that they are only less mischievous than the regular , because of less skill to do evil : for according to their ability they have always disquieted that kingdom : they have the conduct of the consciences of that poor blind bigotted people , and are under oath blindly to obey not only the pope , but their diocesans : had they no disposition to move rebellions of themselves , yet if they be commanded thereto ( as undoubtedly they will be ) they must and will readily obey : for the irish , as all other ignorant people , are priest-ridden ; and their priests make them believe that they shall be damned if they do not lay hold on every occasion to destroy the hereticks , and that they shall certainly merit heaven if they do . in queen elizabeth's time , those that had not the opportunity to rebel , did purchase pardons , at dear rates , from rome , for their not having actually rebelled . and we have had a pregnant instance of the empire these priests have over the people in the present rebellion ; for notwithstanding their majesties have by three gracious declarations invited that people to submit ; yet i hear not of one gentleman that hath hitherto submitted ; and the people generally have chosen rather to quit their habitations , and wander thorow the kingdom , than to sit down quietly under their majesties gentle government , with the enjoyment of all their possessions . the toleration of the popish clergy , and their pernicious religion , as it would be sinful in their majesties , so it would be destructive to that kingdom , whatever the favourers of the french , or king james's interest may suggest to the contrary . for the toleration or conniving at idolatry , is a land-destroying sin . ireland hath found it to be so . our church in her articles and homilies hath declared the mass to be the grossest idolatry : and god , who in scripture appears so tender of the life of man , that he appointed even casual homicide to be punished with confinement or banishment until the death of the high priest , hath nevertheless positively commanded that idolaters , and even the secret enticers to it , should be put to death without mercy , and the places defiled thereby to be destroyed . and where princes do not duly execute his laws in this case , he usually executes vengeance on them , and their posterity . most of the kings of israel , and their posterity , were rooted out for this sin , and the ten tribes for it have remained in captivity and obscurity for 2400 years . and this sin was one of the chief causes of the captivity of judah , and the connivance at , or toleration of it hath twice in this age proved destructive to poor ireland , and pernicious to those kings that granted it . when king james the first granted a toleration of popery in ireland , famous bishop vsher , did publickly before the state foretel , that for that sin god would within forty years raise up those papists to cut the throats of the protestants there ; and god fulfilled that prediction in 1641. and that king never prospered in any design or undertaking after that toleration . and when his son charles i. would not be warned , but in 1629. renewed that toleration , ten or twelve of the bishops and arch-bishops of that time had the honesty and courage publickly in the pulpit to protest against the sinfulness of it , and also under their hands to declare , that the religion of the papists is superstitious and idolatrous ; their faith and doctrine erroneous , and heretical ; their church ( in respect of both ) apostatical . to give them therefore a toleration of religion , and to profess their faith and doctrine , is a grievous sin , and is to make our selves accessary , not only to their superstitious idolatries , heresies ; and in a word , all the abominations of popery ; but also ( which is a consequent of the former ) to the perdition of the seduced people which perish in the deluge of the catholick apostacy , &c. and as it is a great sin , so it is a matter of great consequence , &c. how fatal it proved to him , and also to charles ii. and the late king james , the world hath seen . nor will it be less so to any of their successors , who shall connive at , or tolerate the same . for the same sins and degrees of it , brings like judgments in every age. not only the law of god , but those of the land also are against indulging this religion ; and interest of state , the safety of the protestants in ireland , and the quiet of england requires , that all the roman clergy , their landed men concerned in this rebellion , and that of 1641. together with their lawyers , should be banished , and not to return on pain of death . we may wish for advantage by that kingdom , but we cannot rationally expect it , whilst these three parties , or any of them are permitted to remain there , for they will be fit tools in the hands of the french king to foment rebellions , to which their joynt and several interests , ( the hope of regaining their estates , the church-livings , and their practice , ) will prompt and dispose them ; and nothing less than their banishment , or extirpation will devest france of the means of distracting us at pleasure , now that they are joyned with that enemy of mankind . as for the rest of the papists who shall be permitted to abide in that kingdom ; it is but reasonable that they be excluded from living in the cities , walled towns , and corporations , which are the strengths of the kingdom . i am well aware that this latter , tho' as considerable as any other means for the security of that kingdom , will meet with much opposition from many of the protestants of ireland themselves , who ( like too many in england ) prefer their particular ( the advancement of their rents in those towns and cities ) to the publick safety , to which their private interest ought ever to give way . the papists are already excluded from purchasing any of the houses in any corporation which were forfeited by the rebellion in 1641. but this without the other is not sufficient , and indeed there is no other way to deal with them . if his majesty imagines that the possession of their estates , liberty , for their religion , a share in the civil-justice will oblige and restrain them from violence and rebellion , he will ( i fear ) in the issue find it otherways ; for in 1641. they had their titular arch-bishops and bishops , their fryaries and nunneries ; their secular and regular clergy ; they were justices of the peace , sheriffs of counties , members of parliament , mayors and bayliffs of corporations , &c. they were seized of three fourths of all the lands there : all the laws against them were suspended as to their execution ; they had all their grievances redressed , even to the release of the forfeiture of whole counties . in a few months after which , they broke out into that horrid and barbarous rebellion , wherein they massacred 150000 protestants in cold blood without any provocation , besides as many more that perished by famine and sword in the prosecution of that rebellion ; which is demonstration to all the world , that these people are not to be retain'd in obedience by immunities , priviledges and kindnesses , nor restrained from rebellion and massacres , whilst their clergy , &c. are permitted to abide amongst them . if against what hath been proposed , the favourers of the french and popish interest do object , that such severity toward the irish , will disoblige the catholick princes of the confederacy . i answer ; that the chief end of the confederacy is to retrench the power of the french king and his adherents , as enemies to all the rest of europe . that the papists in these kingdoms having above all others contributed to that kings present greatness ( all the irish , and many of the english , and scotch papists being actually in rebellion , and in conjunction with his forces ) their dependence being on him , and expectations from him ; it is as much the interest of the confederates , that they be rooted out or banished , as was the taking of mentz or bonne . that those princes are very sensible that these are they which have diverted his majesties arms from their assistance the two last campaigns , and that they will do so for the future , if their power be not broken . that there cannot therefore be the least danger of disobliging them , by the banishment or extirpation of the afore-mentioned parties ; especially being it is of service to them , upon reasons of state , and is done for the quiet and security of his majesties protestant subjects , &c. and because they are rebels , incendiaries , and of party with france , and not because they are papists . — in a word , lenity to the irish who have been in arms , is down-right cruelty to the protestants of ireland and their posterity . 2. as restraints on the papists are necessary to the quiet of ireland , and the other ends proposed ; so is freedom and immunities in corporations to all protestants that shall go to inhabit there , with liberty of conscience to protestants of all perswasions that are there , or that shall go thither to abide . there being five papists for every protestant in that kingdom , it is the interest of the latter in point of security , to add to their number as much as may be . if to the cheapness of land there be added civil and religious liberties , they will together probably allure forreign protestants to transplant thither . the protestants until about 1670. kept the papists out of corporations , by tendering them the oath of supremacy , when they claimed admittance , but there being a clause in the act of settlement or explanation , which impowered the chief governour and council in ireland to make laws or rules for regulation of corporations , and that the rules so made should be of the same force as if they had been enacted by parliament , &c. under colour thereof some well-wishers to popery and arbitrary government , framed certain rules and orders which charles ii. caused the lord lieutenant and council to pass into an act of council , and to enjoyn them on all the corporations of that kingdom , &c. one of which rules requires all officers of corporations to take the short corporation oath lately used in england , which seemed to have been calculated for setting up arbitrary government , ( for imposing of which in ireland , there was not until then any colour of law ; ) thereby all protestants who were not willing to for-swear that self-defence which the law of nature , and those of the land allows them , were turned out of office ; nor was that all , but by another clause in those rules the chief governour is impowered from time to time to dispense with such as were not willing to take the oath of supremacy . — hereupon whole shouls of papists were admitted into the corporations and fraternities of that kingdom , and qualified for offices , and chusing members of parliament . — it will therefore be needful that the corporations of that kingdom be restored to the condition they were in in 1668. and that those rules be vacuated , or declared to be void , as those who think that the legislative power cannot be transferred , conceive them to be . i am told , that to hinder many protestants from returning , for discouraging forreigners and others from going to inhabit , the better to divide those already in ireland , and to prevent the improvement of it ; there are some of k. j. his creatures ( who might be named , and who pretend to be of another figure , and to be well known in the affairs of that kingdom ) that are now using their utmost endeavours to have the sacramental test imposed on the people of that kingdom ; under pretence that it will keep the papists out of office , &c. though that be no part of their design , but to incumber his majesties affairs , hinder the sale of the rebels estates , or render them of little value : to alienate ( if possible ) the hearts of that people from their majesties , by causing his majesty ( contrary to the import of his declaration ) to put them into a worse condition , than they were in under a popish king. these men well know that the security and improvement of that kingdom , and of their majesties revenue there , depends on its being peopled with protestants , and that full liberty and incouragements to protestants of all perswasions , is the most effectual means to those ends : and that the planting thereof being hindred ; the papists will be kept in a capacity ( at pleasure to favour k. j. and the pretended p. of wales 's title , to countenance a french invasion , &c. they know , if it be not planted with protestants , the revenue will never defray the necessary charge of that kingdom , but that it will be a continual and insupportable charge and drain to england , and require greater forces to be kept up there , and thereby obstruct ( at least ) in great measure the prosecution of the war against france , which is their chief aim . the promoters of these designs are well aware that the imposition of that test , would send many protestants out of that kingdom ; and that where it would bar one papist from office , it would hinder a hundred protestants from going thither . they know the injoining of the oath of supremacy , or an express order or law for their exclusion , would more effectually bar papists than the sacramental test ; for that many papists have been dispensed with by their priests for receiving the sacrament in the manner required ; and therefore it would never answer the end for which they pretend it , though it would the others for which they intend it . but that imposition which hath proved so inconvenient to england , will , if laid on ireland be pernicious to the protestants there , be a bone of division amongst them ; and seem but an ill requital for their sufferings , and firm adherence to the true interest of england . there was about 1664. one or two french ministers , who having some benefices conferred on them , and stipends allowed by the government , translated the common-prayer book into french , and procured a chappel for the use of such french as would join with them in that service . about sixteen or eighteen years after , many of the persecuted french protestants , with some of their ministers fled to dublin , and set up the beginnings of several useful manufactures ; and being averse to join in that service , a certain charitable peer lent them his house to worship in , where they served god according to the manner of the french churches . whereupon their minister was seized and imprisoned , &c. until for obtaining his liberty , he consented to quit or abjure that kingdom . surely the usage was as unchristian as impolitick towards those poor distressed refugees , who had fled thither in expectation of that liberty ( which was publickly allowed the papists and ) which was deny'd them in their own countrey . and it was impolitick ; for thereupon they abandoned the place , and that kingdom lost those profitable trades which those men would have set up there . not that this severity proceeded from the temper of the protestants of ireland ( who are certainly the kindest people on earth to strangers , that either travel , or abide amongst them ) but from the bigottry of a few , who too much favoured or advanced the popish interest . and however i doubt not but that the usage those favourers of popery received from k. james , hath opened their eyes , and possibly rectified the judgments of such of them as are living ; yet i believe this sin , this severity to the distressed french , did help forward the dispersion and calamities which have since happen'd to the protestants of ireland , for sins of this kind being committed by authority , the guilt becomes national . there are not those laws in that kingdom against dissenters , that are in england , nor any that i have heard of for imposing the sacramental test ; and if it be the interest of england to have those laws , and that test taken off , 't is certainly no less the interest of ireland to incourage all sorts of protestants . ( like liberty with what 's here proposed , was one means which hath so abundantly peopled and enriched holland . ) and as there are not those laws against dissenters there , as here , neither are there those animosities among protestants of different perswasions as there are in england ; nor those prejudices against their majesties government . so that a perfect vnion among protestants there is much more feasible than here . and if all parties of protestants be indifferently admitted to places of honour , profit , and trust , they will then joyntly and chearfully promote the welfare of the publick , to the great increase of their majesties revenue , of the church livings , and of the advantages which england receives by that kingdom . thirdly , the militia of that kingdom ought to be setled in the hands of men of courage , conduct , and integrity ; such as will not connive at , underhand countenance or abett the enemy , give intelligence , or secretly share in robberies and plunderings with them , a &c. so that the arms of the kingdom may neither be diverted from their defence , nor turned against them . it is indeed the folly of english men that they are too little distrustful , too unapprehensive of dangers , and too remiss in providing against them . care should be taken that all that are able should buy arms , and that those that are not able may be provided with good arms , and be duely exercised . that kingdom is well furnished with brisk active men , whose native courage and knowledge of the country qualifies them for service , of which they have given good proof at derry , inniskillen , limerick , &c. as also of their forwardness and zeal for their majesties service , even beyond what england did , ( if i may be permitted to say so . ) the protestants in england were more than 200 to one of the papists , yet when his present majesty had landed with a powerful army to rescue us from popery and slavery , the nobility and gentry , &c. stood at gaze , and it was some time before any of them appeared to own his cause , until the lord delamere first , and then the earl of devon , slighting all dangers , appeared for the defence of the religion and liberties of their country . whereas in ireland , although the papists were five to one of the protestants , and had all the garrisons , magazins , army and revenue of the kingdom in their hands , yet the protestants there , first in the north , then in connaught , and afterwards in munster , did expose themselves to the utmost perils ; took up arms and declared for their majesties , when no succours appeared for them , nor were indeed provided . and had they then been timeously owned and supported , or afterward employed according to their merits , for the reduction of that kingdom , they had shortned that work , and saved england two or three milions of what hath and will be expended therein ; which was too well known to some persons . but those who wish well to king james's interest , and they whose uselesness would appear , were the kingdoms once setled , were , and are for doing every thing at the utmost charge , that by great and continued taxes they might if possible alienate the hearts of the people from their majesties , and perplex their affairs , &c. and to that end , no doubt , misrepresented both the affairs and people of ireland ; who , notwithstanding all the contempts and reproaches cast on them , and the temptations , not to say provocations to the contrary , have almost to a man , firmly adhered to their majesties interest . for among 200000 of them ( upon a strict enquiry ) i do not hear of sixty protestants that have taken up arms for king james , or abetted his interest , notwithstanding his presence among them , power over them , and their great necessities ; which possibly ( if truth were known ) might be the true cause of their being slighted by some sort of men , &c. if the present wars in europe continue , and that ireland be once wholly subdued , the putting of the militia of that kingdom into a good posture will save much money to england , by giving his majesty the better opportunity to employ a greater proportion of his army against france , which otherwise must be kept in ireland to keep the irish in subjection . fourthly , notwithstanding the militia should be setled as hath been proposed ; yet considering the odds the papists have of the protestants , their present inclinations to france , the ferment that is on their spirits , &c. it will be absolutely necessary for the retaining them in obedience , to keep up a competent standing army in that kingdom . yet when the militia shall be well setled and armed , the popish clergy , lawyers , and forfeiting persons banished , and the rest excluded from inhabiting in any of the cities , walled towns , or garrisons , the less force will be requisite : for in that case the forces which were kept up about 1680. ( in times of peace ) will be sufficient to secure the quiet of that kingdom , which consisted only of 1363. horse , officers included ; viz. 24 troops , each consisting of a captain , at 19 l. — 12 s. each calendar month. a lieutenant 12 l. — 12 s. a cornet 9 l. — 16 s. a quarter master 7 l. three corporals and one trumpet 3 l. — 10 s. each ; and 45 private horsemen at 2 l. — 2 s. each , making in all per mensem for each troop 157 l. — 10 s. per annum 1890 l. which amounts for the whole pay of the said 24 troops , unto 3780 l. per mensem , which is per annum 45360 l. — allowed to the lord lieutenant's own troop five horse-men and three trumpets more than to other troops , making per annum 252 l. — — an additional pay of 3 d. per diem to each private horse-man of the four troops , doing duty at dublin 756 l. — — a company of foot-guards armed and clad as the yeomen of the guards , consisting of a captain at 15 l. each calendar month ; a lieutenant 9 l. an ensign 7 l. and 60 yeomen at l. — 1 s. each , making per mensem 94 l. and per annum 1128 l. — — a regiment of guards containing 12 companies , each consisting of a captain at 11 l. — 4 s. each calendar month. a lieutenant 5 l. — 12 s. an ensign 4 l. — 4 s. three serjeants 2 l. — 2 s. each . three corporals , two drums 1 l. — 8 s. and 90 private foot-men at 18 s. 8 d. each ; which for each company comes per mensem to 119 l. — 6 s. per annum 1419 l. — 12 s. and for the whole per annum 17035 l. — 4. — for the field officers , chaplain , adjutant , quarter master , chirurgion , and mate , drum-major with a serjeant and ten private foot-men to four companies , per mensem 111 l. — 15 s. — 4 d. per annum 1341 l. — 14. — seventy four companies of foot , each consisting of a captain at 11 l. — 4 s. each calendar month. a lieutenant 5 l. — 12 s. ensign 4 l. — 4 s. two serjeants 2 l. — 2 s. each . three corporals and a drummer 1 l. — 8 s. each , and sixty private foot-men at 14 s. each , making in all for each company per mensem 72 l. — 16 s. per annum 873 l. — 2 s. per annum for the whole 64646 l. — 8. — they were in the whole 1363 horse and 6210 foot ( the officers , &c. included ) besides the company of yeomen of the guards . the annual charge of the horse was 46368 l. — and of the foot 83023 l. 6 s. which charge was with ease defrayed out of the revenue of that kingdom . although these will be sufficient to prevent or repress all insurrections of the papists in ireland , yet they will not be sufficient to secure the kingdom against invasion , which is that we are to apprehend from france ; unless with the help of the confederates , we constrain the french king to employ his whole force for defence at home . and here it may be considered , that although the war against france should be ended , yet whilst our neighbours round about are armed , and keep considerable forces on foot , it would be prudence to keep up such an army as may secure us and our neighbours from being surprized , &c now the body of such an army may better be kept up in ireland than in england : for the people of england have at all times been justly jealous of a standing army in times of peace at home , and never will be easie whilst they are among them . such army may therefore more conveniently , and with less charge be kept in ireland , where , by reason of the plenty of that kingdom they can subsist with less pay : for as you may observe , the private horsemen receive there but 2 l. 2 s. each calendar month , whereas they receive in england 2 s. 6 d. per diem , which is upwards of 3 l. 10 s. per month , and all the foot ( except the regiment of guards ) receive but 3 s. 6 d. per week , which is one fourth , or 14 d. per week less than is paid the common souldier in england , so that 20000 men may be kept there as cheap as 15000 in england , which is great odds . fifthly , as the sword is to defend a people from violence and injury in times of war ; so ought the laws in time of peace . therefore it will be requisite to settle the civil justice of that kingdom in such hands as may duly and truly administer it , &c. to place such judges and justices of the peace as have not been concerned in the corrupt administrations of that kingdom ; such as may not pack grand juries , or menace , hector and compel them contrary to their consciences to find bills , or raise money against their judgments , or where the law doth not require it ; or to tax the country with more than is necessary for the occasion , to subserve the interest of particular persons , or for supply of the greedy or indigent , &c. but above all , such as may duly punish murderers ; for life being the most valuable thing which we possess , and the security of it being the principal end of the law , it ought primarily to be regarded by the judges , &c. the remiss execution of the laws against murder in ireland , hath been as a great hindrance to the peopling and improvement of it , so also a great reproach to it : and therefore remedy ought to be provided in this particular on this settlement . i have heard some judicious persons in holland say in derision of ireland ; that the cattle , and the mares of that kingdom are better secured by the laws , or usual administrations thereof , than the lives of the people . it is indeed the honour of the united provinces , and a blessing to the people , that seldom , if ever , any person of what quality soever , that wilfully kills the meanest person , escape death : whereas they say of ireland , that only the money-less and friendless are executed for murder , whilst sheep-stealers or mare-stealers rarely escape . murder is by law in ireland made treason ; and because the punishment is so great , during the two last reigns , few of any interest have been executed for it . which if true , is indeed sad ; for where judges or juries neglect to do justice in this respect , or that princes grant pardons to murderers , the guilt becomes national . wonderful is the care which god in his law expresseth of the life of man ; and many and critical are the inquisitions which he appointed to be made for the discovery of private murder before the place where it was committed could be deemed acquit , &c. and his command is positive , that whosoever taketh away the life of another , should be put to death , and none may hinder , lett , or stay him , &c. and the reason is given , because that blood is a land-defiling sin : and that the land cannot in any wise be cleansed from the guilt of it , but by the blood of the murderer . therefore great care ought to be taken to prevent future abuses of this kind , and to supply and rectifie the defects and abuses of the laws in this particular . it is dangerous to the community to suffer criminals to escape with impunity ; but the worst and most intolerable robberies and murders , are those which are committed by the abuse of the forms of laws , when thro' the corruption of judges , the laws made for security of life , liberty and property are perverted to the destruction of any of them . sixthly , what hath hitherto been proposed , hath been for preventing future charge by ireland , and for the securing the advantages which comes thence to england . i am now to shew that it is the interest of their majesties , and of england , to put that kingdom into a thriving condition , and how that may be done . that it is the interest of england and their majesties , is evident by what hath been already observed . the revenues of ireland before the breaking out of the present rebellion , did surmount the charge of the kingdom : and the surplusage was transmitted yearly into england . now if by trade , or otherwise , the revenues of that kingdom had been augmented or doubled to what it was in 1685. then the annual advantage to england , or to the late king , would have been so much more : as suppose for the year 1685. the revenue had surmounted the charge by 40000 l. more or less ; and that in 1686. it had amounted to 150000 l. more than it did the preceding year : in that case there had been 190000 l. transmitted thence to england for that year , &c. in this respect you see it is the interest both of the king , and this kingdom , to put ireland into a condition of continual improvement . our trade with france being the greatest out-let of our money , and france being the only kingdom of the world capable of annoying us ; we ought long since to have stopt that yearly drain . but it hath been our infelicity , that during the two last reigns , our councils being influenced by france , we ran counter to our interest in trade , as well as politicks : for instead of regulating our forreign trade , in preserving , and gaining more markets for our natural products , and manufactures ; the hindring and abating the importation of unnecessary commodities , and encouraging our manufacturers ( which are the industrious bees of the nation ; ) we have been put upon driving the latter from us , and restraining the intercourse and commerce between us and ireland , and the plantations and ireland ; to the advantage of a few , but great detriment to the publick , not to say oppression of our own people abroad , while we have given france the opportunity of drawing away our money , and to run away with a considerable part of our trade ; and have thereby paid his pensioners amongst us at our own cost . but his present majesty being come to deliver us from such malevolent councellors , it is to be hoped he will not by imploying the instruments of our past calamities , furnish them with fresh opportunities to betray the kingdom , or ruin himself . it is the endeavour of almost all the princes of europe , to retrench the power of the french king ; and 't is no less the concern of england . and if i mistake not , the present conjuncture of affairs doth furnish us with some special advantages above the rest to that end . it is certain that in times of open trade france did yearly gain one or two millions sterling by trade with england , which was so much clear loss to this kingdom . neither was that all , but we did thereby yearly strengthen and inrich our mortal enemies . to give some evidence to this : i find by a ballance of one years trade between england and france . said to be drawn out of our custom-house books , for the house of commons about october 1675. that by the certain ballance thereof , we imported from france 969105 l. 2 s. 8 d. sterling more in commodities than we exported thither ; but by the supposed or probable ballance 2105255 l. 6 s. 8 d. i find likewise that about 1676 or 77. that king having some thoughts to prohibit all our english manufactures from being carried into france , the ballance of trade between both kingdoms being laid before him , it did thereby appear that the yearly exportations of france to england was 2640000 l. sterling , and that the importations from england to france , did not exceed one million . so that by their own shewing , france gained 1640 thousand pounds sterling by england , which being the over-ballance of trade , went out in cash . amongst the particulars ( in this last ballance of trade ) said to be imported into england , the tissues , velvets , sattins , armozines , tabbies , ribons , wrought silks , stuffs , laces , serges , hatts , fans , cabinets , pins , combs , &c. which we bring yearly from france , are valued to amount to 1140000 l. sterling . all which may be supplied by the labour of our own people , and the french protestants that are and would come amongst us , were due liberty and encouragement given and care taken to put things into the right way , &c. for the doing things of this nature , i am perswaded it would be of singular use , if his majesty would by order of the council , &c. constitute a standing council of trade consisting of a great number of the most knowing experienced merchants of london ; who , ( or a quorum of them ) might meet weekly in some one of their halls , ( having a secretary , door-keeper , and messenger allowed them ) where they might consult how to remove all obstructions of trade , how to regulate it ; what manufactures may be set up to the best advantage of the kingdom , and how others may be improved , &c. which , as they shall have matured , may be represented to his majesty and council , or to both houses of parliament as occasion shall require . now as the idle hands of the kingdom , together with the french refugees may profitably , and agreeably be imployed in the forementioned fabricks of silk , and other manufactures which we were wont to bring from france ; so may the people of ireland , ( even the very natives ) be aptly employed in the linnen manufacture for which that kingdom is in several respects much more proper than england . 1. for that land is cheaper in ireland , and where good seed is had , the country yields excellent flax. 2. the female natives who are averse to any robust labour , are much inclined to the spinning of flax , which they can do with their rocks , or distaves as they sit at their doors , or under a hedge tending their cattle . 3. they are a people that live on a courser and cheaper dyet , nearer the manner of france , than the english do or can ; and therefore can afford their work cheaper , which is a particular of great weight in an affair of this nature . for except the commodity be made at least as cheap as we have it from france , it will be brought thence in spight of all prohibitions . 4. this is a labour to which they have been greatly accustomed ; for before the commencement of the present rebellion , there was a considerable quantity of course linnen , diapers and damasks made in ireland , much stronger than those which we usually have had from france . 5. there is an act of the last irish parliament still in force , for the raising of money to set up a bleaching yard in each province of the kingdom for the encouragement of the linnen manufacture . if we consider the concurrence of these things , viz. the cheapness of land and labour , the aptness of the soil , inclination of the people , &c. there seems no place so proper for this manufacture as ireland . many thinking men of good sence have been jealous that ireland by reason of the plenty and cheapness of wool , would in time fall into the improvement of it into manufactures , to the prejudice of england . and though their fears ( at least , as to this present age ) are groundless , yet 't is wisdom to provide against even remote possibilities of detriment , &c. this may be done effectually in this case , by setting up and encouraging the linnen manufacture , and such others in ireland , as may fully , and profitably imploy that people , and yet not interfere with the manufactures of england . now if this can be done in a way which will lessen the french kings revenue , and keep a considerable part of our money from being carried into france , it ought to be the more acceptable to us . in the forementioned ballance of our trade with france drawn up by the french , they do compute , that linnens , canvas , diapers , &c. which we yearly import from france , do amount to 400000 l. but by the ballance drawn out of our custom-house-books in 1675. we find the imported linnen from france in one year , did amount to 528248 l. — 16 s. whereof the particulars are as followeth , viz.   l. — s. — d. 60000 pieces of lockrams and dowlas at 6 l. per piece 360000 — 00 — 0 17000 hundred ells of vitry & noyals canvas at 6 l. per c. 102000 — 00 — 0 8000 hundred ells of normandy canvas at 7 l. per cent. 56000 — 00 — 0 2500 pieces of quintin at 10 l. per piece 1250 — 00 — 0 1500 pieces of dyed linnen at 20 s. per piece 1500 — 00 — 0 7600 yards of diaper tabling at 2 s. per yard 764 — 00 — 0 33896 yards of diaper napkening at 12 d. per yard 1694 — 16 — 0 1376 pieces of buckrams at 50 s. per piece 3440 — 00 — 0 2800 pair of old sheets at 5 s. per pair 700 — 00 — 0 1200 bolts of boldavis at 15 s. 900 — 00 — 0   528248 — 16 — 0 now were these linnens raised in ireland , as they easily may be , although the whole value of them should be transmitted thither in cash , instead of sending it to france , it would yet be of greater advantage to his majesty , and to england . first to his majesty , by augmenting his revenue , not only by the duty on exportation of them out of ireland , which in that case might be the same which the french king lately received out of them in france ; but also in the encrease of the inland excise in ireland , by enabling a greater consumptioh of liquors , tobacco , &c. the irish being a people that spend freely when they have wherewithal . secondly , to england , in begetting a greater intercourse of trade between the two kingdoms . the irish are naturally prodigal , and love gaities , and were they enabled , they would soon be induced to take off more of our manufactures and natural products ; so that there would be no need of parting with our money in specie to ireland , as now we do to france . and whatever advance it would occasion of the revenue above the charge of that kingdom , it would be transmitted hither to lessen the taxes in england , and yearly add to the capital stock of the kingdom . thirdly , it would be advantagious both to the king and kingdom , in lessening the revenue of the french king , and impoverishing his subjects . as the manufactures of england have enriched it , and yielded a great revenue to the crown to enable the keeping a powerful navy at sea ; so the vast quantities of manufactures which is yearly exported out of france into many parts of the world , and especially to england , do as well by the duty paid out of them , enable that king to keep up several formidable armies , &c. as imploy and inrich his subjects , and enable them to pay other taxes . now so far as we divest france of its manufactures , and lessen the exportations , so far do we abate its power , and disable the keeping up of such powerful armies , &c. the events and difficulties of war are great and uncertain ; but this is a sure way to weaken any prince , and to bring any country into a languishing condition . if to what hath been here proposed any shall say , that it will be more the advantage of england to have this linnen manufacture set up here than in ireland . i answer , that the other manufactures before mentioned , with which we are supplyed from france , will much more profitably and agreeably imploy our people than the spinning of linnen , which in this case must be done at a very cheap rate , or it will not prevent the bringing of them from france . and ireland in the forementioned respects seems much more proper for that purpose than england . and if we would prevent their growing into the wollen manufacture , it is but just they should be encouraged in some other which may imploy and maintain them : for they can no more than our people , live only on air , though they are content to work cheaper , and fare harder . to avoid prolixity , i forbear to set down the proper way in which the linnen manufacture may be set up , and the improvements which may be made of the distinct branches of their majesties present revenue in ireland . thus , sir , i have in answer to your queries , set down , as the ancient charge of ireland , and forces sent from england thither , from our first footing there , until the compleat conquest thereof : so likewise the considerable returns of both that have been made thence : some of the advantages we receive by ireland , and the usefulness of that kingdom to england . the state of its trade and revenue ; and shewed that the improvement of ireland for thirty five years past hath been none of the causes of the abatement of rents in england , but the contrary ; with the true causes of the advancement and abatement of rent and trade in england , with the best expedients for their improvements : the methods by which our advantages by ireland may be secured and augmented , to the greater benefit of england , encrease of his majesties revenue in ireland , and to the retrenching of the power of france . in doing whereof i have with my accustomed bluntness , freely imparted my thoughts , yet without designed prejudice , against any person or party . i doubt not but you will excuse the harshness of the stile , and the other defects of these papers , seeing , that although they were hastily written , your impatience for them did not admit them to be reviewed ; and that i have elected rather to expose my own weakness , than to deny you this testimony of my being unreservedly , sir , your very humble servant . finis . errata . page 22. line 14. after 38000 and 1000 , instead of l. read hundred . page 29. line 27. after live add in . there have several other errours happened in the press , which the reader is requested to excuse . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45667-e910 a see nash and murphy's informations concerning the popish plot.